Motion, Voice, and Mood in the Semitic Verb 9781646022526

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Motion, Voice, and Mood in the Semitic Verb

Languages Of ​The Ancient Near East Editor-​in-​Chief

Gonzalo Rubio, Pennsylvania State University Editorial Board James P. Allen, H. Craig Melchert, Brown University University of California, Los Angeles Aaron Butts, Piotr Michalowski, Catholic University of America University of ​Michigan Gene B. Gragg, The Oriental Institute, P. Oktor Skjærvø, University of Chicago Harvard University Rebecca Hasselbach-​Andee, The Oriental Christopher Woods, The Oriental Institute, University of Chicago Institute, University of Chicago Antonio Loprieno, Jacobs University Bremen Languages of the Ancient Near East 1. A Grammar of the Hittite Language, by Harry A. Hoffner Jr. and H. Craig Melchert Part 1: Reference Grammar Part 2: Tutorial 2. The Akkadian Verb and Its Semitic Background, by N. J. C. Kouwenberg 3. Most Probably: Epistemic Modality in Old Babylonian, by Nathan Wasserman 4. Conditional Structures in Mesopotamian Old Babylonian, by Eran Cohen 5. Mood and Modality in Hurrian, by Dennis R. M. Campbell 6. The Verb in the Amarna Letters from Canaan, by Krzysztof J. Baranowski 7. Grammar of the Ancient Egyptian Pyramid Texts, Volume 1: Unis, by James P. Allen 8/1. A Glossary of Old Syrian, Volume 1: ʔ–ḳ, by Joaquín Sanmartín 9. Middle Egyptian, by Peter Beylage 10. Classical Ethiopic: A Grammar of Gəˁəz, by Josef ​Tropper and Rebecca Hasselbach-​Andee 11. Ancient Egyptian and Afroasiatic: Rethinking the Origins, edited by María Victoria Almansa-​ Villatoro and Silvia Štubňová Nigrelli 12. Motion, Voice, and Mood in the Semitic Verb, by Ambjörn Sjörs

Languages of the Ancient Near East: Didactica 1. Coptic: A Grammar of ​Its Six Major Dialects, by James P. Allen

Motion, Voice, and Mood in the Semitic Verb

Ambjörn Sjörs

Eisenbrauns   |  University Park, Pennsylvania

Library of Congress Cataloging-​in-​Publication Data Names: Sjörs, Ambjörn, author. Title: Motion, voice, and mood in the Semitic verb / Ambjörn Sjörs. Other titles: Languages of the ancient Near East ; 12. Description: University Park, Pennsylvania : Eisenbrauns, [2023] | Series: Languages of the ancient Near East ; 12 | Includes bibliographical references and index. Summary: “Presents a systematic description of verb forms in Central Semitic that are historically derived from the prefix conjugations of the verbal system by means of suffixes, examining Old Babylonian, Amarna Canaanite, Ugaritic, Biblical Hebrew, and Classical Arabic”—Provided by publisher. Identifiers: LCCN 2022041621 | ISBN 9781646022267 (hardback) Subjects: LCSH: Semitic languages—Verb. Classification: LCC PJ3035 .S53 2023 | DDC 492—dc23/eng/20220907 LC record available at https://​lccn​.loc​.gov​/2022041621 Copyright © 2023 Ambjörn Sjörs All rights reserved Printed in the United States of America Published by The Pennsylvania State University Press, University Park, PA 16802-1003 Eisenbrauns is an imprint of ​The Pennsylvania State University Press. The Pennsylvania State University Press is a member of the Association of University Presses. It is the policy of ​The Pennsylvania State University Press to use acid-​free paper. Publications on uncoated stock satisfy the minimum requirements of American National Standard for Information Sciences—Permanence of ​Paper for Printed Library Material, ansi z39.48–1992.

Contents

Preface�����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������vii Lists of Abbreviations������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ix Symbols and Transcriptions ������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� xv

Part 1: Introduction Chapter 1.  Preliminaries���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������1 1.1. Introduction  3 1.2. Scope and Material  4 1.3. Aim and Objectives  13 Chapter 2.  Theoretical Prerequisites������������������������������������������������������������������������14 2.1. The Ventive and the Allative  14 2.2. The Ventive and the Benefactive  17 2.3. The Reflexive-​Benefactive and the Middle  18 Part 2: Analysis of the Material Chapter 3.  The Middle Ventive in Sargonic Akkadian and Literary Old Babylonian��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 23 3.1. Introduction  25 3.2. The Middle Ventive  27 3.3. Historical Background of the Ventive  42 3.4. Summary  43 Chapter 4.  The Ventive-​Energic in Amarna Canaanite ����������������������������������������� 45 4.1. Introduction  45 4.2. The Ventive in -a  47 4.3. The Ventive in -n(n)a (the Energic)  56 4.4. Summary  65 Chapter 5.  The Ventive-​Energic in Ugaritic����������������������������������������������������������� 67 5.1. Introduction  67

vi

Contents

5.2. 5.3. 5.4. 5.5. 5.6. 5.7. 5.8.

Morphological Aspects of the Ventive in Ugaritic  70 The Deictic Ventive  72 The Middle Ventive  76 The Ventive in -a  85 The Compound Pronominal Suffix -n /-Vnnū\ā/  87 Plural Verb Forms  91 Summary  92

Chapter 6.  The Ventive-​Energic in Biblical Hebrew������������������������������������������ 93 6.1. Introduction  93 6.2. The Ventive and the Lengthened Imperfect Consecutive  94 6.3. The Ventive with Pronominal Suffixes  109 6.4. The Ventive Allomorph -nå̄   111 6.5. The Ventive of 2nd and 3rd Person Verb Forms  113 6.6. Equivocal Examples  118 6.7. Summary  119 Chapter 7.  The Ventive in Prestandardized Classical Arabic I: The Energic �������� 121 7.1. Introduction  121 7.2. The Relationship Between the Long and Short Energic  123 7.3. Functions of the Energic  125 7.4. Historical Background of the Energic  134 7.5. Summary  136 Chapter 8.  The Ventive in Prestandardized Classical Arabic II: The Subjunctive �����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������138 8.1. Introduction  138 8.2. The Subjunctive after fa-, ʔaw, and ḥattā  139 8.3. The Subjunctive after ʔan  146 8.4. The Subjunctive after lan  153 8.5. The Subjunctive after li- and kay  154 8.6. Historical Background of the Subjunctive  158 8.7. Summary  163 Part 3: Summary and Conclusions Chapter 9.  Morphological Aspects of the Ventive Morpheme���������������������������165 9.1. The Morpheme *-an in Central Semitic  167 9.2. The Morpheme *-nVn in Central Semitic  168 9.3. The Ventive in Proto-​Semitic  170 Chapter 10.  Functional Aspects of the Ventive Morpheme ������������������������������� 171 10.1. The Allative and Dative Ventive  171 10.2. The Benefactive Ventive  172 10.3. The Middle Ventive 173 Bibliography������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������177 Ancient Source Index���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 191

Preface

This book is the end result of the research project “The Allative in Semitic,” funded by a grant from the Swedish Research Council (Project-​ID: 2016-00206) and hosted by the Department of ​Linguistics and Philology, Uppsala University (2016–2020). I am very grateful to the Research Council for this grant and to the Department of ​ Linguistics and Philology for hosting the project, which gave me the opportunity to wholeheartedly focus on the ventive in Semitic for almost four whole years. The research was carried out at Uppsala University, the University of Cambridge, and the University of Chicago. It gives me great pleasure to express my gratitude to Eleanor Coghill at the Department of ​Linguistics and Philology, Geoffrey Khan at the Faculty of Asian and Middle Eastern Studies, and Rebecca Hasselbach-​Andee at the Oriental Institute, for sponsoring me and spending so much time and energy in support of this project. The research visits were also supported financially by scholarships from the Carlo Landberg Foundation, for which I am very grateful. I would also like to express my deep gratitude to Mats Eskhult in Uppsala for reading many different versions of the manuscript and providing numerous and valuable comments throughout the years. Rebecca Hasselbach-​Andee and Gonzalo Rubio also read the manuscript, and I am very grateful for their comments. I would also like to acknowledge Dennis Pardee for his comments on the chapter on Ugaritic. I am also grateful for discussions with the Semitic Seminar at Uppsala University (2016–2020), the Semitic Philology Seminar at Cambridge University (2016–2017), the readers at the Tyndale House in Cambridge (2017), and the Ancient Languages Study Group at the University of Chicago (2017–2020). Last but not least, I would like to thank my parents and my brother for encouragement and support. And my most heartfelt gratitude goes to my wife, Anna Williams, for love, wisdom, and tolerance. I dedicate this book to you.

vii

Abbreviations

Series and Periodicals AbB Altbabylonische Briefe in Umschrift und Übersetzung AcOr Acta Orientalia AfO Archiv für Orientforschung AKM Abhandlungen für die Kunde des Morgenlandes ANESSup Ancient Near Eastern Studies Supplement Series AnOr Analecta Orientalia AnSt Anatolian Studies AOAT Alter Orient und Altes Testament ARMT Archives royales de Mari, transcrite et traduite AS Assyriological Studies BAM Die babylonisch-​assyrische Medizin in Texten und Untersuchungen BibOr Biblica et Orientalia BibSem The Biblical Seminar BIN Babylonian Inscriptions in the Collection of J. B. Nies BKAT Biblischer Kommentar, Altes Testament BO Bibliotheca Orientalis BSOAS Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies CILT Current Issues in Linguistic Theory CM Cuneiform Monographs CT Cuneiform Texts from Babylonian Tablets in the British Museum DJD Discoveries in the Judaean Desert ErIsr Eretz-​Israel FAOS Freiburger altorientalische Studien FM Florilegium Marianum GAAL Göttinger Arbeitshefte zur altorientalischen Literatur HdO Handbuch der Orientalistik HS Hebrew Studies HSM Harvard Semitic Monographs HSS Harvard Semitic Studies HTR Harvard Theological Review HUCA Hebrew Union College Annual ix

x

Abbreviations

JANESCU JAOS JCS JEOL JNES JNSL JSAI JSS JTS LANE LCL LSAWS LSS Maarav MAD MIOF MRS MUSJ OLA Or PBS PIHANS PLO RA REJ RIME SAACT SAE SAOC SSLL SSN STDJ StOr StPohl SubBi Sumer TCL UET UF VAB VT VTSup WAW

Journal of the Ancient Near Eastern Society of Columbia University Journal of the American Oriental Society Journal of Cuneiform Studies Jaarbericht van het Vooraziatisch-​Egyptisch Gezelschap (Genootschap) Exoriente lux Journal of ​Near Eastern Studies Journal of ​Northwest Semitic Languages Jerusalem Studies in Arabic and Islam Journal of Semitic Studies Journal of ​Theological Studies Languages of the Ancient Near East Loeb Classical Library Linguistic Studies in Ancient West Semitic Leipziger semitische Studien Maarav Materials for the Assyrian Dictionary Mitteilungen des Instituts für Orientforschung Mission de Ras Shamra Mélanges de l’Université Saint-​Joseph Orientalia Lovaniensia Analecta Orientalia Publications of the Babylonian Section, The University Museum Publications de l’Institut historique-archéologique néerlandais de Stamboul Porta Linguarum Orientalium Revue d’assyriologie et d’archéologie orientale Revue des études juives The Royal Inscriptions of ​Mesopotamia, Early Periods State Archives of Assyria Cuneiform Texts Südarabische Expedition Studies in Ancient Oriental Civilizations Studies in Semitic Languages and Linguistics Studia Semitica Neerlandica Studies on the Texts of the Desert of Judah Studia Orientalia Studia Pohl Subsidia Biblica Sumer. A Journal of Archaeology and History in Iraq Textes cunéiformes, Musées du Louvre Ur Excavation, Texts Ugarit-​Forschungen Vorderasiatische Bibliothek Vetus Testamentum Supplements to Vetus Testamentum Writings from the Ancient World

Abbreviations

WZKM YOS ZA ZAH ZAL ZAW ZDMG

xi

Wiener Zeitschrift für die Kunde des Morgenlandes Yale Oriental Series Zeitschrift für Assyriologie Zeitschrift für Althebräistik Zeitschrift für arabische Linguistik Zeitschrift für die alttestamentliche Wissenschaft Zeitschrift der deutschen morgenländischen Gesellschaft

Text Publications, Grammars, and Dictionaries ʕAbı̄ d. Dīwān ʕAbīd b. al-ʔAbraṣ; see Lyall 1913. Aguš. Brigitte Groneberg. Lob der Ištar: Gebet und Ritual an die altbabylonische Venusgöttin. CM 8. Groningen: Styx, 1997. AHw Wolfram Von Soden. Akkadisches Handwörterbuch. 3 vols. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 1965–1981. ʕAlq. Dīwān ʕAlqama; see Ahlwardt 1870. ʕĀmir. Dīwān ʕĀmir b. al-Ṭufayl; see Lyall 1913. ʕAnt. Dīwān ʕAntara; see Ahlwardt 1870. Anzû Marianna Vogelzang. Bin Šar Dadmē: Edition and Analysis of the Akkadian Anzu Poem. Groningen: Styx, 1988. APEL Adolf Grohmann. Arabic Papyri in the Egyptian Library. 3 vols. Cairo: Egyptian Library Press, 1934–1938. Asm. Wilhelm Ahlwardt. Sammlungen alter arabischer Dichter. 3 vols. Berlin: Reuther & Reichard, 1902–1903. ATHE Burkhart Kienast. Die altassyrischen Texte des Orientalischen Seminars der Universität Heidelberg und der Sammlung Erlenmeyer, Basel. Berlin: de Gruyter, 1960. Atr. Wilfred Lambert and Alan Millard. Atra-ḫası̄s. The Babylonian Story of the Flood. 2nd ed. Winona Lake, IN: Eisenbrauns, [1969] 1999. BDB Francis Brown, Samuel. R. Driver, and Charles Briggs. A Hebrew and English Lexicon of the Old Testament with an Appendix Containing the Biblical Aramaic Based on the Lexicon of ​William Gesenius. Oxford: Clarendon, 1906. BHS Albrecht Alt, Paul Kahle, Rudolf ​Kittel, et al. Biblia Hebraica Stuttgartensia. 5th reprint. Stuttgart: Deutsche Bibelgesellschaft, 1997. CAD Ignace Gelb et al. The Assyrian Dictionary of the University of Chicago. 26 vols. Chicago: Oriental Institute of the University of Chicago, 1956–2011. CAT Anson Rainey. Canaanite in the Amarna Tablets: A Linguistic Analysis of the Mixed Dialects Used by the Scribes from Canaan. 4 vols. HdO I/25. Leiden: Brill, 1996. CDG Wolf ​Leslau. Comparative Dictionary of Geez (Classical Ethiopic). Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 1987. CH Codex Hammurabi; see Borger [1963] 2006. CSOL 1 Vitaly Naumkin and Leonid Kogan. Corpus of Soqotri Oral Literature 1. SSLL 76. Leiden: Brill, 2014.

xii

DULAT

EA

Enūma Etana

GAG GAL GCA Gilg.

GKC

GOA GVG

HAE

HALOT

Ḥāt. Imr. Jastrow

JM KAI KL

Abbreviations

Gregorio Del Olmo Lete and Joaquı́n Sanmartín. A Dictionary of the Ugaritic Language in the Alphabetic Tradition. 3rd ed. HdO I/67. Leiden: Brill, 2003. Anson Rainey and William Schniedewind. The El-​Amarna Correspondence: A New Edition of the Cuneiform Letters From the Site of El-​Amarna Based on Collations of All Extant Tablets. 2 vols. HdO I/110. Leiden: Brill, 2015. Philippe Talon. The Standard Babylonian Creation Myth Enūma Eliš. SAACT 4. Helsinki: The Neo-​Assyrian Text Corpus, 2005. Michael Haul. Das Etana-​Epos: Ein Mythos von der Himmelfahrt des Königs von Kiš. GAAL 1. Göttingen: Seminar für Keilschriftforschung, 2000. Wolfram Von Soden. Grundriss der akkadischen Grammatik. 3rd ed. AnOr 33. Rome: Pontificio Istituto Biblico, [1952] 1995. William Wright. A Grammar of the Arabic Language. 3rd. ed. Reprint. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, [1859–1862] 1967. Wolfdietrich Fischer. A Grammar of Classical Arabic. 3rd ed. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2002. Andrew George. The Babylonian Gilgamesh Epic: Introduction, Critical Edition and Cuneiform Texts. 2 vols. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2003. Wilhelm Gesenius, Emil Kautzsch, and Arthur Cowley. Gesenius’ Hebrew Grammar. 2nd English ed. from the 28th German ed. London: Oxford University Press, 1910. Norbert Kouwenberg. A Grammar of Old Assyrian. HdO I/118. Leiden: Brill, 2017. Carl Brockelmann. Grundriss der vergleichenden Grammatik der semitischen Sprachen. 2 vols. Berlin: Reuther & Reichard, 1908–1913. Johannes Renz and Wolfgang Röllig. Handbuch der althebräischen Epigraphik. 3 vols. Darmstadt: Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft, 1995–2003. Ludwig Koehler, Walter Baumgartner, and Jakob Stamm. The Hebrew and Aramaic Lexicon of the Old Testament. 5 vols. Leiden: Brill, 1994–2000. Friedrich Schulthess. Der Dı̂ wân des arabischen Dichters Ḥâtim Ṭej. Leipzig: Hinrichs, 1897. Dīwān Imruʔ al-​Qays; see Ahlwardt 1870. Marcus Jastrow. A Dictionary of the Targumim, the Talmud Babli and Yerushalmi, and the Midrashic Literature. 2 vols. London: Luzac, 1903. Paul Joüon and Takamitsu Muraoka. A Grammar of ​Biblical Hebrew. 2nd ed. SubBi 27. Rome: Pontificio Istituto Biblico, [1991] 2006. Herbert Donner and Wolfgang Röllig. Kanaanäische und aramäische Inschriften. 5th ed. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, [1962] 2002. Kamid al-​Lawz; see Wilhelm 1973.

Abbreviations

König KPOI KTU

Lab. Lane

LXX Muf. Nāb. Naq. NPAF OACP

OBTA PAF P.Berl.Arab PRU 4 PSR Qur. Ṣalt. Sam. Sīb.

Sīra

xiii

Eduard König. Historisch-​kritisches Lehrgebäude der hebräischen Sprache. 3 vols. Leipzig: Hinrichs, 1881–1897. Nabia Abbott. The Kurrah Papyri from Aphrodito in the Oriental Institute. SAOC 15. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1938. Manfred Dietrich, Oswald Loretz, and Joaquı́n Sanmartín. Die keilalphabetischen Texte aus Ugarit, Ras Ibn Hani und Anderen Orten. 3rd ed. Münster: Ugarit-​Verlag, 2013. ʔIḥsān ʕAbbās. Šarḥ Dı̄wān Labı̄d ibn Rabı̄ʕah al-ʕĀmı̄rı̄. Kuwait: Wizārah al-​Iršād wa-​l-ʔAnbāʔ, 1962. Edward Lane. An Arabic-​English Lexicon: Derived from the Best and the Most Copious Eastern Sources. 8 vols. London: Williams & Norgate, 1863–1893. Alfred Rahlfs and Robert Hanhart. Septuaginta. 2nd ed. Stuttgart: Deutsche Bibelstiftung, 2006. Charles Lyall. 1918–1921. The Mufaḍḍalı̄yāt: An Anthology of Ancient Arabian Odes. 2 vols. Oxford: Clarendon. Dīwān Nābiġa; see Ahlwardt 1870. Anthony Bevan. The Naḳāʔid of Jarı̄r and al-​Farazdaḳ. 3 vols. Leiden: Brill, 1905–1912. Carl Becker. “Neue arabische Papyri des Aphroditofundes.” Der Islam 2: 245–68, 1911. Mogens Trolle Larsen. Old Assyrian Caravan Procedures. PIHANS 22. Istanbul: Nederlands Historisch-Archaeologisch Instituut in het Nabije Oosten, 1967. Robert Whiting. Old Babylonian Letters from Tell Asmar. AS 22. Chicago: Oriental Institute of the University of Chicago, 1987. Carl Becker. “Arabische Papyri des Aphroditofundes.” ZA 20: 68–104, 1907. Werner Diem. Arabische Briefe des 7. bis 13. Jahrhunderts aus den Staatlichen Museen zu Berlin. 2 vols. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 1997. Jean Nougayrol. Le palais royal d’Ugarit, vol. 4: Textes accadiens des archives sud. MRS 9. Paris: Imprimerie Nationale, 1956. Carl Becker. Papyri Schott-​Reinhardt I. Veröffentlichungen aus der Heidelberger Papyrus-​Sammlung 3. Heidelberg: Winter, 1906. Al-​Qurʔān al-karı̄m bi-​r-​rasm al-ʕUṯmānı̄ bi-​riwāyat Ḥafṣ ʕan ʕĀṣim. First published in 1924, Cairo. Friedrich Schulthess. Umajja ibn Abi ṣ-Ṣalt: Die unter seinem Namen überlieferten Gedichtfragmente. Leipzig: Hinrichs, 1911. Louis Cheikho. Diwan de Samaou’al d’après la recension de Niftouyah. 2nd ed. Beirut: Imprimerie Catholique, [1909] 1920. Hartwig Derenbourg. Le livre de Sı̄bawaihi: Traité de grammaire arabe par Sı̂ boûya, dit Sı̂ bawaihi. 2 vols. Paris: Imprimerie Nationale, 1881–1889. Ferdinand Wüstenfeld. Das Leben Muhammed’s nach Ibn Ishâk bearbeitet von Abd el-​Melik ibn Hischâm. 2 vols. Göttingen: Dieterichsche Universitäts-​Buchhandlung, 1858–1860.

xiv

Sı̄ rāfı̄

SP

Ṭab. TAD

Ṭar. TT TUAT UG Wāq. WH

WKAS Yaʕq. Zuh.

Abbreviations

Ramaḍān ʕAbd al-​Tawwāb, Maḥmūd Fahmı̄ Ḥiǧāzı̄ , and Muḥammad Hāšim ʕAbd al-​Dāyim. Šarḥ Kitāb Sı̄bawayh li-ʔAbı̄ Saʕı̄d al-Sı̄rāfı̄. Cairo: Al-​Hayʔah al-​Miṣriyyah al-ʕĀmmah li-​l-​Kitāb, 1986–. Abraham Tal and Moshe Florentin. The Pentateuch: The Samaritan Version and the Masoretic Version. Tel-​Aviv: The Haim Rubin Tel-​ Aviv University Press, 2010. Michael de Goeje et al. Annales quos scripsit Abu Djafar Mohammed ibn Djarir at-​Tabari. 15 vols. Leiden: Brill, 1879–1901. Bezalel Porten and Ada Yardeni. Textbook of Aramaic Documents from Ancient Egypt. 4 vols. Jerusalem: Hebrew University, 1986–1999. Dīwān Ṭarafa; see Ahlwardt 1870. Tell Ta’anakh; see Horowitz and Oshima 2006. Otto Kaiser et al. Texte aus der Umwelt des Alten Testaments. Gütersloh: Gütersloher Verlagshaus Gerd Mohn, 1982–1997. Josef ​Tropper. Ugaritische Grammatik. 2nd ed. Münster: Ugarit-​ Verlag, 2012. Marsden Jones. The Kitāb al-Maghāzı̄ of al-Wāqidı̄. 3 vols. London: University of Oxford, 1966. Fred Winnett and Gerald Lankester Harding. Inscriptions from Fifty Safaitic Cairns. Near and Middle Eastern Series 9. Toronto: University of ​Toronto Press, 1978. Manfred Ullman et al. Wörterbuch der klassischen arabischen Sprache. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 1957–. Martin Houtsma. Ibn-​Wādhih qui dicitur al-​Jaʕqubı̄ Historiae. 2 vols. Leiden: Brill, 1883. Dīwān Zuhayr; see Ahlwardt 1870.

Symbols and Transcriptions

Akkadian is transcribed phonemically: Third-​Millennium Akkadian according to the principles of ​Hasselbach 2005 and Old Babylonian and Amarna Canaanite according to von Soden’s Akkadisches Handwörterbuch (AHw). Sumerian logograms in Third-​Millennium Akkadian and Old Babylonian are translated into Akkadian, but logograms in Amarna Canaanite are left untranslated and typeset in small capitals. Verb forms that are relevant to the analysis are transliterated syllabically. The transliteration of Ugaritic follows Dietrich, Loretz, and Sanmartín’s Die keilalphabetischen Texte aus Ugarit (KTU). Phonemic interpretations mostly follow Tropper’s Ugaritische Grammatik (UG) and are set in roman typeface within slashes. Biblical Hebrew is transcribed phonemically according to the principles of the Encyclopedia of ​Hebrew Language and Linguistics, and Arabic is transcribed according to the principles of the Deutsche Morgenländische Gesellschaft. However, assimilation across word-​boundaries are not represented in the transcription for words other than the definite article, and the 3m. s. pronominal suffix is consistently transcribed -hu/-hi irrespective of the preceding syllable weight. Greek is transcribed according to the principles of the Society of ​Biblical Literature. Relevant ventive verbs in numbered examples are typeset in boldface. [n]

{n} n!(m) [[n]] /n/ n | n n / n . . .

damaged sign restored by the editor omitted sign added by the editor redundant sign deleted by the editor incorrect sign (in parenthesis) corrected by editor incorrect sign deleted by the scribe phonological interpretation division of poetic units line break (in Ugaritic) ellipsis made by the author

xv

Part 1

Introduction

Chapter 1

Preliminaries

1.1. Introduction The inflectional system of the finite and fientive verb in Semitic is historically based on three verb forms: the imperative, the short prefix conjugation, and the long prefix conjugation. The imperative expresses commands and requests in the 2nd person, for example, Old Babylonian purus ‘Divide’ and Classical Arabic uqtul ‘Kill’. The short prefix conjugation is primarily a preterite and jussive verb form in the older languages. As a preterite, it expresses perfective situations in the past, for example, Old Babylonian iprus ‘He divided’. As a jussive, it primarily expresses commands and requests in the third person, for example, Old Babylonian l-​iprus ‘Let him divide’ or ‘May he divide’. The negated jussive also supplements the morphological imperative, which cannot be negated, and expresses negative commands and requests in the 2nd person, for example, Classical Arabic lā taqtul ‘Do not kill’. The long prefix conjugation, in turn, primarily indicates imperfective aspect, such as ongoing, habitual, and repeated situations, for example, Old Babylonian iparras ‘He divides’, and deontic and epistemic modal categories, such as likelihood, ability, and obligation, for example, Classical Arabic yaqtulu ‘He will/may/can kill’. In addition to these primary members of the verb system, there are a number of verb forms in the Central Semitic languages that are in some way derived from the prefix conjugations and the imperative by means of suffixes. For the sake of simplicity, the relevant suffixes can be referred to as a-suffixes and n-suffixes; see, for example: 1.

a. Prefix conjugations with a-suffixes i. The subjunctive in Classical Arabic: yaqtul-​a ii. The volitive in Amarna Canaanite: ya-​aq-​tu-​la iii. The augmented short prefix conjugation in Ugaritic: yqtl /yaqtul-ă̄ / iv. The cohortative in Biblical Hebrew: ʔɛqṭəl-å̄ v. The lengthened imperfect consecutive in Biblical Hebrew: wå̄ -ʔɛqṭəl-å̄ b. Prefix conjugations with n-suffixes i. The long energic prefix conjugation in Classical Arabic: yaqtul-​anna ii. The short energic prefix conjugation in Classical Arabic: yaqtul-​an iii. The energic prefix conjugation in Amarna Canaanite: ya-​aq-​tu-​lu-​na 3

4

Introduction

iv. The energic prefix conjugation in Ugaritic: yqtl-​n v. The augmented prefix conjugation in Sabaic: yqtl-​n c. Imperatives with a-/n-suffixes i. The lengthened imperative in Biblical Hebrew: qåṭl-å̄ ii. The short energic imperative in Classical Arabic: uqtul-​an iii. The augmented imperative in Ugaritic: qtl /qutl-ă̄ / iv. The augmented imperative in Sabaic: qtl-​n It has often been assumed, on the one hand, that these suffixes are somehow etymologically related to each other; on the other hand, that they are cognate with the so-​called ventive in Akkadian, which is an orientational morpheme that primarily expresses direction of motion or transfer toward the speaker. The a-suffix of the volitive in Amarna Canaanite, for example, has been connected with the a-suffix of the subjunctive in Arabic (Moran 1960) and with the ventive morpheme -am in Akkadian (Rainey 1991–1993). The n-suffixes of the energic prefix conjugations, in turn, have been connected with each other as well as with the ventive allomorph -nim in Akkadian (Testen 1993). However, many details of the formal and functional relationship between these suffixes remain unclear, such as the relationship between -m in Akkadian and -n in Central Semitic, the functional connection between the prefix conjugations in -a, which are often volitive (hortative, optative), and the prefix conjugations in -n, which are traditionally thought to be emphatic, as well as the direction of change in meaning between the ventive and the energic, whether from emphatic to orientational or vice versa (Kogan 2015, 131–43). The aim of this book is to advance the knowledge of the functional relationship between the a-suffixes, n-suffixes, and the ventive morpheme, as well as the relationship between the derived and primary prefix conjugations in Central Semitic. For a more detailed discussion of the research questions on the relevant suffixes, see section 1.2 and the introductions to the individual language chapters. For specific objectives, see section 1.3.

1.2. Scope and Material The following sections describe the limitations of the investigated material and delimit the scope of the investigation. 1.2.1. Akkadian Since Benno Landsberger’s (1924) groundbreaking study, it is widely accepted that the ventive in Akkadian is a directional morpheme that is used to frame an event of motion toward the speaker; compare, for example, illik-​am ‘He went to here’ and illik ‘He went (to somewhere else)’. More recently, Norbert Kouwenberg (2002) and Sergey Loesov (2006) have shown that dative and benefactive functions also can be systematically distinguished; compare, for example, iddin-​am ‘He gave to me’, iddin ‘He gave (to someone else)’, and tepte-​am ‘You opened for me’. See further sections 2.1 and 2.2. The allative and the dative functions of the ventive morpheme are well known from Old Babylonian letters, and the ventive in letters in other Akkadian dialects does not

Preliminaries

5

seem to deviate much from these functions (Kouwenberg 2010, 235).1 Literary Old Babylonian, however, displays “scores of ventives” that cannot be interpreted along the usual lines of the allative and dative ventive (Kouwenberg 2002, 232). The object of the investigation into Akkadian consists of these nonallative and nondative ventive verbs, with the objective to establish the semantic network of the ventive morpheme in Akkadian, which will serve as a standard of comparison for the cognate morphemes in the other languages. The corpus consists primarily of the Old Babylonian Gilgamesh epic, but it also includes the Literary Old Babylonian epics and legends of Anzû, Atra-ḫası̄ s, and Etana, as well as letters and royal inscriptions from the Sargonic period (FAOS 19; RIME 2). Literary Old Babylonian refers to the linguistic code of the poetic compositions written down in the Old Babylonian dialect of Akkadian in the Old Babylonian per­ iod.2 In other words, Literary Old Babylonian is a literary register used in hymns and epics rather than a separate dialect, and it is characterized by a number of stylistic devices, such as rhythmic structure, rhetorical parallelism, a distinctive lexicon, and a somewhat free word order.3 Accordingly, Literary Old Babylonian is primarily separated from other registers of Old Babylonian in terms of style rather than grammar (Kouwenberg 2010, 14). Notably, several nonallative and nondative ventive verbs are found in the epic of Gilgamesh, which at the same time displays a much more prosaic style compared to other Literary Old Babylonian texts, with short clauses and fewer stylistic embellishments (Von Soden 1933, 161–62; Kouwenberg 2010, 14n26). The directional function of the Akkadian ventive has sometimes been interpreted as secondary and due to influence from the Sumerian directional morpheme mu- (Edzard 2003, 175; Zólyomi 2011, 398). On such an assumption, the meaning of the nonallative and nondative ventives may be primary, but the functions of these ventives are still not very well understood. It may be noted, finally, that there are five verb forms with a suffix in -a in a corpus of Sargonic Akkadian documents that presumably originate in the Diyala region. Ignace J. Gelb (1955a, 190) relates this a-suffix to the a-subjunctive in Arabic, but whereas the Arabic subjunctive is primarily used in adverbial purpose clauses and purposive complement clauses, the a-suffix in Sargonic Akkadian appears to be used exactly like the subordinative morpheme -u, which also occurs in this corpus. Thus, -u and -a appear to be allomorphs in this dialect, but the small number of instances makes it difficult to reach any decisive conclusions, and they are accordingly excluded from the investigation. For the possibility that -a is the result of interference with the subordinative suffix -a in Sumerian, see Sjörs 2021a. 1.2.2. Amarna Canaanite Amarna Canaanite refers to the linguistic system attested in the letters from Canaan found in Amarna. This linguistic system, which has convincingly been described as an 1.  For Middle Babylonian, see Aro 1955, 87–91; for Neo-​Babylonian, see Woodington 1982, 103–12; for Old Assyrian, see Kouwenberg (GOA 643–51); and for Middle Assyrian, see Jan de Ridder 2018, 463–67. 2.  The origin of this register, in turn, is a matter of some debate, but similarities with Sargonic Akkadian suggest that it goes back to the third millennium (Von Soden 1933, 176–77; W. Lambert 1973, 358). 3.  See Wasserman 2003 for such stylistic features, e.g., hendiadys, merismus, similes, and rhyme.

6

Introduction

institutionalized interlanguage (Gianto 1990, 10–11; Rainey 1992, 330–31; Baranowski 2016, 21–61), was formed by scribes over several generations and results from the interaction of two languages; on the one hand Canaanite, the native language of the scribes; on the other hand Akkadian, the lingua franca of the region. Since Amarna Canaanite is the product of scribal communities that lasted for several generations, it is also an accumulation of the interactions between Akkadian and Canaanite that took place on the individual levels of the scribes. Thus, even when this code became institutionalized as the language of official correspondence, different scribal schools and learners have different idiolects. Accordingly, the investigation will be concentrated on one relatively homogenous subcorpus—namely, the following letters, most of which were sent from Rib-​Hadda in Byblos: EA 68–95, 101–35, 139–40, and 362.4 Interlingual identification on the part of the scribes between linguistic signs in Akkadian and their native language has led to the transfer of ​linguistic categories. For example, the verb form ya-​aq-​tu-​lu, which occurs 258 times in the Byblos corpus (Moran [1950] 2003, 40–41), is used for the imperfective, as in the native language of the scribes (yaqtulu), and not for a subordinated preterite, as in Akkadian. Conversely, precative liqtul appears to be transferred from Akkadian liprus and is used to express volitions in addition to yaqtul, the jussive in the scribes’ native language (CAT 2:211; Baranowski 2016, 43–45). The objects of the investigation into Amarna Canaanite are the verb forms ya-​aq-​tu-​ lu-​na and ya-​aq-​tu-​la, which occurs thirty-​eight and seventy-​five times respectively in the Byblos corpus (Moran [1950] 2003, 50, 87).5 Accordingly, out of all verb forms in the prefix conjugations in Byblian Amarna Canaanite, 7 percent have the n-suffix and 14 percent have the a-suffix.6 The formal background of the verb form ya-​aq-​tu-​la, however, is a hotly disputed issue (Kogan 2015, 132–33)—namely, whether it reflects a volitive verb form yaqtula, or whether -a can be parsed as the ventive morpheme. At least verb forms in the 1st person frequently involve verbal lexemes that are not associated with the ventive in Akkadian, which provides a striking parallel to the restriction in Biblical Hebrew of the a-suffix in the prefix conjugation to 1st person verb forms (Tropper 1997b). The so-​called energic ya-​aq-​tu-​lu-​na, in turn, has no immediately identifiable correspondence in Akkadian and presumably reflects a linguistic sign genuine to Canaanite, but the nature of emphasis with which the verb form is associated has proved to be difficult to determine (Baranowski 2016, 179). The objective is to describe the functions of these verb forms. 1.2.3. Ugaritic The evidence in Ugaritic for the verbal suffix in -a is provided by verb forms of roots in which the final radical is ʔ. The a-suffix is sometimes also recognized on the basis 4.  This is also the corpus examined in Moran’s dissertation; see Moran [1950] 2003, 7n9. Letters 103, 126, and 136–138 were sent from Rib-​Hadda while in Sumur. Letters 80, 128, and 135 are very fragmentary and their provenance is difficult to ascertain. Letter 113 does not mention its sender. 5.  In total, there are some sixty examples in the Amarna corpus of verb forms with -na that cannot be interpreted as the imperfect morpheme (Baranowski 2016, 88). 6.  The figure for Amarna Canaanite is based on Moran [1950] 2003, 40–41, 50, 87, who counts 258 examples of ya-​aq-​tu-​lu, 172 examples of ya-​aq-​tu-​ul, 38 examples of ya-​aq-​tu-​lu-​na, and 75 examples of ya-​aq-​tu-​la.

Preliminaries

7

of ​(a) verb forms without -n in the 2nd feminine singular and the 3rd and 2nd person plural and dual, (b) verb forms of roots in which the final radical is y and with the stem vowel /a/, and (c) verb forms of roots in which the final radical is w or y with a graphemic representation of the 3rd radical (Verreet 1988, 129–245, 248). However, verb forms of types (a) and (b) may also be preterite-​jussive /yaqtul/, and verb forms of type (c) may also be imperfective /yaqtulu/ (Tropper 1991, 354). Thus, the object of the study of the a-suffix in Ugaritic is limited to verb forms of roots in which the final radical is ʔ written with the ʔa-grapheme. The verb forms of the prefix conjugation with the n-suffix, which are recognized by the graphemic sequences -n, -nh, and -nn, are quite frequent. Taken together, there are 1320 prefix conjugations in KTU 1.1–6 (Baal Cycle), 1.14–16 (Legend of ​Keret), and 1.17–22 (Tale of Aqhat) according to Josef ​Tropper (1992; UG 424), and almost one hundred (7.5%) of these have the energic suffix.7 Approximately half of the examples, however, are used with a pronominal suffix (Verreet 1988, 79), and it appears, for example, that the graphemic sequence -nn is only used in connection with a 3m. s. or a 3f. s. pronominal suffix (UG 503). Thus, Burkhart Kienast (2001, 281) has proposed that -n- is sometimes used as a linking element without semantic meaning before pronominal suffixes in Ugaritic. This suggestion can also be supported by the fact that -n- is an obligatory linking element between 3rd person singular pronominal suffixes and the imperfective in other Northwest Semitic languages; see, for example, section 6.3 on Biblical Hebrew. Accordingly, verb forms with -n and a following pronominal suffix are excluded from the investigation. Furthermore, the consonantal script makes it difficult to separate energic -n from the imperfective allomorph -n in the 3rd and 2nd person plural and dual.8 Accordingly, verb forms in which -n may be identified with the imperfective allomorph are left out of the investigation. Thus, the object of the investigation is -n with verb forms other than 3rd and 2nd person plural and without pronominal suffixes. The Ugaritic material consists of cuneiform alphabetic texts from Ugarit as edited in KTU (3rd edition). This corpus includes 182 literary and religious texts (KTU 1) and more than 1,400 texts of varying length in prose, such as religious, medical, epistolary, and administrative texts (KTU 2–8). Since almost 85 percent of the energic forms occur in the poetic mythologies (Verreet 1988, 253), focus will be on KTU 1. 1.2.4. Biblical Hebrew The a-suffix in Biblical Hebrew is traditionally known as paragogic heh and is known from the lengthened imperative, the cohortative, and the so-​called lengthened imperfect consecutive. Paragogic heh of the lengthened imperative is used when the action of the verb is directed toward the speaker (Fassberg 1994, 13–35; 1999; Shulman 1996, 65–84) and can successfully be connected with the speaker-​allative, speaker-​dative, and 7.  See UG §73.611 and §73.63 for -n, §41.221.52b and §41.221.62a for -nh, and §41.221.52c for -nn. According to Tropper (UG 498, 501, 503, 505), these paragraphs are supposed to be exhaustive. Verreet (1988, 246–48) counts 746 forms of the prefix conjugations in his corpus, and 155 examples are energic (21%). 8.  Krebernik (1993) lists slightly more than three hundred examples of verb forms with a suffix in -n (including nonfinite verb forms).

8

Introduction

speaker-​benefactive functions of the Akkadian ventive.9 Paragogic heh of cohortative ʔɛqṭəl-å̄ is also very likely connected with the benefactive ventive in origin (Kogan 2015, 134–35), but in historical Hebrew, volitive ʔɛqṭōl < *ʔaqtul without paragogic heh is not very common in main clauses, so the contrastive opposition is not between ʔɛqṭəlå̄ and volitive ʔɛqṭōl, but between ʔɛqṭəlå̄ and imperfective ʔɛqṭōl < *ʔaqtulu. The so-​called lengthened imperfect consecutive, in turn, is formed on preterite wå̄ ʔɛqṭōl and paragogic heh, and it is used in variation with wå̄ -ʔɛqṭōl. It occurs a little more than one hundred times in the Hebrew Bible: 4 percent of all possible instances in the Pentateuch and 7.5 percent in the Former and Latter Prophets (Rezetko 2003, 227; Hornkohl 2014, 162). In the books of ​Ecclesiastes, Esther, Daniel, Ezra, Nehemiah, and Chronicles, in turn, the lengthened imperfect consecutive is used 50 percent of the time (Hornkohl 2014, 162), and in nonbiblical compositions in Qumran Hebrew, w-ʔqṭl is even replaced by w-ʔqṭlh (Qimron 2018, 165). This generalized use of the lengthened imperfect consecutive appears to reflect pseudo-​archaisms (Polzin 1976, 55). Thus, the object of the study of paragogic heh is the lengthened imperfect consecutive in Archaic and Classical Biblical Hebrew. Psalm 119 and the books of ​Esther, Daniel, Ezra, Nehemiah, and Chronicles, which are widely accepted to date from the postexilic period (Fassberg 2016), are excluded from the investigation. The reflex of the n-suffix in Biblical Hebrew is traditionally identified with the linking element -n- that is used before pronominal suffixes in the imperfective, for example, yiqṭəl-ɛn-​nū (König 1:225–27). However, since there is no opposition between verb forms with and without -n in the imperfective before pronominal suffixes, this n-suffix is merely a morphosyntactic feature. Furthermore, the so-​called paragogic nun, which is found 304 times after the agreement markers -ū and -ı̄ in the prefix conjugation (Hoftijzer 1985, 2), has sometimes also been identified with the n-suffix (Williams 1972; Robar 2015, 160–88; Stein 2016, 167). Most of the time, however, verb forms with paragogic nun are imperfective, and according to the traditional explanation, paragogic nun is cognate with the imperfective morpheme -na/-ni in Arabic and -n in Aramaic rather than energic -n (GKC §47m).10 There are, however, a limited number of examples of nonimperfective verb forms with paragogic nun and the linking element -n-, and these verb forms are the object of the study of the n-suffix in Biblical Hebrew. The Biblical Hebrew material is quoted according to Biblia Hebraica Stuttgartensia (BHS), which is a diplomatic edition of the so-​called Leningrad Codex, which represents the Tiberian Masoretic tradition at the end of the Masoretic period (Khan 2013). The Samaritan Pentateuch is quoted according to SP, which is based on the Shechem 6 manuscript (1204 CE). Reference will also be made to the Qumran material, since there is some disagreement between the different traditions in the distribution of -å̄ . Kutscher’s (1974, 326) investigation of the Isaiah Scroll, for example, shows that the Masoretic version has wå̄ -ʔɛqṭōl sometimes when the Qumran material has w-ʔqṭlh but also, conversely, that the Masoretic version has wå̄ -ʔɛqṭəlå̄ sometimes when the Qumran material has w-ʔqṭl. 9.  The validity of this hypothesis is strengthened by the fact that it was reached independently by Fassberg and Shulman; see Fassberg 1999, 13n22, and Gentry 1998, 23n60. 10.  When verb forms after negative ʔal-, conjunctive wə-, and consecutive wa- are excluded, there are 293 examples with paragogic nun (9%) and over 2,900 examples without it (Hoftijzer 1985, 4).

Preliminaries

9

1.2.5. Arabic The energic and the a-subjunctive are found primarily in Classical and prestandardized Classical Arabic. Indeed, it appears that the energic (without pronominal suffixes) is lost as a productive category in the vernaculars of the Neo-​Arabic type (Zewi 2007, 23), and the loss of short final vowels has obliterated the formal distinction between the indicative in -u, the subjunctive in -a, and the ending-​less jussive (GVG 1:554–55).11 Prestandardized Classical Arabic refers to the Arabic of texts that were composed, and to a large extent orally transmitted, before the establishment of the orthography and grammatical norms of Classical Arabic, which seems to have reached its completion around the end of the eighth century (W. Fischer 2006, 399–401).12 These texts consist primarily of pre-​Islamic poetry and the Qurʔān. The nature of the language of these texts and the linguistic situation on the Arabian Peninsula in the pre-​ Islamic period are the subject of much debate. Some suggest that the language of these texts reflects spoken varieties of Arabic, while others assume that it represents a poetic register that had ceased to be any tribe’s vernacular language (Al-​Sharkawi 2008). It is clear, however, that these texts exhibit a greater linguistic diversity than normative Classical Arabic.13 In Classical Arabic, the subjunctive is merely a syntactic feature and concomitant in certain subordinate clauses, but in prestandardized Classical Arabic, it appears to be used in a meaningful way (W. Fischer 1978; GCA §196n2). Furthermore, different reading traditions of the Qurʔān and early Arabic grammarians reveal some variation in the use of the subjunctive in prestandardized Classical Arabic (Rabin 1951, 187; Sadan 2012, 14–16). At the same time, the very reading traditions of the Qurʔān and the meter and vocalic rhyme of pre-​Islamic poetry make it possible to study the subjunctive in otherwise unvocalized texts. Furthermore, the energic appears to be used in a larger number of syntactic environments in prestandardized Classical Arabic (GCA §198n2), and the lexical distribution of energic verbs in the Qurʔān indicates that it was a productive category in this linguistic variety (Ambros 1989, 41–42).14 Thus, the object of the study is the use of the subjunctive and energic in prestandardized Classical Arabic, and the objective is to explain how this use can be 11.  This is at least true for energic verb forms without pronominal suffixes. Owens (2013), however, suggests that the linking element -in(n)- that occurs before the pronominal suffix of active participles in certain Arabic dialects, e.g., Daṯı̄ na (Southern Yemen) ana gāy-​inn-​ak ‘I will come to you’ (Holes 2016, 20), and sometimes before the pronominal suffix of the imperfective, e.g., Tanʕam (Northeastern Oman) yišill-​inn-​ah ‘He removes it’ (Holes 2016, 22), goes back to the energic suffix. For the distribution of this linking element in the vernaculars of the Neo-​Arabic type, see also Hasselbach 2006. 12.  How and at what time the process of standardization took place is the subject of debate; see Versteegh [1997] 2014, 60–73. 13.  See Rabin 1951 for a detailed introduction to the linguistic variation in Pre-​Islamic Arabia. On the assumption that prestandardized Classical Arabic is a poetic register, the linguistic diversity may reflect the borrowing from different dialects into a supratribal poetic koiné (Versteegh 2008). For some differences between prestandardized Classical Arabic and Classical Arabic, see, e.g., W. Fischer 1972 on the system of tense and aspect. 14.  Almost 3 percent of the prefix conjugations in the Qurʔān have the energic suffix (Ambros 1989, 37n7). This figure is based on Ambros (1989, 37), who counts 244 energic verb forms in the Qurʔān, and Chouémi (1966, 233), who counts 8,291 prefix conjugations. Note that the number of prefix conjugations in the G-​stem is 4,845 (Chouémi 1966, 83).

10

Introduction

reconciled with verb forms in -a and -n in the other languages. The material consists primarily of the Qurʔān and the poetry of six roughly contemporary pre-​Islamic poets. The Qurʔān is quoted according to the so-​called Cairo edition (Qur.), which is based on the so-​called Uthmanic consonantal text and the reading of ʕĀṣim in Ḥafṣ’s (eighth century) transmission. The six pre-​Islamic poets are Imruʔ al-​Qays, Zuhayr, Ṭarafa, ʕAlqama, ʕAntara, and al-​Nābiġa, and the texts are quoted according to al-ʔAʕlam al-Šantamarı̄ ’s (d. 1083) Dawāwı̄n al-​Šuʕarāʔ al-​Sitta al-Ǧāhiliyyı̄n as edited by Wilhelm Ahlwardt (1870).15 References will also be made to the very early poetry of ʕAbı̄ d b. al-​Abraṣ, as well as to early prose literature, primarily to Ibn Hišām’s Sı̄ra, al-Wāqidı̄ ’s Kitāb al-Maġāzı̄, and al-Ṭabarı̄ ’s Taʔrı̄ḫ. 1.2.6. Aramaic The consonantal script of pre-​Christian epigraphic Aramaic does not provide conclusive evidence for the a-suffix. The use of -h at the end of verb forms that express volition in a limited number of examples in Jewish Palestinian Aramaic and Samaritan Aramaic, in turn, is most likely a borrowing from Biblical Hebrew (Dalman [1894] 1905, 266; Fassberg 1990, 168). The linking element -n- that is used between the imperfective and an object pronominal suffix in Western Aramaic languages and dialects is traditionally identified with energic -n (König 1:225–27; Bauer and Leander 1927, 122; Bennett 1984, 37–49). On the other hand, since there is no contrastive meaning between imperfectives with and without -n-, it does not appear to be “energic” in meaning (Bauer and Leander 1927, 88; Degen 1969, 80; Kottsieper 1990, 177; Muraoka 2011, 102). However, there are a few examples of -n without a following object pronominal suffix in the Aramaic of the Aḥiqar proverbs, for example: 2.

a. TAD C1.1: 167 lmh ly ksyky gldy ʔl tlqḥ-n mny To what (end) is your cover for me? As for my (own) skin, do not take (it) from me for yourself. b. TAD C1.1.1: 107 hn yʔḥd-​n ršyʕʔ b-​knpy lbšk šbq b-​ydh If the wicked takes hold of the corner of your garment for himself, leave (it) in his hand.

As noted in Sjörs 2021b, the relevant verbs are verbs of appropriation, and energic -n can be interpreted as a reflexive-​benefactive marker. Since the ventive morpheme in Akkadian can also be used with a reflexive-​benefactive function (Loesov 2006, 110–21; GOA 648–50), Sjörs (2021b) suggests that the ventive morpheme in Akkadian and -n in the examples above are formally and functionally related. Since energic -n without a following pronominal suffix is otherwise very rare, its use in the Aramaic of the Aḥiqar proverbs seems to present a linguistic archaism, and the limited distribution to the proverbs suggests that it was preserved as a productive 15.  Despite its old age, the quality of Ahlwardt’s (1870) edition is confirmed by Ārāzı̄ and Muṣāliḥah’s (1999) revision of the text, which differs from Ahlwardt’s edition some fifty times.

Preliminaries

11

category in the poetic register. At the same time, the identification of the linking element with energic -n suggests that the n-suffix was productive also in some form or forms of prehistorical Aramaic but fused with pronominal suffixes at some point in the history of the language, as in Biblical Hebrew and Ugaritic. 1.2.7. Phoenician The consonantal script of ​Phoenician does not distinguish the a-suffix. It is perhaps attested in Punic (Krahmalkov 2001, 192–94), but the examples are few and open to interpretation (De Melo 2012, 198–99, 208, 218). The n-suffix is also poorly attested in Phoenician (Friedrich and Röllig [1951] 1999, §265). A possible example is found in a letter from Saqqara:16 3. KAI 50 3 ʔpq-​n h-​ksp May I receive the silver (for myself ?). Friedrich and Röllig ([1951] 1999, 108), for instance, parse ʔpq-​n as a verb form in the 1st person singular of the prefix conjugation formed on the root pwq C ‘find, obtain’ with energic -n. It is significant that the verb is a verb of appropriation, as in the Aramaic examples in section 1.2.6, so it lies close at hand to connect -n with a reflexive-​ benefactive marker. However, the very limited number of examples make it difficult to reach any decisive conclusions about the function of the n-suffix in Phoenician. 1.2.8. Sabaic The consonantal script of Sabaic does not provide evidence for a suffix in -a. The n-suffix, in turn, is usually thought to be reflected in Sabaic in the so-​called n-augment, which exists in two allomorphs: -n is used after verb forms without agreement suffixes, and -nn is used after verb forms with agreement suffixes.17 Höfner (1943, 70–72) identified the n-augment with the short energic suffix *-an and parsed 3m. s. yqtl-​n as /yVqtVl-​ān/, with lengthening of *-an to /-ān/, and 3m. pl. yqtl-​nn as /yVqtVl-​ūn-​ān/, with *-an added to the imperfective plural suffix *-ū-nV. This parsing seems to presuppose that 3m. s. yqtl-​n is formed on the short prefix conjugation, *yaqtul, and that 3m. pl. yqtl-​nn is formed on the long prefix conjugation *yaqtul-​ū-​nV, which is not easily compatible with the paradigmatic relationship between the singular and plural verb forms. Furthermore, Höfner (1943, 73) suggested that the augmented verb forms are emphatic, which is difficult to falsify in view of the fact that there is no unambiguous evidence for 3m. pl *yVqtVl-​ū-​nV in Sabaic (Stein 2016, 160n15), with which yqtl-​nn contrasts. Since the energic prefix conjugations in Arabic always refer to the future, while the augmented verb forms can be used with past time reference, Nebes (1994a) identified 16.  Energic -n is perhaps also attested in KAI 13 4 ʔd/rln, but the parsing of the graphemic sequence is equivocal; see Sjörs 2018, 182–83. 17.  The terminology “augmented” and “unaugmented” follows Stein 2011, 1061. In earlier descriptions, the augmented verb form is also known as the n-imperfect (Höfner 1943), long form (Nebes 1994a; Stein 2003), and n-form (Tropper 1997a).

12

Introduction

the n-augment with the infinitive suffix *-ān instead of the energic suffix. However, the infinitive suffix is only used with the infinitive of derived verb stems, and whereas yqtl-​n is used with all verb stems and is attested already in Early Sabaic, the n-infinitive does not appear until the end of the Early Sabaic period (Stein 2002), and it is not clear why the infinitive suffix would be added to a finite verb form. Moreover, the identification of -n of yqtl-​n-​n with a suffix *-ān presupposes that the augmented prefix conjugation is formed on the imperfective, and it is not clear why the n-augment should be consistently added to the imperfective allomorph *-nV. According to Tropper’s (1997a) morphological analysis, the n-augment represents two different morphemes. When the augmented verb form is used for simultaneity or posteriority, it is formed on the Central Semitic imperfective with the energic suffix -n, for example, 3m. s. yqtl-​n /yVqtVl-​u-​n(na)/ and 3m. pl. yqtl-​nn /yVqtVl-​ū-​na-​n(ni)/. In Tropper’s view (1997a, 52), this verb form used to be an emphatic counterpart to the unaugmented imperfective, but it lost its emphatic meaning in prehistorical times. When yqtl-​n is volitive, on the other hand, it is formed on the Central Semitic short prefix conjugation and the ventive morpheme. On the plausible assumption that Akkadian -am and -nim corresponds to Sabaic -n and -nn, Tropper is able to parse the suffix -nn as only one morpheme, the ventive allomorph *-nVn (instead of two, imperfective *-nV and energic -n), and reconcile the narrative and volitive functions of yqtl-​nn with the Central Semitic short prefix conjugation. However, Tropper’s parsings presuppose a different analysis of -n of the long prefix conjugation and -n of the short prefix conjugation, which is difficult to reconcile with the evidence in Northwest Semitic and Arabic (Kogan 2015, 140). Stein (2003, 166–67, 182), in turn, parses the n-augment as only one morpheme with two allomorphs, -n and -nn, and formally equates them directly with the ventive morpheme in Akkadian. This equation is strongly supported by the use of the n-augment in the imperative, for example, 2m. s. qtl-​n and 2m. pl. qtl-​nn. At the same time, Stein (2016, 164) holds that the original function of -n, whatever it may be, was lost already in the Early Sabaic period.18 Indeed, even if the n-augment is historically related to the ventive, its function in historical Sabaic seems to be of a different nature than -n in the other Central Semitic languages, simply because of the high incidence of the augmented verb form. For example, in Nebes’s (1994a, 203) corpus of ​Early Sabaic, there are twenty-​one examples of the augmented prefix conjugation (40%) and thirty-​two examples of the unaugmented one (60%). In the post–Early Sabaic periods, the frequency of yqtl-​n is even higher (83%).19 This distribution is in sharp contrast to Ugaritic, where 7.5 percent of the prefix conjugations have -n, and Byblian Amarna Canaanite, where 7 percent have -na and 14 percent have -a.

18.  See, however, Stein 2003, 186n175, on the imperative with the n-augment: “Hinsichtlich des semantischen Hintergrundes dieser n-Erweiterung ist zu bemerken, daß im Falle des Imperativs eine nachdrückliche Betonung der betreffenden Verbalaussage besonders naheliegt.” 19.  Nebes (1994a, 202) counts 762 augmented and 187 unaugmented prefix conjugations in the whole corpus. After the subtraction of the 21 augmented and 32 unaugmented prefix conjugations in the Early Sabaic corpus, there remain 741 augmented and 155 unaugmented verb forms in the post–Early Sabaic corpus.

Preliminaries

13

This does not disprove an etymological connection between the n-augment and the ventive morpheme, but it suggests that the function of the n-augment in Sabaic is different from energic -n in Amarna Canaanite and Ugaritic. Thus, since the function of the n-augment in Sabaic remains elusive, it is at present difficult to reconcile with the rest of Central Semitic, even when it appears to be formally related. 1.2.9. Summary The consonantal writing systems of the ancient Central Semitic languages complicate the identification of the a-suffix in early epigraphic material. Thus, the a-suffix can only be investigated on a reasonably reliable material in Amarna Canaanite, Biblical Hebrew, and Arabic, which precludes an assessment of its productivity in epigraphic Aramaic, Phoenician, and Ancient South Arabian. The evidence for the a-suffix in Ugaritic, in turn, is limited to verb forms of certain roots. Furthermore, the distribution of the n-suffix in Aramaic, Phoenician, and Ancient South Arabian complicates the evaluation of its relationship with the n-suffix in Amarna Canaanite, Biblical Hebrew, Ugaritic, and Arabic. In Aramaic, the n-suffix is primarily used as a linking element in the imperfective between the verb and an objective pronoun (section 1.2.6), and in Phoenician, the examples of the n-suffix are very few (section 1.2.7). Conversely, the high incidence of the n-suffix in Sabaic suggests that its function in Sabaic is different from the function of the n-suffix in northern Central Semitic (section 1.2.8).

1.3. Aim and Objectives The aim of this book is to advance the knowledge of the functional relationship between the a-suffixes, n-suffixes, and the ventive morpheme, as well as the relationship between the derived and primary prefix conjugations in Central Semitic. It will do so by describing the functions of the nonallative and nondative ventive in Literary Old Babylonian, the patterns ya-a​ q-t​ u-l​ a and ya-a​ q-t​ u-l​ u-n​ a in Byblian Amarna Canaanite, the energic without pronominal suffixes and the augmented short prefix conjugation in Ugaritic, the lengthened imperfect consecutive and nonimperfective verb forms with paragogic nun and the linking element -n- in Archaic and Classical Biblical Hebrew, and the subjunctive and energic in prestandardized Classical Arabic.

Chapter 2

Theoretical Prerequisites

It was noted in section 1.2 that the ventive in Akkadian primarily is speaker-​ allative, speaker-​benefactive, and reflexive-​benefactive. It was also noted that certain a- and n-suffixes in Central Semitic have these functions, such as the speaker-​allative and speaker-​benefactive a-suffix of the lengthened imperative in Biblical Hebrew, and the reflexive-​benefactive n-suffix in the Aramaic of the Aḥiqar proverbs. The various functions with which the ventive, a-, and n-suffixes are used can be conceptualized as semantic networks of related functions. The following sections introduce the conceptual space of the allative, the grammaticalization of allative morphemes, and the conceptual space of the reflexive-​benefactive and the middle voice.

2.1. The Ventive and the Allative The term ventive was initially introduced into Semitic linguistics by Landsberger (1924), who applied it to a morpheme in Akkadian that is used as a suffix on verbs of motion to frame the event of movement toward the speaker, hence the nomenclature. In Akkadian, the ventive suffix appears in three allomorphs: -am is used after the final radical of the verb, -m is used after -ı̄ of the 2nd person feminine singular, and -nim is used after the plural suffixes -ū and -ā. Thus, the ventive of alāku ‘go’, for instance, is used to indicate that the motion is directed toward a deictic center, which is the speaker by default: 4.

a. b. c. d.

Gilg. P 141 illik-​am ‘He came’. Gilg. Schøyen1 obv. 4′ alkı̄-m ‘Come’. AbB 13: 23 14 lillikū-​nim ‘Let them come’. AbB 11: 114 8 tallakā-​nim ‘You come’.

Furthermore, since the ventive merely points to the location of the speaker, it can be combined with external coordinate systems that explicitly indicate the goal. Thus, a prepositional phrase can be added to indicate that the goal is the speaker’s person, for example, AbB 2: 18 rev. 7′–8′ ana maḫrı̄ya ṭurd-​am ‘Send hither to me’, or to indicate that the speaker is located at a landmark, for example, AbB 2: 53 22–23 ana Bābilim šubil-​am ‘Send hither to Babylon’ (Kouwenberg 2002, 206–10). When used with a verb form in the 1st person, in turn, the ventive can be used to frame the direction toward an addressee, for example: 14

Theoretical Prerequisites

15

5. AbB 9: 117 7–8 adi allak-​am ina Sippar-​ma lū wašbāti Stay in Sippar until I come to you. This use can be explained from a deictic projection, by which the speaker adopts the location of the addressee at either coding time or reference time (Lyons 1977, 2:578–79). Thus, much like a speaker may adopt the location in time of ​his or her addressee when making a long-​distance telephone-​call (Good morning!/Good afternoon!), the ventive can be used to adopt the addressee’s location in space. Loesov (2004, 352; 2006, 130) suggests that this use of the ventive developed in the milieu of written communication and that it is analogous to the shift in the temporal point of view involved in the epistolary perfect.1 The term ventive will be preserved as a designation for the relevant morpheme, even when its historical meaning is bleached and does not point to the speaker. Moreover, Landsberger (1924, 114) noted that whereas motion verbs without the ventive describe movement away from the observer, motion verbs with the ventive describe motion toward the observer and are therefore fundamentally goal oriented. This distinction, which corresponds to ablative and allative motion (Fillmore [1975] 1997, 79), has far-​reaching consequences for the grammaticalization of the ventive. Indeed, apart from the basic meaning of ​“hither,” the ventive morpheme is used with a number of other grammatical functions that can be conceptually associated with direction toward a goal, whether this is the speaker or a projected deictic center. Goal-​marking morphemes tend to be highly multifunctional cross-​linguistically. For example, Rice and Kabata’s (2007) survey of forty-​four different languages shows thirty-​three different functions associated with goal-​marking morphemes, such as direction, recipient, experiencer, and purpose; see, for example, English to in the following examples: 6. Examples from Haspelmath 2003, 212 a. Goethe went to Leipzig as a student (direction). b. Eve gave the apple to Adam (recipient). c. This seems outrageous to me (experiencer). d. I left the party early to get home in time (purpose). A method for illuminating the multifunctionality of allative morphemes, such as English to, is to represent them on a semantic map (Haspelmath 2003; Croft 2001, 92–98); see, for example, figure 1. The semantic map constitutes a network of related functions that are rooted in human experience. In other words, the functions on a semantic map represent coherent regions of universal knowledge. This is evidenced by the fact that the same functions are frequently expressed by the same morphemes across languages. Thus, the selection and arrangement of functions is based on cross-​linguistic comparisons, and their 1.  Landsberger (1924, 114) suggested that the deictic displacement involves a subjective element, in which the speaker associates himself/herself with the goal. This view was also taken up by von Soden (GAG §82a), according to whom the ventive originally expressed direction toward the speaker, but also toward other grammatical persons when the motion was viewed from their vantage point. Kouwenberg (2002) explains the use of the ventive for motion toward the 2nd person by assuming that the allative ventive basically indicates motion toward the location of the speech event rather than the participants.

16

Introduction

predicative possessor

external possessor

direction

recipient

beneficiary

purpose

experiencer

judicantis

Figure 1.  Semantic Maps of ​English to (solid box), French à (dotted box), and French dative (dashed box) (adapted from Haspelmath 2003).

configuration is thought to be universal. Two functions are connected only if there is at least one language in the world that expresses them through the same marker, and if there is at least one language that expresses them with different markers. Closeness of nodes on the semantic map represents contiguity of functions. Purpose, for example, is thought to be closer in function to direction than the benefactive, and purpose is indeed the most prevalent cohort sense of allative morphemes in Rice and Kabata’s (2007) corpus (46% of the allative morphemes are also used to signal a purposive relation). The association between direction and purpose can be explained from an experiential correlation between the realization of a purpose and a change of ​location. Thus, a clause of directed motion, such as I’m going to the river, activates a conceptual frame that includes the activity associated with the destination, which allows for the hearer to infer a purposive action, for example, bathe, fish, or wash (Schmidtke-​Bode 2009, 98). The solid line illustrates the boundaries of the English grammatical morpheme to in this space, and boxes four related functions of it (cf. the examples of to above). The French morpheme à, bounded by a dotted line, covers a slightly different set of functions. Whereas it can be used for direction (à Leipzig) and recipient (à Adam) like English to, it is not used for purpose, but it can be used for predicative possession (Ce chien est à moi ‘This dog is mine’). Furthermore, it is not uncommon for different grammatical morphemes to overlap in their distribution (Haspelmath 2003, 218). The French grammatical dative morpheme (me, te, lui), for example, overlaps with à in the expression of recipient but is in addition used for the benefactive and external possession; see, for example: 7. Examples from Haspelmath (2003, 218) a. Je lui ai trouvé un emploi. I found a job for her (benefactive).

Theoretical Prerequisites

17

b. On lui a cassé la jambe. They broke his leg (external possessor). Now, the ventive morpheme in Akkadian can also be combined with dative verbs to indicate the indirect object in the 1st person singular (Kouwenberg 2002, 216–18); see, for example, AbB 13: 27 9 iddin-​am ‘He gave me’ and Gilg. VA+BM iv 5 qibiʔ-am ‘Tell me’. As a matter of fact, while dative objects in the 2nd and 3rd person are formed on pronominal suffixes, the dative object in the 1st person singular is identical with the ventive morpheme. Thus, the ventive morpheme is used in a suppletive relationship with the dative pronouns. The dative ventive can be historically derived from the allative ventive (Loesov 2006, 130). Since recipients are prototypically human endpoints of a physical transfer (Rice and Kabata 2007, 479–80), it is conceivable that the use of the allative ventive was extended by way of a conceptual metaphor, by which a human goal was interpreted as a goal in space. To be sure, the allative-​dative polyfunctionality is cross-​linguistically quite common (Blansitt 1988). In Rice and Kabata’s corpus, 34 percent of the allative morphemes are also used to mark recipients. Thus, the goal-​marking sense of the dative ventive is not restricted to movement in space as the allative ventive but also allows human endpoints.

2.2. The Ventive and the Benefactive Allative morphemes are quite frequently also used to code the beneficiary of an event. In Sally Rice and Kaori Kabata’s (2007) corpus, for example, the allative-​benefactive polysemy is attested for 17 percent of the goal-​marking morphemes. A beneficiary can be defined as an optional and usually animate participant who is neither an agent nor the primary target of the event, but for whom it is advantageous (Kittilä and Zúñiga 2010, 1–7). The benefactive function of an allative morpheme is conceptually related to the dative, since the recipient can be interpreted as a beneficiary. Whereas both the recipient and the beneficiary can be seen as human goals, the fact that the allative-​ dative polysemy is more frequent than the allative-​benefactive polysemy suggests that the goal of a physical transfer is more salient and closer in function to the spatial allative, than the goal of a benefactive event (Rice and Kabata 2007, 475); see figure 1. The ventive in Akkadian can also be used to point to the beneficiary of an event (Kouwenberg 2002, 218–22, 232; Loesov 2006, 110–21). Since the referent of the dative ventive is the 1st person singular, the beneficiary of the benefactive ventive is also the speaker by default, for example, AfO 13: 46 i 3 li-​petiā-​nim ṭudāt šaduʔı̄ ‘Let the paths of the mountains be open for me’. Whereas the prototypical beneficiary is a participant who is neither an agent nor the primary target of the event, it would seem that the ventive is sometimes used when the agent and the beneficiary are coreferential. The ventive of leqû, for example, can be used for causative motion in which the recipient-​beneficiary may be either identical or nonidentical with the agent; compare, for example:2 2.  See Loesov 2006, 111n25, on the use of verbs of taking for causative motion, e.g., English take to and Biblical Hebrew lqḥ l- ‘take to, bring’.

18

Introduction

8.

a. AbB 3: 70 11 ana ṣērı̄ya il-​qú-​nim They have taken (it) to me (Loesov 2006, 110–11). b. AbB 12: 99 15–16 nı̄qam ṭaḫdam lu-​ul-​qé-​a-​am Let me take a sheep offering to you. c. AbB 14: 205 9–10 kaspam ša awı̄lim šuāti ana šı̄mim šâmi al-​qí-​a-​am I took with/for me (= borrowed) the silver of this man to buy merchandise.

In the first example, the ventive of leqû ‘take’ is used for causative motion, the speaker is the goal, and the agent and the speaker refer to different participants. In the second example, the subject of the verb is the 1st person, and the goal of the caused motion is the addressee by deictic projection; cf. AbB 12: 99 7 a-​la-​qé-​ku-​ma ‘I used to take to you’ in the same letter. This use of the ventive is common in hendiadys with another motion verb (Kouwenberg 2002, 203n3); see, for example, AbB 2: 152 9–11 šeʔam lu-ul-​qé-​a-​am-​ma lullikakku ‘Let me take along the barley and come to you’. In the third example, in turn, the ventive of leqû of a 1st person verb form is used to point back to the agent itself. In such a construction, the speaker-​benefactive ventive is actually reflexive-​benefactive or indirect reflexive, because the agent and the beneficiary or the recipient are coreferential. As a matter of fact, the reflexive-​benefactive (self-​benefactive, auto-​benefactive) ventive is quite common with verbs of appropriation in Akkadian, such as leqû ‘take’, aḫāzu ‘seize’, and ṣabātu ‘take hold’ (Loesov 2006, 110). This is not surprising in view of the fact that verbs that describe the coming into possession of something will usually have a positive effect on the subject (Croft, Shyldkrot, and Kemmer 1987, 190). Thus, in contrast to prototypical benefactives, the agent is identical with the beneficiary, and in contrast to prototypical indirect reflexives, the verbal event comprises an activity that one normally performs for one’s own benefit, i.e., an event in which the agent and the recipient/beneficiary are not distinct entities in normal circumstances.

2.3. The Reflexive-​Benefactive and the Middle Talmy Givón (2013) has shown that the reflexive-​benefactive is a precursor to the so-​called ethical dative. Givón (2013, 45, 50–51) does not define the ethical dative but notes that it is frequently used with verbs of motion in Old Spanish and Biblical Hebrew and that it imparts the sense of sudden departure or sudden change to these verb phrases.3 Furthermore, the morpheme used for the reflexive-​benefactive and the ethical dative in Biblical Hebrew is also used for the allative, dative, and nonreflexive benefactive; see, for example: 9.

a. Song 4:16 yå̄ ḇō ḏōḏı̄ lə-ḡannō May my lover come to his garden (allative).

3.  For the ethical dative with motion verbs in Biblical Hebrew, see also Jenni 2000, 48–53.

Theoretical Prerequisites

19

b. Song 7:13 šå̄ m ʔɛttēn ʔɛṯ-dōḏay lå̄ḵ There I will give my love to you (dative). c. Song 1:11 tōrē zå̄hå̄ ḇ naʕăśɛ-llå̄ḵ We will make earrings of gold for you (prototypical benefactive). d. Song 3:9 ʔappiryōn ʕå̄śå̄ lō He made a chariot for himself ​(reflexive-​benefactive). e. Song 1:8 ṣəʔı̄-lå̄ḵ Get (thee) out and away (ethical dative, trans. Givón 2013, 50). Thus, Givón (2013) derives the ethical dative ultimately from the allative through the following chain of grammaticalization, and he emphasizes that the reflexive-​ benefactive is the crucial precursor to the ethical dative: 10. allative > dative > benefactive > reflexive-​benefactive > ethical dative The last step, from reflexive-​benefactive to ethical dative, presents a conundrum: Whereas the reflexive-​benefactive is used primarily with transitive verbs, most ethical datives in Old Spanish and Biblical Hebrew seem to be used with intransitive verbs of motion. In order to reconcile the reflexive-​benefactive function of the morpheme with the ethical dative, both functions can be subsumed in the domain of middle situation types.4 Compared to an ordinary transitive situation, middle situations are characterized by a relatively low event (and state) elaboration, i.e., a low distinguishability of the participants and the events in a situation (Kemmer 1993, 109–23). By distinguishability of events is meant the degree to which the speaker refers to events as undifferentiated wholes or to their substructures and component parts. By distinguishability of participants is meant the degree to which a single physicomental entity is conceptually distinguished into separate participants; for example, body vs. mind and agent vs. patient. In the case of ​low distinguishability, the initiator is also the endpoint of the action, and the actor is also the undergoer. Situation types that in a cross-​linguistic perspective are associated with middle semantics include, among others, the following verbal events (Kemmer 1993, 16–20): 11.

Middle Situation Types a. Translational Middle: go, fly, swim, approach, flee, remain (negative motion) b. Postural and Non-​Translational Middle: lie down, stand up, kneel, rise, turn, bow c. Spontaneous Middle: grow, rot, dry, sprout, fall, hang, become [+state] d. Collective-​Reciprocal Middle: fight, embrace, meet, greet, converse, wrestle

4.  According to Givón (2013), the reflexive-​benefactive and the ethical dative represent two sides of the same coin: reflexive-​benefactives involve transitive verbs, while the vast majority of ethical datives involves intransitive (motion) verbs. The association of the reflexive-​benefactive with transitive verbs is explained from the fact that benefactive clauses most commonly are purposeful and thus agentive and more likely transitive (Givón 2013, 59n7). In other words, the ethical dative is actually an ethical benefactive (Givón 2013, 65).

20

Introduction

e. Perception Middle: see, hear, touch, taste, smell f. Mental and Emotive Middle: think, ponder, grieve, be angry, frightened, sad, happy g. Indirect Middle: acquire, request, receive, ask, take for oneself, buy, seize The structural relations between these middle situation types can be illustrated in a conceptual space; see figure 2. Each node represents a situation type, and as in figure 1, closeness of nodes on the semantic map represents contiguity of functions. The lines indicate semantic connections, which are defined in terms of shared semantic properties. As illustrated in figure 2, middle situations are intermediate between prototypical intransitive one-​participant events and transitive two-​participant events. Whereas an active transitive clause, such as I opened the door, evokes and profiles both an agent’s exertion of force and a patient that absorbs that force and undergoes an internal change of state, a prototypical one-​participant event, such as The door opened, only profiles a thematic process without reference to the force or the agent that induces it (Langacker 2008, 385). A middle event, in turn, is intermediate. A middle situation such as The door opened easily, for instance, evokes the causation by implying the force of some agent but does not profile it. Thus, in the case of the indirect middle, the agent is inherently an indirect recipient or beneficiary of the action. In other words, the indirect middle is characterized by a reduced degree of participant distinguishability in relation to prototypical multiparticipant events. An event such as He bought a hat, for example, means He bought a hat for himself under normal circumstances in English. It semantically corresponds to a three-​participant event, but the recipient or beneficiary is coreferential with the agent. Thus, verbs of appropriation tend to receive middle marking in the languages where the middle is grammatical; see, for example, Greek decho-​mai ‘accept, receive’, ktao-​ mai ‘acquire’ (both deponent, i.e., media tantum) and Latin potio-​r ‘become master of, obtain, acquire’, apisco-​r ‘reach, attain, get’ (both deponent). The indirect middle can be subsumed under the reflexive-​benefactive middle, which forms a subdomain in the conceptual space of closely related middle situation types. In addition to the indirect middle, the reflexive-​benefactive subdomain also includes indirect reflexives. In contrast to the indirect middle, the indirect reflexive comprises events in which the agent and the beneficiary are normally distinct entities. In addition, the reflexive-​benefactive subdomain also comprises nontranslational motion verbs that specify the body part on which the agent acts, since the inalienable possessor of the body part can be treated as the recipient/beneficiary of the action (Kemmer 1993, 77); compare, for example, On lui a cassé la jambe ‘They broke his leg’. Furthermore, the emotive middle can also be subsumed in the reflexive-​ benefactive middle, since the experiencer of an emotion is similar to the recipient/ beneficiary. Unlike body action middles, however, the affected entity is a mental rather than a physical entity of the recipient/beneficiary (Kemmer 1993, 129). In the case of the translational middle, the distinguishability between the initiating and affected entity is low to begin with, because movements through space by animate entities tend to be conceived of as atomic actions (Kemmer 1993, 58). Thus, translational motion comes closer to root intransitives, in which there is no endpoint,

21

Theoretical Prerequisites Two-Participant Event attack* seek, pursue*

keep, protect*

request* Emotive Speech

obtain* Cognition Emotion*

Indirect Reflexive* Reciprocal

Direct Reflexive

Grooming (Body Part)

Passive

Non-Translational Motion (Body Part)* Spontaneous

Naturally Reciprocal

Grooming

Non-Translational Motion

Property/State Ingressives

Body Posture Translational Motion

One-Participant Event

Figure 2.  Conceptual Space of the Middle (adapted from Croft, Shyldkrot, and Kemmer 1987, 187). Situation types marked by an asterisk form the subdomain of the reflexive-​ benefactive middle. Verbs in italics are indirect middle verbs.

but only one participant of which an action or a state is predicated (Kemmer 1993, 73). Accordingly, in relation to root intransitives, middle marking is associated with semantics that correlates with an increased degree of participant distinguishability (Kemmer 1993, 69–70). At the same time, whereas the exertion of force is not salient in the case of root intransitives, the implication of the exertion of force in motion events with middle marking is conceptualized as the change of state designated by the verb (Maldonado 1992, 329–30; 1999, 159). Thus, Suzanne Kemmer’s (1993, 157) description of the translational middle as motion with a focus on the change of state is similar to Givón’s (2013) account of the ethical dative in connection with motion verbs as marking sudden departure or sudden change. Accordingly, the indirect middle and the translational middle constitute two semantically related situation types that are intermediate between two-​participant events and

22

Introduction

one-​participant events. From a diachronic point of view, the use of middle marking with verbs of translational motion can be explained as an extension of the reflexive-​ benefactive middle by way of nontranslational motion verbs. As a matter of fact, Kemmer (1993, 199) has suggested that the indirect reflexive, which forms part of the reflexive-​benefactive middle, might be expected to be a relatively frequent source of middle markers across languages due to its semantic proximity to the direct reflexive. To be sure, the direct reflexive is well known from the languages of ​Europe as a precursor to middle markers, and both the direct reflexive and the indirect reflexive involve coreference of participants. In the case of the indirect reflexive, however, the affectedness is indirect rather than direct. In this light, the development of the reflexive-​benefactive marker into a middle marker can be viewed as a decrease in participant distinguishability. In the reflexive-​ benefactive construction, the speaker conceptualizes two different participants even though they refer to the same entity. In the middle-​marking construction, however, the two participants are viewed as a single entity. This decrease in participant distinguishability can presumably be traced to naturally reflexive-​benefactive constructions, in which the agent and the beneficiary are normally the same. In these constructions, the reflexive-​benefactive marker may become semantically bleached and subsequently be employed for other conceptually related (middle) verbs.

Part 2

Analysis of the Material

Chapter 3

The Middle Ventive in Sargonic Akkadian and Literary Old Babylonian

3.1. Introduction Landsberger’s (1924) original description of the ventive as an orientational morpheme that primarily indicates direction toward the 1st person has become a fundamental part of Akkadian grammar.1 As a matter of course, the orientational (allative-​dative) ventive is predominantly used with verbs of translational movement and verbs of transfer, such as sending, giving, and addressing; see, for example, Gilg. P 141 ana mı̄nim il-li-​ kam ‘Why has he come?’ and Gilg. VA+BM iv 5 qí-​bi-​a-​am yâšim ‘Tell (it) to me’. The ventive is also sometimes used with verbs that do not indicate movement toward a goal or involve an indirect object.2 Most of these verbs occur in literary compositions, and Landsberger (1924, 119) suggested that they may be used by poetic license. Hirsch (2002, 257), however, concluded from an investigation of the Standard Babylonian recensions of the Gilgameš and Erra compositions that, since the distribution of ventive verbs in the poetic corpus is not different from the distribution of ventive verbs in other genres as cited in CAD and AHw, the presence and absence of the ventive morpheme is a matter more of meaning than of poetic style. The ventive of these verbs is usually understood as a form of ​“ethical dative” or “dativus commodi.” Gelb (1955b, 109), for example, suggests that the ventive was originally the 1st person pronominal suffix for the dative: “Thus allik-​am ‘I went (for) myself’ can be perfectly paralleled by the French je m’en vais, the Italian me ne vado, and even by the medieval vadent se, vadant sibi, sedete vobis.”3 Even while the interpretation of the ventive as an ethical dative is not necessarily unsuitable, its meaning has proven difficult to verify, and even harder to falsify, so there is a risk of circularity connected with this interpretation of the ventive (Kouwenberg 2002, 232; 2010, 236–37).4 1.  As concluded by Hirsch (2002, 3–21) in his research history, little progress in the understanding of the functions of the ventive was made in the twentieth century since Landsberger’s (1924) groundbreaking study. For studies and observations on the ventive in the twenty-​first century, see Hirsch 2001, 2002; Meltzer 2001; Kouwenberg 2002; 2010, 232–44; GOA 643–51; Loesov 2004, 2006; Izre’el and Cohen 2004, 59–60; Hasselbach 2006. 2.  Needless to say, verbs that express motion and are at the same time lexically specified for the path or the manner of motion are also used with the orientational ventive, e.g., erēbu ‘go in’, waṣû ‘go out’, elû ‘go up’, warādu ‘go down’, târu ‘go back’, ṭeḫû ‘go near, approach’, ḫamāṭu ‘hurry’, and ḫalāqu ‘flee’. 3.  See also Hirsch 1975, 313–14, and Kienast 2001, 272. Hirsch (2002, 257) more cautiously suggested that it was used for emphasis but did not further elaborate on this emphatic meaning. 4.  See also similar remarks in the reviews of ​Hirsch 2002 by Foster (2003, 651–52), George (2004, 228–29), and Wasserman (2006, 139).

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Wolfram Von Soden (GAG §82a) suggested that the meaning of the ventive with nonmotion verbs and nondative verbs was determined lexically. Loesov (2006) made a break-​through in this regard and showed that the ventive is reflexive-​benefactive with verbs of appropriation, including aḫāzu ‘seize’, leqû ‘take’, ṣabātu ‘take hold’, kalû ‘hold, detain’, nepû ‘distrain, take as pledge’, and šarāqu ‘steal’, for example, ilqe-​am ‘He took for himself’: “it becomes increasingly clear that the appearance of the RB ventive is determined lexically: it looks more like an idiosyncratic property of individual ‘taking-​hold-​of’ verbs than a common feature of this semantic class of verbs as a whole” (Loesov 2006, 119–20).5 Loesov (2006, 121) further suggested that the ventive of intransitive verbs is used for the so-​called “antitransitive,” “to optionally mark their intransitive value and to emphasize the perfective nature of a situation.” As a case in point, Loesov (2006, 121) mentions AbB 10: 57 22–24 šumma-​mi iḫ-li-​qám ana ēkallim ı̄rub-​ma šarram lummid ‘If she (sc. a maid) fled all by herself ​(and) only (if ) she has gone to the palace, (then) inform the king’. In this example, since the maid does not escape toward the speaker, Loesov suggests that the ventive rather renders the notion “She definitively fled” or “She fled all by herself.” In Loesov’s (2006, 131) view, the antitransitive function of the ventive morpheme can be derived from the reflexive-​benefactive function.6 The historical relationship between the reflexive-​benefactive function and the orientational (allative-​dative) function of the ventive, however, is an open question. Furthermore, while the reflexive-​ benefactive ventive appears to be restricted in use to verbs of appropriation, the collocational restrictions of the antitransitive ventive, if any, remains to be investigated. Relevant verbal lexemes mentioned by Loesov include, among others, ḫalāqu ‘flee’, alāku ‘go’, waṣû ‘go out’, lapātu ‘write down, record’, nadû ‘lay down, leave’, rabû ‘be(come) big, grow’, nawāru ‘be(come) light, bright’, masāku ‘be(come) bad, ugly’, and zakû ‘be(come) clean, free’.7 The present chapter will explore the semantic classes of ventive verbs that are not motion verbs or dative verbs and the functional connection between the orientational ventive and the reflexive-​benefactive ventive, as well as the connection between the reflexive-​benefactive ventive and other nonorientational ventives. 5.  The reflexive-​benefactive ventive is also found in Old Assyrian, but it is mainly restricted to certain collocations (GOA 648–49). For instance, the ventive of aḫāzu ‘take’, agāru ‘hire’, and ṣabātu ‘seize’ in collocation with rābiṣu ‘attorney’ describes the solicitation of ​legal help, e.g., ATHE 44 24 rābiṣam ulā a-ḫu-​za-​am ‘I did not contract an attorney’. Notably, aḫāzu and agāru are only attested with a ventive in combination with rābiṣu (GOA 649n56). 6.  See Loesov 2006, 131: “The ventive within the RB construction had been understood as an indirect reflexive marker on its own. As such it received a new function of an optional exponent of intransitivity on certain semantic classes of intransitive verbs, because reflexivity and intransitivity are semantically related.” Loesov (2006, 131n7) further suggested that it may show partial parallels with the developments that led to Spanish and Syriac constructions such as me fui ‘I went away’ and sleq leh ‘He ascended’. 7.  Loesov also presents examples of the antitransitive ventive of nı̄ di aḫim rašû ‘be negligent, procrastinate’, šaqû ‘give to drink’, erēbu ‘enter’, and šalāmu ‘be healthy’. As to the ventive of erēbu and šalāmu, it may be perspective-​taking of movement toward a home-​base in the following example: AbB 8: 102 15–18 (apud Loesov 2006, 121) ištu Ešnunna i-​ru-​ba-​am-​ma awāt ekallim elı̄ šu im-​qú-UD-ma ana Nārim il-​li-​ik-​ ma iš-​ta-​al-​ma-​am ‘After he came back from Ešnunna, a charge of the palace fell upon him so he went to the River (Ordeal). Then he came back safely’. For the ventive pointing to a home-​base, see also AbB 9: 42 9 ištu gērim i-​ru-​ba-​am ‘He came back from the campaign’ (also AbB 9: 42 6) and BIN 8: 146 rev. 1–3 ı̄ nu Me-​ság in Akkade i-​li-​kam ‘When Me-​ság came (back/home?) from Akkade’ (cf. Markina 2012, 185–86).

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3.2. The Middle Ventive A striking commonality presents itself when one studies the verbal lexemes associated with the nonorientational ventive: Most if not all can be subsumed within a semantic class of middle verbs. The verbs with a reflexive-​benefactive ventive, for example, qualify as indirect middle verbs, because the recipient or the beneficiary of verbs of appropriation is typically identical with the agent. A significant step toward uncovering their association with the (indirect) middle in Akkadian can be gathered from the function of their corresponding active stative formations, for example, aḫiz ‘hold, have’, leqi ‘hold’, ṣabit ‘hold, occupy’, kali ‘detain’.8 Whether a verb will form an active or passive stative depends on whether the speaker focuses on the affectedness of the agent or the patient in a given situation; compare, for example, CH §158 (xxvi 28) ša mārı̄ wa-​al-​ da-​at ‘who has given birth to sons’, i.e., ‘who is a mother’, and CT 15: 6 vii 4′ (Römer 1966) aḫı̄ ša ana aḫı̄ya wa-​al-​du ‘My brother who was born to my brother’, i.e., ‘who is my nephew’. As shown by David Cohen (1984, 269–60), the verbs that tend to form active statives are usually middle verbs or low transitivity verbs. The reason is that in these verbs, the patient (if any) is not necessarily significantly affected, whereas the affectedness of the agent is relatively more salient (Kouwenberg 2010, 171–72). By using an active stative, the speaker tunes down the affectedness of the patient (the obtained object in the case of the indirect middle) in favor of the affectedness of the agent, so that the state of the agent that results from the event becomes more informative than the state of the patient. Thus, it makes sense for middle verbs to be marked for the reflexive-​benefactive, because they typically present events in which the affectedness of the agent is salient. The active statives of aḫāzu ‘seize’, leqû ‘take’, and ṣabātu ‘take hold’, for example, when used to denote their corresponding state of possession, often occur in legal contexts to indicate rightful ownership.9 Moreover, some of the verbs mentioned in the introduction to this chapter that are not verbs of appropriation still tend to form active statives: lapit ‘hold credit’, nadi ‘deposit’, ḫaliq ‘having fled’, and alik ‘having travelled (widely)’.10 The active statives suggest that the experiencer and its affectedness are made more prominent. Other verbs mentioned above belong to a group of adjectival verbs that are closely related in their morphosyntactic behavior to primary adjectives: rabı̄ ‘big’, nawir ‘bright’, masik ‘bad, ugly’, and zakkū ‘clean, free’.11 These verbs denote the meaning of the adjective as a process of the agent, usually the entering into the state designated by the adjective. It is not uncommon cross-​linguistically that verbs that designate the change of state of an entity receives middle marking when there is no readily available causal

8.  For these statives of control and possession, see Rowton 1962, 240–45. 9.  See Ungnad 1918 for these expressions of ​“have” and cf. Rowton 1962, 294: “the permansive is used to speak of past action in terms of the bearing it has on the existing legal situation.” The active stative of leqû, for instance, often refers to the ownership of commodities (Kouwenberg 2010, 173). 10.  For lapit ‘have credit’, see Rowton 1962, 286; for nadi ‘lie’, see Rowton 1962, 268; and for nadi ‘deposit’, see Rowton 1962, 287. 11.  For adjectival verbs in Akkadian, see Kouwenberg 2010, 58–64. For the process of derivation from adjectives, see also Aro 1964, 200–201 and Tropper 1995, 496–97.

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Analysis of the Material

role, i.e., when the subject is the undergoer of the event (Kemmer 1993, 142). As such, it corresponds to a class of spontaneous middle verbs. 3.2.1. Reflexive-​Benefactive Middle As noted above, the indirect middle is used for situations in which the recipient (indirect reflexive) or the beneficiary (reflexive-​benefactive) is coreferential with the subject. Moreover, as noted by Loesov (2006), the ventive of verbs of appropriation, for example, ṣabātu ‘take hold’ and aḫāzu ‘seize’, is typically reflexive-​benefactive, for example:12 12.

a. Etana M rev. vi 1′ [q]assu iṣ-ba-​ta-​am sebet w[arḫı̄] He held ​his hand for seven months. b. FAOS 19: Di 3 7–9 sittum ḫarrānam a-ḫu-​za-​am As to the rest, I have taken (it) for myself on the road.

The reflexive-​benefactive function of the ventive can now be explained as an instantiation of the indirect middle: the ventive of these verbs is used to indicate that the subject comes into possession of the object, is the beneficiary of this action, and is thereby affected by event.13 They are, so to speak, fientive counterparts to their active statives: ṣabit and aḫiz. Loesov (2006, 120) also noted that the dative pronominal suffixes of the verb in Akkadian cannot be used for the indirect reflexive or the reflexive-​benefactive, i.e., ilqe-​šum cannot be used for ‘He took for himself’. It also appears that the independent dative pronoun is not coreferential with the subject either, i.e., ilqe ana šâšum cannot be used for ‘He took for himself’. The ventive could therefore be put to use to express these functions. The ventive also occurs with other verbs that by nature designate a situation in which the subject of the verb is its beneficiary, for example: 13.

a. Gilg. Y 265 kı̄ma ṣeḫri ernitaka ku-​uš-​da Attain your desire like a child. b. Gilg. Y 188 šuma ša darû anāku lu-​uš-​ták-​nam I will provide me with a name for myself that is eternal. c. Gilg. Ishchali 39′ Gilgāmeš iṣṣı̄ ubattaq Enkı̄du ú-ḫa-​ra urbazillı̄ Gilgameš was cutting off trees, Enkidu choosing the best timber.

12.  For the ventive of aḫāzu, see also AbB 9: 49 36–38 awı̄ l!(IB)ı̄ lu-ḫu-​za-​am u anāku l[u]llikam ‘Let me get hold of the men and let me come myself’. For the ventive of leqû, see also Atr. I 385 Atramḫası̄ s il-​qí-​a tērtam ‘Atra-ḫası̄ s received the command’ (cf. Atr. III i 38) and AbB 6: 173 14–15 il[l]i[k]a[m] ušannam-​ma il-​qí-​a-​am ‘he came and received (lit. “took for himself”) [barley] for the second time’ (trans. Loesov 2006, 112). 13.  This use of the ventive has parallels in Figuig Berber. Kossmann (2014, 258–60) noted that the ventive is used with isi ‘take’ when the speaker seizes an object and physically keeps it with him/her. It may be noted that when the object of isi [+ventive] is animate, it is typically unable to move by itself, such as an infant or a dead person (Kossmann 2014, 260).

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The verb kašādu ‘reach, attain’ in the first example involves the coming into possession or power of a concrete or abstract object.14 In other words, it describes an action in which the initiator is also the endpoint of the situation, and it is therefore associated with middle semantics (Kemmer 1993, 80). The Gt-​stem of šakānu in the second example, in turn, is presumably used in a direct reflexive sense with a double accusative ‘provide oneself ​(with) something’.15 The ventive, in turn, is used to reinforce the reflexive-​benefactive function of the direct reflexive. Indeed, the indirect reflexive use of the Gt-​stem itself is not frequently occurring in Old Babylonian (Kouwenberg 2010, 370).16 The ventive of the verb ḫiʔāru in the third example, finally, can also be construed as reflexive-​benefactive, even when Enkidu may be choosing for Gilgameš: “In a situation in which a person chooses on behalf of another person, even if the criteria of preference involve the second person’s presumed benefit, the Initiator is the entity who is judging that benefit and as such must put him or herself in the role of the actual beneficiary in order to make the judgement” (Kemmer 1993, 80). In this example, Enkidu is busy choosing timber while Gilgameš fells trees (Gilg., p. 266). The ventive of uḫarra seems to place Enkidu in the role of the choosing’s beneficiary. He then goes on to make (or propose to make) a great wooden door (Gilg., p. 470).17 One may also note that ḫiʔāru forms an active stative according to Cohen (1984, 258). Verbs of ingestion may also receive middle marking, presumably in the reflexive-​ benefactive sense:18 14.

a. AnSt 33: 148 28–31 (Walker 1983) adi ta-​ak-​ka-​lu-​nim | ay-ı̄kulū ilū aḫḫūka | adi atta ta-​ša-​at-​tu-​nim | ay-​ištû ilū aḫḫūka Until you yourself eat, may the gods, your brothers, not eat. Until you yourself drink, may the gods your brothers not drink. b. Gilg. P 96–102 akul aklam Enkı̄du simat balāṭim | šikaram šiti šı̄mti māti | ı̄kul aklam Enkı̄du adi šebēšu | šikaram iš-​ti-​a-​am sebet assammı̄m (He said:) Eat the bread, Enkidu, appropriate for life. Drink beer, the custom of the land. Enkidu ate the bread, until he was sated. He drank beer, seven jugs (full).

14.  The verb kašādu in the sense of ‘obtain’ with the indirect reflexive and reflexive-benefactive ventive is also found in Old Assyrian (GOA 649–50), e.g., kt 88/k 971:62–63 (Dercksen 2015) mimma ina bēt abı̄ kunu lā ak-šu-dam ‘I did not obtain anything from your father’s house’. The verb kašādu can of course also be used as a motion verb with the allative ventive; see Kouwenberg 2002, 225–26; GOA 649n50. 15.  For the ventive of škn Gt, see also Gilg. Y 160. According to George (Gilg., p. 212), however, the Gt-​stem of šakānu is used in a durative/habitual function in Gilg. Y 188. George (Gilg., p. 212) also notes that the force of the ventive of luštaknam is uncertain: “it is usually rendered as 1st sg. dative, e.g. ‘for myself’, but this is not a way of expressing the reflexive in conventional grammar. Instead the affix may have been added for metrical reasons, to avoid ending the line with the dactyl lúštakan.” 16.  Kouwenberg (2010, 262, 296) notes three different ways to express the (in-)direct reflexive of šakānu: The Gt-​stem, e.g., FM 6: 184 no. 14 11′ (Joannès 2002) šumam damqam bēlni li-​iš-​ta-​ka-​an ‘May my lord establish a good reputation for himself’, the N-​stem, e.g., ARMT 10: 107 24–25 šumam na-​aš-​ki-​in ‘Establish renown for yourself’, and analytically, e.g., AbB 1: 115 4′ šum ḫabālim pagarki tašakkanı̄ ‘You will establish a reputation of wrong-​doing for yourself’. 17.  Cf. Gilg. SB V 291 Gilgāmeš iṣṣı̄ inakkis | Enkı̄ du iš-​te-​né-ʔ-a ḫurbazallu ‘Gilgameš cut down trees, Enkidu was seeking out the best timber’. 18.  See also the ventive of ḫarāṭu ‘feed on’ in BAM 4: 393 2 (Geller 2006) ša adı̄ ni šammam lā iḫ-ruṭám ‘who has not yet eaten grass’.

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Kouwenberg (2010, 279n29) notes that akālu and šatû are low-​transitivity verbs since they typically have a nonpatient direct object and since they do not have a D-​stem (which is associated with high transitivity): “In these verbs, the less-​than-​prototypical transitivity is related to the fact that in many contexts the activity of eating and drinking is more prominent than the substance that is eaten or drunk.” Notably, akālu can also form an active stative; see, for example, BIN 6: 121 16–17 emārūšu lū ak-​lu ‘Let his donkeys be eating’, i.e., ‘Let them be well fed’ (GOA 626). In the ventive, these verbs seem to indicate the affectedness of the agent. In the second example, for instance, the satisfaction from eating and drinking, i.e., the affectedness of the agent, is indicated lexically by šebû in reference to akālu, but by the ventive in reference to šatû. The reflexive-​benefactive ventive may also be used with high transitivity verbs. This is peculiar, because high transitivity verbs are typically not used to relate the affectedness of the subject but rather of the object. In the following examples, however, the ventive of nêru ‘strike, kill’ seems to be used to describe the agent as one who strikes and thereby becomes victor.19 Notably, the stative of nêru can also be active (Rowton 1962, 270); see, for example, Or 77: 340 v 19′–20′ (Streck and Wasserman 2008) Girra ezzum ša qabalšu né-​e-​re-​et ‘Fierce Fire, whose fighting is deadly’. 15.

a. Gilg. IM 20 ina dunnı̄kā-​ma maṣṣaram te-​né-​ra-​am By your own strength you conquered the guardian. b. RIME 2: 1.4.23 5–14 ı̄nu GN1 en-​a-[r]a-​am u rı̄mam in qablāni GN2 šadı̂ m šū-​ma ušamqitšu When he defeated GN1 by himself and he himself felled a wild bull at Mount GN2.

The highlighted role of the agent is marked by ina dunnı̄kā-​ma ‘by your own strength’ in the first example. In the second example, the ventive verb is parallel to a clause in which the agent is focalized (šū-​ma). The reflexive-​benefactive function is also available in the following examples, which involve the ventive of ​D perfect of ḫepûm ‘break, smash’ and nakāsu G ‘cut, fell’:20 16.

a. Gilg. VA+BM iv 1 šunūti uḫ-ta-​ap-​pí-​a-​am ina uzzı̄šu He smashed them for himself in his fury. b. Gilg. Y 158–59 [qātı̄ l]uškun-​ma [lu-​u]k-​sú-​ma-​am erēnam Let me start work and chop me down the cedar.

In the first example, Gilgameš destroys the Stone Ones.21 The verb ḫepû ‘smash, destroy’ is often used in reference to the destruction of earthen vessels and clay tablets, 19.  See also YOS 11: 5 6 (Wasserman 2008) iddi šiptam Damu u Gula ú-​ni-​ra tultam ‘Damu cast the spell and Gula slew the worm’. 20.  For the ventive of nks G, see also Gilg. Y 187. 21.  See Gilg., pp. 501–2 for a discussion of the nature of the Stone Ones. The Standard Babylonian copy also has the ventive at this point: Gilg. SB X 106 uḫ-tap-​p[u]-ú šūt abnı̄ ittabak ana nāri. See also Enūma v 74 [kak]kı̄ šun iḫ-te-​pa-​a ‘He smashed their weapons’.

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including the breaking of clod; cf. ḫēpû ‘clod-​breaker’. As a matter of fact, verbs with a similar meaning are attested with reflexive-​benefactive l- in Biblical Hebrew; see Hos 10:11 yəśaddɛ-lō yaʕăqōḇ ‘Jacob shall break (clods) for himself’ (‘Jacob shall break his clods’) and Hos 10:12 nı̄rū lå̄ḵɛm nı̄r ‘Break fallow ground for yourselves’. Notably, the G-​stem of ḥṣb ‘hew’ also has middle inflection in Biblical Hebrew; see Isa 5:2 ḥå̄ṣēḇ. Thus, it appears that hewing can be conceptually related with reflexive-​ benefactive semantics, perhaps external possession. In the second example, in turn, the ventive indicates that the subject will perform the felling of cedar trees for its own benefit. For the ventive of verbs that mean ‘cut’, see also Biblical Hebrew 2 Sam 7:9 wå̄ -ʔaḵrı̄ṯå̄ ‘I cut down for myself’. The use of a verb form with the ventive for acting for oneself vis-​à-​vis the same verb without the ventive for acting for someone else can be illustrated by the following example with the verb šalû ‘submerge, immerse oneself ​(in) something’:22 17.

a. CH §2 (v 39–41) ana Nārim illak Nāram i-​ša-​al-​li-​a-​am He shall go to the River (Ordeal) and he shall submerge himself for himself to the River (Ordeal). b. CH §132 (xxii 4–6) ana mutı̄ša Nāram i-​ša-​al-​li She shall submerge herself to the River (Ordeal) for her husband.

While the reflexive-​benefactive is expressed by the ventive in the first example, the preposition ana is used to introduce a beneficiary (deputative benefaction) who is not identical to the subject in the second example. This use of the ventive presumably represents the conventionalization of an implicature: when a speaker uses the ventive with a verb designating an action that one normally or necessarily performs for one’s own benefit, an addressee may interpret the nonobligatory use of the ventive as marking some form of contrast. 3.2.2. Postural and Non-​Translational Motion Middle The ventive is also used with verbs of posture and body action. These verbs are characterized by a low degree of participant distinguishability: the body takes part in the action as a part of the self. In the following examples, the ventive is used with the verb emēdu ‘lean on’: 18.

a. Gilg. Schøyen2 29 ina kimṣı̄šu ú-​um-​mi-​dam zuqassu He rested his chin on his knees (trans. Gilg., p. 235). b. Gilg. Schøyen2 5–6 ina būdı̄ya e-​mi-​da-​am šadiʔam | šadûm iqūpam-​ ma ı̄siḫan[ni] With my shoulder I was propping up a mountain; the mountain collapsed on me and girt me around (trans. Gilg., p. 233).

22.  The meaning of the stative of šalû is uncertain (CAD Š1, 273).

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The verb forms ummid-​am and ēmid-​am are used to relate how Gilgameš leans on his knees and on a mountain respectively. Both actions involve a nontranslational motion of a general lowering of the upper part of the body. The body therefore takes part in the action itself, and the ventive is used to indicate this relatively low degree of distinguishability, perhaps ‘lean (far) down’, as if the body is convoluted. The ventive is also found with the verb itūlu ‘lie down’ in the following examples:23 19.

a. Gilg. VA+BM i 12′ at-​ti-​il-​lam-ma kalu šanātim I shall lie asleep down all the years (trans. Gilg., p. 277). b. Gilg. P 24 [i]t-​ti-​lam-ma ı̄tamar šanı̄tam He lay down and saw another dream (trans. Gilg., p. 173).

Much like the verb emēdu ‘lean on’, the verb itūlu ‘lie down’ in the examples above describes Gilgameš changing his posture: a deformation of the whole body from vertical to horizontal.24 The ventive verbs attı̄l-​am and ittı̄l-​am are used to highlight this conceptual identification of the participants (the body parts) in this type of event. Notably, the verb itūlu ‘lie down’ is a Gt-​derivation of nâlu/niālu, presumably connected with West Semitic lyn ‘spend the night’ (Huehnergard 2002). While the Gt-​stem is primarily reciprocal in Old Babylonian (Streck 2003, 89–92), there are also many nonreciprocal Gt-​verbs that can be viewed as historically detransitive derivations lexicalized in the middle voice (Streck 2003, 108–9; Kouwenberg 2005; 2010, 371–72; Arkhipov and Loesov 2019).25 The secondary verb formations tabālu ‘take along’ and tarû ‘take along (typically of individuals)’, for example, are presumably lexicalized Gt-​stems of wabālu and warû in an indirect reflexive (reflexive-​ benefactive) function that underlined that the agent performed the action in his/her own interest or in his/her own sphere (Kouwenberg 2005, 91n36; Kouwenberg 2010, 370). Likewise, itūlu may be viewed as a historically middle-​marked derivation of nâlu/niālu, for example, ‘go to one’s bed’. In this light, it seems reasonable to interpret the ventive as a means to reintroduce the middle semantics of this verb as soon as it had become lexicalized. The verb izuzzu is also used in the ventive, for example:

23.  See also ZA 75: 200.59 (Wilcke 1985) atta i-​ti-​lam-​ma lu-​na-​as-​sí-ḫa-​am zappı̄ ka “Du, leg dich zu mir, ich will mir deine Locken auszupfen” (trans. Wilcke 1985, 201). 24.  Mention may also be made of the ventive of napalsuḫu ‘fall to the ground, squat’, e.g., UET 6/2: 396 13 Ištar ip-​pa-​al-​sí-ḫa-​am kaqqaršu ‘Ištar prostrated herself ​(deep?) toward the ground’. See also UET 6/2: 396 24 ip-​pa-​al-​sí-ḫa-​am ‘She prostrated herself ​(deep?)’. 25.  A number of the Gt-​stems classified as “intensive(?)” and “unklar” by Streck (2003, 53–74, no. 107– 92), for instance, can be grouped among the semantic classes discussed in section 2.3, e.g., indirect middle: kamāru G ‘heap up’, Gt id. (no. 147); verbs of translational and postural movement: erēbu G ‘enter’, Gt id. (no. 164), kašādu G ‘reach, arrive’, Gt ‘?’ (no. 172), itūlu Gt (no G) ‘lie down’ (no. 171); spontaneous events: ekēlu G ‘be(come) dark’, Gt id. (no. 110), enēšu ‘be(come) weak’, Gt id. (no. 113), šapû ‘be(come) loud, thick’, Gt id. (no. 129), šapû Gt (no G) ‘be(come) silent’ (no. 186); verbs of perception: barû G ‘see’, Gt ‘eingehend betrachten’ (AHw 109) (no. 141); verbs of emotion and emotive speech: ḫabāṣu ‘rejoice’, Gt id.? (no. 114), šamāru G ‘rage, be(come) excited’, Gt id. (no. 128), šarāḫu ‘be glorious, boast’, Gt id. (no. 131), ʔalālu Gt (no G) ‘shout, rejoice’ (no. 162), šamāru Gt (no G) ‘praise’ (no. 163).

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20. Gilg. P 179–80 iz-​zi-​za-​am-ma ina sūqim ša Uruk ribı̄tim He took a stand in the street of Uruk-​Main-​Street. The verb izuzzu presumably represents a fossilized N-​stem of zwz that originally had ingressive meaning (Huehnergard 2002; Kouwenberg 2010, 299): ‘take a stand’ > ‘stand’. In other words, the middle voice of this verb as expressed by the N-​stem was used to identify a change of state. The ingressive function of the N-​stem is a consequence of the fact that the N-​stem historically is a morphological modification used to derive verbs from adjectives, specifically the verbal adjective paris, which itself is mostly middle and passive (Testen 1998, 137–38; Kouwenberg 2010, 299–300).26 Thus, since fientive verb forms derived from states tend to adopt ingressive meaning (Comrie 1976, 19–20; Lyons 1977, 2:713), the N-​stem frequently expresses the entering into the state described by paris. This is clearly illustrated by middle intransitives, including verbs of movement, in which middle marking tends to indicate that an entity brings about a change of state, either in location or in posture (Kemmer 1993, 157).27 Thus, a number of motion verbs that are only used in the N-​stem in Babylonian may represent lexicalized derivations with historically ingressive middle marking. Apart from izuzzu, mention may also be made of nābutu ‘flee’, naḫbutu ‘migrate’, naprušu ‘fly’, and nērubu ‘flee, run’.28 It would appear that the ventive too may be used to express an ingressive meaning of verbs of nontranslational motion. This function of the ventive can be described as an increased degree of participant distinguishability relative to the unmarked intransitive verb. Unlike ordinary transitive verbs, however, the force exerted by the subject is not transferred to another participant but conceptualized as the change of state designated by the verb. In other words, the function of the ventive in the example above can be viewed as a reiteration of the function of the N-​stem as soon as it had become lexicalized. The overlap between the reflexive-​benefactive and ingressive functions of the ventive is paralleled by the functions of the so-​called ethical dative in Syriac, which can be used to indicate the entering into the state associated with the verb (Joosten 1989). The construction ʔezal leh ‘He went (away)’, for example, indicates the entering into the state of ʔazzı̄l ‘gone’, i.e., ‘He entered into the state of ​being gone’. As noted above, it is not surprising that middle verbs that form an active stative also are used with the ventive, which indicates that the agent of the event is affected. 26.  As shown by Testen (1998, 137–38) and Kouwenberg (2010, 299–300), this can be illustrated by the root nšʔ. While the fientive forms of the G-​stem of nšʔ are basically ‘lift, pick’, the verbal adjective naši ‘have on oneself, carry’ is closer in meaning to the middle-​marking N-​stem, which is ‘pick up and keep, bring’. Thus, the N-​stem can be viewed as a fientive derivation of the G stative. Furthermore, while the N-​stem is typically used in the imperative, the precative, and the preterite in the sense of ​‘take along (with oneself )’, the durative function of ​‘take along (with oneself )’ is expressed by the Gt-​stem. Thus, the derived stems of našû are used complementary according to AHw: the Gt-​stem is used for iparras, the N-​stem is used for iprus, liprus, and purus, and the G-​stem is used for paris. 27.  For instance, Kemmer (1993, 157) noted that while unmarked motion verbs are associated with the “semantically unmarked” meaning (e.g., French voler ‘fly [in general]’), middle-​marked motion verbs focus on the change of state involved in the motion (s’en voler ‘fly away’), so that the focus is on the fact that the flying entity is no longer in its initial state, but that it has flown, hence taken off. 28.  Note that the N-stem is common with motion verbs also in Biblical Hebrew, e.g., nimlaṭ ‘flee’ (N tantum), mwṭ ‘totter, shake’, N ‘id.’, ngš ‘approach’, N ‘id.’ (Nyberg 1952, 219).

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Analysis of the Material

The ventive of the verb kabāsu ‘tread, trample’ in the following example is used to indicate that the agent is affected by the event in addition to the patient: 21. Atr. I 252 [ṭi]ṭṭa i-​kab-​ba-​sa-​am maḫrı̄ša He was treading the clay in her presence. Notably, the verb kabāsu forms an active stative; see, for example, MIOF 1: 80 vi 3 (Köcher 1953) ina kilattı̄šu bašma ka-​bi-​is ‘He trod a snake with his both (feet)’. In the example from Atra-ḫası̄ s then, the ventive tones down the distinguishability of the participants, as if the agent becomes one with the patient in the event of treading and kneading. 3.2.3. Spontaneous and Reciprocal Middle The middle ventive is also used with verbs that designate spontaneous events. These verbs attract middle marking because the affected entity is conceptualized as both the initiator and the endpoint of the event. They are characterized by a low degree of event elaboration because only one of two potential participants is spelled out, and they typically occur without human initiation (Kemmer 1993, 145). Thus, assuming that the speaker may conceptualize a change of state either as having a direct cause or as occurring autonomously, the speaker selects a construction with the ventive in which the chief nominal participant is the undergoer. See the ventive of rabû ‘be(come) big, grow’, for example: 22. PBS 5: 100 i 10–12 (Leichty 1989, 350) šabsūtam itrâm-​ma uwallidanni ištu ar-​bi-​a-​am ina šanat Samsu-​iluna . . . He brought me a midwife and she delivered me. When I had grown up, in the year of Samsu-​iluna . . . When the ventive is interpreted as a middle marker, its function in the example above can be understood as imparting a lessened degree of event elaboration: the grammatical subject is the undergoer of an event and is strictly neither its agent nor its patient. In other words, the subject does not itself cause the event, nor is it the patient of some perceived agent’s action. The speaker conceptualizes the event as occurring autonomously, presumably so as to not ascribe a causal role to any other participant, since the legal case presented in PBS 5: 100 concerns a person’s maternal and paternal descent. The ventive of rabû is also attested in the following example, this time in collocation with the ventive of walādu N:29 23. Gilg. Y 151–52 ta!(I)-wa-​al-​dam-ma tar-​bi-​a ina ṣērim | išḫiṭkā-​ma lābu kalā-​ma tı̄dē You were born on your own and grew up on your own in the wilderness. A lion attacked you and you experienced all. 29.  See also Gilg. Schøyen1 rev. 3′ ta-​wa-​al-​dam-​ma ta[r-​bi-​a-​a]m ina ṣērim. It is possible that the ventive of walādu N anticipates the ventive of rabû, but one may also explain the ventive of walādu from the semantics of the spontaneous state of affairs that it designates.

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In this example, Gilgameš relates Enkidu’s upbringing to Enkidu. As is well known, Enkidu was created fully grown from clay (Gilg. SB I 99–112). The function of the ventive in tawwald-​am and tarbiʔ-a(m) is to highlight that the causing entities are not salient. The ventive of walādu G is also attested: Atr. II vii 44–47 abūbu ša taqabb[āninni] | mannu šū anāku [ul ı̄dē] | anākū-​ma ú-​ul-​la-​da [abūba] | šipiršu ibašši it[ti Enlil] ‘As for the flood of which you speak to me, who is he (that will produce it)? I do not know that I should give birth to (and thus be the producer of ) the flood for myself. The task of that belongs with Enlil’.30 The use of the ventive of walādu G is used to focus on the affectedness of the agent, i.e., she who bears. As noted above, the stative of walādu G may be active if the agent is in focus, for example, CH §158 (xxvi 28) ša mārı̄ wa-​al-​da-​at ‘who has given birth to sons’, i.e., ‘who is a mother’. The association of spontaneous events with focus on the undergoer can also be gathered from the fact that the ventive is sometimes used with intransitive verbs that have a patient-​like subject (in contrast to intransitive verbs with agent-​like subjects),31 like mâtu ‘die’, for example, YOS 10: 31 ix 19–27 (Römer 2004) šumma martum ina napšat martim tikiptān šitta ṣurrupa qarrādān šina i-​mu-​ut-​ta-​nim ‘If there are two red spots at the opening of the gall bladder, two soldiers will die by themselves (‘drop dead’)’.32 It is the fact that middle semantics is associated with low elaboration of events that leads to the application of middle marking to adjectival verbs (Kemmer 1993, 239). These verbs are associated with spontaneous events, since spontaneous events often result in states or properties, i.e., a change of state, for example: 24. Sumer 14: 35 no. 14:15–16 (Goetze 1958) u šanı̄tam lāma i-​na-​wi-​ra-​am lūmurka Secondly: Before it gets light, I want to see you (trans. Goetze). The verb nawāru designates the process of its adjective nawir ‘light, bright’. The ventive in the example above is used to highlight the spontaneity of this event, since there is no participant to be ascribed a causal role. Thus, the ventive is used to construe the event as autonomous. The middle-​marking ventive is also used with verbs that describe mutual situations. Mutual situations attract middle marking when they are characterized by a low degree of participant distinguishability: the actions of two or more participants are viewed as a single event even when they constitute separate actions. See, for example, the ventive of paḫāru ‘assemble, come together’: 25. RIME 2: 1.3.1 13–18 ʔahlū ʕabarti tihāmtim 32 ana taʔḫāzim ib-ḫu-​ru-​nim The cities across the sea, thirty-​two (in number), assembled themselves for battle. 30.  See also Atr. II iv 4 ul ul-​da erṣetum rē[mša] ‘As for Earth, her womb did not bear’. 31.  For the unaccusative and unergative distinction in Akkadian, see Loesov 2012, 122–26. 32.  For the translation of the antecedent, see CAD N1, 304a and cf. Römer 2004, 400: “Wenn (an/in/ bei??) (der) Gallenblase in den ‘Kehlen’ der Gallenblase zwei Tüpfelungen (da sind) und gerötet sind, kommen zwei Krieger zu Tode” (note “kommen zu Tode”).

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Analysis of the Material

In this example, /yipḫurūnim/ is used to describe the gathering of a rebellious coalition. The subjects are treated as both initiators and endpoints of the event, and the situation is viewed from the whole set of participants. The ventive serves to express the low degree of distinguishability between the plurality of events (gatherings) that constitute the relations between the participants, and that the entities involved act as an inseparable collective. The following instance of the ventive of našû ‘pick up’ is used to the same effect:33 26. RIME 2: 1.4.10 16–19 u sarrē ṯūt i-​se11--nim yikmi Moreover, he captured the kings who had raised themselves together (against him). Assuming that našû is used intransitively here (cf. CAD N2, 103 A 5),34 the ventive is used to highlight that the participants are both initiators and experiencers of the event.35 Since the collective is rarely expressed by the Gt-​stem in Akkadian (Streck 2003, 38),36 it may be argued that the ventive fulfills this function in its stead. The following example involves the ventive of balālu ‘mix, mingle’:37 27. Atr. I 61–62 anumma tisiʔā tuqumtam | tāḫāza i ni-​ib-​lu-​la qablam Now, call for battle! Let us join battle, warfare. Again, the ventive is used to focus on the fact that the agents will mix themselves in battle and warfare. Thus, the situation is characterized by a low degree of distinguishability between the micro-​events that constitute the relations between the participants. The reciprocal function of the ventive can also be gleaned from its use with bâru ‘catch, capture, hunt’, for example:38 28. Etana S obv. 8–9 rı̄ma šappāra ṣerrum i-​ba-​ra-​am-ma | erû ı̄kul ı̄kulū mārūšu The serpent would chase down a wild bull (or) ram, and then the eagle ate, his young ones ate. 33.  The verb form is usually assumed to be either an error for i-​se11--nim or an abbreviated form of spelling (Hasselbach 2005, 36n27). See also Kouwenberg 2010, 574n212, and cf. RIME 2: 1.4.26 ii 23 na-​se11-nim for na-​se11--nim ‘They (the people) bring’ (3f. pl. nı̄ sē in line 14). 34.  According to another interpretation, it is possible to supply an unmentioned subject, e.g., RIME 2, p. 113 ‘The kings whom they (the rebels[?]) had raised’. 35.  The following example of malû presumably also belongs here: Atr. III iv 19–20 kı̄ ma immērı̄ im-​lu-​ nim rāṭam ‘They filled the stream bed together like sheep’. 36.  Streck (2003, 38), who refers to the collective as “soziativ,” mentions atkulu ‘use together’ (for ‘eat together’; cf. SB tākultu ‘meal, banquet’) vis-à-vis reciprocal atkulu ‘eat each other’ (Streck 2003, 26), šitpuku ‘store, deposit jointly’, and qitrubu ‘approach together’, e.g., Gilg. Nippur obv. 1 ibrı̄ ni-iq-te-ri-ib qištiš ‘My friend, we have together approached the forest’. 37.  The verb form ib-​lu-​la in Atr. I 231 ištūma ib-​lu-​la ṭiṭṭa šâti may be iblulā, i.e., dual; cf. von Soden (TUAT III, 4:624): “Als beide diesen Lehm überschüttet hatten.” At another point, the ventive of balālu is presumably speaker-​benefactive: JCS 9: 105 no. 111 7–9 (Harris 1955) u šikaram ša kı̄ ma bille emṣu ib-​lu-​la-​am ‘Furthermore, she mixed beer for me that was as sour as mash’. The writer of the letter has apparently previously sent for a woman to make him beer from a third person. This third person has said (lines 1–2) “I will send you (a woman?) who can make good beer,” and the writer also relates (lines 3–4) that this third person has brought him the woman. In the quoted lines the writer complains that the woman’s brewing was poor. 38.  See also Etana S obv. 10.

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Historically, it is possible that bâru with the ventive described a chaining situation in which the subject was also affected by the hunt, for example, ‘hunt being hunted’ or ‘follow, chase, pursue’. 3.2.4. Perception Middle The ventive is also used with verbs of perception.39 In the following example, the ventive is used with palāsu N ‘look at’:40 29. Gilg. Nippur obv. 11 ap-​pa-​al-​sà-​am-ma Anzâm ina šamāʔı̄ I watched amazed an Anzû-bird in the sky. The verb palāsu ‘look at’ is practically N tantum in Babylonian and the only certain G forms are statives (Kouwenberg 2010, 72n94). Notably, these statives are also used actively; see, for example, Enūma vii 127 šunu šâšu lū pal-​su-​šú ‘They look at him’. It seems likely that the N-​stem was originally used in a middle marking function to highlight the subject’s affectedness. Then the use of the ventive of naplusu can be viewed as a reiteration of the same process: it is used to highlight the subject’s role as experiencer of a vision and code its affectedness of this. It is conceivable that the ventive underlines an emotional affectedness of the experiencer, as if the object perceived leaves a strong impression on the subject. In the oldest forms of Akkadian, naplusu is attested in proper names in the sense of ​‘look favorably on’ (Kouwenberg 2010, 293), once also in a royal inscription: FAOS 7: Elam 8 7–9 in 1 šanati Inšušinak ip-​pá-​al-​​śu-​śum ‘In the year Inšušinak looked at him with favor’.41 In other words, the object perceived seems to elicit emotion in the subject. The following example of the ventive of naṭālu is presumably also used to this effect: 30. Gilg. VA+BM iv 2–5 itūram-​ma izzaz elı̄šu | Sursunab[u] i-​na-​aṭ-ṭá-​lam ı̄nı̄šu | Sursunabu ana šâšum izzaqqaram ana Gilgāmeš | mannum šumka qibiʔam yâšim He (sc. Gilgameš) came back. He was standing over him, while Sursunabu was staring him in the eyes. Sursunabu spoke to him, to Gilgameš, What is your name? Tell me. 39.  There are also a few deponent (media tantum) verbs of perception in Greek and Latin; see, e.g., Greek derko-mai ‘look on’, aisthano-mai ‘perceive’, theao-mai ‘gaze at, behold’, and Latin conspicio-r ‘perceive, descry’ (Kemmer 1993, 137). See also Buck 1949, 1041 on verbs for “look” in Indo-European languages: “Some have come, through weakening of an intermediate ‘stare at, gaze at’, from ‘wonder at’ or ‘forget oneself’”; compare, e.g., Latin mirari ‘wonder at’ and Spanish mirar ‘look at’. 40.  See also Gilg. Y 202 ip-​pa-​al-​sà-​am. 41.  It is also conceivable that the ventive highlights the human, volitional nature of the subject, so that (lexicalized) naplusu without the ventive is unmarked ‘see’ whereas naplusu with the ventive is ‘fix one’s eye, gaze at’; compare, e.g., barû (bry) Gt ‘eingehend betrachten’ (AHw 109), e.g., Aguš. B v 18 bi-it-ri-i nı̄ šı̄ gimrassin ‘Look closely at the people, all of them’. The association of the medio-passive with volitionality is evidenced by the opposition saḫāru ‘turn around’ G and N: the N-stem “is only said of animate beings and denotes a volitional act of turning . . . whereas the G-stem has a much wider range of subjects: it usually describes a (change in) the position of an object, especially when used in the stative” (Kouwenberg 2010, 297n39).

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As soon as the ale-​wife has told Gilgameš that Ur-​šanabi (Sursunabu) and the Stone Ones can take him across the Waters of ​Death (Gilg. SB X 87–91), Gilgameš rushes to the forest to do battle with them and quickly overpowers Ur-​šanabi (Gilg. SB X 92–101). The ventive of naṭālu in the Old Babylonian recension quoted in the example above indicates Sursunabu’s affectedness when seeing Gilgameš standing over him. In the following example, the ventive of šemû is used to describe Ningirsu listening and hearkening to the Mother Goddess who has ordered him to kill Anzû: 31. Anzû II 73–74 ziqir ummı̄šu iš-​mi-​a-​am qurā[d]um | qitrud tāḫāzim igdapuš The hero heard (with affect) his mother’s word. The one warlike in battle swelled up. The ventive can be thought to code the affectedness of the subject in this example.42 Notably, the verb šemû is an A/a verb (*yismaʕ) and presumably goes back to an old middle verb; cf. Classical Arabic samiʕa (with i) and the Greek middle tantum verb akrao-​mai ‘hearken, listen’. Indeed, the theme vowels A/a in Akkadian seem to constitute historically a semantic class of middle verbs that typically express bodily functions, body care, nontranslational movement, and mental operations, for example, imarraṣ–imraṣ ‘be(come) ill’, ilabbaš–ilbaš ‘wear’, irakkab–irkab ‘mount’, and itakkal–itkal ‘trust’ (M. Cohen 1935; Kuryłowicz 1972, 67–68; Kouwenberg 2010, 74–75, 265–67).43 The verb amāru is also attested in the ventive:44 32. Gilg. VA+BM i 14′–15′ reqêt ekletum kı̄ maṣi nawirtum | matı̄[ma] mı̄tum li-​mu-​ra-​am šarūru Šamši The darkness is hidden, how much light is there? When may a dead one get to experience the rays of Sun?45 In this capacity, the function of the ventive of amāru would seem to be similar to the function of atmuru ‘see from now on(?)’ (AHw 41). Indeed, the Gt-​stem is also found in alternation with the ventive of the G-​stem; compare, for example, BAM 3: 248 ii 56 arḫiš littaṣâm-​ma li-​ta-​mar nūr šamši ‘Let him quickly get out and experience the

42.  The ventive of šemû is also used in the Standard Babylonian recension of Gilgamesh with a similar function: Gilg. SB VII 65 amâtı̄ šu iš-​te-​nem-​ma-​a | ḫanṭiš ḫarpiš i[llakā dimā]-šu ‘As he was listening to his words, swiftly and soon his [tears were flowing]’ (trans. Gilg., p. 637). For the ventive of šemû in the Standard Babylonian recension of the epic of Gilgamesh, see also Hirsch 2002, 235–37, and the variant reading to Gilg. SB IV 194. 43.  Notably, the verb ṣabātu ‘seize’ is also an A/a verb, which suggests that it was conceived, at least historically, as marked for indirect middle semantics (cf., e.g., the Greek middle tantum verb ktao-​mai ‘acquire’). 44.  For the ventive of amāru, see also Hirsch 2002, 49–51. 45.  For the translation of line 14, see Gilg., p. 277. The object of amāru is šarūru šamši, and -u is presumably marking the construct state; see George (Gilg., p. 162n14).

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sunlight’ and BAM 3: 248 iv 1 arḫiš littaṣâm-​ma li-​mu-​ra nūr šamši.46 Thus, the ventive of amāru appears to indicate that the subject is affected by the vision, and notably, amāru also forms active statives (Rowton 1962, 267; D. Cohen 1984, 257); see, for example, Gilg. Y 252 [urḫ]am a-m ​ e-e​ r ‘He is experienced in the road’ and Gilg. SB III 8 [t]āḫāzı̄ a-​mir ‘He is tried in battles’ (trans. Gilg., p. 575).47 3.2.5. Mental and Emotive Middle Mental verbs constitute another semantic class of verbs that is sometimes associated with middle marking. The experiencer of a mental event is an initiator in that the mental event originates within the experiencer’s mind, and an endpoint in that the experiencer is (mentally) affected (Kemmer 1993, 129). Thus, the distinguishability between the initiator and the endpoint is low. In the following example, the ventive is used with the verb idû ‘know’:48 33. Gilg. Y 274–75 [ay ip]laḫ libbaka yâti duglanni | [ina q]ištim i-​de-​a-​am šupassu Let your heart not fear, look at me! In the forest I got to know his (sc. Ḫuwawa’s) dwelling. In this example, Enkidu encourages Gilgameš to trust him as he leads the way to Ḫuwawa’s lair. The affectedness of the subject as marked by ventive is used to indicate that Enkidu knows the forest very well. It may be noted that previous to Gilgameš’s and Enkidu’s departure, the elders have also advised Gilgameš to trust Enkidu: Gilg. Y 251–52 [li]llik Enkı̄du ina pānı̄ka | [urḫ]am a-​me-​er a-​lik ḫarrāna ‘[Let] Enkidu go before you, he is experienced in [the] path, well travelled in the road’ (trans. Gilg., p. 205). At this point, Enkidu is also described by two middle statives: amir ‘experienced’ (stative of amāru ‘see’) and alik ‘well travelled’ (stative of alāku). It would seem that the ventive of idû in the numbered example above parallels these statives in terms of affectedness. Notably, the verb idû is an A/a verb (*yiy/wdaʕ, only attested as iprus as a finite form), which indicates that the verb form itself at least historically is associated with middle semantics. Another class of verbs that in many languages tends to be characterized by middle marking consists of verbs that describe emotion or emotive speech (Kemmer 1993, 130–34). Indeed, many verbs of emotion in Akkadian are also found in the Gt-​stem, for example, (glosses by CAD) ḫitbuṣu ‘be exuberant, cheer’, litmunu 46.  In collocation with nūr šamši, atmuru typically follows waṣû Gt (iṣṣû); see Streck 2003, 60: “atmuru folgt stets auf den Gt iṣṣû und wird vom auf die Welt kommenden Kind gesagt. Die Bedeutung ist unklar, eventuell intensiv.” 47.  For the ventive of atmuru, see ZA 71: 63 r. 1–2 (Farber 1981) ṣeḫrum wāšib bı̄ t ek[letim] | lū tattaṣâm ta-​ta-​ma-ar n[ūr šamšim] ‘Little one, (once) sitting in the house of darkness, (now) you have indeed come out and seen the sun’. 48.  See also YOS 11: 5 12 (Wasserman 2008) ṣeḫrum lā i-​de-​a-​am murussu lā i-​de-​a-​am tānēḫı̄ šu tazzı̄ qı̄ šu ‘May the child not experience (any more of ) his illness, may he not experience (any more of ) his distress, (of ) his anxiety’ (trans. Wasserman 2008, 82).

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‘be angered’, pitrudu ‘be confused’, šitmuru ‘show mettle, rage’, and itḫusu ‘lament’ (Streck 2003, 109). They are characterized by a high degree of affectedness of the experiencer (emotion is often accompanied by physiological changes in the subject), the initiator is the same entity as the endpoint, and there is zero distinguishability of participants (the body and mind are conceptualized as a single physicomental entity).49 See, for example, the ventive of ṣiāḫu in the following example:50 34. FAOS 19: Di 11 4–5 dannis-​me dannis a-ṣe-ḫa-​am I am very, very upset. Veenhof ​(1975–1976) has convincingly shown that ṣiāḫu, which means both ‘laugh, smile’ and ‘cry, shout’ is an example of a so-​called enantionym (Arabic ḍidd). The semantic polarity can be reconciled by assuming that the verb etymologically merely represents a change in the physiology and the facial expression of the subject (for example, a parting of the lips). The ventive verb /ʔaṣeḫḫam/ would then be used to express a higher degree of affectedness on the part of the experiencer, for example, in its physiological change, relative to the ordinary happening of the event. Similarly, the ventive of ḫitūdu ‘rejoice’ and palāḫu ‘fear, respect’ is presumably used to highlight the experiencer of an emotion as its undergoer: 35.

a. Gilg. VA+BM iii 13 marḫı̄tum li-​iḫ-ta-​ad-​da-​a-​am ina sūnı̄ka Let a wife enjoy your repeated embrace! (trans. Gilg., p. 279). b. Gilg. Nippur rev. 4′ ša!(TA)lummassa ta-​pa-​la-ḫa-​am atta You fear (or: you were fearing) its awesome radiance.

Notably, the verb palāḫu is also an A/a verb: it describes an event in which the subject has the role of experiencer and experiences a mental affectedness. The ventive seems to be used to highlight this role in the above example. 3.2.6. The Middle Ventive and the Speaker-​Benefactive Ventive The ventive morpheme is identical to the 1st person dative pronominal suffix, and there is no reason to separate them morphemically. On the contrary, the dative function of the relevant morpheme can be conceptually reconciled with the allative function (section 2.1). Furthermore, just as the dative pronominal suffixes in other persons can express the beneficiary and not just the indirect object, for example, OBTA 31 18–20 maḫar Sîn u Ningal lu-​uk-​ru-​ub-​kum ‘I will pray for you before Sin and Ningal’ (trans. Whiting OBTA, p. 88), so the ventive morpheme -am may code the 1st person indirect object as well as the 1st person benefactive. 49.  The ventive also appears to be used after verbs that describe emotive vocalizations; see, e.g., Atr. III ii 48–49 ūmū išnû pānūšu | iš-​ta-​ag-​na Adad ina erpēti ‘As to the weather, its appearance changed. Adad roared in the clouds’. In this example, the ventive of šagānu (šagāmu) ‘roar, thunder, resound’ can be interpreted as a marker of emotive speech that indicates a degree of affectedness on the part of the experiencer. 50.  For the ventive of ṣiāḫu, see also MAD 1: 298 6, 15, FAOS 19: Di 1 4, and FAOS 19: Di 5 4.

The Middle Ventive in Sargonic Akkadian and Literary Old Babylonian

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The speaker-​benefactive ventive is not uncommon with verb forms in the imperative or precative, for example:51 36.

a. Gilg. Harmal2 41 [p]ūtu napištı̄ya úṣ-ra-​am-ma Gilgāmeš Have mercy on my life for me, O Gilgameš. b. AfO 13: 46 i 3 (Güterbock, Weidner, and Pinches 1939–41) li-​pe-​ti-​a-​nim ṭudāt šaduʔı̄ Let the paths of the mountains be open for me.

This is not surprising, since these predicates are themselves used to express the speaker’s will. In other words, the ventive adds the 1st person beneficiary as an optional argument to the predicate, and the speaker’s will as indicated by the imperative and the precative verb forms coincides with the speaker as the beneficiary. However, it is not always clear whether the ventive is speaker-​benefactive or used for middle semantics: 37.

a. Gilg. P 6 ip-​zi-​ru-​nim-ma kakkabū šamāʔı̄ The stars of the sky became hidden (from me). b. Gilg. VA+BM ii 7′ ibrı̄-man i-​ta-​ab-​bi-​a-​am ana rigmı̄ya Maybe my friend will rise at my cry! (trans. Gilg. p. 279) c. Atr. II i 7 ik-​ta-​ab-​ta rigim awı̄lūti The noise of mankind has become too intense for me (trans. Atr. p. 73). d. Gilg. Schøyen2 6 šadûm i-​qù-​pa-​am-ma ı̄siḫan[ni] the mountain collapsed on me and girt me around (trans. Gilg. p. 233). e. Gilg. VA+BM ii 6′–9′ ul addiššu ana qebērim . . . adi tultum im-​qú-​tam ina appı̄šu I did not (want to) surrender him to a burial . . . until a maggot (suddenly?) fell from his nostril.

George (Gilg., p. 182) suggests that the ventive in the first example is used to relate the motion to Gilgameš, the speaker. Similarly, the ventive in the second example may be interpreted as speaker-​benefactive, “Rise for me.” On the other hand, the ventive verbs ipzirū-nim and itabbiʔ-am may also theoretically qualify as spontaneous and postural middle verbs respectively, for example, ‘take hide’ and ‘raise oneself up’. Furthermore, Shlomo Izre’el and Eran Cohen (2004, 60) interpret the ventive in the third example as speaker-​benefactive: “The noise of ​humanity has become heavy for me” (emphasis in the original). If so, it may be compared to Gilg. P 8 iktabit ēlı̄ya ‘It was (too) heavy for me’. Likewise, the ventive verbs iqūp-​am and imqut-​am in the fourth and fifth examples may be compared to Gilg. P 7 imqut-am ana ṣērı̄ya ‘He (sc. Anu) fell down before me’ and Gilg. Harmal2 20 išâḫ-am ana ṣērı̄ni ‘He (sc. Ḫuwawa) will swoop down on us’. On the other hand, it could also be argued that the ventive is used for the spontaneous middle in these examples. 51.  See also Gilg. IM 22, Gilg. VA+BM iv 27, and ZA 75: 200.48, 49 (Wilcke 1985).

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Analysis of the Material

3.3. Historical Background of the Ventive The formal background of the ventive morpheme in Akkadian is difficult to reconstruct on the basis of internal evidence alone. Landsberger (1924, 119–22) reconstructs the ventive morpheme as *-m and suggests that -a- of -am is a prop vowel and that -niof -nim is an old mood marker, cognate with the subordinative morpheme -ni in Old Assyrian and the imperfective indicative morpheme -na/-ni in Arabic. In Akkadian, however, this mood marker lost its original meaning, whatever it may have been, and fused with the ventive morpheme. On this assumption, the m-suffixes of the dative pronouns can be directly identified with the ventive morpheme, for example, -šu-​m ‘to him here’ > ‘to him’ (Landsberger 1924, 117). Likewise, the ventive allomorph -m after -ı̄ in the 2nd feminine singular would present the basic allomorph (Landsberger 1924, 119–20). It is also conceivable, however, that the m-suffix of the dative pronouns is formed in analogy with the ventive used as a dative pronoun in the 1st person (Zolyómi 2011, 399). Furthermore, it is also possible that the ventive allomorph in the 2nd person singular feminine is formed in analogy with the ventive in the corresponding masculine form (Kouwenberg 2010, 243n108). Manfred Krebernik (1993, 128), in turn, reconstructs *-an and *-ni and suggests that the coincidence in form between the ventive morpheme *-ni and the subordinative morpheme -ni in Akkadian results from a coincidence internal to Akkadian. The reconstruction of *-an is based on the fact that -m of the ventive always assimilates to a following suffix pronoun, which is regular for /n/ but irregular for /m/. Eventually, *n shifted to m in Akkadian in analogy with mimation in the nominal system, and -ni-​m was formed in analogy with -am.52 Rebecca Hasselbach (2006) also reconstructs *-an along the lines of ​Krebernik but suggests that -nim is formed on the mood marker *-nV and a ventive allomorph *-n used after vowels. As to the nasal, it cannot be ruled out that an otherwise irregular assimilation of /m/ could be admitted in word-​final position and that the fusion of -am/-nim with a following object pronominal suffix is connected with their functional coalescence (Kouwenberg 2010, 242n104). Indeed, the assimilation of pronominal suffixes to /m/ is also attested after the locative suffix -um, for example, ina qerb-​uš-​šu ‘in its midst’ (Kogan 2015, 142n393). As to the functions of the ventive morpheme, its use as a middle marker can be connected with its use as a marker of direction toward the speaker along the following lines: 38. speaker-​allative—speaker-​dative—speaker-​benefactive > reflexive-​ benefactive—middle marker The allative and dative functions can be assumed to be original to the ventive. Given the close semantic connection between a spatial goal and a personal goal, it is difficult to establish if one of the functions developed out of the other. The speaker-​ benefactive function, in turn, is conceptually related to the speaker-​dative function 52.  In Kienast’s (2001, 292) view, -m results from contamination in constructions with -ma, e.g., *iprus-​ an-​ma > iprus-​am-​ma.

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when the recipient of a transfer is interpreted as its beneficiary. Thus, the distinction between the dative and benefactive ventive is closely connected with the lexical semantics of the verb. The reflexive-​benefactive function in the 2nd and 3rd person, in turn, can be interpreted as a secondary development. This function can be assumed to result from a reanalysis of the referent of the beneficiary in 1st person verb forms. “I do X for me, the speaker,” for example, can be reanalyzed as “I do for me, the subject,” and subsequently be generalized to verb forms in other grammatical persons. The middle-​marking function, in turn, is conceptually related to the reflexive-​ benefactive function when viewed as a subdomain of the middle voice. It can be hypothesized, for example, that the subject and the beneficiary were first conceptualized as separate participants, even while they referred to the same entity. In situations that describe naturally reflexive-​benefactive situations (the indirect middle), however, the distinguishability between the two participants was lost. From there, the ventive could spread to other situation types to mark for low distinguishability of participants. As such, the development of the reflexive-​benefactive or the indirect reflexive into a middle marker is analogous to the well-​known development of middle markers from direct reflexives (Kemmer 1993, 151–93), but in the case of the reflexive-​benefactive, the affectedness of the second participant is indirect rather than direct. As noted in the section on Akkadian in section 1.2, the directional functions of the ventive have sometimes been viewed as secondary. Christian (1925, 72), for example, connects the ventive morpheme with the energic suffixes in West Semitic and suggests that ventive verbs originally were asseverative. The directional function of the ventive morpheme, in turn, has been viewed as the result of interference with Sumerian (Landsberger 1924, 123; Pedersén 1989, 434; Edzard 2003, 175; Zólyomi 2011, 398). In Sumerian, direction toward the speaker can be expressed by various so-​called conjugation prefixes, for example, mu- (Jagersma 2010, 497–511) and imma- (Yoshikawa 1978). Notably, the conjugation prefix imma- also has middle functions (Woods 2008, 161–219). Thus, it would appear to exhibit the same kind of polyfunctionality as the ventive morpheme in Akkadian.53 Since the middle uses of the ventive in Akkadian can be explained as the result of natural language change, it is difficult to verify the influence of Sumerian. It cannot be falsified, however, that both developments were somehow intertwined with one another. Whatever the case may be, the reflexive-​benefactive and middle-​marking functions of the ventive can be explained as developments from the speaker-​allative, speaker-​dative, and speaker-​benefactive functions of the ventive.

3.4. Summary The ventive of nonmotion verbs and nondative verbs is identified with a marker of middle semantics. As a middle marker, the ventive is used with verbs of appropriation 53.  The prefix imma- can be parsed as a geminate form of mu- (Rubio 2007, 1346, 1348). If voice is defined by the relative topicality assigned to the agent and the patient (Givón 2001, 1:122–73), the difference between mu- and imma- can be described as follows: mu- assigns topicality to the agent and imma- indicates that the agent is identical to the patient or that the agent is a beneficiary (Rubio 2007, 1363).

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(the indirect middle), verbs of posture and nontranslational motion, verbs that designate spontaneous events, verbs of collective-​reciprocal situations, and verbs of perception and emotion. In these constructions, the ventive is used to focus on a low degree of distinguishability between participants and substructures in the state of affairs. The verbs that associate with the middle marking ventive also tend to form active statives. This is not surprising, since verbs that form active statives focus on the affectedness of the agent. The indirect middle, for example, is used to focus on the subject of the verb as the beneficiary of the situation and there is zero distinguishability between the subject and the indirect object.

Chapter 4

The Ventive-​Energic in Amarna Canaanite

4.1. Introduction The analysis and evaluation of the historical background of ya-​aq-​tu-​la and ya-​aq-​tu-​ lu-​na in Amarna Canaanite are disputed. In William Moran’s ([1950] 2003, 84–98; 1960) view, most examples of ya-​aq-​tu-​la are volitive (hortative, optative) and express commands, wishes, requests, etc. Thus, Moran equated ya-​aq-​tu-​la with the subjunctive in Arabic, and he suggested that it reflects a volitive verb form yaqtula in the native language of the scribes. Initially, Moran ([1950] 2003, 52–53, 96–97) indicated that yaqtula was an emphatic form of yaqtul, the short prefix conjugation in its volitive function (the jussive). Later, however, Moran (1960, 19) suggested that there was little or no distinction between them in Amarna Canaanite.1 Thus, yaqtula would seem to be used in the same kinds of speech acts as jussive yaqtul. Even when positing a volitive verb form yaqtula, Moran (1960, 17) admitted a dozen or so examples of ya-​aq-​tu-​la that are nonvolitive. In his view, the use of the a-suffix with nonvolitive verb forms is likely to reflect preterite yaqtul with the Akkadian ventive morpheme -am rather than Canaanite usage: “Hence we should not be surprised if the misunderstanding which led to the equation of iprusa(m) and yaqtula did not issue in a completely consistent pattern of usage. The scribes inherited stock expressions.” Later on, Anson Rainey (1991–1993) noted that the verbal lexemes of many verb forms in -a in Amarna Canaanite, including the volitive verb forms, are verbs of motion and frequently take the ventive also in Akkadian. Thus, Rainey (1991–1993, 115) suggested that -a most of the time can be parsed as the ventive morpheme and concluded that Amarna Canaanite does not provide conclusive evidence for the existence of a volitive verb form yaqtula in Canaanite. Subsequently, Tropper (1997b) showed that when the a-suffix is used with a verbal lexeme that is not associated with the ventive in Akkadian, the verb form is with a few exceptions always in the 1st person. Accordingly, Tropper suggested that the a-suffix could be used as a form of ​“strengthening” (Verstärkung) of the jussive corresponding to paragogic heh in 1.  See Moran 1960, 19: “To judge from attested usage one would conclude that in the Amarna period there was little or no distinction, but whether this was actually the case and the earlier distinctions, which certainly existed, had broken down by the 14th century, or whether the apparent lack of distinction derives from the special conditions which gave rise to the use of yaqtula in these letters, the evidence at our disposal makes it impossible to decide.”

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Analysis of the Material

Biblical Hebrew. Similarly, Dallaire (2014, 214) held that yaqtul-​a in the 3rd person can be analyzed as the ventive of the short prefix conjugation and that yaqtul-​a in the 1st person represents a volitive verb form in Canaanite. However, the nature of the strengthening, the functional distribution between yaqtul and yaqtul-​a in the 1st person, and the reason for the restricted use of the a-suffix in the prefix conjugation to 1st person verb forms have remained unclear. Baranowski (2016, 167–70), in turn, has suggested that yaqtul-​a is used as a “conjunct modal” in modal sequences, i.e., after other volitive verb forms, such as the imperative, the jussive (the short prefix conjugation), and liqtul: “Typically, the conjunct yaqtula is interpreted as part of the command or wish, and the sequential yaqtul as the action that will follow the execution of the wish—that is, its result or purpose” (Baranowski 2016, 167). Accordingly, yaqtul-​a would present the action as part of the command expressed by liqtul in the following example: EA 74:53–54 li-​ìš-​mé šarru awâti ìr-šu u ia-​di-​na balāṭa ìr-šu ‘May the king heed the words of ​his servant and give provisions to his servants’ (trans. Baranowski 2016, 166, emphasis in the original). The jussive, however, presents the action as a goal or result, for example, EA 116:44–46 yi-​ìš-​mé ša[r]ru awâti ìr kittı̄šu u ia-​di-​in4 balāṭa ana ìr-šu ‘May the king hear the words of ​his loyal servant, so that he may give provision to his servant’. As noted by Baranowski (2016, 169n14), the subordinative use of yaqtul-​a provides a neat parallel to the subjunctive in Arabic, but it remains unclear why this inflectional paradigm is restricted to verbs of motion and transfer in non–1st person verb forms. As to the verb form ya-​aq-​tu-​lu-​na, in turn, the suffix -n(n)a(NA) has no transparently corresponding cognate in Akkadian and it is usually thought to reflect a grammatical morpheme in the native language of the scribes, cognate with the so-​called energic suffixes. Rainey (CAT 2:234–44) described the clause types in which these verb forms are used, such as questions and asseverations, and noted that the interrogative clauses are often rhetorical questions (CAT 2:236), that the asseverative clauses “reflect intense feeling” (CAT 2:241), and that the “contexts appear to be charged with emotion” (CAT 2:244) or “express the anger of the sender” (CAT 2:243).2 However, the functional load of the energic suffix has proven difficult to assess, and interpretations of emphasis are hard to falsify; see, for example, Baranowski 2016, 179–80: “The available examples of the Energic do not allow us to determine its semantic import beyond its general characterization as ‘emphatic’. Although it is impossible to determine more precisely the sort of emphasis that was supposed to be expressed by the Energic, it seems plausible that the Energic was indeed an emphatic suffix, because it often occurs in contexts where emphasis is conveyed by other means, such as word order or personal pronouns.”3 It will be shown in the first half of this chapter that the functions of -a in Byblian Canaanite can be derived from functions of the ventive morpheme. Accordingly, the ventive verb in EA 74:54 quoted above is marked for direction toward the speaker 2.  For earlier approaches to these verb forms as energic, see Ebeling 1910, §21 and Moran [1950] 2003, 51. 3.  See also Korchin 2008, 266: “It is possible to be more specific, however, and to characterize the core function of -n(n)a as being one of contrastivity—a formal yet flexible device whereby -n(n)a signifies overtly that the semantic contents of the associated syntagm(s) are at variance with each other, thereby highlighting (indeed, emphasizing) some sort of disparity at the text’s functional level.”

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(sc. the servant): “So that he may give provision hither to his servant.” In the second half of the chapter, it will be shown that -n(n)a(NA) is a postvocalic allomorph of -a and that ya-​aq-​tu-​lu-​na is the ventive of the imperfective.

4.2. The Ventive in -a In terms of morphosyntax, the suffix -a in Byblian Canaanite, just as -am in Old Babylonian, is only used after the final radical of a verb. Furthermore, since mimation is in general not indicated in the orthography of postclassical Akkadian scripts (GAG §31e), the etymological identification between Byblian -a and Akkadian -am is fairly straightforward from a formal point of view. There is, it is true, a number of verb forms that end in -am rather than -a, for example, EA 88:14 i-​te9-la-​a[m], EA 88:17 i-​te-​la-​am, EA 362:22 yi-​iš-​pu-​ra-​am, EA 362:23 nu-​ul11-qa-​am-​mi, EA 362:34 i-​ka-​ša-​da-​am, and EA 362:60 yu-ṣa-​am. At the same time, -am and -a do not appear to have different functions but rather seem to reflect scribal idiosyncrasies, as indicated by the concentration of -am to certain letters (Baranowski 2016, 86). Thus, -a and -am may be viewed as allographs of the same morpheme. 4.2.1. The Ventive of the Preterite and Volitive (2nd/3rd Person) Rainey (1991–1993; CAT 2:254–63) set out to see just how many examples of ya-a​ q-t​ u-​ la could be explained as ventive verb forms and concluded that -a of yaqtul-​a, when the verb form refers to the past, always can be identified with the ventive morpheme. Indeed, the relevant verbal lexemes that associate with the ventive of preterite yaqtul in the 2nd or 3rd person are usually motion or dative verbs, and most of the time, the ventive is allative and expresses direction toward the speaker in the Byblian corpus, for example:4 39.

a. EA 95:7 inūma t[a]-aš-​pu-​ra ana yâši Inasmuch as you have written to me. b. EA 77:18–20 [anumma] ana m[ı̄ni qa]-la-​ta [ana] ubri u[r.gi7] ša [yi-] na-​mu-​ša [an]a kur.ki.meš Now, why have you kept silent concerning the foreigner, the dog, who has departed hither to the territories?

In the first example, the direction toward the speaker is also made explicit by means of a prepositional phrase, ana yâši ‘to me’, which anaphorically resumes the function of the ventive. This is not the case in the second example, but Rib-​Hadda, the speaker, has previously reported his distress in the letter, so it makes good sense to assume that the ventive is used to indicate that the ʕapîru-men have set out on a campaign toward him. 4.  For the ventive of šapāru with a following prepositional phrase similar to the examples below, see also EA 102:14, EA 130:9–10, and EA 130:15–16. For the ventive of šapāru without ana yâši, see EA 77:7.

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Analysis of the Material

There is nothing unusual about the addition of the prepositional phrase in EA 95:7. Indeed, since the ventive merely points to the location of the speaker, it can be combined with external coordinate systems that explicitly indicate the goal. Thus, a prepositional phrase can be added to indicate that the goal is the speaker’s person in addition to his or her location. On the other hand, it may also indicate that the directional meaning of the ventive morpheme had bleached. In addition to the examples of yaqtul-​a referring to the past, there are a number of examples of yaqtul-​a that are nonpast and express the speaker’s volition. In Moran’s (1960, 12n2) view, these verb forms are “volitive” in the sense of ​“the most general designation of those forms which indicate command, wish, request.” As such, yaqtul-a​ would be used in the same kind of speech acts as jussive yaqtul. Rainey (CAT 2:255), in turn, noted that as “the ventive occurs on truly preterite verb forms in this corpus, those which appear in injunctive contexts could just as well be ventives in the WS jussive mode.”5 Rainey further showed that most verbal lexemes used in the volitive yaqtula-pattern in the 2nd and 3rd person are actually verbs of motion and transfer, such as (w)aṣû ‘go out’, elû ‘go up’, ḫummuṭu ‘hasten’,6 maqātu ‘fall’,7 nadānu ‘give’, qabû ‘say’, šapāru ‘write’, (w)uššuru ‘send’, and uzuzzu ‘stand’; see, for example:8 40. EA 118:42–44 yu-​wa-​ši-​ra šarru é[rin.meš] piṭātı̄šu u yu-​ša-​ap-​ši-​iḫ kur-šu May the king send hither his regular army that he may pacify his land. The ventive of this transfer verb is dative and expresses direction toward the speaker. Thus, there is a real advantage to assume that yaqtul-​a is in fact the ventive of yaqtul, because it provides a meaningful explanation for the distribution of two volitive verb forms, yaqtul-​a and yaqtul: The former is used when the action of the situation is directed toward the speaker. Whereas the ventive of verbs of movement typically expresses direction toward the speaker, there are also examples of verb phrases with the ventive that are not allative. In the following examples from Byblos, the ventive of leqû is reflexive-​benefactive:9

5.  See also Tropper 1997b, 402: “Im Einklang mit Rainey ist die a-Form in den Amarnabriefen aus Syrien-​Palästina häufig als Verbalform plus akkadische Ventivendung zu deuten. Dies gilt für sämtliche Verbalformen mit indikativisch-​präteritaler Bedeutung, ferner für die überwiegende Mehrzahl der Jussiv-​ Formen der 3. und 2. Person und schließlich wohl auch für viele Imperative (mask. Sg.).” 6.  The verb ḫummuṭu ‘hasten’ with the ventive is presumably used as a verb of causative motion, ‘send quickly’, and indicates movement toward the speaker (CAT 2:256); see, e.g., EA 129:78 and EA 362:40. As noted by Rainey (1991–1993, 113), the semantically similar verb raḫāšu is also used with the ventive; see, e.g., EA 137:97–98 u ya-​ar-ḫi-​ša lugal bēlı̄ érin.meš piṭā[t]a ‘May the king, my lord, hasten the regular army hither’. 7.  For the ventive of maqātu, see EA 83:43–44 ul yi-​ma-​qú-​ta érin.meš karāši ugu-ia ‘May the expeditionary army not fall upon (i.e., attack) me’ and EA 81:31–32 ul yi-​ma-​qú-​ta [ugu uru]-ia ‘May he not fall upon my city’. 8.  For the ventive of the preterite of (w)uššuru, see EA 108:31 and 117:25. For the ventive of elû, see EA 88:14–15 i-​te9-la-​a[m ana] ṣērı̄ ya ‘He has come up against me’ and EA 88:17 i-​te-​la-​am ana ṣērı̄ ya ‘He has come up against me’. See also EA 82:14 for the ventive of šanû Gt ‘repeat, report’ and EA 88:35 for the ventive of (w)abālu C. 9.  See also EA 71:30, EA 138:68, and EA 362:23.

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41.

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a. EA 91:6–7 [inūma ur]u Ṣumura yi-​ìl-​qa [u  aš-​t]a-​pár ana kâta When he took the town of Ṣumur for himself, then I wrote to you. b. EA 86:41–44 u ana mı̄ni ia-[di-​na] šarru 30 tāpal [anše.kur.ra] u ti-​ìl-​ qa at[tā-​ma] 10 tāpal And why has the king given me thirty pairs of ​horses and you yourself taken ten pair?

In these examples, the goal of -a is coreferential with the subject of the verb, which results in a reflexive-​benefactive meaning: ‘take for oneself’. This is arguably reinforced by the use of the independent pronoun attā-​ma in the second example, similar to the anaphoric resumption with ana yâši noted above. Thus, the effect of the ventive is comparable to the use of prepositional phrases that refer back to the subject; see, for example, EA 362:36–37 ana laqē kur.meš-i-​mi ana šâšunu ‘to take the countries for themselves’, EA 117:69–70 ul yi-​ìl-​qé-​šu lú šanû ana šâšu ‘May another man not take it for himself’, and EA 270:26–28 (Gezer) u lū yi-​ìl-​te-​qé-​ni ana muḫḫı̄šu ‘May he take me to himself’. On the assumption that the reflexive-​benefactive ventive indicates that the subject also becomes affected by the event, in addition to the object, the ventive of leqû would mean that the subject takes the object and becomes its possessor. This use of the ventive is likely to have developed in verb forms in the 1st person, in which the goal of the ventive coincides with the speaker. Now, if the goal, recipient, or beneficiary of the event is analyzed as the subject of the verb rather than the speaker in the 1st person, the ventive can also be reanalyzed as a reflexive-​benefactive marker. The following example includes the ventive of puḫḫuru, which is ambiguous between an allative and a reflexive-​benefactive reading:10 42. EA 85:76–79 [i]a-​di-​na lú.meš ana naṣār [uru]-šu ul yu-​pa-ḫi-​ra kali [lú].meš gaz.meš u DI-ab-​tu [uru] May he give me men to protect his city, lest he (sc. ʕAbdi-​Aširta) assemble all the ʕapîru-men and seize the town. The ventive of puḫḫuru is not uncommon in Mesopotamian Babylonian and it is possible that the ventive is allative and expresses direction toward the speaker in this example (CAT 2:257). It is also possible, however, that the ventive is reflexive-​ benefactive and indicates that the subject itself is affected by the event. In the D-​stem, puḫḫuru is transitive ‘assemble, gather’ (CAD P, 28–32), but if subject affectedness is a conventional implicature of the reflexive-​benefactive, the ventive may be used here to indicate that the subject takes part in the assembling and acts and undergoes a situation for its own benefit. It may be noted, finally, that yaqtul-​a is also found in indirect commands (Moran [1950] 2003, 82; Baranowski 2016, 167), for example: 10.  See also EA 71:28–30 ul yu-​pa!(BAR)-ḫi-​ra kali lú.meš gaz.meš ‘Let him not assemble all the ʕapîru-men’ and EA 149:61 (Tyre) u ip-ḫu-​ru-NIM giš.má.meš-šunu ‘They have gathered together their ships toward me’.

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Analysis of the Material

43. EA 86:31–33 šanı̄tam qí-​ba-​mi ana [lugal] u yu-​da-​na a[na ìr-šu] mūṣâ ša kur Ya[rmūta] Furthermore, say to the king on my behalf that (I/Rib-​Hadda say[s] that) the produce of the land of ​Yarmuta may be given to me/him, to his servant. From the viewpoint of Rib-​Hadda, the imperative qí-​ba is a direct command to an official of the pharaoh and yu-​da-​na, the jussive with the ventive, is an indirect command to the pharaoh to be delivered at a subsequent speech event by the Egyptian official. Notably, the ventive of yu-​da-​na points to Rib-​Hadda, even though he is not the speaker of the indirect command. Thus, the ventive can be interpreted here to reflect the viewpoint of a participant in the superordinate clause. 4.2.2. The Ventive of the Volitive (1st Person) Rainey (1991–1993, 113–15) noted that a number of verb forms in -a in Amarna Canaanite are neither motion or dative verbs nor typically associated with the ventive in Akkadian. Tropper (1997b) subsequently showed that, with a few exceptions, the relevant lexemes, when marked by -a, are only used in the 1st person. In the letters from Byblos, these lexemes include, among others, naṣāru ‘guard’, epēšu ‘do’, maḫāṣu ‘strike’, dâku ‘kill’, mâtu ‘die’, balāṭu ‘live (well)’, and dabābu ‘speak’ (Tropper 1997b, 401). According to Tropper (1997b), the a-suffix at this point is used as a form of ​“strengthening” (Verstärkung) of the short prefix conjugation in the 1st person in its jussive function and corresponds to the so-​called paragogic heh in Biblical Hebrew, which in the prefix conjugation is almost exclusively used in the 1st person.11 In the 1st person, the subject and the speaker are coreferring, which means that the goal, recipient, or beneficiary of the event can be reanalyzed as the subject of the verb rather than the speaker. Thus, the fact that most examples of the nonallative ventive are found in the 1st person makes sense considering that the ventive is a directional morpheme that primarily relates to the speaker. In the following example, the ventive of epēšu ‘do’ is reflexive-​benefactive and indicates that Rib-​Hadda wants to make a treaty for his own benefit: 44. EA 136:24–29 šanı̄tam u indum yu-ṣa-ḫi-​ra-​am ana yâši u im-​lu-​uk ištu šà-ia a-​li-​ik-​mi anāku i-​pu-​ša!(MA)-am dùg.ga/tu-​ka ittı̄šu ša ʕAmmunı̄ra Furthermore, when the imposition constricted me, I took advice from my heart, Go on, I will make me (an alliance of ) friendship with him, namely, ʕAmmunı̄ ra. In this example, the ventive indicates that Rib-​Hadda will be the beneficiary of the event. The ventive also appears to impart a sense of autonomy to the construction, which results from the decrease in participant distinguishability between the agent and 11.  See Tropper 1997b, 403: “Der Befund legt die Annahme nahe, daß die sogenannte volitivische Endung /-a/—nach der traditionellen hebräischen Grammatik auch /-ā/-paragogicum genannt—im frühen Kanaanïschen eine Art Exhortativendung darstellte, die zur Verstärkung des Volitivs der 1. Person (= Kohortativ) und des Volitivs der 2. Person (= Imperativ) diente.”

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the beneficiary. It may be noted, for example, that the fact that Rib-​Hadda will act on his own and for his own benefit in making an alliance with ʕAmmunı̄ ra is indicated in other letters by the use of the independent prononun; see, for example, EA 137:14– 15 anāku-​mi al-​ka-​ti ana maḫarri ʕAmmunı̄ri ‘I went myself to ʕAmmunı̄ ra’ and EA 138:51–52 [al]-la-​ak-​mi anā ana uru a.pú.m[eš] ana da[bāb]i ana maḫar ʕAmmunı̄[ri] ‘I went myself to the city of ​Beirut to consult with ʕAmmunı̄ ra’. The meaning of autonomy is also available in the following example. The ventive of mâtu ‘die’ focuses on the fact that the subject undergoes a change of state by and of itself:12 45. EA 130:49–52 [i]-na-ṣí-​ru ina [b]alāṭı̄ya inūma [a]-mu-​ta mı̄nu yi-​na-ṣa-​ru-​šix I will guard (it) during my life. (But) when I die myself, who will guard it? By using the ventive, the speaker treats himself as both the initiator and the endpoint of the change of state designated by “die” and conceptualizes the event as occurring without a cause (cf. Latin morio-​r). Thus, the subject’s role as a volitional agent is toned down, perhaps for reasons of ​linguistic taboo.13 Furthermore, the reflexive-​benefactive use of the ventive can be read in the following example, which involves the verb dabābu ‘speak, talk, tell’:14 46. EA 119:21–23 inūma ba-​al-ṭù lú.meš máškim.meš u a-​da-​bu-​ba kali ipšı̄šunu As long as the commissioners live, let me report all their deeds. In this example, the speaker uses the ventive to indicate that he will speak to the king for the benefit of clearing his name. It is possible that the reflexive-​benefactive ventive expresses the speaker’s request for the addressee’s benevolence at this point; compare, for example, Ugaritic KTU 1.3 iv 31–32 ap mṯn rgm-​m argm-​n ‘May I also say another thing on my part’. The following example involves the ventive of ezēbu ‘leave’ and paṭāru ‘release’: 47. EA 126:44–47 šumma lugal za-​ir uru.ki-šu u i-​zi-​ba-​ši u šumma yâtı̄ya u i-​pa-ṭá-​ra-​ni-mi If the king hates his city, I will leave it alone. But if ​(the king hates) me, I will release myself ​(from it). The ventive of ezēbu means something like ‘leave alone’ or ‘leave unguarded’. This meaning of the ventive of ezēbu/ezābu is also found in Old Babylonian and 12.  According to Rainey (1991–1993, 115), however, the ventive is directional in the example below: “It should be remembered that the Semitic root *mwt/mūt belongs to a class that defines the transition from one state to another.” For the ventive of mâtu, see also EA 114:68. 13.  It may be noted that the only examples of the conditional mood used in conditional antecedents (rather than the consequence clause) in Soqotri involve the verb ṣámə ‘die’ in the 1st person, perhaps motivated by linguistic taboo (Kogan and Bulakh 2017, 100n43). 14.  Compare EA 286:16–17 adi lugal en-ia ti.la a-​qa-​bi ‘As long as the king lives, I said/let me say’.

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Analysis of the Material

Old Assyrian (Loesov 2006, 117–18; GOA 651). It can be derived from the reflexive-​ benefactive function, ‘leave for oneself’ in the sense of ​‘leave something behind oneself’, ‘leave alone’. The ventive of paṭāru is also reflexive-​benefactive, ‘release for oneself’, and it is used here with a pronominal suffix for the direct reflexive.15 The reflexive-​benefactive ventive is also used with the verb naṣāru ‘guard’:16 48. EA 123:25–28 uš-​ši-​ra [3] lú. u ib-​lu-ṭá u i-​na-ṣí-​ra uru ana šarri Send me three men, so that I may escape (death) and so that I may be on my guard of the city for the king. The ventive of naṣāru expresses here that the subject acts with reference to itself. Thus, the reflexive-​benefactive ventive of naṣāru may be something like ‘guard for oneself, be on one’s guard’ and indicates that the affectedness of the subject is proportionally more salient than the affectedness of the object. Accordingly, the function of the ventive here is similar to the function of šmr in the middle-​marking N-​stem in Biblical Hebrew (‘be on one’s guard’). The example above also involves the ventive of balāṭu, which is attested with the meaning ‘be well, live long, stay alive’ in Akkadian (CAD B, 52). It is presumably related to Arabic blṭ L ‘flee’ (Lane 249) and the root plṭ with the meaning ‘escape’ in Northwest Semitic (Kogan 2015, 85n249). Verbs meaning ‘flee’ and ‘escape’ are fairly frequently attested middle-​marked verbs (Kemmer 1993, 253n39). In Semitic, note the use of the ventive in Akkadian, for example, AbB 10: 57 22 šumma-​mi iḫliq-​am ‘If she (sc. the maid) has fled on her own’ and Biblical Hebrew Job 19:20 wå̄ -ʔɛṯmalləṭ-å̄ ‘I escaped myself’.17 In such verbs, the ventive can be treated as a marker of ingressive aspect, which results from the increased transitivity of the clause provided by the reflexive-​benefactive marking. In intransitive motion verbs, there is no affected object, no object participant that goes through a change of state as a result of the agent’s force. On the other hand, if subject affectedness is a conventional implicature of reflexive-​ benefactive marking, the use of the ventive with intransitive motion verbs suggests that the energy transfer should be conceptualized as the agent’s change of state. Other examples indicate that ventive motion verbs may have been borrowed from Akkadian in their entirety. The first example below involves the ventive of (w)aṣû ‘go out’, and it is possible that the ventive verb is transferred from Akkadian in the sense of ​‘come forth’ (CAT 2:208–10):18 49.

a. EA 87:27–29 u ú-​uš-​še[-er érin.]meš ittı̄šu [u ú-]ṣa-​am I will send the army with it and I will come forth. b. EA 362:33–34 inūma i-​ka-​ša-​da-​am kur.meš.ki If ​I get forth to the territories.

15.  For the ventive of paṭāru without a pronominal suffix, see EA 118:34–36 ul {diš} i-​te9-zi-​ib uru-lı̀ u i-​pa-ṭá-​ra ana muḫḫı̄ ka ‘May I not leave my city and release myself to you’. 16.  For the ventive of naṣāru, see also EA 74:56, EA 83:33, and EA 117:73. 17.  For balāṭu without the ventive, see EA 85:38. 18.  For the ventive of (w)aṣû, see also EA 86:50.

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The ventive of waṣû in Old Babylonian usually has the nuance of ​‘come into view (from some location), to appear’, while waṣû without the ventive means ‘go away (toward some location), to disappear’ (Kouwenberg 2002, 205). Thus, it is possible that the construction was learned holistically as a lexical item. The same reasoning can be be applied to the ventive of kašādu in the second example. It may be noted, finally, that certain examples of yaqtul-​a have been interpreted as evidence for the existence of a subjunctive mood in Amarna Canaanite. The following example, for instance, involves the verb dbr ‘drive’ in the consequence clause of a wish. The construction provides a close parallel to the use of fa-​yaqtula after optative constructions in Arabic; see, for example, (178a).19 However, it is also possible to interpret -a as the ventive morpheme rather than a mood marker: 50. EA 85:66–69 inūma 1 ḫazānu libbušu itti libbı̄ya u ú-​da-​bi-​ra ìr-Aširta ištu kur Amurri If there is/were one city ruler whose heart is with my heart, then I would pursue ʕAbdi-​Aširta from the land of Amurru. The verb dbr/dpr in the sense of ​‘drive’ is known from Akkadian (Moran 1981) and Northwest Semitic, for example, Ugaritic dbr D ‘drive away’ (DULAT 261) and Hebrew dbr D ‘turn one’s back, turn aside, drive away, pursue’ (HALOT 209). By using the ventive, the subject indicates that it will be proportionally more involved in driving out the object; cf. Arabic dabara G ‘follow behind’ (Lane 844) and Latin sequo-​r ‘follow’ (deponent).20 In the following examples, yaqtul-a​ appears to be used to express possibility rather than volition (Baranowski 2016, 168), and the coincidence of deontic and epistemic modalities in one and the same verb form is a hallmark of the subjunctive mood (Givón 2001, 1:312–13). Thus, it is tempting to parse yaqtul-​a as a subjunctive. At the same time, the a-suffix can be interpreted as the ventive morpheme, and the epistemic modality can be derived from the conditional clause construction. 51.

a. EA 83:23–26 šu-​te-​ra awāta ana yâši u i-​pu-​ša anāku kitta itti ìr-Aširta kı̄ma Yapaʕ-iškur u Zimredda Send word to me, and/because (if you do not,) I will make a treaty for myself with ʕAbdi-​Aširta like Yapaʕ-Haddi and Zimredda.21 b. EA 270:18–21 (Gezer) id-​na-​m[i] dam-ka u dumu.meš-ka u lū i-​ma-ḫa-ṣa Give me your wife and your children. I will certainly give battle (to you if you do not do it).22

19.  As pointed out by Moran ([1950] 2003, 92n253), this example has a close parallel in Judg 9:29 ū-mı̄ yittēn ʔɛṯ-hå̄-ʕå̄m haz-​zɛ bə-yå̄ḏı̄ wə-ʔå̄sı̄ rå̄ ‘Who could give that this people were under my command! Then I would drive (him) out’. 20.  For dabāru with and without the ventive, compare also EA 85:81 [u tu-]da-​bi-​ra-​šu ‘Let it (sc. the army) chase him’ and EA 76:39–40 tu-​da-​bi-​ir ayyābi lugal ‘Let it (sc. the army) drive out the enemy of the king’. 21.  Cf. the translation by Moran (1960, 15): “Send back word to me or (if you do not) I will make an alliance with ʕAbdi-​Aširta.” 22.  Note that u lū is frequently used in EA 270.

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Analysis of the Material

The use of yaqtul-​a for possibility in these examples can be ascribed to the base yaqtul on the assumption that yaqtul is used in the consequence clause of a conditional linking, in which an antecedent that expresses the negated counterpart of the imperative has been elided but remains implied.23 In the following example, such a negated antecedent is mentioned, and yaqtul in the consequence clause expresses an undesirable possibility: EA 362:8–11 uš-​šar érin.meš piṭāti kı̄ma arḫiš šumma lugal bēlı̄ lā yu-​ ša-ru érin.meš piṭāta u nı̄nu-​mi ba.úš.meš/ni-m ​ u-u​ t ‘Send me the regular army as soon as possible. If the king, my lord, does not send the regular army, we will die’. Thus, -a in the first numbered example above can be identified with the ventive morpheme in its reflexive-​benefactive function; compare, for example, (44). The ventive morpheme in the second example, in turn, can be interpreted as a middle marker that indicates a low distinguishability between the participants involved in the smiting, for example, ‘fight’ rather than ‘smite’; compare, for example, (67). This use of the ventive is known from Ugaritic; cf. KTU 1.3 ii 23 mid tmtḫṣ-n ‘She battled hard’ (section 5.4.3). In the following example, yaqtul-​a is used after palāḫu ‘fear’:24 52. EA 131:27–30 pal-ḫa-​ti anāku lā-​mi ú-​da-​a-​k[a . . .] yu-​na-​da lú ki[.sì.ga-] pı́ yānu ana šâšu I am personally afraid, may I/let me not be killed myself. . . . May it (sc. my corpse, not) be thrown away for itself without funerary offerings for it. Moran (1960, 14) concedes that it is impossible to say whether yaqtul-​a is really subordinate.25 On the assumption that -a is the ventive morpheme, lā-​mi ú-​da-​a-​k[a] may be interpreted as a syntactically independent expression of a negated hope or wish expressed by yaqtul. The ventive, in turn, is used for contrastive focus on the subject and singles it out as particularly remarkable among other referents; cf. in the preceding paragraphs of the same letter: EA 131:18 u yâti [ìr-ka] ti-​du-​ku-​na ‘And me myself, your servant, they will kill’ and EA 131:22 di-​ki Piwuri ‘Piwuri has (already) been killed’. This interpretation is also supported by the use of the pronoun anāku in the numbered example above; see Gianto 1990, 91n10: “The pronoun is used in conjunction with this verb of fearing in contexts which allude to threats against Rib-​Hadda’s life. When the danger is other than death, and hence emotionally less involving, the pronoun is not used.” 4.2.3. The Ventive of the Imperative (2nd Person Masculine Singular) The a-suffix is also used with the imperative in the 2nd person masculine singular— namely, after that form of the imperative that ends in the final radical. The imperative of kašādu ‘arrive’ and (w)uššuru ‘send’ almost always have the ventive morpheme (Baranowski 2016, 88), for example:

23.  For the hypothesis that EA 83:23–26 involves an implied antecedent, see Moran [1950] 2003, 93. 24.  According to Rainey ([1950] 2003, 94n256), the reading of the last sign as K[A], conjectured by Knudtzon (1915, 1:558), is not certain but probable. 25.  In Baranowski’s (2016, 169) view, yaqtul-a indicates that ú-da-a-k[a] should be interpreted together with pal-ḫa-ti: ‘I myself am afraid I will be killed’.

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a. EA 95:17–19 u ku-​uš-​da ina érin.meš piṭātı̄šu u ti-​ìl-​qé [uru] annikam So arrive hither with his regular army that you may take the city here. b. EA 118:14–15 ana yâši uš-​ši-​ra lú.maškim yi-​ìš-​me awâtı̄ya Send a commissioner to me that he may hear my words.

Both verb forms involve direction toward the speaker. In the first example, Rib-​ Hadda asks the Egyptian senior official to send support to Canaan where the speaker is located, as indicated by the adverb annikam ‘here’. In the second example, the direction toward the speaker is also indicated by the use of ana yâši ‘to me’. This use of the ventive of the imperative in Amarna Canaanite provides an important parallel to the use of the lengthened imperative in Biblical Hebrew, which is used when the action of the verb is directed to the speaker (Fassberg 1999, 10). Thus, the ventive of the imperative in Amarna Canaanite has the same function as the lengthened imperative in Biblical Hebrew. Furthermore, it may be noted that the lengthened imperative in Biblical Hebrew is frequently followed by a prepositional phrase with a 1st person pronominal suffix, as in the second example above: out of 116 occurrences of the lengthened imperative in the Pentateuch and Former Prophets (excluding the poetic material), it is followed by such a pronominal phrase in sixty-​one examples (Shulman 1996, 65–84).26 Thus, it lies close at hand to connect the ventive of the imperative with the lengthened imperative in Biblical Hebrew, which means that the ventive morpheme is not necessarily transferred from Akkadian but reflects a verb form in the native language of the scribes. At the same time, the imperative of (w)uššuru ‘send’ is extremely common in Amarna Canaanite and occurs almost forty times (CAT 2:268). Thus, even though the ventive of the imperative consistently involves direction toward the speaker (Youngblood 1961, 94–95), the possibility cannot be ruled out that it was memorized and retrieved whole from the Akkadian lexicon (Baranowski 2016, 88). Nevertheless, it is important to note that two examples of the imperative of (w)uššuru without the ventive morpheme involve direction toward elsewhere: EA 120:36–37 uš-​ši-​ir un[ū]tı̄ši ana šâši ‘Send her goods to her’ and EA 82:28–29 uš-​ši-​ir-​mi giš.má ana kur Yarimūta ‘Send a ship to the land of ​Yarimuta’. In addition to direction, the ventive can also be used to express benefaction toward the speaker. The speaker-​benefactive meaning lends itself to the ventive of qabû in the following example: 54. EA 86:31 šanı̄tam qí-​ba-​mi ana [lugal] Furthermore, say to the king on my behalf. Furthermore, the ventive of the imperative is sometimes used with verbal lexemes that are neither motion nor dative verbs, for example, leqû ‘take’ in the sense of ​‘bring along’; see, for example, EA 280:19 (Gath?) le-​qa-​mi kù.babbar.meš ‘Bring me the silver’. On the assumption that -a is a grammatical morpheme that was transferred 26.  It may also be noted that in another fifty-​one occurrences, such a preposition with a 1st person suffix is implied by the context; see chapter 6n3.

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from Akkadian, Rainey (1991–1993, 108; CAT 2:205–6) suggests that the scribes were familiar with this use the ventive of leqû from the letters that they received from outside Canaan. Indeed, this is common practice in (Mesopotamian) Babylonian (Kouwenberg 2002, 203). However, the use of the lengthened imperative of lqḥ in this sense is also known from Biblical Hebrew, for example, Gen 15:9 qəḥå̄ lı̄ ʕɛḡlå̄ ‘Bring me a heifer’, so this use of the ventive may also be considered a Canaanite feature. Moreover, the ventive of the imperative of leqû can also be used with a reflexive-​ benefactive meaning. As such, the reflexive-​benefactive ventive can also point to other grammatical persons than the 1st person; see, for example: 55. EA 95:34–36 [š]anı̄tam ku-​uš-​da at[t]a kı̄ma arḫiš u li-[q]a gabba Arrive hither yourself as soon as possible and take (it) all for yourself. To be sure, the reflexive-​benefactive ventive is also known from Akkadian, so it cannot be ruled out that the scribes were familiar with this use of the morpheme from the scribal school. At the same time, it also appears that the reflexive-​benefactive function is available for the lengthened imperative in Biblical Hebrew; see, for example, Jer 39:12 qå̄ ḥɛnnū wə-ʕēnɛḵå̄ śı̄m ʕå̄lå̄ w ‘Take him for yourself and look after him’. Thus, the reflexive-​benefactive use of the ventive of li-​qa in the example above may reflect a productive grammatical morpheme in Canaanite rather than a borrowing from Akkadian.

4.3. The Ventive in -n(n)a (the Energic) The ventive morpheme after the plural and dual suffixes -ū and -ā in Akkadian comes in the form of -nim. This allomorph is also attested in Amarna Canaanite, sometimes in the form of NIM, for example, EA 74:31 pu-ḫu-​ru-NIM-mi, sometimes in the form of NI without mimation, for example, EA 89:43 pal-ḫu-​ni. The following paragraphs will show, however, that the most frequent postvocalic allomorph of the ventive in Byblian Amarna Canaanite is -n(n)a(NA).27 4.3.1. The Ventive of the Imperative (2nd Person Masculine Plural) The ventive of the 2m. pl. imperative is NI and NIM in the following examples (CAT 2:271):

27.  In a few examples, -ni appears to be used as an allomorph of the imperfective morpheme -na. For instance, Izre’el (1984, 91n37) has suggested that EA 126:64, 65 ta-​di-​nu-NI is preterite and ventive. According to Moran (1951, 35; 1992, 206) and Baranowski (2016, 84), however, -ni is merely a variant of -na, which is also attested in this letter; see EA 126:58–59. The same variation appears to be found in EA 362, compare EA 362:17, 25 ti7-iq-​bu-NI and EA 362:21, 24 ti7-iq-​bu-NA, ti7-ba-​ú-NA. According to Tropper and Vita (2010, 82–83), ti7-iq-​bu-​NI involves the ventive morpheme, but in light of similarities with EA 129:32, it is also possible that NI is an allomorph of NA (Moran 1992, 207n12). It is also possible that ti7-iq-​bu-NI involves the 1c. s. pronominal suffix -nı̄ (Izre’el 1984, 91n37; CAT 1:72–75). Notably, EA 126 and EA 362 appear to share a number of distinctive scribal features (Moran 1992, 206n1). Compare also EA 185:20 (Ḫasi) i-​ri-​bu-​ni and EA 185:36, 40 i-​ri-​bu-​na.

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a. EA 280:19–20 (Gath?) le-​qa-​mi kù.babbar.meš u [a]l-​ku-NI ana arkı̄ya Bring me the silver and come after me. b. EA 74:31 aš é nin.ib pu-ḫu-​ru-NIM-mi Assemble (yourselves?) at the temple of ​Ninurta (for me?).

The ventive of leqû and alāku in the first example is speaker-​benefactive and speaker-​ allative respectively. The ventive of puḫḫuru in the second example, however, is potentially ambiguous: it may express that the speaker is the beneficiary, “Assemble for me,” or it may be reflexive-​benefactive and indicate that the subjects perform the action for and on themselves. The ventive allomorph -n(n)a, in turn, is attested in the following examples:28 57.

a. EA 71:22–24 u uš-​ši-​ru-​na-​ni 50 tāpal anše.kur.ra So send to me fifty pairs of ​horses. b. EA 117:62–64 al-​ku-​mi qadu lú.meš ḫazānı̄kunu le-​qú-​na kur Amurri ina ud.kam ti-​ìl-​qú-​na-​šix Go with your city rulers, take the land of Amurru for yourselves/me. In one day will they take it (for themselves?).

The ventive of (w)uššuru in the 2m. s. imperative is very common in Amarna Canaanite; see section 4.2.3. Thus, it is not surprising to find the ventive of the imperative of the same verb in the 2nd person plural, as in the first example above. The ventive of leqû is also quite common in Amarna Canaanite, for example, EA 280:19 (Gath?) le-​qa-​mi ‘Bring me’. The meaning of the ventive in the second example above, however, is ambiguous. If the ventive points to the speaker, it expresses that the speaker is the goal of event, ‘Take the land for me’. If the ventive is reflexive-​benefactive, on the other hand, it expresses that the subject of the verb is the beneficiary, ‘Take for yourselves’.29 The use of NI(M) and NA for the ventive may be a matter of dialectal or scribal idiosyncrasies. The ventive allomorph NI(M) is very rare in the Byblian corpus, and Izre’el (1991, 1:140) has suggested that the verb form in EA 74:31 pu-ḫu-​ru-NIM-mi actually reflects Amurru Akkadian: The imperative form “occurs here in a citation from the words of Abdiaširta. . . . it may be surmised that it structurally belongs to Amurru Akkadian rather than to the language of the Byblos Amarna letters.” 4.3.2. The Ventive of the Imperfective (3rd/2nd Person) The following examples of ya-​aq-​tu-​lu-​na have previously been interpreted as energic verb forms, but it may be noted that they are motion and dative verbs and that 28.  Rainey (CAT 2:271–72) suggests that the relevant verb forms in the examples below are energic imperatives, but the meaning of the energic is not clear from his discussion. 29.  It is possible that ti-​ìl-​qú-​na-​šix also involves the ventive if the verb form is interpreted as jussive: “Let them take it for themselves.”

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they express direction toward the speaker. Thus, -n(n)a may be parsed as the ventive morpheme, which means that this allomorph, in addition to the person, number, and gender morpheme -ū of the 2m. pl. imperative, also is used after the imperfective morpheme -u. See, for example:30 58. EA 121:7–9 inūma yi-​ì[š-​t]ap-​ru-​na šarru en-ia ana yâ[š]i ú-ṣur-​mì ram[ā]nk[a] Inasmuch as the king, my lord, keeps writing to me, Protect yourself. In this example, the ventive of šapāru is allative-​dative and indicates direction toward the speaker. Thus, the ventive allomorph -n(n)a after imperfective -u corresponds to the allomorph -a after the final radical, compare (39a) t[a]-​aš-​pu-​ra ana yâši ‘You wrote to me’. Furthermore, the goal of yi-​ì[š-​t]ap-​ru-​na in the example above is marked by the prepositional phrase ana yâši. Other times, the fact that -n(n)a marks a 1st person goal can be gathered from the context. In the first example below, imperfective tu-​ša-ṣú-​ na-[šu] is followed by an imperative with the ventive, which indicates that the speaker wills that the movement is directed toward him. In the second example below, in turn, only context suggests the -n(n)a should be identified with the ventive morpheme: 59.

a. EA 126:41–44 u lú.dumu šipr[ı̄ya] lā tu-​ša-ṣú-​na-[šu] u  uš-​ši-​ra-​šu qadu-​mi érin.meš rēṣūti And as for my emissary, you are not releasing him to me. So send him to me with the rescue army. b. EA 77:21–23 [u]l ta-​aq[-bu an]a en-ka u yu-​wa-​ši-​ru-​n[a-]ka ina pāni érin.meš pi[ṭ]āti Can you not speak to your lord that he send you hither at the head of the regular army?

In the following example, ia-​ak-​šu-​du-​na is used in a quote so the speaker is actually the pharaoh, but the writer of the letter, Rib-​Hadda, associates himself with the goal of the arrival predicated by the pharaoh: 60. EA 130:9–14 inūma yi-​iš-​tap-​pa-​ra šarru ana yâši anumma Irimayašša ia-ak-​šu-​du-​na ana muḫḫı̄ka ul ka-​ši-​id ana muḫḫı̄ya Inasmuch as the king has written to me, Now, Irimayašša will reach you, he has not (yet) reached me. The ventive of šemû may also be used to indicate that the speaker is the intended beneficiary of the situation expressed by the clause in the following example:

30.  For the ventive of šapāru, see also EA 117:8. For the ventive of târu, see EA 83:7, EA 83:48, EA 85:57, and EA 126:54. For the ventive of kašādu, see EA 130:12 (quoted below) and EA 85:61. For the ventive of (w)uššuru, see also EA 71:13, EA 103:53, EA 114:61, and EA 116:31.

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61. EA 85:6–7 [an]umma kı̄ammam iš-​tap-​ru ana š[arri] en-ia u lā yi-​ìš-​mu-na awâtı̄ya Now, thus I write to the king, my lord, but he does not hear my words for my sake/for himself. It is also possible, however, that the ventive of šemû is reflexive-​benefactive in the sense of ​‘hear for oneself’, ‘listen and hearken’; cf. Literary Old Babylonian Anzû II 73 iš-​mi-​a-​am ‘He heard (with affect)’. The reflexive-​benefactive use of the ventive in -n(n)a is available with a 1st person verb form in the following example from Pella in northern Gilead: EA 256:35 (Pella) iš-​te-​mu-​na aw[â]t[ı̄]k[a] ‘I will obey your orders for myself’. See also (70b).31 4.3.3. The Ventive of the Imperfective (1st Person) In the 1st person, the goal to which the ventive refers is identical with the subject. Accordingly, the ventive of 1st person verb forms is typically reflexive-​benefactive. The ventive of the 1st person verb form of qabû, for example, can be parsed as reflexive-​benefactive in the following example:32 62. EA 119:44–46, 52–53 anumma dı̄nu annû dı̄n kittı̄[y]a ša qa-​bi-​ti  . . . u annû lā la-​qí mı̄na a-​qa-​bu-​na Now this case is a case about my loyalty. That which I have said is. . . . Look, (if ) this is not acceptable, what (else) can I say for myself? In this example, the speaker attempts to clear his name and say something for his own benefit; compare in the same letter: EA 119:23 a-​da-​bu-​ba kali ipšı̄šunu ‘Let me report all their deeds’ (section 4.2.2). The ventive morpheme -n(n)a is also used with verb forms of ​lexemes that are not verbs of transfer. Notably, these verbal lexemes are also used with the ventive allomorph -a in 1c. s. ʔaqtul. In other words, ʔaqtulu + n(n)a is the ventive of the imperfective, while ʔaqtul + a is the ventive of the preterite and volitive. The verbal lexeme epēšu is a case in point. For the reflexive-​benefactive ventive in -a, see, for example, (44). In the imperfective, the ventive of epēšu is common in rhetorical questions, for example: 63. EA 119:15–18 ina balāṭı̄ya i-​na-ṣí-​ru uru lugal ana šâšu u šumma mi-​ta-​ti mı̄na i-​pu-​-na While I am alive I will guard the city of the king for him. But if ​I am dead, what can I do for myself? 31.  The ventive of šemû is perhaps attested also in the following examples: EA 82:23 ul yi-​ìš-​ma ìr-Aši[rta] ‘May ʕAbdi-​Aširta not hear (for himself?)’ and EA 234:30–31 (Acco/Beth-​Shean) u lā [yi-]iš-​ te9-ma šarru ‘The king has not heard (for himself?)’. While it is possible that MA incorporates the theme-​ vowel of the verb, i.e., /yišmaʕ/ (Tropper 1997b, 401), the short prefix conjugation is usually written with final -mi/-me (Moran 1960, 2n2). 32.  See also EA 85:11 mı̄ na a-​qa-​bu-​na ‘What can I say for myself?’ and EA 138:82 anāku aq-​bu-​na ‘I for my part will say’ (note anāku).

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There is good reason to assume that the ventive is reflexive-​benefactive at this point and that the goal of the ventive coincides with the speaker. The reason is that i-​pu-​ šu-na typically collocates with the prepositional phrase ina ēdēnı̄ya ‘alone, on my own’, for example, EA 74:63–64 mı̄na i-​pu-​šu-​na anāku ina [ē]dēnı̄ya ‘What can I do for myself on my own/by myself?’33 Thus, the function of the ventive is enriched by a prepositional phrase, comparable to the collocation of the allative ventive with ana ‘to’; compare, for example, (58). This seems to suggest that the meaning of the ventive has bleached semantically. The reflexive-​benefactive meaning is also available for the ventive of naṣāru.34 For the ventive of naṣāru in -a, see example (48). Now, much like the direction in a clause such as tašpur-​a ana yâši is fine-​tuned by the prepositional phrase ana yâši (see example 39a), the reflexiveness of the ventive verb i-​na-ṣa-​ru-​na in the first example below is fine-​tuned by the direct reflexive ramānı̄ya ‘myself’. In the second example, i-​na-ṣí-​ru-​na is the 1st person ventive counterpart to the imperative ú-ṣur-​mì ramānka. 64.

a. EA 125:7–13 inūma i-​qa-​bu šarru en-ia ú-ṣur-​mì ramānka u ú-ṣur uru šarri ša ittı̄ka ištu manni i-​na-ṣa-​ru-​na ramānı̄ya u uru [lugal] When the king, my lord, says, Guard yourself and guard the city of the king which is in your charge, from whom should I be on my guard of myself and the city of the king? b. EA 123:29–32 inūma i-​ša-​pa-​ru šarru ú-ṣur-​mi ramānka ištu manni i-​na-ṣí-​ru-​na Inasmuch as the king writes, Guard yourself, against whom shall I be on my guard?

Thus, these verb forms with -n(n)a are ventive, but the ventive points back to the subject, and its meaning is reflexive-​benefactive rather than allative. This explains why the ventive can be used with lexemes that are neither motion nor dative verbs in the 1st person. It may be noted, finally, that the ventive of nontranslational motion verbs may also be parsed as reflexive-​benefactive, for example: 65. EA 124:14–16 inanna adi yu-​pa-ḫi-​ru ka[li] uru.meš u yi-​ìl-​qú-​šix ayyē[-mi] i-​zi-​zu-​na anāku Now, he is even assembling all the cities and he will take it. Where can I stand for myself/take a stand? 33.  For the ventive of epēšu in similar interrogative clauses, see also EA 81:51, EA 90:22, EA 91:26, EA 92:15, EA 98:21, EA 104:37, EA 115:10, EA 117:92, EA 119:14, EA 122:49, EA 130:31, and EA 134:15′. 34.  See also EA 112:7–18 ana mı̄ ni yi-​ìš-​ta-​pa-​ru [š]arru en-li ana yâši ú-ṣur-​mi lū na-ṣir-​ta ištu manni i-​na-ṣa-​ru-​na ištu nakrı̄ ya u ištu lú.meš ḫupšı̄ ya mı̄ nu yi-​na-ṣí-​ra-​an-​ni šumma lugal yi-​na-ṣí-​ru ìr-šu [u ba-​al-ṭá-]ti u [šumm]a [š]a[r]ru lā [yi]-na-ṣa-​ru-​ni mı̄ nu yi-​na-ṣí-​ru-​ni ‘Why does the king, my lord, write to me, Guard, may you be on guard. Against whom should I be on my guard, against my enemies? And what (who) will protect me from my own yeomen farmers? If the king will protect his servant, then I will live, but if the king will not protect me, who will protect me?’

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Rainey (1991–1993, 110) notes that izuzzu with the ventive in -a means something like ‘take a stand’, for example, EA 104:47–49 u dumu.meš ìr-Aši[r]ta ina ṣēri u [i]z-​[z]i-​ za ugu ‘The sons of ʕAbdi-​Aširta (will be) in the field so let me take a stand against them’ (Rainey 1991–1993, 110–11). This presumably results from the ingressive aspect imparted by subject affectedness implied in the reflexive-​benefactive; see the discussion to balāṭu in example (48). 4.3.4. The Ventive of ​Plural Verb Forms The suffix -n(n)a is also attested after the agreement marker -ū of 3m. pl. jussive and preterite yaqtul (Tropper and Vita 2005). Reliable examples are attested in a letter from Kamid al-​Lawz in Palestine: 66. KL 72:600:9–13, 19–21 (Wilhelm 1973) u ul tu-​wa-​aš-​ša-​ru-​na unūtūšu qí-bi u lū tu-​wa-​aš-​ša-​ru-​na unūtūšu . . . u qí-​bi u lū tu-​ud-​da-​nu-​n[a] But his goods have not been sent to me. Order (him) that his goods may be sent to me. . . . Order (him) that they may be given to me. While -n(n)a has been interpreted as emphatic in this example, the identification of the suffix with the ventive is supported by the fact that all three verb forms refer to transfer directed toward the speaker. The ventive of 3m. pl. yaqtulū is perhaps attested also in the following example: 67. EA 77:35–37 [amur] pal-ḫa-​ti lú.meš ḫu[pšı̄ya] ul ti-​ma-ḫa-ṣa-​na-​n[i] Look, I am afraid of my yeoman farmers. May they/Let them not dispute with me. However, the parsing of ti-​ma-ḫa-ṣa-​na-​n[i] is far from certain. Rainey (CAT 2:263–64) assumes that this is a unique example in the Byblos corpus of the “injunctive energic,” formed on yaqtula and separated as such from the imperfective energic formed on yaqtulu. Thus, Rainey (CAT 2:55, 264) leans toward Moran ([1950] 2003, 11), who parsed it as 3f. s. volitive yaqtula + energic with a collective subject.35 However, if the form is 3f. s. yaqtul, a verb form /timaḫḫaṣ-a(n)-ni/ is expected, since the ventive suffix after the final radical elsewhere is -a(m). Alternatively, /timaḫḫaṣanna-nı̄ / can be derived by vowel harmony from 3m. pl. *timaḫḫaṣū̆nna-nı̄, which is the ventive of 3m. pl. jussive yaqtul. In this case, the ventive can be interpreted as a middle marker that indicates a low distinguishability of participants in the event; cf. EA 270:20–21 (Gezer) u lū i-maḫa-ṣa ‘I will certainly give battle’ and EA 130:41–42 ul-​ta-​ma-​nu lú.meš ḫupšı̄ya ‘I will become embroiled in dispute with my yeoman farmers’ (trans. Rainey).36 The realization of the ventive of the imperfective in the plural, in turn, is unknown.37 Rainey (1991–1993, 107; CAT 2:235) suggests that the verb forms with and without the 35.  Knudtzon (1915, 2:1459) parsed it as 3m. pl., but Tropper and Vita (2010, 86n61) noted that if ti-maḫa-ṣa-​na-​n[i] is 3m. pl. yaqtul + energic, one expects /timaḫḫaṣū̆n(n)a-/. 36.  For the derivation of ul-​ta-​ma-​nu from lemēnu, see Rainey 1989–1990, 61–62, and EA, p. 1476. 37.  Regarding the form of the ventive-​energic of the imperfective in the plural, see also Tropper and Vita 2005, 63n17: “Unseres Wissens gibt es keine signifikanten Belege, um diese Frage zu entscheiden.”

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ventive (his energic) are identical in the script (ta-a​ q-t​ u-l​ u-n​ a). For a possible instance of such an ambiguous form, see, for example:38 68. EA 127:17–19 [all]û-​mi la-​qí uru Gubla u yānum lú.meš kur Miṣri [ša] i-​ri-​bu-​ni7(NIM) annakam Look, the town of ​Byblos is taken and there is no Egyptian personnel who enter here. Since the movement of erēbu is directed toward the speaker, it is possible to identify -ni7 with the ventive morpheme in this example, and on the assumption that i-​ri-​bu-​ni7 is imperfective, it may be realized as /yiribū̆nni/. However, since it would seem that at least -ni can also be used as an allomorph of the imperfective morpheme -na (see note 27), the example is inconclusive. 4.3.5. The Historical Background of -n(n)a There is evidence in the corpus of cuneiform letters from Canaan that indicates that the ventive allomorph after -u is -nna with geminate n, which begs the question whether there was a morpheme -nna in the native language of the scribes. The indication of gemination in the orthography is known from a letter from Kamid al-​Lawz in Palestine (first example below), and perhaps from a letter from Tell Taanach (second example below):39 69.

a. KL 72:600:1–8 (Wilhelm 1973) šap-​ra-​ti7-mì 2-šu 3-šu ugu unūtē Biridiya ana kâta u ti7-iq-​ta-​bi anumma ina šu-t[i] lú ṣuḫārı̄ya ut-​ta-​aš-​še-​ru-​un-​na-​šu-​nu I have written two, three times to you regarding Biridiya’s goods, and you kept saying, Now I will send them to you (sc. the writer of the letter) by the hand of my servant. b. TT 6:4–14 (Horowitz and Oshima 2006, 141) [pan]ānum Bazʔunu dumu Narsi tu-​wa-​še-​ru ana yâši šanı̄tam lā-​mi ina manṣarti i-​ba-​šu ḫa-​na-​ ku-​u-​ka u lā-​mi ti-​il5-la-​ku-​un!(EN)-na att[a] ana maḫrı̄ya u šumma-​mi tu-​wa-​še-​ru-​na šeš-ka šanı̄tam ina uru Ḫazat[i] i-​ba-​ša-​ti u lā-​mi ti-​il5la-​ku-​na ana ma[ḫrı̄]ya Formerly you used to send Bazʔunu, son of ​Narsi, to me. Furthermore, your ḫa-​na-​ku are not in the garrison and you do not come yourself to me, nor do you send your brother to me. Furthermore, I am in the city of Gaza and you do not come to me.

The verb forms ut-​ta-​aš-​še-​ru-​un-​na-​šu-​nu and ti-​il5-la-​ku-​un-​na involve transfer and motion directed toward the speaker, so there is no difficulty in parsing -nna as the 38.  See also EA 127:22 ir-​bu-NIM. For the deletion of the vowel, see Izre’el 2012, 191. 39.  Hrozný (1906, 37) reads ti-​el-​la-​ku en-​na in TT 6:9 and parses en-​na as enna ‘now’. The reading ti-​il5-la-​ku-​un!(EN)-na appears to be due to A. J. Sachs; see Albright 1944, 24n88, and is followed by Rainey 1999.

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ventive morpheme from a functional point of view.40 Furthermore, the verb phrase lā-​mi tillakun(n)a (atta) ana maḫrı̄ya occurs twice in the second example above, once with and once without gemination.41 While it seems unlikely that -nna and -na are two different morphemes at this point, it is not clear whether they are allographs or allomorphs. If the former scenario is considered, it is possible that all instances of NA are actually /-nna/ even while written defectively in the majority of cases. Moreover, Rainey (CAT 2:235) has noted that indirect evidence for geminate -nnalso in non-​Palestinian letters comes from the fact that the vowel of NA is preserved before pronominal suffixes and enclitic particles; see, for example, EA 77:22 yu-​wa-​ ši-​ru-​n[a-]ka ‘He will send you hither’, EA 126:42 tu-​ša-ṣú-​na-[šu] ‘You are (not) sending him to me’, EA 143:15′ (Beirut) ú-​ba-​ú-​na-​ši ‘I will seek it out’, EA 143:16′ (Beirut) uš-​ši-​ru-​na-​ši ‘I will send it’, EA 250:26 (Rehob?) til-​la-​ku-​na-​mì ‘You will come’, and EA 251:11–12 (Unknown) yu-​te-​ru-​na-​ni ‘He will reply to me’. Rainey presumably has in mind the tendency for a short vowel in an open unstressed nonfinal syllable to drop if it immediately follows an open syllable with a short vowel, which therefore indicates that the relevant syllable is closed (/-unn-/).42 Geminate -nn- is possible to explain along the lines of ​Testen’s (1993) derivation of the long energic suffix -(a)nna in Arabic from *-nVn, the reconstructed Proto-​West Semitic counterpart of Akkadian -nim. David Testen (1993, 305) suggests that “*-nin underwent syncope to result in *-nn, and a final vowel was added to avoid a word-​ final geminate.” According to Testen (1993, 305), this development is parallel to the deletion of a short vowel between two identical consonants in a closed syllable in verb forms of geminate roots, which is typically resolved by a prop vowel in Arabic, for example, *yardud > yarudd-​i/-a/-u ‘May he reply’. As a matter of fact, the clustering of identical consonants is perhaps also attested in the corpus of Amarna Canaanite in a letter from Megiddo: EA 245:38 ya(PI)-qí-​ìl-​li-​ni /yaqill-​i-nı̄ / ‘He belittled me’. This verb form can be derived from *yaqlil-nı̄ < *yuhaqlil-nı̄, with epenthetic -i before the pronominal suffix *-nı̄ (CAT 2:191–92). Thus, on the assumption that the ventive allomorph *-nVn was used after imperfective *-u in the native language of the scribes of the letters from Kamid al-​Lawz and Tell Taanach, the ventive allomorph *-nna may be derived from *yVqtVl-​u-​nVn > *yVqtVl-​u-​nn > *yVqtVl-​u-​nna. It is not clear whether this phonetic development in the native language of the scribes of the letters from Tell Taanach and Kamid al-​Lawz also applied to the native language of the scribes of the letters from Byblos. Furthermore, on the assumption that Amarna Canaanite is an interlanguage, it cannot be compared directly with the scribes’ native language either. Thus, Baranowski (2016, 89) prefers to speak about the suffix as -na rather than -n(n)a: “This choice corresponds to the larger vision of the Amarna interlanguage as a scribal construct that cannot be compared directly with either the scribes’ native tongue or the cognate languages. Therefore, an Energic ending with gemination should not be reconstructed 40.  The ventive of alāku is also known from EA 250:26 (Rehob?) til-​la-​ku-​na-​mì (2m. s. imperfective). 41.  Rainey (CAT 2:243) notes that there is room in line 5 of TT 6 to read tu-​wa-​še-​ru[-na]. This makes good sense in view of the fact that the action is directed toward the speaker. 42.  See Steiner 2012 on this form of vowel syncope. At the same time, it could also be argued that -u-, the imperfective morpheme, was lengthened before n, e.g., */yuwašširūnaka/. It would of course be historically long in the plural form, e.g., EA 71:23 */ušširūn(n)anı̄ /.

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based on evidence from other natural languages. Conversely, the lack of graphic gemination in these forms does not indicate that corresponding forms in the scribes’ native language lacked gemination.” 4.3.6. The Historical Background of -n In addition to the allomorph -n(n)a, there also is an allomorph -n. This allmorph is exclusively found before pronominal suffixes and enclitic particles, which are regressively assimilated to it. According to Rainey (CAT 2:235), the verb forms in the first and second example below are examples of ​“what may be the energic with the loss of final -a and the assimilation of the ungeminated -n-” (the third example is added to Rainey’s list):43 70.

a. EA 228:12–17 (Hazor) u  anumma-​mi i-​na-ṣa-​ru-​um-​mi uru Ḫaṣura qadu uru.didli.h‌̮i.a-ni-​ši [an]a šarri en-ia Now I am on my guard of the city of ​Hazor, with her towns, for the king, my lord. b. EA 320:18–21 (Ashkelon) u mimma ša ša-​pár l[ugal] en-ia ana yâši iš-​te9-mu-​uš-​šu magal magal And as for everything that the king, my lord, has written to me, I am listening to it for myself very diligently. c. TT 6:18–20 (Horowitz and Oshima 2006, 142) [š]anı̄tam šeš.m[eš-ka u l]ú.meš [ṣ]eḫrūt[īka lā-]mi [ta-​w]a-​še-​ru-​u[š-​šu-​nu ana m]aḫrı̄ya Furthermore, as for your brothers and your retainers, you do not send them to me.

The fact that these verb forms are actually ventive can be gathered from their meaning: the ventive of /inaṣṣarum-​mi/ in the first example and /ištimuš-​šu/ in the second example is reflexive-​benefactive; see the discussion to examples (64b) and (61) respectively. The ventive verb /tuwaššeruš-​šunu/ in the third example is allative and expresses direction toward the speaker. It is worth noting that the letters from Palestine have both -nna and -n, compare TT 6:20 [ta-​w]a-​še-​ru-​u[š-šu-​nu] from Tell Taanach and KL 72:600:8 ut-​ta-​aš-​še-​ ru-​un-​na-​šu-​nu from Kamid al-​Lawz. Thus, and since a functional differentiation between yaqtulunna and yaqtulun- cannot be established, they may be considered allomorphs. While yaqtulunna is used with and without pronominal suffixes, yaqtulun- is only attested before pronominal suffixes and enclitic particles. This situation may 43.  See also Izre’el 2012, 191–92. The evidence for assimilation of m of -a(m) to a pronominal suffix, in turn, is not conclusive. As noted by Rainey (CAT 1:78), there is no orthographic evidence for the assimilation of a pronominal suffix in the 2nd or 3rd person; see, e.g., EA 87:12 li-​di-​na-​ku ‘May he give to you’ and EA 117:77 yu-​wa-​ši-​ra-​šu ‘May he send him’. This contrasts with Akkadian, where a pronominal suffix added to the ventive suffix -am results in assimilation, e.g., -am + -šu > -aššu (GAG §84c). When the pronominal suffix of the 1st person is added to the ventive suffix -a(m), however, orthographic gemination may or may not be indicated; compare, e.g., EA 112:13 mı̄ nu yi-​na-ṣí-​ra-​an-​ni ‘Who will protect me?’ and EA 130:19–20 mannu yi-​na-ṣí-​ra-​ni. Also when an enclitic particle is added to the ventive suffix -a(m), gemination may or may not be indicated; compare, e.g., EA 82:15 uš-​ši-​ra-​mi and EA 87:9 uš-​ši-​ra-​am-​mi.

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be compared to Biblical Aramaic, which has yVqṭVlinn- before light suffixes, for example, Dan 6:17 yəšēzəḇinnāḵ ‘He will rescue you’, and yVqṭVlin- before heavy suffixes, for example, Dan 3:15 yəšēzəḇinḵōn ‘He will rescue you’. Compare also the distribution of ​long and short energic suffixes in Arabic (section 7.2). It is possible that the allomorph -n reflects a different outcome than -n(n)a of geminate *-nn. Thus, in addition to *-nVn > *-nn > *-nnV (ya-a​ q-t​ u-l​ u-n​ a), where *-nn was resolved by an epenthetic vowel, it is also possible that geminate *-nn was simplified into singleton -n before pronominal suffixes and enclitic particles: *yVqVl-​u-​nVn- > *yVqtVl-​u-​nn- > *yVqtVl-​u-​n- (ya-​aq-​tu-​lu-​un-). The existence of ​both mechanisms in Central Semitic is reflected by the outcome of verb forms of geminate roots in the short prefix conjugation without agreement markers; compare, for example, Biblical Hebrew (way-)yå̄ såḇ ‘He turned’ (*yasbub) and Arabic yarudd-​i/-a/-u ‘May he reply’ (yardud). Furthermore, one letter from Megiddo seems to indicate that the ventive suffix in -n and the 3m. s. pronominal suffix have coalesced into an inseparable unit in the 1st person imperfective: 71.

a. EA 245:7 (Megiddo) nu-​ub-​ba-​lu-​uš-​šu ana šarri en-nu We will bring him to the king, our lord. b. EA 245:28–30 (Megiddo) ina-​mi šà giš.má/a-​na-​yi ú-​ta-​aš-​ša-​ru-​uš-​šu ana šarri In a ship I will send him to the king.

In these examples, the ventive does not point to the speaker. While it is possible that the ventive is reflexive-​benefactive rather than allative here, it can also be surmised that -uššu reflects a compound pronominal suffix *-Vnnū in the native language of the scribe.44 In Biblical Hebrew, for example, the ventive morpheme is characteristically used in the imperfective before the pronominal suffixes -hū and -hå̄ , so there is no way of ​knowing whether ʔɛqṭəlɛnnū is imperfective ‘I will kill him’ or cohortative ‘Let me kill him’ when viewed in isolation (section 6.3).

4.4. Summary The ventive morpheme in Byblian Amarna Canaanite as -a and -n(n)a. The allomorph -a is used after the final radical of the verb, such as verb forms in the short prefix conjugation without agreement suffixes and the imperative in the 2nd person masculine singular. The allomorph -n(n)a is used after verb forms with agreement suffixes and after the imperfective morpheme -u. The speaker-​a llative, speaker-​d ative, and speaker-​b enefactive ventive is used to indicate the direction of motion, transfer, and benefit toward the speaker. The speaker-​benefactive ventive of verb forms in the 1st person is also used as a 44.  Note that EA 245 is known for several West Semitic glosses, e.g., EA 245:10 egir-šu/aḫ-ru-un-ú /ʔaḫrōnhū/ ‘after it’ and EA 245:35 ina šu-ti-šu/ba-di-ú /bādihū/ ‘from his hand’ (CAT 1:76).

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reflexive-​benefactive, which in turn has paved way for its use as a marker of subject affectedness and middle voice. Thus, the so-​called emphatic or energic functions of -a and -n(n)a in the 1st person can be derived from the reflexive-​benefactive ventive. Furthermore, the allomorph -n(n)a, which has no formal counterpart in Akkadian, shows that the ventive morpheme belonged to the grammar of the native language of the scribes.

Chapter 5

The Ventive-​Energic in Ugaritic

5.1. Introduction There are a number of verb forms in Ugaritic that involve a suffix -n that cannot be identified with the imperfective morpheme /-nV/ nor with the 1c. s. objective pronominal suffix /-nı̄ /. This -n is traditionally referred to as “energ(et)ic” after Arabic grammatical nomenclature, but its syntax remains rather obscure. Many verb forms with -n are found in either the first or second colon of a bicolon or tricolon that is characterized by parallelism. Gordon (1940, 51n3) suggested that, when a verb form with -n occurs in parallel cola, “the ‘energic’ is a stylistic variant rather than a form with a special meaning,” for example, KTU 1.17 ii 12–14 aṯb-​n ank / w anḫ-n | w tnḫ b irty / npš ‘I shall sit and rest and my soul shall repose in my breast’ (trans. Gordon). Greenstein (2006, 89) basically agrees with Gordon—“they seem to serve a prosodic and/or rhetorical purpose”—but also noted that the distribution of verb forms with -n reflects a diachronic trend (“there are fewer forms with -n in Aqhat than in Baal, and fewer still in Kirta”) and maintains that it “is possible that in the prehistory of the language represented in the Ugaritic epics the suffixation of -n served a semantic function.”1 It may also be noted that -n is not exclusive to verbs in parallel cola and that it is also used in letters, where prosodic motivation is less likely; see, for example, (80) and (89). Verreet (1988, 80) argued that when the first colon includes a verb form with -n, and the second colon includes a verb form without it, the second colon is synonymous with the first one and merely repeats its contents with different words.2 When the second colon includes a verb form with -n, and the first colon includes a verb form without it, the latter describes a preparation that is completed in the former.3 It is not difficult, however, to find examples of parallel cola that do not involve a verb form with -n in either the first or second colon; see, for example, KTU 1.17 v 7–8 ydn / 1.  See also Sivan [1997] 2001, 105: “Sometimes it would appear that the difference between forms with n-suffix and forms without it became effaced. This is prominent in passages with two lines (bi-cola), in which one had a form with n-suffix while the other has a form without it. The differences may be due to metric requirements.” 2.  See Verreet 1988, 80: “Das besondere daran ist, daß der erste Terminus schon vollständig und ausreichend die Handlung oder den Vorgang beschreibt und der zweite mithin nur eine reine Tautologie beinhaltet, eine Wiederholung desselben Faktums mit anderen Worten, bloß zur dichterischen Erweiterung.” 3.  See Verreet 1988, 83: “Seine Besonderheit ist, daß der erste Terminus nur eine vorbereitende Handlung darstellt, deren endgültige Erfüllüng durch die Haupthandlung im zweiten Terminus nachfolgt.”

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dn almnt | yṯpṭ ṯpṭ ytm ‘He judges the case of the widow, he passes judgement on the case of the orphan’, KTU 1.15 iv 17–18 ʕlh ṯrh tšʕrb / | ʕlh tšʕrb ẓbyh ‘May she bring his commanders to him, may she bring his leaders to him’, and KTU 1.3 iii 32–33 bh pʕnm / tṭṭ | bʕdn ksl tṯbr ‘On her, the feet wobble, from behind, the tendons break’.4 Tropper (UG 730–34) suggested that -n adds emphasis to the verb form to which it is added and that the emphasis may be of different kinds in different cases.5 The emphasis of the energic in parallelism, for example, is not particularly strong in Tropper’s view but is most of the time a stylistic variant.6 Energic verb forms outside parallel cola, however, which typically occur in direct speech, are of a different kind.7 In Tropper’s view, they can be rendered into German by fürwahr, gewiss, doch, etc. Verreet (1988, 88) indicated that the energic outside parallel cola is used in dubitative questions to underscore the unimaginability of the state of affairs and in categorical affirmations as a form of asseveration. Most frequently, however, it is used as an intensifier (“Steigerungsform”).8 As an intensifier, it emphasizes the climax of a narration or the intensity of an event, or it points out a situation as incredible (“Unglaublichkeit”), unthinkable (“Unvorstellbar”), or surprising (“Überraschend”). It can be difficult, however, to pinpoint such pragmatics effects. Tamar Zewi (1999, 175–86) mostly follows Verreet’s (1988) presentation, as pointed out by Wilfred Watson (2003) and Tropper (UG 497), but excludes plural and dual verb forms and disregards Verreet’s separation between energic verb forms in main and subordinate clauses, which “does not seem to contribute to a better understanding of the role of these forms” (Zewi 1999, 179n32). Nevertheless, Zewi (1999, 192) reaches the negative conclusion that syntactical and functional conclusions cannot be drawn from the Ugaritic material.9 Kienast (2001, 279) made a new approach and described three properties of -n (“Energicus”): it expresses direction (“Direktionsform”), it has energic-​jussive meaning, and it precedes dative and accusative pronominal suffixes. The former two properties relate to semantic features, while the third relates to a syntactic feature. 4.  For other examples of parallelism, see Greenstein 1974; 2006, 87–88; Segert 1983; W. Watson 1999, 169–73. 5.  See Tropper (UG 730): “Das Energikusmorphem bringt hier grundsätzlich eine spezifische modale Nuance zum Ausdruck, nämlich eine besondere Betonung der zugrundeliegenden Verbalform, die im Einzelfall unterschiedlich geartet sein kann.” 6.  See Tropper (UG 730–31): “Verbalformen mit Energikus begegnen hier meist als stilistische Varianten zu Verbalformen ohne Energikus (meist im Parallelismus membrorurm). Aufgrund der weiten Verbreitung dieses Phänomens ist davon auszugehen, daß das Energikusmorphem dabei keine starke Betonung zum Ausdruck bringt.” 7.  See Tropper (UG 731): “Anders verhält es sich demgegenüber mit den seltener bezeugten, isolierten ‘energischen’ Verbalformen, wie sie vor allem in wörtlichen Reden, insbesondere in Fragesätzen, zu beobachten sind.” 8.  See Verreet 1988, 92: “Meistenteils hat der vereinzelte Energ. eine rein klimaktische oder steigernde Funktion, indem er die Prägnanz einer Stelle erhöht.” 9.  See Zewi 1999, 192: “The Ugaritic evidence is so diverse and obscure that it does not allow any syntactical conclusions;” “In Ugaritic -n(n) endings appear with many conjugations, and no conclusion can be drawn there either regarding their true function in this language.” See also Zewi 1999, 186: “All the variety of the instances presented above clearly shows that the use of verbal forms affixed by -n(n) endings in Ugaritic is ambiguous and the Ugaritic evidence does not allow any final definite conclusions regarding the true role of the energicus in this language or its relation to either the indicative or the volitive.” Bordreuil and Pardee (2009, 50), in turn, note that the semantic import of -n is uncertain.

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The identification of -n as an expression of direction was advanced by Delekat (1972) who described -n as a suffix of directional reference (“örtliche Bezugssuffix”).10 The use of -n for directional reference is most clearly brought forth when it is suffixed to verbs of motion.11 There are, however, many examples of motion verbs without -n involving direction that are not discussed by Delekat. Furthermore, Delekat’s concept of motion verbs is quite wide: while -n of wṯb ‘sit’ in the phrase aṯb-​n ank w anḫ-n ‘Jetzt kann ich mich hinsetzen und ausruhen’ (trans. Delekat 1972, 19) can be admitted as a suffix of directional reference (‘hinsetzen’), the directional reference of ​ ‘ausruhen’ is less obvious (as often for verbs with a separable particle in Germanic languages).12 When the state of affairs designated by a verb with -n does not involve a change in location, Delekat (1972, 20–23) suggests that -n is used anaphorically to refer to something previously mentioned; see, for example, KTU 1.3 iv 5 yʕn ġlmm yʕny-n ‘Die Jünglinge antworteten, antworteten darauf’ (trans. Delekat 1972, 22), where ‘darauf’ is discourse-​referential and refers back to a preceding direct speech. The energic meaning is assumed by Kienast (2001, 280) to have developed ultimately from the directional meaning by way of an ethical dative as in Akkadian; compare, for example, ARMT 28: 20 8 awı̄lı̄ šunūti iḫ-sú-​su-​nim ‘man hat “mir” (doch) diese Leute angeklagt’ (trans. Kienast 2001, 272) and TCL 2: 14 34–35 (OACP 115) ṭuppam ša ḫubullı̄ka ni-​il5-qé-​a[m] ‘die Urkunde über deine Schuld haben wir (tatsächlich) erhalten’ (trans. Kienast 2001, 272).13 In the first example, the ventive is used as an ethical dative according to Kienast (2001, 272), but in the second example, it has developed a quasi-​energic meaning (“tatsächlich”). The energic-​jussive meaning, in turn, is assumed to have developed from the energic along the lines of du wirst bestimmt geben > du sollst geben (Kienast 2001, 280). This function of -n is exemplified by KTU 1.19 iv 53 (72) qḥ-n w tšqy-​n yn ‘nimm doch und trinken sollst du den Wein’ (trans. Kienast 2001, 280). When the development proposed for the Akkadian ventive is applied, ‘doch’ would then result from an ethical dative in origin: “Wir können daher vielleicht durchaus akkadisch peteʔ-am ‘mach’ mir auf!’ arabischem ʔiftaḥan ‘mach’ doch auf!’ zur Seite stellen” (Kienast 2001, 272). As to the third feature, Kienast noted that half of all examples of -n involves a pronominal suffix.14 In this capacity, -n does not appear to be a directional or energic-​jussive 10.  Ginsberg (1936, 176), in turn, suggested that the so-​called augmented short prefix conjugation in /-ā̆/ is used “with the force of the homologous Akkadian directive,” e.g., KTU 1.12 i 37 ymẓa ‘he came upon’ (trans. Ginsberg). It is not clear, however, to which “force” of the Akkadian ventive Ginsberg refers. 11.  Delekat (1972, 18) suggests that the association of -n with motion verbs is a later development: “Vielleicht wurde -n in älterer Zeit noch allgemein dazu verwendet, den Ort anzugeben, wo sich etwas zutrug, und die Beschränkung auf ​Verben des Gehens und Bringens ist eine spätere Entwicklung.” 12.  Delekat (1972, 19) further argues that the suffix -nn is used as a strengthening (“Verstärkung”) of -n in the sense of ​“dahin und dahin.” 13.  See Kienast 2001, 280: “Wenn wir davon ausgehen, dass auch im Ugaritischen der Energicus ursprünglich eine Direktionsform war, so kann sich daraus . . . eine energetische Funktion (Energicus) ergeben und weiterhin jussivischer Gebrauch (Jussiv) mit allen seinen Nuancen (Jussiv, Prekativ, Volitiv, Prohibitiv) entwickeln” (emphasis in the original). 14.  See Kienast 2001, 281: “Gut die Hälfte aller Belege für den Energicus sind Verbindungen mit Personalsuffixen in dativischer oder akkusativischer Funktion; nicht immer ist aber auch ein energetischjussivischer oder lokaler Gebrauch erkennbar: In -n = *-annū und -nh = *-anna-hū hat das Energicuszeichen oft keine besondere Funktion sondern ist ‘Träger’ des Personalsuffixes; das Gleiche wird für -nn = *-anannū zutreffen, wo -annū als eigenständiges Suffix aufgefasst und an das Energicuszeichen angehängt wird” (emphasis in the original).

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morpheme but merely function as linking element (‘Träger’). The distinction between verbs with -n that involve a pronominal suffix and verbs with -n that do not involve a pronominal suffix was also made by Tropper (UG 730): “Im letzteren Fall läßt sich nicht immer eine spezifische Funktion des Energikus nachweisen. Es is somit denkbar, daß die betreffenden Formen—zumindest bisweilen—als modal-​neutrale Varianten zu energikuslosen Verbalformen mit Objektsuffixen gebraucht werden.” Kienast’s description of -n forms the starting point of this investigation. It is assumed that -n both functionally and formally is related to the ventive and its various functions in Akkadian, and that the various functions of -n can be mapped on a conceptual space of the allative and the middle. It is also assumed that the separation of -n with a following pronominal suffix from -n without a following pronominal suffix, made by Tropper and Kienast, has bearing on the description of -n, and that the function of -n with a following pronominal suffix synchronically does not appear to have the same function as -n without one. Accordingly, the present investigation excludes all instances of -n followed by a pronominal suffix. It should be noted, however, that some examples of -n may be followed by an assimilated objective pronoun that is not represented in the orthography. In other words, yqtl-​n with a pronominal suffix is in these cases formally identical to yqtl-​n without one. Since the n-suffix of yqtl-​n in these examples is a linking element without semantic meaning, but since it is difficult to separate it from the n-suffix used without a following pronominal suffix, these examples will be discussed separately (section 5.6). Furthermore, in agreement with Zewi (1999), plural and dual verb forms will be treated separately in order to avoid the possible confusion with the imperfective morpheme /-nV/; see section 5.7.15

5.2. Morphological Aspects of the Ventive in Ugaritic Based on the orthographic realization of the relevant morpheme in connection with pronominal suffixes, Tropper (UG 497–506) posits three allomorphs: /-(V)nnV/ (Energikus I), /-nVn/ (Energikus II), and (tentatively) /-(V)n/ (Energikus III). The positing of ​Energikus I is based on the graphemic sequence -nh, which involves n and a pronominal suffix /-hū/ or /-hā/. Since /n/ as a rule assimilates to a following consonant (*nC > /CC/), Tropper (UG 501) suggests that -nh is /-(V)nnV-​hū\ā/ with a vowel before the pronominal suffix. Following Testen (1993, 305), Tropper (UG 502) derives the allomorph /-(V)nnV/ from *-nVn, cognate with Akkadian -nim and Sabaic -nn, through a process of syncope and epenthesis: *-nVn > *-nn > *-nnV. The positing of ​Energikus II is based on the graphemic sequence -nn, which can tentatively be normalized as /-nVn/. This allomorph is presumably also cognate with the augment -nn in Sabaic and the ventive morpheme -nim in Akkadian.16 Ugaritic 15.  In addition, forms in which -n may be a root radical rather than a morpheme are also excluded from the investigation. Kienast (2001, 280–81), for instance, parsed aštn in KTU 2.41 17–18 w ank / aštn l iḫy ‘I will send (it) to my brother’ as /ʔašı̄ t-​an/ (also indicating that it may be /ʔašı̄ t-​annū/), i.e., identified it with the root šyt. But the root y/wtn, as maintained by Tropper (UG 640), cannot be excluded. See also KTU 2.32 7, 10 aštn lk and KTU 2.79 3 ištn lk (note the /i/-vowel of the PNG-​prefix). 16.  Pardee (2003–2004, 131, 246) analyzes -nn as /(V)nnannV/: it involves the energic suffix -(V)nna (Tropper’s Energikus I) and a new morpheme -nnV, that historically consists of the energic suffix and a

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-nn, however, differs from Sabaic -nn and Akkadian -nim in two ways.17 First, -nn in Ugaritic is only known to occur in combination with a pronominal suffix— namely, as /-nVn-/ with a progressively assimilated pronominal suffix /-hū/ or /-hā/, i.e., /-nVnnū/ or /-nVnnā/.18 Second, Akkadian -nim is only used after /ū/ and /ā/, and Sabaic -nn is (so far) only known from verb forms in the 3rd and 2nd person masculine and feminine dual, 3rd person masculine and feminine plural, and 2nd person masculine plural, i.e., presumably also after /ū/ and /ā/ (Stein 2003, 181–83; 2011, 1061). Ugaritic /-nVn-/, however, appears to be used after the final radical as well, for example, KTU 1.1 iv 24 grš-​nn ‘Drive him out’ (2m. s. imperative). The positing of /-(V)n/ (Energikus III), in turn, is based on the occurrences of -n after a number of verb forms for which a pronominal suffix also is contextually inferable (UG 504–6). This points to the existence of /-(V)n/, to which a pronominal suffix -hū or -hā has assimilated: /-(V)nnū\ā/ < *-(V)n-​hū\ā. There are reasons, however, to normalize the graphemic sequence -nh as /-an-​hū\ā/ and to parse -nh and Energicus III as different realizations of *-an-​hu/*-an-​hā. One reason is that -nh and -n sometimes appear in identical or similar contexts; compare, for instance, KTU 2.90 16 štn-​nh ‘Send him over’ and KTU 2.90 24 štn-​n, and KTU 1.2 i 34 tqy-​nh ‘You have taken him into protection’ and KTU 1.2 i 18 tqy-​n. This suggests that -nh and -n may reflect unassimilated and assimilated forms respectively of *-an-​hū/*-an-​hā. Another reason is that all examples of -nh are found in poetic texts, including two incantations (but see example 101a), and are used in pause position, except in KTU 1.6 i 15 tšʕly-​nh, KTU 1.6 i 16 tbky-​nh, and KTU 1.2 i 34 tqy-​nh. Thus -nh may be interpreted as an unassimilated realization of *-an-​hu/*-an-​hā that is conditioned by a prosodic pause.19 A third reason is that most, if not all, examples of -nh quoted in Tropper (UG §41.221.52b), which are supposed to be exhaustive (UG 501), are found after the short prefix conjugation without agreement suffixes, for example, KTU 1.3 i 9 yšqy-​nh ‘He gave him to drink’.20 Thus, if the etymological identification of the energic suffixes with the ventive is to be taken seriously, the energic suffix after the final radical of the verb can be reconstructed as *-an; cf. Akkadian -am. While the pronominal suffix. In other words, -nn was formed when the suffix /-(V)nnū\ā/ (Tropper’s Energikus III + a pronominal suffix) was reanalysed as pronominal and usable after all the imperfective forms, including energic verb forms. Kienast (2001, 281), who posits the realization of -nn as /-an-​annV/ (see note 14), seems to assume a reanalysis of /-(a)nnV/ added to -(a)n (Tropper’s Energikus III). 17.  See Tropper (UG 501): “Während die genannten Endungen im Akk. und Sabäischen übereinstimmend ausschließlich an Verbalformen des Plurals (außer 1.c.pl) und des Duals, d.h. nach Vokalen /-ū/ und /-ā/, belegt sind, begegnet die Endung -nn im Ug. nur an Verbalformen aller Numeri (Sg., Du. oder Pl.) in Kombination mit den OSS 3.sg. Die für den ug. Energ. II charakteristische Konditionierung dürfte sekundär sein: Wahrscheinlich wurde der Energ. II ursprünglich auch im Ug. nur nach pluralischen und dualischen Verbalformen gebraucht.” 18.  For some possible but nonconclusive exceptions, see UG 503–4. 19.  Assimilated and nonassimilated forms are also found in Biblical Hebrew; compare, e.g., Deut 32:10 yəsōḇəḇɛnhū and Ps 32:10 yəsōḇəḇɛnnū. Pardee (2003–2004, 246), however, assumes that Hebrew -ɛnnū < *-anhu while -ɛnhū < *-annahu. On the other hand, at least the use of -ɛnhū in Deut 32:10 (and Exod 15:2) may be regarded as unassimilated forms in Archaic Biblical Hebrew. Indeed, the unassimilated forms occur only in poetic or elevated style and in pause (GKC §58k). It may also be noted that /n/ sometimes is preserved also before other consonants than /h/ (GKC §19c); compare, e.g., Deut 33:9 yinṣōrū ‘They guarded’ (pause) and Deut 32:10 yiṣṣərɛnhū ‘He guarded him’ (*-nṣ- > -ṣṣ-). 20.  Nonconclusive examples include KTU 1.3 i 13–14 ks qdš / l tp[[p]]hnh aṯt ‘The holy cup that the Lady (sc. ʔAṯirat) did/does/must not see’ and KTU 1.1 v 4 tngṯnh. The emendation in KTU 1.6 ii 10 tšṣq-​n[h] is not conclusive and may also be tšṣq-​n[n]. KTU1 has tšṣq-​n[h/n].

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quality of the vowel is not completely certain, it is most likely /a/ in view of Akkadian -am and forms such as (94b) iqran /ʔiqraʔ-an/. If the etymological identification of the n-suffix with the ventive morpheme is to be continued, its realization after vowels can be reconstructed as *-nVn, corresponding to Akkadian -nim. In Ugaritic, however, this realization is only attested before pronominal suffixes (UG 501), for example, KTU 1.114 18 yʕmsn-​nn (< *yuʕammisāni-​nVn-​hu or *yaʕmusāni-​nVn-​hu) ‘They (dual) carry him’. Without a following pronominal suffix, the ventive allomorph *-nVn can be assumed to have syncopated (cf. Tropper’s Energicus I): *-nVn > *-nn. This assumption is supported by the fact that the deletion of a short vowel between two identical consonants appears to be frequently occurring in verb forms of geminate roots in Ugaritic. In other words, two identical radicals are only written once in an overwhelming majority of cases (UG 672–76); compare, for example, ysb /yasub/ or /yasubbV/ ‘He turned/May he turn’ (*yasbub), and ygz /yaguzzu/ ‘He will shear’ (*yagzuzu). It is less clear, however, if geminate *-nn was resolved by epenthesis as /-nnV/ or simplified into singleton /-n/, or whether both options were available at the same time. Thus, in summary and as a working hypothesis, the n-suffix after ending-​less verb forms can be normalized as /-an/ (without a pronominal suffix) or /-annū\ā/ (with an assimilated pronominal suffix). After verb forms with endings, in turn, the n-suffix can be normalized as /-nnV/ (or /-n/).

5.3. The Deictic Ventive The ventive of verb forms in the 2nd and 3rd person in direct speech may be used to express that the action of the verb is directed to, or carried out for the benefit of, the speaker. The following example involves the ventive of lqḥ ‘take’ and šqy ‘give to drink’. The ventive is used to indicate that the recipient is the 1st person: 72. KTU 1.19 iv 53–54 qḥ-n w tšqy-​n yn | qḥ / ks bdy | qbʕt b ymny (Baʕal spoke to Pġt:) Take to me (a cup) and give me wine to drink, take(/bring) a cup in my hand, (take/bring) a goblet in my right hand. Since the addressee is Pġt, qḥ-n is 2f. s. imperative /qaḥı̄ -/, and since the verb form ends in a vowel, the ventive can be normalized as /-nnV/ (with epenthesis) or /-n/ (with simplification) and be derived from *-nVn. The ventive is used to impart the sense of ​ ‘bring’, i.e., “Take to/for me (the speaker)”; compare, for example, 1 Kgs 17:10 qəḥı̄-nå̄ lı̄ məʕaṭ-mayim bak-​kəlı̄ wə-ʔɛštɛ ‘Bring me hither a little water in a jar that I may drink’, where -nå̄ , at least historically, can be identified with a marker of the speaker-​benefactive ventive (section 6.4). The goal-​oriented nature of qḥ-n likely extends to qḥ in the second colon, so that the sense of ​‘bring’ may be inferred, just as the verb qḥ(-n) is gapping but may be inferred in the third colon. The ventive of tšqy-​n, in turn, may be normalized as /tašqī̆-nnV/. Alternatively, -n can be identified with the 1c. s. pronominal suffix /nı̄ /. It is not always clear whether -n is the ventive morpheme and/or the 1c. s. objective pronominal suffix /-nı̄ /. The question is to some degree moot, since both morphemes can relate the action toward the speaker, for example:

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73. KTU 2.16 12 w al twḥl-​n And may she not despair for my sake/on my behalf. Kienast (2001, 281) assumes that -n is energic-​jussive /tirḥal-​an/ (according to the text in KTU1) but also considers the possibility that it involves a pronominal suffix (tirḥal-annı̄): “sie soll sich nicht sorgen um mich.”21 It is also possible, however, that -n is ventive and used in the speaker-​benefactive sense ‘for my benefit, for my sake’. The same argumentation applies to the following example: 74. KTU 2.47 3–5 w l anyt tškn-​n / ḫmšm l m[i]t any / tškn-​n [x]yh And as for ships, may you equip me/for me (with) 150 ships. May you equip me/for me [x]yh. On the assumption that -n is the ventive, its function in this example is to relate the action of the verb toward the speaker. It is not clear how often pronominal suffixes are used to indicate the indirect rather than the direct object, but it may be noted that the indirect object of škn (or kwn C) elsewhere is a prepositional phrase involving l(DULAT 803–4). It is therefore tempting to assume that -n is ventive /-an/ and that it is used with a speaker-​dative or speaker-​benefactive function.22 The speaker-​benefactive meaning of the ventive also lends itself to the following example: 75. KTU 2.41 20–22 w-​uḫy / yʕms-​n ṯmn / w [u]ḫy al ybʕr-​n May my brother carry (it) for me there and may my brother not abandon me. Since the speaker wills that the action of yʕms-​n is carried out toward a location that is different from the speaker’s, the ventive is most easily understood in its benefactive sense.23 Furthermore, the use of the ventive for the 1st person benefactive is available in the following example, where Baʕal orders his servants to go to ʕAnat with a message: 76. KTU 1.3 iii 8–10 km ġlmm / w ʕrb-​n | l-​pʕn ʕnt hbr [[w]] / w ql | tštḥwy kbd hyt As servants, enter for me, bow and fall at the feet of ʕAnat, may you prostrate, honor her. The ventive of the 2m. du. imperative /ʕVrVbā-​nnV/ is used to indicate that the message will be delivered on the speaker’s behalf.24 Here, the speaker is not the directional goal of the action but its beneficiary. 21.  Verreet (1988, 87) is undecided between tirḥalanna and tirḥalı̄ nı̄ (i.e., 2f. s. yVqtVl). 22.  Verreet (1988, 90), however, suggests that -n is used for emphasis: “Du sollst fürwahr 150 Schiffe ausrüsten.” Kienast (2001, 281), in turn, assumes that tšknn is energic-​jussive: “so mögest du ausrüsten 50 bis 100 Schiffe.” 23.  Kienast (2001, 281) assumes that /yaʕmus-​an/ and /yabaʕʕir-​an/ are energic-​jussive: “Mein Bruder soll (es) dort bereitstellen und mein Bruder soll (es) nicht wegschaffen.” 24.  It may be noted that the verb ʕrb is usually construed with a goal marked by b, ʕl, or the accusative (UG 865; DULAT 179–80). It is used absolutely here and in KTU 1.23 70–71 w ptḥ hw prṣ bʕdhm / w ʕrb hm ‘He opened a breach behind them, and they entered’. For ʕrb with the accusative, see, e.g., KTU 1.91 10–11

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The following example involves the ventive of ybl (/nâbVl-​an/ or /nâbVlu-​n(nV)/). By assuming that ybl is basically ‘carry’, one may argue that ybl with the ventive is marked for ‘bring’ and that ybl without the ventive is underspecified for the direction of the carrying:25 77. KTU 1.3 v 32–34 mlkn aliyn bʕl | ṯpṭn / in d ʕlnh | klny-​y qšh / nbl-​n | klny-​y nbl ksh (ʕAnat and ʔAṯirat say to ʔEl:) Our king is Almighty Baʕal, our ruler, over whom there is none. Let us all/both together bring his jar, let us all bring/ carry his cup. The ventive of nbl serves to underline that the subject is coming to the location of the speech event with the item transported in its care, viz. the cup. The use of ybl without the ventive in the second colon is unmarked for this notion, but it can potentially be inferred from the preceding colon; cf. example (72). 5.3.1. Deictic Displacement While the ventive in direct speech is a directional morpheme that indicates motion or transfer toward the speaker, it appears that the ventive of dative verbs in narrative texts can be used for deictic displacement. The ventive of dative verbs with a personal goal in the 3rd person is also found in Akkadian, for example, Mari Babylonian ARMT 2: 32 9 ana Mût-​salim iddinū-​niššu ‘They gave it to Mût-​salim’ (Loesov 2006, 107–10); cf. also the frequently occurring phrase ana PN ašpur-​am/tašpur-​am in Middle Babylonian letters (Aro 1955, 89). According to Kouwenberg (2002, 214), the speaker takes the goal as his/her vantage point or associates himself/herself with it. This works for certain examples, but as Kouwenberg (2002, 216) admits, “it does not seem possible to bring all instances we find into line with the general rule.” The other examples can presumably be explained with Landsberger (1924, 114) and Loesov (2006, 106), according to whom the direction of the action is transferred by analogy to the 2nd or 3rd person. In the second example below, the ventive of ytn (/y\tâtin-​an/) seems to indicate the semantic role of the recipient in the 3rd person. Notably, Daniʔlu sees Kṯr-​w-Ḫss coming from afar already in the first example quoted below, which can be interpreted as Daniʔlu’s inner monologue (W. Watson 1992, 365). 78.

a. KTU 1.17 v 12–13 hl-​k qšt ybl-​n | hl yš/rbʕ qṣʕt Look, he brings/brought hither the bow, look, he quadruplicates/quadruplicated arrows.

k tʕrb [[ṯ]]ʕṯtrt šd bt mlk / | k tʕrbn ršpm bt mlk ‘When ʕṮtrt entered the fields of the king’s house, when the Ršpm-​deities enter(ed) the king’s house’ and KTU 1.179 33 ʕrb ḥrn bth (unless bth is for b-​bth). 25.  See also KTU 1.4 iv 45 nb[l-​n]. The reference to cup-​bearing is presumably used as a metaphor of subordination. For different approaches to this language; see Smith and Pitard 2009, 356.

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b. KTU 1.17 v 25–28 aḫr ymġy kṯr / w-ḫss | bd dnil ytn-​n / qšt | l brkh yʕdb / qṣʕt After Kṯr-​w-Ḫss arrives, he gave the bow into the hands of ​Daniʔilu, he left the arrows in his lap. On the assumption that the first example above constitutes Daniʔlu’s reflection on seeing Kṯr-​w-Ḫss, ybl ‘bring’ is ventive /yâbVl-​an/ or /yâbVl-​an-nı̄ / (or /yâbVlu-​n(nV)/). The adverb hl-​k only occurs here and its deixis is not self-​evident. It may be noted, however, that previous to this example, Kṯr-​w-Ḫss has told Daniʔilu that he will bring him his bow and arrows: KTU 1.17 v 2–3 abl qšt | b ṯmn . . . / ašrbʕ qṣʕt ‘I will bring the bow, there/thither. . . . I will quadruplicate arrows’. At that point, Kṯr-​w-Ḫss uses the adverb ṯmn ‘there’, and the verb form abl is used without the ventive. In the second example above, in turn, the deixis of the ventive appears displaced, as if the narrator associates himself/herself with Daniʔlu’s vantage point. The ventive of ytn in a narrative text is also found in the following examples: 79.

a. KTU 1.10 ii 31 [ql] l bʕl ʕnt ttn-​n b. KTU 1.10 iii 32 ql l bʕl ttn-​n Anat/she gave (her) voice to Baʕal.

Since the general interpretation of the narrative in KTU 1.10 is obscured by the condition of the tablet, the function of the ventive in these examples is not clear. On the assumption that it can be used for deictic displacement, however, it is possible that the narrator uses /y\tâtin-​an/ to take the vantage point of ​Baʕal. It may be noted that the word order is instructive at this point. Among the some forty examples of Ga and Gp ytn quoted in DULAT 974–77 that involve an explicit recipient, the recipient follows the verb in most cases.26 In addition to the relevant examples in KTU 1.10 ii 31 and KTU 1.10 iii 32, the exceptions include KTU 1.17 v 26 ytn-​n (quoted above) and KTU 2.87 29 d znt ly l ytn-​m ‘That of the provisions has not been given to me’. As a matter of fact, it is possible that ytn-m ​ also involves the ventive at this point, with -m enclitic to it (*-an-​mV). Therefore, the ventive in KTU 1.10 ii 31 and KTU 1.10 iii 32 is used anaphorically to the prepositional phrase with l- and as such it is coreferential with the prepositional phrase l bʕl. Thus, Baʕal may be dislocated for reasons of information structure, and the ventive is used to adopt this position.

26.  See, e.g., KTU 1.3 i 10 ytn ks bdh; 1.3 iv 37 ttn pnm ʕm bʕl; 1.3 v 3 l ytn bt l bʕl; 1.3 vi 3 tn bt l bʕl; 1.4 v 27–28 ytn / bt lk; 1.9 13 ytn lhm; 1.14 iii 39 tn ly mṯt; 1.17 vi 17, 27 atnk ‘I will give to you’; 1.17 vi 18–19 tn qštk ʕm / DN; 1.17 vi 24 tn l kṯr; 1.19 i 16–17 ttn / ly; 1.23 3 ytn-​m qrt l ʕly; 1.24 17–18 tn nkl y/rḫ ytrḫ; 1.24 19–20 atn mhrh l a/bh; 2.2 9 ytnk ‘He will give to you’; 2.4 20 ytn ilm bdhm; 2.8 5 ttn ly; 2.26 7–8 atn / ʕṣm lk; 2.31 68 l atn bty lh; 2.33 26 l ytn-​hm ‘He did not give to them’; 2.45 18 ytn l ʕbdyrḫ; 2.70 22 l ttn akl lhm; 2.71 19 tn lh; 2.87 11 ytn ly; 2.87 31 ytnt ly; 2.88 4–5 ytnt spr / hnd ʕmk; 2.90 7 ytnt lk; 2.98 7 atn ḫrd ʕmnh; 4.168 8 ytn lhm; 4.710 6 ytt l bt; 4.866 4 ytn bd; 5.9 i 9–10 ytn-​nn / l aḫh; 5.11 19 ttn ly. This word order pattern aligns with Wilson’s (1982, 26–27) findings on the position of the indirect object in the Legend of ​Krt: “It never occurs before its verb form, always after it.” See also Nyberg 1937, who observed that the indirect object is generally postverbal in (Central) Semitic.

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5.4. The Middle Ventive The following examples show how the ventive in Ugaritic is used as a middle marker. As a middle marker, it is primarily used with situations that have a relatively low degree of event elaboration, such as postural and translational motion, reciprocal and spontaneous situations, and cognitive states and events. Relative to ordinary transitive events, the speaker uses the middle-​marking ventive to turn down the distinguishability between the participants and subevents in these constructions. 5.4.1. Reflexive-​Benefactive Middle When the subject of the verb is the speaker, the goal of the action is, as can be expected, coreferential with the subject. This coincidence often results in a reflexive-​ benefactive meaning. The reflexive-​benefactive function can be gathered from the following example that (presumably) involves the verb ʔḫd ‘take’:27 80. KTU 2.15 6–10 l šm[[i]]n iṯr hw / p iḫd-​n gnryn / im mlkytn yrgm / aḫn-​nn / w iḫd As for the oil, follow that and then I, Gnryn, may take (it) for myself. If Mlkytm says (so), I will denature it and take (it). 28 The use of the ventive with a reflexive-​benefactive sense is quite natural in combination with verbs that express that a subject comes into possession of an object. The speaker in this letter is Gnryn; see lines 1–2 gnryn l mlkytn ‘Gnryn to Mlkytn’. The self-​reference by name in line 6, ‘I, Gnryn’, seems to indicate a self-​oriented nature of the event that can be used to explain the call for the ventive. Since the beneficiary is identical with the agent of verbs of appropriation under normal circumstances, the use of the ventive in this function is optional and also absent from iḫd in line 10. Rather, the reflexive-​benefactive ventive has the implicature of subject affectedness that typically satisfies the subject’s perceived intention. A reflexive-​benefactive interpretation of the ventive is also felicitous in the following example: 81. KTU 1.3 iv 31–33 ap mṯn rgm-​m / argm-​n | lk lk ʕnn ilm / | atm bštm w an šnt May I also say another thing on my part: Go ahead and go, servants of the gods, (for) you have tarried, and I (hereby) depart.

27.  The root of iḫd may be identified with either ḫdy ‘rejoice’ or ʔḫd ‘take’ (UG 660). Indeed, the latter identification is problematic since the expected prefix-​vowel for verbs with the thematic vowel /u/ (cf. Arabic yaʔḫuḏ) is /a/; cf. KTU 1.4 iv 60 aḫd /ʔâḫud-/ (UG 450). However, iḫd is admitted as a variant of aḫd in DULAT 35, and there is at least one other example, KTU 2.33 21 iḫd ‘I will seize’ (trans. Pardee 1984, 216), that favors this identification. There are also forms of iḫd in broken contexts (KTU 6.81 2, 6.85 1, 6.88a1) which, while circumstantial, make it legitimate to assume that iḫd is a by-​form of aḫd. Pardee (2003–2004, 227) also admits aḫd as a form of ʔḫd and mentions additional examples of the use of i for a in KTU 2.15. 28.  It cannot be ruled out, however, that iḫd-​n involves the ventive in combination with a pronominal suffix: /ʔı̂ ḫud-​an-​nū/ < *ʔiʔḫud-​an-​hū.

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In this example, ʕAnat responds to a message from Baʕal as delivered by his messengers. The use of the noun phrase mṯn rgm-​m “appears to be a common way to raise a second topic in a speech” (Smith and Pitard 2009, 299). The predicate of an object that is mṯn rgm-​m is either argm or argmk, or, as here, argm-​n /ʔargum-​an/ (or /ʔargumu-​n(nV)/).29 At this point, the new topic does not belong to the message to Baʕal but contains an encouragement to the messengers to hurry. The ventive of rgm appears to correspond to paragogic heh in Biblical Hebrew; cf. wa-ʔăḏabbərå̄ ʔaḵ-hap-​paʕam ‘Let me speak one more time’ (Gen 18:32; Judg 6:39). It is used in a volitive clause to highlight the speaker’s interest in raising the second topic. It cannot be ruled out that this ventive also involves the addition of a polite degree of urgency; cf. Hebrew -nå̄ ‘please’ (< ‘for my benefit’). The reflexive-​benefactive ventive is also used in the 2nd and 3rd person. This extension in use can be assumed to result from a reanalysis of the speaker-​benefactive meaning as reflexive-​benefactive in 1st person verb forms. For example, “I do X for me, the speaker” was reanalyzed as “I do X for me, the subject,” which gave rise to “He does X for himself” rather than (or in addition to) “He does X for me.” The verb šyt ‘put, set’ is marked by the reflexive-​benefactive ventive when the subject puts an object within its own domain, which marks the action as self-​oriented:30 82.

a. KTU 1.4 iv 13–15 yḥbq qdš w amrr / | yšt-​n aṯrt l bmt ʕr / | l ysmsmt bmt pḥl Qdš-​w-ʔAmrr embraced/hoisted (her), he put ʔAṯirat by himself on the back of the mount, on the best seat of the back of the riding-​animal. b. KTU 1.15 v 7–8 yd b ṣʕ t[šl]ḥ / | [ḥrb b] bš[r] tšt-​n She stretched out the hand to the bowl, she put the knife in the meat for herself. c. KTU 1.18 iv 27–29 tqḥ yṭpn mhr št / | tšt-​n k nšr b ḥbšh | km diy / b tʕrth She took hold of ​Yṭpn, the mercenary warrior, she put (him) for herself as a falcon on her gauntlet, as a hawk on her glove.

When the ventive is used with šyt ‘put, set’, the putting seems to refer to the placing of an object within the subject’s domain. In the first example above, Qdš-​w-ʔAmrr puts ʔAṯirat by himself on the mount. Comparison can be made to the use of ​Biblical Hebrew śym, the Hebrew functional counterpart to Ugaritic šyt (Kogan 2015, 309–10), when it is used with reflexive-​benefactive l-, for example, 1 Sam 8:11 ʔɛṯ-bənēḵɛm yiqqå̄ ḥ wə-śå̄m lō bə-mɛrkaḇtō ‘He will take your sons and place (them) for himself among his chariotry’.31 While šyt without the ventive would be unmarked for the direction of the transfer designated by the verb, šyt with the ventive appears to be marked for a transfer of an object to the subject.32 29.  See KTU 1.3 iii 21 argmk, KTU 1.3 iv 13 argmk!(t), KTU 1.4 i 20 argmk, and KTU 1.17 vi 39 argm. The form argmk, it is true, may involve the ventive suffix assimilated to the pronominal suffix (/ʔargum-​ak-​ka/). 30.  See also KTU 1.15 iv 25 tštn. 31.  For the use of śym with reflexive-​benefactive l-, see also 1 Kgs 20:34; 2 Kgs 10:24; Josh 8:2. 32.  It cannot be ruled out, however, that tšt-​n in KTU 1.18 iv 28 above involves a pronominal suffix assimilated to the ventive suffix (section 5.6). Indeed, KTU 1.18 iv 27–29 presents the narrative realization

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The following example relates how Pġt prepares Daniʔilu’s mount:33 83. KTU 1.19 ii 8–9 b-​km tmdl-​n ʕr / | b-​km tṣmd pḥl Forthwith she (Pġt) roped/ropes her mount, forthwith harnessed/harnesses the riding-​animal.34 The etymology of mdl is unclear, but it most likely means something like ‘tie, rope up’ and is synonymous with the verb ṣmd in the parallel line, which is ‘harness, yoke’ and ‘tie, bind’; cf. the noun ṣmd ‘pair’ (UG 383) and Arabic ḍamada ‘bind, wind’ (Lane 1802–3). Such a situation is prone to receive middle marking when the agent participant attaches itself to the object; cf. the N-​stem in Biblical Hebrew, for example, Num 25:5 han-​niṣmå̄ḏı̄m lə-ḇaʕal pəʕōr ‘the ones attached to Baʕal of ​Peʔor’, or if the agent yokes with reference to something belonging to itself.35 Thus, if mdl has to do with the attachment of a lead rope to an animal (Good 1984), the ventive of mdl is used to highlight the fact that the subject connects itself to the mount by way of the lead rope, or that it acts with something belonging to itself; compare the use of ḥbš ‘bind’ with l- and a pronominal suffix referring back to the subject in Biblical Hebrew, for example, 2 Sam 19:27 ʔɛḥbəšå̄-llı̄ ha-ḥămōr ‘I will saddle me the donkey’ or ‘I will saddle my donkey’.36 Thus, the subject is beneficially affected by the action by virtue of ​becoming the possessor of the entity that is directly affected by it. In the following example, the ventive is reflexive-​benefactive with the verb ḥsp ‘draw water’:37 84. KTU 1.3 iv 42–43 tḥsp-​n mh w trḥṣ / | ṭl šmm šmn arṣ (ʕAnat beautifies herself for a meeting with Baʕal.) She scooped out the (or: her) water for herself and washed, (the/with) dew of ​heaven, oil of the earth. The ventive of ḥsp is used to indicate that the subject draws water for its own benefit. Notably, the verb rḥṣ G appears to be used reflexively here as sometimes also in Biblical Hebrew, for example, 2 Sam 12:20 way-​yirḥaṣ way-yå̄sɛḵ ‘He washed and put on lotion’. Other times, rḥṣ is typically transitive and involves an object different from the subject in Ugaritic (UG 867). Thus, on the assumption that one can draw water for oneself and for others, much like one can wash oneself and others, the ventive of tḥsp-​n in the example above is used to indicate that ʕAnat draws the water for herself of a volition expressed earlier in the tale of Aqhat, and there the verb form involves a pronominal suffix: KTU 1.18 iv 17 aštk km nšr b ḥb[šy] ‘I will put you as a falcon on my gauntlet’. 33.  Pġt has been ordered to do so in the lines preceding the example: KTU 1.19 ii 3–4 mdl ʕr / ṣmd pḥl ‘(Daniʔilu says to Pġt): Rope the mount, harness the riding-​animal’. 34.  The interpretation of b-k​ m in this example is based on its parsing as the preposition b and the adverb km (UG 745) ‘in such circumstances, thereupon’ (DULAT 217). 35.  The verb yuj- ‘yoke, join’ in Sanskrit, for instance, occurs more frequently in the middle than the active voice in the Rigveda, sometimes in the sense of external possession ‘yoke one’s chariot’ (Orqueda 2019, 49–53). 36.  See perhaps also 1 Kgs 13:23 way-​yaḥăḇåš-​lō ha-ḥămōr ‘He saddled the donkey for him(self?)’. The prepositional phrase that follows this verb phrase, lan-nå̄ ḇı̄ ʔăšɛr hɛ̆šı̄ ḇō ‘for the prophet whom he had brought back’, is presumably a later addition; cf. LXX. 37.  See also KTU 1.3 ii 38–39 tḥsp-​n mh w trḥṣ / | ṭl šmm šmn arṣ ‘(ʕAnat cleans herself after battle:) She scooped out the (or: her) water for herself and washed, (the/with) dew of ​heaven, oil of the earth’.

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in order to beautify herself.38 While the parsing of mh is not conclusive—it may be an allograph for my or it may involve a pronominal suffix (Gzella 2012, 512)—the interpretation of tḥsp-​n as reflexive-​benefactive favors the latter parsing, because the reflexive-​benefactive is also connected with external possession. The precise contribution of the ventive is sometimes hard to elicit on account of an elusive context. It is possible, for instance, that the ventive is reflexive-​benefactive in the following scribal exercise: KTU 5.9 i 15–16 tn ks yn / w išt-​n ‘Give me a cup of wine that I may drink’. It cannot be ruled out, however, that ištn is /ʔištâ-​nnū/ < *ʔištay-​an-​hū and that -n- is merely a linking element. Furthermore, the function of the ventive is not clear in the following example: KTU 1.178 2–3 w ank aṣḥk | amrmr-​n / ʕṣ qdš ‘I myself will call on you, I will(/hereby?) mrmr-​n sacred wood’. This example, from an incantation against snakes and scorpions, involves the ventive of the verb mrmr in the 1st person, but the exact nature of the manipulation of the sacred wood is not clear.39 Moreover, the functional significance of the ventive verb /ʔahpuk-​an/ (or /ʔahpuku-​ n(nV)/) in the following example is not self-​evident: KTU 1.179 36 hpk-​m ahpk lbš | w ahpk-​n ḫlpn ‘I will certainly change clothing, I will also change the cloak’. Assuming that ‘the queen of the incantation’ (KTU 1.179 24 ank mlkt mnt-​n) is the speaker, it is still not clear whether she changes the cloak for herself or for a 3rd person (cf. lines 24–25 mrbdh ytn / [xxx]nh ‘He gives/gave his/her bedspread [xxx]nh’ or ‘His/her bedspread was/will/may be given’). If she changes cloaks for herself, the function of the ventive may be to indicate the subject affectedness of the event, as verbs of investure frequently are associated with middle semantics. 5.4.2. Postural and Motion Middle The middle marking ventive is also found with verbs of nontranslational motion. These verbs are characterized by a low degree of participant distinguishability, as the body takes part in the action as a part of the self, for example:40 85. KTU 1.6 iii 18–19 aṯb-​n ank w anḫ-n / | w tnḫ b irty npš May I sit down for myself that I may rest, that my soul may rest in my breast. The collocation of yṯb ‘sit’ and nwḫ ‘rest’ in this example indicates that the subject sits down for its own benefit in the sense of ​‘take a load off one’s feet’. The ventive of /ʔâṯib-​an/ can therefore be interpreted as reflexive-​benefactive. At the same time, since the situation designated by yṯb in the example above qualifies as a change in body posture, the use of -n can also be explained by the low degree of participant distinguishability. Accordingly, the ventive focuses on the fact that the agent manipulates 38.  There are also two examples of šʔb ‘draw water’ that perhaps involve the ventive, but the context is too fragmentary to allow for any decisive conclusion: KTU 1.6 i 66–67 [xxx] tšabn b rḥbt / | [xxxxx t]šabn b kknt ‘She/They drew/draw(s) water with an amphora, she/they drew/draw(s) water with a jar’. If the subject is plural, -n may also be identified with the imperfective morpheme /-nV/. 39.  See Del Olmo Lete 2014, 179 for a discussion of different interpretations. 40.  See also KTU 1.17 ii 12–14 aṯb-​n ank / w anḫ-n | w tnḫ b irty / npš ‘May I sit down for myself that I may rest, that my soul may rest in my breast’.

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its own body by sitting and that the whole body takes part in it. The effect is again the subject’s affectedness that results from resting the body. There are of course examples of the verb yṯb without the ventive (DULAT 978–79), so the use of the ventive may be sought in the collocation of yṯb with nwḫ. To be sure, the existence of a marked and unmarked variant of ​‘sit’ is also known from Hebrew. They are even used in the same verse in Gen 21:16 wat-​tēlɛḵ wat-​tēšɛḇ lå̄h min-​nɛḡɛḏ . . . wat-​tēšɛḇ min-​nɛḡɛḏ ‘She took off and sat down for herself nearby. . . . And she sat (there) nearby’. The ventive of yṯb is also found in the following example. Previous to this example, Môt and Baʕal have been fighting. ʔEl has then intervened via Šapš and threatened Môt, which has lead Môt to give up and speak as follows: 86. KTU 1.6 vi 33–35 bʕl yṯṯb-​n [l ksi] / mlkh | l n[ḫt l kḥṯ] / drkth May Baʕal be seated for himself on the throne of ​his kingship, on the resting place, the throne of ​his dominion. At this point, the ventive verb /yuṯôṯib-​an/ also provides a sense of autonomy to the event.41 This use of the ventive can be related to the fact that the ventive basically throws the action back upon the subject. Thus, the construction frames a sense of autonomy, in that the event is viewed as performed by and for the subject itself. In this case, it receives contrastive focus; cf. Tropper’s (UG 732) translation: “Baʕlu (und kein anderer) soll fürwahr [auf den Thron] seines Königtums gesetzt werden!” The third example below involves the ventive of ṯwb ‘turn’: 87.

a. KTU 1.4 vi 1–2 w yʕn kṯ[r w ḫ]ss / | tṯb bʕl l [hwty] Kṯr-​w-Ḫss answered, May you turn to my word, Baʕal. b. KTU 1.4 vi 14–15 w yʕn kṯr / [w ḫss] | tṯb bʕl l hwty Kṯr-​w-Ḫss answered, May you turn to my word, Baʕal. c. KTU 1.4 vii 22–25 yšu gh w yṣḥ / | l rgmt lk l ali/yn bʕl | tṯb-​n bʕl / l hwty He lifts his voice and cries out, I truly told (or: did I not tell) you, O Almighty Baʕal, you will turn yourself around to my word, Baʕal.

Kṯr-​w-Ḫss, the smithing god, suggests three times that he should install a window in Baʕal’s palace. Immediately before the third example above, Baʕal informs Kṯr-​w-Ḫss that he has changed his mind and that he will in fact install a window in his palace according to Kṯr-​w-Ḫss’ suggestion (KTU 1.4 vii 20 ʕl hwt kṯr-​w-ḫss). Kṯr-​w-Ḫss then laughs and makes the utterance in the third example. It is reasonable to assume that formal markedness indicates semantic markedness at this point.42 An event of turning qualifies as a nontranslational motion, and as such it is quite often associated with middle marking from a typological point of view (Kemmer 1993, 53–67). From the 41.  Note that “Baal’s arch-​enemy and rival for the throne, in response to Shapsh’s words, is himself the official announcer of ​Baal’s rule” (Wyatt 2002, 143n118). 42.  See Smith and Pitard 2009, 671: “In the final line, he quotes his earlier prediction (1.4 VI 2, 15) almost verbatim, but with an additional energic n to the verb, thus giving an additional emphasis to it.” Emphasis can be viewed as an inference of middle semantics that emerges when the ventive is used to highlight the effect of the subject undergoing the event of turning.

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viewpoint of middle semantics, the function of -n may be to indicate that the whole body takes part in the (metaphorical) turn, thus ‘turn oneself around’. The middle-​marking ventive is also used with verbs of translational motion. Middle marking of motion verbs tends to focus on the change of state involved in the motion event, whereas the same motion verb without middle marking is unmarked for the motion’s individual phases and designates the event as a whole (Kemmer 1993, 157). This use of middle marking is also known from the use of the allative-​dative-​ benefactive preposition l- with a pronominal suffix that refers back to the subject in Syriac, referred to as the “ethical dative” by Joosten (1989), which indicates the entering into a state with intransitive and passive verbs, for example, ʔezal leh ‘He went’ in the sense of ​‘He entered into the state of ​being gone’. One also notes that when l- is used with a pronominal suffix that refers back to the subject in Biblical Hebrew, it occurs most frequently with motion verbs, for example, Exod 18:27 wa-​yšallaḥ mōšɛ ʔɛṯ-ḥōṯənō way-​yēlɛḵ lō ʔɛl-ʔarṣō ‘Moses sent his father-​in-​law on his way, and he went straight away to his (own) country’.43 The motion middle function of the ventive can be seen in the following examples, which involve the verb mġy ‘come’:44 88.

a. KTU 1.19 iv 7–9 ʕdb uḫry mṭ ydh / | dnil bth ymġy-​n | yšt/ql dnil l hklh He put his hand on the top of the (walking) stick, Daniʔilu came up to his house, Daniʔilu reached his palace. b. KTU 1.17 ii 24–25 dnil bth ymġy-​n / | yštql dnil l hklh (Daniʔilu has just delivered a speech.) Daniʔilu came up to his house, Daniʔilu reached his palace. c. KTU 1.3 ii 17–18 w hln ʕnt l bth tmġy-​n / | tštql ilt l hklh (ʕAnat has just been fighting.) Look, ʕAnat came up to her house, the goddess reached her palace.

In these examples, the ventive of mġy can be interpreted as a middle marker that marks for sudden motion.45 To be sure, the prefix conjugation of mġy is also attested without the ventive, but it is worth noting that the parallel cola in all of the numbered examples above involve the verb qyl Ct, etymologically ‘throw oneself down’, which 43.  Judging from Jenni’s (2000, 48–53) examples of l- as “Dativus ethicus,” it is most frequently used with motion verbs. The association of motion verbs with middle semantics is also indicated by the frequent use of motion verbs in the N-​stem in Biblical Hebrew (Nyberg 1952, §78g); cf. also alāku Gt in Akkadian (Kouwenberg 2005). 44.  The basic term for ‘come’ in Ugaritic is mġy (Kogan 2015, 255), but its etymological background remains obscure. As noted by Kogan (2015, 265), the derivation from *mṯʔ̣ (DULAT 527) fails to explain the shift *ʔ > y. The regular correspondence of *mṯʔ̣ is of course mẓʔ, cognate with Hebrew mṣʔ ‘attain, find’. 45.  It is also conceivable that the use of the ventive in these examples is connected with the fronting of the goal of motion. Indeed, while it is not uncommon that mġy is used without an explicit goal (UG 865), it typically follows the verb when it is mentioned. For example, out of some forty examples of mġy mentioned in DULAT, the goal precedes the verb only in the examples quoted above and in two more examples, probably for reasons of information structure: KTU 2.36 8–10 udk mġt . . . w at ʕmy l mġt ‘To Udk did you go. . . . But to me you did not go’ and KTU 1.15 v 18–19 ʕrb špš l ymġ / krt ‘To the setting of the sun, Krt has indeed gone’ (note l-). Sometimes, it is true, it is difficult to assess whether mġy is used absolutely or with a goal; see e.g., KTU 2.31 47 (UG 482) and KTU 1.114 9 (Margalit 1979, 86–90; Wyatt 2002, 408n21; UG 908).

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expresses violently induced motion that is marked for subject affectedness in the causative-​reflexive stem.46 The following example may also belong here: KTU 1.1 iv 6–7 il-​m bt bʕlk . . . d l ylk-​n ḥš b ar[ṣ] ‘ʔEl . . . the house of your lord . . . who quickly went off/ahead in the earth’. It is not clear, however, whether the subject is singular ʔEl or plural /ʔilū/ ‘gods’ and whether b ar[ṣ] is a goal or a path. However, the collocation of the verb hlk with ḥš ‘quickly’ may indicate that -n marks a sudden change of state; cf. Ps 90:10 (128a) kı̄-ḡå̄z ḥı̄š wan-nå̄ ʕūp̄ å̄ ‘For they quickly pass, and we fly off’. 5.4.3. Reciprocal and Spontaneous Middle Mutual situations attract middle marking since they are characterized by a low degree of participant distinguishability: the actions of two or more participants are viewed as a single event even when they constitute separate actions. The use of the ventive for middle marking in a mutual situation type is available in connection with the verb lḥm ‘fight’ in the epistolary corpus of Ugaritic: 89. KTU 2.82 8–9, 18–21 w ank ṯṯ ymm / kl lḥmt . . . hm / ymt / w ilḥm-​n / ank As for me, for six days I have done all the fighting. . . . If ​he dies, I will fight for myself on my own. The situation designated by lḥm ‘fight’ is a naturally reciprocal event, i.e., an event in which the relationship among two participants is under normal circumstances reciprocal. As such, it is typically marked for middle semantics (Kemmer 1993, 95–127); cf. Biblical Hebrew lḥm N and Moabite lḥm Gt (Gzella 2007, 548–49).47 Similarly, the function of the ventive morpheme may be, at least historically, to turn down the distinguishability between the participants and subevents. As such, it would show that the speaker in the example above conceptualizes a low degree of internal event complexity compared to the ordinary transitive event and treats the subject as both an initiator and an endpoint. The following example involves the ventive of mḫṣ Gt ‘fight’ (/timtaḫiṣ-an/ or /timtaḫiṣu-​n(nV)/): 90. KTU 1.3 ii 23–27 mid tmtḫṣ-n w tʕn / | tḫtṣb w tḥdy ʕnt / | t[[d]]ġdd kbdh b ṣḥq | ymlu / lbh b šmḫt | kbd ʕnt / tšyt She battled hard, and she was looking/singing, ʕAnat fought and (thereby) she was observing/rejoicing. Her liver swelled with laughter, her heart was full with joy, ʕAnat’s liver (was full with) victory. 46.  In other examples involving parallelism with qyl Ct, the verb in the first colon appears in the suffix conjugation; see, e.g., KTU 1.100 67–68 mġy ḥrn l bth | w / yštql l ḥẓrh ‘Ḥrn came to his house, he reached his court’. Similarly, the suffix conjugation of hlk is parallel to yštql in KTU 1.114 17–18 il hlk l bth | yštql / l ḥẓrh ‘ʔEl went to his house, he reached his court’. For the prefix conjugation of mġy without the ventive, see, e.g., KTU 1.19 iii 49–50 ʕdb uḫry mṭ ydh / | ymġ l mrrt tġll b nr ‘He put his hand on the top of the (walking) stick, he came to Mrrt Tġll B Nr’ and KTU 1.19 iii 56–1.19 iv 2 ʕdb uḫry mṭ ydh / | ymġ l qrt ablm | ablm / qrt [[s]]zbl yrḫ ‘He put his hand on the top of the (walking) stick, he came to the city of Ablm, Ablm, the city of ​Prince Yrḫ’. 47.  The stem of ilḥm-​n in the example above, whether G (DULAT 492) or N (UG 449, 537), cannot be conclusively determined. However, if the connection to Arabic laḥama, yalḥum ‘fit, join together’ (WKAS L 342) holds, which seems probable (‘join’ in the sense of ​‘lock horns’), the thematic vowel /u/ would speak in favor of the prefix vowel /a/ if G (*alḥm), which indicates that ilḥm(-n) is N; see, however, iḫd in (80).

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The ventive verb in this example is a grammatically reciprocal event as indicated by the Gt-​stem of mḫṣ G ‘wound, beat’ (DULAT 534).48 The use of the ventive to mark middle semantics is a means to highlight the actor’s(/undergoer’s) personal involvement in the event, as further suggested by lines 25–27, where lb ‘heart’ and kbd ‘liver’ are used in expressions of emotion.49 Notably, ʕAnat’s fighting has already been reported by mḫṣ Gt without the ventive in lines preceding the relevant example; see KTU 1.3 ii 5–7 w hl-​n ʕnt tm/tḫṣ b ʕmq | tḫtṣb bn [[x]] / qrytm ‘Look, ʕAnat fought in the valley, she battled between towns’. In the numbered example above, however, the narration reaches a new level of ​“martial intensity,” as indicated by mid ‘abundance’ fronted to the bicolon (Smith and Pitard 2009, 163–64).50 Thus, this new level of ​ “martial intensity” is also indicated by the ventive, which illustrates ʕAnat’s personal affectedness in the event. Spontaneous events also tend to attract middle marking by not profiling the cause of the situation. Thus, since the speaker conceptualizes the event as occurring autonomously, it is characterized by a low degree of event elaboration. The following example recounts how an unnamed son of ​Krt “is receiving [from his mother?] or rehearsing [at his own prompting] the words he will address to his ailing father, Kirta” (Greenstein 1997, 30):51 91. KTU 1.16 i 17–19 ap ab k mtm / tmt-​n | u ḫštk l ntn / ʕt[[ḫ]]q Even (you), father, will you yourself die like mortals, and your sepulcher (belong) to lament of perpetuity? The verb mwt basically presents a spontaneous event and the affected entity is conceptualized as both the initiator and the endpoint. The ventive appears to have the effect of toning down the role of a causer, for example, ‘die from natural causes’ or ‘die just like that’.52 5.4.4. Emotive and Perception Middle Another class of verbs that in many languages tends to be characterized by middle marking consists of verbs that designate emotion or emotive speech (Kemmer 1993, 130–34). They are characterized by a high degree of affectedness of the experiencer 48.  It is interesting to note that the Akkadian verb imḫaṣ—imaḫḫaṣ has the same vowel class as other middle verbs like ilbas—ilabbas; see Kouwenberg 2010, 74–75. 49.  See Smith and Pitard 2009, 164–74 for the use of kbd and lb in expressions of emotion in Northwest Semitic. 50.  See Smith and Pitard 2009, 163: “Furthermore, the battle here is described for the first time as mʔid. The word here is fronted to the bicolon, and it evidently serves to describe the character of the fighting in a way that was not true of the battle in lines 5–16. Accordingly, the fighting in lines 17–30 may be characterized as reaching a new level. Ugaritic mʔd denotes ‘abundance.’ . . . Viewed in this manner, the word here suggests a whole new level of martial intensity.” For the fronting of mid, see also KTU 1.15 iii 13 mid rm [krt] ‘May Krt be (or: Be, O Krt), much exalted’. 51.  Ṯtmnt (‘Octavia’) wails at her father’s deathbed in identical words: KTU 1.16 ii 40–41 ap ab k mtm tmt-​n / | u ḫštk l bky ʕtq ‘Even (you), father, will you yourself die like mortals, and your sepulcher (belong) to weeping of perpetuity?’ 52.  Cf. Margalit 1999, 226 on KTU 1.16 i 17–19: “With tears rolling down his pubescent cheeks, he queries his father in disbelief ​(in the process giving expression to the current ideology of divine kingship in Canaan): ‘Is Keret, the divine offspring of ​El and Athirat, not immortal?! Do gods die?!’ ”

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(emotion is often accompanied by physiological changes in the subject), the initiator is the same entity as the endpoint, and there is zero distinguishability of participants (the body and mind are conceptualized as a single physicomental entity). The following example is a case in point. It involves the ventive of the verb gyl ‘rejoice’ (presumably past habitual /nagîlu-​n(nV)/):53 92. KTU 1.16 ii 36–37 b ḥyk abn / nšmḫ | b l mtk ngl-​n (Ṯtmnt, Krt’s youngest daughter, said:) In your life, our father, we used to be glad, in your immortality, we used to delight ourselves. As a verb that designates an emotive situation, gyl involves a high degree of affectedness of the undergoer (experiencer). Emotive verbs typically involve overt physical processes and effects of the undergoer, as increased heart rate or changes in facial expression (Kemmer 1993, 130), and the verb gyl, at least etymologically, seems to have involved a physical manifestation; cf. Arabic ǧwl G ‘go round or about’, ‘be excited to lightness, levity’ (Lane 488–89). Therefore, the ventive of gyl presumably highlights the subject’s affectedness of undergoing the emotion of rejoicing. The middle marking ventive is also used with verbs of perception.54 In Ugaritic, the ventive of perception is found with the verb phy ‘see’ in the following examples:55 93.

a. KTU 1.4 ii 12–16 b nši ʕnh w tph-​n / | hlk bʕl aṯ{t}rt / k tʕn | hlk btlt / ʕnt | tdrq ybmt / [limm] (ʔAṯirat sees Baʕal and ʕAnat:) (As soon) as she lifted her eyes she also recognized, ʔAṯirat indeed (or: when she) saw Baʕal walking, (and) the walk of ​Virgin ʕAnat, the approach of the Peoples’ In-​law. b. KTU 1.17 v 9–11 b nši ʕnh w yph-​n | b-​alp / šd rbt kmn | hlk kṯr / k yʕn | w yʕn tdrq ḫss (Daniʔilu sees Kṯr-​w-Ḫss:) (As soon) as he lifted his eyes he also recognized, from a thousand miles, ten thousand leagues, he perceived indeed the walk of ​Kṯr, and he perceived the approach of Ḫss. c. KTU 1.19 iii 28–29 b nši ʕnh / w yph-​n | yḥd ṣml um nšrm (As soon) as he lifted his eyes he also recognized, he observed Ṣml, mother of falcons.

53.  See also KTU 1.16 i 14–15 b ḥyk abn ašmḫ / | b l mtk ngl-​n ‘(One of ​Krt’s sons said:) In your life, our father, I used to be glad, in your immortality, we used to delight ourselves’. 54.  For perception in the middle, one may refer to Greek derko-m ​ ai ‘look on’, aisthano-m ​ ai ‘perceive’, Latin conspicio-​r ‘perceive, descry’, Sanskrit ı̄ kṣat-​e ‘see’ (Kemmer 1993, 137). 55.  See also KTU 1.19 iii 14–15 b nši ʕnh w yp-n / | yḥd hrgb ab nšrm ‘(As soon) as he lifted his eyes he also recognized, he observed Hrgb, father of falcons’. The ventive verb /y\tiphâ-​nnV/ apparently always follows the phrase b nši ʕnh. For the phrase “lift one’s eyes and see” as a stylistic device to indicate inception; see Polak 2006, 286. The ventive verb /y\tiphâ-​nnV/ follows b nši ʕnh also in KTU 1.17 vi 10, 1.19 i 28–29, and 1.19 ii 27, but the lines that follow and describe the contents of the perceptions are to various degrees fragmentary. At the same time, the use of phy with the ventive cannot immediately be explained in light of b nši ʕnh, which also precedes the verb ʕyn without the ventive, e.g., KTU 1.10 ii 13–16 w yšu ʕnh aliyn bʕl | / w yšu ʕnh w yʕn | / w yʕn btlt ʕnt | / nʕmt bn aḫt bʕl ‘Baal the Almighty raises his eyes, Raises his eyes and catches sight, Catches sight of Anat the Girl, Loveliest of the sisters of ​Baal’ (trans. Parker 1997, 183). See also KTU 1.10 ii 26–28.

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The etymological background and precise meaning of this verb is not clear, but it can possibly be sought in a lexicalized allomorph of *wpy (DULAT 656); cf. Akkadian wapû ‘be(come) visible, appear’ (CAD A2, 201–4).56 In one example, Ugaritic phy corresponds to Akkadian amāru Gt, compare KTU 3.1 14–15 nqmd mlk ugr[t . . .] phy and PRU 4: 42 15–16 (RS 17.227 15–16) lugal gal ki-​it-​ta ša mNi-​iq-​ma-​an-​d[a] i-​ta-​ mar-ma ‘The great king has seen (and recognized) the loyalty of ​Niqma(n)du’. It is therefore reasonable to assume that phy involves seeing in the sense of recognition, perhaps with favor.57 On the assumption that the ventive is marking for middle semantics here, the perception can be understood as affective. In other words, the perception elicits an emotional response in the experiencer, i.e., the distinguishability between the experiencer and the stimulus is low.

5.5. The Ventive in -a The suffix of the so-​called augmented short prefix conjugation (UG 455–56), also known as the subjunctive and cohortative, and the so-​called augmented imperative (UG 428–29), can be parsed as an allomorph of *-an. Indeed, from a functional point of view, -n and /-ă̄ / appear to be used in identical contexts. In the following liturgy, for example, the verb qrʔ ‘call (out), invoke’ appears once as iqra and once as iqran:58 94.

a. KTU 1.23 1–2 iqr-​a ilm nʕ[mm] / | w ysmm bn šp[x] I will invoke hither the gracious gods, the pleasant ones, sons of Špš(?). b. KTU 1.23 23 iqra-​n ilm nʕmm I will invoke hither the gracious gods.

In this example, both verb forms appear to be used to indicate that the speaker invokes the object toward himself/herself. The verb qerû in the sense of invoking gods is also attested in Akkadian (CAD Q, 242), as in the following Old Babylonian prayer to Shamash and Adad: JCS 22: 26.16 (Goetze 1968, 26) li-​iq-​ri-​a-​am ilı̄ rabūtim ‘Let it (sc. the incense offering) invite the great gods to here’. At this point, the ventive of qerû is used to indicate the diviner’s wish to summon the gods to his location (Lenzi 2011, 91). It appears that the ventive in Hebrew also can be used to a similar effect in the so-​called lengthened imperfect consecutive; see 1 Sam 28:15 wå̄ -ʔɛqrå̄ʔɛ ləḵå̄ ‘I invited you hither’. 56.  For the root, see KTU 1.163 5 ynphy and KTU 3.1 15 phy (UG 665; Greenstein 2006, 82). As a matter of fact, Akkadian wapû is not attested as a verb I-w and in the G-​stem is very rare (it is usually C), but it is traditionally reconstructed as *wpy on the basis of ​Hebrew yå̄ p̄ ɛ (Kouwenberg 2010, 449n12). At any rate, whereas the subject of Akkadian wapû is the stimulus of the perception, the subject of Ugaritic phy is the experiencer of the perception. 57.  To be sure, phy is also attested without the ventive suffix; see, e.g., KTU 1.3 iii 32–33 hl-​m ʕnt tph ilm | bh pʕnm / tṭṭ ‘Look, ʕAnat saw the messengers, on her, the feet shook’. See also KTU 1.2 i 22 (2×), KTU 1.4 iv 27, and KTU 1.16 i 53. For hl-​m, see Pardee 2003–2004, 369, 381, who suggests that it possibly indicates a topicalization of the subject. 58.  While the liturgical nature of the first part of KTU 1.23 seems clear, the literary genre of the text as a whole has resisted classification; see Lewis 1997, 205–7.

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Likewise, /yaqtul-ā̆/ occurs in the same context as /yaqtul-​an/ in the following example: 95. KTU 1.4 vii 45–49 dll al ilak l bn / il-​m mt | ʕdd l ydd / il ġzr | yqr-​a mt / b-npšh | ystr-​n ydd / b-​gngnh I will send a herald to Môt, the son of ʔEl, an envoy to Ydd of ʔEl, the Hero. Let Môt say for himself in his throat, may he share secrets in his gullet. While the subject of ilak clearly is Baʕal, the identity of the subject of yqr-​a and ystr-n /yistVrr-​an/ is ambiguous. According to the above translation, the subject is Môt rather than Baʕal’s envoy, and b-​npšh and b-​gngnh can be interpreted with a proto-​reflexive meaning ‘self’.59 Thus, the ventive can be interpreted as reflexive-​benefactive. Since there is no apparent difference in terms of reflexive-​benefactive semantics between iqr-​a and iqra-​n or between yqr-​a and ystr-​n in the examples above, it is tempting to assume that /-ă̄ / is an allomorph of /-an/ after verb forms in which the final radical is ʔ. However, since /yaqtul-ā̆/ can only be recognized in verb forms in which the final radical is ʔ, it is difficult to determine whether the loss of -n was phonetically conditioned after this phoneme or whether -n was lost in verbs formed on other roots as well. According to the former interpretation, the loss of -n may have been conditioned by the assimilation of a to ʔ (and perhaps w and y), for example, /ʔiqrâ/ < *ʔiqrân < *ʔiqraʔ-an. Since forms both with and without -n are attested after these phonemes, assimilation appears to be irregular.60 On the assumption that the suffix /-ă̄ / of verb forms of roots in which the final radical is ʔ can be derived from *-an, the following example also involves the ventive: 96. KTU 1.6 v 19–21 tn aḥd / b aḫk isp-​a | w yṯb / ap d anšt Give up the first(-born) of your brothers, that I may eat, and the anger that I suffer may turn (away). This example involves the ventive of spʔ N /ʔissapiʔ-ă̄ /. Johannes De Moor (1971, 233) has shown that Northwest Semitic spʔ G is ‘feed, serve’, so the N-​stem is presumably middle or reflexive ‘get full, feed oneself’. The ventive morpheme, in turn, can be parsed as a reflexive-​benefactive marker. Indeed, verbs of ingestion may receive reflexive-​benefactive marking to indicate the satisfaction or affectedness of the subject (Creissels 2010, 59–60). These kinds of verbs are low-​transitivity verbs and the focus is on the activity of eating and drinking and its result for the subject rather than its result on the substance that is eaten. The reflexive-​benefactive function of the ventive is also available in the following example, which involves the verb mẓʔ: 97. KTU 1.12 i 34–37 bʕl ytlk w yṣd / | yḥ pat md!(l)br / | [[n]]wn ymġy aklm / | w ymẓ-a ʕq[[m]]qm 59.  See also Wyatt 2002, 111: “Mot may mutter to himself, the Beloved may scheme in his heart.” 60.  For the use of paragogic heh with verbs in which the final radical is ʔ in Biblical Hebrew, see section 6.2.3.

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Baʕal roamed/took off and hunted, he prowled the edge of the wilderness, wn, he came/comes to the Voracious Ones, and he found for himself the Destructive Ones.61 The verb mẓʔ, the cognate with Hebrew mṣʔ ‘attain, find’, is a verb that is quite prone to be marked by a reflexive-​benefactive expression to indicate the satisfaction or affectedness of the subject; compare, for example, Jer 6:16 ū-​miṣʔū margōaʕ lə-nap̄ šəḵɛm ‘Find quiet for yourselves!’ The following example, in turn, may involve the ventive marking for middle motion with the verb bwʔ ‘enter’: 98. KTU 1.100 72 ptḥ bt w ub-​a | hkl w ištql Open the house, that I may enter, (open) the palace, that I may get in. The ventive of /ʔubûʔă̄ / imparts a sense of suddenness to the event, as also suggested in the parallel colon by the violently induced motion of ištql, etymologically ‘throw oneself down’, which is already marked for subject affectedness in the causative-​reflexive stem. Finally, Kogan (2015, 134n368) has suggested that the 2m. s. imperative in /-ă̄ / (UG 429) of roots in which the final radical is ʔ in Ugaritic functionally corresponds to the imperative in -å̄ known from Biblical Hebrew (i.e., the ventive of the imperative), and that it indicates direction toward the speaker, for example: 99.

a. KTU 2.15 5 rʕy šṣ-a idn ly My friend, issue a permission for me. b. KTU 1.14 ii 22–24 š-​a ydk / šmm | dbḥ l-ṯr / abk il Raise to/for me your hands toward the heaven, sacrifice to Bull, your father ʔEl (sc. me, the speaker).

While this suggestion in all probability applies to šṣa of wṣʔ, the fact that all examples of 2m. s. imperative of nšʔ ‘lift’ are ša and not *ši (Tropper 1990, 386) may be taken to indicate /šâ/ < *šaʔ (UG 429), rather than /šaʔā̆/ < *šaʔan. Some instances of ša occur in contexts that are too fragmentary to allow for any conclusions regarding the goal of the lifting.

5.6. The Compound Pronominal Suffix -n /-Vnnū\ā/ About half of all examples of the n-suffix is followed by a pronominal suffix, and in these examples the n-suffix does not appear to have the same function as -n without a pronominal suffix.62 As a matter of fact, the objective pronominal suffix -h /-hū\ā/ is in 61.  The parsing of wn in line 26, whether w ‘and’ + presentative hn or w ‘and’ + enclitic -n, is not self-​ evident (UG 160). If the latter parsing turns out to be correct, one could argue that the clause in line 36 is also marked for the reflexive-​benefactive meaning, but that -n is enclitic to w rather than to ymġy. 62.  According to Verreet’s (1988, 79) data, -n is followed by a pronominal suffix 48 percent of the time; see also note 14.

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the majority of cases preceded by -n, and forms without -n- only occur in the poetic corpus (UG 221). The association of -n with objective pronominal suffixes is also known from other Semitic languages, including Biblical Hebrew (section 6.3), Aramaic (Bennett 1984; Sjörs 2021b), Neo-​Arabic (Owens 2013), and Safaitic (Al-​Jallad 2015, 97–98). On the assumption that -n is historically related to the ventive, a similar situation also pertains to Akkadian (Kouwenberg 2002, 227–31; 2010, 238–40). In this capacity, -n is used as a linking element. While the existence of an allomorph /-(a)n/ cannot be conclusively proven, there are good reasons to assume that -n sometimes corresponds to /-(a)n/ followed by a pronominal suffix -hū or -hā (UG 504–6). Since the rationale behind objective pro-​drop is not clear, however, it is not always obvious whether -n is /-(a)n/ or /-(a)nnū\ā/. The following examples involve transitive verbs with -n where -n is likely to involve a pronominal suffix, and hence where -n is a linking element.63 First of all, the fact that some instances of -n are likely to involve a pronominal suffix can be gathered from its occurrence with the suffix conjugation (Pardee 2003–2004, 248), for example: 100.

a. KTU 1.5 v 23–24 [bʕ]l šlbš-​n / ip[d] Baʕal clothed him(?) ip[d]. b. KTU 1.18 iv 33–34 hlm-​n ṯnm [qdqd] / | ṯlṯid ʕl udn He struck him(?) (on) the head twice, (he struck) thrice over the ear.64

In Akkadian, the ventive (as allative) is normally incompatible with paris since paris designates a state (Kouwenberg 2002, 201–3), and states are not compatible with the trajectory that the allative ventive presupposes.65 The n-suffix is not common after the suffix conjugation in Ugaritic either, but when it does occur, as in the examples above, it appears to be used with a following pronominal suffix. Thus, it is likely that the compound pronominal suffix, consisting of the ventive and a pronominal suffix, had a morphophonological distribution different from the n-suffix used absolutely. Indeed, the compound pronominal suffix -nn is also attested after the suffix conjugation (UG 223). The identification of -n with /-annū\ā/ < *-an-​hū/ā can also be supported by a comparision of -n and -nh in identical or similar phrases; compare, for example: 101.

a. KTU 2.90 14–17 yuḫd / hn bnš hw / w štn-​nh / bd mlakty Let this servant be seized, and (then) send him over to my messenger-​party.

63.  Examples KTU 1.5 v 23 šlbš-​n, KTU 1.18 iv 33 hlm-​n, KTU 1.2 i 18 tqy-​n, KTU 1.19 iii 20 aqbr-​n, KTU 1.19 iii 34 ašt-​n, KTU 1.5 v 5 ašt{.}-n, KTU 1.6 i 46 amlk-​n, and KTU 1.114 8 ylm-​n, were analyzed as involving a pronominal suffix also by Tropper (UG 505–6). 64.  Cf. with the imperative: KTU 1.18 iv 22–23 hlm-​n ṯnm qdqd / | ṯlṯid ʕl udn ‘Strike him(?) (on) the head twice, (strike) thrice over the ear’. 65.  The nonuse of orientational clitics with stative verbs is also true for Berber; see A. Fleisch 2012, 131: “In virtually all Berber varieties that have these clitics, they cannot be used with certain verbs. These typically include the so-​called stative verbs (typically property-​denoting verbs which came into being through a resultative construction) which do not imply any kind of trajectory.”

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b. KTU 2.90 22–24 w at bd / [m]lakty ly / štn-​n You, send him(?) over to my messenger-​party for me. 102.

a. KTU 1.2 i 18 tn il-​m d tqh | d tqy-​n hmlt | tn bʕl [w ʕn-​nh] b. KTU 1.2 i 34–35 tn il-​m d tqh | d tqy-​nh / [hml]t | tn bʕl w ʕn-​nh Give up that very god whom you protect, whom you, O multitude, has/ have taken into protection (or: protect[s]). Give up Baʕal, and I will humble him.

In (101b), -n appears to be used in the same function as -nh in (101a), and both verb forms can be parsed as 2m. s. imperative of y/wtn C /šêtin-/. While it is true that tqyn in KTU 1.2 i 18 may not involve a pronominal suffix, or also be 2m. pl. yVqtVlu (in which case -n is the imperfective morpheme), the use of the pronominal suffix in the parallel passage in KTU 1.2 i 34–35 indicates that tqy-​n probably also involves a pronominal suffix. Yet, rather than emending tqy-​n to tqy-​n, it may be necessary to admit two allomorphs: /-annū\ā/ and /-anhū\ā/. The fact that -n sometimes involves -hū/-hā can also be gathered from a comparison of aqbr-​nh and aqbr-​n in the following examples: 103.

a. KTU 1.19 iii 5–6 ab[[p]]ky w aqbr-​nh / | ašt b ḫrt ilm arṣ!(t) b. KTU 1.19 iii 20–21 abky w aqbr-​n | ašt b ḫrt / ilm [ar]ṣ c. KTU 1.19 iii 34–35 abky w aqbr-​nh | ašt-​n / b ḫrt ilm arṣ I will cry and I will bury him, by placing him(?) in a hole of the gods of the underworld.

The fact that aqbr-​nh and aqbr-​n occur in identical and apparently stereotypical phrases suggest that -n involves a pronominal suffix assimilated to the ventive. Furthermore, -n of ašt-​n in the third example above can also be normalized as /-annū/. While it is possible that -n is used without a pronominal suffix in view of the nonoccurrence of a pronominal suffix on ašt in the first and second example above, the nonoccurrence of a pronominal suffix on ašt may just as well be explained as pro-​ dropping; compare, for example, KTU 1.6 i 16–18 tbky-​nh / w tqbr-​nh | tšt-​nn b ḫrt / ilm arṣ ‘She cried for him and buried him, by placing him in a hole of the gods of the underworld’ and KTU 1.19 iii 40–41 ybky w yqbr / | yqbr-​nn b mdgt ‘He cried and he buried (him), by burying him in a tomb’. On the other hand, it is also possible that ašt-​n in KTU 1.19 iii 34 above should be emended to ašt-​n in view of the following example (with representation of word dividers): 104. KTU 1.5 v 5–6 ašt{.}n . b ḫrt / ilm . arṣ I will place him(?) in a hole of the gods of the underworld. Tropper (UG 505) remarked that -n is separated from ašt by a word divider in the example above. Since word dividers elsewhere, when they occur in connection with

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pronominal suffixes, only are used with the pronominal suffix -nn (UG 222), it is tempting to emend ašt-​n to ašt-​n with Tropper (UG 505) or to delete the word divider with the editors of KTU. If ašt-n​ in the example above (and ašt-​n in KTU 1.19 iii 34) is emended to ašt-n​ , it is also tempting to emend ytn-​n in the first example below to ytn-​n in view of ytn-​nn in the second example below. 105.

a. KTU 3.2 2–5, 8–9 ʕmṯtmr / bn nqmpʕ / mlk ugrt / ytn bt annḏr . . . [w y]tn-​n / [l ʕb]dmlk ʕMṯtmr, son of ​Nqmpʕ, king of Ugarit, has given the house of ʔAnnḏr. . . . And he gave it(?) to ʕBdmlk. b. KTU 3.5 3–5, 11–12 nqmpʕ mlk / ugrt ytn / šd . . . w ytn-​nn / l bʕln Nqmpʕ, king of Ugrt, has given a field. . . . And he gave it to Bʕln.

As a matter of fact, Tropper (2002, 112) edits KTU 3.2 8 as [w.yt]n(.)nn. Furthermore, the following instances presumably also involve pronominal suffixes and can be interpreted as /ʔamallik-​annū/ and /ʔabakkir-​annā/ respectively:66 106.

a. KTU 1.6 i 45–46 tn / aḥd b bnk amlk-​n Give up the firstborn of your sons, and I will make him(?) king. b. KTU 1.15 iii 16 ṣġrthn abkr-​n As to the youngest of them, I will treat her(?) (as if ) a first-​born.

For the use in a purpose clause of a pronominal suffix referring to an antecedent in the main clause, as in the first example above, compare KTU 1.2 i 35 tn bʕl w ʕn-​nh ‘Give up Baʕal, and I will humble him’. For the fronting of a noun and its anaphoric resumption, as in the second example above, compare KTU 1.4 iii 15–16 qlt / b ks išty-nh ‘As to dishonor, I drank it from my cup’. The following example involves -n on hlm ‘strike’. While it is tempting to assume that -n involves a pronominal suffix, it cannot be proven. Still, it is difficult to pinpoint the functional significance of -n when analyzed as the ventive used absolutely: 107. KTU 1.114 6–8 il d ydʕ-nn / yʕdb lḥm lh | w d l ydʕ-nn / ylm-​n ḫṭm tḥt ṯlḥn The god whom he knows, he prepared food for him. And the god whom he does not know, he hit him(?) with stick(s) beneath the table.

66.  The verb phrase in KTU 1.15 iii 16 is presumably used as a hyperbole, in the sense that ʔEl will exalt Krt and his offspring to the extent that he will treat even the youngest of the daughters as if she was the firstborn (son); cf. Wyatt 2002, 212n157: “In El’s mouth this is a blessing indeed, indicating such wealth (= blessing) that there will be no need to divide it proportionally among Keret’s offspring.” See also Greenstein 1997, 26n74: “El exercises a quasi-​parental right to declare that the last-​born daughter will have the legal prerogatives of the firstborn.” It may perhaps be regarded as an exaggeration the effect of which is similar to have offspring as numerous as the stars.

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5.7. Plural Verb Forms The following examples consist of verses in which one poetic line has a dual or plural verb form tqtl /tVqtVlā\ū/ and the other poetic line has tqtln. In these cases, it is difficult to determine whether tqtln is imperfective /tVqtVlā\ū-​nV/ or whether it is ventive. The parsing of tlsmn is inconclusive. It may be either imperfective /talsVmânV/ or the ventive of the short or long prefix conjugation:67 108. KTU 1.3 iii 18–20 ḥšk ʕṣk ʕbṣk / | ʕmy pʕnk tlsmn | ʕmy / twtḥ išdk Hasten, hurry, rush. Your feet, may they (or: they will) run toward me, let your legs hurry to me. If -n is ventive, it may mark for motion middle or be speaker-​directional. The parsing of tbun is inconclusive. It may be either imperfective /tabûʔūnV/ or the ventive of the short or long prefix conjugation:68 109. KTU 1.15 vi 6 ʕl krt tbun They enter(ed) at Kirta’s. If -n is ventive, it may mark for motion middle. The parsing of trḥpn is inconclusive. It may be either imperfective /turaḫḫipūnV/ or the ventive of the short or long prefix conjugation:69 110. KTU 1.18 iv 30–31 ʕlh nšrm / trḫpn | ybṣr ḥbl d iy[m] Falcons hover(ed) above him, the flock of ​hawks watched (him). If -n is ventive, it may mark for nontranslational motion middle. The parsing of tmṭrn is inconclusive, it may be either imperfective /tamṭurūnV/ or the ventive of the short or long prefix conjugation:70 111. KTU 1.6 iii 12–13 šmm šmn tmṭrn / | nḫlm tlk nbtm The skies rain(ed) oil, the wadis flowed with honey. If -n is ventive, it may be marking for the spontaneous middle. The parsing of tmtn is inconclusive. It may be either imperfective /tamûtūnV/ or the ventive of the short or long prefix conjugation:71 112. KTU 1.16 i 22–23 u ilm tmtn / | špḥ lṭpn l-​yḥ Or (how) can gods (themselves?) die? May the Scion of the Beneficient live. If -n is ventive, it may mark for the spontaneous middle. 67.  See also KTU 1.3 iv 12 [tls]mn and KTU 1.1 ii 22 tlsmn. 68.  See also KTU 1.15 iv 21 tbun. 69.  See also KTU 1.18 iv 20 trḫpn and KTU 1.19 i 32 trḫpn. 70.  See also KTU 1.6 iii 6 tmṭrn. 71.  See also KTU 1.16 ii 43 tmtn.

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5.8. Summary The n-suffix, when not identified with the imperfective morpheme /-nV/ or the 1c. s. objective pronominal suffix /-nı̄ /, is formally and functionally related to the ventive in Akkadian. The qualitative relationship is difficult to determine for lack of vowels in the orthography of Ugaritic. It was hypothesized, however, that -n is /-an/ and cognate with the Akkadian ventive allomorph -am, when used after the final radical of the verb, for example, /yaqtul-​an/. After agreement markers, such as /-ı̄ / and /-ū/, as well as the imperfective morpheme -u, the n-suffix can be derived from a cognate with Akkadian -nim. On the basis of -nn /-nVn-​nū\ā/, this cognate may be reconstructed as *-nVn, and since the consonant is only written once when used without a following pronominal suffix, it appears to have syncopated into *-nn. Functionally speaking, the ventive is primarily (historically) associated with motion directed toward the speaker. It was shown that the ventive of motion and dative verbs with a 2nd or 3rd person subject indicates direction toward the speaker in direct speech, for example (78a), and direction toward a goal with deictic displacement in narrative, for example, (79a) and (79b). The ventive of nonmotion and nondative verbs, in turn, is used to indicate the speaker as the beneficiary in the event, for example, (72). Likewise, when the subject of the verb is the speaker (1st person subject), the goal of the action is, as expected, the speaker. It can be used to indicate that the action is directed toward the speaker (94a) or that the speaker is the beneficiary, i.e., reflexive-​benefactive (81). The use of the ventive as a marker of reflexive-​benefactive semantics has paved the way for its use as a marker of middle semantics. For example, in naturally reflexive-​ benefactive situations, i.e., situations that one normally carries out for one’s own benefit (the indirect middle), the subject and the reflexive-​benefactive argument can be analyzed as a single entity rather than two participants (albeit coreferring), and from there, the middle-​marking ventive could spread to to other middle situations to mark for low event elaboration. As a middle marker, the ventive can be used to tone down the degree to which different participants are distinguished by highlighting the identity of the actor as the undergoer. This typically applies to situations that are characterized by a low degree of event elaboration, for example, (89).

Chapter 6

The Ventive-​Energic in Biblical Hebrew

6.1. Introduction The function and historical background of paragogic heh, which is used in the lengthened imperative, cohortative, and lengthened imperfect consecutive, have been the subject of much debate. As summarized by Felice Israel (2007), there are three major approaches to the etymology of paragogic heh of the cohortative. One school of thought connects it with the suffix -an of the short energic prefix conjugation in Arabic. Carl Brockelmann (GVG 1:557), for example, noted that Arabic yaqtul-​an is yaqtul-​ā in pause and suggested that -ā etymologically corresponds to the suffix of the cohortative in Biblical Hebrew. While such a connection is possible on formal grounds, the functional relationship between the (short) energic prefix conjugation in Arabic, which is assumed to intensify the indicative (Zewi 1999, 178), and the cohortative in Biblical Hebrew, which is volitive (hortative, optative), remains an open question. According to a different approach, the cohortative is connected with the subjunctive in Arabic (Bauer and Leander 1922, §36d; Joüon [1923] 1947, 315n1), and both verb forms are derived from a volitive verb form *yVqtVl-​a in Central Semitic (Tropper 1997b, 404; Huehnergard 2005, 165).1 The function of this verb form and its relationship with volitive *yVqtVl, however, remain unclear. Moran ([1950] 2003, 98) suggested that *yVqtVl-​a was an emphatic form of *yVqtVl, and Tropper (1997b, 403) suggested that -a was used as a form of strengthening (“Verstärkung”) of the short prefix conjugation (and imperative) in early Canaanite. It is less clear, however, how paragogic heh of the lengthened imperfect consecutive should be reconciled with these suggestions. According to a third hypothesis, paragogic heh is related to the ventive morpheme -am in Akkadian. This hypothesis is strongly supported by the function of the lengthened imperative, which is used when the action of the verb is directed toward the speaker (Fassberg 1994, 13–35; 1999; Shulman 1996, 65–84).2 The lengthened imperative tən-å̄, for example, usually renders ‘Give to me’. The unmarked imperative, 1.  See also Blau 2010, 207: “Originally, it seems, this form in West Semitic had a modal sense and occurred in all persons.” As a sort of compromise, it has also been suggested that the cohortative is a conflation of the energic and the subjunctive (Gelb 1969, 101), and it may also be noted that Testen (1994) derives yaqtul-​a from yaqtul-​an. 2.  Fassberg (1999, 12) notes that out of the some 1,700 examples of the unmarked imperative, there are 130 examples or so that admit action directed toward the speaker, e.g., Gen 27:9 wə-qaḥ-lı̄ ‘Bring to me’.

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in turn, is used when the action of the verb is directed elsewhere, for example, tēn ‘Give’, usually ‘Give to someone else’.3 Thus, Gentry (1998, 25–30) identifies paragogic heh of the imperative, cohortative, and lengthened imperfect consecutive with one and the same morpheme and suggests that it was used to mark for “action here as opposed to there” and “action directed towards or for the benefit of the subject.” Kogan (2015, 134–35), in turn, emphasizes the benefactive function of paragogic heh of the cohortative and suggests that a form like ʔēləḵ-å̄ originally meant something like ‘Let me go for myself’.4 The explanatory power of identifying paragogic heh with the ventive suffix is that it provides a coherent account for both -å̄ of the imperative and -å̄ of the cohortative: both are used to indicate that the action is carried out toward or for the benefit of the speaker. In the following sections, it will be argued that the functions of the lengthened imperfect consecutive in Archaic and Classical Biblical Hebrew also can be conceptually related with benefaction directed toward the speaker.

6.2. The Ventive and the Lengthened Imperfect Consecutive According to Joüon and Muraoka (JM §47d), the a-suffix of wå̄ -ʔɛqṭəl-å̄ has no semantic value but is formed in analogy to (wə-)ʔɛqṭəl-å̄, and “its existence is probably due to some consideration of rhythm.”5 Explaining the formation of wå̄ -ʔɛqṭəl-å̄ by the power of analogy is supported by the concentration of the relevant forms to Late Biblical Hebrew (Bergsträsser [1918–29] 1962, 2:22), in particular the books of ​ Daniel, Ezra, and Nehemiah, which are widely accepted to date from the postexilic period (Fassberg 2016). Thus, the formation of wå̄ -ʔɛqṭəl-å̄ can be explained on the assumption that the distinction between the cohortative and ʔɛqṭōl was lost in postexilic times. At the same time, even when one excludes these books, there still remain close to fifty examples of wå̄ -ʔɛqṭəl-å̄ in the rest of the Hebrew Bible.6 Johann Stickel (1842, 151) assumes that paragogic heh is meaningful and identifies it with heh locale and suggests that it expresses the direction of the action, for example, One may suggest, therefore, that while the lengthened imperative appears to be marked for action toward the speaker, the unlengthened imperative is not marked for action toward elsewhere. 3.  Shulman (1996, 65–84), who independently reached the same conclusion as Fassberg, noted that out of 116 occurrences of the lengthened imperative in her corpus (Genesis–2 Kings, excluding the poetic material), the imperative is followed by a preposition with a 1st person suffix in sixty-​one examples. In another fifty-​one examples, such a preposition with a 1st person suffix is implied by the context. This is also common in Akkadian and results from the fact that person deixis is only an implicature of the ventive, which merely points ‘to here’ (Kouwenberg 2002, 218). Thus, while tənå̄ renders ‘Give hither’, the orientation toward the speaker’s person can be fine-​tuned by a prepositional phrase, e.g., tənå̄ lı̄ ‘Give hither to me’, see (139). The frequent use of prepositional phrases also seem to suggest that the meaning of the suffix may have bleached semantically. 4.  See Kogan 2015, 135n369: “Needless to say, the benefactive ending as such could in principle be attached to the third person forms as well (‘may he do for me,’ etc.), but one can plausibly suppose that at some stage of the development of the Canaanite languages its use became restricted to the first person self-​exhortation clauses (‘may I do something for myself’).” 5.  The idea that wå̄ -ʔɛqṭəlå̄ is formed through the influence of a false analogy appears to have been advanced by Müller (1887, 206). 6.  Korchin (2012, 269n4) counts 105 examples of wå̄ -ʔɛqṭəlå̄ and seven examples of wan-​niqṭəlå̄ in the Hebrew Bible. Sixty-​one of these examples occur in Daniel, Ezra, and Nehemiah.

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Ps 3:6 wå̄ -ʔı̄šå̄ nå̄ ‘ich schlief ​hin (mit Bedeutung, ohne durch Ueberfall gestört zu werden)’ (Stickel 1842, 154).7 Delitzsch ([1859–60] 1894, 80–81), with reference to the same verse, makes the same etymological identification and suggests that -å̄ gives subjective intensity to the idea of sequence: “und so schlummerte ich denn ein.”8 Paul Korchin (2012, 269), in turn, also assumes that the use of -å̄ is meaningful and that it expresses an orientational meaning:9 “the Biblical Hebrew ʔeqṭəlâ / niqṭəlâ forms in question possess a functional value that consistently signifies verbal action oriented either away from or outside of the deictic center for each given syntagm.” In Korchin’s (2012, 270) view, the verbal lexemes of the lengthened imperfect consecutive belong to five semantic classes: “verbs of utterance (e.g., speak, call), verbs of conveyance (e.g., give, carry), verbs of perception (e.g., look, listen), verbs of locomotion (e.g., exit, escape), and verbs of impact (e.g., grab, smash).” It may be noted, however, that Korchin’s corpus includes Ezra and Nehemiah and that they make up for 50 out of 112 examples of wå̄ -ʔɛqṭəlå̄ (Korchin 2012, 277). However, when one excludes Psalm 119 and the books of ​Esther, Daniel, Ezra, Nehemiah, and Chronicles, a comparison of the relevant verbal lexemes used in the lengthened imperfect consecutive reveals a semantic commonality: they belong to a semantic domain that typically receives middle marking in languages that have it. If middle marking can be connected with the subject’s interest, and the subject and the speaker refer to the same entity in wå̄ -ʔɛqṭəlå̄, the function of paragogic heh can again be identified with the ventive/reflexive-​benefactive function associated with -å̄ of the imperative and the cohortative. Indeed, John Cook (2012, 239–40) identifies -å̄ with the ventive morpheme and suggests that it has a locative and directional (“hither”/“thither”) or reflexive(-benefactive) (“myself”/“for my sake”) meaning in the lengthened imperfect consecutive, for example, Gen 43:21 wan-nip̄ təḥå̄ ʔɛṯ-ʔamtəḥōṯēnū ‘we opened our sacks there’ (trans. Cook, underline in the original changed to italics). Cook further notes that the locative-​directional meaning is more prevalent in earlier texts and that the reflexive(-benefactive) meaning is more prevalent in later texts, but that the latter sometimes is difficult to discern. It will be shown below that the association of the lengthened imperfect consecutive with subject affectedness is supported by the fact that the verbal lexemes that are used with lengthening are the same verbal lexemes that can be used with l- and a following pronominal suffix referring back to the subject. Furthermore, the fact that volitive ʔɛqṭəl-å̄, the cohortative, is more common than preterite (wå̄ -)ʔɛqṭəl-å̄, the lengthened imperfect consecutive, tallies with the distribution of prepositional phrases consisting of l- and pronominal suffixes that refer back to the subject. Driver (BDB 515) notes, for example, that when the preposition l- is used “reflexively,” it is 7.  In Driver’s ([1874] 1892, 79) view, “the -ah was felt to indicate the direction in which the will exerted itself, or to add emphasis to the idea of movement conveyed by the tense.” Driver ([1874] 1892, 51n3) does not, however, assert the identity of paragogic heh with heh locale. 8.  See Delitzsch [1859–60] 1894, 80–81: “Die 1. p. impf. consec., welches sich durch wå̄ kennzeichnet, pflegt ah der Richtung anzunehmen, welches die Folge-​Vorstellung subjektiv verstärkt.” 9.  Korchin (2012, 279) suggests that ʔɛqṭəl-å̄ was reanalyzed as ʔɛqṭōl + å̄ on the basis of the functional overlap between the cohortative and the jussive. The suffix -å̄ was then reanalyzed, on the basis of its frequent co-​occurrence with hlk ‘go’, as a morpheme that expresses centrifugal action.

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especially common with imperatives and the 1st person of the prefix conjugation in the nonpast.10 The explanation has to do with volition: benefaction typically involves willingness and purpose that dovetail with the volitive component of volitive *ʔaqtul. 6.2.1. Reflexive-​Benefactive Middle The ventive morpheme of the lengthened imperfect consecutive was originally used to indicate direction toward the speaker, as often in the lengthened imperative. This function of the ventive is detectable in the example below. Samuel’s ghost has asked Saul why he has been summoned, and Saul answers as follows: 113. 1 Sam 28:15 wå̄ -ʔɛqrå̄ʔɛ ləḵå̄ lə-hōḏı̄ʕēnı̄ I invited you hither to tell me. The ventive of qrʔ in this example indicates that the speaker-​subject invokes or invites the object to its own location.11 It may be noted that the same function of the ventive of qrʔ is known from a Ugaritic incantation; see KTU 1.23 1 (94a) iqr-​a ilm nʕ[mm] ‘I will invoke hither the gracious gods’.12 While it is true that the ventive of *ʔaqtul is formally identical to *ʔaqtul-​u of most verbs in which the final radical is /ʔ/ (section 6.2.3), ʔɛqrå̄ʔɛ in the example above can be derived from *ʔɛqrå̄ʔ-å̄ (Driver [1874] 1892, 51n2), which in turn can be derived from *ʔaqraʔ-an.13 The meaning of direction toward the speaker is also available in the following example, if the emendation of wə- to wå̄ - is accepted: Isa 8:2 wå̄ !(wə-)-ʔå̄ʕı̄ḏå̄ llı̄ ʕēḏı̄m nɛʔɛ̆må̄ nı̄m ‘I called to me reliable witnesses’. Notably, the goal-​orientation toward the speaker is also provided by a prepositional phrase with a pronominal suffix that refers back to the subject in this instance. This kind of pleonasm suggests that the meaning of direction may have bleached semantically. The ventive is also used with reflexive-​benefactive function. The reflexive-​ benefactive ventive can be found with actions that one normally or necessarily performs for one’s own benefit. As such, the reflexive-​benefactive ventive functions as an indirect middle marker. This function of the ventive is attested in the following example: 114. 2 Sam 4:10 kı̄ ham-maggı̄ḏ lı̄ l-​ēmōr hinnē-​mēṯ šå̄ʔūl wə-hū-hå̄yå̄ ḵi-​mḇaśśēr bə-ʕēnå̄w wå̄ -ʔōḥăzå̄ ḇō wå̄-ʔɛhrəḡēhū bə-ṣiqlå̄ḡ ʔăšɛr lə-ṯittı̄-lō bəśōrå̄ 10.  See also Givón 2013, 47, on the distribution of l- with pronominal suffixes referring back to the subject, called the “ethical dative” (ED): A “conspicuous fact about the ED construction in EBH is that it appears, overwhelmingly, in the imperative-​hortative-​jussive mode, with the subject being either 2nd or 1st person” (EBH = Early Biblical Hebrew). 11.  The ventive of qrʔ is also known from an Old Babylonian prayer to Shamash and Adad; see JCS 22: 26.16 (Goetze 1968, 26) li-​iq-​ri-​a-​am ilı̄ rabūtim ‘Let it (sc. the incense offering) invite the great gods to here’. According to Lenzi (2011, 91), the ventive of qerû is used to indicate the diviner’s wish to summon the gods to his location. 12.  See also KTU 1.23 23 (94b) iqra-​n ilm nʕmm ‘I will invoke hither the gracious gods’. 13.  The ventive of qrʔ with speaker-​directional meaning is perhaps also attested in Lam 3:57 qå̄ raḇtå̄ bə-yōm ʔɛqrå̄ʔɛkkå̄ ‘You approached on the day I called you hither’. In this example, ʔɛqrå̄ʔɛkkå̄ can be derived from *ʔaqraʔ-an-​ka, i.e., the ventive of preterite *ʔaqtul.

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As for he who told me, Look, Saul is dead, while he was in his eyes as a bearer of good news, I took hold of ​him for myself and killed him in Ziklag, (him according) to whom it should have been for me to give him (something) for “good news.” The event of taking or seizing something or someone is basically the opposite of giving in the sense that the agent of the verb is prototypically the recipient and the beneficiary of the event. The ventive marks that the agent is proportionally more affected by taking hold of the patient than the corresponding verb form without the ventive; cf. in Aramaic (2b). The following example involves the ventive of mṣʔ ‘find’ with a following pronominal suffix: 115. Prov 7:15 ʕal-​kēn yå̄ṣå̄ṯı̄ li-qrå̄ ṯɛḵå̄ | lə-šaḥēr på̄nɛḵå̄ wå̄ -ʔɛmṣå̄ʔɛkkå̄ Therefore I went out to meet you, to early look at your face, and I found you for myself. The verb mṣʔ is sometimes followed by l- with the function of an indirect middle marker; see, for example, Hos. 12:9 må̄ ṣå̄ṯı̄ ʔōn lı̄ ‘I have found wealth for myself’ and Jer 6:16 ū-​miṣʔū margōaʕ lə-nap̄ šəḵɛm ‘Find quiet for yourselves’. Similarly, the ventive can be interpreted as a marker that indicates that the speaker is the beneficiary of the event.14 The ventive is also found with verbs that are marked for reflexive or middle semantics by grammatical means; see, for example: 116. 2 Sam 22:24 wå̄ -ʔɛhyɛ ṯå̄mı̄m lō | wå̄ -ʔɛštammərå̄ mē-ʕăwōnı̄ I have been perfect before him and I have guarded myself from my iniquity. The Dt-​stem of šmr is only attested three times in the Hebrew Bible: in the example above, in the synoptic verse Ps 18:24, where it occurs without -å̄ , and in Mic 6:16, where the reading is problematic.15 It presumably has a reflexive or middle-​marking function of the D-​stem. Notably, the middle counterpart of the G-​stem, šmr N, is itself sometimes marked by l- with a pronominal suffix referring back to the subject, in particular in the imperative; compare, for example, Gen 24:6 hiššå̄ mɛr ləḵå̄ ‘Watch 14.  See perhaps also Zech 11:13 wå̄ -ʔɛqḥå̄ šəlōšı̄ m hak-​kɛsɛp̄ ‘I took the thirty pieces of silver for myself’. Korchin (2012, 269n4) does not include Zech 11:13, assuming that h is misaligned and belongs to the following word as the definite article. However, it is possible that the original text had both paragogic heh and the definite article but that one of them was lost through haplology. If h belongs to the verb, it may be parsed as the indirect middle ventive. For lqḥ with l- and a pronominal suffix that refers back to the subject, see, e.g., Gen 15:10 way-​yiqqaḥ-lō ‘He took for himself’. See also Gen 6:21 and Amos 6:13. 15.  See Mic 6:16 wə-yištammēr ḥuqqōṯ ʕåmrı̄ ‘He will watch himself ​(with respect to?) the statutes of Omri’. The switch from the 2nd person in Mic 6:15 to the 3rd person in Mic 6:16aa, and then back to the 2nd person in Mic 6:16ab, has caused concern. LXX, for instance, has kai efulaxas, which seems to presuppose wat-​tišmōr. Alternatively, ḥuqqōṯ ʕåmrı̄ is the subject of wə-yištammēr: ‘Omri’s statutes will be kept’. If so, the Dt-​stem is used intransitively.

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yourself’ and Exod 23:21 hiššå̄ mɛr mip-på̄nå̄ w ‘Take heed of ​him’.16 The ventive of šmr Dt can be analyzed analogically: it is used to focus on the the fact that the subject and the beneficiary refer to the same entity. Notably, the ventive as a middle marker is not a verb argument and does not affect the truth-​conditional content of the proposition. It is used, rather, to focus on subject affectedness. Its optionality is evidenced by the fact that it is sometimes present and absent in two recensions of the same verse, compare 2 Sam 22:24 wå̄ -ʔɛštammərå̄ and Ps 18:24 wå̄ -ʔɛštammēr. This optionality is also exhibited by prepositional phrases involving reflexive-​benefactive l-; compare, for example, 2 Kgs 18:21 hinnē ḇå̄ṭaḥtå̄ lləḵå̄ ʕal-​mišʕɛnɛṯ haq-qå̄nɛ ‘Look, you entrust yourselves in a staff of reed’ and Isa 36:6 hinnē ḇå̄ṭaḥtå̄ ʕal-​mišʕɛnɛṯ haq-qå̄nɛ. The reflexive-​benefactive ventive can in principle be used with any kind of verb. The verb ntn ‘give’ typically involves a recipient that is different from the agent, but the ventive can be used when the agent and the recipient are identical to focus on this participant as the beneficiary of the situation (indirect reflexive), for example: 117. Ps 69:12 wå̄ -ʔɛttənå̄ ləḇūšı̄ śå̄q | wå̄ -ʔɛ̆hı̄ lå̄ hɛm lə-må̄šå̄ l I have made me my clothes of sackcloth, and I have become a byword to them. However, the beneficiary does not have to be identical to the recipient. In the following example, the recipient is Aaron, but the beneficiary is identical to the agent:17 118. Num 8:19 wå̄ -ʔɛttənå̄ ʔɛṯ-ha-lwiyyı̄m nəṯūnı̄m lə-ʔahărōn ū-​lə-ḇå̄nå̄ w mit-​ tōḵ bənē yiśrå̄ʔēl I have made me the Levites as a gift to Aaron and to his sons from among the children of ​Israel. In this example, the reflexive-​benefactive ventive indicates that the Lord makes the Levites into gifts for himself, compare Num 8:16 lå̄ qaḥtı̄ ʔōṯå̄m lı̄ ‘I (sc. the Lord) have taken them (sc. the Levites) for myself’, with reflexive-​benefactive lı̄ ‘for me’. To be sure, the role of the Levites as a gift to Aaron for the benefit of the Lord is indicated elsewhere in Numbers; see, for example, Num 18:6 wa-ʔănı̄ hinnē lå̄qaḥtı̄ ʔɛṯ-ʔăḥēḵɛm ha-lwiyyı̄m mit-​tōḵ bənē yiśrå̄ʔēl lå̄ḵɛm mattå̄nå̄ nəṯūnı̄m l-​Yhwh ‘Look, I have myself taken your brothers the Levites from among the Israelites to you as a gift, given to the Lord (sc. me).’ Here the Levites are described as a mattå̄ nå̄ ‘gift’ for Aaron and as nəṯūnı̄m ‘given (servants)’ for the Lord.18 16.  See also Gen 31:24, 29; Exod 10:28; 19:12; 34:12; Deut 4:9, 23; 6:12; 8:11; 11:16; 12:13, 19, 30; 15:9. One even finds the N-​stem with nɛp̄ ɛš used proto-​reflexivally in Deut 4:15 wə-nišmartɛm məʔōḏ lə-nap̄ šōṯēḵɛm ‘You shall watch yourselves carefully’. 17.  See also 1 Sam 2:28 wå̄ -ʔɛttənå̄ ‘I gave for my benefit’ and note ū-ḇå̄ḥōr ʔōṯō . . . lı̄ lə-ḵōhēn ‘by choosing him . . . for me to be a priest’ in the same verse. 18.  Compare also Num 3:9 nəṯūnı̄ m nəṯūnı̄ m hēmmå̄ lō ‘They are given as gifts to him (sc. Aaron, as recipient)’ and Num 8:16 kı̄ nəṯūnı̄ m nəṯūnı̄ m hēmmå̄ lı̄ ‘They are given as gifts for me (sc. the Lord, as beneficiary)’.

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In the following example, the ventive of ntn can be interpreted as a marker of external possession: 119. Ezek 16:11 wå̄ -ʔɛʕdēḵ ʕɛḏı̄ wå̄ -ʔɛttənå̄ ṣəmı̄ḏı̄m ʕal-yå̄ḏayiḵ wə-rå̄ḇı̄ḏ ʕal-​gərōnēḵ I adorned you with jewelry: I put bracelets on your arms for me and a necklace around your neck. Ezek 16:8–14 describes how Yhwh has taken a bride (Jerusalem) in marriage and bestowed gifts on her, effectively making her his own and thereby also becoming hers (Zimmerli [1969] 1979, 340); cf. Ezek 16:8 wat-tihyı̄ lı̄ ‘You became mine’. The noun ṣå̄mı̄ḏ is related to ṣɛmɛḏ ‘couple, pair, span (of oxen)’ and the verb ṣmd G ‘bind, join’, and it seems possible that by placing these bracelets on her hands, the subject binds itself to its object; compare, for instance, the middle N-​stem of ṣmd, for example, Num 25:3 way-​yiṣṣå̄mɛḏ yiśrå̄ʔēl lə-ḇaʕal pəʕōr ‘Israel attached itself to Baʕal Peʕor’. Note also that the use of the ventive for the coding of an external possessor is found with the verb mdl, synonymous with ṣmd, in Ugaritic; see KTU 1.19 ii 8–9 b-​km tmdl-​n ʕr | b-​km tṣmd pḥl ‘Forthwith she roped/ropes her mount, forthwith harnessed/harnesses the riding-​animal’. In the following example, the reflexive-​benefactive ventive is used with the verb šlḥ ‘send’. For the sake of comparison, one may note that a reflexive-​benefactive argument of šlḥ G can also be introduced by l-, for example, Num 13:2 šəlaḥ-ləḵå̄ ʔănå̄šı̄m wə-yå̄ṯūrū ‘Send some men for yourself to explore’. 120. Gen 32:6 wå̄ -ʔɛšləḥå̄ lə-haggı̄ḏ l-​aḏōnı̄ li-​mṣō-ḥēn bə-ʕēnɛḵå̄ I have sent for my benefit to tell my lord, to find favor in your sight. In this example, Jacob sends a message to his brother Esau to tell him that he is coming to Edom and that he is bringing gifts in order to pacify him. The subject is obviously not the spatial goal of the transfer but rather its beneficiary. Thus, the ventive of šlḥ indicates that Jacob does so for his own benefit. The second clause serves to further highlight the purpose of the speaker’s sending, and it may be noted that similar formulas typically include speaker-​benefactive -nå̄ (see section 6.4), for example, Gen 30:27 ʔim-nå̄ må̄ ṣå̄ṯı̄ ḥēn bə-ʕēnɛḵå̄ ‘If ​I have found me favor in your eyes’. The following example involves the reflexive-​benefactive ventive of krt ‘cut’:19 121. 2 Sam 7:9 wå̄ -ʔɛhyɛ ʕimməḵå̄ bə-ḵål ʔăšɛr hå̄laḵtå̄ wå̄ -ʔaḵrı̄ ṯå̄ ʔɛṯ-kålʔōyəḇɛḵå̄ mip-på̄ nɛḵå̄ I was with you wherever you went, and I cut down for myself all your enemies from before you. 19.  It may be noted that the Chronicler has the imperfect consecutive without paragogic heh at this point; see 1 Chr 17:8 wå̄ -ʔaḵrı̄ ṯ. It is not impossible, however, that the Chronicler’s source was different from the Masoretic text, so that the difference is merely coincidental. To be sure, disagreement over paragogic heh is found in other synoptic verses in the Masoretic text; see note 40.

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The event of cutting described by krt may involve the explicit mention of a beneficiary; see, for example, 1 Kgs 5:20 wə-ʕattå̄ ṣawwē wə-yiḵrəṯū-lı̄ ʔărå̄zı̄m ‘Command now that they may hew me cedar trees’, and compare in Akkadian Gilg. Y 159 [lu-​u]k-​ sú-​ma-​am erēnam ‘Let me chop down the cedar’. The beneficiary may also be identical with the agent; see, for example, Isa 57:8 wat-​tiḵråṯ-lå̄ḵ ‘You have cut for yourself ​ (sc. a covenant)’.20 Other verbs for ‘cut’ are also attested with a reflexive-​benefactive argument; see, for example, Josh 17:15 ū-ḇērēṯå̄ ləḵå̄ ‘You will cut down for yourself’ and Ezek 37:11 niḡzarnū lå̄nū ‘We are cut off for our parts’.21 The following example involves the ventive of šql ‘weigh (to buy)’: 122. Jer 32:8–9 qənē nå̄ ʔɛṯ-śå̄ḏı̄. . . kı̄-ləḵå̄ mišpaṭ ha-yruššå̄ ū-​ləḵå̄ hag-​gəʔullå̄ qənē-lå̄ḵ . . . wå̄-ʔɛqnɛ ʔɛṯ-haś-śå̄ḏɛ . . . wå̄-ʔɛšqălå̄-llō ʔɛṯ-hak-​kɛsɛp̄ Buy, I pray, my field. . . . Because you have the inheritance right and you have (the right) of redemption to buy. Buy (it) for yourself. . . . So I bought me the field. . . . And I weighed me out the purchase price of silver to him (to buy). In this example, the weighing clearly refers to the weighing out of a price, i.e., a purchase to acquire. Thus, not just verbs of coming into possession but also verbs of desiring to come into possession tend to attract middle marking. The following example involves the ventive of ʔkl ‘eat’: 123. Ezek 3:3 way-​yōmɛr ʔēlay bɛn-ʔå̄ḏå̄m biṭnəḵå̄ ṯaʔăḵēl ū-​mēʕɛḵå̄ ṯəmallē ʔēṯ ham-​məḡillå̄ haz-​zōṯ ʔăšɛr ʔănı̄ nōṯēn ʔēlɛḵå̄ wå̄-ʔōḵəlå̄ wat-​təhı̄ bə-p̄ ı̄ ki-ḏḇaš lə-må̄ṯōq He said to me, Son of man, You must feed your belly and fill your bowels with this scroll that I am giving to you. So I ate (it) to my satisfaction and it was in my mouth as sweet as honey. Verbs of ingestion may receive middle marking to indicate the satisfaction or affectedness of the subject (Creissels 2010, 59–60), thus “eat to satisfaction.”22 The reflexive-​benefactive ventive can also be used to focus on the fact that the agent acts on its own, without help or interference; see, for example: 124. Judg 15:2 way-​yōmɛr ʔå̄ḇı̄hå̄ ʔå̄mōr ʔå̄martı̄ kı̄-śå̄nō śənēṯå̄h wå̄ -ʔɛttənɛnnå̄ lə-mērēʕɛḵå̄ 20.  See also Isa 44:14 and perhaps Jer 44:7–8. 21.  The ventive is also used with šbr ‘break’; see Job 29:17 wå̄ -ʔăšabbərå̄ məṯalləʕōṯ ʕawwå̄l | ū-​miššinnå̄ w ʔašlı̄ ḵ ṭå̄rɛp̄ ‘I broke for my own the grinders of the oppressive one, and from his teeth I used to throw out prey’. In Job 29, the speaker depicts his righteous acts in the past, and the breaking of teeth presumably refers to a punishment for breach of contract or false claims, which is described in legal documents from Mesopotamia and Syria (Huehnergard and Hackett 1984). The ventive indicates that the subject is the referent who receives the benefit of the breaking, perhaps ‘break oneself ​(through the two rows) of grinders’ or ‘break away for oneself’. For the use of reflexive-​benefactive marking in connection with the event of ​ breaking, see the discussion to (16a). 22.  It is also possible, as Korchin (2012, 269n4) suggests, that w-ʔklh in Ezek 3:3 involves a 3f. s. pronominal suffix and that it should be emended to wå̄ -ʔōḵəlå̄h ‘I ate it’. On the other hand, direct objects or objective pronouns can also be dropped when they are inferable.

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Her father said, I truly thought that you hated her deeply, so I gave her by myself ​(i.e., without consulting you) to your companion. Muraoka (1978, 497) emphasizes this function of l- with pronominal suffixes that refer to the subject: “Basically it serves to convey the impression on the part of the speaker or author that the subject establishes his own identity, recovering or finding his own place by determinedly dissociating himself from his familiar surrounding. Notions of isolation, loneliness, parting, seclusion, or withdrawal are often recognizable.”23 The use of the reflexive-​benefactive ventive for autonomous actions can also be used to focus the subject’s interest in the event so as to contrast it with other potential participants, for example: 125. Judg 12:3 wå̄ -ʔɛrʔɛ kı̄-ʔēnəḵå̄ mōšı̄aʕ wå̄-ʔå̄śı̄ må̄ nap̄ šı̄ ḇə-ḵappı̄ wå̄ -ʔɛʕbərå̄ ʔɛl-​bənē ʕammōn I saw that you were not helping, so I put my life in my (own) hand for myself and I passed over against the children of Ammon. In this example, the ventive of śym ‘put, place, set’ is used as an exclusive intensifier, roughly paraphrasable by ‘alone, without help’.24 Likewise, while the ventive of yšʕ C ‘deliver’ and ḥlṣ D ‘pull out, deliver’ may be understood as reflexive-​benefactive, ‘deliver to oneself’, it acquires a contrastive sense in the following examples:25 126.

a. Judg 10:12–13 wat-​tiṣʕăqū ʔēlay wå̄-ʔōšı̄ ʕå̄ ʔɛṯḵɛm miy-yå̄ḏå̄m wə-ʔattɛm ʕăzaḇtɛm ʔōṯı̄ wat-​taʕaḇḏū ʔɛ̆lōhı̄m ʔăḥērı̄m lå̄ ḵēn lō-ʔōsı̄p̄ lə-hōšı̄aʕ ʔɛṯḵɛm You cried unto me and I saved you from their hand to myself. But you yourself ​have abandoned me and served other gods. Therefore I shall not continue to save you. b. Ps 7:5 ʔim-gå̄maltı̄ šōləmı̄ rå̄ ʕ | wå̄ -ʔăḥalləṣå̄ ṣōrərı̄ rēqå̄m If ​I have done good to he who requites me with evil, and (if ) I have delivered to myself ​he who in vain oppresses me.26

The ventive of yšʕ C in the first example may be interpreted as coding that the deliverance was carried out toward the speaker-​subject itself. However, the focus here is to contrast the subject (the Lord) as the savior from other saviors (other gods). Likewise, the ventive verb in the second example indicates that the agent delivers the patient to himself or herself despite the fact that the referent of the patient oppresses the agent. 23.  Glinert (1989, 244) also emphasizes this use of l- with pronominal suffixes that refer back to the subject in Modern Hebrew: “Particularly, but not exclusively, in formal Hebrew, the reflexive dative serves to emphasize the autonomy of an action.” 24.  For the verb śwm/śym with l- and pronominal suffixes that refer back to the subject, see Judg 19:30 and Hos. 2:2. 25.  For the ventive of ḥlṣ D, see also Ps 81:8 baṣ-ṣå̄rå̄ qå̄ rå̄ ṯå̄ wå̄ -ʔăḥalləṣɛkkå̄ ‘(God said:) You called in distress, and I delivered you to myself’. 26.  For the parsing of this verse, see Macholz 1979.

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One also finds the reflexive-​benefactive ventive with ntn ‘give’ used contrastively in the following example: 127. 2 Sam 12:7–8 ʔå̄nōḵı̄ məšaḥtı̄ḵå̄ lə-mɛlɛḵ ʕal-yiśrå̄ʔēl wə-ʔå̄nōḵı̄ hiṣṣaltı̄ḵå̄ miy-​yaḏ šå̄ʔūl wå̄-ʔɛttənå̄ ləḵå̄ ʔɛṯ-bēṯ ʔăḏōnɛḵå̄. . . wå̄-ʔɛttənå̄ ləḵå̄ ʔɛṯ-bēṯ yiśrå̄ʔēl w-ı̄hūḏå̄ I am the one who anointed you king over Israel, I delivered you out of Saul’s hand, and I gave you your master’s house. . . . I myself gave you the house of ​Israel and Judah. The use of the independent pronoun ʔå̄nōḵı̄ before the suffix conjugations in verse 7 is presumably used to the effect of ​“I and none else” (GKC §135a; Driver [1890] 1913, 291). The ventive of ntn can be interpreted with a similar function: to focus on the subject as the agent and as distinct from other agents. 6.2.2. Motion, Spontaneous, and Mental Middle The ventive is also used with verbs of motion. According to Kemmer (1993, 157), the middle marking of motion verbs can be used to focus on the change of state involved in the motion event. This function of the ventive is available in the following examples:27 128.

a. Ps 90:10 wə-råhbå̄m ʕå̄må̄ l wå̄ -ʔå̄wɛn | kı̄-ḡå̄z ḥı̄š wan-nå̄ʕūp̄ å̄ The best of them (sc. our years) are (still) trouble and sorrow, for they quickly pass, and we fly off. b. Job 19:20 bə-ʕōrı̄ ū-ḇi-ḇśå̄rı̄ då̄ ḇəqå̄ ʕaṣmı̄ | wå̄ -ʔɛṯmalləṭå̄ bə-ʕōr šinnå̄y My bone clings to my skin and flesh, and I escaped for myself only by the skin of my teeth.

In the first example, the focus is on the fact that the subject is no longer in its initial state, i.e., “fly off, away.” The inchoative reading results from the fact that the conceptualization of the energy transfer, as marked by -å̄ , points back to the speaker-​subject. Thus, if subject affectedness is a conventional implicature of reflexive-​benefactive marking, the use of the lengthened imperfect consecutive with intransitive motion verbs suggests that the energy transfer should be conceptualized as the agent’s change of state. In other words, middle marking is used for “throwing back the action denoted by the verb upon the subject,” to use Driver’s ([1895] 1902, 10n6) terminology in his commentary to Deut 1:7 pənū ū-​səʕū lå̄ḵɛm ‘Turn you, and take your journey’ (trans. Driver).28 This function of the ventive is also attested in Judg 12:3 wå̄ -ʔɛʕbərå̄ ‘I passed over’. It may be noted that the verb ʕbr is also attested with l- with a pronominal suffix referring back to the subject, for example, Deut 2:13 ʕattå̄ qūmū wə-ʕiḇrū lå̄ḵɛm ‘Now 27.  For the ventive of mlṭ, see also Job 1:15, 16, 17, and 19. 28.  See Driver [1895] 1902, 10n6: “The reflexive l, throwing back the action denoted by the verb upon the subject, and referring it, as it were, to the pleasure or option of the agent, gives more or less pathetic expression to the personal feelings—the satisfaction, or the interest, or the promptitude—with which the action in question is (or is to be) accomplished.”

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get up and pass over’; see also the Samaritan Version of ​Deut 2:13 quoted in section 6.2.4.29 As noted by Jenni (2000, 49–50), l- with pronominal suffixes that refer back to the subject often imparts an inchoative and separative meaning to motion verbs. The ventive is also used with verbs that involve nontranslational motion. These verbs are characterized by a low degree of participant distinguishability: the body takes part in the action as a part of the self, for example: 129. Ezek 9:8 wa-yhı̄ kə-hakkōṯå̄m wə-nēšăʔar ʔå̄nı̄ wå̄ -ʔɛppəlå̄ ʕal-på̄nay wå̄ -ʔɛzʕaq wå̄-ʔōmar While they were killing and I was left alone, I fell facedown and I cried out and I said. In this example, the motion involves the lowering of the whole body to the ground. The ventive is used to indicate this relatively low degree of participant (body parts) distinguishability, perhaps “fall helter-​skelter.” The following example, in turn, involves the ventive of rdp ‘pursue, chase, hunt’: 130. 2 Sam 22:38 ʔɛrdəp̄ å̄ ʔōyəḇay wå̄-ʔašmı̄ḏēm | wə-lō ʔå̄šūḇ ʕaḏ-kallōṯå̄m I chased my enemies and crushed them. I did not turn back till they were destroyed. The verb form ʔɛrdəp̄ å̄ can be parsed as preterite *ʔardup with ventive *-an.30 The ventive, in turn, indicates that the subject is relatively more involved in the pursuit, as in a mutual chase. Kemmer (1993, 126–27) notes a cross-​linguistic prevalence of middle markers on verbs that designate chaining situations; see, for example, Latin sequo-​r ‘follow’ and Greek hepo-​mai ‘follow’. Note also the use of the ventive of dbr in Amarna Canaanite (50). Likewise, Latin veno-​r ‘chase’ originally may have meant something like ‘chase each other’ (Kemmer 1993, 127), and Greek diōko-​mai ‘pursue, chase’ is attested besides diōk-​ō with the same basic meaning. It may be noted, however, that -å̄ is not found in the synoptic verse Ps 18:38 ʔɛrdōp̄ ‘I pursued’. The ventive is also used with spontaneous situations. Spontaneous situations refer to “physical processes or actions that typically are perceived as occurring without direct initiation by a human Agent” (Kemmer 1993, 142). They are middle situations because the affected entity is both the actor and the undergoer, for example: 131. Ps 3:6 ʔănı̄ šå̄ ḵaḇtı̄ wå̄ -ʔı̄ šå̄nå̄ | hɛ̆qı̄ṣōṯı̄ kı̄ Yhwh yisməḵēnı̄ I lay down and I fell asleep. I woke up, because the Lord sustains me. An event like falling asleep is typically perceived as occurring without direct initiation and the entity affected is also the actor and undergoer of the event. The ventive may be understood to highlight these features. 29.  See also Josh 22:19 and Mic 1:11 for ʕbr with l- with pronominal suffixes referring back to the subject. 30.  For the interpretation of ʔɛrdəp̄ å̄ as preterite yaqtul without wa-, see Cross and Freedman [1975] 1997, 84–85. It is also possible, as suggested by Notarius (2013, 176), that the verb form is imperfective and that *-u was reinterpreted as paragogic heh in the process of transmission.

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The root and hence the parsing of ʔå̄nūšå̄ in the following example is not self-​ evident (Greenspahn 1984, 135–36): 132. Ps 69:21 ḥɛrpå̄ šå̄ ḇərå̄ libbı̄ wå̄ -ʔå̄nūšå̄ | wå̄ -ʔăqawwɛ lå̄-nūḏ wå̄-ʔayin Scorn broke my heart and I trembled. I looked for sympathy, but there was none. The root may be nwš ‘tremble’ or ‘be sick’; cf. Akkadian nâšu ‘shake’ (CAD N2, 113), Arabic nws ‘move to and fro’ (Lane 2866), or Syriac nšš ‘be feeble’ (Payne Smith 1903, 353).31 If wå̄ -ʔå̄nūšå̄ involves the ventive of nwš ‘be sick’ or ‘tremble’, the ventive morpheme may be characterized as a marker of the nontranslational motion middle or the spontaneous middle. Paragogic heh as a middle marker is also used with preterite *ʔaqtul of cognitive verbs. Within Kemmer’s framework, cognitive verbs attract middle marking to indicate the affectedness of the experiencer. Kemmer (1993, 135) mentions Latin medito-​r as a case in point: “Latin cogitō ‘think, cogitate’ describes an active volitional process, while medito-​r ‘think, meditate’ suggests that the Experiencer is comparatively more subject to the processes of thought rather than actively pursuing them.”32 The following example involves the ventive of ḥšb D ‘consider, be mindful, think to do’: 133. Ps 73:16 wå̄ -ʔăḥaššəḇå̄ lå̄ -ḏaʕaṯ zōṯ | ʕå̄må̄ l hū!(hyʔ) ḇə-ʕēnå̄y I pondered to understand this, it was a trouble for my eyes. In view of the ventive suffix, it would seem that wå̄ -ʔăḥaššəḇå̄ involves a heightened degree of subject affectedness. The affectedness of the subject is also indicated by the second colon, which explicitly spells out the troublesomeness involved in the verbal event. It may also be noted that the verb ḥšb G is used with l- and a pronominal suffix that refers back to the subject in Amos 6:5 ḥå̄šəḇū lå̄hɛm ‘They invent for themselves’. The verb ydʕ ‘know’ is also attested with the middle-​marking ventive: 134. Jer 11:18 wa-​Yhwh hōḏı̄ʕanı̄ wå̄ -ʔēḏå̄ʕå̄ ʔå̄z hirʔı̄ṯanı̄ maʕaləlēhɛm The Lord informed me, so I knew for myself. Back then he showed me their doings. In this example, the ventive highlights the affectedness of the subject as the experiencer of the situation and tones down its volitionality and agentivity as initiator of the event, which in turn is awarded to the Lord. It may be noted that the verb ydʕ is sometimes also used with l- followed by a pronominal suffix that refers to the subject, for example, Job 5:27 wə-ʔattå̄ ḏaʕ-lå̄ḵ ‘Know it for yourself’.33 In the following 31.  It may also be connected with the root ʔnš ‘be weak’; cf. Akkadian enēšu ‘be weak’ (CAD E, 166). Note that in Ethiopian Semitic, the northern languages have nʔs, e.g., Ge’ez nəʔsa ‘be small’ (CDG 381), while the southern Ethiopian Semitic language have ʔns; see Leslau (CDG 382) and Kogan 2015, 444. 32.  See Kemmer 1993, 135 on the cognitive middle: “it seems reasonable to assume that active intransitive forms imply more volitionality and purposeful activity on the part of the Initiator, while middle-​marked verbs in this class emphasize the affectedness of the Experiencer.” 33.  See also Song 1:8 ʔim-​lō ṯēḏəʕı̄ lå̄ ḵ ‘If you do not know for yourself’.

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example, in turn, the verb ydʕ is used with both paragogic heh and an indirect reflexive pronoun: Prov 24:14 kēn dəʕɛ ḥåḵmå̄ lə-nap̄ šɛḵå̄ ‘Thus, know wisdom for yourself’. The pleonastic use of the prepositional phrase with l- here may indicate that the meaning of the ventive suffix had bleached semantically. The following example, finally, involves the ventive of byn ‘understand’ in an asyndetic construction: 135. Prov 7:7 wå̄ -ʔērɛ ḇap-​pəṯå̄yı̄m | ʔå̄ḇı̄ nå̄ ḇab-bå̄nı̄m | naʕar ḥăsar-​lēḇ I saw among the simple, I noticed for myself a boy who lacked sense among the young men. The verb form ʔå̄ḇı̄nå̄ can be derived from preterite *ʔabin with ventive *-an, and the ventive of the verb seems to focus on the affectedness of the subject. It may be noted that byn is also found with l- with a pronominal suffix that refers back to the subject; see Job 13:1 šå̄ məʕå̄ ʔåznı̄ wat-tå̄ ḇɛn lå̄h ‘My ear heard and understood’.34 6.2.3. The Ventive of ​Verbs with a Third Weak Radical Paragogic heh is practically never used with verbs that are formed on roots in which the final radical is *w or *y.35 This situation presumably results from the loss of *-n of *-an, after which *-Vw-ā ̆ and *-Vy-ā ̆ would have become triphthongs in final position and subject to the same development as imperfectives in *-u. Thus, the ventive of the short prefix conjugation coincides in form with the long prefix conjugation.36 At the same time, what is formally the imperfective is sometimes found when the cohortative with paragogic heh is expected, for example: 136. Gen 11:4 way-​yōmərū hå̄ḇå̄ niḇnɛ-llå̄ nū ʕı̄r He said, Come on, let us build for us a city. Formally, such a verb form can be derived from either *ʔaqtul-​u or *ʔaqtul-​an. Nevertheless, since the cohortative as a rule occurs in clause-​initial position (see note 46), it is more likely to be derived from the ventive of the short prefix conjugation. Thus, the verb niḇnɛ in the example above can be derived from *nabniy-​an rather than *nabniy-​u.37 34.  If one admits the ventive of asyndetic *ʔaqtul, the following example also belongs here: Ps 77:6–7 ḥiššaḇtı̄ yå̄ mı̄ m miq-​qɛḏɛm šənōṯ ʕōlå̄mı̄ m ʔɛzkərå̄ nəḡı̄ nå̄ ṯı̄ bal-lå̄ yəlå̄ ʕim-​ləḇå̄ḇı̄ ʔå̄śı̄ ḥå̄ wa-​yḥappēś rūḥı̄ ‘I considered the days from before, the years of past. I recalled my songs in the night, with my heart I meditated, and my spirit inquired’. The ventive of the verbs zkr ‘recall’ and śyḥ ‘muse, complain’ is used for the cognitive and emotive middle. See perhaps also Ps 77:4. 35.  The forms Ps 77:4 wə-ʔɛhɛ̆må̄ yå̄ and Ps 119:117 wə-ʔɛšʕå̄ ‘May I gaze’ are possible exceptions. 36.  Joüon ([1923] 1947, 307n1) therefore makes a distinction between the formal cohortative and the functional cohortative: “En rigueur, il faut distinguer le mode cohortatif (syntaxique) et la forme cohortative.” See also Jenni 2002–2003, 31: “Es sind also bei den Verba tertiae He (und tertiae Aleph, sowie bei den Verben mit Pronominalsuffixen), die kein -â aufweisen, jeweils zwei Möglichkeiten der Interpretation offen, diejenige als gewöhnliches Imperfekt und diejenige als Kohortativ. Die Entscheidung hängt vom Kontext ab und ist von uns nicht immer eindeutig zu treffen.” In addition to context, word order is also instructive at this point (n. 46). 37.  It can even be argued that geminate l of the following prepositional phrase indicates the regressive assimilation of n of *-an (Nyberg 1952, §35n2).

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As for the imperfect consecutive of roots in which the final radical is *w or *y, what looks like the imperfective occurs much more frequently in the 1st person than in other grammatical persons. According to Hornkohl’s (2014, 160, 174) counts, for example, the long form of the type wå̄ -ʔɛbnɛ occurs in 53 out of 112 examples in the 1st person (47.3%), but only in 51 out of 2,071 examples in the 2nd masculine singular and the 3rd person masculine and feminine singular (2.5%).38 The much higher frequency in the 1st person may indicate that some forms actually are ventive verbs. Jer 32:9 wå̄ -ʔɛqnɛ ʔɛṯ-haś-śå̄ḏɛ ‘So I bought me the field’, for example, likely involves the reflexive-​ benefactive ventive and should be derived from *ʔaqniy-​an. Notably, the same verb is used with l- and a pronominal suffix that refers back to the subject in the preceding verse; see Jer 32:8 qənē-lå̄ḵ ‘Buy (it) for yourself’. Paragogic heh is not consistently used with verbs that are formed on roots in which the final radical is /ʔ/ (Driver [1874] 1892, 52). As to the imperfect consecutive, Revell (1988, 419) mentions four examples with lengthening (1 Sam 28:15 [113]; Josh 24:8 [159]; Ezra 8:17; Neh 2:13) and fifty-​six examples without it. However, even while the lengthened imperfect consecutive occurs less frequently than its unlengthened counterpart, it is still possible that some of the formally unlengthened verb forms with final /ʔ/ involve the ventive morpheme *-an; see, for example, Exod 19:4 wå̄ -ʔå̄ḇı̄ ʔɛṯḵɛm ʔēlå̄y ‘I brought you to myself’. This suggestion is supported by the fact that paragogic heh is not consistently used in the cohortative of such roots either. For instance, in Shulman’s corpus (1996, 196n1), which consists of the Pentateuch and the Former Prophets, excluding the poetic material, there are four examples of the cohortative with paragogic heh of roots in which the final radical is /ʔ/ (Gen 19:8; 29:21; Judg 15:1; 19:24) and eight examples of verb forms without paragogic heh in clause-​initial position where it is expected (Gen 24:57; 38:16; Judg 16:20; 1 Sam 12:17; 20:11; 1 Kgs 20:31; 22:22; 2 Kgs 7:4). 6.2.4. The Lengthened Imperfect Consecutive in Samaritan Hebrew The connection between lengthening of the imperfect consecutive and middle marking is confirmed by the distribution of the lengthened imperfect consecutive in the Samaritan Pentateuch. The lengthened imperfect consecutive occurs thirty-​four times in the Samaritan Version (SP), compared to four times in the Masoretic Text (Hornkohl 2014, 164n20). On two occasions, the lengthened verb forms in the Masoretic version are unlengthened in the Samaritan version: Gen 41:11 wan-​naḥalmå̄ (SP w-​nḥlm) and Gen 43:21 wan-nip̄ təḥå̄ (SP w-​nptḥ). On another two occasions, the Samaritan and the Masoretic Pentateuch agree with each other: Gen 32:6 (120) wå̄ -ʔɛšləḥå̄ (SP w-ʔšlḥh) and Num 8:19 (118) wå̄ -ʔɛttənå̄ (SP w-ʔtnh). On one occasion, the very verb form itself ​ has no correspondence in the Masoretic text; see SP Deut 2:7a w-ʔšlḥh. On thirty-​one occasions, the lengthened imperfect consecutive in the Samaritan version is unlengthened in the Masoretic text. As shown in Sjörs (2021d), lengthening is primarily used with a limited number of semantic classes of verbal lexemes in the Samaritan Pentateuch, such as motion verbs; ʕbr ‘cross’ (Deut 2:8 and Deut 2:13), hlk ‘go’ (Deut 1:19), qrb ‘approach’ (Deut 22:14), 38.  For slightly different numbers, see Stipp 1987, 110 and Revell 1988, 520; 1991, 128.

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npl Ct ‘fall’ (Deut 9:18 and Deut 9:25), nsʔ ‘set out’ (Deut 1:19 and Deut 2:1), and yrd ‘go down’ (Exod 3.8; Deut 9:15; 10:5); and verbs of appropriation, for example, lkd ‘seize’ (Deut 2:34 and Deut 3:4), ḥrm C ‘destroy (and appropriate)’ (Deut 2:34 and Deut 3:6), and tpś ‘seize’ (Deut 9:17). In connection with verbs of appropriation, lengthening typically has a reflexive-​ benefactive function and is used to focus on the affectedness of the subject, for example, SP Deut 3:4 w-​nlkdh ʔt kl ʕryw b-ʕt h-​hyʔ ‘We seized for ourselves all his towns at that time’. In the case of motion verbs, the lengthened imperfect consecutive appears to be used with inchoative meaning, for example: 137. SP Deut 2:13 w-ʕth qwmw sʕw w-ʕbrw lkm ʔt nḥl zrd w-nʕbrh ʔt nḥl zrd And now, get up, set out, and get yourselves past the Zered brook. And we got ourselves past the Zered brook. In this example, the lengthened imperfect consecutive of ʕbr corresponds to the imperative of ʕbr with l- and a pronominal suffix that refers back to the subject earlier in the verse. Thus, the reflexive-​benefactive function of the ventive is realized as subject affectedness, and subject affectedness is realized as the subject’s change of state; see the discussion in section 6.2.2. Other times, the benefactive morpheme contributes an implicature that relates to the satisfaction of the speaker’s perceived goal, for example: 138. SP Deut 10:3 w-ʔʕśh ʔrwn ʕṣy šṭym w-ʔpslh šny lwḥt ʔbnym k-​rʔyšwnym I made the ark of acacia wood and I chiseled out for myself two stone tablets like the first ones. In this example, the lengthened imperfect consecutive of psl corresponds to the imperative of psl with l- and a coreferential pronominal suffix; see SP Deut 10:1 psl lk šny lwḥt ʔbnym k-​rʔyšwnym ‘Chisel out for yourself two stone tablets like the first ones’. Since the lengthened imperfect consecutive is used in a meaningful way in the Samaritan Pentateuch, it belongs to a tradition of ​Hebrew in which lengthening was productive. The attestations of the lengthened imperfect consecutive with the same function in the Masoretic Pentateuch and the Former Prophets, while less common, indicate that the construction was productive at some point also in preexilic Hebrew. Thus, the historical background of the lengthened imperfect consecutive in Samaritan Hebrew is different from that of ​lengthened imperfect consecutive in Late Biblical Hebrew (section 6.2.5). 6.2.5. The Lengthened Imperfect Consecutive in Late Biblical Hebrew The language of ​Late Biblical Hebrew compositions reflects a literary standard in which the 1st person imperfect consecutive is lengthened as a rule (Sjörs 2021c). Daniel and Ezra appear to use the lengthened imperfect consecutive consistently. A few examples of the unlengthened form in Daniel can be explained as the result of assimilation processes after ʕAyin and Ḥēṯ (Dan 8:16; 10:9, 16; 12:7). Other times it appears that the author or a scribe resorts to the unlengthened verb form when writing

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formulaic language, for example, Dan 8:27 wå̄ -ʔå̄qūm wå̄-ʔɛʕɛ̆śɛ ‘I began to do’. The fact that this is a stereotyped expression is indicated by the fact that the verb for ‘stand’ elsewhere in Daniel is ʕmd. In Ezra 8:32 wan-​nēšɛḇ and Ezra 10:2 wan-​nōšɛḇ, in turn, it seems that the author or a scribe falls back on the unlengthened form when stress falls on the penultimate syllable. All these verb forms may have been retrieved whole from the lexicon at the time of writing rather than being subjected to analysis by the language-​usage prescription grammar. In the Nehemiah Memoir, most lengthened verb forms are found in the memorial texts concluded by the so-​called remembrance formula in chapters 5–6 and 13. The court narrative in Neh 1–4, in turn, is characterized by the use of unlengthened verb forms. In light of the short forms of III-w/y verbs in these chapters (Neh 1:4; 2:11, 13, 15 [2×]; 4:8), this may be viewed as a successful imitation of the use in preexilic Biblical Hebrew when handling the morphology of the 1st person imperfect consecutive. Indeed, Neh 1–4 is also characterized by other archaic or archaizing features, such as the use of wayhı̄ before time determinations (Neh 1:1, 4; 2:1; 3:33; 4:1, 6, 9, 10), which point to a style different from Neh 5–6 and 13. It is less clear whether the distribution of ​lengthened/full and unlengthened/short verb forms can be explained by different genres or whether they should be attributed to different authors or redactions. The absence of the lengthened imperfect consecutive from Chronicles, in turn, cannot be used as evidence for the use of unlengthened verb forms in original Late Biblical Hebrew literary compositions, because all examples of the imperfect consecutive occur in passages that have parallels in Samuel and Kings, and only one example, wå̄ -ʔaḵrı̄ṯ (1 Chr 17:8), corresponds to a lengthened imperfect consecutive in the parallel text according to the Masoretic version, wå̄ -ʔaḵrı̄ṯå̄ (2 Sam 7:9).39 Nevertheless, since other synoptic verses in the Masoretic text sometimes disagree on the use of paragogic heh, it cannot be ruled out that the Chronicler had an unlengthened verb form in his source text.40 According to a plausible explanation, the use of the lengthened verb form in the 1st person imperfect consecutive in Late Biblical Hebrew is formed in analogy to the use of one and the same verb form in the imperfect consecutive and the jussive in other grammatical persons (Bergsträsser [1918–1929] 1962, 2:22; Hornkohl 2014, 165–70). Alternatively, lengthening may have been introduced in order to maintain a distinction between the syndetic imperfective and imperfect consecutive, which presumably had coincided in their pronunciation. Such a formation does not necessarily result from a natural development in spoken language. On the other hand, the use of the lengthened imperfect consecutive may reflect a generalized pseudo-​classicism of a literary standard that developed in the Second Temple period.41

39.  For the correspondence between 2 Chr 6:6 and 1 Kgs 8:16, see the Old Greek version and the column width of 4QKgs frag. 7 (DJD 14:177). 40.  For disagreement over paragogic heh in synoptic verses, compare, e.g., Isa 37:24 and 2 Kgs 19:23; Ps 18:24 and 2 Sam 22:24; Ps 18:38 and 2 Sam 22:38; 1 Chr 21:13 and 2 Sam 24:14; 2 Sam 22:50 and Ps 18:50; and 2 Sam 10:12 and 1 Chr 19:13. 41.  See Joosten 1999b, 156 on pseudo-​classicisms in Late Biblical Hebrew, such as the regularized use of the short prefix conjugation after wə-.

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6.3. The Ventive with Pronominal Suffixes As is well known, the cohortative (ʔɛqṭəlå̄), the imperfective (yiqṭōl < *yaqtul-​u), and sometimes the imperative, unlike the jussive (yiqṭōl < *yaqtul) and the preterite (way-​ yiqṭōl), are characterized by a linking element -n- between the verb and a following pronominal suffix (M. Lambert 1903).42 This linking element is traditionally identified with the suffix -an of the short energic in Arabic (yaqtul-​an), and it is accordingly referred to as energic -n- (König 1:226). On the assumption that Arabic yaqtul-​an is also “energic” in meaning, Gesenius (GKC §58) suggested that these verb forms gain “additional strength, and sometimes intentional emphasis.” Bauer and Leander (1922, §48q), while identifying the linking element with the energic suffix -an, indicated that the relevant forms used to have “energic” meaning but were undecided whether -n- is meaningful in Biblical Hebrew or not: “Er tritt, wie der alte Voll-​Aorist, hauptsächlich in der Pausa auf und hat, oder hatte wenigstens ursprünglich, die Nebenbedeutung von Nachdruck (Energie).” Joüon and Muraoka (JM §61f ), in turn, ascribe the energic meaning to the historical background of the relevant forms but suggest that it is merely phonetic in Biblical Hebrew: “This n, originally, probably indicated a certain energic meaning (as in Arabic). But it has now no semantic value; its energic force is merely phonetic.” As to the morphophonological distribution of the linking element -n-, Robert Hetzron (1969, 102–3) noted that when -ɛnnū and -ɛnnå̄ are used in the long prefix conjugation, they are only used with verb forms that are not suffixed by agreement markers, which effectively means that they are used with verb forms that, at least historically, were marked by the imperfective morpheme *-u. Furthermore, on the assumption that the cohortative is derived from *ʔaqtul-​a, Hetzron (1969, 103–5) concluded that the linking element was used after the originally short vowels *-u and *-a. Rainey (1986, 11–12), in turn, suggested that the linking element -n- in the imperfective is a remnant of the energic suffix -u-​n(n)a (as found in Amarna Canaanite) and that it was transferred by analogy from the long prefix conjugation to the cohortative: “What we evidently have is simply a case of ​later attraction. The lengthened form of the cohortative in -ā has attracted to itself the heavier forms of the accusative suffixes.” The identification of -n- with the ventive morpheme is supported by its use in the imperative, which according to Hetzron (1969, 105) corresponds to the lengthened imperative. Indeed, Joosten (1999a, 425) has shown that the imperative with -nexpresses “involvement of or movement towards the speaker,” just as the lengthened imperative, for example:43 139. 1 Sam 21:10 tən-ɛnnå̄ llı̄ Give it to me. 42.  According to Rainey (1986, 10), M. Lambert’s (1903) observations were anticipated by Rabbi Malbim in 1860. 43.  See also Jer 36:14, 15; 1 Sam 16:11; 20:21. Compare also Num 23:13 wə-qåḇnō-lı̄ ‘Curse him for me’ and Num 23:7 ʔå̄rå̄ -llı̄ yaʕăqōḇ ‘Curse Jacob for me’. As noted by Joosten, the suffix -ɛnnū is also used in Epigraphic Hebrew; see Arad(6)4:1–2 (HAE 1:364) tn l-​ktym šmn 1 ḥtm w-​šlḥnw ‘Give the Ktym one (jar of ) oil. Seal (it) and send it hither’.

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It also appears that the imperative with -n- can be used with reflexive-​benefactive meaning. Joosten (1999a, 425) noted that it is possible that qå̄ ḥɛnnū in the example below implies the involvement of the speaker, “Take him for me,” but that it is certainly not the most likely reading of the passage: 140. Jer 39:12 qå̄ḥɛnnū wə-ʕēnɛḵå̄ śı̄m ʕå̄lå̄ w Take him for yourself and look after him. On the other hand, lengthening can be interpreted as a realization of the reflexive-​ benefactive ventive at this point, which indicates that the subject of the imperative (the commander of the imperial guard) becomes responsible for the object (Jeremiah).44 To be sure, a reflexive-​benefactive argument of lqḥ can also be introduced by l-; see, for example, Gen 38:23 tiqqaḥ-lå̄h ‘May she keep it (for herself )’. Thus, it is very likely that -ɛnnū/-ɛnnå̄ can be derived from *-an-​hu/*-an-​hā, formed on a ventive allomorph *-an, and that the historical nasal of paragogic heh reappears in non-​word-​final position. The reconstruction of a ventive allomorph *-an used after the imperative in the 2nd person masculine singular and after the short prefix conjugation in the 1st person also agrees with the distribution of the ventive allomorph -am in Akkadian. Accordingly, -ɛnnū/-ɛnnå̄ of the cohortative may be derived from the ventive of *ʔaqtul; compare the unassimilated form in Archaic Biblical Hebrew, for example, Exod 15:2 wa-ʔărōməmɛnhū ‘I will exalt him’.45 The use of n-suffixes with the imperfective, in turn, can be explained by analogical extension. For example, if the nasal of *-an was lost before short unstressed word-​final vowels, the use of the pronominal suffix *-nhu after *yVqtVl-​a may have been reanalyzed as an allomorph of *-hu after short vowels, and subsequently been generalized after the imperfective morpheme *-u with levelling of the linking vowel. Thus, a verb form ʔɛqṭəlɛnnū may be either cohortative or indicative from a formal point of view. However, since ʔɛqṭəlå̄ as a rule occurs in clause-​initial position, while ʔɛqṭōl as a rule is used in noninitial position, a verb form ʔɛqṭəlɛnnū is cohortative rather than indicative if it occurs in clause-​initial position.46 There is, however, another possible explanation that connects the linking element -n- with the ventive morpheme *-nVn used after the imperfective morpheme *-u. Indeed, it appears that the ventive of the imperfective comes in two allomorphs 44.  The reflexive-​benefactive function of the ventive with a following pronominal suffix is presumably also attested in the following example: Job 5:27 šəmå̄ʕɛnnå̄ wə-ʔattå̄ ḏaʕ-lå̄ḵ ‘Listen to it for yourself and know (it), you, for yourself’. The reflexive-​benefactive reading is at least available for ḏaʕ-lå̄ḵ, where it is expressed by the pronominal suffix of the prepositional phrase. 45.  For unassimilated forms of -ɛnhū, see also Deut 32:10. 46.  Shulman (1996, 248) noted that out of 197 occurrences of cohortative forms in her corpus, it is not in initial position in nine cases. In two of these, ʔɛqṭəlå̄ follows ʕattå̄ (Exod 3:18 and 1 Sam 9:6), which can be considered as an extra-​clausal adverb (Revell 1989, 19). In another example, ʔɛqṭəlå̄ follows ʔaḵ (Gen 34:23), which also may be considered extra-​clausal (Revell 1989, 20). Notably, the Samaritan Pentateuch has the verb form without paragogic heh here. Similarly, the cohortative after ʔūlay in Exod 32:30 is matched by a verb form without paragogic heh in the Samaritan Pentateuch. In another two examples, the cohortative follows raq (Num 20:19 and Deut 2:28). In the former example, the noninitial position of the cohortative results from the fronting of an argument for reasons of information structure. See also Gen 22:5 šəḇū-lå̄ḵɛm pō ʕim-​ ha-ḥămōr wa-ʔănı̄ wə-han-​naʕar nēləḵå̄ ʕaḏ-kō ‘Stay yourselves here with the donkey, and as for me and the boy, let us go over there’. For the remaining examples mentioned by Shulman, see 2 Sam 6:22 and 18:14.

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in Central Semitic; compare, for example, Amarna Canaanite EA 143:16′ (Beirut) uš-ši-​ru-​na-​ši /ušširun(n)a-​ši/ ‘I will send it’ and EA 245:7 (Megiddo) nu-​ub-​ba-​lu-​ uš-šu /nubbaluš-​šu/ ‘We will bring him’, Arabic Zuh. 10:33 (Ahlwardt 1870, *87) la-yaʔtiyannaka ‘It is certainly going to come to you’ and Nāb. 10:5 (Ahlwardt 1870, *13) fa-​l-​taʔtiyanka, and Biblical Aramaic Dan 6:17 yəšēzəḇinnāḵ ‘He will rescue you’ and Dan 3:15 yəšēzəḇinḵōn ‘He will rescue you’. For *-un- and -(a)n as allomorphs of -un(n)a and -(a)nna in Amarna Canaanite and Arabic, see sections 4.3.6 and 7.2 respectively. Likewise, the form yiqṭəl-​in- in Biblical Aramaic may be interpreted as an allomorph form of yiqṭəl-​inn- used before heavy suffixes (Sjörs 2021b). Thus, it is possible that there existed a verb form *yVqtVl-​Vn- in Proto-​Hebrew, in which the linking element was derived from ventive allomorph *-nVn, used after the imperfective allomorph *-u, rather than the ventive allomorph *-an, used after the final radical of the short prefix conjugation. This allomorph can be derived from *-nVn through a process of syncopation and simplification rather than epenthesis of the geminate consonant: *-nVn > *-nn > *-n. Indeed, a geminate consonant that results from the deletion of a short vowel between two identical consonants in a closed syllable in verb forms of geminate roots is typically simplified in Biblical Hebrew, for example, way-yå̄ såḇ ‘He turned’ (GKC §67c). Thus, whereas cohortative ʔɛqṭəl-ɛncan be derived from *ʔaqtul-​an, imperfective yiqṭəl-ɛn- can be derived from *yVqtVl-​ u-​nVn > *yVqtVl-​u-​nn-, with simplification of geminate *-nn- into a singleton. The quality of the vowel of the linking element, in turn, can be explained as the result of ​ levelling with ʔɛqṭəl-ɛn-.

6.4. The Ventive Allomorph -nå̄ The so-​called particle of entreaty, -nå̄ , has previously been identified with the suffix -(a)nna of the long energic prefix conjugation in Arabic. Lambdin (1971b, 326), Gottlieb (1971), and Kaufman (1991), for example, suggest that yaqtul-a​ nna was reanalyzed as yaqtul-​an-​na and that -na was clipped from this form into an enclitic particle.47 In Lambdin’s (1971a §136) view, -nå̄ in Biblical Hebrew is used to mark logical relations, but it is not clear from his discussion how this function can be related to the function of yaqtulanna.48 In Gottlieb’s (1971, 52–53) view, the n-suffix was used to “intensify” commands, exhortations, and wishes in early Northwest Semitic.49 However, the nature of this intensification is not clear from Gottlieb’s discussion, and most of ​his examples from Amarna Canaanite and Ugaritic involve imperfective rather than volitive verb forms. Kaufman (1991), on the other hand, suggests that verb forms with 47.  See, for instance, Lambdin 1971b, 326: “The cohortative ending, as well as the so-​called emphatic imperative in -āh, owes it survival, I believe, to the concurrent use of the energic form in -anna, as yaqtulánna, which, by virtue of the existence of junctural doubling, is reinterpretable as *yaqtula + nā.” 48.  See Lambdin 1971a, §136: “The particle seems rather to denote that the command in question is a logical consequence, either of an immediately preceding statement or of the general situation in which it is uttered . . . it would appear to show that the speaker regards his command as consequent upon his former statement, or, as we have said, upon the context.” 49.  See Gottlieb 1971, 53: “In its primary application, where the particle is used to ‘intensify’ an immediately preceding voluntative, jussive or imperative, it is applied exactly analogously with the independent energetic element in Ugaritic.”

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the n-suffix in Northwest Semitic and Arabic are used for expressions of petition, doubt, or questions, rather than emphasis. Biblical Hebrew -nå̄ , in turn, is frequently used when “the speaker requests an action for his own benefit or an action in which he is emotionally involved or has a personal interest” (Shulman 1999, 82). This function is similar to the function of the ventive of volitive verbs in Akkadian (section 3.2.6), Amarna Canaanite (section 4.2.3), and Ugaritic (section 5.3), which is typically speaker-​allative, speaker-​dative, or speaker-​benefactive. This makes sense cognitively, because the speaker’s will as expressed by the volitive verb forms dovetails with the speaker’s role as beneficiary. See, for instance, the following examples in Amarna Canaanite, which involves the ventive morpheme -n(n)a after the agreement marker -ū: 141.

a. EA 71:22–23 u uš-​ši-​ru-​na-​ni 50 tāpal So send to me fifty pairs. b. EA 117:63 le-​qú-​na kur Amurri Take the land of Amurru for me.

In the first example above, the ventive allomorph -n(n)a is used after 2m. pl. ušširū and before the 1c. s. pronominal suffix -nı̄ and indicates that the action is directed toward, or carried out for the benefit of, the speaker. In the second example, the same allomorph is used after 2m. pl. leqū in the speaker-​benefactive function. It seems likely that Biblical Hebrew -nå̄ is related to Amarna Canaanite -n(n)a. In other words, -nå̄ was originally an allomorph of the ventive suffix -å̄ (< *-an) that expressed a speaker-​benefactive meaning: ‘for me’, ‘for my sake’. It is easy to see how such a meaning developed into ‘please’ or ‘I pray’, as it is usually translated into English; cf. Spanish/Italian por favor/per favore. See, for example: 142. Gen 12:13 ʔimrı̄-nå̄ ʔăḥōṯı̄ ʔå̄t ləmaʕan yı̄ṭaḇ-lı̄ ḇaʕăḇūrēḵ wə-ḥå̄yəṯå̄ nap̄ šı̄ biḡlå̄lēḵ Say for my/our sake that you are my sister, so that it will be well with me on your account, and then my soul will live because of you. From the etymological point of view, it is possible to derive -nå̄ from the ventive morpheme *-nVn, corresponding to Akkadian -nim, by a process of syncope and epenthesis: *-nVn > *-nn > *-nna > -nå̄ . Notably, the outcome of geminate *-nn is different here than the one discussed for *-nn of yiqṭəl-ɛn- < *yVqtVl-​u-​nVn (section 6.3), which was simplified into a singleton after the short vowel -u of the imperfective. The particle -nå̄ , however, would historically have been used only after long vowels, for example, *yaqtul-​ū-​nVn > *yaqtul-​ū-​nn > *yaqtul-​ū-​nnV > yiqṭəlū-nå̄ ‘May they kill for me’. Thus, the quantity of the agreement suffixes appear to have first caused geminate *-nn to be resolved by epenthesis into *-nna before simplification of the geminate consonant into *-na. Originally, -nå̄ would have been used only after long vowels. However, in Biblical Hebrew -nå̄ is used in other environments as well, including after verb forms that

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historically end in a consonant (yiqṭōl-nå̄), particles (ʔim-nå̄), and even the cohortative, which synchronically involves two historical allomorphs of the same morpheme. Thus, the outcome of the allomorph *-nVn lost its phonological conditioning and came to be used as an enclitic particle. Alternatively, the allomorphic distribution between *-an and *-nVn observed in Amarna Canaanite (and between -am and -nim in Akkadian) is secondary, and *-nVn was an enclitic particle from the beginning. It may be noted, finally, that -nå̄ can also be used as an optative particle that marks the utterance as a wish. In other words, there is a possible implication that the speaker is not in a position to influence the truth of the proposition. This implication presumably results from the function of -nå̄ as a benefactive marker. By marking that the situation described by the verb is a benefit to the speaker, the speaker also explicitly marks that the fulfilment of ​his or her desire is conditioned by the benevolence of the addressee. For example, Ernst Jenni (2002, 13–14; 2002–2003, 32–33) has pointed out that -nå̄ sometimes is used when the speaker expects that his or her request will not be acceded, and that -nå̄ is used rhetorically to persuade the addressee, for example, Gen 22:2 qaḥ-nå̄ ʔɛṯ-binḵå̄. . . wə-haʕălēhū ‘Nimm doch deinen Sohn (auch wenn du Bedenken hast) . . . und opfere ihn’ (trans. Jenni 2002, 14). In this example, then, -nå̄ is used as an adversative modal particle that identifies an inconsistency between the desired world and the real world (as perceived by the speaker). The optative function of -nå̄ is presumably also found in conditional antecedents, for example, Gen 50:4 ʔim-nå̄ må̄ ṣå̄ṯı̄ ḥēn bə-ʕēnēḵɛm dabbərū-nå̄ bə-ʔåznē p̄ arʕō ‘If only I have found grace in your sight, please speak in the ears of ​Pharaoh’. In this case, -nå̄ appears to be used to express a modest desire. This function of -nå̄ can also be found after the cohortative in dialogues and monologues, for example: 143.

a. Num 20:17 naʕbərå̄-nnå̄ ḇə-ʔarṣɛḵå̄ lō naʕăḇōr bə-śå̄ḏɛ ū-ḇə-ḵɛrɛm Let us please/just pass through your country, we will not pass through the fields and vineyards. b. Exod 3:3 way-​yōmɛr mōšɛ ʔå̄sūrå̄-nnå̄ wə-ʔɛrʔɛ ʔɛṯ-ham-​marʔɛ haggå̄ ḏōl haz-​zɛ Moses said (to himself ), Let me just turn aside so that I may see this great sight.

Without -nå̄ , in turn, the speaker knows which action to take and the cohortative expresses his or her intention to carry it out (Shulman 1999, 78); see, for example, Gen 45:28 raḇ ʕōḏ-yōsēp̄ bənı̄ ḥå̄y ʔēləḵå̄ wə-ʔɛrʔɛnnū bə-ṭɛrɛm ʔå̄mūṯ ‘Israel said, Enough! Joseph, my son, is still alive. I will go so that I may see him before I die’.

6.5. The Ventive of 2nd and 3rd Person Verb Forms The ventive morpheme in -å̄ is rarely found after verb forms other than the lengthened imperative, the cohortative, and the lengthened imperfect consecutive in the

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1st person. The following example, which involves paragogic heh suffixed to a motion verb in the 3rd person singular, presents an exception:50 144. Isa 5:19 hå̄ -ʔōmərı̄m yəmahēr | yå̄ḥı̄ šå̄ maʕăśēhū | ləmaʕan nirʔɛ | wə-ṯiqraḇ wə-ṯå̄ḇōʔå̄ | ʕăṣaṯ qəḏōš yiśrå̄ʔēl | wə-nēḏå̄ʕå̄ They say, May his (sc. the Lord’s) work hurry up, may it hasten hither, so that we can see it. May the plan of ​Israel’s Holy approach, may it come hither, so that we may know (it). It appears that the ventive is used to indicate direction toward the speaker in this example. For the use of ḥwš for quick movement, see, for example, Ps 71:12 ʔɛ̆lōhay lə-ʕɛzrå̄ṯı̄ ḥūšå̄!(ḥyšh) ‘O my God, come quickly here to my help’ (note the ventive of the imperative). Isaiah also uses ḥwš without the ventive for quick motion away from the speaker; see Isa 28:16 ham-​maʔămı̄n lō yå̄ḥı̄š ‘He who trusts will not (have to) haste (away)’. However, since paragogic heh is used quite frequently in the cohortative and the lengthened imperative of these roots, it is possible that the suffix was transferred by the power of analogy (UG 457). Thus, it is reasonable to assume with Kogan (2015, 135n369) that -å̄ as a suffix of the volitive at some point in the history of ​Hebrew became restricted to 1st person self-​exhortation clauses. In addition to the a-suffix, which can be identified etymologically with the ventive allomorph *-an, it is possible that paragogic nun sometimes should be identified with the ventive allomorph *-nVn. Stein (2016, 167), for example, has suggested that paragogic nun can be derived from a ventive suffix *-nin, for example, *yiqṭulū-​nin > *yiqṭulū-nı̄ > *yiqṭulūn. In Robar’s view (2015, 160–88), paragogic nun can sometimes also be functionally identified with the ventive morpheme and expresses movement toward the speaker, speaker involvement, topic shifts, and thematic (dis)continuity. Since the vast majority of the verb forms with paragogic nun are imperfective, however, there is a real possibility that paragogic nun also can reflect the imperfective morpheme *-nV, corresponding to Arabic -na/-ni (GKC §47m).51 There are, however, a few examples of this suffix on way-​yiqṭōl. Since way-​yiqṭōl is formed on the short prefix conjugation, it is difficult to identify the n-suffix in these examples with the imperfective morpheme *-nV of the long prefix conjugation. Thus, the n-suffix of way-​yiqṭōl may be of a different origin than the n-suffix of the imperfective.52 It is possible, as Kaufman (1995) has suggested, that the use of -n with way-​yiqṭōl is a hypercorrection and formed in analogy to paragogic nun of the imperfective. However, it is also worth noting that a number of examples of way-​yiqṭōl with -n are verbs of motion, for example:53 50.  See also Deut 33:16; Ezek 23:20; Job 11:17, quoted in section 6.6. In the Qumran versions of ​Isa 5:19, the distribution of paragogic heh is slightly different; see 1QIsaa v 4 (DJD 32: 1 10) yḥyš, w-​tqrbh, and w-​tbwʔh, and 4QIsab frag. 3 ii 5 (DJD 15 25) w-[y]ḥyšh, w-​tqrbh, and w-​tbʔ. 51.  The function of paragogic nun of the imperfective has proven difficult to determine and has variously been described in terms of emphasis, contrastivity, modality, subordination, stylistic archaism, and hypercorrection. See Robar 2013 for an overview of previous research. 52.  For the imperfect consecutive in the 2nd and 3rd person plural with -n, see Hoftijzer 1985, 4. The examples include Deut 1:22; 4:11 (2×); 5:23; Judg 8:1; 11:18; Isa 41:5; Ezek 44:8; Amos 6:3. 53.  See also Deut 5:23 wat-​tiqrəḇūn ʔēlay ‘You came near me’ and Isa 41:5 qå̄ rəḇū way-​yɛʔɛ̆ṯå̄yūn ‘They drew near and they came’.

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145.

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a. Deut 1:22 wat-tiqrəḇūn ʔēlay You came near me. b. Deut 4:11 wat-tiqrəḇūn wat-taʕamḏūn You approached and took a stand. c. Amos 6:3 wat-taggı̄ šūn šɛḇɛṯ ḥå̄må̄ s You caused a throne of violence to come near.

Since wat-​tiqrəḇūn and wat-taggı̄šūn involve movement toward the speaker, paragogic nun can be identified with the ventive morpheme in its speaker-​directional function. The verb ʕmd, however, does not involve translational motion, so it is more likely that the ventive morpheme is used in its middle-​marking function here.54 As a matter of fact, the verbs qrb and ngš also have a propensity to acquire the marking of middle semantics. There is evidence in the Masoretic text, for example, that qrb G shifts to qrb N; see Josh 7:14 wə-niqraḇtɛm . . . yiqraḇ . . . tiqraḇ ‘You shall approach. . . . It (sc. the tribe) shall approach. . . . It (sc. the family) shall approach’. Likewise, ngš is used in the G-​stem when inflected for the prefix conjugation (yiggaš), but in the N-​stem in the suffix conjugation (niggaš). Thus, it is possible that the ventive of the verb forms in the numbered examples above is used with a middle-​marking function rather than a speaker-​directional function. In the following example, in turn, the ventive can be read as a reflexive-​ benefactive (rather than speaker-​benefactive) marker: 146. Ezek 44:8 wə-lō šəmartɛm mišmɛrɛṯ qå̄ḏå̄šå̄ y wat-təśı̄ mūn lə-šōmərē mišmartı̄ bə-miqdå̄šı̄ lå̄ ḵɛm You have not kept watch of my holy things, but you have set keepers of my watch in my sanctuary for yourselves. If paragogic nun of wat-​təśı̄mūn is identified with the ventive allomorph *-nVn, its function may be interpreted as reflexive-​benefactive, which suggests that the subject of the verb is the beneficiary of the event. Because the watch-​keeping is meant for God, the reflexive-​benefactive marking of the verb in this example is used to create a contrast between the intended and the actual beneficiary. Notably, a reflexive-​benefactive meaning is also expressed by the prepositional phrase lå̄ ḵɛm, which appears to indicate that the meaning of paragogic nun has bleached semantically. Furthermore, since the linking element -n- is not used after the short prefix conjugation as a rule, the pronominal suffixes -ɛnnū and -ɛnnå̄ after the imperfect consecutive and the jussive may involve the ventive morpheme *-an. In the following example, the pronominal suffix -ɛnnū appears in its unassimilated form -ɛn-​hū, and the verb forms can be interpreted as short prefix conjugations with preterite function used asyndetically:55 54.  For ʕmd with l- and a pronominal suffix referring back to the subject, see Muraoka 1978, 496. 55.  Rainey (1986, 16) parses yəsōḇəḇɛnhū and yiṣṣərɛnhū as imperfective on account of the linking element -n- and suggests that yəḇōnənēhū is preterite on account of the lack of it. Notarius (2013, 84), however, suggests that yəḇōnənēhū may be imperfective too and that the presence of three nun’s in *ybwnnnhw may have caused one of them to be dropped by haplology. However, since the relevant verb forms are in

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147. Deut 32:10 yəsōḇəḇɛnhū yəḇōnənēhū | yiṣṣərɛnhū kə-ʔı̄šōn ʕēnō He shielded him, he considered him for himself, he guarded him as the apple of ​his eye. The ventive of sbb may be interpreted as a marker of the nontranslational motion middle, for example, ‘encompass, embrace (with whole body)’. The ventive of byn, in turn, may be interpreted as a marker of the mental middle, cf. (135). The ventive of nṣr, finally, may be interpreted as a marker of the reflexive-​benefactive middle, for example, ‘guard for oneself’; cf. the ventive of nṣr in Amarna Canaanite (48). Likewise, the linking element -n- of the imperfect consecutive and the jussive in the following examples can be identified with the ventive morpheme: 148.

a. 2 Kgs 9:33 way-​yiz mid-då̄må̄ h ʔɛl-​haq-qı̄r wə-ʔɛl-​has-sūsı̄m way-yirməsɛnnå̄ And it sprinkled from her blood on the wall and on the horses. And he trod on her. b. Isa 26:6 tirməsɛnnå̄ rå̄ ḡɛl | raḡlē ʕå̄nı̄ | paʕămē ḏallı̄m May feet trample it, the feet of the oppressed, the steps of the poor.

The situation described by rms ‘trample’ can be understood as a repeated nontranslational motion, such as a repeated treading on the same location with heavy or crushing steps.56 The ventive suggests that not just the patient but also the agent is affected by the action.57 The ventive of rms is perhaps also attested in Isa 28:3 bə-raḡlayı̄m tērå̄masnå̄ ʕăṭɛrɛṯ gēʔūṯ šikkōrē ʔɛp̄rå̄ yı̄m ‘The crown of pride of the drunkards of ​ Ephraim will be trampled under feet’.58 The use of the ventive to mark for nontranslational motion can also be gleaned from the following example: 149. Judg 11:18 way-yaḥănūn bə-ʕēḇɛr ʔarnōn They encamped themselves on the other side of Arnon. The verb ḥny is historically ‘decline, bend down’; compare, for example, Judg 19:9 ḥănōṯ hay-​yōm ‘the declination of the light (sun)’ and Arabic ḥnw/ḥny ‘bend, curve’ (Lane 660) with active inflection. Such a verb can receive middle marking to highlight the subject’s affectedness in the event. Notably, the verb ḥny is also used with l- and a

clause-​initial position, it is also possible that they should be parsed as short prefix conjugations and that the linking element -n- should be derived from the ventive morpheme. 56.  Lam 1:13 way-​yirdɛnnå̄ ‘It trampled them (sc. my bones)’ perhaps belongs here as well; cf. Arabic rdy G ‘beat with the hoofs’ (Lane 1071). The Septuagint, however, seems to translate way-yōrı̄ ḏɛnnå̄ (LXX katēgagen auto ‘He brought it down’); cf. also 4QLam frag. 3 iii 4 (DJD 16:234) w-​ywrydny ‘It brought me down’. 57.  Notably, the verb ‘trample’ is used with the ventive in Akkadian too; see, e.g., Atr. I 252 [ṭi]ṭṭa ikabbas-​am maḫrı̄ ša ‘He was treading the clay in her presence’. 58.  As noted by Robertson (1966, 167), the parsing of the grammatical subject as singular is supported by Isa 28:1 and the ancient versions.

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pronominal suffix referring back to the subject in SP Num 31:19 w-ʔtm ḥnw lkm m-ḥwṣ l-​mḥnh ‘You, encamp yourselves outside the camp’. Moreover, if the linking element -n- in the following example is identified with the ventive morpheme, it can be interpreted with a reflexive-​benefactive meaning: 150. Ps 80:14 yəḵarsəmɛnnå̄ ḥăzı̄r miy-yå̄ ʕar | wə-zı̄z śå̄ḏay yirʕɛnnå̄ May a boar from the forest tear it for himself, the wild beast of the field devours it. The quadriliteral root krsm is only attested here. It is presumably derived from the D-​stem of ksm G ‘shear, clip’ by way of dissimilation (Bauer and Leander 1922, 281); cf. its Middle Hebrew counterpart qirsēm ‘cut, trim’ (Jastrow 1423). Notably, the second colon is synonymous with the first one and indicates that the tearing is for eating, i.e., for the agent’s benefit. The ventive of 3rd person verb forms is also used for spontaneous events, for example:59 151. Job 20:15 ḥayil bå̄laʕ wa-yqı̄ ʔɛnnū | mib-​biṭnō yōrı̄šɛnnū ʔēl He swallowed riches and he threw it up. God will make his stomach vomit them up. Since the linking element -n- is not expected after way-​yiqṭōl, wa-yqı̄ʔɛnnū reflects the short prefix conjugation with the ventive morpheme *-an-​hu. In this case, the ventive is used in its function of marking the spontaneous middle.60 Vomiting has both low participant distinguishability and low event distinguishability, and the event is treated as though it emanates from the patient and refers to a nonvolitional process. In the following example, in turn, the linking element may be meaningful and used to indicate that the subject is proportionally more affected by carrying out the event: 152. Job 7:17–18 må̄ -ʔɛ̆nōš kı̄ ṯəḡaddəlɛnnū | wə-ḵı̄-ṯå̄šı̄ṯ ʔēlå̄w libbɛḵå̄ wattip̄ qəḏɛnnū li-ḇqå̄rı̄m | li-​rḡå̄ʕı̄m tiḇḥå̄nɛnnū What is man, that you magnify him, and that you set your mind to him? You examine him in the mornings and test him at times. The root pqd is used here in the sense of ​‘visit to search, test’, as indicated by the root bḥn ‘examine, scrutinize’ in the synonymous second colon. This event can have the effect of affecting the agent, in addition to the patient, since the act of examining requires that the agent sets his or her mind to it; see Job 7:17. 59.  See perhaps also Prov 23:8 pittəḵå̄-ʔå̄ḵaltå̄ ṯəqı̄ ʔɛnnå̄ ‘You will vomit the little you have eaten’. This example, however, may involve left-​dislocation of the object, which means that the relevant verb form is imperfective. 60.  See also Exod 15:14 šå̄ məʕū ʕammı̄ m yirgå̄ zūn ‘The peoples have heard, they tremble(ed)’. The Song of the Sea includes a number of examples of yiqṭōl in clause-​initial position that traditionally have been interpreted as asyndetic forms of the short prefix conjugation. If yirgå̄ zūn represents the short prefix conjugation, paragogic nun may be interpreted as marking the spontaneous middle. Notarius (2013, 118–21), however, suggests that most if not all instances of asyndetic yiqṭōl are *yaqtulu, i.e., imperfective, including yirgå̄ zūn in verse 14. If so, paragogic nun can also be identified with the imperfective allomorph *-nV.

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The following examples may also belong here, because the historically short prefix conjugation is followed by the linking element -n-: 153.

a. Job 33:24 wa-​yḥunnɛnnū He is gracious unto him. b. Num 6:25 w-ı̄ḥunnɛkkå̄ May he be gracious unto you.

If the situation described by ḥnn ‘show favor, be gracious’ can be assumed to affect the subject-​participant (in addition to the object-​participant), the use of the ventive at this point can be explained as a means to highlight the role of the experiencer of this “emotion” as proportionally more involved in the activity or state. Compare the discussion of Old Akkadian naplusu in section 3.2.4, and cf. Greek filofroneo-​mai ‘treat or deal with kindly, show favor to’ and charizo-​mai ‘to say or do something agreeable, show favor or kindness’. Note also that ḥnn Dt is used with the ventive morpheme in -å̄ in SP Deut 3:23 w-ʔtḥnnh ‘I sought grace (for myself )’.

6.6. Equivocal Examples The following list presents some examples of verbs that possibly involve the ventive morpheme but are textually problematic and/or difficult to analyze. 154. Gen 41:11 wan-​naḥalmå̄ ḥălōm ‘We dreamed a dream’. Paragogic heh can perhaps be interpreted as a middle marker of a spontaneous event, but it is not found in the Samaritan Pentateuch (SP) nor in 4QGenc frag. 1 ii 18 (DJD 12:41). 155. Gen 43:21 wan-nip̄ təḥå̄ ʔɛṯ-ʔamtəḥōṯēnū ‘We opened our sacks’. Paragogic heh can perhaps be interpreted as a middle marker of a reflexive-​benefactive event of external possession, but it is not found in the Samaritan Pentateuch (SP). 156. Deut 33:16 K: tbwʔth, Q: tå̄ ḇōṯå̄ The word tbwʔth should presumably be read təḇūʔå̄ṯō ‘his yield’; cf. Deut 33:14 təḇūʔōṯ ‘yield, harvest’ (Notarius 2013, 247–48). 157.

a. Judg 6:9 wå̄ -ʔɛttənå̄ ‘I gave’. b. Judg 6:10 wå̄ -ʔōmərå̄ ‘I said’.

Judg 6:8–10 is generally recognized as a later insertion attributed to the Deuteronomist and is missing from 4Q49 frag. 1 (DJD 14:161–64). Thus, the use of the lengthened

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imperfect consecutive may be attributed to a later literary standard in which the lengthened imperfect consecutive was used as a rule (section 6.2.5). 158. Judg 8:1 wa-yrı̄ḇūn ʔittō bə-ḥå̄zəqå̄ ‘They contended with him vehemently’. The n-suffix can be interpreted as a scribal hypercorrection (Kaufmann 1995). This possibility can be supported by the assumption that Judg 8:1b (the example above) is a later scribal addition. 159. Josh 24:8 K: w-ʔbʔh, Q: wå̄ -ʔå̄ḇı̄ ‘I brought’. The qere is supported by several manuscripts according to the BHS apparatus. 160.

a. Ezek 23:5 wat-​taʕgaḇ ‘She was full of desire’. b. Ezek 23:16 K: w-​tʕgb, Q: wat-​taʕgəḇå̄ c. Ezek 23:20 wat-​taʕgəḇå̄

The spelling of w-​tʕgb with a final -h in Ezek 23:20 may be due to a scribe who began to write the prefix conjugation but ended up writing the suffix conjugation (ʕgb-​h), which occurs three times in this chapter (Ezek 23:7, 9, 12). 161. Job 11:17 K: tʕph, Q: tå̄ ʕūp̄ å̄ The word tʕph is probably təʕūp̄ å̄ , as suggested in BHS; cf. Peshitta ʕarpellā ‘dark fog, thick darkness’ (Payne Smith 1903, 429).

6.7. Summary Paragogic heh can be derived from the ventive suffix *-an, cognate with Akkadian -am, which etymologically was used to indicate direction toward the speaker. This function of the morpheme is most clearly seen in the lengthened imperative, for example, ləḵ-å̄ ‘Come’ vs. lēḵ ‘Go’. When a 3m​.​/f. s. pronominal suffix is added to a verb form with paragogic heh, the ancient nasal reappears. Thus, the verb form tən-å̄ ‘Give to me’ with a 3m. s. pronominal suffix is tən-ɛnnū ‘Give it to me’. In the 1st person, the subject and the speaker are identical, and the ventive points back to the speaker-​subject. Thus, the cohortative presents a reflexive-​benefactive construction. Originally, the addition of a speaker/reflexive-​benefactive morpheme to a 1st person volitive verb form would have been a means to make a clause *ʔaqtul more informative: *ʔaqtul expresses the will of the speaker and the subject, “(I want/ wish/will that) I kill,” and *-an expresses the interest or the benefit of the speaker, and the speaker’s will coincides with speaker’s interest. In the course of ​history, *-an became a more or less obligatory part of volitive *ʔaqtul, so that volitive *ʔaqtul-​an has come to replace volitive *ʔaqtul.

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The lengthened imperfect consecutive presents a further extension of the reflexive-​ benefactive use into a middle marker. The development of a reflexive-​benefactive morpheme into a middle marker is similar to the very well attested development of direct reflexives into middle markers: both constructions originally involve coreference of participants, but in the former case, the affectedness is indirect rather than direct. As such, the middle marking ventive morpheme -å̄ is used in situations that are characterized by a low degree of event and participant elaboration to mark subject affectedness. The so-​called particle of entreaty, -nå̄ , as well as paragogic nun and the linking element -n- of verbs that are formed on the short prefix conjugation, in turn, can be derived from the ventive allomorph *-nVn. The function of the particle -nå̄ can be derived from the speaker-​benefactive ventive, for example, ‘for my sake’ > ‘please’. Paragogic nun and the linking element -n- of way-​yiqṭōl, in turn, appear to be used with a middle-​marking function, corresponding to -å̄ of the lengthened imperfect consecutive in the 1st person.

Chapter 7

The Ventive in Prestandardized Classical Arabic I: The Energic

7.1. Introduction There are two energic suffixes: the long energic and the short energic (traditionally referred to as Energicus I and II). The long energic is formed by adding the suffix -(a)nna (nūn ṯaqı̄la ‘heavy -n’) to the verb. In comparison to the short prefix conjugation, the suffix -anna is added to the final root consonant, for example, yaqtul-​anna, yaʔtiy-​ anna, and yabluw-​anna.1 The suffix -nna (with the allomorph -nni), in turn, is added to verb forms ending in a vowel, for example, 2f. s. taqtuli-​nna, 3m. pl. yaqtulu-​nna, and 3m. du. yaqtulā-​nni.2 The quantitative differences of the agreement suffixes of yaqtul, i.e., -ı̄ vis-​à-​vis -i and -ū vis-​à-​vis -u, and the alternation of the vowel in -nna and -nni as determined by the preceding vowel, are phonologically regular. The background of -ā- in 3f. pl. yaqtulnānni (and 2f. pl taqtulnānni) vis-​à-​vis yaqtulna (taqtulna), however, is obscure. Henri Fleisch (1979, 128n3) and David Testen (1993, 303n12) suggest that -nānni indicates an original long vowel (cf., for example, Biblical Hebrew -nå̄ ).3 The short energic is formed by adding -(a)n (nūn ḫafı̄fa ‘light -n’) to the verb. The suffix -an is added to the final root consonant in the same fashion as the long ener­ gic suffix. The suffix -n is added to verb forms ending in a vowel with subsequent reduction, for example, taqtulin and yaqtulun.4 The background of the reduced vowels -i- and -u- is not clear. In Harris Birkeland’s (1940, 99–100) view, the pausal forms, viz. yaqtulūn, taqtulı̄n, are original, and the contextual forms result from the reduction of a super-​heavy syllable.5 The historical background of the suffixes and the derivational relationship between the energic prefix conjugations and the short and long prefix conjugations are disputed. According to one school of thought, the energic suffixes are etymologically related to the Akkadian ventive morpheme.6 In Hasselbach’s (2006, 324–25) view, for example, 1.  The sound change *-iya- > *-ı̄ - > -i- may be attested in the Tayyiʔ dialect, e.g., la-​tuġninna for la-​ tuġniyanna ‘You are truly sufficient’ (Rabin 1951, 199). 2.  For 2f. s. taqtulinna, see Qur. 19:26 tarayinna. For 2m. du. taqtulānni, see Qur. 10:89 tattabiʕānni. 3.  For the background of the feminine plural suffix, see Huehnergard 2005, 169–70, and Kogan 2015, 130n357. 4.  The schools of ​Kufa and Basra disagree on whether the short energic was used in the dual; see H. Fleisch 1979, 129. 5.  See also H. Fleisch 1961, 165: “Dans la prose, le comportement normal, quand le sens n’est pas troublé, est d’abregér une voyelle longue passée en syllable fermée.” See also H. Fleisch 1979, 128n2. 6.  According to another school of thought, the energic suffixes are derived from a demonstrative element. Reckendorf ​(1895–1898, 1:63), for instance, thought that the energic suffix -an could be identical to

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-nna is derived from a reanalysis of the ventive with a following 1c. s. pronominal suffix. Hasselbach suggests that the ventive had two allomorphs: *-an was used after verb forms ending in a consonant (for example, 3m. s. yaqtul-​an), and *-n was used after verb forms ending in a vowel (for example, 3m. pl. *yaqtulūna-​n). When the 1c. s. pronominal suffix -nı̄ was added to the ventive morpheme, the sequence *-(a)n-nı̄ was reanalyzed as *-(a)nn-ı̄ in analogy to the 1c. s. possessive suffix -ı̄. In Classical Arabic, the vowel /a/ of the ventive allomorph *-an was subsequently leveled and introduced before the new ventive allomorph *-nn, and another vowel derived from the imperfective allomorph -na/-ni was added at the end: *-nn > *-(a)nn-​a/*-nn-​i. Testen (1993), in turn, derives the short energic suffix from the allomorph *-an (Akkadian -am). The long energic suffix, in turn, is derived from *-nn, a syncopation of the ventive allomorph *-nVn (Akkadian -nim). This geminate consonant was in turn resolved by a prop-​vowel as -nn-​a. While Testen (1993) uses the short prefix conjugation as a (priscianic?) model of derivation, the description does not explicitly address how the energic suffixes relate to the long and short prefix conjugations of Arabic.7 It should be noted, however, that if 3m. s. yaqtulanna is formed on the short prefix conjugation, the derivation of -nna from *-nVn presupposes that the phonologically conditioned distribution of the ventive morpheme was lost. Furthermore, the historical background of the vowel -a- of -a-​nna remains unexplained. Moran ([1950] 2003, 52–53) has argued that yaqtulan(na) is formed on *yaqtula, which was historically an “emphatic volitive form” according to Moran, and the energic suffix -n(n)a.8 However, Zewi (1999, 16) stresses that the energic prefix conjugation is more closely related to the indicative: it is not a distinct volitive mood but adds modal nuances to the indicative.9 The functional history of the energic suffixes is also a disputed issue. Even while it seems possible to equate them formally with the ventive morpheme, it is not self-​evident whether the directional function of the Akkadian ventive or the nondirectional functions of the Arabic energic are original to the morpheme in question. Testen (1993) thought of the energic suffixes as markers of perfective aspect and that the energic prefix conjugations had developed from a perfective present. The generally accepted function of the energic as emphatic (section 7.3), in turn, is a by-product of perfectivity: “the translation value of ​‘surely, certainly, without a doubt’ often accorded the energic smacks of an underscoring of the completeness characteristic of perfectivity” (Testen 1993, 309). The use of the energic as a marker of perfective ʔan; see also Zaborski 1996, 75. Owens (2013), who assumes that the energic morpheme goes back to a Proto-​Semitic particle *n of emphasis, deixis, or presentation and is etymologically related to ʔinna and her sisters, suggests that the development of the energic into a verbal suffix did not occur in the form of verb + *n but rather in the form of verb + *n + pronoun. In Proto-​West Semitic, a construction *n + noun/pronoun developed into a complementizer and subsequently a construction *n + pronoun became a morphologically bound suffix to the verb. In the ancestor to Classical Arabic, *n + pronoun eventually developed into a generalized suffix in analogy to the complementizer ʔinna/ʔanna. 7.  Wright (GAL 1:61) likewise states that the energic is formed on the jussive, but it is not clear whether Wright’s derivation is to be understood as a diachronic process or whether it is merely pedagogical. 8.  Rainey (CAT 2:263–64) also posits an injunctive energic yaqtulan(n)a in Amarna Canaanite, but see the discussion to example (67). 9.  Hetzron (1969, 105) and Zewi (1999, 187) claim that the energic is a category superimposed on other moods that may represent either the imperfective (yaqtulu) or the jussive (yaqtul).

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aspect, in turn, was reconciled by Testen with the telic function of the ventive in Akkadian on the basis of ​Landsberger’s (1924, 114) observation, that the ventive of motion verbs in Akkadian implies the reaching of a goal.10 Thus, Testen (1993, 309) suggested that the goal-​marking function of the ventive in Akkadian was derived from a perfective function of the proto-​morpheme. Kienast (2001, 272), in turn, has suggested that the energic function developed from the allative ventive by way of an ethical dative, as sometimes in Akkadian; compare, for example, ARMT 28: 20 8 awı̄lı̄ šunūti iḫ-sú-​su-​nim ‘man hat “mir” (doch) diese Leute angeklagt’ (trans. Kienast), and TCL 2: 14 34–35 (OACP 115) ṭuppam ša ḫubullı̄ka ni-​il5qé-a[m] ‘die Urkunde über deine Schuld haben wir (tatsächlich) erhalten’ (trans. Kienast). In the second example, the ventive has a quasi-​energetic meaning (‘tatsächlich’) according to Kienast (2001, 272). According to Loesov (2006, 112), however, the ventive in this example is reflexive-​benefactive: ‘We took for ourselves’. It will be argued in this chapter that the long and short energic suffixes are derived from a ventive allomorph *-nVn, and that the function of the energic prefix conjugations can be explained as a development of subject affectedness involved in the reflexive-​benefactive ventive.

7.2. The Relationship Between the Long and Short Energic The relationship between the two energic suffixes is obscure: Are -(a)nna and -(a)n different morphemes, or should -(a)n be derived from -(a)nna or vice versa?11 Sibawayh (Sīb. II: 152.10–13, 159.7) notes that the long energic suffix is more common and that it is more emphatic than -(a)n, but that if a word can be augmented by -(a)n, it can also be augmented by -(a)nna and vice versa. They have, in other words, the same morphophonological distribution, but they differ in the degree of frequency and emphasis.12 In Zewi’s (1999, 13–14) view, however, it “seems that no difference exists between the usage of geminate forms and the usage of non-​geminate forms.” There are only two unambiguous examples of the short energic prefix conjugation in the Qurʔān: Qur. 12:32 wa-​la-​yakūnan (written with ʔAlef and nunation) and Qur. 96:15 la-​nasfaʕan (quoted in note 31).13 Both of these examples occur in the consequence 10.  See also Goetze 1936, 297, 324n91, who held that the ventive of motion verbs “denotes the termination of the movement implied,” and suggested that it marks aspect. See also Finet 1956, 259, who suggested that the ventive can be used to indicate the completion of an event. 11.  As noted by H. Fleisch (1979, 140n2), the school of ​Kufa held that -(a)n is abbreviated (muḫaffaf) from -(a)nna, and the Basra school held that -(a)n and -(a)nna are independent and not derived (maʔḫūḏ) from each other. In Fleisch’s own view, -(a)nna is an augmentation of -(a)n “pour renforcer l’expressivité.” 12.  The idea that the long energic is more emphatic than the short energic can be explained from iconicity; see H. Fleisch 1979, 131n1. See also Fleisch’s (1961, 467) remark in relation to a statement by Ibn Yaʕı̄ š (d. 1245), according to whom intensity in pronunciation means intensity in meaning. 13.  In addition to these short energic prefix conjugations, a pausal form of the short energic suffix is perhaps attested in the imperative in Qur. 50:24 ʔalqiyā ‘Throw’. The energic imperative is not attested elsewhere in the Qurʔān, and according to Zewi (1999, 61–62), it is formed in analogy to the energic prefix conjugations and is a stylistic variant to the nonenergic imperative allowed by poetic license without any significant distinction. Apparently, the energic suffixes are sometimes also used with the suffix conjugation and the participle; see Reckendorf 1895–1898, 1:63n1: “Poetisch tritt ăn(nă) auch sonst an emfatisch gesprochene Wörter, an das Perf. und an Verbaladjektiva.” Wright (GAL 2:380A) provides an example of the energic suffix conjugation and the energic participle (see also Howell 1880–1911, 5:715) and suggests that they are formed by poetic license.

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clause to la-ʔin, and everywhere else in the Qurʔān (with some fifty examples), the consequence clause to la-ʔin is la-​yaqtulanna. In fact, the short energic in Qur. 12:32 is even coordinated with the long energic (la-​yusǧananna). This seems to indicate that la-​yaqtulan is a variant of la-​yaqtulanna. Apart from these verb forms, two of the three examples of energic verbs with a following 1c. s. objective pronominal suffix indicate the short energic: Qur. 23:93 turiyannı̄ and 27:21 la-​yaʔtiyannı̄. The third example, however, indicates the long energic: Qur. 12:66 la-​taʔtunnanı̄. However, Qur. 23:93 turiyannı̄ occurs after ʔimmā, and (almost) everywhere else in the Qurʔān (with some twenty examples), ʔimmā is followed by the long energic. Thus -annı̄ may result from syncopation of -annanı̄. This is supported by the existence of the by-​form ʔin to ʔinna: while there are some 150 instances of ʔinnı̄, there are only seven examples of ʔinnanı̄ (Qur. 6:19; 6:161; 11:2; 20:14, 46; 41:33; 43:26), which indicates haplology. Apparently, -na- of the long energic is also often elided by haplology before the objective pronominal suffixes -nı̄ and -nā in texts of ​Hijazi origin, for example, la-​tuṣaddiqunnı̄ for la-​tuṣaddiqunnanı̄ ‘You will certainly believe me’ (Rabin 1951, 147). Since no functional difference can be established between yaqtulanna and yaqtulan, and since yaqtulan is used in the same contexts as yaqtulanna, it is reasonable to conclude that -(a)nna and -(a)n are allomorphs in the Qurʔān, even when the evidence for yaqtulan is admittedly limited. In metrical poetry, however, yaqtulan is quite common and it should become clear from the following pages that it is used in the same environments as yaqtulanna. It is possible, therefore, to analyze -(a)n and -(a)nna as allomorphs that could be used interchangeably for reasons of meter.14 As a matter of fact, the variation between yaqtulan and yaqtulanna can be observed in different recensions of one and the same colon. In a poem by al-​Samaw’al, the long energic is found in the dīwān compiled by Nifṭūya: Sam. 2:10 hal ʔaqūlanna ʔiḏ tadāraka ḏanbı̄ ‘Ob ich wohl sagen werde, wenn meine Schuld sicher wird’ (trans. Hirschberg 1931, 24, no. 2:10). In al-​Asmaʕı̄ ’s anthology, however, the energic is short: Asm. 20:12 hal ʔaqūlan ʔiḏā tadāraka ḥilmı̄ ‘Am I going to say, when my forbearance arrives in time?’15 Furthermore, the long and the short energic are sometimes found in close proximity to each other. Apart from Qur. 12:32 wa-​la-​yakūnan, which occurs immediately after la-​yusǧananna, see also the following poem: 162. Sīra I, 1:414.12–13 [Bilāl b. Rabāḥ] ʔa-​lā layta šiʕrı̄ hal ʔabı̄ tanna laylatan | bi-​faḫḫin wa-ḥawlı̄ ʔiḏḫirun wa-ǧalı̄lu | wa-​hal ʔaridan yawman miyāha maǧannatin | wa-​hal yabduwan lı̄ šāmatun wa-ṭafı̄lu Would that I know: am I going to spend the night in Faḫḫ (again), with herbs and thyme around me? And am I going to go down one day to the waters of ​Maǧanna? And are (the mountains of ) Šāma and Ṭafı̄ l (again) going to appear before me? 14.  See also Zewi 1999, 14: “Non-geminate forms are found mainly in poetry so that this phenomenon can be a variant for poetic reasons.” 15.  Nöldeke (1913, 183) reads ʕilmı̄ for ḥilmı̄ : “Werd’ ich wohl, wenn (vor dem Weltrichter) meine Kunde sicher wird . . . sagen: . . . ?”

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The energic is used after hal in all three instances. Unless the long energic is more “emphatic” than the short energic merely by the principle of iconicity, there does not appear to be any significant difference between them. They may therefore be considered allomorphs.

7.3. Functions of the Energic According to the classic presentation, the energic is associated with oaths and with emphasis. The connection with oaths can be found in Sibawayh (Sīb. II: 152.15–16), who identified the particle la- ‘indeed, truly’ (WKAS L 1–3), which practically always precedes energic verb forms in declarative main clauses, with lām al-​qasam ‘la- of the oath’. The connection with emphasis can also be found in Sibawayh (Sīb. I: 403.15), who noted that oaths are emphatic: ʔiʕlam ʔanna l-​qasama taʔkı̄dun li-​kalāmika ‘Know that the oath is an emphasis to your speech’.16 It may also be noted, however, that while oaths are perhaps always emphatic (section 7.3.2), emphatic statements and promises are not always oaths in the common sense of the word—namely, a wording that relates to something sacred as a sign of sincerity. Indeed, la-​yaqtulan(na) is usually interpreted as emphatic also without any authenticating formula in the immediate context. In Zewi’s (1999, 178) view, for example, the energic prefix conjugations are used in general to intensify the indicative. Fischer (GCA §198) and Owens (2013, 225), in turn, suggest that the energic is used to indicate that the event or state of affairs represented in the predicate will occur with a high degree of certitude.17 Furthermore, most if not all descriptions indicate that the temporal deixis of the energic (prefix conjugation) is limited to the future. In this capacity, it competes with other verb forms that can be used for future predications, for example, yaqtulu, sawfa yaqtulu, and sa-y​ aqtulu. From a typological perspective, it is not uncommon for a language to have more than one verbal grammatical morpheme that refers to the future. In the case of multiple future verbal grammatical morphemes, they tend to differ in their range of use, for example, by specifying remoteness, definiteness, epistemic certainty, or expectedness (Bybee, Perkins, and Pagliuca 1994, 243–51). In the following sections, it will be argued that the energic prefix conjugation is used for prospective aspect as defined by Comrie (1976, 64–65) and Fleischman (1983, 16.  According to al-Ḫalı̄ l (a.k.a. al-Farāhı̄ dı̄ , fl. eighth century), as quoted by Sibawayh (Sīb. II: 152.11), the energic suffixes are used for tawkı̄ d ‘emphasis, strengthening, corroboration’. The term “energic” (energetic), which is borrowed from Arabic grammar nomenclature, is in other words supposed to be descriptive of the function. 17.  Reckendorf ​(1895–1898, 1:63–64; 1921, 16) glosses energic verbs by ‘wirklich’ and ‘bestimmt’; cf. Reckendorf 1895–1898, 1:63: “die Endung ăn(nă) weist nachdrücklich auf die Wortbedeutung hin und lässt sich öfters durch ‘wirklich’ wiedergeben.” H. Fleisch (1979, 131) notes that it is used to give “a strong expression to an inner feeling” (“une expression vigoureuse à un sentiment intérieur”) and “conviction to a statement” (“conviction dans une affirmation”), and that it is used to reinforce volitions (commands, prohibitions, threats, and promises); see also Wright (GAL 2:41–43). Kaufman (1991, 197), however, is of a different opinion: “Preformative (and imperative) verbal forms in Arabic and Northwest Semitic ending in -(an)na are not ‘energic,’ i.e., they are not emphatic. They do, rather, express petition, doubt, or question— a softening rather than a strengthening!”

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189–93). According to this interpretation, the energic prefix conjugation is used to describe a future situation with relevance to the speaker’s present world-​state. Thus, the psychological relationship between the present and the future is proportionally more salient than the deictically temporal relationship. 7.3.1. The Prospective Energic Most examples of the energic prefix conjugation in the Qurʔān are preceded by la‘indeed, truly’.18 In these constructions, la-​yaqtulan(na) may be interpreted with prospective aspect, for example: 163.

a. Qur. 12:35 ṯumma badā lahum min baʕdi mā raʔaw-​u l-ʔāyāti la-yasǧununnahu ḥattā ḥı̄nin Then it became clear to them, (even) after they had seen the signs, (that) they were indeed going to imprison him for a time. b. Qur. 29:2–3 ʔa-ḥasiba n-​nāsu ʔan yutrakū ʔan yaqūlū ʔāmannā wa-​hum lā yuftanūna wa-​la-​qad fatannā llaḏı̄na min qablihim fa-​la-yaʕlamanna llāhu llaḏı̄na ṣadaqū Do the people think that they will be left alone in case they should say, We believe, without being tested? We have already tested those from before them, so Allah is surely going to know who are truthful.

In the first example, the speaker describes the future situation as determined by a resolve on the part of the subject, despite signs to the contrary. Accordingly, the focus is on a present decision or intention leading to a future event, and the future event is not presented per se but because of its relation to a present state. In other words, a present state is related to some subsequent situation: someone is in a state of going to do something.19 Likewise, the realization of the situation described by the energic prefix conjugation in the second example is presented as a presupposed continuation of a present circumstance. The speaker concludes on the basis of previous indications, viz. that Allah has already tested the people in the past, that Allah is also going to know about the people in the future. The presentation of the future as a necessary development of present circumstances is subjective and requires some degree of personal involvement in the situation on the part of the speaker. In this light it is worth noting that the energic is relatively common in the 1st person in the Qurʔān. For example, Arne Ambros (1989, 42–43) has shown that the 1st person makes for approximately 40 percent of all occurrences, while in a 18.  The energic prefix conjugation occurs 244 times in total in the Qurʔān (Ambros 1989). The frequency distribution of the energic prefix conjugation in different syntactic environments in the Qurʔān is as follows (Ambros 1989, 44–45): independent main clauses after la- (124×), negative clauses after lā (46×), consequence clauses to la-ʔin (51×), antecedents after ʔimmā (12×), disjunctions after ʔaw (8×), consequence clauses to la-​mā (2×), indirect interrogative clause after hal (1×). 19.  Compare also ʕĀmir. 29:1 (Lyall 1913, *144) la-​tasʔalan ʔasmāʔu wa-​hya ḥafiyyatun | nuṣaḥāʔahā ‘Asmāʔ is definitely going to ask her trusted ones, for she is caring’ and ʕĀmir. 3:1 (Lyall 1913, *101) hal-lā saʔalti binā wa-ʔanti ḥafiyyatun ‘Why would you not ask about us, while you are caring?’

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contrastive sample the grammatical subject is the 1st person 10 percent of the time. When the subject is the first person, the speaker chooses to present the future situation in a logical or causal relationship to his or her reference point, for example: 164.

a. Qur. 5:27 ʔiḏ qarrabā qurbānan fa-​tuqubbila min ʔaḥadihimā wa-​lam yutaqabbal min-​a l-ʔāḫari qāla la-ʔaqtulannaka They offered both an offering, and it was accepted from one of them, but it was not accepted from the other. He said, I am certainly going kill you. b. Qur. 19:77 ʔa-​fa-​raʔayta llaḏı̄ kafara bi-ʔāyātinā wa-​qāla la-ʔūtayanna mālan wa-​waladan Have you considered he who disbelieved in our revelation and said, I am certainly (anyway) going to be given wealth and children (even though I disbelieve in the revelation)? c. Sīra I, 1:107.6–8 fa-​naẓarū ʔilayhi wa-​saʔalūhā ʕanhu wa-​qallabūhu ṯumma qālū lahā la-naʔḫuḏan(na) hāḏā l-​ġulāma fa-​la-naḏhaban(na) bihi ʔilā malikinā wa-​baladinā fa-ʔinna hāḏā ġulāmun kāʔinun lahu šaʔnun naḥnu naʕrifu ʔamrahu They looked at him and asked her about him and scrutinized him, then they said to her, We are indeed going to take this boy and we are indeed going to bring him to our king and country, because this is a boy who has importance, whose deal we know.

In the first example, the first person speaker presents the future situation as a necessary conclusion of the present facts. In the second example, in turn, the subject of the direct speech predicts the future event as bound to happen irrelevant of the circumstances and uses the energic to focus on this as a fact that is independent of ​his will and actions. In third example, finally, it appears that the energic prefix conjugation is used to describe a future situation viewed as the result of prior circumstances. The fact that the energic presents the situation as determined by prior circumstances can imply that the future is a circumstantial necessity, for example:20 165. Qur. 17:4 wa-​qaḍaynā ʔilā banı̄ ʔisrāʔı̄la fı̄ l-​kitābi la-tufsidunna fı̄ l-ʔarḍi marratayni wa-​la-taʕlunna ʕuluwwan kabı̄ran We declared to the children of ​Israel in the Scripture, You are certainly going to spread corruption in the land twice and you are certainly going to be highly arrogant. Notably, the prediction in this example involves necessity through the will of Allah. The future event is presented as inevitable and the energic expresses something that is not under the control of the subject. At the same time, it is easy to see how a prediction that 20.  Circumstantial necessity refers to events that occur out of necessity with respect to certain circumstances (Narrog 2012, 10). It corresponds most closely to “participant-​external modality” in the sense of ​ Van der Auwera and Plungian (1998) or “wide scope generalized deontic necessity” in the sense of ​Traugott and Dasher (2002, 111–12). It is not easy, however, to find examples of circumstantial necessity that do not relate to some obligation or goal (Narrog 2012, 10).

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involves necessitation through external circumstances invites the inference that the event is certain to occur. In other words, the inference is invited that it is logically necessary to conclude that the addressee will spread corruption, since the source of authority is Allah. The energic prefix conjugation is as a rule marked by la- in declarative statements. The very limited number of examples of yaqtulan(na) without la- makes it difficult to assess the historical rationale behind this collocation.21 It is possible, however, that lawas introduced by the speaker to signal that he or she infers that the future situation is certain by viewing it as determined by the present. This development may have begun in oaths, which are marked for emphasis (section 7.3.2), and where current relevance is strong when the speaker promises in the present a certain course of action in the future. The epistemic quality of the energic prefix conjugation can also be gathered from constructions with ʔimmā ‘if ever, if really’, which is followed by an energic verb form in the majority of cases in the Qurʔān.22 In the poetry, the energic prefix conjugation is also found after -mā ‘whatever’ suffixed to a noun, and after the indefinite determiner qad ‘sometimes’:23 166.

a. Qur. 17:23 ʔimmā yabluġanna ʕindaka l-​kibara ʔaḥaduhumā ʔaw kilāhumā fa-​lā taqul lahumā ʔuffin wa-​lā tanharhumā wa-​qul lahumā qawlan karı̄man If either one of them or both of them really are going to reach old age with you, do not say “Ugh!” to them, and do not repulse them, but speak respectfully to them. b. Lab. 5:8 wa-ʔabūki busrun lā yufannadu ʕumrahu | wa-ʔilā bilan-​mā yurǧaʕanna ǧadı̄du Your father, O Busr, will not be pronounced to have been weak in his his life, but that which is newly cut off is going to be returned to something worn. c. ʕAbı̄ d. 1:20 var. (Lyall 1913, *7 n. g) fa-​qad yaʕūdan ḥabı̄ban šāniʔun | wa-yarǧiʕan šāniʔan ḥabı̄bu Sometimes a foe is going to return as a friend, and a friend is going to come back a foe.

21.  For examples of the energic prefix conjugation without la-, e.g., Sam. 2:7 layta šiʕrı̄ wa-ʔašʕuranna ‘Wüßt ich doch—und ich werde es erfahren’ (trans. Hirschberg 1931, 24) and ʕĀmir. 29:6 (Lyall 1913, *145) wa-qatı̄ la murrata ʔaṯʔaranna ‘I will avenge the one slain by Murra’ (cf. ʕĀmir. 29:5 fa-​la-ʔaṯʔaranna), see Reckendorf 1921, 16. 22.  Ambros (1989, 44–45) notes that there are twelve instances of ʔimmā followed by the energic prefix conjugation in the Qurʔān. It may be noted that in another four verses in the Qurʔān, a nonenergic verb form is used after ʔimmā. In these examples, ʔimmā is disjunctive and repeated for each alternative. In one example, yaqtulu is used after ʔimmā (Qur. 9:106), and in another three examples, ʔan yaqtula is used after ʔimmā (Qur. 7:115; 18:86; 20:65); see Ambros 1989, 46n25. 23.  For the energic prefix conjugation after an indefinite determiner, see also ʕAbı̄ d. 1:20 (Lyall 1913, *7) ʔillā saǧiyyāti mā l-​qulūbi | wa-​kam yaṣı̄ ranna šāniʔan ḥabı̄ bu ‘There help only natural gifts of judgement—how often has a friend become a hater!’ (trans. Lyall 1913, 19). Compare also Ḥāt. 42:21 (Schulthess 1897, *25.14) qalı̄ lun bihi mā yaḥmadannaka wāriṯun ‘How little does an heir praise you’, Naq. I, 1: *150.8 ʕammā qalı̄ lin talḥaqan ʔarbābuh, and Qur. 23:40 ʕammā qalı̄ lin la-​yuṣbiḥunna nādimı̄ na ‘In a little (while) they are certainly going to become remorseful’.

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Hermann Reckendorf ​(1895–1898, 1:64) suggests that the energic is used after ʔimmā because, since the speaker’s confidence in the proposition is so high, it is true for every imaginable circumstance.24 Thus, on the assumption that the energic prefix conjugation expresses an event that is bound to happen according to the speaker’s view of ​his or her present world-​state, its use after -mā and qad may be explained from the open truth value of the nonepisodic situation.25 Thus, yaqtulanna in a clause with ʔimmā can be paraphrased as ‘if ​P really (mā) is going to happen’ and la-y​ aqtulanna in a main clause as ‘P is really (la-) going to happen’. The use of the energic for the prospective future is also seen in questions without la-, for example: 167.

a. Nāb. 17:21 (Ahlwardt 1870, *19) ḥalaftu fa-​lam ʔatruk li-​nafsika rı̄batan | wa-​hal yaʔṯaman ḏū ʔummatin wa-​hwa ṭāʔiʕu I have sworn, and I have not left doubt in your heart. Is he (then), who has religion and is obedient, going to fall into sin? b. Imr. 52:1 (Ahlwardt 1870, *151) wa-​hal yanʕaman man kāna fı̄ l-ʕuṣuri l-ḫālı̄ Is he who was there in bygone times going be happy (again)?

In these examples, the energic presents a future situation that is viewed by the speaker as growing out of ​his or her present world-​state. 7.3.2. The Energic in Oaths In the common sense, an oath consists of two parts: the propositional content of the oath and an authenticating formula.26 The authenticating formula is an illocutionary force operator that is used to relate the content of the oath to something sacred as a sign of sincerity, for example, wa-rabbı̄ ‘by my Lord’ and wa-​llāhi ‘by Allah’.27 Oaths are typically sworn as a reaction to some doubt (Edzard 1973, 129; E. Cohen 2005, 56–59), and emphasis arises from the conflict between the presupposition and the assertion, as noted by Reckendorf ​(1895–1898, 1:63): “Dinge, deren Tatsächlichkeit nicht über 24.  Reckendorf ​(1895–1898, 1:64) explains the use of the energic in clauses quantified by mā as follows: “die Gewissheit des Eintritts der im Praedikat ausgedrückten Handlung wird um so grösser, wenn das Praed. nicht nur in einem bestimmten Falle, sondern in jedem beliebigen seine Geltung bewahrt.” This generalization is also meant to capture the use of the energic after other morphemes with -mā, e.g., ḥayṯu-mā ‘wherever’. According to Zewi (1999, 61), however, the energic after these kinds of morphemes is not very common. 25.  Accordingly, clause linkings of the type ʔimmā yaqtulanna . . . fa-, as in Qur. 17:23 above, may be interpreted as universal concessive conditionals. For similar constructions in the Qurʔān, see also Qur. 2:38; 6:68; 7:35; 8:57, 58; 17:28; 19:26; 20:123; 23:93–94; 41:36. The energic is also used after ʔaw following ʔimmā yaqtulanna when the disjunction presents an opposite circumstance (if p or not-p, then q). Such clause linkings may be interpreted as alternative concessive-​conditional constructions; see, e.g., Qur. 10:46; 13:40; 40:77; 43:41–42. 26.  The energic prefix conjugation, which occurs 244 times in total in the Qurʔān (Ambros 1989), occurs nineteen times in oaths (Zewi 1999, 30). 27.  See Searle 1969, 30–31; 1976, 5; and cf. Conklin’s (2011, 4) definition of oaths in Biblical Hebrew. For a brief description of oaths in Arabic, see also Conklin 2011, 93–96.

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allen Zweifeln fest steht, pflegt man ja gerne durch Beteuerungen der Gewissheit zu stützen.” See, for example: 168. Qur. 64:7 zaʕama llaḏı̄na kafarū ʔan lan yubʕaṯū qul balā wa-rabbı̄ la-tubʕaṯunna Those who disbelieve claim that they will not be raised (from the dead). Say, On the contrary, by my Lord, you are certainly going be raised (from the dead). The energic in this context emphasizes the speaker’s belief in the truth or factualness of the proposition expressed by the clause and implicitly contrasts it with its negative counterpart in the preceding clause.28 The use of oaths as a reaction to some doubt is particularly transparent when the oath involves a conditional linking with la-ʔin. Indeed, la- of la-ʔin represents an oath according to Sibawayh (Kinberg [1981–1982] 2001, 22). This marker, a combination of la- ‘indeed’ and ʔin ‘if’ (cf. Ge’ez la-ʔəmma), appears to be used for conditions that are improbable or unexpected, i.e., to propose a condition that contrasts with the presupposition. In the following example, the construction la-ʔin . . . la-​yaqtulanna is even used after ʔaqsama ‘swear’:29 169. Qur. 35:42 wa-ʔaqsamū bi-​llāhi ǧahda ʔaymānihim la-ʔin ǧāʔahum naḏı̄run la-yakūnunna ʔahdā min ʔiḥdā l-ʔumami fa-​lammā ǧāʔahum naḏı̄run mā zādahum ʔillā nufūran They swore by Allah the most solemn of their oaths, If a warner really comes to them, they are certainly going to be more rightly guided than any community. But when a warner did come to them, they only increased in aversion. In this capacity, the energic is used by the speaker to indicate his confidence in the knowledge upon which the prediction is based, even when linked to a remarkable opposite. In other words, the speaker concludes that the clause is valid even when the circumstances on which it depends are unexpected. The energic is also used in consequence clauses to la-ʔin outside of oaths (without authenticating formulas), for example:30 170. Zuh. 10:32–33 (Ahlwardt 1870, *87) la-ʔin ḥalalta bi-​ǧawwin min banı̄ ʔasadin | fı̄ dı̄ni ʕamrin wa-ḥālat baynanā fadaku | la-yaʔtiyannaka minnı̄ manṭiqun qaḏiʕun 28.  For oaths with the energic prefix conjugation in the Qurʔān, see also Qur. 15:92; 16:56; 19:68–69; 21:57; 27:49; 34:3; 68:17; 84:18–19. 29.  For additional instances of la-ʔin . . . la-​yaqtulanna in the context of oaths, see also Qur. 6:109; 9:75; 24:53. For the short energic prefix conjugation, see Sīra I, 1:174.12 [Abū Ṭālib] wa-ʔinnā la-ʕamru llāhi ʔin ǧadda mā ʔarā | la-​taltabisan ʔasyāfunā bi-​l-ʔamāṯili ‘By God, if what I see should become serious Our swords will mingle with the best of them’ (trans. Guillaume 1955, 124). See also Ṭab. I, 1:149.12 and Ṭab. I, 1:294.3–4. 30.  See also Ṭar. 24:7–8 (Ahlwardt 1870, *188) wa-​la-ʔin banaytu ʔilā l-​mušaqqari fı̄  | haḍbin tuqaṣṣiru dūnahu l-ʕuṣmu | la-​tunaqqiban ʕannı̄ l-​maniyyatu ‘If ​I really built on Mušaqqar, on a mountain that mountain goats are short of reaching, fate would still going to befall me’.

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Even if you have camped in (the safety of the) field of ​Banū ʔAsad, in the jurisdiction of ʕAmr, and Fadak is between us, a reviling speech is still certainly going to come to you from me. In this example, there is an epistemic linkage between the conclusion and the antecedent, and the antecedent is rejected as irrelevant for the conclusion. Asserting that the antecedent is irrelevant for the conclusion amounts to emphatically asserting the truth of the conclusion. In the Qurʔān, the verb in nonnegated verbal consequence clauses to la-ʔin is always energic, even when something sacred is not explicitly mentioned.31 The consequence clause to la-ʔin in other texts than the Qurʔān, however, does not exclusively involve energic verb forms.32 Nevertheless, the consequence clauses with energic verb forms in the Qurʔān involve promises, declarations of intention, prophecies, warnings, and asseverations (Zewi 1999, 38–45), and it seems reasonable to assume that, in view of its nature of revelation, the speaker expresses a high degree of confidence in the knowledge upon which these predictions are based, even when they relate to something unexpected.33 However, the energic is also used in oaths where the conflict between the presupposition and the assertion is not very prominent; see, for example: 171. Zuh. 14:5–7 (Ahlwardt 1870, *89) taʔawwabanı̄ ḏikru l-ʔaḥibbati baʕda-​ mā | haǧaʕtu wa-dūnı̄ qullatu l-ḥazni fa-​r-​ramlu | fa-ʔaqsamtu ǧahdan bi-​l-​ manāzili min minan | wa-​mā suḥiqat fı̄hi l-​maqādimu wa-​l-​qamlu | la-ʔartaḥilan bi-​l-​faǧri ṯumma la-ʔadʔaban | ʔilā l-​layli The memory of the loved ones return to me after I fall asleep, but nearer to me is the top of rugged ground and sand. So I solemnly swore by the settlements at Minā, and by (where) the foreheads with lice are shaved: I am certainly going to depart in the morning, then I am going to strive into the night. Historically then, and on the assumption that the energic is used with prospective aspect, its use in promissory oaths can be explained from the fact that the focus of the prospective aspect is on a present decision or intention leading to a future event. 31.  There are fifty-​one occurrences of la-y​ aqtulan(na) in the consequence clause to la-ʔin in the Qurʔān (Ambros 1989, 44). Eight times the consequence clause to la-ʔin is negated and the predicate is lā yaqtulu; see section 7.3.3. Another seven times, the consequence clause is introduced by ʔinna (Larcher 2008–2009, 212–14), e.g., Qur. 12:14 la-ʔin ʔakalahu ḏ-ḏiʔbu wa-​naḥnu ʕuṣbatun ʔinnā ʔiḏan la-ḫāsirūna ‘If a wolf really would eat him, (even) while we are a (such a) strong group, we will indeed be losers’. For the short energic, see Qur. 96:15 kallā la-ʔin lam yantahi la-​nasfaʕan bi-​n-​nāṣiyati ‘No, if ​he really does not stop, we will certainly drag him by his forelock’. 32.  See Kinberg [1981–1982] 2001 for a study of the formal variation of consequence clauses to la-ʔin. 33.  In three verses, la-​yaqtulanna is used in the consequence clause to ʔin rather than la-ʔin (Qur. 5:73; 7:23; 59:11). However, in view of constructions with la-ʔin . . . la-​yaqtulanna, it may be assumed that la-yaqtulanna in the consequence clause to ʔin is also used for prospective future. Indeed, in one of the examples, the construction ʔin qatala la-​yaqtulanna is actually coordinated with la-ʔin qatala la-​yaqtulanna: Qur. 59:11 la-ʔin ʔuḫriǧtum la-​naḫruǧanna maʕakum wa-​lā nuṭı̄ ʕu fı̄ kum ʔaḥadan ʔabadan wa-ʔin qūtiltum la-nanṣurannakum ‘If you really are driven out, we are certainly going to go out with you—we will never obey anyone (else) in regard to you—and if you are fought, we are certainly going to help you’.

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7.3.3. The Negated Energic The negated energic prefix conjugation is different from the nonnegated energic prefix conjugation in one important aspect: while la-​yaqtulan(na) is associated with statements, lā yaqtulan(na) appears to be volitive and is associated with prohibitions.34 The assumption that lā yaqtulan(na) is not simply the negative counterpart of la-yaqtulan(na) can be gathered from the fact that when an energic form is expected, as in the consequence clause to la-ʔin, declarative lā yaqtulu is used instead of lā yaqtulanna; compare, for example, the asymmetry in Qur. 59:12 wa-​la-ʔin qūtilū lā yanṣurūnahum wa-​la-ʔin naṣarūhum la-​yuwallunna l-ʔadbāra ‘If they really are fought, they will not aid them, and if they really aided them, they would certainly be going to turn their backs (anyway)’. Similarly, lā yaqtulu is used in lieu of lā yaqtulan(na) in an oath, for example, Ṭab. I, 1:267.19 fa-​wa-​llāhi lā ʔarı̄buki wa-laʔuḥsinan(na) ʔilayki ‘By God, I will not doubt you, but I will be good to you’.35 Its association with volition, in turn, can be gathered from the fact that it often occurs next to the imperative, for example:36 172.

a. Qur. 10:89 qāla qad ʔuǧı̄bat daʕwatukumā fa-staqı̄mā wa-​lā tattabiʕānni sabı̄la llaḏı̄na lā yaʕlamūna He (sc. Allah) said, Your prayers have indeed been answered, so go straight, and you must not follow the way of those who do not know. b. Ṭar. 6:6 (Ahlwardt 1870, *64) ʔabā karibin ʔabliġ ladayka risālatan | ʔabā ǧābirin ʕannı̄ wa-​lā tadaʕan ʕamrā Abū Karib, bring a message by you to Abū Ǧābir from me, and do not call on ʕAmr.

Furthermore, its association with volition is indicated by the fact that lā yaqtulan(na), just as lā yaqtul, is not very common in the 1st person (cf. the dearth of ​Biblical Hebrew ʔal-ʔɛqṭəlå̄ and Akkadian ay-​aprus). While it is never found in the 1st person in the Qurʔān (nor is lā ʔaqtul), there are a few attestations in the poetic corpus (frequently formed on ʕrf), for example:37 173. Nāb. 11:3 (Ahlwardt 1870, *14) lā ʔaʕrifan rabraban ḥūran madāmiʕuhā May I not have to know of a herd of gazelles whose eyes are intensely black and white. 34.  See already Bergsträsser 1914, 39: “Der energ ist bei lā nie aussagend, sondern stets prohibitiv.” See also Ambros 1989, 45: “Der prohibitive Energikus ist äquivalent dem Jussiv.” 35.  See also Qur. 3:187 wa-ʔiḏ ʔaḫaḏa llāhu mı̄ ṯāqa llaḏı̄ na ʔūtū l-​kitāba la-​tubayyinunnahu li-​n-​nāsi wa-​lā taktumūnahu ‘And then Allah took a pledge from those who were given the Scripture, Make it known to people, do not conceal it’. 36.  For the imperative followed by syndetic wa-​lā yaqtulanna, see, e.g., Qur. 3:102; 5:2, 8; 10:105; 30:60. For the imperative followed by asyndetic lā yaqtulanna, see Qur. 27:18. For lā yaqtulanna followed by a syndetic imperative, see, e.g., Qur. 22:67 and 43:61. For lā yaqtulanna followed by syndetic wa-​lā yaqtul, see Qur. 10:105–6 and 15:88. For li-​yaqtul followed by syndetic wa-​lā yaqtulanna, see Qur. 18:19. For lā yaqtulanna in a verse following a verse with the imperative, see, e.g., Qur. 20:131 (cf. 20:130) and 24:57 (cf. 24:56). For lā yaqtulanna in a verse preceding a verse with the imperative, see, e.g., Qur. 8:59 (cf. 8:60) and 18:23 (cf. 18:24). 37.  See also PSR 1:14–15, quoted further below, and note 40.

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Another distinctive feature of the negated energic vis-​à-​vis the nonnegated energic is the greater survival of the former in papyri, at least as far as the Qurra b. Sharı̄ k correspondence is concerned.38 Hopkins (1984, 70–71) noted that a form corresponding to the energic is generally lacking from the Arabic papyri datable to before 912 CE, but that the Qurra b. Sharı̄ k correspondence from Ishqawh (Aphrodito) in Upper Egypt constitutes an important exception.39 As it turns out, most examples involve a negated verb form, for example:40 174.

a. PSR 1:14–15 wa-​lā ʔaʕrifan(na) mā ʔaḫḫarta mā qibalaka May I not have to learn that you are late (to send) that which is at your end. b. KPOI 1:12–13 wa-​lā tuʔaḫḫiran(na) min tilka l-​baqiyyati qalı̄lan wa-​lā kaṯı̄ran Do not delay from that remaining portion (sc. the balance), neither a little nor a lot.

In the last example, the speaker presents himself as the force behind the obligation. Thus, the energic prefix conjugation presents a volition of the speaker rather than a wide scope generalized deontic necessity. The volitive function of the negated energic prefix conjugation can be explained as resulting from the reanalysis of an indirect speech act. Thus, lā yaqtulan(na) would originally have been used to portray a future nonevent as objective and fated, as the negative counterpart to yaqtulan(na). As a matter of fact, there is one example of lā yaqtulanna in a relative clause in the Qurʔān that does not necessarily lend itself to volitive semantics:41 175. Qur. 8:25 wa-​ttaqū fitnatan lā tuṣı̄ banna llaḏı̄na ẓalamū minkum ḫāṣṣatan Fear a trial that is not going to happen exclusively to those of you who have wronged. As such, lā yaqtulan(na) could be used for negated circumstantial necessity and to report negative obligations involving participant-​external necessity. This use is also known from lā yaqtulu; see, for example, Qur. 2:84 wa-ʔiḏ ʔaḫaḏnā mı̄ṯāqakum lā tasfikūna dimāʔakum ‘Then we took your pledge, You must not shed your blood’. 38.  That is not to say that nonnegated energic verb forms are absent. It is attested, for instance, in oath formulas, e.g., JSAI 12, 155.7 (Diem 1989, 155) wa-​llāhi la-ʔaṣnaʕan(na) ʔilayhi ‘By Allah, I am certainly going to do (it) for him’. 39.  Hopkins (1984, 71) notes that he found at least 15 instances in the Qurra b. Sharı̄ k correspondence. As pointed out by Sijpesteijn (2014, 182–83), the energic is also found in JNES 73, 181.12 (705–717 CE) lā takallafan(na) šayʔan ‘Do not undertake anything’ and P.Berl.Arab. II 24:10 (seventh/eighth century) lā tadaʕan(na) ‘Do not omit’, of unknown provenance. Notably, both examples are negated. 40.  For the negated energic prefix conjugation in the 1st person in the Qurra b. Sharı̄ k correspondence, see also KPOI 2:12–13, APEL III, 148:16–17, PSR 2:40, and perhaps APEL III, 158:6 (restored). For the negated energic prefix conjugation in the 2nd and 3rd person, see also (with Diem 1984) KPOI 2:8, APEL III, 150:13, APEL III, 157:10, PSR 1:21–22, PSR 10:10, PAF 1:10, PAF 4:12, NPAF 8:14, NPAF 12:9, and NPAF 12:10. 41.  For different interpretations of Qur. 8:25, see Bergsträsser 1914, 50n1.

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Thus, when lā yaqtulan(na) and lā yaqtul occur in identical contexts, the former would seem to present a circumstantial necessity (agent-​oriented), at least from a historical point of view, while the latter presents a volition-​based obligation (speaker-​based):42 176.

a. Qur. 3:60 al-ḥaqqu min rabbika fa-​lā takun min-​a l-mumtarı̄na The truth is from your Lord, so do not be among the doubters. b. Qur. 2:147 al-ḥaqqu min rabbika fa-​lā takūnanna min-​a l-mumtarı̄na The truth is from your Lord, so you are not going to (= must not) be among the doubters.

The invitation of such an inference is particularly felicitous in the 2nd person, and in particular when an external necessity is imposed on the subject and the force is attributable to Allah, for example, Qur. 17:4 la-​tufsidunna fı̄ l-ʔarḍi marratayni ‘You are certainly going to spread corruption in the land twice’. By subjectification, the speaker could also present him- or herself rather than anything else as the force behind the obligation; see, for example, KPOI 1:12–13 wa-​lā tuʔaḫḫiran(na) min tilka l-​baqiyyati qalı̄lan wa-​lā kaṯı̄ran ‘Do not delay from that remaining portion (sc. the balance), neither a little nor a lot’. Thus, in the long run, such an inference can cause a change from modality to mood, so that what used to be a negated statement has become reinterpreted as a negative obligation and eventually a prohibition; see Bybee, Perkins, and Pagliuca 1994, 211: “In a situation in which the speaker has authority over the addressee, a prediction about the addressee can be interpreted as a command.” In other words, the inferred deontic meaning goes from describing participant-​external circumstances to express the speaker’s volition.

7.4. Historical Background of the Energic In order to maintain the connection of the energic prefix conjugation with the indicative, it seems preferable to derive yaqtulanna from *yaqtulu-n​ na (cf. Amarna Canaanite ya-​aq-​tu-​lu-​na), i.e., imperfective yaqtulu and the ventive allomorph *-nVn. According to this derivation, it may be hypothesized that the vowel -a- of -a-​nna is actually imperfective -u that assimilated by vowel harmony: 177. *yaqtul-​u-​nVn > *yaqtul-​u-​nn > *yaqtul-​u-​nnV > *yaqtul-​u-​nna > yaqtul-​a-​nna Thus, the ventive allomorph *-nVn was used after the imperfective suffix -u (as after -ū and -ā) and the prop vowel -a of -nna caused the regressive assimilation -u- > -a-. 42.  For other occurrences of lā yaqtulan(na) and lā yaqtul in similar contexts, compare Qur. 36:60 lā taʕbudū š-​šayṭāna ʔinnahu lakum ʕaduwwun mubı̄ nun ‘Do not worship Satan, for he is a sworn enemy to you’ and Qur. 43:62 wa-​lā yaṣuddannakum-​u š-​šayṭānu ʔinnahu lakum ʕaduwwun mubı̄ nun ‘Satan must not hinder you, for he is a sworn enemy to you’ (cf. Qur. 2:168, 208; 6:142).

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As to the syncopation of *-nVn, the development is analogous to the development of -CVC in verb forms of geminate roots without endings (Testen 1993, 305); compare, for example, Qur. 5:54 man yartadda minkum ‘Whoever among you turns back’ and Qur. 2:217 man yartadid minkum. As to epenthesis of word-​final geminates, the vowel appears to show some qualitative variation in pre-​Islamic Arabic dialects. Chaim Rabin (1951, 161–62) notes that some dialects have -a when followed by Hamzat al-​Waṣl and otherwise -i, that others have -i invariably, and that some have a vowel harmonious with the stem vowel, for example, firr-​i ‘Flee’, mass-​a ‘Touch’, and rudd-​u ‘Reply’.43 Vowel harmony in prestandardized Classical Arabic, in turn, is best known from the Eastern Arabian dialects; in the dialect of ​Tamim, for example, the plural form fuʕalā was pronounced faʕalā (Rabin 1951, 99–102). Certain nouns even attest to long-​ distance assimilation across morpheme boundaries; see, for example, murʔ-un ‘man’ and (gen​.​/acc.) mirʔ-in/marʔ-an (Lane 2702; GVG 1:180), and the by-​forms sanūna/ sunūna ‘years’ and (obl. pl.) sinı̄na (Lane 1447). The short energic, in turn, should not be derived from a combination of the ventive allomorph *-an and the short prefix conjugation. Such a combination would equal the ventive of a volitive (or preterite) verb form (*yVqtVl-​an). The evidence, however, indicates that yaqtulan is also indicative and occurs in the same contexts as yaqtulanna: in oaths (example 171 and n. 29), in the consequence clause to la-ʔin (n. 31), without la- (166c), and after lā (173). It is therefore preferable to analyze the short energic as an allomorph of the long energic.44 This allomorph can be explained in different ways. On the one hand, it is possible that yaqtulan is clipped from yaqtulanna in analogy to such by-​forms as ʔinna/ʔin, ʔanna/ʔan, and lākinna/lākin. On the other hand, it is also possible to derive yaqtulan from yaqtulanna by a prosodic simplification of -anna to -an. Geminate consonants, for example, are as a rule simplified in pause position (GAL 2:373), for example, Ṭar. 5:55 (Ahlwardt 1870, *63) mā nafir ‘We do not flee’. Thus, yaqtulan can be synchronically derived from yaqtulanna in the same way as nafir from nafirru. Indeed, the concentration of yaqtulan to metric poetry suggests that it is a by-​form of yaqtulanna that is motivated by artistic license. Thus, it seems likely that it results from the prosodic simplification of the long energic. On the assumption that the energic suffix is related to the ventive suffix in its speaker-​allative or speaker-​benefactive function, it can be hypothesized that it was used in Proto-​Arabic to indicate direction toward, or benefaction for, the speaker. The ventive-​energic of first person verb forms would have pointed back to the speaker and provided a speaker-​benefactive or reflexive-​benefactive reading. Over time, the reflexive-​benefactive reading was carried over to other grammatical persons. Thus,

43.  Thus, it is possible that the prop vowel of *-nn was -i or -u in other dialects than the one underlying Classical Arabic. If so, the linking element -in(n)- that occurs before the objective pronominal suffix of the active participle and, less consistently, the prefix conjugation in some dialects of Oman (Holes 2016, 20–23), can be derived from *-nn-​i, i.e., geminate *-nn resolved by -i and regressive vowel harmony. Khorasan Arabic even attests to -unn- besides -inn-, e.g., mint-​unn-​he ‘He gave her’ (Seeger 2002, 635). 44.  In other words, the short vowels in the short energic forms yaqtulun and taqtulun are “original,” derived from yaqtulunna and taqtulunna respectively.

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“I do X for me, the speaker” was reanalyzed as “I do X for me, the subject,” which gave rise to “He does X for himself” rather than “He does X for me.” The imperfective involving the reflexive-​benefactive marker would have indicated that the subject was proportionally more affected by the situation than the corresponding imperfective without a reflexive-​benefactive marker. Now, the meaning of affectedness on the part of the subject in the clause easily passes into a meaning of current relevance. This is perhaps most clearly seen when subject affectedness is projected into the past. The use of the so-​called t-perfect in Old Babylonian, for example, can be derived from the indirect reflexive use of the Gt-​stem in the perfective in Sargonic Akkadian (Arkhipov and Loesov 2019); see, for example, FAOS 19: Gir 37 6–7 hinni hawātsu yidis i-​tá-ḫa-​az ‘Now he has taken his matter for himself in his hand’ or ‘Now he has his matter taken in his hand’. Similarly, the energic prefix conjugation can be derived from the indirect reflexive use of the ventive of the imperfective. For example, (164c) la-​naʔḫuḏanna hāḏā l-​ġulāma ‘We are indeed going to take this boy’ can be derived from ‘We will certainly take this boy for ourselves’. Thus, when subject affectedness is projected into the future, the situation preserves its relevance at the reference time, but the situation is viewed with prospective rather than retrospective aspect. Thus, by using the energic prefix conjugation, the speaker relates a future event to the present situation and includes it in his or her subjective view of what is going to happen based on the information available to him or her. Accordingly, the subject is interpreted as already on the path leading to the goal expressed by the main verb.

7.5. Summary The suffix of the energic prefix conjugation comes in two allomorphs, -(a)nna and -(a)n. The latter is more common in metric poetry and may be motivated by artistic license. It can derived from the former by a prosodic simplification of -(a)nna in pause position. The energic prefix conjugation is historically the ventive of the imperfective, and the suffix -nna is derived from the ventive allomorph *-nVn that was used after the imperfective morpheme. The penultimate a-vowel of yaqtulanna results from the assimilation of the imperfective suffix -u to the final vowel. The energic prefix conjugation is historically a prospective future construction that presents a state related to a subsequent situation. Thus, the energic prefix conjugation was used to predicate what was going to happen in the future on the basis of information available to the speaker about a currently relevant state of the subject. The energic prefix conjugation is very often prefixed by la- in main clauses, which is used to indicate the speaker’s confidence in the knowledge upon which the prediction is based. The negated energic prefix conjugation has diverged from its nonnegative counterpart and is primarily used to express a prohibition, i.e., an expression of the speaker’s will rather than a statement. This modalization results from the grammaticalization of an implicature: the speaker’s prediction about the future was reanalyzed as a negative command through an indirect speech act. It must be emphasized, however, that the energic prefix conjugation historically is built only on the imperfective and

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that the volitive meaning with which the negated energic prefix conjugation is associated is a secondary development. The functional development of the energic imperfective can be reconstructed as follows: in Proto-​Arabic, the ventive morpheme was reflexive-​benefactive and used to indicate that the subject carries out the event designated by the verb for its own benefit. This construction had the implication that the subject was proportionally more affected by the situation than the corresponding construction without the reflexive-​ benefactive ventive morpheme. Over time, subject affectedness was reanalyzed as current relevance, and when this pragmatic meaning related to a situation that was projected into the future, the construction acquired the meaning of a prospective future. Thus, the focus of the energic prefix conjugation was historically a current activity or state, or a current decision or intention, leading to a future situation.

Chapter 8

The Ventive in Prestandardized Classical Arabic II: The Subjunctive

8.1. Introduction The historical background of the Arabic subjunctive in Semitic is a controversial issue. The main points of controversy revolve around the following questions: To what node in the Semitic tree model should the ancestor of the subjunctive be reconstructed? What was the function of the verb form at that node? How did it develop into the subjunctive in Arabic? In Classical Arabic, the subjunctive is chiefly associated with purpose clauses (Reckendorf 1921, 454–63), and it is often assumed that the subjunctive expresses an intended or expected situation (GCA §196). Thus, according to one school of thought, the Arabic subjunctive is derived from a volitive verb form *yVqtVl-​a (Huehnergard 2005, 164–65; Blau 2010, 207), which is thought to also be reflected in the cohortative in Biblical Hebrew (ʔɛqṭəlå̄), the so-​called augmented short prefix conjugation in Ugaritic (/yaqtulā̆/), and the so-​called volitive in Amarna Canaanite (yaqtula). On this assumption, the restricted use of the Arabic subjunctive in subordinate clauses is secondary. H. Fleisch (1947–48; 1968), for instance, suggests that ʔan yaqtula is a hypotactic reinterpretation of an older construction, in which ʔan was a deictic particle and yaqtula a volitive mood. Thus, Fleisch (1947–48, 55–56; 1968, 73–74) suggests that when the deictic particle ʔan, for example, Sīb. I: 430.5–6 katabtu ʔilayhi ʔan lā yaqul ḏāka ‘I wrote to him, Let him not say that’, was reinterpreted as a complementizer, volitive (subjunctive) yaqtula was used instead of volitive (jussive) yaqtul, for example, Sīb. I: 430.6 katabtu ʔilayhi ʔan lā yaqūla ḏāka ‘I wrote to him that he should not say that’. H. Fleisch (1968, 74) does not, however, explain the nature of yaqtula as a volitive mood distinct from yaqtul. In Moran’s ([1950] 2003, 52–53, 96–97) view, yaqtula was an emphatic form of yaqtul, but it is not clear why this form should be used instead of yaqtul in complement clauses. According to an alternative approach, the subjunctive in Arabic, as well as the cohortative in Biblical Hebrew, the augmented prefix conjugation in Ugaritic, and the volitive in Amarna Canaanite, are derived from the energic prefix conjugations. Testen (1994, 161–64), for example, derives the subjunctive from the short energic prefix conjugation by deletion of -n, for example, 3m. s. *yaqtulan > yaqtula, and 3m. pl. *yaqtulun > yaqtulū (with reemergence of the historically long vowel). In an earlier article, Testen (1993, 308–9) reconstructed the short energic suffix as a future tense marker, and on this basis, Testen (1994, 160–62) explains the functional development of the subjunctive from constructions in which *yaqtulan was used to express a 138

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future situation relative to an intention as described in the preceding clause. Eventually, in these constructions, the temporal subsequence was reinterpreted as a logical consequence. While the derivation of a subjunctive from a future is possible from a typological point of view, the reconstruction of *yaqtul-​an as a future tense presupposes that the use of ​Biblical Hebrew ʔɛqṭəlå̄, Ugaritic /yaqtul-ă̄ /, and Amarna Canaanite yaqtula as volitive moods is secondary. It has become increasingly clear, however, that the a-suffix in Northwest Semitic can be equated with ventive morpheme -am in Akkadian (Rainey 1991–1993; Fassberg 1994, 34–35; Tropper 1997b, 403–4; Gentry 1998, 29n83), which means that *yVqtVl-​an can be interpreted as the short prefix conjugation with a ventive morpheme *-an. On this assumption, it is tempting to derive also the subjunctive in Arabic from the ventive of the jussive. The purpose of this chapter is to explain the functional development of *yVqtVl-​an into a subjunctive in Arabic. The thesis is that the subjunctive was a conditional mood in prestandardized Classical Arabic.

8.2. The Subjunctive after fa-, ʔaw, and ḥattā The use of the subjunctive after fa-, ʔaw, and ḥattā contrasts with other verb forms, such as qatala and yaqtulu, and appears to be used in a meaningful way. It will be argued in the following sections that the subjunctive after fa-, ʔaw, and ḥattā can be described as a conditional mood that is used to present a situation as a possibility conditioned by something unreal or uncertain. 8.2.1. The Subjunctive after faThe distribution of the subjunctive after fa- is traditionally described on the basis of the reality status of the clause preceding the subjunctive.1 For example, Reckendorf ​(1921, 460) holds that the fa-subjunctive is used to describe the potential goal of an event that is only assumed: “Man vokalisiere also den Subj., wenn man das Wort ‘eventuell’ hinzudenken kann” (Reckendorf 1921, 460n2).2 Accordingly, the subjunctive is used after clauses that express something uncertain (“etwas Ungewisses”), for example, Sīb. I: 376.7 ḥasibtuhu šatamanı̄ fa-ʔaṯiba ʕalayhi ‘I thought that he had cursed, so that then I should jump at him’, corresponding to Sīb. I: 376.7–8 law šatamanı̄ la-​waṯabtu ʕalayhi ‘If ​he cursed me, I would jump at him’.3 Similarly, H. Fleisch ([1956] 1968, 220–21) explains that the subjunctive is used to express the result of the action in the preceding clause, if this action indeed occurs. 1.  The wa-subjunctive is not as common as the fa-subjunctive, and it is usually assumed that it expresses an event that is coordinate and simultaneous with another subjunctive (Sadan 2012, 186–91). However, it also sometimes lends itself to a relationship of result to the preceding clause (Baalbaki 1996); see, e.g., Qur. 3:142. 2.  According to De Sacy ([1810] 1904–1905, 2:25–26), the fa-subjunctive is used to express the purpose or result after clauses that express a will. However, as pointed out by Fleischer (1885–1888, 1:534–35), the fa-subjunctive can also be used after clauses without volitional agents. 3.  See also W. Fischer (GCA §410): “Clauses coordinated with the main clause by fa- ‘and then’ which indicate a possible result have the subjunctive, provided the head clause is not a statement of fact, but a wish, question, condition, negation, and the like.”

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In the Qurʔān, the subjunctive with fa- is frequently used after wishes, for example, law ʔanna ‘would that, what about’ (WKAS L 1640–41) and layta ‘if only, would that’ (WKAS L 1932–45), for example: 178.

a. Qur. 39:58 law ʔanna lı̄ karratan fa-ʔakūna min-​a l-​muḥsinı̄na Would that I had a return, then I would be among the good-​doers. b. Qur. 4:73 yā-laytanı̄ kuntu maʕahum fa-ʔafūza fawzan ʕaẓı̄man Oh would that I were with them, then I would gain a great deal.

These wishes express something unreal, whether contrary to fact in the present or hypothetical in the future. Thus, the speaker in the first example above knows that there is no return, or assumes that there will not be one, and that the corresponding negative situation is more likely. The fa-subjunctive, in turn, can be interpreted as an imagined and alternative reality that is conditioned by the wish in the preceding clause. In this case, the construction corresponds to an unreal conditional linking, for example, “If ​I had a return, then I would be” and “If ​I were with them, then I would gain.”4 From the viewpoint of illocution, wishes can be identified as a form of expressive speech act, which is conditioned by sincerity rather than felicity conditions (Nikolaeva 2016, 77–80). Furthermore, wishes appear to be transitional between directive and exclamative speech acts (Risselada 1993, 41). In the following example with law-​lā ‘why not’ (WKAS L 1643–44), for example, the illocutionary force of the wish appears to amount to a polite request:5 179. Qur. 63:10 rabbi law-​lā ʔaḫḫartanı̄ ʔilā ʔaǧalin qarı̄bin fa-ʔaṣṣaddaqa wa-ʔakun min-​a ṣ-ṣāliḥı̄na Lord, why would you not delay me for a brief term? Then I would give charity, that I might be among the righteous. In this example, the speaker questions the reasons why the addressee did not act in a certain way in the past and wishes (note the use of lā + qatala) for the addressee to repair the course of action in the future. According to this interpretation, the clause with law-​lā may be interpreted as the speaker’s appeal for a reprieve, and fa-ʔaṣṣaddaqa expresses the wished-​for result of this appeal. Compare the use of law qatala (rather than law-​lā qatala) as a form of a polite request, for example, Yaʕq. II: 29.14–15 law ʔarsalta ʔilā mraʔati l-​maliki n-​naǧāšiyyi fa-​laʕallanā nanālu minhā ḥāǧatanā ʕindahu ‘If you sent (a message) to the wife of the king, the negus, then 4.  For conditional linkings with law ʔanna, see Peled 1992, 59–61, e.g., Yaʕq. II: 254.1 wa-​law ʔanna n-​nāsa qabilūka la-ʔakalū ‘Had the people accepted you, they would have eaten’ (trans. Peled). 5.  It may be noted that both the jussive and the subjunctive are found after hal-​lā ‘warum nicht?’, ‘er sollte doch’ (Nöldeke [1896] 1963, 112; 1910, 21); see, e.g., Nāb. 23:8–11 (Ahlwardt 1870, *25) hal-​lā saʔalti banı̄ ḏubyāna . . . yunbiʔki ḏū ʕirḍihim ‘Why would you not ask Banū Ḏubyān. . . . Then one of their nobility might tell you?’ and Naq. I, 1: *64.11 (no. 28:27) fa-​hal-​lā saʔalta n-​nāsa . . . fa-​taʕlamā ‘Why would you not ask the people. . . . Then you might know?’ For the use of hal-​lā as a particle of exhortation, see also Reckendorf 1895–1898, 79–80.

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perhaps we could fulfill from her the needs that we have’.6 In this case, laʕalla is used to express the hoped-​for result of the request. Thus, since the request is phrased as something unreal conditioned by the addressee’s willingness to accede, the intended result is presented as a wish or a hope. In addition to expressive and directive wishes, the fa-subjunctive is also used after expressions of ​hope—namely, expressions of uncertainty combined with a wish for the truth of the proposition. In the following example, the fa-subjunctive is licensed by laʕalla ‘perhaps’, which lends itself to the meaning of ​hope after an imperative: 180. Qur. 40:36–37 wa-​qāla firʕawnu yā-​hāmānu bni lı̄ ṣarḥan laʕallı̄ ʔabluġu l-ʔasbāba ʔasbāba s-​samāwāti fa-ʔaṭṭaliʕa ʔilā ʔilāhi mūsā And Pharaoh said, O Haman, build for me a tower, (that) hopefully I may reach the ropes, the ropes of the heavens, and then I might look for the God of ​Moses. In this example, fa-ʔaṭṭaliʕa presents a wished-​for result that depends on laʕallı̄ ʔabluġu ‘Hopefully I may reach’; cf. Qur. 28:38 fa-​ǧʕal lı̄ ṣarḥan laʕallı̄ ʔaṭṭaliʕu ʔilā ʔilāhi mūsā ‘Make for me a tower (that) hopefully I can look for the God of ​Moses’. Thus, in addition to wishes, the subjunctive is also used to express the wished-​for result of a situation that is uncertain. Since the fa-subjunctive expresses alternative realities that depend on something unreal or hypothetical, it is never found in purpose clauses after an imperative or jussive in the Qurʔān.7 In other words, the intended result of a command is not expressed in the form of a conditioned possibility. Rather, purpose clauses after the imperative and the jussive are either asyndetic and only implicitly purposive, for example, Qur. 40:26 wa-​qāla firʕawnu ḏarūnı̄ ʔaqtul mūsā ‘Pharaoh said, Leave me be, let me kill Moses’, or introduced by other particles. In the former case, yaqtul may just as well be interpreted as an independent expression of volition.8 The use of fa-​yaqtula after an imperative or a jussive does not appear to be common in al-ʔAʕlam al-Šantamarı̄ ’s anthology of pre-​Islamic poetry either. In ʕAntara’s dı̄ wān (Ahlwardt 1870, *33–*52), the construction is only found once: ʕAnt. 21:65 (Ahlwardt 1870, *48) fa-​baʕaṯtu ǧāriyatı̄ fa-​qultu lahā ḏhabı̄ | fa-​taḥassası̄ ʔaḫbārahā lı̄ wa-ʕlamı̄ ‘I sent my girl and I said to her, Go so that you may hear news of ​her for 6.  It may be noted that also li-​yaqtula is found after law-​lā qatala, e.g., Qur. 9:122 fa-​law-​lā nafara min kulli firqatin minhum ṭāʔifatun li-​yatafaqqahu ‘Why should not a group go forth from every community from among you, in order that they might gain understanding?’ 7.  When the subjunctive coincides in form with the jussive, however, the parsing is ambiguous, e.g., Qur. 10:88 wa-​šdud ʕalā qulūbihim fa-​lā yuʔminū ḥattā yaraw-​u l-ʕaḏāba l-ʔalı̄ ma ‘Harden their hearts, and they may not believe until they see the painful punishment’. 8.  The jussive can also be used in indirect commands; see, e.g., Qur. 7:145 wa-ʔmur qawmaka yaʔḫuḏū bi-ʔaḥsanihā ‘Order your people that they should hold on to the best of them (sc. of the tablet’s instructions)’. See also Qur. 14:31; 17:53; 24:30, 31; 45:14, and Spitaler’s remarks in Nöldeke [1896] 1963, 149n74. See also Ṭar. 11:10 (Ahlwardt 1870, *67) fa-​qul li-ḫayāli l-ḥanẓaliyyati yanqalib | ʔilayhā ‘Tell the ghost of Ḥanẓaliyya that it should return to her’ and ʕAlq. 12:3 (Ahlwardt 1870, *110) fa-​qul li-tamı̄ min taǧʕal-​i r-​ramla dūnahā ‘Tell the Tamim to keep sand before them’. It appears that the jussive with li- also can be used to this effect; see, e.g., Ṭab. III, 1:192.12 qul lahum fa-​l-​yaǧlisū ‘Tell them, let them sit down’, and compare Qur. 20:39 fa-​qḏifı̄ hi fı̄ l-​yammi fa-​l-​yulqihi l-​yammu bi-​s-​sāḥili ‘Cast it in the river and let the river throw it onto the bank’.

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my sake, and know’. However, verses 64–67 in ʕAntara’s muʕallaqa are quite out of context and have been interpreted as later interpolations (Nöldeke 1900, 8), so it is doubtful whether this example is genuine.9 The implication that the proposition of a wish is unreal and that the subjunctive is used to present an alternative reality means that the fa-subjunctive also is licensed after negative clauses. For example, Ṣalt. 35:3 (Schulthess 1911, 46) ʔa-lā nabiyya lanā minnā fa-​yuḫbiranā ‘Would that there were a messenger for us among us, that he might notify us’, can also be interpreted as ‘There is no messenger for us among us, that he might notify us’. See, for example: 181.

a. Imr. 52:30 (Ahlwardt 1870, *153) wa-​laysa bi-ḏı̄ sayfin fa-yaqtulanı̄ bihi He does not have a sword, that he could kill me with it. b. ʕAnt. 5:1 (Ahlwardt 1870, *35) lā taḏkurı̄ muhrı̄ wa-​mā ʔaṭʕamtuhu | fa-yakūna ǧilduki miṯla ǧildi l-ʔaǧrabī Do not mention my colt (with evil words) and what I feed it, then your skin would be like the skin of the scabby.

Thus, in these constructions, the clause with the subjunctive can be interpreted as the consequence clause of an unreal condition. The first example above, for instance, corresponds to “If ​he had a sword, then he could kill me with it.” There is, however, some variation in the use of the subjunctive after fa- after negative clauses (Nöldeke [1896] 1963, 71); compare, for example, Qur. 35:36 lā yuqḍā ʕalayhim fa-​yamūtū ‘It is not decreed for them that they should die’ and Qur. 77:36 wa-​lā yuʔḏanu lahum fa-​yaʕtaḏirūna ‘It is not permitted for them that they shall make an excuse’. In a synchronic perspective, indicative yaqtulu can be thought to state the result as a fact, whereas the subjunctive can be thought to express that the event is imagined in terms of its likelihood. Finally, the fa-subjunctive is also used after questions that correspond to wishes or hopes with a directive illocutionary point (first example below) and questions that can be interpreted rhetorically as negative statements (second example below):10 182.

a. Qur. 7:53 fa-​hal lanā min šufaʕāʔa fa-yašfaʕū lanā ʔaw nuraddu fa-naʕmala ġayra llaḏı̄ kunnā naʕmalu Are there any intercessors for us, that they might intercede for us? Or could we be returned, that we might do other than we used to do?

9.  See also Sibawayh (Sīb. I: 375.19) for an example of the fa-subjunctive after the imperative, quoted from Abū l-​Naǧm al-ʕIǧlı̄ (late Umayyad period): yā nāqa sı̄ rı̄ ʕanaqan fası̄ ḥā | ʔilā sulaymāna fa-nastarı̄ ḥā ‘O she camel, go up in a wide step to Sulaymān, and then we may rest’. 10.  The jussive (yaqtul) is sometimes also found after questions and lends itself to a purposive interpretation; see, e.g., Imr. 31:1 (Ahlwardt 1870, *135) ʔa-​māwiyya hal lı̄ ʕindakum min muʕarrasi | ʔam-​i ṣ-ṣurma taḫtārı̄ na bi-​l-​waṣli nayʔas-​i ‘Māwiyya, is there a resting place for me with you, or would you (rather) choose separation over union, that we shall despair?’ In this example, taḫtārı̄ na poses a question with regard to the preference of the addressee, and nayʔas-​i can be interpreted as the purpose of that intention. For the use of asyndetic yaqtul after questions, see also Nöldeke [1896] 1963, 72; Reckendorf 1895–1898, 682; 1921, 492–93; and Brockelmann (GVG 2:472).

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b. Qur. 6:148 hal ʕindakum min ʕilmin fa-tuḫriǧūhu lanā Do you have any knowledge, that you might produce it for us? In each case, the fa-subjunctive can be interpreted as conditioned by the presupposition of the preceding question, for example, ‘If we could be returned’ in the first example above; compare Qur. 6:27 yā-​laytanā nuraddu ‘O, would that we could be returned’. Thus, in conclusion, the fa-subjunctive is used to describe an alternative reality that is conditioned by something unreal or uncertain, such as a wish, a hope, a question, or a negative clause. As such, it can be interpreted as a conditional mood, which expresses a situation as possible but dependent on outstanding conditions. The use of yaqtula after imperatives and jussives, in turn, appears to be secondary, and only developed when the subjunctive had become associated with purposive semantics. 8.2.2. The Subjunctive after ʔaw The subjunctive can also be used after the particle ʔaw ‘or’. This construction can be used to introduce an alternative to the preceding clause, which is only true if the circumstances in the preceding clause were different from what they are, corresponding to ‘otherwise, or else’, for example:11 183. Imr. 20:44 (Ahlwardt 1870, *130) fa-​qultu lahu lā tabki ʕaynuka ʔinnamā | nuḥāwilu mulkan ʔaw namūta fa-​nuʕḏarā I said to him, Let not your eye weep! We seek only to have authority, or else we should die and then we might be excused (for not attaining it). In this example, ʔaw yaqtula presupposes that the preceding clause is true, and the truth of the ʔaw-clause is dependent on the outstanding condition in which the preceding clause is false. This use of the subjunctive can be derived from its function as a conditional mood, for example, ‘We seek only to have authority, or else (if it were not true,) we should die’ etc. In this way, ʔaw yaqtula contrasts with ʔaw yaqtulu, in which no such presuppositions are made, for example, Qur. 26:93 hal yanṣurūnakum ʔaw yantaṣirūna ‘Can they help you or can they help themselves?’ and Qur. 48:16 tuqātilūnahum ʔaw yuslimūna ‘You must fight them or they must submit’. It may be noted that the jussive can also be used after ʔaw and that this use of the jussive can presumably be derived from its hortative function in conditional constructions (Reckendorf 1895–1898, 484); see, for example, ʕĀmir. 32:4 (Lyall 1913, *147) la-ʕamru ʔabı̄ ʔaw taštaʕibnı̄ š-​šawāʕibu ‘By the life of my father! Or else let Death separate me (from my companions)’.12 11.  For the subjunctive after ʔaw, see Reckendorf 1895–1898, 750–51; 1921, 462–63; Brockelmann (GVG 2:492–93); and Sadan 2012, 112–25. The ʔaw-subjunctive is of course also used after other subjunctives as a disjunctive counterpart to wa-; see, e.g., Qur. 74:37 li-​man šāʔa minkum ʔan yataqaddama ʔaw yataʔaḫḫara ‘(A warning) to him among you who wants to proceed or stay behind’. In this case, the subjunctive is governed by ʔan rather than ʔaw. 12.  For the jussive after ʔaw, see also Lab. 48:56 tarrāku ʔamkinatin ʔiḏā lam ʔarḍahā | ʔaw yaʕtaliq baʕḍa n-​nufūsi ḥimāmuhā ‘I am quick to be gone from places when they’re unpleasing to me except,

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It is likewise possible to derive the use of the subjunctive after ʔaw from its use as a conditional mood in conditional constructions. Furthermore, on the assumption that such constructions amount to two wishes, for example, Qur. 39:58 “Would that I had a return, then would that I were among the good-​doers” (section 8.2.1), the subjunctive after ʔaw can be interpreted as a wish that presents an alternative reality as a possibility on the hypothesis that the preceding clause is unreal (which it is not), for example, “We seek only to have authority, or would that we die.” 8.2.3. The Subjunctive after ḥattā The subjunctive can also be used after ḥattā ‘until’. This particle can be derived etymologically from the morphemes ḥadd- ‘limit, edge, border’ and *-tay ‘until’ (Al-Jallad 2017); cf. Arabic ma-​tā and Hebrew må̄ -ṯay ‘until what’. Then, by metaphorical extension, the hattā-clause can be used to express the temporal endpoint of an event in the preceding clause; cf. ḥattā ʔiḏā ‘until (the limit) when’, for example, Qur. 4:6 wa-​btalū l-​yatāmā ḥattā ʔiḏā balaġū n-​nikāḥa ‘Test the orphans until (the temporal endpoint,) when they have reached marriageability’. Since the subjunctive can be used to describe a situation that is conditioned by something unreal, ḥattā yaqtula is frequently used to describe the endpoint of a situation that does not itself take place. Thus, in the Qurʔān, ḥattā yaqtula is often found after negative clauses, as in the first numbered example below. Similarly, the subjunctive is also used after ḥattā when the endpoint of the preceding clause is in an interrogative or conditional clause, as in the second and third example respectively:13 184.

a. Qur. 2:102 wa-​mā yuʕallimāni min ʔaḥadin ḥattā yaqūlā ʔinnamā naḥnu fitnatun They do not teach anyone until/unless they would say, We are but a trial. b. Qur. 9:43 ʕafā llāhu ʕanka li-​ma ʔaḏinta lahum ḥattā yatabayyana laka May Allah forgive you! Why did you give them permission before it was clear to you? c. Qur. 49:5 wa-​law ʔannahum ṣabarū ḥattā taḫruǧa ʔilayhim la-​kāna ḫayran lahum If they had been patient until you would come out to them, it would have been better for them.

In these constructions, the function of the subjunctive can be derived from its use as a conditional mood. The first example, for instance, corresponds to “They do not teach anyone until (if they were to do that,) they would say” etc. In other words, the as happens, its destiny fetters my spirit there’ (trans. Arberry 1957, 145). Note also the use of ʔaw ʔan, e.g., Lab. 48:54 ʔaqḍı̄ l-​lubānata lā ʔufarriṭu rı̄ batan | ʔaw ʔan yalūma bi-ḥāǧatin luwwāmuhā ‘I fulfil my yearning, not neglecting an inward doubt nor leaving any handle for fault-​finders to fasten on’ (trans. Arberry 1957, 145). 13.  For ḥattā yaqtula after negative clauses, see also, e.g., Qur. 8:72 (lam) and Qur. 5:68 (laysa). The subjunctive after ḥattā is also found after mā kāna fulānun li-​yaqtula (Qur. 3:179; 9:115), mā kāna li-​fulānin ʔan yaqtula (Qur. 8:67), and mā kāna/lam yakun fulānun + participle. At one point, the clause preceding ḥattā yaqtula is only implicitly negative; see Qur. 12:85. See also Qur. 10:99 for a rhetorical question.

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subjunctive is used to describe an endpoint of an unreal state of affairs, which entails that the proposition with the subjunctive is false. Thus far, the distribution of ḥattā yaqtula is similar to that of fa-​yaqtula. However, the subjunctive is also frequently used with ḥattā after directives in the Qurʔān, such as the imperative, for example: 185. Qur. 9:6 fa-ʔaǧirhu ḥattā yasmaʕa kalāma llāhi Protect him until (and so that) he may hear the word of Allah. On the assumption that the subjunctive is historically a conditional mood, the construction in the example above may be derived from “Protect him to the end (when) he might hear.” At the same time, it appears that ḥattā yaqtula can refer to an endpoint as intended by the speaker and imposed upon the subject of the imperative (Reckendorf 1921, 457; GCA §439b). However, the goal-​oriented meaning of ḥattā is presumably secondary and inferred from the fact that a possible event can also be construed as a reason for the intender to carry out the situation in main clause. Apart from directives, the subjunctive is rarely used after situations that are future-​ referring and nonnegative in the Qurʔān. It is in fact never licensed by yaqtulu on its own in the Qurʔān.14 Furthermore, most examples of yaqtulu followed by ḥattā yaqtula in al-ʔAʕlam al-Šantamarı̄ ’s anthology are nonepisodic, for example:15 186.

a. Ṭar. 1:2 (Ahlwardt 1870, *53) qad yabʕaṯu l-ʔamra l-ʕaẓı̄ma ṣaġı̄ruhu | ḥattā taẓalla lahu d-​dimāʔu taṣabbabu Sometimes youth puts in motion a great affair, until the blood that flows might become black for him. b. ʕAnt. 19:12 (Ahlwardt 1870, *42) wa-​la-​qad ʔabı̄tu ʕalā ṭ-ṭawā wa-ʔaẓalluhu | ḥattā ʔanāla bihi karı̄ma l-​maʔkalī I continuously spend the night in hunger, and I (continuously) spend the day in it, until I eventually might reach in it generous eating.

In these examples, the ḥattā-clause does not refer to the endpoint of a single episode, and it thus appears to refer to a situation with an open truth value. The first example above, for instance, corresponds to “Sometimes youth puts in motion a great affair, until (if it should do that some time) the blood that flows might become black for him.” The subjunctive after ḥattā, unlike the fa-subjunctive, is also used after virtually real events. In this case, the main clause is asserted, but the ḥattā-clause is only entertained as a possibility, for example: 14.  In the Qurʔān, ḥattā yaqtula is found after sa-​yaqtulu and la-​yaqtulanna; see Qur. 41:53 and Qur. 47:31. In Qur. 60:4, ḥattā tuʔminū ‘until you should believe’ occurs after wa-​badā . . . ʔabadan, and since ʔabadan in nonnegated clauses is only used in situations that refer to the future in the Qurʔān (Bergsträsser 1914, 106), it is likely that wa-​badā is nonpast here. 15.  For la-​qad yaqtulu, see Kinberg [1989] 2001, 121–31, who concludes that it is used for iterative or durative action. Other times, only context indicates habituality, e.g., Ṭar. 16:4–5 (Ahlwardt 1870, *71) lahu šarbatāni bi-​n-​nahāri wa-ʔarbaʕun | min-​a l-​layli ḥattā ʔāḍa suḫdan muwarramā | wa-​yašrabu ḥattā yaġmura l-​maḥḍu qalbahu ‘He has two drinks in the morning and four at night, until he becomes swollen and yellow. He drinks, eventually pure love might fill his heart’.

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187. Qur. 2:214 massathum-​u l-​baʔsāʔu wa-ḍ-ḍarrāʔu wa-​zulzilū ḥattā yaqūla r-​rasūlu wa-​llaḏı̄na ʔāmanū maʕahu matā naṣru llāhi Poverty and hardship struck them (sc. the ones who have passed away before you) and they were put in violent motion. The Prophet and the ones who believed with him might even say, When is the help of Allah? In this kind of construction, the situation described by the subjunctive only almost takes place. The use of the subjunctive in such constructions is admittedly rare, and Sibawayh (Sīb. I: 371.17–18) notes that Muǧāhid b. Ǧabr (645–722 CE) and the readers of ʔAhl al-Ḥiǧāz read imperfective yaqūlu instead of yaqūla in the example above. To be sure, the use of yaqtulu after ḥattā is also described by medieval Arabic grammarians. According to al-​Astarābāḏı̄ (d. 1285/1288 CE), for example, yaqtulu is used to indicate that the action has occurred in the past or is occurring in the present (Sadan 2012, 224).16 Stefan Wild (1980, 221–22), however, concludes that the few unambiguous examples of ḥattā yaqtulu in prestandardized Classical Arabic do not provide enough evidence to confirm these rules. Indeed, there is no evidence for ḥattā yaqtulu in the Qurʔān (except for the alternative reading in Qur. 2:214) and an analysis of all attestations of ḥattā in Ārāzı̄ and Muṣāliḥah’s (1999, 353–56) concordance to Ahlwardt’s (1870) edition of al-ʔAʕlam al-Šantamarı̄ ’s anthology shows no unambiguous examples of ḥattā yaqtulu.17 Thus, if ḥattā yaqtulu was more common in earlier Arabic, it appears to be gradually replaced by ḥattā yaqtula. In Post-​Classical Arabic, the subjunctive is used most of the time indiscriminately after ḥattā (GCA §196bn1).

8.3. The Subjunctive after ʔan The subjunctive is frequently used after the particle ʔan, which is a presentative particle in origin (section 8.3.1). Most, if not all, ʔan-clauses that have the subjunctive, however, are content clauses and are used syntactically as nominal phrases in another clause (Reckendorf 1921, 394–413). When ʔan-clauses with the subjunctive are used as adverbs, they can often be interpreted as conditional clauses (Ferrer i Serra 2000, 58–59), for example:18 188. Qur. 40:28 wa-​qāla raǧulun muʔminun min ʔāli firʕawna yaktumu ʔı̄mānahu ʔa-​taqtulūna raǧulan ʔan yaqūla rabbiya llāhu wa-​qad ǧāʔakum bi-​l-​bayyināti min rabbikum 16.  See also Sīb. I: 367.11–12 sirtu ḥattā ʔadḫuluhā ‘I walked until I entered it’ and Sīb. I: 367.18 la-​qad sirtu ḥattā ʔadḫuluhā mā ʔumnaʕu ‘I have indeed walked until (the point when) I can (now) enter it, without that I am prevented (from doing it)’. The subjunctive after ḥattā, in turn, is used according to al-​Astarābāḏı̄ for situations that have not yet occurred, or for situations that are expected to occur (Sadan 2012, 224). 17.  Note, however, that yaqtulu is used after ḥattā mā in Nāb. 20:17 (Ahlwardt 1870, *22) wa-​qad ḫiftu ḥattā mā tazı̄ du maḫāfatı̄  | ʕalā waʕilin ‘I feared indeed until my fear exceeded (that of ) a mountain-​goat’; see Ahlwardt 1870, 14, and Reckendorf 1895–1898, 673n1. 18.  See also Qur. 2:230 fa-​lā ǧunāḥa ʕalayhimā ʔan yatarāǧaʕā ‘There is no blame on them, if/that they should return to each other’, and compare Qur. 2:236 lā ǧunāḥa ʕalaykum ʔin ṭallaqtum-​u n-​nisāʔa ‘There is no blame on you if you divorce women’. A Greek translation, which dates from no later than the mid-​ninth century, also interprets the ʔan-clause in Qur. 2:230 as a conditional clause (unless the translator read ʔin); see Høgel X (Høgel 2010, 79) ouk esti katakrima en heautois, ean epistrepsōsi pros allēlous ‘There is no condemnation on them if they turn to each other again’ (trans. Høgel 2010, 80).

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A believing man among Pharaoh’s people who was hiding his belief said, Would you kill a man in case he would say, Allah is my Lord, but he has indeed brought clear proofs from your Lord? In this example, the ʔan-clauses present a hypothetical set of circumstances. This function of ʔan yaqtula is not surprising in light of the fact that conditional particles are frequently derived from presentative particles (GVG 2:635), and on the assumption that the subjunctive could be used to express a possibility. The adverbial function, however, is not marked, and the ʔan-clauses can also be interpreted as reason clauses. In the example above, for instance, ʔan yaqūla can also be interpreted as “because he might say.” In the following examples, the adverbial function of the ʔan-clauses is marked by prepositions, to which the content clauses syntactically are genitive attributes: 189.

a. Imr. 3:6 (Ahlwardt 1870, *116) wa-​qālat bi-nafsı̄ šabābun lahu | wa-limmatuhu qabla ʔan yašǧabā She said, May his youth and long hair (be ransomed) by my soul, before it should perish. b. Imr. 4:40 (Ahlwardt 1870, *118) ʔiḏā-​mā rakibnā qāla wildānu ʔahlinā | taʕālaw ʔilā ʔan yaʔtiya ṣ-ṣaydu naḥṭub-​i When we rode, the children of our people said, Come on, until the game should come, let us gather firewood.

While the ʔan-clauses in these examples refer to possible states of affairs, just as ʔan yaqūla in Qur. 40:28, the possibilities are marked as anterior and posterior in relation to the main clause. Clauses with ʔan yaqtula can also fulfill the function of a subject or a predicate in a nominal clause. This construction is quite frequent in al-ʔAʕlam al-Šantamarı̄ ’s dı̄ wān of pre-​Islamic poetry and in the Qurʔān, for example:19 190.

a. Imr. 13:4 (Ahlwardt 1870, *123) ʔuʕāliǧu mulka qayṣara kulla yawmin | wa-ʔaǧdir bi-​l-​maniyyati ʔan taqūdā I strive every day with the emperor’s rule, but it is more appropriate that fate should lead. b. Qur. 10:15 mā yakūnu lı̄ ʔan ʔubaddilahu min tilqāʔī nafsı̄ It does not belong(/suit/apply) to me that I should change it on my own accord.

In these examples, the subjunctive presents a possibility after evaluative judgments. However, these judgments are not deontic in the traditional sense of permission and obligation, i.e., they are not performative and do not have directive illocutionary force but describe the speaker’s attitude to a potential situation. Similarly, ʔan-clauses in questions present a possibility, and the speaker asks for the addressee’s attitude toward it, for example: 19.  See also, e.g., Nāb. 30:3 (Ahlwardt 1870, *31) and Zuh. 7:6 (Ahlwardt 1870, *83).

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191.

a. Nāb. 11:14 (Ahlwardt 1870, *15) wa-​hal ʕalayya bi-ʔan ʔaḫšāka min ʕārī Is there any blame on me in that I should fear you? b. Qur. 79:18–19 fa-​qul hal laka ʔilā ʔan tazakkā wa-ʔahdiyaka ʔilā rabbika fa-​taḫšā Then say (to him), How about if you would purify yourself, and I guide you to your Lord, and then you might be fearful?

Adverbial ʔan-clauses with the subjunctive can also be interpreted as apprehension-​ causing situations. In apprehension-​causing situations, the preceding clause describes a precautionary action that is taken to prevent the ʔan-clause from happening, for example:20 192.

a. Nāb. 8:13 (Ahlwardt 1870, *12) sa-ʔakʕamu kalbı̄ ʔan yarı̄ baka nabḥuhu | wa-ʔin kuntu ʔarʕā musḥulāna fa-ḥāmirā I will muzzle my dog because his barking might disturb you, even if ​I pastured at Musḥulān and Ḥāmir. b. Zuh. 1:13 (Ahlwardt 1870, *76) fa-ṣarrim ḥablahā ʔiḏ ṣarramathu | wa-ʕādā ʔan tulāqiyahā l-ʕadāʔu Cut the bond with her when she cuts it, (because) the separation (and occupational distractions) is aloofness, should you meet with her.

The meaning of apprehension is inferred from the meaning of possibility: by presenting the possibility of an event that may negatively affect the second person, the inference is invited that the speaker wishes to prevent the event from happening. Possibilities that may positively effect the second person can also motivate the subject to carry out an event, for example:21 193. Wāq. II: 567.6–7 ʔinna rasūla llāhi baʕaṯanā ʔilayka ʔan taḫruǧa ʔilayhi fa-​yastaʕmilaka ʕalā ḫaybara The messenger of Allah has indeed sent us to you, that you might go out to him and then he would appoint you over Khaybar.

20.  See also Qur. 5:19 yā-ʔahla l-​kitābi qad ǧāʔakum rasūlunā yubayyinu lakum ʕalā fatratin min-​a r-​rusuli ʔan taqūlū mā ǧāʔanā min bašı̄ rin wa-​lā naḏı̄ rin fa-​qad ǧāʔakum bašı̄ run wa-​naḏı̄ run ‘O people of the book, Our Messenger has indeed come to you to make clear to you after an abatement of prophets, because you might say, Neither any bearer of good news nor any warner has come to us. But a bearer of good news and a warner has indeed come to you’, and compare the Greek translation of the ʔan-clause in Høgel XXIII (Høgel 2010, 86) tou mē legein humas ‘lest you say’. Compare also Qur. 6:155–56 wa-​ttaqū laʕallakum turḥamūna ʔan taqūlū ‘Be fearful, (that) hopefully you may be given mercy, because you might say’ with Qur. 40:36–37 bni lı̄ ṣarḥan laʕallı̄ ʔabluġu . . . fa-ʔaṭṭaliʕa ‘Build for me a tower, (that) hopefully I may reach. . . . Then I might look’. For the parallel between laʕalla yaqtulu and ʔan yaqtula, see also Qur. 21:31 wa-​ǧaʕalnā fı̄ l-ʔarḍi rawāsiya ʔan tamı̄ da bihim wa-​ǧaʕalnā fı̄ hā fiǧāǧan subulan laʕallahum yahtadūna ‘And We put firm mountains on the earth, because it might sway under them, and we put passes as roads in them, (that) perhaps they might be guided’. 21.  Compare Qur. 2:282 wa-​stašhidū . . . ʔan taḍilla ʔiḥdāhumā fa-​tuḏakkira ʔiḥdāhumā l-ʔuḫrā ‘Call as witnesses (one man and two women). . . . In case one of the two women should err, then one of the two could remind the other woman’.

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In this example, the possible situation expressed in the adverbial clause “in case you might go out” motivates the subject in the main clause to carry out its predicate, compare Wāq. I: 368.5–6 wa-ʔarsala bna ʔubayyin ʔilā kaʕabi bni ʔasadin yukallimuhu ʔan yumidda ʔaṣḥābahu ‘He sent Ibn ʔUbayy to Kaʕab b. ʔAsad to speak to him, in case he might help his friends’. See also: 194.

a. ʕAlq. 11:2 (Ahlwardt 1870, *110) ka-ʔanna zayda manāta baʕdahum ġanamun | ṣāḥa r-​ruʕāʔu bihā ʔan tahbiṭa l-​qāʕā It is as if ​(the tribe of ) Zayd Manah was a flock of sheep behind them, on whom the shepherds shout, (hoping) that it might come down to the plain land. b. Imr. 36:8 (Ahlwardt 1870, *139) baʕaṯtu ʔilayhā wa-​n-​nuǧūmu ḍawāǧiʕun | ḥiḏāran ʕalayhā ʔan tahubba fa-​tusmiʕā I sent to her while the stars were inclining to setting, for fear with regard to her, because (in case) she might wake up and then be heard.

Whereas the content clauses in the preceding examples can be interpreted as adverbial, they can also be used after expressions of ​hope and fear as complements, for example: 195.

a. ʕAnt. 4:2 (Ahlwardt 1870, *35) wa-​qad kuntu ʔaḫšā ʔan ʔamūta wa-​lam taqum | qarāʔibu ʕamrin wasṭa nawḥin musallibī I used to fear that I would die, and that the relatives of ʕAmr did not stand among the wailing women in mourning garments. b. Nāb. 29:1 (Ahlwardt 1870, *171) ʔal-​marʔu yaʔmulu ʔan yaʕı̄ |ša wa-ṭūlu ʕayšin qad yaḍurruh Man hopes that he might live (long), but long life may hurt him

In these examples, the ʔan-subjunctive presents a possible situation, and the state of fear and hope is motivated by the possibility that the situation could happen. Thus, they can be interpreted historically as reason clauses. Content clauses with ʔan and the subjunctive are not used after verbs of manipulation in al-ʔAʕlam al-Šantamarı̄ ’s dı̄ wān. However, this construction is found in the Qurʔān, for example: 196.

a. Qur. 4:153 yasʔaluka ʔahlu l-​kitābi ʔan tunazzila ʕalayhim kitāban min-a s-​samāʔi The people of the book ask you to bring down to them a book from the heaven. b. Qur. 11:87 ʔa-ṣalātuka taʔmuruka ʔan natruka mā yaʕbudu ʔābāʔunā Does your prayer order that we should leave what our forefathers used to worship?

In these examples, it appears that the subject carries out the main clause with the intent to realize the ʔan-clause. This can be explained as the result of a pragmatic implication,

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in which the possibility of the event described by the subjunctive motivates the subject to carry out the main clause. Thus, there is a metonymic shift from reason to purpose, compare also the use of ʔan qatala in Qur. 80:1–2 ʕabasa wa-tawallā ʔan ǧāʔahu l-ʔaʕmā ‘He frowned and turned away, because the blind came to him’ and Wāq. I: 389.7 la-​qad ḥamalanı̄ mā raʔaytu ʔan qultu šiʕran ‘What I saw did indeed transport me, so I told a poem’. While ʔan yaqtula usually can be interpreted as a content clause that functions as a noun phrase in another clause, the ʔan-clause in the following example appears to be only loosely integrated (Ferrer i Serra 2000, 61–62): 197. Sı̄ rāfı̄ , I: 80.6–7 [NN] wa-ḥayṯu-​mā kuntumā lāqaytumā rašadā | ʔan taḥmilā ḥāǧatan lı̄ ḫaffa maḥmaluhā Wherever you two are, may you both find the right way! (O,) that you would carry something for me, its weight is light. The relationship between ʔan yaqtula and the preceding clause in this example is not certain. Notably, the ʔan-clause occurs after a wish, and it is possible that yaqtula in this example also expresses a desire. The tenth-​century grammarian al-Sı̄ rāfı̄ (Sı̄ rāfı̄ , I: 80.9), for example, explains that the meaning of ʔan taḥmilā is ʔasʔalukumā ʔan taḥmilā ‘I ask that you carry’.22 It is less clear, however, whether this results from the insubordination of ʔan yaqtula or whether yaqtula in this construction can be derived directly from an optative function. 8.3.1. On ʔan and ʔanna It is widely assumed that ʔan is historically a demonstrative adverb (GVG 1:323; Reckendorf 1921, 397), presumably formed on the deictic grammatical morpheme *hā-​n.23 The presentative function of ʔan presumably underlies its use as a quotative particle, as in the first example below. In the second example, the presentative function lends itself to a causal relationship with the preceding clause:24 198.

a. Muf. 2:2 [al-​Kalḥaba] wa-​nādā munādı̄ l-ḥayyi ʔan qad ʔutı̄tum The crier of the tribe proclaimed, Look, you are approached (by the enemy). b. Qur. 80:1–2 ʕabasa wa-​tawallā ʔan ǧāʔahu l-ʔaʕmā He frowned and turned away. Look (because), the blind came to him.

In addition to ʔan, there is also particle ʔanna, which is usually followed by a nominal phrase, whether a noun or a pronoun; compare, for example: 22.  In other versions of this colon, however, ʔAlef-​Nūn is parsed as ʔin so that it presents a conditional clause, and taḥmilā can be parsed as yaqtul; see, e.g., Hārūn’s ([1959–60] 2006, 1:*323.1–2) edition of Ṯaʕlab’s Maǧālis and Al-​Naǧǧār’s ([1952–1956] 1999, 1:*391.1–2) edition of ​Ibn Ǧinnı̄ ’s al-Ḫaṣāʔiṣ. 23.  For deictic *hā(n), which occurs both with and without *-n, see Hasselbach 2007, 20–22, and Pat-​ El 2009, 40–42. 24.  For ʔan as a presentative particle in the Qurʔān, see, e.g., Qur. 2:258; 26:51; 43:5; 68:14; 96:7.

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a. Qur. 30:20 wa-​min ʔāyātihi ʔan ḫalaqakum min turābin And of ​his signs is that he created you from dust. b. Qur. 30:25 wa-​min ʔāyātihi ʔan taqūma s-​samāʔu wa-​l-ʔarḍu bi-ʔamrihi And of ​his signs is that the heaven and earth should stand firm on his command. c. Qur. 41:39 wa-​min ʔāyātihi ʔannaka tarā l-ʔarḍa ḫāšiʕatan And of ​his signs is that you see the earth humbled.

In Fischer’s (1978) view, ʔan and ʔanna were originally only distinguished by the word order of the content clause: ʔan was followed by a verb-​initial clause and ʔanna was followed by a noun-​initial clause.25 Thus, ʔan and ʔanna are historically allomorphs of the same particle, and according to Fischer (1978), ʔan was the unmarked member and ʔanna was used to lend “emphasis” (Hervorhebung) to the following clause by topicalizing the substantive or pronoun that followed. While the nature of ​“emphasis” is difficult to specify (Bloch 1986, 105), it can be assumed that the ʔanna-clause talks about a participant while the ʔan-clause presents an event.26 In other words, ʔan was used to focus the attention of the addressee on an event rather than an entity in the surrounding context of the discourse. After complement-​taking verbs, clauses introduced by ʔan and ʔanna are easily integrated as complements to the preceding predicate, and in Classical Arabic, there is a preference to use ʔan when the complement clause describes an unreal state of affairs (Fischer 1978).27 In prestandardized Classical Arabic, however, ʔan is also used to introduce real situations, for example:28 200.

a. ʕĀmir. 34a:5 (Lyall 1913, *148) ʔa-​fariḥta ʔan ǧurḥun ʔalamma bi-​fārisin Do you rejoice, seeing (that) a wound has come upon a knight?

25.  The particle ʔan also functions as a quotative particle (Nöldeke [1896] 1963, 104; Reckendorf 1921, 405–6). In this function, imperatives or negated jussives strongly dominate the prestandardized Classical Arabic material (Ferrer i Serra 2000, 63), e.g., Qur. 44:17–18 wa-​ǧāʔahum rasūlun karı̄ mun ʔan ʔaddū ʔilayya ʕibāda llāhi ‘A noble messenger came to them, saying, Render to me the servants of Allah’. Since the speaker is the deictic origo by default, the particle ʔan appears to be used to show that the modal source of the imperative is an agent in the preceding clause rather than the speaker. In other words, ʔan can be said to remove the responsibility for the deontic assessment from the speaker to another participant in the utterance. Sometimes the switch from direct speech in the 2nd person to the 3rd person may be viewed in the light of a passive verb form, e.g., Qur. 20:59 qāla mawʕidukum yawmu z-zı̄ nati wa-ʔan yuḥšara n-​nāsu ḍuḥan ‘He said, Your meeting will be (on) the day of the feast, and that the people should be assembled by midday’. 26.  Cf. Longacre 1985, 84 on Biblical Hebrew: “a clause with an initial noun is talking about the noun, and a clause with an initial verb is featuring the action represented in the verb.” 27.  It may be noted that the ʔan-subjunctive is sometimes also used after a group of modality verbs that express aspect rather than modal attitude. For instance, ʔan yaqtula is occasionally found after the so-​called ʔafʕāl al-​muqāraba (‘verbs of appropinquation’, GAL 2:106–7), e.g., verbs of proximative aspect, such as kāda and karaba; see, e.g., Ṭab. I, 4:1813.3–4 fa-​kāda l-​muslimūna ʔan yaftatinū fı̄ ṣalātihim ‘The Muslims almost turned away from their prayers’. However, kāda yaqtulu and karaba yaqtulu are more regular in prose (Reckendorf 1895–1898, 579). 28.  For ʔan + qatala after verbs of cognition in the Qurʔān, see Qur. 5:113 and Qur. 72:28 (both ʔan qad qatala). For ʔan + yaqtulu after verbs of cognition in the Qurʔān, see Qur. 20:89 and Qur. 57:29 (both ʔallā yaqtulu) and Qur. 73:20 (ʔan sa-​yaqtulu).

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b. Ṭar. 4:89 (Ahlwardt 1870, *59) ʔa-​lasta tarā ʔan qad ʔatayta bi-​muʔyidī Don’t you see what ruination you’ve brought on me now? (trans. Arberry 1957, 88). c. Nāb. 15:12 (Ahlwardt 1870, *17) fa-​lammā raʔā ʔan ṯammara llāhu mālahu When he saw, seeing (that) Allah had made his wealth abundant. d. Ṭar. 8:8 (Ahlwardt 1870, *65) ʔinnā la-​naʕlamu ʔan sa-​yudrikunā | ġayṯun We know indeed that a rain will reach us. e. ʕAnt. 2:21 (Ahlwardt 1870, *34) wa-​la-ʔin saʔalta bi-ḏāka ʕablata ḫabbarat | ʔan lā ʔurı̄du min-​a n-​nisāʔi siwāhā If you really asked ʕAbla about that, she would say that I do not want any woman except her. It is true that the particle ʔan in this position is sometimes regarded as abbreviated (muḫaffaf) from ʔanna, or perhaps ʔannahu, but it is noteworthy that noun phrases after ʔan, as in the first example above, unlike noun phrases after ʔanna, are nominative.29 Thus, it is also possible that ʔan is used in its presentative function rather than as a complementizer. Indeed, the fact that qatala when following ʔan after verbs of cognition and per­ ception is often preceded by qad, as in the second example above, may point in this direction. For example, Ferrer i Serra (2000, 50) holds that clauses with ʔan qad qatala after verbs of perception and cognition may convey a sense of suddenness or imminence. Thus, ʔan qatala after complement-​taking verbs is not different from ʔan qatala after noncomplement taking verbs.30 The use of yaqtulu after ʔan, when not preceded by sa- or lā as in the fourth and fifth example above, in turn, is uncommon.31 Indeed, when yaqtulu is used instead of yaqtula after ʔan, it is not always clear whether it constitutes a meaningful syntagm that is distinct from ʔan yaqtula or whether it represents a dialectal, sociolectal, or poetic feature. The early grammarians also recorded the use of yaqtulu after ʔan, and Rabin (1951, 187) has noted that one authority claims that “the fuṣaḥāʔ among the Arabs use the subjunctive after ʔan, below (dūna) them are some who use the indicative.” This would seem to amount to a sociolinguistic approach. Another authority ascribes the use of yaqtul to the Banū Ṣabāḥ of Ḍabba (Rabin 1951, 187; Sadan 2012, 8), which seems to indicate a dialectal approach. Rabin (1951, 187) also suggests that perhaps some dialects had no subjunctive, which could indicate that it was not an 29.  Clause-​initial noun phrases after ʔan are not very common (Ferrer i Serra 2000, 56–57). For another example of a noun phrase after ʔan, see Sīb. I: 429.10 fı̄ fityatin ka-​suyūfi l-​hindi qad ʕalimū | ʔan hālikun kullu man yaḥfā wa-​yantaʕilu ‘Unter Jünglichen gleich indischen Schwertern, welche wissen, dass jeder Barfüssige und Beschuhte zu Grunde geht’ (trans. Jahn 1895–1900, 2:227). See also Muf. 10:30 bi-ʔan qawmukum ḫuyyirū ‘(A message) that your people is given a choice’. When the ʔan-clause is not headed by a verb phrase, it is more frequently introduced by lā (A. Fischer 1931). 30.  Thus, Ferrer i Serra (2000, 54) notes that the analysis of ʔan + qatala after complement-​taking verbs as an adverbial conjunct can rarely, if ever, be unequivocally excluded in prestandardized Classical Arabic, and that “it might be better to regard the existence of complementary object clauses introduced by ʔan and headed by a verb in the perfect as virtually non-​existent in PCA texts” (PCA = pre-​Classical Arabic). 31.  For ʔan yaqtulu, see also Nöldeke [1896] 1963, 70–71, H. Fleisch 1968, 67–69, and Sadan 2012, 8–16.

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innovation common to all Arabic dialects.32 It is also possible that yaqtula took over functions previously associated with yaqtulu after ʔan, but that yaqtulu was preserved in the dedicated future construction with sa- and after negative lā.

8.4. The Subjunctive after lan Negative lan (WKAS L 1446–51) is traditionally analyzed as a compound of lā and ʔan, as suggested already in the eighth century by al-Khalı̄ l (Sadan 2012, 40).33 This etymological identification has been disputed on account of the sound change involved (Aartun 1976), but while the assimilation of /ʔ/ of ʔan is not regular, high frequency function words can undergo irregular changes (Bybee [1976] 2007), for example, yābā ‘O father’ and lawanna ‘would that’ (Nöldeke [1896] 1963, 5–8; GVG 1:45). Furthermore, a cognate to lan in Safaitic appears to display the unassimilated form; see AWS 264 (apud Al-​Jallad 2015, 226) w lʔn yqtl ḏ ys1lmh ‘and may he who keeps it (the inscription) safe never be killed’ (trans. Al-​Jallad). In other words, lan can be derived from a combination of a negative adverb and a grammatical morpheme that serves to nominalize a clause. As such, it is structurally equivalent to lammā ‘not yet’, formed on negative lam and substantivizing mā ‘as long as’, and other combinations of adverbs with ʔan, for example, layta ʔan ‘would that’ and laʕalla ʔan ‘it may be that’ (also laʕalla mā).34 The construction lan yaqtula occurs 106 times in the Qurʔān (Badawi and Haleem 2008, 852) and six times in al-ʔAʕlam al-Šantamarı̄ ’s dı̄ wān of pre-​Islamic poetry (Ārāzı̄ and Muṣāliḥah 1999, *1037). At one point in the poetic corpus, lan yaqtula is used as a conditional mood and expresses a situation that depends on an outstanding condition:35 201. Zuh. 10:25–26 (Ahlwardt 1870, *87) hal-​lā saʔalta banı̄ ṣ-ṣaydāʔi kullahum-​u | bi-ʔayyi ḥabli ǧiwārin kuntu ʔamtasiku | fa-​lan yaqūlū bi-ḥablin wāhinin ḫalaqin | law kāna qawmuka fı̄ ʔasbābihi halakū Would that you (had) asked Banū Ṣaydāʔ, all of them, Onto which bond of protection should I cling? Then they would not say, On a weak and worn out bond, (such that) if your people were (dependent) on its (sc. that bond’s) ropes, they would die. 32.  H. Fleisch (1968) also suggests that yaqtulu could be used after ʔan in the sense of yaqtula; see, e.g., Sīb. I: 430.6 katabtu ʔilayhi ʔan lā taqūlu ḏāka ‘I wrote to him that you do not say that’. In Fleisch’s view, the use of yaqtulu instead of yaqtula reflects a stage in which yaqtula had not yet shifted from a volitive mood of independent clauses into a subjunctive, but see the critique in Blau 1971, 144–46. 33.  See also De Sacy ([1810] 1904–1905, 2:29), who assumes an ellipsis of kwn (lā yakūnu ʔan ‘il n’arrivera pas que’), and Reckendorf ​(1895–1898, 85), who derives lan from lā + ʔan ‘nicht (ist der Fall,) dass’. 34.  As a substantivizer, ʔan is functionally similar to mā, which can be used to substantivize clauses after prepositions, e.g., bi-​mā ‘because’, fı̄ -mā ‘while’, mim-​mā ‘since’ (E. Cohen 2000, 211–14). See also Akkadian lāma, formed on negative lā and substantivizing -ma, e.g., JCS 35: 211 no. 1, rev. 4′ (Glassner 1983, 211) la-​ma nu-​ku-​us ‘It has not yet been balanced’. To be sure, substantivizing morphemes other than ʔan and mā are also found after adverbs; see, e.g., Qur. 36:19 ʔa-ʔin ḏukkirtum ‘Is it because you were reminded?’ and Qur. 11:68 ʔa-​lā ʔinna ṯamūda kafarū rabbahum ‘Is it not that Ṯamūd denied their lord?’ 35.  See also Muf. 12:35 wa-ʔāla laqı̄ ṭin ʔinnanı̄ lan ʔasūʔahum | ʔiḏan la-​kasawtu l-ʕamma burdan musahhamā ‘As to the house of ​Laqı̄ ṭ, I would not do evil to them, (or) then I would dress the tribe in a striped garment’.

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In the Qurʔān too, lan yaqtula can be used to express a situation that only attains in an alternative reality. In the following example, the conditioning factors are only implicit: 202. Qur. 4:172 lan yastankifa l-ması̄ḥu ʔan yakūna ʕabdan li-​llāhi The Messiah would not disdain to be a servant of Allah. The subjunctive in these constructions can be derived from the use of yaqtula as a conditional mood. The use of lan yaqūlū in Zuh. 10:25–26, for example, can be interpreted as the consequence clause in a conditional linking, for example, “If you asked . . . then they would not say.” It is not clear, however, if the subjunctive can be interpreted as a counterfactual here, corresponding to “They would not have said.” It may be noted, however, that lan in Zuh. 10:26 has the alternative reading lam (Ahlwardt 1870, 41). Thus, then, yastankifa in Qur. 4:172 may correspond to “He would not have disdained.” On the assumption that ʔan yaqtula expresses a possibility and that negative lā has scope over the mood, lan yaqtula can be used to express negation of the possibility itself, corresponding to “There is no way” (“It is not possible that . . . would”), for example:36 203. Nāb. 23:5 (Ahlwardt 1870, *25) qālat ʔarāka ʔaḫā raḥlin wa-​rāḥilatin | taġšā matālifa lan yunẓirnaka l-​haramā She said, I see that you are a brother of saddle and camel, you come upon places of perdition; it is not possible that they would delay old age for you. By presenting the situation as an impossibility, the addressee may infer that it will never happen. Thus, it is easy to see how the negation of possibility can be interpreted as a form of emphatic negation, and why lan yaqtula has often been interpreted as a “very strong negation of the future, not at all, never” (GAL 2:300).37

8.5. The Subjunctive after li- and kay The purpose clause particles li- and kay are apparently only used with the subjunctive (Sadan 2012, 61, 263).38

36.  See also Nāb. 8:2 (Ahlwardt 1870, *11), Nāb. 15:2 (Ahlwardt 1870, *17), and Imr. 5:1 (Ahlwardt 1870, *197). 37.  The idea that lan yaqtula involves indefinite quantification over time (‘never’), however, may go back to a copying error in the works of al-​Zamaḫšarı̄ . While later grammarians attribute the claim to al-Zamaḫšarı̄ that lan yaqtula conveys taʔbı̄ d ‘perpetuity’, al-​Zamaḫšarı̄ holds in the Mufaṣṣal that lan yaqtula conveys taʔkı̄ d ‘emphasis’. The manuscripts of ​his ʔUnmūḏaǧ, however, has both taʔbı̄ d and taʔkı̄ d, but the former may result from a corruption of the text (Sadan 2012, 53). In Carter’s (2017) view, this corruption may have been introduced by opponents to al-​Zamaḫšarı̄ ’s Muʕtazilite school of theology. 38.  When the final syllable of verb forms of roots with a third weak radical appears as -ı̄ or -ū, which is comparatively frequent in the Hijazi dialect (Rabin 1951, 121), the verb form is formally identical to the imperfective. In this case, however, the long vowels are presumably contracted from *-iya or *-uwa.

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8.5.1. The Subjunctive after liThe particle li- ‘that, in order that, in order to’ (WKAS L 16–18) appears to be the most frequently occurring purpose clause marker in prestandardized Classical Arabic and Classical Arabic prose. In Waltisberg’s (2009, 170–71) corpus, for example, li- is used in 318 of 326 syndetic purpose clauses (99%).39 This particle is also found in pre-​ Islamic poetry, for example: 204.

a. ʕAnt. 11:1 (Ahlwardt 1870, *38) ʔa-ḥawlı̄ tanfuḍu stuka miḏrawayhā | li-taqtulanı̄ Does your buttock shake its two cheeks at me in order to kill me? b. Imr. 48:20 (Ahlwardt 1870, *147) wa-​mā ḏarafat ʕaynāki ʔillā li-taḍribı̄ Your eyes did not shed tears except in order for you to strike.

The particle is presumably derived from the preposition li- ‘to, for’ (Nöldeke 1904, 64).40 It is true that li- before the subjunctive is homonymous with the asseverative particle li- before the jussive. However, whereas the asseverative particle typically elides its vowel after wa- (wa-​l-​yaqtul), the vowel of the purpose clause particle li- remains (wa-​li-​yaqtula). As a matter of fact, the asseverative particle li- is likely derived from *la- (thus wa-​l-​yaqtul < *wa-​la-​yaqtul) and the result of a raising of /a/ to /i/ before the verbal prefix yV- (Huehnergard 1983, 580). The uniform spelling of the asseverative particle with LI rather than LÍ in Sargonic Akkadian, for instance, indicates *la- rather than *li- (Hasselbach 2005, 46–47; Kogan 2011, 42), and la- is also found in Modern Arabic dialects, for example, Syrian Arabic la-​nəržaʕ ‘Let us go back’ (Cowell 1964, 345; Huehnergard 1983, 578). At the same time, medieval Arabic grammarians report that the purpose clause particle sometimes is la- (Sadan 2012, 263–66). It cannot be ruled out, however, that la- before the subjunctive results from a lowering of /i/, especially before the verbal prefix ʔV-. Indeed, most examples discussed by the medieval Arabic grammarians quoted by Sadan (2012, 263–66) involve a verb form in the 1st person singular. While the preposition li- may have been an allative morpheme in origin, for example, Qur. 7:57 suqnāhu li-​baladin mayyitin ‘We drove it to a dead land’, it is rarely used for direction in space or time in historical Arabic (GVG 2:377–78).41 On the other hand, it is frequently used to express cause and goal (WKAS L 9–11), which are

39.  The distribution of purpose clause particles in Waltisberg’s corpus is as follows: li- (318 times), li-​kay (twice), li-ʔan (once), li-ʔallā (four times), and li-​kay-​lā (once). Waltisberg’s corpus consists of ​Ibn Hišām’s Sı̄ ra and parts of al-Ṭabarı̄ ’s Taʔrı̄ ḫ, al-Wāqidı̄ ’s Kitāb al-Maġāzı̄ , Ibn ʕAbd Rabbihı̄ ’s Kitāb al-ʕIqd al-Farı̄ d, the Naqāʔiḍ Ǧarı̄ r wa-​l-​Farazdaq in the recension of ʔAbū ʕUbayd, and excerpts from the Kitāb al-ʔAġānı̄ (Waltisberg 2009, 83–86). 40.  The use of li- as both a preposition and a conjunction can be compared to the use of min, e.g., Soukhne Arabic (Syria) min kāḷūli ‘when they said to me’ (Behnstedt 1994, 1:192). 41.  Compare Qur. 7:57 above and Qur. 35:9 fa-​suqnāhu ʔilā baladin mayyitin. Compare also Qur. 13:2 kullun yaǧrı̄ li-ʔaǧalin musamman ‘Each (sc. the sun and the moon) runs toward an appointed end-​time’ and Qur. 31:29 kullun yaǧrı̄ ʔilā ʔaǧalin musamman.

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often difficult to distinguish from each other (Reckendorf 1895–1898, 219–20; GVG 2:381), for example:42 205.

a. Ṭab. I, 2:952.11 ʔinnamā ǧiʔtuka li-​r-​riǧāli wa-​li-tamnaʕanı̄ min-​a ḏ-ḏulli I only came to you for men (sc. soldiers) and for you to protect me from humiliation. b. ʕAbı̄ d. 22:9 (Lyall 1913, *63) ʔiḏā hum-​u labiṯū li-​l-​māʔi When they stayed for water.

The addition of a nominal phrase marking a cause or a goal of the predicate evokes a conceptual frame that includes the desired activity (typically) associated with that cause or goal (Schmidtke-​Bode 2009, 100–101; 2010, 136–37). In the first example above, for instance, the reason for asking “for soldiers” is made explicit by the purpose clause “in order that you protect me.” The nominal phrase “for water” in the second example above evokes the activity “to drink” without it being mentioned. Thus, even if the desired activity is not explicit, the addressee can infer the cause or goal as an event of reason or purpose. Over time, there may be a metonymic inference, so that the marker that originally introduces a noun phrase as a shortcut for a complex event comes to introduce the verbal event itself. Thus, there is a paradigmatic extension from a nominal marker to a verbal marker, compare for example: 206.

a. ʕAbı̄ d. 16:2 (Lyall 1913, *50) fa-​waqaftu fı̄hā nāqatı̄ li-​suʔālihā I halted my mare by it (sc. the deserted camp) for enquiring of it. b. ʕAnt. 21:6 (Ahlwardt 1870, *45) fa-​waqaftu fı̄hā nāqatı̄ wa-​ka-ʔannahā | fadanun li-ʔaqḍiya ḥāǧata l-​mutalawwimī I halted my mare by it (sc. the deserted camp), and she was like a lofty pavilion, for I might fulfill the yearner’s need.

To be sure, the development of li- into a purpose clause particle occurred in prehistorical Arabic, which makes it difficult to reach any conclusions about the details of the development.43 On the assumption that yaqtula was available as a verb form that could be used to express possibilities, however, li- would have been used to indicate that this possibility was construed as a purpose or a reason to carry out the situation in the main clause. The use of a mood that expresses possibility is obviously felicitous in clauses of purpose and reason in view of the fact that the motivating circumstances 42.  See also li-​mā ‘why, for what reason’, e.g., Imr. 48:2 (Ahlwardt 1870, *146) lam yaʕfu rasmuhā | li-​mā nasaǧathā min ǧanūbin wa-​šamʔalin ‘Its trace is not (yet) erased by what the southern and northern wind gather together’. 43.  It may be noted that in what is presumably one of the earliest examples of the use of l- as a purpose clause particle before a finite verb, the event ‘to perform a pilgrimage’ can be interpreted as a reason or purpose of ​‘to wash’, see WH 3053 (apud Al-​Jallad 2015, 291) rḥḍ b-​h-​ngm l-​yḥg ‘he washed when the sun was in Virgo in order to perform a pilgrimage’ (trans. Al-​Jallad).

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are not presupposed to be true at the moment of speaking.44 Thus, if li-ʔaqḍiya in the second example above is interpreted as a reason clause, it is the subject’s belief about the possibility of fulfilling the yearner’s need that leads to its halt at the campsite. The use of li-​yaqtula as an expression of possibility can be gleaned from constructions with the so-​called lām al-​ǧuḥūd, which is the name given by medieval Arabic grammarians to li- in constructions of the type mā kāna fulānun li-​yaqtula ‘So-andso is/was not (such a one) to kill’, for example:45 207.

a. Qur. 7:43 wa-​mā kunnā li-nahtadiya law-​lā ʔan hadānā llāhu We were not such that we would receive guidance, if it were not for that Allah guided us. b. Qur. 12:76 mā kāna li-yaʔḫuḏa ʔaḫāhu fı̄ dı̄ni l-​maliki ʔillā ʔan yašāʔa llāhu He (sc. Joseph) was not such that he could hold his brother under the king’s law, except if Allah wanted.

In this construction, li-​yaqtula describes a characteristic of the subject (GVG 2:539), for example, “He was not of the type to.” Thus, the token becomes representative of a type, and the subjunctive describes the characteristic as a possibility associated with the whole class. However, the fact that the subject carries out the main clause for the fact that the li-clause is a possibility often implies that the situation described by the li-clause is desired. In this case, the reason described by li-​yaqtula is formulated as an intended result, viz. a purpose. This is clear from the use of li-​yaqtula after verbs of modal attitude, for example: 208.

a. Qur. 4:26 yurı̄du llāhu li-yubayyina lakum Allah wants to make clear to you. b. Nāb. 27:32 (Ahlwardt 1870, *29) fa-​hamma ṭ-ṭālibūna li-yudrikūhu Those who seek (him) intended to overtake him.

In this type of construction, the use of li-​yaqtula can be interpreted as a purposive complement, which results from the strong semantic integration between wanting and the construal of li-​yaqtula as an intended result. Since purposive adjunct clauses mention a goal to be reached, they are quite frequently used as purposive complements from a typological point of view (Bybee, Perkins, and Pagliuca 1994, 230; Schmidtke-​ Bode 2009, 157–65).

44.  It may be noted that in Schmidtke-​Bode’s (2009, 45) typological investigation of purpose constructions, the most frequently occurring modality markers in purpose clauses express hypothetical, potential, or irrealis modalities. 45.  For a description of the discussion of lām al-​ǧuḥūd by medieval Arabic grammarians, see Sadan 2012, 252–56. For constructions of the type kāna fulānun li-​yaqtula and kāna li-​fulānin ʔan yaqtula in the Qurʔān, see Reuschel 1996, 116–18.

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8.5.2. The Subjunctive after kay The subjunctive is also used after kay ‘so that, in order that’ (WKAS K 478–79), but the construction does not appear to be very common in prestandardized Classical Arabic. It is found twice in al-ʔAʕlam al-Šantamarı̄ ’s anthology of pre-​Islamic poetry (Ārāzı̄ and Muṣāliḥah 1999, *972): once as kay (Imr. 18:39 [Ahlwardt 1870, *201]) and once as li-​kay (Zuh. 14:39 [Ahlwardt 1870, *91]). It occurs ten times in the Qurʔān (Badawi and Haleem 2008, 826): three times as kay (Qur. 20:33, 40; 28:13), once as kay-​lā (Qur. 59:7), and six times as li-​kay-​lā (Qur. 3:153; 16:70; 22:5, 33, 33:50; 57:23). It is not very common in prestandardized Classical Arabic prose either. Waltisberg (2009, 170–71) counts three instances of kay in his corpus: twice as li-​kay (Sīra I, 2:915.16; Wāq. I: 93.4) and once as li-​kay-​lā (Ṭab. I, 3:1410.19). The particle is presumably cognate with Hebrew kı̄ ‘that, for, when’ (GVG 2:612).46 In view of Old Babylonian ki-i​ ‘how’ (Old Assyrian ke-​e), it can perhaps be ultimately derived from a grammatical morpheme that expresses manner, ‘how, as’. The function underlying the use of kay as a marker of purpose clause in Arabic, however, is not clear. On the assumption that it could be used to express manner also in Arabic and that yaqtula could be used to express possibilities, kay would have indicated that the main clause was performed in such a manner that there is possibility that the situation described by yaqtula is brought about, for example: 209. ʕAbı̄ d. 5:3 (Lyall 1913, *23) ḥabastu fı̄hā ṣiḥābı̄ kay ʔusāʔilahā | wa-​d-​ damʕu qad balla minnı̄ ǧayba sirbālı̄ I halted my companions by it (sc. the deserted camp) so I might consult it, and the tears from me certainly wetted the neckline of my shirt. In this light, the frequent use of li- with kay, for example, Zuh. 14:39 (Ahlwardt 1870, *91) saʕā baʕdahum qawmun li-​kay yudrikūhum-​u ‘A group strove with some of them so they might overtake them’, can be interpreted as a means to make the purposive meaning of the manner explicit.47

8.6. Historical Background of the Subjunctive 8.6.1. Formal Background of the Subjunctive In view of the interpretation of ʔɛqṭəl-å̄ in Biblical Hebrew, /yaqtul-ă̄ / in Ugaritic, and yaqtul-​a in Amarna Canaanite as formed on the ventive of the short prefix conjugation, it lies close at hand to also derive the subjunctive in Arabic from the ventive of the jussive. 46.  Reckendorf (1895–1898, 566–67, 733) suggests that kay is derived from *ka-ʔay- ‘according to which’, but this derivation is morphologically and syntactically more complicated (GVG 2:613). 47.  The particle kay is sometimes followed by mā; see, e.g., ʕĀmir. 11:6 (Lyall 1913, *117) ʔaradtu li-kay-​mā yaʕlama llāhu ʔannanı̄  | ṣabartu ‘I desired that God might know that I endured patiently’ (trans. Lyall 1913, 104).

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The ventive morpheme as it is known from Akkadian appears in three morphophonologically conditioned allomorphs: -am is used after the final radical of the root, -nim is used after the agreement markers -ū and -ā, and -m is used after the agreement marker -ı̄. On the assumption that *-an, the Arabic counterpart to Akkadian -am, was used after the final radical of the root, it would only have been used after ending-​less verb forms in the short prefix conjugation. This is the picture presented by historical Arabic, for example, yaqtul-​a, yaʔtiy-​a, and yabluw-​a. Thus, the subjunctive of ending-​less verb forms can be derived from the ventive of the jussive with loss of -n. The loss of -n is irregular but not without parallel; compare, for example, contextual malik-​an and pausal malik-​ā (Birkeland 1940, 45–6), and the assimilation of -n to a following liquid (GAL1:§14b).48 If the loss of -n was compensated by lengthening, the pausal forms of the subjunctive, for example, yaqtulā, would be original rather than the result of ​lengthening from -a to -ā. It is also possible, however, that the loss of -n results from phonetic attrition associated with grammatical morphemes of high-​ frequency; compare, for example, the eroded forms of the short prefix conjugation of the root kwn, such as, yaku for yakun (GAL 2:379D). Notably, the subjunctive is formally distinguished from the jussive only in verb forms without agreement suffixes. The syncretism of verb forms with agreement suffixes can be explained from the functional development of the subjunctive into a subordinate verb form. It will be argued in section 8.6.3 that the subjunctive is historically the jussive with the speaker-​benefactive ventive, which amounts to a wish. In Classical Arabic, however, the subjunctive is a purely syntactic feature in purposive subordinate clauses, which are marked additionally by adverbs, such as ʔan, li-, and kay. Thus, the subjunctive is functionally redundant. It can be hypothesized that the subjunctive and the jussive in verb forms that end in a vowel historically were distinguished by the ventive allomorph *-nVn. In the process of the development of the subjunctive into a concomitant of subordination, however, the subjunctive and the jussive of verb forms with agreement suffixes were syncretized. This loss in distinction was presumably facilitated by the fact that the subjunctive became functionally redundant. It may also have been facilitated by the association of the ventive allomorph *-nVn with the imperfective, since the ventive of verb forms with agreement suffixes, for example, 3m. pl. jussive yaqtulū, would have been identical to the outcome of the ventive of the imperfective, for example, 3m. pl. imperfective yaqtulūna. 8.6.2. On the Conditional Mood in Modern South Arabian The hypothesis that the Arabic subjunctive can be derived from the ventive of the jussive can be strengthened by a comparison with the distribution of the conditional mood suffix -in in Modern South Arabian. The suffix -in is chiefly associated with the verb forms used in consequence clauses of unreal conditional linkings in Omani Mehri (Rubin 2010, 132), Jibbali (Rubin 2014, 152), and Soqotri (Wagner 1953, 152). In addition to consequence clauses, as in the first and second example below, Kogan and Bulakh (2017, 88–101) have shown that 48.  For additional examples of the loss of -n, see Testen 1994, 163–64.

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the n-conditional in Soqotri is also used outside conditional linkings for possibility (third example), counterfactuality (fourth example), politeness (fifth example), and optativity (sixth example):49 210.

a. SAE 6:255.22 (no. 371) w-​iném l(y)akén-en le-ẓ̂álaʕk And what would happen if ​I told (it)? b. CSOL 1:141 ḷɛ́bin šémtəḷ tho ḷaʕbír-in ʕəy siyára If ​he’d spoken to me, I would have given him the car (trans. Kogan). c. CSOL 1:232 áʕyhofk ṭəy óʔoz di-ʔibóho wa-​se ḷaʕág-ən I lost one of my goats which was pregnant and might have given birth (trans. Kogan and Bulakh 2017, 95, emphasis in the original). d. CSOL 1:141 ho ḷəṭhír-in ímšin di-​mə́sgid wa-ʔaḷ-ṭáhɛrk I was about to go to the mosque yesterday, but (in the end) didn’t (trans. Kogan) e. SAE 7:75.10–11 (no. 19:10) ʕémor iném taʕgéb-en sprach er: Was ist dein Begehr? (trans. Müller). f. SAE 6:358.3 (no. 745) wu-​lómriṭ-én-ken ʔébrehó Ich lege euch ans Herz, meine Kinder (trans. Müller).

The use of the n-conditional for possible and counterfactual situations, as in the third and fourth examples, can be derived from its function as a conditional mood, which merely presents the situation as an alternative reality that depends on some outstanding conditions, which may be realizable, as in the first example, or unrealizable, as in the second example. Outside conditional linkings, however, these conditions are only implicit. The attenuating function of the n-conditional, as in the fifth example, is only used with verbs meaning ‘want’ and ‘say’ in the 1st and 2nd person (Kogan and Bulakh 2017, 99) and can be derived from the conditional function: by presenting the situation as dependent on some uncertain conditions, for example, the addressee’s willingness to accede, the speaker saves the addressee’s face if ​he or she should choose not to comply. The use of the n-conditional as a conditional mood, in turn, can be derived from its optative function, as in the sixth example above. On this assumption, the consequence clause in an unreal conditional linking was historically an expression of a wish; see, for example: 211. SAE 6:235.13 (no. 291) l-​ho di-​Réses leʕabéz-in If ​I were di-​Réses, I would go. In this example, the consequence clause can be derived from “Would that I might go.” After an unreal conditional clause, however, the situation described by the wish becomes imagined as a conditioned possibility. 49.  The n-conditional is also found outside conditional linkings in Omani Mehri (Rubin 2010, 132–33; Watson 2012, 92, 130) and in Jibbali (Rubin 2014, 224; Kogan and Bulakh 2017, 99n39).

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Since the n-conditional appears to be formed on the jussive in most paradigms (Wagner 1993, 337; J. Watson 2012, 92), and since optativity is “one of the primary functions of the Soqotri jussive” (Kogan and Bulakh 2017, 98), the n-conditional can in all likelihood be derived from the jussive with a suffix *-Vn.50 The identification of this suffix with the ventive morpheme, in turn, can be gleaned from its use with two verbs in Soqotri that form the imperfective with -in: yəgodíḥ-in ‘come’ and yənokíʕ-in ‘bring’ (Kogan 2015, 142–3). Whereas the etymology of énkaʕ ‘bring’ is uncertain (Kogan 2015, 565), the cognates with gédaḥ in Mehri and Jibbali both mean ‘drift ashore’. Thus, the semantic correspondence between the meaning of the verb in Soqotri on the one hand, and in Mehri and Jibbali on the other, is parallel to French arriver ‘arrive’ and Vulgar Latin arripo ‘reach land’, ultimately derived from ad ‘to’ and ripa ‘shore’ (Kogan 2015, 553n1445). In this light, and on the assumption that -in is cognate with the ventive morpheme, the verb form yəgodíḥ-in may be explained as a lexicalization of the allative of ​‘drift ashore’. Thus, even while the n-conditional is usually connected with the energic verb forms in Arabic (Wagner 1953, 152; 1993, 338; Johnstone 1975, 110), it appears to be closer in form and function to the subjunctive in prestandardized Classical Arabic as a verb form that expresses a conditioned possibility. 8.6.3. Functional Background of the Subjunctive It is possible to explain the use of the subjunctive as a conditional mood by assuming that the subjunctive itself could be used to express wishes. For example, the conditional function could have developed in the juxtaposition of two wishes, “I wish that X, I wish that Y,” in which the second wish was reanalyzed as dependent on the first. Thus, the development of the conditional subjunctive is similar to the development of the potential jussive; compare, for example, Ṭab. II, 1:340.4 salı̄ tuḫbarı̄ ‘Ask, may you know’, and Zuh. 3:8 (Ahlwardt 1870, *79) ʔin taǧhad taǧidhā ‘If you make an effort, you may find her’. However, whereas the potential jussive developed in commands (let it be X, let it be Y), the conditional subjunctive would have developed in wishes (would that X, would that Y).51 Thus, on the assumption that the subjunctive is formed on yaqtul and *-an, the ventive of the jussive was at some point used to express wishes in Arabic. 50.  Both the subjunctive and the n-conditional are recognized by the l-prefix in the 1st person singular and dual. In the paradigms characterized by -n in the imperfect, for instance, the n-conditional is identical to the imperfect except for this l-prefix. In a few other paradigms, the n-conditional is also characterized by Ablaut (Rubin 2010, 132). Testen (1993, 299, 303) suggests that this Ablaut may be conditioned by the vowel /i/ of the conditional suffix and that this suffix is derived from the etymon of Akkadian -nim. 51.  Notably, the development of the volitive into a subjunctive can also be observed in Biblical Hebrew, in particular after wishes, negative statements, and questions (GKC §109i); see, e.g., Jer 9:1 mī-​yittənēnī ḇam-​miḏbå̄r məlōn ʔōrəḥīm wə-ʔɛʕɛzḇå̄ ʔɛṯ-ʕammı̄ ‘Would that someone gave me an inn in the desert, and I would/could leave my people’, Num 23:19 lō ʔı̄ š ʔēl w-ı̄ ḵazzēḇ ‘God is not a man, that he should lie’, and 1 Kgs 22:7 ha-ʔēn pō nå̄ḇī la-​Yhwh ʕōḏ wə-niḏrəšå̄ mē-ʔōṯō ‘Is there not another prophet of the Lord here, that we might inquire of ​him?’ It may also be noted that the subjunctive is found after f- in Safaitic, and in the following example, the clause preceding the f-subjunctive may be interpreted as a wish: WH 135 h lt qbll ʔhl s1lm f nngy ‘O Lt, would that the/my family reunion is safe, and then we might be saved’. For the parsing of nngy as /nVngoya/ with preservation of the triphthong *-uya, see Al-​Jallad 2015, 110.

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Brockelmann (GVG 2:25, 27) describes wishes as desires expressed by the speaker that cannot be realized by the addressee and notes that they are typically expressed by the jussive in Semitic, for example, Qur. 43:77 yā-​māliku li-​yaqḍi ʕalaynā rabbuka ‘O Malik, may your Lord finish us!’ For present purposes, however, a wish is the expression of a desire uttered by a speaker who is not in a position to influence the truth of the proposition, or at least believes or pretends to not be. As a result, wishes are frequently marked by grammar that expresses regret over the powerless words.52 For example, adversative particles, such as German doch, identify an inconsistency, and hence a regret, between the desired world and the real world, for example, Wenn ich doch reich wäre ‘If only I were rich, though’ (Grosz 2012, 313–24). Sometimes such particles attempt to make the wishes realizable. Exclusive particles, such as only, can be used to evaluate the desired world as minimally different from the real world and indicate that the speaker conveys a modest desire (‘this is not too much to ask for’), for example, Wenn ich nur reich wäre ‘If only I were rich’ (Grosz 2012, 223–90). Concessive particles, such as at least, evaluate the desired world as satisfactory but not maximally preferred, and they suggest that the speaker is willing to compromise, for example, Wenn ich wenigstens reich wäre ‘If only I were rich at least’ (Grosz 2012, 290–313). It is not always clear whether a speaker who uses the jussive believes whether his or her words have the power to change the world, for example, by an appeal to the supernatural, or whether they are powerless.53 It appears that the particle -nå̄ in Biblical Hebrew, however, can be used to explicitly express that the realization of the speaker’s desire is dependent on someone else. In other words, there is a possible implication that the speaker is not in a position to influence the truth of the proposition. This implication presumably results from the function of -nå̄ as a benefactive marker (section 6.4). By marking that the situation described by the verb is a benefit to the speaker, the speaker also explicitly marks that the fulfilment of ​his or her desire is conditioned by the benevolence of the addressee. Since -nå̄ can be derived from the ventive morpheme *-nVn, and since *-an and *-nVn are allomorphs historically, it can be hypothesized that the ventive allomorph *-an could be used with the same function as -nå̄ . Thus, it may be concluded that the ventive of the jussive was originally used to express that the situation described by the volitive verb form was beneficial to the speaker. Then, by pragmatic implication, it came to be used for the expression of a volition on the part of a speaker who is not in a position to influence the truth of the proposition. As such, *yVqtVl-​an could be used to express wishes. When a wish expressed by *yVqtVl-​an was used after another wish that indicated that the desire could not be reached by the will of the speaker, it was reanalyzed as a conditional mood. Then, the verb form was used to express possibilities conditioned by something unreal and uncertain.

52.  Wishes frequently appear to combine deontic with epistemic modality (Palmer [1986] 2000, 13), and from the viewpoint of illocutionary force, wishes can be either exclamative or directive. 53.  The fact that the distinction between powerful and powerless volitions is meaningful is confirmed by Dobrushina (2011), who observes that it is grammatical in East Caucasian languages.

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8.7. Summary The subjunctive in Arabic can be derived from a combination of the ventive with the short prefix conjugation in its volitive function (the jussive). The ventive allomorph *-an, with an irregular loss of -n, is used after verb forms without agreement suffixes, for example, yaqtul-​a. The syncretism between the subjunctive and the jussive in verb forms with agreement suffixes, for example, 3m. pl. yaqtulū, results from the association of the ventive allomorph *-nVn with the long prefix conjugation (the imperfective), and from the obligatorization of the subjunctive in specific clause types. The ventive of the jussive was used historically to indicate that the situation desired by the speaker was beneficial to him or her. Then, since the ventive indicated that the desired situation depended on the benevolence of the addressee, *yaqtul-a​ n came to be used by pragmatic implication to indicate that the desired situation was impossible to realize by the will of speaker. As such, *yaqtul-​an > yaqtula could be used to express wishes, i.e., desires uttered by a speaker who is not in a position to influence the truth of the proposition. This function can still be detected after fa-. Example (178a), for instance, can be explained historically as two wishes: Qur. 39:58 law ʔanna lı̄ karratan fa-ʔakūna min-​a l-​muḥsinı̄na ‘Would that I had a return! Then I wish I were among the good-​doers’. In such constructions, the subjunctive would have been preferred over the jussive, since the jussive typically expresses the speaker’s attempt at changing the world (‘Let me be/May I be among the good-​doers’). Over time, the subjunctive acquired the meaning of a potential mood and came to be used to describe situations as possibilities, for example, (192a) sa-ʔakʕamu kalbı̄ ʔan yarı̄baka nabḥuhu ‘I will muzzle my dog because his barking might disturb you’, and lan can be explained, at least in origin, as a negation of possibility (“It is not possible that . . . would”). In certain constructions, the possibility of the event described by the subjunctive was interpreted as a motivation for the subject to carry out the main clause. Thus, in these constructions, the subjunctive has developed into a mood of purpose clauses, for example, (209) ḥabastu fı̄hā ṣiḥābı̄ kay ʔusāʔilahā ‘I halted my companions by it (sc. the deserted camp) so I might consult it’.

Part 3

Summary and Conclusions

Chapter 9

Morphological Aspects of the Ventive Morpheme

9.1. The Morpheme *-an in Central Semitic The morpheme *-an can be reconstructed to Proto-​Central Semitic with the same distribution as Akkadian -am. For example, among the verb forms presented in the first chapter of the book, the short prefix conjugation *yVqtVl with the ventive morpheme *-an is the source of the following verb forms: 212.

a. The subjunctive in Classical Arabic: *yVqtVl-​an > yaqtul-​a b. The volitive in Amarna Canaanite: *yVqtVl-​an > yaqtul-​a c. The augmented short prefix conjugation in Ugaritic: *yVqtVl-​an > yqtl /yaqtul-ă̄ / d. The energic of the jussive and the preterite in Ugaritic: *yVqtVl-​an > yqtl-​n /yaqtul-​an/ e. The cohortative in Biblical Hebrew: *ʔVqtVl-​an > ʔɛqṭəl-å̄ f. The lengthened imperfect consecutive in Biblical Hebrew: *wa-ʔVqtVl-an > wå̄ -ʔɛqṭəl-å̄

Furthermore, the imperative with the ventive morpheme *-an is the source of the lengthened imperative in Biblical Hebrew and the augmented imperative in Ugaritic, as well as the imperative in -a in Amarna Canaanite. For examples in context, see: 213.

a. EA 118:14 (53b) ana yâši uš-​ši-​ra ‘Send to me’. b. KTU 2.15 5 (99a) šṣa idn ly ‘Issue a permission for me’ (/šôṣiʔ-ā̆/). c. KTU 2.90 23–24 (101b) ly / štn-n ‘Send him(?) over for me’ (/ šêtin-​an(nū)/). d. 1 Sam 21:10 (139) tən-ɛnnå̄ llı̄ ‘Give it to me’.

The final nasal of *-an is preserved before pronominal suffixes in Biblical Hebrew (section 6.3), for example, ʔɛqṭəl-ɛn-​nū ‘Let me kill him’ and (139) tən-ɛnnå̄ ‘Give it to me’. In the Arabic subjunctive, the nasal is completely lost, presumably as the result of phonetic attrition (section 8.6.1). Ugaritic, in turn, appears to display forms both with and without -n; compare, for example, (94a) iqra ‘I will invoke hither’ and (94b) iqra-​n ‘I will invoke hither’. In other words, /-an/ of the energic of the jussive and the 167

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preterite, and /-ā̆/ of the so-​called augmented short prefix conjugation, can be parsed as two different realizations of the same ventive morpheme *-an. Since /yaqtul-ă̄ / can only be recognized in verb forms in which the final radical is ʔ, it is difficult to determine whether the loss of -n was phonetically conditioned after this phoneme or whether -n was lost in verbs formed on other roots as well. According to the former interpretation, the loss of -n may have been conditioned by the assimilation of a to ʔ, for example, /ʔiqrâ/ < *ʔiqrân < *ʔiqraʔ-an. Since forms both with and without -n are attested after these phonemes, assimilation appears to be irregular.

9.2. The Morpheme *-nVn in Central Semitic The morpheme *-nVn is preserved in the form of -nVn in Sabaic (section 1.2.8) and in connection with a following pronominal suffix in Ugaritic (section 5.2). In Amarna Canaanite, Ugaritic (when not followed by a pronominal suffix), Biblical Hebrew, and Arabic, *-nVn has undergone syncope and epenthesis or simplification: *-nVn > *-nn > *-nnV/*-n. Testen (1993, 305) suggested that the syncopation of *-nVn > *-nn in Arabic is analogous to the development of -CVC in verb forms of geminate roots without endings; compare, for example, yardud ‘May he reply’ and yarudd-​i/-a/-u (section 7.4). As a matter of fact, the deletion of a short vowel between two identical consonants in a closed syllable in verb forms of geminate roots without endings appears to be a hallmark of the Central Semitic languages; see, for example, Ugaritic ysb /yasub/ or /yasubbV/ ‘He turned/May he turn’ (section 5.2), Biblical Hebrew (way-)yå̄ såḇ ‘He turned’ (section 6.3), and presumably Sabaic (Nebes 1994b, 66; Stein 2003, 195– 97). As such, the Central Semitic languages separate themselves from East Semitic, Ethiopian Semitic, and Modern South Arabian, where the short prefix conjugation of geminate roots is largely conjugated like a strong verb; see, for example, Akkadian iškuk ‘He harrowed’ (GAG §101), Ge’ez yəndəd, yəndad ‘May it burn’, and Soqotri l-​iḳrɛ́r ‘May he boil’ (Naumkin et al. 2016, 40–42). In Huehnergard’s (2005, 171–76) view, the clustering of geminate radicals in the prefix conjugations may reflect a shared retention in Central Semitic, but he concedes that certain exceptions, such as Arabic yardud, complicate the picture. In this light, however, it is possible that *-nVn and *-nn reflect an allomorphy that had already developed in Proto-​Central Semitic. The morpheme *-nVn and its syncopated version *-nnV/*-n can be reconstructed with the same distribution as -nim in Akkadian. After the plural morpheme -ū, the ventive allomorph *-nnV is attested in Amarna Canaanite, for example, (57a) /ušširū̆-n(n)a-ni/ ‘Send to me’ and (66) /tuwaššarū̆-n(n)a/ ‘May they be sent to me’. The evidence in Ugaritic and Biblical Hebrew, however, is ambiguous. In Ugaritic, the ventive morpheme -n is difficult to separate from paragogic nun; see section 5.7. The Biblical Hebrew examples are few and it cannot be ruled out that -n of way-​ yiqṭōl is a hypercorrection and formed in analogy to paragogic nun; see section 6.5. The so-​called particle of entreaty -nāʔ, in turn, can be formally derived from the syncopated form *-nna, but it is not phonologically conditioned and is not only enclitic to verb phrases; see section 6.4.

Morphological Aspects of the Ventive Morpheme

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The use of the morpheme *-nVn after the dual morpheme -ā and the feminine morpheme -ı̄ is poorly attested. For the use of *-nVn in the dual; see, for example, Ugaritic (76) /ʕVrVbā-​nnV/ ‘Enter for me’. For the use of *-nVn in the feminine, see, for example, Ugaritic (72) /qaḥī̆-nnV/ ‘Take to me’. Furthermore, the ventive morpheme *-nVn is also used after the imperfective morpheme -u. Thus, among the verb forms presented in the first chapter of the book, the long prefix conjugation yVqtVlu with the ventive morpheme *-nVn is the source of the following verb forms: 214.

a. The long energic prefix conjugation in Classical Arabic: *yVqtVl-​u-​nVn > *yVqtVl-​u-​nn > *yVqtVl-​u-​nna > yaqtul-​anna b. The energic prefix conjugation in Amarna Canaanite: *yVqtVl-​u-​nVn > *yVqtVl-​u-​nn > *yVqtVl-​u-​nna > ya-​aq-​tu-​lu-​na c. The energic of the imperfective in Ugaritic: *yVqtVl-​u-​nVn > *yVqtVl-​u-​nn > *yVqtVl-​u-​nnV > /yaqtulVn(nV)/

The ventive of the imperfective is presumably also preserved in Aramaic, for example, (2b) yʔḥd-​n < *yVʔḫuḏ-u-​nnV ‘He takes hold for himself’. In Amarna Canaanite, the imperfective morpheme -u is preserved integrally before -n(n)a, for example, (58) yi-​ì[š-​t]ap-​ru-​na /yištapr-​u-​n(n)a/ ‘He keeps writing to me’. In Arabic, on the other hand, *-u has assimilated to the historically epenthetic vowel of *-nn-​a as yaqtul-​a-​nna. The quality of the historical imperfective morpheme *-u before the ventive allomorphs *-nVn- and *-n(nV) in Ugaritic, in turn, is unknown. The ventive allomorph *-nn (< *-nVn) is also attested in the simplified form *-n, for example: 215.

a. The short energic prefix conjugation in Classical Arabic: yaqtul-​an b. The short energic prefix conjugation Amarna Canaanite: /yaqtulu-​n/

In Amarna Canaanite, /yaqtulu-​n/ is only attested before pronominal suffixes and enclitic particles (section 4.3.6). In prestandardized Classical Arabic, the short energic yaqtul-​an is predominantly found in preIslamic poetry and may be motivated by artistic license (section 7.2). It is an open question whether the short form of *-nVn, which arose from syncopation and simplification of the resulting geminate consonant, is also found in Ugaritic and Biblical Hebrew. For example, the linking element -n- that is used in the imperfective with a following pronominal suffix in Biblical Hebrew can theoretically be derived from *yiqṭəl-​Vn (< *yaqtul-​u-​nn). It cannot be ruled out, however, that -ɛn- was transferred by the power of analogy from ʔɛqṭəl-ɛn- (< *ʔaqtul-​an-); see section 6.3. As to Ugaritic, the parsing of -n as /-(V)nnū\ā/ presupposes a consonant-​ final allomorph of the ventive morpheme, to which the object pronominal suffix has assimilated, for example, (103b) aqbr-​n /ʔaqbur-​an-​nu/ < *ʔaqbur-​an-​hu; see section 5.6. However, there is no conclusive evidence for -n /-(V)nnū\ā/ after *yVqtVlu, so it cannot be ruled out that /-(V)nnū\ā/ involves the ventive allomorph *-an.

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The form of the ventive after the imperfective morpheme -na/-ni is not clear. It is perhaps possible to derive a form such as Arabic yaqtulunna from *yaqtulū-​nV-​nVn or *yaqtulū-​nV-​nnV through haplologies, but it is also possible that the imperfective allomorph *-nV and the ventive morpheme *-nVn did not co-​occur. On the latter assumption, the ventive of the long prefix conjugation and the ventive of the short prefix conjugation were syncretized after the agreement markers -ū, -ā, and ı̄, for example, Arabic *yVqtVlū-​nnV > yaqtulunna, *yVqtVlā-​nnV > yaqtulā-​nni (for example, Qur. 10:89 tattabiʕānni), and *tVqtVlı̄-nnV > taqtulinna (for example, Qur. 19:26 tarayinna < *tarʔayı̄-nnV). On the assumption that paragogic nun in Biblical Hebrew sometimes can be derived from the ventive morpheme rather than the imperfective morpheme, it is more easily derived directly from *-nVn or *-nnV rather than *-nV-​nVn, for example, *yVqtVlū-​nVn > *yiqṭəlūnV > yiqṭəlūn.

9.3. The Ventive in Proto-​Semitic The existence of the ventive in both Akkadian and Central Semitic suggests that it belonged to Proto-​Semitic. Additional evidence for the reconstruction of the ventive to Proto-​Semitic is provided by the identification of the so-​called conditional suffix in Modern South Arabian with the ventive morpheme (section 8.6.2). The Central Semitic correspondences to Akkadian -am and -nim can be reconstructed as *-an and *-nVn. While the quality of the vowel of *-an is not in doubt, the quality of the vowel of *-nVn, however, cannot be determined for Proto-​Central Semitic. In light of the imperfective morpheme *-nV that is used after the plural and the dual agreement markers -ū and -ā, it is possible that that quality of the vowel of *-nVn was conditioned by the quality of the preceding syllable. The correspondence between m in Akkadian and n in Central Semitic is not regular when it comes to nasal phonemes. On the basis of the principle of archaic heterogeneity, it may be necessary to reconstruct *-am/*-nVn or *-an/*-nVm and explain the generalization of mimation and nunation in East Semitic and Central Semitic respectively as the result of ​leveling. It is difficult to separate diachronically *-ni- of -ni-​m and *-nV- of *-nV-​n from the Akkadian subordinative morpheme (for example, Old Assyrian -ni) and the Central Semitic imperfective morpheme (for example, Arabic -na/-ni). In fact, if the ventive of the short and long prefix conjugations were syncretized after the agreement markers -ū, -ā, and ı̄, the failure of *-nVn to co-​occur with the imperfective morpheme *-nV may be explained by assuming that the ventive morpheme is historically formed on it. Since -nim/-nVn is found in both West and East, it is likely to have been formed in Proto-​Semitic, but the function of the morpheme *-nV, whether subordinative or imperfective, or something else, remains unknown.

Chapter 10

Functional Aspects of the Ventive Morpheme

10.1. The Allative and Dative Ventive The speaker-​allative ventive and the speaker-​dative ventive indicate that the speaker is the goal of motion or transfer. This function is most clearly seen in verb forms in the 2nd or 3rd person, for example: 216.

a. AbB 13: 23 14 (4c) lillikū-​nim Let them come. b. EA 95:7 (39a) inūma [t]a-​aš-​pu-​ra ana yâši Inasmuch as you have written to me. c. KTU 2.90 22–24 (101b) bd / [m]lakty ly / štn-​n Send him(?) over to my messenger-​party for me. d. 1 Sam 21:10 (139) tən-ɛnnå̄ llı̄ Give it to me.

In the 1st person, the ventive in Akkadian can be used to frame the direction of motion toward an addressee. This can be explained from a deictic projection, by which the speaker adopts the location of the addressee at either coding time or reference time, for example: 217. AbB 9: 117 7–8 (5) adi allak-​am ina Sippar-​ma lū wašbāti Stay in Sippar until I come to you. In Loesov’s (2004, 352; 2006, 130) view, this use of the ventive developed in the milieu of written communication. In Central Semitic, in turn, the ventive of dative verbs in the 1st person can express that the transfer is directed toward the speaker, for example: 218.

a. KTU 1.23 23 (94b) iqra-​n ilm nʕmm I will invoke hither the gracious gods. b. 1 Sam 28:15 (113) wå̄ -ʔɛqrå̄ʔɛ ləḵå̄ lə-hōḏı̄ʕēnı̄ I invited you hither to tell me.

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Summary and Conclusions

10.2. The Benefactive Ventive The benefactive ventive is used to indicate the beneficiary of an event. The beneficiary may be either the speaker or the subject of the verb. The speaker-​benefactive ventive can be derived from the speaker-​dative ventive by way of the reanalysis of the recipient as the beneficiary. The speaker-​benefactive ventive is most clearly seen in verb forms in the 2nd or 3rd person, for example: 219.

a. Gilg. Harmal2 41 (36a) [p]ūtu napištı̄ya úṣ-ra-​am Have mercy on my life for me. b. EA 86:31 (43) šanı̄tam qí-​ba-​mi ana [lugal] Furthermore, say to the king on my behalf. c. KTU 2.16 12 (73) al twḥl-​n May she not despair for my sake/on my behalf. d. Gen 12:13 (142) ʔimrı̄-nå̄ ʔăḥōṯı̄ ʔå̄t Say for my/our sake that you are my sister.

The speaker-​benefactive ventive of 1st person verb forms provide a bridging context for the development of the speaker-​benefactive to the reflexive-​benefactive, for example: 220.

a. Gilg. Y 188 (13b) šuma ša darû anāku lu-​uš-​ták-​nam I will provide me with a name for myself that is eternal. b. EA 136:27–29 (44) a-​li-​ik-​mi anāku i-​pu-​ša!(MA)-am dùg.ga/tu-​ka ittı̄šu Go on, I will make me (an alliance of ) friendship with him. c. KTU 2.15 6–7 (80) l šm[[i]]n iṯr ​hw / p iḫd-​n gnryn As for the oil, follow that and then I, Gnryn, may take (it) for myself. d. Gen 32:6 (120) wå̄ -ʔɛšləḥå̄ lə-haggı̄ḏ l-​aḏōnı̄ li-​mṣō-ḥēn bə-ʕēnɛḵå̄ I have sent for my benefit to tell my lord, to find favor in your sight.

Here belongs presumably also Phoenician; see, for example, KAI 50 3 (3) ʔpq-​n h-​ksp ‘May I receive the silver (for myself ?)’. In these examples, the referent of the beneficiary may be reanalyzed as the subject rather than the speaker. The reflexive-​benefactive ventive is found in Akkadian, Amar­na Canaanite, and Ugaritic, for example: 221.

a. Etana M rev. vi 1′ (12a) [q]assu iṣ-ba-​ta-​am sebet w[arḫı̄] He held ​his hand for seven months. b. EA 91:6–7 (41a) [inūma ur]u Ṣumura yi-​ìl-​qa [u  aš-​t]a-​pár ana kâta When he took the town of Ṣumur for himself, then I wrote to you. c. KTU 1.3 iv 42 (84) tḥsp-​n mh w trḥṣ She scooped out the (or: her) water for herself and washed.

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Here belongs also Aramaic; see, for example, TAD C1.1: 167 (2a) gldy ʔl tlqḥ-n mny ‘As for my (own) skin, do not take (it) from me for yourself’. The evidence for the use of the reflexive-​benefactive ventive outside the 1st person in Biblical Hebrew is ambiguous, but it may be gleaned from the use of n-suffixes after way-​yiqṭōl; see section 6.5. In Arabic, in turn, the subjunctive is historically formed on jussive yVqtVl and the speaker-​benefactive ventive. Over time, the speaker-​benefactive ventive was reanalyzed as an optative marker, and the appeal to an addressee to realize the state of affairs was reanalyzed as a wish uttered by a speaker who is unable to influence the truth of the proposition: *yVqtVl-​an ‘Let him do X for me’ > yaqtula ‘Would that he does X’. See, for example: 222. Qur. 39:58 (178a) law ʔanna lı̄ karratan fa-ʔakūna min-​a l-​muḥsinı̄na Would that I had a return, then I would be among the good-​doers. In this example, the subjunctive can be derived from the expression of a wish, for example, ‘Would that I were among the good-​doers’. The so-​called conditional mood in Modern South Arabian can be explained along the same lines, for example: 223. SAE 6:235.13 (no. 291) (211) l-​ho di-​Réses leʕabéz-​in If ​I were di-​Réses, I would go. On the assumption that *law could be used to mark wishes, l-​ho can be derived from *law-​hoh ‘Would that I were’. Furthermore, on the assumption that the conditional mood can be derived from the ventive of the jussive, the construction would historically have expressed two wishes: ‘Would that I were di-​Réses, would that I went’.

10.3. The Middle Ventive The middle-​marking ventive is used with verbs that are characterized by a relatively low event (and state) elaboration, i.e., a low distinguishability of the participants and the events in a situation (section 2.3). This function of the ventive can be derived from the reflexive-​benefactive function by a decrease in participant distinguishability. In the reflexive-​benefactive construction, the speaker conceptualizes two different participants even though they refer to the same entity. In the middle-​marking construction, however, the two participants are viewed as a single entity. This decrease in participant distinguishability can presumably be traced to naturally reflexive-​ benefactive constructions, in which the agent and the beneficiary are normally the same. In these constructions, the reflexive-​benefactive marker may become semantically bleached and subsequently be employed for other conceptually related (middle) verbs. This development is analogous to the well-​known development of middle markers from direct reflexives (Kemmer 1993, 151–93), but in the case of the reflexive-​ benefactive, the affectedness of the participant is indirect rather than direct. In the case of verbs of posture and nontranslational motion, there is a low distinguishability between the physical entities involved in the manipulation of ​body. Thus,

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the change in posture or movement is conceptualized without distinguishing the body parts necessarily involved in the event, for example: 224.

a. Gilg. Schøyen2 29 (18a) ina kimṣı̄šu ú-​um-​mi-​dam zuqassu He rested his chin on his knees (trans. Gilg. p. 235). b. EA 124:14–16 (65) inanna adi yu-​pa-ḫi-​ru ka[li] uru.meš u yi-​ìl-​qú-​šix ayyē[-mi] i-​zi-​zu-​na anāku Now, he is even assembling all the cities and he will take it. Where can I stand for myself/take a stand? c. KTU 1.4 vii 24–25 (87c) tṯb-​n bʕl / l hwty You will turn yourself around to my word, Baʕal. d. Ezek 9:8 (129) wå̄ -ʔɛppəlå̄ ʕal-på̄nay wå̄ -ʔɛzʕaq wå̄-ʔōmar I fell facedown and I cried out and I said.

In the case of verbs of collective and reciprocal events, there is a low distinguishability between the participants that perform the roles of agent and patient. Furthermore, the situation is characterized by a low degree of distinguishability between the two (or more) events that constitute the relations between the participants, for example: 225.

a. RIME 2: 1.3.1 16–18 (25) ana taʔḫāzim ib-ḫu-​ru-​nim They assembled themselves for battle. b. EA 77:35–37 (67) [amur] pal-ḫa-​ti lú.meš ḫu[pšı̄ya] ul ti-​ma-ḫa-ṣa-​na-​n[i] Look, I am afraid of my yeoman farmers. May they/Let them not dispute with me. c. KTU 2.82 18–21 (89) hm / ymt / w ilḥm-​n / ank If ​he dies, I will fight for myself on my own. d. 2 Sam 22:38 (130) ʔɛrdəp̄ å̄ ʔōyəḇay wå̄-ʔašmı̄ḏēm I chased my enemies and crushed them.

In the case of verbs of spontaneous events, there is a low distinguishability between the initiator and the endpoint of the action, so that the actor is also the undergoer, for example: 226.

a. Gilg. Y 151–52 (23) ta!(I)-wa-​al-​dam-​ma tar-​bi-​a ina ṣērim You were born on your own and grew up on your own in the wilderness. b. EA 130:49–52 (45) [i]-na-ṣí-​ru ina [b]alāṭı̄ya inūma [a]-mu-​ta mı̄nu yi-​na-ṣa-​ru-​šix I will guard (it) during my life. (But) when I die myself, who will guard it? c. KTU 1.16 i 17–18 (91) ap ab k mtm / tmt-​n Even (you), father, will you yourself die like mortals?

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175

d. Ps 3:6 (131) ʔănı̄ šå̄ ḵaḇtı̄ wå̄ -ʔı̄šå̄ nå̄ I lay down and I fell asleep. In the case of mental (cognitive, perceptive, and emotive) states and events, there is a low distinguishability between the experiencer and the stimulus or the physicomental entities affected by the situation, for example: 227.

a. Gilg. Nippur rev. 4′ (35b) ša!(TA)lumassa ta-​pa-​la-ḫa-​am atta You fear (or: you were fearing) its awesome radiance. b. EA 85:6–7 (61) [an]umma kı̄ammam iš-​tap-​ru ana š[arri] en-ia u lā yi-​ ìš-​mu-​na awâtı̄ya Now, thus I write to the king, my lord, but he does not hear my words for my sake/for himself. c. KTU 1.16 ii 36–37 (92) b ḥyk abn / nšmḫ | b l mtk ngl-​n In your life, our father, we used to be glad, in your immortality, we used to delight ourselves. d. Ps 73:16 (133) wå̄ -ʔăḥaššəḇå̄ lå̄ -ḏaʕaṯ zōṯ I pondered to understand this.

Mental states and events with middle marking also involve an increased degree of affectedness on the part of the subject by undergoing the mental process. Subject affectedness is also involved in the development of the so-​called energic prefix conjugation in Arabic as a prospective future. In a construction such as *ʔaʔḫuḏ-u-​nnV-​hu ‘I take it for myself’, ‘I (will) have it’, for example, the event is relevant to the subject who will come into dominion of the object and become affected by it. By subjectification, however, the event becomes relevant to the speaker and reflects his or her subjective view of the situation as relevant at the moment of speaking, for example: 228. Sīra I, 1:107.6–7 (164c) fa-​naẓarū ʔilayhi wa-​saʔalūhā ʕanhu wa-​qallabūhu ṯumma qālu lahā la-​naʔḫuḏanna hāḏā l-​ġulāma They looked at him and asked her about him and scrutinized him, then they said to her, We are indeed going to take this boy. Thus, the energic prefix conjugation reflects a shift from affectedness of the subject to current relevance to the speaker.

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Ancient Source Index

Ancient Near East AbB 1: 115 4′  29n16 2: 18 rev. 7′–8′  14 2: 53 22–23  14 2: 152 9–11  18 3: 70 11  18 6: 173 14–15  28n12 8: 102 15–18  26n7 9: 42 6  26n7 9: 42 9  26n7 9: 49 36–38  28n12 9: 117 7–8  15, 171 10: 57 22  52 10: 57 22–24  26 11: 114 8  14 12: 99 7  18 12: 99 15–16  18 13: 23 14  14, 171 13: 27 9  17 14: 205 9–10  18 AfO 13: 46 i 3  17, 41 Aguš. B v 18  37n41 AnSt 33: 148 28–31  29 Anzû II 73  59 73–74  38

ARMT 2: 32 9  74 10: 107 24–25  29n16 28: 20 8  69, 123 ATHE 44 24  26n5 Atr. I 61–62  36 I 231  36n37 I 252  34, 116n57 I 385  28n12 II i 7  41 II iv 4  35n30 II vii 44–47  35 III i 38  28n12 III ii 48–49  40n49 III iv 19–20  36n35 BAM 3: 248 ii 56  38 3: 248 iv 1  39 4: 393 2  29n18 BIN 6: 121 16–17  30 8: 146 rev. 1–3  26n7 CH §2  31 §132  31 §158  27, 35 CT 15: 6 vii 4′  27

EA 68–95  6 71:13  58n30 71:22–23  112 71:22–24  57 71:23  63n42 71:28–30  49n10 71:30  48n9 74:31  56, 57 74:53–54  46 74:54  46 74:56  52n16 74:63–64  60 76:39–40  53n20 77:7  47n4 77:18–20  47 77:21–23  58 77:22  63 77:35–37  61, 174 81:31–32  48n7 81:51  60n33 82:14  48n8 82:15  64n43 82:23  59n31 82:28–29  55 83:7  58n30 83:23–26  53, 54n23 83:33  52n16 83:43–44  48n7 83:48  58n30 85:6–7  59, 175 85:11  59n32 85:38  52n17 85:57  58n30 85:61  58n30 85:66–69  53 191

192

Ancient Source Index

EA (cont’d) 85:81  53n20 86:31  55 86:50  52n18 85:61  58n30 85:76–79  49 86:31  172 86:31–33  50 86:41–44  49 87:9  64n43 87:12  64n43 87:27–29  52 88:14  47 88:14–15  48n8 88:17  47, 48n8 88:35  48n8 89:43  56 90:22  60n33 91:6–7  49, 172 91:26  60n33 92:15  60n33 95:7  47, 48, 171 95:17–19  55 95:34–36  56 98:21  60n33 101–35  6 102:14  47n4 103:53  58n30 104:37  60n33 104:47–49  61 108:31  48n8 112:7–18  60n34 112:13  64n43 114:61  58n30 114:68  51n12 115:10  60n33 116:31  58n30 116:44–46  46 117:8  58n30 117:25  48n8 117:62–64  57 117:63  112 117:69–70  49 117:73  52n16 117:77  64n43 117:92  60n33 118:14  167 118:14–15  55 118:34–36  52n15 118:42–44  48 119:14  60n33 119:15–18  59 119:21–23  51 119:23  59

119:44–46  59 119:52–53  59 120:36–37  55 121:7–9  58 122:49  60n33 123:25–28  52 123:29–32  60 124:14–16  60, 174 125:7–13  60 126  56n27 126:41–44  58 126:42  63 126:44–47  51 126:54  58n30 126:58–59  56n27 126:64  56n27 126:65  56n27 127:17–19  62 127:22  62n38 129:32  56n27 129:78  48n6 130:9–10  47n4 130:9–14  58 130:12  58n30 130:15–16  47n4 130:19–20  64n43 130:31  60n33 130:41–42  61 130:49–52  51, 174 131:18  54 131:22  54 131:27–30  54 134:15′  60n33 136:24–29  50 136:27–29  172 137:14–15  51 137:97–98  48n6 138:68  48n9 138:51–52  51 138:82  59n32 139–140  6 143:15′  63 143:16′  63, 111 149:61  49n10 185:20  56n27 185:36  56n27 185:40  56n27 228:12–17  64 234:30–31  59n31 245  65n44 245:7  65, 111 245:10  65n44 245:28–30  65 245:35  65n44

245:38  63 250:26  63, 63n40 251:11–12  63 256:35  59 270  53n22 270:18–21  53 270:20–21  61 270:26–28  49 280:19  55, 57 280:19–20  57 286:16–17  51n14 320:18–21  64 362  6, 56n27 362:8–11  54 362:17  56n27 362:21  56n27 362:24  56n27 362:22  47 362:23  47, 48n9 362:25  56n27 362:33–34  52 362:34  47 362:36–37  49 362:40  48n6 362:60  47 Enūma v 74  30n21 vii 127  37 Etana M rev. vi 1′  28, 172 S obv. 8–9  36 S obv. 10.  36n38 FAOS 7: Elam 8 7–9  37 19  5 19: Di 1 4  40n50 19: Di 3 7–9  28 19: Di 5 4  40n50 19: Di 11 4–5  40 19: Gir 37 6–7  136 FM 6: 184 no. 14 11′  29n16 Gilg. Harmal2 20  41 Harmal2 41  41, 172 IM 20  30 IM 22  41n51 Ishchali 39′  28 Nippur obv. 1  36n36

Ancient Source Index Nippur obv. 11  37 Nippur rev. 4′  40, 175 P 6  41 P 7  41 P 8  41 P 24  32 P 96–102  29 P 141  14, 25 P 179–80  33 SB I 99–112  35 SB III 8  39 SB IV 194  38n42 SB V 291  29n17 SB VII 65  38n42 SB X 87–91  38 SB X 92–101  38 SB X 106  30n21 Schøyen1 obv. 4′  14 Schøyen1 rev. 3′  34n29 Schøyen2 5–6  31 Schøyen2 6  41 Schøyen2 29  31, 174 VA+BM i 12′  32 VA+BM i 14′–15′  38 VA+BM ii 6′–9′  41 VA+BM ii 7′  41 VA+BM iii 13  40 VA+BM iv 1  30 VA+BM iv 2–5  37 VA+BM iv 5  17, 25 VA+BM iv 27  41n51 Y 151–52  34, 174 Y 158–59  30 Y 159  100 Y 160  29n15 Y 187  30n20 Y 188  28, 29n15, 172 Y 202  37n40 Y 251–52  39 Y 252  39 Y 265  28 Y 274–75  39 JCS 9: 105 no. 111 7–9  36n37 22: 26.16  85, 96n11 35: 211 no. 1, rev. 4′  153n34 KAI 13 4  11n16 50 3  11, 172

KL 72:600:1–8  62 72:600:8  64 72:600:9–13  61 72:600:19–21  61 KPOI 1:12–13  133, 134 2:8  13340 2:12–13  133n40 kt

88/k 971:62–63  29n14

KTU 1.1–6  7 1.1 ii 22  91n67 1.1 iv 6–7  82 1.1 iv 24  71 1.1 v 4  71n20 1.2 i 18  71, 88n63, 89 1.2 i 22  85n57 1.2 i 34  71 1.2 i 34–35  89 1.2 i 35  90 1.3 i 9  71 1.3 i 10  75n26 1.3 i 13–14  71n20 1.3 ii 5–7  83 1.3 ii 17–18  81 1.3 ii 23  54 1.3 ii 23–27  82 1.3 ii 38–39  78n37 1.3 iii 8–10  73 1.3 iii 18–20  91 1.3 iii 21  77n29 1.3 iii 32–33  68, 85n57 1.3 iv 5  69 1.3 iv 12  91n67 1.3 iv 13  77n29 1.3 iv 31–32  51 1.3 iv 31–33  76 1.3 iv 37  75n26 1.3 iv 42  172 1.3 iv 42–43  78 1.3 v 3  75n26 1.3 v 32–34  74 1.3 vi 3  75n26 1.4 i 20  77n29 1.4 ii 12–16  84 1.4 iii 15–16  90 1.4 iv 13–15  77 1.4 iv 27  85n57 1.4 iv 45  74n25

193

1.4 iv 60  76n27 1.4 v 27–28  75n26 1.4 vi 1–2  80 1.4 vi 14–15  80 1.4 vii 20  80 1.4 vii 22–25  80 1.4 vii 24–25  174 1.4 vii 45–49  86 1.5 v 5  88n63 1.5 v 5–6  89 1.5 v 23  88n63 1.5 v 23–24  88 1.6 i 15  71 1.6 i 16  71 1.6 i 16–18  89 1.6 i 45–46  90 1.6 i 46  88n63 1.6 i 66–67  79n38 1.6 ii 10  71n20 1.6 iii 6  91n70 1.6 iii 12–13  91 1.6 iii 18–19  79 1.6 v 19–21  86 1.6 vi 33–35  80 1.9 13  75n26 1.10  75 1.10 ii 13–16  84n55 1.10 ii 26–28  84n55 1.10 ii 31  75 1.10 iii 32  75 1.12 i 34–37  86 1.12 i 37  69n10 1.14–16  7 1.14 ii 22–24  87 1.14 iii 39  75n26 1.15 iii 13  83n50 1.15 iii 16  90, 90n66 1.15 iv 17–18  68 1.15 iv 21  91n68 1.15 iv 25  77n30 1.15 v 7–8  77 1.15 v 18–19  81n45 1.15 vi 6  91 1.16 i 14–15  84n53 1.16 i 17–18  174 1.16 i 17–19  83, 83n52 1.16 i 22–23  91 1.16 i 53  85n57 1.16 ii 36–37  84, 175 1.16 ii 40–41  83n51 1.16 ii 43  91n71 1.17 ii 12–14  67, 79n40 1.17 ii 24–25  81 1.17 v 9–11  84

194

Ancient Source Index

KTU (cont’d) 1.17 vi 39  77n29 1.17 v 2–3  75 1.17 v 7–8  67 1.17 v 12–13  74 1.17 v 25–28  75 1.17 v 26  75 1.17 vi 10  84n55 1.17 vi 17  75n26 1.17 vi 18–19  75n26 1.17 vi 24  75n26 1.17 vi 27  75n26 1.17–22  7 1.18 iv 17  78n32 1.18 iv 20  91n69 1.18 iv 22–23  88n64 1.18 iv 27–29  77, 77n32 1.18 iv 28  77n32 1.18 iv 30–31  91 1.18 iv 33  88n63 1.18 iv 33–34  88 1.19 i 16–17  75n26 1.19 i 28–29  84n55 1.19 i 32  91n69 1.19 ii 3–4  78n33 1.19 ii 8–9  78, 99 1.19 ii 27  84n55 1.19 iii 5–6  89 1.19 iii 14–15  84n55 1.19 iii 20  88n63 1.19 iii 20–21  89 1.19 iii 28–29  84 1.19 iii 34  88n63, 89, 90 1.19 iii 34–35  89 1.19 iii 40–41  89 1.19 iii 49–50  82n46 1.19 iii 56–1.19 iv 2  82n46 1.19 iv 7–9  81 1.19 iv 53  69 1.19 iv 53–54  72 1.23  85n58 1.23 1  96 1.23 1–2  85 1.23 3  75n26 1.23 23  85, 96n12, 171 1.23 70–71  73n24 1.24 17–18  75n26 1.24 19–20  75n26 1.91 10–11  73n24 1.100 67–68  82n46 1.100 72  87 1.114 6–8  90 1.114 8  88n63 1.114 9  81n45

1.114 17–18  82n46 1.114 18  72 1.163 5  85n56 1.178 2–3  79 1.179 24  79 1.179 24–25  79 1.179 33  74n24 1.179 36  79 2.2 9  75n26 2.4 20  75n26 2.8 5  75n26 2.15  76n27 2.15 5  87, 167 2.15 6–7  172 2.15 6–10  76 2.16 12  73, 172 2.26 7–8  75n26 2.31 47  81n45 2.31 68  75n26 2.32 7  70n15 2.32 10  70n15 2.33 21  76n27 2.33 26  75n26 2.36 8–10  81n45 2.41 17–18  70n15 2.41 20–22  73 2.45 18  75n26 2.47 3–5  73 2.70 22  75n26 2.71 19  75n26 2.79 3  70n15 2.82 8–9  82 2.82 18–21  82, 174 2.87 11  75n26 2.87 29  75 2.87 31  75n26 2.88 4–5  75n26 2.90 7  75n26 2.90 14–17  88 2.90 16  71 2.90 22–24  89, 171 2.90 23–24  167 2.90 24  71 2.98 7  75n26 3.1 14–15  85 3.1 15  85n56 3.2 2–5  90 3.2 8  90 3.2 8–9  90 3.5 3–5  90 3.5 11–12  90 4.168 8  75n26 4.710 6  75n26 4.866 4  75n26

5.9 i 9–10  75n26 5.9 i 15–16  79 5.11 19  75n26 6.81 2  76n27 6.85 1  76n27 6.88a1  76n27 MAD 1: 298 6  40n50 1: 298 15  40n50 OBTA 31 18–20  40 PBS 5: 100  34 5: 100 i 10–12  34 PRU 4 42 15–16  85 RIME 2  5 2: 1.4.23 5–14  30 2: 1.3.1 13–18  35 2: 1.3.1 16–18  174 2: 1.4.10 16–19  36 2: 1.4.26 ii 23  36n33 RS 17.227 15–16  85 Sumer 14: 35 no. 14:15–16  35 TAD C1.1: 167  10, 173 C1.1.1: 107  10 TCL 2: 14 34–35  69, 123 TT 6  63n41 6:4–14  62 6:9  62n39 6:18–20  64 6:20  64 TUAT III, 4:624  36n37 UET 6/2: 396 13  32n24 6/2: 396 24  32n24

Ancient Source Index YOS 10: 31 ix 19–27  35 11: 5 6  30n19 11: 5 12  39n48 ZA 71: 63 r. 1–2  39n47 75: 200.48  41n51 75: 200.49  41n51 75: 200.59  32n23 Hebrew Bible Genesis 6:21  97n14 11:4  105 12:13  112, 172 15:9  56 15:10  97n14 18:32  77 19:8  106 21:16  80 22:2  113 22:5  110n46 24:6  97 24:57  106 27:9  93n2 29:21  106 30:27  99 31:24  98n16 31:29  98n16 32:6  99, 106, 172 34:23  110n46 38:16  106 38:23  110 41:11  106, 118 43:21  95, 106, 118 45:28  113 50:4  113 SP Genesis 32:6  106 41:11  106 43:21  106 Exodus 3:3  113 3:18  110n46 10:28  98n16 15:2  71n19, 110 15:14  117n60 18:27  81 19:4  106 19:12  98n16 23:21  98

32:30  110n46 34:12  98n16 SP Exodus 3:8  107 Numbers 3:9  98n18 6:25  118 8:16  98, 98n18 8:19  98, 106 13:2  99 18:6  98 20:17  113 20:19  110n46 23:7  109n43 23:13  109n43 23:19  161n51 25:3  99 25:5  78 SP Numbers 31:19  117 Deuteronomy 1:7  102 1:22  114n52, 115 2:13  102 2:28  110n46 4:9  98n16 4:11  114n52, 115 4:15  98n16 4:23  98n16 5:23  114n52, 114n53 6:12  98n16 8:11  98n16 11:16  98n16 12:13  98n16 12:19  98n16 12:30  98n16 15:9  98n16 32:10  71n19, 110n45, 116 33:9  71n19 33:14  118 33:16  114n50, 118 SP Deuteronomy 1:19  106, 107 2:1  107 2:7  106 2:8  106 2:13  103, 106, 107 2:34  107 3:4  107

3:6  107 3:23  118 9:15  107 9:17  107 9:18  107 9:25  107 10:1  107 10:3  107 10:5  107 22:14  106 Joshua 7:14  115 8:2  77n31 17:15  100 22:19  103n29 24:8  106, 119 Judges 6:8–10  118 6:9  118 6:10  118 6:39  77 8:1  114n52, 119 9:29  53n19 10:12–13  101 11:18  114n52, 116 12:3  101, 102 15:1  106 15:2  100 16:20  106 19:9  116 19:24  106 19:30  101n24 First Samuel 2:28  98n17 8:11  77 9:6  110n46 12:17  106 16:11  109n43 20:11  106 20:21  109n43 21:10  109, 167, 171 28:15  85, 96, 106, 171 Second Samuel 4:10  96 6:22  110n46 7:9  31, 99, 108 10:12  108n40 12:7–8  102 12:20  78 18:14  110n46

195

196

Ancient Source Index

Second Samuel (cont’d) 19:27  78 22:24  97, 98, 108n40 22:38  103, 108n40, 174 22:50  108n40 24:14  108n40 First Kings 5:20  100 8:16  108n39 13:23  78n36 17:10  72 20:31  106 20:34  77n31 22:7  161n51 22:22  106 Second Kings 7:4  106 9:33  116 10:24  77n31 18:21  98 19:23  108n40 Isaiah 5:2  31 5:19  114, 114n50 8:2  96 26:6  116 28:1  116n58 28:3  116 28:16  114 36:6  98 37:24  108n40 41:5  114n52 44:14  100n20 57:8  100 Jeremiah 6:16  87, 97 9:1  161n51 11:18  104 32:8  106 32:8–9  100 32:9  106 36:14  109n43 36:15  109n43 39:12  56, 110 44:7–8  100n20 Ezekiel 3:3  100, 100n22 9:8  103, 174 16:8  99

16:8–14  99 16:11  99 23:5  119 23:7  119 23:9  119 23:12  119 23:16  119 23:20  114n50, 119 37:11  100 44:8  114n52, 115 Hosea 2:2  101n24 10:11  31 10:12  31 12:9  97 Amos 6:3  114n52, 115 6:5  104 6:13  97n14 Micah 1:11  103n29 6:15  97n15 6:16  97, 97n15 Zechariah 11:13  97n14 Psalms 3:6  95, 103, 175 7:5  101 18:24  97, 98, 108n40 18:38  103, 108n40 18:50  108n40 32:10  71n19 69:12  98 69:21  104 71:12  114 73:16  104, 175 77:4  105n34, 105n35 77:6–7  105n34 80:14  117 81:8  101n25 90:10  82, 102 119:117  105n35 Proverbs 7:7  105 7:15  97 23:8  117n59 24:14  105

Job 1:15  102n27 1:16  102n27 1:17  102n27 1:19  102n27 5:27  104, 110n44 7:17  117 7:17–18  117 11:17  114n50, 119 13:1  105 19:20  52, 102 20:15  117 29:17  100n21 33:24  118 Song of Songs 1:8  19, 104n33 1:11  19 3:9  19 4:16  18 7:13  19 Lamentations 1:13  116n56 3:57  96n13 Daniel 3:15  65, 111 6:17  65, 111 8:16  107 8:27  108 10:9  107 10:16  107 12:7  107 Ezra 8:17  106 8:32  108 10:2  108 Nehemiah 1–4  108 1:1  108 1:4  108 2:1  108 2:11  108 2:13  106, 108 2:15  108 3:33  108 4:1  108 4:6  108 4:8  108 4:9  108 4:10  108

Ancient Source Index First Chronicles 17:8  99n19, 108 19:13  108n40 21:13  108n40 Second Chronicles 6:6  108n39 Hebrew Inscriptions and Qumran Texts Arad (6)4:1–2  109n43 1QIsaa v 4  114n50 4Q49 frag. 1  118 4QGenc frag. 1 ii 18  118 4QIsab frag. 3 ii 5  114n50 4QKgs frag. 7  108n39 4QLam frag. 3 iii 4  116n56 Arabic ʕAbı̄ d. 1:20  128n23 1:20 var.  128 5:3  158 16:2  156 22:9  156 ʕAlq. 11:2  149 12:3  141n8 ʕĀmir. 3:1  126n19 11:6  158n47 29:1  126n19 29:5  128n21 29:6  128n21 32:4  143 34a:5  151 ʕAnt. 2:21  152 4:2  149 5:1  142 11:1  155 19:12  145 21:6  156 21:65  141 APEL III, 148:16–17  133n40 III, 150:13  133n40 III, 158:6  133n40 IIII, 157:10  133n40

Asm. 20:12  124 Ḥāt. 42:21  128n23 Imr. 3:6  147 4:40  147 5:1  154n36 13:4  147 18:39  158 20:44  143 31:1  142n10 36:8  149 48:2  156n42 48:20  155 52:1  129 52:30  142 Lab. 5:8  128 48:54  144n12 48:56  143n12 Muf. 2:2  150 10:30  152n29 12:35  153n35 Nāb. 8:2  154n36 8:13  148 10:5  111 11:3  132 11:14  148 15:2  154n36 15:12  152 17:21  129 20:17  146n17 23:5  154 23:8–11  140n5 27:32  157 29:1  149 30:3  147n19 Naq. I, 1: *64.11  140n5 I, 1: *150.8  128n23 NPAF 8:14  133n40 12:9  133n40 12:10  133n40

PAF 1:10  133n40 4:12  133n40 P.Berl.Arab II 24:10  133n39 PSR 1:14–15  132n37, 133 1:21–22  133n40 2:40  133n40 10:10  133n40 Qurʔān 2:38  129n25 2:84  133 2:102  144 2:147  134 2:168  134n42 2:208  134n42 2:214  146 2:217  135 2:230  146n18 2:236  146n18 2:258  150n24 2:282  148n21 3:60  134 3:102  132n36 3:179  144n13 3:142  139n1 3:153  158 3:187  132n35 4:6  144 4:26  157 4:73  140 4:153  149 4:172  154 5:2  132n36 5:8  132n36 5:19  148n20 5:27  127 5:54  135 5:68  144n13 5:73  131n33 5:113  151n28 6:19  124 6:27  143 6:68  129n25 6:109  130n29 6:142  134n42 6:148  143 6:155–56  148n20 6:161  124 7:23  131n33

197

198

Ancient Source Index

Qurʔān (cont’d) 7:35  129n25 7:43  157 7:53  142 7:57  155, 155n41 7:115  128n22 7:145  141n8 8:25  133, 133n41 8:57  129n25 8:58  129n25 8:59  132n36 8:67  144n13 8:72  144n13 9:6  145 9:43  144 9:75  130n29 9:106  128n22 9:115  144n13 9:122  141n6 10:15  147 10:46  129n25 10:88  141n7 10:89  121n2, 132, 170 10:99  144n13 10:105  132n36 10:105–6  132n36 11:2  124 11:68  153n34 11:87  149 12:14  131n31 12:32  123, 124 12:35  126 12:66  124 12:76  157 12:85  144n13 13:2  155n41 13:40  129n25 14:31  141n8 15:88  132n36 15:92  130n28 16:56  130n28 16:70  158 17:4  127, 134 17:23  128, 129n25 17:28  129n25 17:53  141n8 18:19  132n36 18:23  132n36 18:86  128n22 19:26  121n2, 129n25, 170 19:68–69  130n28 19:77  127 20:14  124 20:33  158

20:39  141n8 20:40  158 20:46  124 20:59  151n25 20:65  128n22 20:89  151n28 20:123  129n25 20:131  132n36 21:31  148n20 21:57  130n28 22:5  158 22:33  158 22:67  132n36 23:40  128n23 23:93  124 23:93–94  129n25 24:30  141n8 24:31  141n8 24:53  130n29 24:57  132n36 26:51  150n24 26:93  143 27:18  132n36 27:49  130n28 28:13  158 28:38  141 29:2–3  126 30:20  151 30:25  151 30:60  132n36 31:29  155n41 33:50  158 34:3  130n28 35:9  155n41 35:36  142 35:42  130 36:19  153n34 36:60  134n42 39:58  140, 144, 163, 173 40:26  141 40:28  146, 147 40:36–37  141, 148n20 40:77  129n25 41:33  124 41:36  129n25 41:39  151 41:53  145n14 43:5  150n24 43:26  124 43:41–42  129n25 43:61  132n36 43:62  134n42 43:77  162 44:17–18  151n25

45:14  141n8 47:31  145n14 48:16  143 49:5  144 50:24  123n13 57:23  158 57:29  151n28 59:7  158 59:11  131n33 59:12  132 60:4  145n14 63:10  140 64:7  130 68:14  150n24 68:17  130n28 72:28  151n28 73:20  151n28 74:37  143n11 77:36  142 79:18–19  148 80:1–2  150 84:18–19  130n28 96:7  150n24 96:15  123, 131n31 Ṣalt. 35:3  142 Sam. 2:7  128n21 2:10  124 Sīb. I: 367.11–12  146n16 I: 367.18  146n16 I: 371.17–18  146 I: 375.19  142n9 I: 376.7  139 I: 376.7–8  139 I: 403.15  125 I: 429.10  152n29 I: 430.5–6  138 I: 430.6  138, 153n32 II: 152.10–13  123 II: 152.11  125n16 II: 152.15–16  125 II: 159.7  123 Sīra I, 1:107.6–7  175 I, 1:107.6–8  127 I, 1:174.12  130n29 I, 1:414.12–13  124 I, 2:915.16  158

Ancient Source Index Sı̄ rāfı̄ I: 80.6–7  150 I: 80.9  150 Ṭab. I, 1:149.12  130n29 I, 1:267.19  132 I, 1:294.3–4  130n29 I, 2:952.11  156 I, 3:1410.19  158 I, 4:1813.3–4  151n27 II, 1:340.4  161 III, 1:192.12  141n8 Ṭar. 1:2  145 4:89  152 5:55  135 6:6  132 8:8  152 11:10  141n8

16:4–5  145n15 24:7–8  130n30 Wāq. I: 93.4  158 I: 368.5–6  149 I: 389.7  150 II: 567.6–7  148 Yaʕq. II: 29.14–15  140 II: 254.1  140n4 Zuh. 1:13  148 3:8  161 7:6  147n19 10:25–26  153, 154 10:26  154 10:32–33  130 10:33  111

14:5–7  131 14:39  158 Ancient North Arabian WH 135  161n51 3053  156n43 Modern South Arabian CSOL 1:141  160 1:232  160 SAE 6:235.13  160, 173 6:255.22  160 6:358.3  160 7:75.10–11  160

199