Mosaics of meaning : studies in Portuguese emblematics 9780852618424, 0852618425

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Glasgow Emblem Studies {RG

S

SS

1

=

A

S——

SSeS

Volume

13

Mosaics of Meaning Studies in Portuguese Emblematics

Volume edited by Luis Gomes

Mosaics of Meaning Studies in Portuguese Emblematics

Edited by Luis Gomes GLASGOW:

GLASGOW

EMBLEM

STUDIES:

2008

GLASGOW

EMBLEM Vol.

STUDIES

13

Centre for Emblem Studies, Modern Languages Building , University of Glasgow, Glasgow G12 8QQ, Scotland

Contents Acknowledgements

General Editor: Laurence Grove

IV

Introduction

M

Assistant General Editor: Alison Adams Rubem

Advisory Board Michael Bath (University of Strathclyde); Pedro Campa (University of Tennessee); Peter Daly (McGill University); David Graham (Concordia University); Karl-Josef Héltgen (Universität Erlangen-Niirnberg); Jean Michel Massing (Universi ty of Cambridge); Karel Porteman (Katholieke Universiteit Leuven); Daniel Russell (University of Pittsburgh); Alison Saunders (University of Aberdeen).

Amaral Jr. Portuguese Emblematics: an Overview

Î

Nigel Griffin Enigmas,

Riddles, and Emblems

in Early Jesuit Colleges

21

Luis Gomes Vasco Mousinho de Quevedo Castelo Branco: Emblems in Portuguese

41

Isabel Almeida Front Cover illustration Andrea Alciato, Emblematum libellus, Paris, 1534, ‘In Silentium’. (Glasgow University Library) Title page illustration

Sanctuary of Remédios (Peniche), dado hieroglyp h: ‘Odore fuga(t) suo’ © José Julio Garefa Arranz

INSTITUTO CAMOES PORTUGAL © Copyright for the articles rests with the authors; copyright for the illustrations rests with the libraries or other bodies indicat ed.

Volume published in 2009.

ISBN: 978-0-85261-842-4

Alciato in Parnassus: Emblematic Elements in Vieira’s Sermôes

65

Maria Helena de Teves Costa Ureña Prieto

The Manuscript Principe Perfeito: Emblemas de

D. Joao de Salérzano by Francisco

de Novaes Campos

Antonio

89

Luis de Moural Sobral ‘Occasio’ and ‘Fortuna’ in Portuguese Art of the Renaissance and the Baroque: a Preliminary Investigation

101

José Julio Garcia Arranz Azulejos and Emblematics in Eighteenth-Century Portugal: the Hieroglyphic Programmes

of Masters

PT) , i . A Anténio and Policarpo de Oliveira Bernardes Luis de Moural Sobral The Emblem Book Collection of Diogo

Barbosa Machado (1682-1772)

” 125

153

IV

MOSAICS OF MEANING

Acknowledgements The present volume would not have been possible without the kind support of many libraries, institutions and individuals. We gratefully acknowledge the generosity of the National Library of Brazil, in Rio de Janeiro, in offering photographic reproductions for this volume. Librarians and staff of the National Library of Portugal, in Lisbon, of the Municipal Library of Porto, of the General Library of the University of Coimbra, of the D. Manuel II Library in the Braganza Foundation in Vila Vigosa, and curators of the Machado de Castro Museum, also in Coimbra, who have made this volume more attractive by supplying images where necessary. We are grateful to David Weston, Keeper of Special Collections, who kindly granted permission to reproduce illustrations from books held in the University of Glasgow's Special Collections Department. A particular word of gratitude goes to Dr. Micaela Sousa, Dr. Paula Tomaz and Dr. Jessica Hallett of the Universidade Nova de Lisboa, and Dr. Lesley Miller of the Victoria and Albert Museum, whose expertise revealed a hidden meaning on the Tunis tapestries. We are grateful for the support of the Instituto Camôes, in Lisbon, for a grant to aid this publication. The editor is indebted to Alison Adams and Stephen Rawles for their invaluable advice, help and patience, always animated by an inexhaustible and infectious passion for emblems. Luis Gomes

Introduction BY

Luis GOMES UNIVERSITY OF GLASGOW

The idea for the present volume of Glasgow Emblem Studies first arose some years ago, following a seminar for the Glasgow Emblem Group, where I was invited to speak on Portuguese emblems. It quickly became apparent just how little was known about emblems in Portuguese, by Portuguese nationals or Portuguese-speakers, or merely published in any of Portugal’s lands (which, at its height, stretched from as far as Brazil to Africa, India, Macau and beyond). This unawareness

was, by

no means, exclusive to non-native speakers of Portuguese in the audience. In fact, the language barrier continues to be quite irrelevant in this matter, as not even in Portuguese-speaking countries is much yet known about this subject. It is not entirely clear why this is so, and there are many arguments that could have contributed to the present state of affairs. Indeed, my first personal contact with emblematics occurred during my undergraduate years, in perusing a recent work by Ana Hatherly, then a lecturer in Lisbon’s Universidade Nova, who defended the emblem’s role in Hermeticism.' Hatherly, as others, saw in the enigmatic tension of emblems (be it of the textual element alone, of the pictura, or, as is more often the case, of its tripartite form) a hidden meaning that presented clues to understand knowledge in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, in a line of interpretation that spanned centuries. Elsewhere, it is quite common to find emblems unidentified as such, simply understood in the context of esoteric interpretations. However, a few lonely voices have recognized the relevance of emblems in Portuguese culture from the sixteenth to eighteenth century, and the reader will find various references to these scholars and their

' Ana Hatherly, A experiéncia do prodigio: bases teéricas e antologia de textos-visuais portugueses dos séculos XVII e XVIII, col. Temas Portugueses (Lisbon: Imprensa Nacional Casa da Moeda,

1983).

Fa

LUÎS GOMES

INTRODUCTION

Works in the footnotes of this volume. Of particular interest are Joäo Miguel dos Santos Simôes’ studies of Portuguese tiles of this period, also known as azulejos, and the scholarly work of Maria Helena de Teves Costa Ureña Prieto, principally around Luis de Camées’ poetry and of the emblem as a literary genre. Santos Simôes’ studies appear in a period of increasing enthusiasm for the azulejos as a political affirmation of Portuguese idiosyncrasy towards the mid-twentieth century. The Estado Novo’s growing interest in manifestations of the national genius came at a crucial moment for the azulejo. As Santos Simoes notes, azulejos, having become so commonly used in the decoration of religious buildings and palaces in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, had fallen prey to overfamiliarity, which led to the depreciation of the tiles’ aesthetic value. From the nineteenth century onwards, churches and monuments, once boasting azulejo panels lining their ceilings and walls, both interior and exterior, were being redecorated in the then latest fashions. So much so that when nineteenth-century scholars began looking at Portugues e autochthonous artistic expressions, their studies hardly ever mention the

existence of azulejos.?

VII

own right. This much one can derive from José Leite de Vasconcelos’ 1917 edition of a manuscript containing a Portuguese translation of Alciato’s Emblemata. Vasconcelos is quite clear in declaring that the Portuguese translation of the emblems is not very interesting and editing it would be a waste of time, were he not moved by a sense of scholarly duty. Indeed, Vasconcelos is moved more by a patriotic duty to fill the void of the lack of a published Portuguese Emblemata in the corpus of its European translations, than by the interest of the text

itself.

Maria Helena de Teves Costa Ureña Prieto’s pioneering studies on Portuguese emblematics have done a great deal to raise awareness of this genre among Portuguese-speaking academia. Through her lectures, conference papers and publications, Prieto championed emblem studies in Portuguese philology for over a quarter of a century, culminating in the luxurious edition of the manuscript Principe Perfeito: Emblemas de D. Jodo de Solérzano, Parafrazeados em Sonetos portuguezes, e offerecidos ao Serenissimo Senhor D. Jodo Principe do Brasil. Pello

Baxarel Francisco Antonio de Novaes Campos.

Anno de 1790 (Lisbon:

Instituto de Cultura e Lingua Portuguesa, 1985). In this work, Prieto reproduces the manuscript (presently in the National Library of Brazil,

With time, Santos Simôes’ dedication and research into the azulejo phenomenon in Portugal and her territories led, eventually, to the creation of the National Museum of the Azulejo, in Lisbon, of which he was the first director. In the 1960s, Santos Simôes also laid the foundation for an adequate scientific approach to the study of this very Portuguese art form, and in his wake, much more is now known about azulejos. The present volume also contributes to this, building a bridge to emblem studies in the process. Rubem Amaral Jr.’s brief introduction to this matter offers an overview of the connections that can be drawn between the azulejo and emblems, a point which Luis de Moura Sobral takes further in his readings of azulejos (in Portugal and Brazil) and also of wooden carvings in the cathedral of Evora in relation to a speech by André de Resende and the heir to the throne Prince Sebastian, in the late sixteenth century. Another art historian, José Julio Garefa Arranz, presents us with a thorough reading of emblematic representations in a great many azulejo panels from the very south to the north of Portugal. It is curious to note that Iberian scholars tend to look at emblems from an art-historical perspective, and only a handful of philologists pay attention to the emblem as a literary genre and phenomen on. In the early twentieth century philologists were aware of emblems. though perhaps more as a bibliographic curiosity than a literary genre in its

Dutch emblem studies, we still find that emblem studies are only in their early stages in the Lusophone world, but it would be too simplistic to attribute this state of affairs exclusively to an over-familiarity with the azulejo panels, which led to a visual saturation and consequent insensitivity to the images and texts therein depicted. If anything, azulejos kept these emblems and their repercussions alive throughout the centuries, only they were being read and interpreted differently. One does not find in Portugal the continuity of awareness of the emblem genre as is found in other European cultures. This is certainly due, to a great extent, to the de facto poor record of emblem publication

® Jodo Miguel dos Santos Simôes, Azulejaria Fundagao Calouste Gulbenkian, 1969), p. 11.

* José Leite de Vasconcelos, «Emblemas» Renascenga Portuguesa, 1917), pp. 15-16, 40.

em

Portugal

nos

séculos

XV e XVI

(Lisbon:

in Rio de Janeiro) in facsimile. However, the added value of this edition

comes in the copious and learned introductory texts to this work, not least the extensive footnotes. Prieto is very thorough, and this edited facsimile even includes a summary, in English, of all these preliminary texts, commentaries and theoretical discussions. With Prieto’s consent, and in her honour, we reproduce this summary in the present volume as ‘The Manuscript Principe Perfeito: Emblemas de D. Jodo de Solérzano by Francisco Anténio de Novaes Campos’. We do this as a tribute in recognition of her lifetime dedication to emblem studies in Portugal. Nonetheless, when compared

to French, German,

de

Alciato

explicados

Spanish, Italian or

em

Portugués

(Oporto:

cvs

VI

LUÎS GOMES

INTRODUCTION

and creation in Portugal and her overseas territories. Moreover, although the Portuguese empire stretched as far as Brazil to the West and East Timor to the East, including large parts of Africa and of the Indian sub-continent, cultural dissemination was carried out mainly through, and for, religious conversion. However, Portuguese intellectual and printing activity does not fare as well when compared with the contemporary and parallel Spanish empire. While the Spanish had founded a university in Mexico and Peru, with printing works as early as 1539 in Mexico, the first printing house in Brazil appears briefly in

depictions in engravings found in travel literature, or in some azulejo panels elsewhere in the city. The consequence of this in terms of emblem studies, is that substantial libraries were destroyed beyond recuperation, as were numerous works of art. A good indicator of this is the somewhat poor collection of European emblem books in existence in the National Library in Lisbon, whose founding collections derived, in essence, from the Royal Library, in the mid-nineteenth century. Thus, the physical annihilation of emblem material, even foreign, in Portugal’s metropolis, brought on by the 1755 earthquake, around the decline of the emblem’s golden age, can only have contributed to the concentration of artistic efforts in the new Illuminist aesthetical values and artistic expressions. From then on, the rebuilding of the Portuguese art heritage was, in a sense, an attempt to rebuild a past from memory, shaped by the then current aesthetic values. Luis de Moura Sobral offers a very interesting addenda to the present volume on this matter, through the edition and commentary of a catalogue of the scholar and bibliographer Diogo de Barbosa Machado’s private collection of emblems, which found its way to the Royal Library. After considerable travelling across the Atlantic, a large part of this private collection later gave rise to the foundation of the National Library of Brazil in Rio de Janeiro—even the collections of emblems that survived the earthquake came to be dismembered in the early nineteenth century. A few centuries earlier, one other event seemed to presage the fortune of the emblem genre in Portugal. In 1594, the Chancellor of the University of Coimbra, Fernäo Martins Mascarenhas, was elected bishop of Faro (Portugal). The Episcopal Palace and Seminary housed a substantial collection of works by Bishop Jerénimo Osorio, a known Latinist, diplomat and scholar. Some bibliophiles might be familiar with this name for an altogether different reason, which involves piracy and the foundation of one of the most prestigious academic libraries in the

VII

1706

(Recife),

then

in earnest

in

1746

(Rio

de Janeiro).

Portuguese

Jesuits also established printing presses in 1556 in Goa (India), in 1558 in Macau (China), and in 1590 in Japan, though principally for religious purposes. On the other side of the world, Säo Paulo (Brazil) had some intellectual activity with the first Jesuit college in 1549, but Mexico had a university as early as 1552. The only university of the Portuguese empire was, for many years, the University of Coimbra. Other centres of learning were religious colleges, usually founded and run by the Society

of Jesus,

and

civil-servants

and

those

in search

of academic

learning had to come to the University of Coimbra, Portugal’s sole university till 1911 (when the universities of Lisbon and Oporto were created).* However, of particular importance in this matter is the one single event that created a void in Portuguese bibliographic memory, the 1755 Lisbon earthquake. On Ist November 1755, early in the morning, as the whole city congregated in churches throughout the city for the mass for All Saints Day, Lisbon was shaken by an earthquake that brought the city to ruins. With such an important religious event taking place in churches, the thousands of candles set the ruins alight. To add to the misery, this was later followed by enormous tidal waves that washed over large parts of the coastal areas of the city. As Estela J. Vieira puts it, ‘the earthquake, estimated to have attained approximately 9.0 on the Richter scale, destroyed a third of Portugal's capital city, resulted in three aftershocks, fires and a tsunami, and killed tens of thousands of people’.° As Lisbon was a mercantile city, built to impress visitors and traders arriving by ship, a very large number of important buildings had stood at the river front, and all that remains of them now are some * A.J. R. Russell-Wood, A

World on the Move:

the Portuguese in Africa, Asia, and America,

1415-1808 (Manchester: Carcanet, 1992), pp. 204-206. See also Rémulo de Carvalho, Historia do ensino em Portugal (Lisbon: Fundagao Calouste Gulbenkian, 2001), p. 688. ° Estela J. Vieira,

‘Coping

and

Creating

After

Catastrophe:

the

Significance

of the

Lisbon

Earthquake of 1755 on the Literary Culture of Portugal’, in The Lisbon Earthquake of 1755: Representations and Reactions, ed. Theodore E. D. Braun and John B. Radner, Studies on Voltaire and the Eighteenth Century, 2005:02 (Oxford: Voltaire Foundation, 2005), pp. 282-297, p. 282.

IX

world. In 1596, on his return from the attack of Cadiz, the Earl of Essex made a brief stopover at Faro. On his departure, the city was sacked and burned. From the sacking of the town, Essex collected the extensive library of the Episcopal Palace, in the old town centre, right across from

the cathedral (which, incidentally, has a side chapel with an interesting,

though as yet unstudied, emblem programme). All that was not plundered, was burnt to ashes, and the present Episcopal library’s collection was rebuilt from this date onward. The very rare older books presently in its collection were donated or acquired subsequently. Four years after his return to England, Essex donated this prestigious loot of 252 books to his friend Sir Thomas Bodley, constituting the first

X

LUÎS GOMES

INTRODUCTION

and largest early donation to the new library in Oxford. Subsequently, it became part of the collection that founded the Bodleian Library and Essex received the honour of being a founding donor of the library.° This matter is not only connected to emblem studies, but also to Portuguese golden-age poetry, particularly to Luis de Camôes. Vasco Mousinho de Quevedo Castelo Branco, who was studying Law at Coimbra at the time of Mascarenhas’ nomination to Bishop of Faro, had dedicated a sonnet to the departing Chancellor of the University congratulating him on his nomination (see Luis Gomes’ article in this volume).

For Quevedo,

(therefore

of greater

Mascarenhas’

merit had been

recognized

very

late in his life, but that only meant that the merit was greater still. In his sonnet, Quevedo refers to the Ptolemaic geocentric universe—the last heaven (in a Ptolemaic system), being the one that is closest to God merit),

is also

the

one

that

moves

the

fastest,

although logically it would seem that it ought to be the slowest. Similarly, what seemed slow in Mascarenhas’ case (the nomination) is also a reflection of his greater merit. This sonnet was included in Quevedo’s own publication of lyric poetry, the Discurso sobre a vida e morte Santa Isabel, rainha de Portugal, e outras varias rimas, in Lisbon, in 1596. This is the very first printed edition of emblems in the Portuguese language, by a Portuguese speaker and in Portuguese territory. When Quevedo presented the sonnet to the outgoing Chancellor, it is not inconceivable that Quevedo might have presented him with not only a copy of this emblem-sonnet, but also of other similar compositions, maybe even other emblems. But we will never know, for all of Bishop Mascarenhas’ library that was not taken along with Jerénimo Osério’s collection, was burnt to the ground by Essex. The present author has gone through much of Essex’ donation in the Bodleian, but found no other records of Quevedo or lyric poetry. One can only assume that whatever would have existed, was destroyed. The particularly striking features of this sonnet have made it stand out in the Portuguese literary canon, for it was also included in Luis de Camôes’ posthumous publication of his various rhymes, by the same publisher, in the preceding year—Rhythmas de Luis de Camoes (1595), as sonnet nineteen. The editor of this edition was quick to recognize the error and had it removed from the second edition in 1598, but this brief

XI

contact had been sufficient to cast a shadow over Quevedo as usurper of Camôes’ poetry, a denigration Quevedo’s reputation carried ever after.’ Much is still unknown about sixteenth-century Portuguese humanism. Whilst Alciato’s Emblemata was being published, reprinted, edited, commented and translated from the 1530s onwards, it is commonly believed that Portugal became a sort of intellectual backwater of Europe, save for a brief period of the 1540s to early 1550s. Thomas Earle has shed some light on this misconception,® and the present volume aims to contribute to this idea. It is certainly noteworthy that, even though they do not feature in the extensive Jesuit emblem bibliography, there are clear records of this genre having been adopted in Portuguese Jesuit colleges as early as 1561, as discussed by Nigel Griffin in the present volume. In the second half of the sixteenth century, students in Jesuit colleges in Portugal and Spain were being asked to establish connections between text and image in their literary creations. Although not yet defended as emblems proper, the resulting piece was, nonetheless, the same literary or artistic artefact engendered by Alciato a few decades earlier. Similarly, Portugal can claim to have contributed to the European corpus of editions of Alciato’s Emblemata. Though not in Portuguese, or by a Portuguese national, it was promoted by the Portuguese Sire of Cantanhede, Joao de Meneses, and commented by a German scholar working at the University of Coimbra, Sebastian

Stockhamer

(Emblematum

libri II (Lyons:

Jean de Tournes

and Guillaume Gazeau, 1556). Indeed, in the words of Thomas Earle, ‘it is so much easier to ignore what one knows nothing about’,’ though when one seeks, one often finds.

Lastly, I wish to publicly acknowledge here my gratitude to the editorial team of Glasgow Emblem Studies, and particularly to Alison Adams and Stephen Rawles, for their ‘incansavel’ labour with the formatting and revision of this volume. Without their knowledge and expertise, it would not have come to fruition. Theirs, and the contributors to this volume, is the merit. Mine will be its faults.

” Tt is very likely that it was the printer who was responsible for the confusion, for he had both manuscripts (Quevedo’s and Camées’) with in his printing works at the time, as can be inferred from

° Although the first and largest donation, Essex’ gift is the second entry in the Bodleian’s Benefactors’ Register, as the gift from the then Chancellor of the University, Lord Buckhurst, took

precedence. See Ian Philip, The Bodleian Library in the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries, The

Lyell Lectures, Oxford, 1980-1981 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1983), p. 10 and notes.

the dates of the Inquisition censors on both works, dated 1594.

* Thomas F. Earle, ‘Portuguese scholarship in Oxford in the early modern period: the case of Jerénimo Osério (Hieronymus Osorius)’, Bulletin of Spanish Studies, 81, 7-8 (2004), 1039-1049.

° Thomas F. Earle, ‘Portuguese scholarship in Oxford...’, p. 1041.

XII GENERAL EDITOR’S NOTE

Since this volume, dedicated to a lesser-known area of emblem studies, was designed to increase awareness among scholars of all nationalities of the specific way in which the emblem operated in a Portuguese context, the decision was taken that all papers should be published in English. This has involved a painstaking and sometimes extended dialogue between contributors, our editor Lufs Gomes (who personally undertook translation of two articles) and, at various stages, Eilidh Macdonald, Alison Adams and Stephen Rawles. I would like to record my thanks to all collaborators in this process.

Portuguese Emblematics: an Overview BY

RUBEM AMARAL JR. AMBASSADOR (RET.), BRAZILIAN FOREIGN SERVICE

Laurence Grove

As is only natural, like almost every other European country, Portugal could not remain immune to the overwhelming passion for emblematics that swept the continent in the roughly two-and-a-half centuries during which this genre flourished. The influence of the most important em- blematists (among others, that of Andrea Alciato, Claude Paradin, Otto Vaenius, Pierio Valeriano, Diego Saavedra Fajardo, Juan Solérzano Pereira, and Herman Hugo) on the output of Portuguese writers has already largely beeh identified. Nevertheless, even a merely superficial glance at Portuguese emblematics at the time of major emblematic developments in the main cultural centres of Europe will force us to recognize the Portuguese shortcomings, especially concerning the production of emblem books:

! See Marion

Ehrhardt, ‘Repercussôes emblemäticas na obra de Camôes”, Arquivos do Centro

Cultural Portugués, 3 (1974), 553-576; José Adriano de Freitas Carvalho, ‘As lagrimas e as setas.

Os Pia Desideria de Herman Hugo, S.J., em Portugal’, Via Spiritus, 2 (1995), 169-201; Martim de Albuquerque, ‘Simbolismo e idedrio politico em Portugal no século XVII. Notas a propdsito de Fr.

Joao dos Prazeres. o Principe dos Patriarcas è o Abeceddrio Real’, Revista da Faculdade de Direito da

Universidade de Lisboa, 42/2 (2001),

Teves

Costa Ureña

1763-1792.

Prieto, ‘O “Officio de Rei”

n’Os

See also the following Lusfadas

by Maria

segundo a concepçäo

Helena de classica’, in

Actas da IV reuniäo internacional de camonistas (Ponta Delgada: Universidade dos Açores, 1984),

pp. 767-805: ‘A emblematica de Alciato em Portugal no século XVI’, in O humanismo portugués (1500-1600): primeiro simpésio nacional, 21 a 25 de Outubro de 1985 (Lisbon: Academia das Ciéncias de Lisboa, 1988), pp. 435-461; ‘Tépicos da iconologia renascentista na poesia camoniana’, in Actas da V reunido internacional de camonistas, Sao Paulo, 20 a 34 de Julho de 1987 (Sao Paulo: A Universidade, 1987), pp. 669-702; ‘Uma imagem emblematica de Camôes”, Revista Camoniana, 2nd ser., 3 (1989), 61-69; ‘A Roda da Esperança em Camôes”, Revista Camoniana, 2nd ser., 9 (1994), 77-81; ‘A iconologia da Fortuna na obra camoniana’, in Actas do 4° Congresso da

Associaçäo Internacional de Lusitanistas, Universidade de Hamburgo, 6 a 11 de Setembro de 1995, ed. Maria Fatima Viegas Brauer-Figueiredo (Lisbon: Lidel, 1995), pp. 885-889; ‘A recepçäo da emblemätica de Alciato na obra de Lufs de Camôes”,

in Paisajes emblemäticos: la construcciôn de

la imagen simbolica en Europa y América, eds. César Chaparro, José Julio Garcia, José Roso and Jestis Ureña, 2 vols (Mérida: Editora Regional de Extremadura, 2008), vol. 1, pp. 281-290.

RUBEM AMARAL JR.

PORTUGUESE EMBLEMATICS

comparably to what certainly happened in some other peripheral regions, it was modest, belated, frustrated and derivative.” Modest not only because of the very low number of emblem books, but also because their quality was far from exceptional; the editions were quite limited and aimed at a very restricted market. Belated because most of the few books were produced from the second half of the seventeenth century onwards. Frustrated since the majority of emblematic works were either not illustrated or remained unpublished, and some were even lost. Lastly, it was derivative in view of the fact that almost all were imitations, adaptations or translations of foreign books. That is probably the reason why, at present, relatively so few Portuguese scholars have directed their attention towards this field of study, as compared to those in other nations. At any rate, its history is worth rescuing, since it represents a relevant link with a major common trait of the European cultural heritage, and because, at least in the area of applied emblematics, Portugal was able to create a very original means of expression, namely emblematic glazed tiles (azulejos). In the following lines I will seek to demonstrate the above-me ntioned characteristics. In spite of earlier printed descriptions of ephemeral emblems used in public pageantries,* the first emblem collection published with this title by a Portuguese writer, Vasco Mousinho de Quevedo e Castelbra nco, Was a series of fifty ‘naked’ pieces included as a section of his book of poems Discurso sobre a Vida, e Morte, de Santa Isabel Rainha de Por-

tugal, & outras varias Rimas (Lisbon: Manoel de Lyra, 1596, reprinted in 1597).* In a brief Opening note to the section, the author declared his

belief that the emblems constituted a novelty in the Portuguese language and acknowledged his debt to Pierio Valeriano and Claude

* A comprehensive, though unpretentious approach to Portuguese emblematics, comprising all aspects of the genre, including proto-, para- and applied emblematics, can be found in the present

author's works Emblemdtica lusitana e os emblemas de Vasco Mousinho de Castelbranco (Lisbon:

Centro de Histéria da Universidade de Lisboa, 2005; previous versions privately Tegucigalpa: 2000 and Belgrade: 2004) and Empresas herdicas e amorosas lusitanas:

printed:

letras e cimeiras das Justas Reais de Evora (1490) segundo Garcia de Resende (Tegucigalpa: privately printed, 2001). See also Ana Martinez Pereira, ‘La emblemät ica tardia en Portugal: manifestaciones manuscritas’, in Paisajes emblemäticos, vol. 1. pp. 181-197.

‘ E.g., Manoel de Campos, Relagam do Solenne Recebimento que se fez em Lisboa as Santas Reliquias que se Leudram d Igreja de S. Roque da C. ompanhia de lesv aos 25 de laneiro de 1588

(Lisbon: Anténio Ribeiro, 1588). See also a summary of the ephemeral emblems in this book in Rubem Amaral Jr., ‘Programa

emblemät

ico do recebimento das santas relfquias na Igreja de S. Roque, em Lisboa (1588)’, in Paisajes emblemäticos, vol. 1, pp. 317-339, There is a description of this work in Anténio Joaquim

Anselmo,

Bibliografia das obras impressas em Portugal no século

XVI (Lisbon: Biblioteca Nacional, 1926: reprinted, 1977), No. 981.

* Anselmo, Bibliografia das obras impress as em Portugal no século XVI, No. 768.

3

Paradin (hence implicitly also to Gabriele Simeoni, from a joint edition with Paradin), but lamented the absence of pictures, for which reason he properly foresaw their short life.” Vasco Mousinho, who died on an undetermined date after 1619, left unpublished the incomplete manuscript Dialogos de Varia doctrina illustrados com Emblemmas (Cod. 13167 of the Lisbon National Library: Fig. 1),* probably composed in the last years of the sixteenth century or the beginning of the seventeenth, containing twenty-six ‘naked’ emblems—illustrados, in this context, does not imply pictures, but rather explanations or examples—chiefly based on Virgil’s Æneid, Ovid’s Metamorphoses, and Statius’s Thebaid, one being a translation of an emblem by Alciato; it also contains brief references to a further twenty-nine ‘symbols’, mostly taken from Paradin, Valeriano and Alciato, interspersed among the prose dialogue.° The strong impress of Alciato can also be observed in several other of his poetical works. Irrespective of the shortcomings of his emblems, I think he would deserve the title of ‘father of Portuguese emblematics’. D The earliest emblem book with the tripartite form—inscriptio, pictura, subscriptio—appeared only towards the end of the seventeenth century, in Lisbon: Friar Joao dos Prazeres, O Principe dos Patriarcas S. Bento. De sua Vida, Discursada em Empresas Politicas e Predicdveis, whose

first volume,

with thirty-six emblems,

was published

in

1683 by Anténio Craesbeeck de Mello (Fig. 2), and the second one, with thirty-four emblems and the last word of the title changed to

Morais, in 1690, by Joao Galrao, at the expenses of the Congregation of

Saint Benedict.’

In the first decades of the following century Friar Anténio da Ex-

pectaçäo published, in different years, A estrella d’alva a sublimissima,

* Besides my book Emblemätica lusitana referred to in note 2 above, see also Teresa Maria Reis Calado Tavares, ‘Os emblemas de Vasco Mousinho Quevedo de Castelbranco’ (unpublished

masters’ dissertation, Universidade de Lisboa, Faculdade de Letras, 1988). “ See Maria Vitalina Leal de Matos, ‘Vasco Mousinho de Quevedo Castelbranco’, Arquivos do

Centro Cultural Calouste Gulbenkian, 37 (1998), 417-434; Isabel Almeida, “Fina Prata”: os Dialogos de varia doutrina illustrados com emblemmas, de Vasco Mousinho de Quevedo’, Romänica, 9 (2000), 77-88. 7 John

Landwehr,

French,

Italian,

Spanish,

and Portuguese

Books

of Devices

and

Emblems

1534-1827: A Bibliography (Utrecht: Haentjens Dekker & Gumbert, 1976), No. 613. This bibliographer considered this to be possibly the only Portuguese emblem book, although he mars also Leonarda Gil da Gama’s Reyno de Bayilonia. See also Ilda Soares de Abreu, Simbolismo e idedrio politico: a educaçäo ideal para o principe ideal seiscentista em O Principe dog GENRE S.

nie

2

Bento, pelo M. R. Padre Pregador Geral da Corte e Cronista Mor da Congregaçäo, Frei Jodo dos Prazeres (Lisbon: Estar, 2000), and Ana Martinez Pereira, ‘Vidas ejemplares en emblemas (siglos

XVI-XVII)’, Via Spiritus, 10 (2003), 113-138.

ee a-

_A

RUBEM AMARAL

JR.

PORTUGUESE EMBLEMATICS

R>

Dialogos de Elaia docttina iluftrados Com $ mblemmas. D:

ioidos 20 excelleutifirrma

emia

Sen der Dam

a de Aeunda Bispe do

Forto, rt cri.

Ructor elaseo ${A ausi nho de @ucuedo-

Fone Spiga

Fig. 1: Vasco Mousinho de Quevedo e Castelbranco, Dialogos de Varia doctrina illustrados com Emblemmas (© Biblioteca Nacional de Portugal (Lisbon),

MS Cod.13167). Reduced.

é

a_ SS

a

em

Fig. 2: Joäo dos Prazeres, O Principe dos Patriarcas S. Bento. De sue Nie

Discursada em Empresas Politicas e Predicäveis, vol. 1, Lisbon, 1683,

(Glasgow University Library). Reduced.

6

RUBEM AMARAL JR.

e sapientissima

mestra da Santa

Igreja,

PORTUGUESE EMBLEMATICS

a Angelica

Serafica

Doutora,

Mystica, Sta Theresa de Jesus, May, e filha do Carmelo, matriarcha, e

Jundadora

da sua Sagrada

Reforma:

suas

illustres,

e heroicas

obras:

suas raras, e prodigiosas maravilhas, em diversos discursos, e Sermées Panhegyricos ponderadas, in three volumes (Lisbon: Officina Real Deslandense, 1710; Coimbra: Real Collegio das Artes da Companhia de Jesus, 1716; and Lisbon, Joao Galrao, 1727), of which only the first two volumes contain the illustrations of twenty mystical emblems.* In the middle of the same century appeared a second emblem book, Leonarda Gil da Gama’s (pseudonym of Sister Maria Magdalena Eufémia da Gloria) Reyno de Babylonia, ganhado pelas armas do Empyreo (Lisbon: Pedro Ferreira, 1749), with sixteen emblematic copperplates by Debrie in the style of Hugo’s Pia Desideria (Fig. 3).° So much as regards original printed emblem books in Portuguese. As for printed adaptations and translations, the following should be

mentioned:'° Sebastian

Izquierdo,

Ignacio, translated Galrao, 1687):

Practica by

Father

dos Manoel

exercicios de

espirituaes

Coimbra

(Lisbon:

de

S.

Joao

Joseph Pereira Velozo, Desejos Piedosos de Huma Alma Saudosa do Seu Divino Esposo Jesu Christo, with a canticle by Friar Anténio das Chagas accompanying each emblem (Lisbon: Miguel Deslandes, 1688), a non-declared adaptation of Hugo’s Pia Desideria:

Julien Hayneufve, Guia para tirar as almas do caminho espacoso da

perdiçaô, translation of Le grand chemin

1646)

1695);

by Francisco de Mattos,

REYNO

BABYLONIA» GANHADO PELAS ARMAS

O: RE PY EM DISCURSO MORAL; ESCRITO

POR

LEONARDA GIE DA GAMA, Natural da Serra de Cintra.

FRANCISCO

Offerecida

ao Senbor

FERREYRA

DA SYLVA,

Cavalleyro profeffo na Ordem de Chrifto, &e.

(Paris: S. et G. Cramoisy,

S.J. (Lisbon:

Domingos

Carneiro,

* See Fernando Moreno Cuadro, ‘Las empresas de Santa Teresa grabadas por Manuel Freyre’, Mundo da Arte, 16 (1983), 19-32. * Mario Praz, Studies in Seventeenth-Century Imagery, 2 vols (London: The Warburg

Institute,

1939, Studies of The Warburg Institute, 3), vol, 2, p. 102; Landwehr, French, Italian, Spanish, and

Portuguese Books of Devices and Emblems, No. 321. See Didia Lourdes Paracana de Bastos Outeiro Cruz, ‘A conquista do reino dos céus segundo Madalena da Gléria ou Reyno de Babilonia, ganhado pelas armas do Empyreo; discurso moral escrito por Leonarda Gil da Gama’ (unpublished masters’ dissertation, Universidade Nova de Lisboa, FCSH, 1993). 10 See Pedro F. Campa, ‘The Spanish and Portuguese Adaptations of Herman Hugo's Pia Desideria’, in Emblematic Perceptions: Essays in Honor of William S. Heckscher on the Occasion of his Ninetieth Birthday. eds. Peter M. Daly and Daniel S. Russell (Baden-Baden: Valentin Koerner, 1997), pp. 44-60); G. Richard Dimler, S.J.. ‘Short Title Index of Jesuit Emblem Books’, Emblematica, 2/1 (1987), 139-187.

Anno

M. DCC.

XLIX.

Com todas as licenges nectfarias. Fig. 3: Leonarda Gil da Gama, Reyno de Babylonia, ganhado pelas armas do Empyreo, Lisbon,

1749, title (Glasgow University Library). Reduced.

8

RUBEM

PORTUGUESE EMBLEMATICS

AMARAL JR.

Herman Hugo, Suspiros e saudades de Deus, translation of the Pia Desideria by Fr. Anténio das Chagas (Coimbra: Real Imprensa da Universidade, 1830). All four of these are Jesuit emblem books and attest to the importance of this genre not only for the purpose of indoctrination and spiritual edification, but probably also for education as part of the curriculum of the famous colleges of the Society of Jesus in Portugal. Incidentally, the emblematic output in Portugal seems to have been almost exclusively religious, even in its applied versions. The Portuguese priest André Baïäo wrote in Latin verse Elogia Epigrammata et Emblemata (Rome: Francesco Cavalli, 1641). The book is organized in accordance with the liturgical calendar and divided into two parts: the first part is composed alternately of fifty-six numbered Elogia (plus two non-numbered), and fifty-six numbered Epigrammata, one for each Sunday of the year; the second part is composed alternately of forty-one numbered Elogia and forty-one numbered Emblemata (plus one non-numbered), one for each weekday of the Quadragesima of the same Sundays. Each epigram and each emblem deal with the same matter of the immediately preceding Elogium. The emblems are devised according to the canonical tripartite scheme (except for three which are deprived of inscriptio); each one is illustrated by a small anonymous finely engraved elliptical pictura inside an oblong rectangle, with vegetal motives in the inner corners, surrounded by a framework consisting of a single row of a repetitive typographic flower pattern.'! None of these works has ever enjoyed subsequent editions (except for that by Joseph Pereira Velozo, which had a further six editions up to 1830) and most of them are hard to come by, even in the best libraries in Portugal and elsewhere; they seldom appear on the antiquarian book market and, in the rare cases where this happens, they fetch quite high

‘Not in Praz and Landwehr. Father André Baiäo, a theologian, poet and distinguished grammarian, Hellenist and Latinist born in Goa in 1566, is best known for his translations of Camoens’s Lusiads into Latin and Virgil’s Aeneid into Greek, both left in manuscript. After graduating from Coimbra University he passed to Rome, where he spent the rest of his life finishing his education, teaching, dedicating himself to the protection of children, and where he died in 1639. Besides some published poems, he left many manuscripts kept in the library of San Pantaleone College, among which one entitled Emblemas. The Elogia Epigrammata et Emblemata was printed posthumously. The book is extremely rare and, although frequently mentioned in bibliographies,

does not seem to have been studied or described, and nor could I find a copy in Portugal’s major libraries. The National Central Libraries of Rome and Florence hold copies which I have located only recently. See also Diogo Barbosa Machado, Biblioteca lusitana, 4 vols (Lisbon: Inâcio Rodrigues, 1741-59; reprinted in Coimbra: Atlantida, 1966-68) and the Grande enciclopédia

portuguesa e b rasileira (Lisbon-Rio de Janeiro: Enciclopédia,

1935-), s. v.

9

prices. So it would be highly desirable and convenient for the furthering of emblem research that facsimile reprints were provided. As mentioned above, a number of emblem manuscripts produced in Portugal, both in Portuguese and in Latin, remained unpublished. Sandra Sider recorded thirty manuscripts, located in different libraries in Coimbra, Evora, Lisbon, Oporto and Washington." For our study we shall also consider those manuscripts in other languages by foreign authors, but produced in Portugal. Most of the manuscripts contain only descriptions of small numbers of emblems, pictures, devices, enigmas, allegories, jetons and ceremonies, not always of real emblematic significance and frequently bound up in volumes containing miscellaneous works. Of these, the following ought to be mentioned, for their importance: Luiz Nunes Tinoco, À pheniz de Portugal prodigioza,

1687 (Ms. 346

of the General Library of Coimbra University and Ms. 52-VIII-37 of

the Ajuda Library, Lisbon);'°

a translation into Portuguese, by Theotonio Cerqueira de Barros, dated 1695, of Diego Lopez’s Declaracién Magistral sobre las Emblemas

de

Andrés

Alciato

(Cod.

9221

of the

Lisbon

National

Library), including pen reproductions of the picturae (Fig. 4);"* *

a translation into Portuguese by Carlos del Soto, of Marin le Roy, sieur de Gomberville’s, Le théatre moral de la vie humaine (Brussels: Francois Foppens, 1678), with the title Theatro Moral da Vida Humana representada em cento, e tres quadros. Sacados do poeta Horatio por Otho Venio. Explicados em outros tantos discurssos Moraes (Ms 3109 of the University of Coimbra Library);

an anonymous ‘naked’ verse translation into Portuguese, dated 181617. of Alciato’s Emblemata (Ms 44 of the Azevedo Fund, Oporto

Manuscripts (Montreal: 2 Sandra Sider and Barbara Obrist (eds), Bibliography of Emblematic McGill-Queen's University Press, 1997). 414, This manuscript was the l3 Sider, Bibliography of Emblematic Manuscripts, No. 413 and Emblematic Imagery in Architectural Tinoco’s Nunes ‘Luis Sider, object of an article by Sandra in Emblems and the Seventeenth-Century Portugal: Making a Name for a Palatine Princess’, Studies 2, 1997), pp. 63-79, Manuscript Tradition, ed, nee Grove (Glasgow: Glasgow Emblem Books, p. XVII; Pedro À Paes: 14 Landwehr, French, Italian, Spanish, and Portuguese Literature to the Year 1700 Emblemata Hispanica: An Annotated Bibliography of Spanish Emblem graphy of Emblematic Biblio Sider, Y7; No. 1990), Press, University Duke (Durham and London: Alciat s translatiion of fF Alciato’ first translat be conside iderred the > first i Manuscripts, No. 314. This manuscript might prose translation into Spanish, Emblemata into Portuguese, but it was made through Diego Lopez's placed in direct order, interspersed among the long comments.

10

RUBEM

AMARAL JR.

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trans. Theotonio Cerqueira de Barros, 1695 (© Biblioteca Nacional de Portugal (Lisbon), MS Cod.9221). Reduced.

12

Public

Municipal

Latin (Fig. 5);'° *

RUBEM

AMARAL JR.

Library),

apparently

PORTUGUESE EMBLEMATICS

taken

directly

from

13

the

Frei Gabriel da Purificaçäo (whose secular name was Simao Antunes), Emprezas Lusitanas contra Castelhanas Empresas,

dated 1663, eighteen folios with picturae and epigrams (Fig. 6).'°

There are also notices of several manuscript emblem books on religious matters which have disappeared. The Lisbon National Library holds the manuscript (Cod. 1230; Fig. 7)* by Friar José da Assunçäo, Vita SS. Patris N. Aurelij Augustini, variis et eruditis emblematibus, quae sibimetipsi authoritatibus Sanctus Pater applicat, per tres libros méthodo poética explanâtur, dated 1745, including two-hundred and twenty-eight ‘naked’ emblems.'’ In the prose comments that follow the poetic subscriptiones, the author shows his acquaintance with emblem works by Alciato, Valeriano, Curio, Chesneau, Hoyer, Picinelli, Horozco y Covarrubias, Saavedra Fajardo, and Prazeres. The National Library of Rio de Janeiro possesses a parchment

manuscript (Ms I-14-1-11; Fig. 8),'* with picturae in colour, entitled

Principe Perfeito. Emblemas de D. Jodo de Solérzano, Parafrazeados em Sonetos portuguezes, e offerecidos ao Serenissimo Senhor D. Jodo Principe

do

Brasil.

Pello

Baxarel

Francisco

Antonio

de

Novaes

Campos. Anno de 1790, which was published in facsimile in Lisbon by the Instituto de Cultura e Lingua Portuguesa in 1985, in a very handsome edition prepared by Maria Helena de Teves Costa Ureña Prieto, with a dense introductory study. As for lost emblem manuscripts, it is interesting to recall Barbosa Machado’s notice in the Biblioteca Lusitana about a collection of emblems by the famous seventeenth-century polygraph Francisco Manuel de Melo, Verdades Pintadas e Escritas. According to that bibliographer, it contained one hundred moral imprese drawn by the author’s own hand and illustrated with discourses. During the time he was composing this work, Saavedra Fajardo’s Empresas politicas came into his hands and he found fourteen with the same body, letter and allegory, although he had never communicated with that statesman.!? Melo himself, in his Hospital das Letras, mentioned another unpublished title

15 Sider, Bibliography of Emblematic Manuscripts, No. 102, 1° See Luis Stubbs Saldanha Monteiro Bandeira, Um valioso Palacio Ducal de Vila Viçosa (Lisbon: Horus, 1962), Not in Sider. 7 Not in Sider.

' Not in Sider. '° Barbosa Machado, Biblioteca lusitana.

EM PREZAS

LVZITANAS.

CONTRAÎ I$ EMPRESAS. CASTE |

Pello P° E° Gabriel da Purificagao Religiozo deS

< > ff Hier®., Cain

OFFERECIDAS

Ao Senhor D Sancho M¢! Conde deVilla-Fhor, & General das Armas da Prou*do Alen-Tejo . Com hum Soncto em Sewlouvor: ém oqual se Ie por todas aspartes delle Victor D Sächo. Eno fim Jeux hum Romance Herorco em seu Jour. Etiradas as primeiras.3 Syllabas de cada verso sel hum Romance de.8.em louvor delRey ws DA 6° Eoque sobra fas Gua . acm credito da mesmo Dom Sancbom©

ANNO.

M.Dc.LXII.

contra Lusitanas Emprezas Lusitana. ima Antunes, s. Emprezas ificaca = Simao i da Purificaçäo i 6: Gabriel Fig. Castelhanas Empresas, dated 1663 (© Biblioteca do Palacio Ducal de Vila Viçosa). Reduced. manuscrito

da

Biblioteca

do

14

RUBEM

AMARAL JR.

PORTUGUESE EMBLEMATICS ”

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Fig. 7: José da Assungao,

Vita SS. Patris N. Aurelij Augustini, variis et eruditis

emblematibus, quae sibimetipsi authoritatibus Sanctus Pater applicat, per tres libros méthodo poética explanâtur, 1745 (© Biblioteca Nacional de Portugal (Lisbon), MS Cod.1230). Reduced.

Fig. 8: Joao de Solérzano, Principe Perfeito. Emblemas fh LE Le Senhor D. Jodo diene ipe z l Sonetos portuguezes, e offerecidos ao Serentssimo

Brasil. Pello Baxarel Francisco Antonio de Novaes Campos, 1790 (© Rio Janeiro, Biblioteca Nacional, MS 1-14-1-11). Reduced.

de

16

RUBEM

of apparent emblematic

PORTUGUESE EMBLEMATICS

AMARAL JR.

nature as part of his own

Simbolatoria e Tratado das Insignias Religiosas,

bibliography:

Arte

Militares e Politicas,

which might be the same work referred to by Barbosa Machado. A Portuguese translation of Alciato’s Emblemata was never printed, in spite of its strong influence in the cultivated circles of the country, as stated in the beginning of this article. For this reason, in order to make sure that Portugal became represented in Alciato bibliography, José Leite de Vasconcelos published «Emblemas» de Alciato explicados em Portugués (Oporto: Renascenga Portuguesa, 1917), with the transcription of anonymous manuscript explanations, in old Portuguese prose, of one-hundred of Alciato’s emblems, found in a copy of the Paris 1540

Wechel edition,”°

Foreign scholars residing in Portugal also played a role in emblem readership in Portugal. In 1552 Sebastian Stockhamer, a German clerk of Coimbra University, wrote succinct little comments in Latin to the first part of Alciato’s Emblemata at the request of Jodo de Meneses Sottomayor, Sire of Cantanhede, which had seven editions in Lyons, Antwerp, and Geneva, from 1556 to 1614; similarly, the Spanish Francisco de Monzén, who was King John Ils chaplain, had his emblem book Norte de Ydiotas printed in Lisbon in 1563. In approaching the field of applied emblematics I shall pass over the printed and manuscript descriptions of ephemeral emblematic programs of solemn public ceremonies. These include royal entries and visits,”’ coronations, proclamations, princely weddings, funerals of high personages, Canonizations and other religious or secular festivities, which were as usual in Portugal as elsewhere in Europe in those centuries. Similarly, I will leave on one side the use of emblems in other arts and

crafts,” and will privilege the use of emblem motives in glazed tiles in

civil and religious architecture, a well-developed practice in Portugal in the eighteenth century, and also the only means of expression in which Portugal made an unusual and original contribution to emblematics. In the following brief discussion of emblems in azulejos 1 shall pay no attention to the usage of isolated devices, icons and allegories, which

* Landwehr,

French,

Italian,

Hispanica, No. Y8. 21

on

Spanish,

and

Portuguese

Books,

p. XVII;

Campa,

Emblemata

=

ERA + = soe Le . . See, e.g., Ana P Maria Alves, As entradas régias portuguesas: uma visâäo de conjunto (Lisbon: Horizonte, 1986).

# For example, eight oil canvases of the late seventeenth century attributed to Bento Coelho da Silveira in the sacristy of the Lisbon convent of Säo Pedro de Alcantara, based on emblems of

Benedict van Haeften's Regia Via Crucis (Antwerp: Officina Plantiniana Balthasaris Moreti, 1635).

See Luis de Moura Sobral, ‘A sacristia como pinacoteca da época barroca: o ciclo pictural de Bento

Coelho no Convento de S. Pedro de Alcantara’, in Do sentido das imagens (Lisbon: Estampa,1996), pp. 81-96 (first publ. in Barroco,

15 (1990- 1992), 137-145),

17

the present author describes elsewhere.” Instead, we shall look at a particular series of wall panels which reproduce picturae from wellknown emblem books. The most famous and well-studied among them are undoubtedly the series of thirty-seven panels in the lower cloister of the convent of S. Francis in Salvador, Brazil, probably produced by the Lisbon workshop of Bartolomeu Antunes between 1743 and 1746, which masterly copy, in blue and white, emblems from Otto Vaenius’s Emblemata Horatiana.* In the same city there are two other panels from that same book in the Casa Goes Calmon, the seat of the Academy of Letters of Bahia, one of them dated 1733 and both probably transferred from a religious

institution. Eight panels of the same source could be found in Lisbon

in the Coruchéus Palace (Alvalade, Lisbon), of circa 1740-1745; most of them were transferred in 1970 to the collections of the City Museum, although three of these are at present on loan to the Ministry of Finance, decorating its main entrance hall:2° there are three more of circa 1740 in other articles in the users 23 Rubem Amaral Jr., Emblematica lusitana, Section 2.5. Besides la emblemätica: 108 azile}os volume, see also José Julio Garcfa Arranz, ‘Las Obras de Misericordia y A Florilegium of Sas on de la iglesia de la Santa Casa de Misericérdia en Evora (Portugal)’, in Society for Laine Ke Enblematics- Proceedings of the 6th International Conference of the

pp. 2 À Coruña, 2002, ed. Sagrario Lépez Posa (Ferrol: Sociedad de Cultura Valle Hicién, 2004),

Memoria en Ermida da 370; id. ‘Un programa emblemätico de exaltaciôn mariana: los azulejos de la el Sitio de Nazaré (Portugal), Norba-Arte, 20-21 (2000-2001), 59-76. e da arte na Igreja e no Calne de *4 See Frei Pedro Sinzig, O.F.M., Maravilhas da religido

Carlos F. Ore sod Sao Francisco da Bata (Rio de Janeiro: Imprensa Nacional, 1934), pp. 170-219;

shea do Servigo ae Sache azulejos do Convento de Sao Francisco da Bahia’, Revista do Convento de S. Francie € z Artistico Nacional, 7 (1943), pp. 7-34; Silvanisio Pinheiro, Azulejos El pare ss sabes a Bahia (Salvador: Livraria Turista, 1951), pp. 1-71; Santiago Sebastian, Historia del aot vias mensaje iconogräfico (Madrid: Encuentro, 1990): id., Emblemdtica e del Museo : 1. ee Boletin , Humana Vida la de Moral “Theatro Câtedra, 1995), pp. 263-276; id., 4 be 29 (1985), a Camôn Aznar, 14 (1983); id., ‘Arte iberoamericano’, Summa Artis, en las cae RES edicién española del “Theatro Moral de la Vida Humana” y su inflnencia na época dos zene obr . é EN Brasil y Portugal’, in As relaçôes artisticas entre Portugal e Espanha Barroco, 5 ( Ress ) a ed, Pedro Dias (Coimbra: Minerva, 1987), pp. 381-406 (first publ. in no Brasil (QU 1822) ee 485); Joao Miguel dos Santos Simôes, Azulejaria Portuguesa Theatro Moral de la V raped = ‘O Pais, Nobre Alexandre 129-139; pp. 1965), Gulbenkian, 1999), 100-124 sean Convento de Sao Francisco da Bahia’, Oceanos, 36/37 (Oct. 1998/Mar. 5 Journal ab a Paranhos da Silva, “Les Azulejos du Couvent de Saint François à Bahia’, no Brasil’, in Miscelanea de oe os ‘Horacio Prieto, Ureña Costa Teves de Helena (1959); Maria Boxe oe (Rio de HE lingiiisticos, filolégicos e literérios in memoriam Celso Cunha aus sermdo em see: 1995), pp. 677-698; Fr. Hugo Fragoso, Um teatro mitolégico ou um Afonso: Fonte Viva, 2006). do Convento de Säo Francisco, Salvador—Bahia—Brasil (Paulo 1955), p. 164; ~ See Mar rata, Azulejos no Brasil (Rio de J aneiro: Jornal do Comércio, da O Sôcrates em painel de azulejos’, Revista da Acade emia de Letras Moacir Maia,ag‘Xantipe Pedro pear Bahia, 47 (April 2006), 25-33.

271-272; Sebastian, 6 See Jodo Miguel dos Santos Simôes, Azulejaria portuguesa no Brasil, pp. ‘La edicién española del “Theatro Moral de la Vida Humana”’, pp. 401-402.

À | : | | | |

18

RUBEM AMARAL JR.

PORTUGUESE EMBLEMATICS

the Sao Joao de Deus convent. Both series are attributed to the painter

Valentim de Almeida and to Antunes’ workshop.”’

The Museu Nacional do Azulejo (National Museum of Glazed Tiles),

in the ancient Convent

of Madre

de Deus,

in Lisbon,

possesses

some

other series in its collections or as fixed decorations in its cloister, namely a series of six panels based on Benedict van Haeftens’s Schola cordis and twenty-nine others on the Regia via sanctae crucis® by the same author, in the upper cloister, formerly in the Augustinian convent of Grilos; in the Brotherhood House of Santa Cruz da Ribeira, in Santarém, there are seven panels, and in the chapter house of the former convent

of Santa

Marta

(at

present

a hospital)

thirteen more panels, after Hugo’s Pia desideria.”°

in

Lisbon,

there

are

The church of the Royal Convent of Jesus, in Settibal, has a series of

fourteen panels modelled after emblematic plates conceived by August Casimir Redel on invocations of the litany of Loretto from the Elogia Mariana, which were themselves redrawn by Thomas Scheffler and engraved by Martin Engelbrecht, printed in Augsburg in 1732. Originally eighteen, four of them were removed in a reform and their

components have since disappeared.”

As a suggestion for research by interested students, I would mention, for example, one of the allegorical glazed tile panels in the Corridor of the Sleeves (Corredor das Mangas) of the Queluz Palace, near Lisbon, by Francisco Jorge da Costa, 1784, depicting a composite polychrome scene where several emblematic images appear simultaneously, such as: in the lower centre, three persons in ancient costumes, two of whom certainly females, in different poses, seated on the steps of a platform consisting of stone slabs: the third person,

holding

what seems to be a

sling in one hand, might represent King David; around this central group, at the top is a sunflower turned towards the sky, and a bush, possibly a rosebush, with butterflies flying over it; to the left, there is a phoenix in flames at the top of a hill, a small palm tree, and a pyramid; a sunbeam descending from behind a cloud that conceals the bright sun

19

is reflected in a mirror held by one of the women and lights a pyre inside a big tripod beside them to the right.*' Many of these elements are symbols associated with the Virgin Mary. Is this an original creation of the painter or rather a gathering of elements of different emblems from a book? Emblem studies in Portugal are still incipient, and practically nonexistent in Brazil. Consequently, the links between glazed tiles and emblems have presumably not yet been well exploited by the scholars of the respective areas. Besides, the existing works on the already known cases are so scattered in a number of books, journals and proceedings of conferences and other events of the kind that have little or no relation with emblematic studies and forums, that they hardly come to the knowledge of emblem researchers or are of difficult access. In this article I have tried to give an as exhaustive list of them as possible. Therefore it is probable that other relationships of this kind will

come

to light,

since

the

use

of such

material

was

widespread

throughout the country and its colonial empire in Brazil and Africa, possibly also in regions of Portuguese influence in the East. ; I will not let pass this occasion to congratulate the editors Glasgow Emblem Studies on their decision to open space for divulgation of Portuguese emblematics in this important collection Dr. Lufs Gomes for organizing this volume. Acknowledgements also

due

to

Sérgio

Benutti,

of

Salvador

(Bahia),

Prof.

Dr. Manuel

Cadafaz

de Matos,

and of the and are

Alessandra

Anselmi (Universita di Calabria), Prof. Jaime Cuadriello (Universidad Nacional

Autônoma,

Mexico),

Centro

de Estudos de Histéria do Livro e da Edigao—CEHLE (Lisbon) and Prof. José Brissos (of the Centre of History of the Lisbon University) for supplying me with copies of various articles and manuscripts.

*” See José Meco, ‘Algumas fontes flamengas do azulejo portugués: Otto Van Veen, Rubens’, Azulejo, 3/7 (1995-1999), 28-39, * See Santiago Sebastian, ‘Los emblemas del Camino Real de la Cruz de Van Haeften’, Boletin del Museo e Instituto Camôn Aznar, 44 (1991), 5-64.

* See Victor Serräo, Santarém (Lisboa: Presenga, 1990), p. 93 and Joao Pedro Monteiro, ‘Os “Pia Desideria”, uma fonte iconogräfica da azulejaria portuguesa do século XVIII’, Azulejo, 3/7 (1995-1999), 61-70,

José Anténio Falcdo, ‘Azulejaria setecentista do Real Convento de Jesus de Settibal. Alguns

aspectos histéricos e iconogréficos’, in Relaciones artisticas entre la Peninsula Ibérica y América: del V simposio hispano-portugués de Historia del Arte (11-13 Mayo 1989) (Valladolid: Universidad de Valladolid, 1990), pp. 103-112.

actas

*! See photo in José Meco, Azulejaria portuguesa (Lisbon: Bertrand, 1985), Fig. 62.

* 1 have

made

non-commercial

computer

diplomatic

transcriptions

of these

manuscripts,

preceded by short presentation texts in Portuguese, Spanish, English and French, of which there are photocopies in the University of Glasgow Library as well as in the original libraries. The libraries of the universities of

A Coruña and Extremadura,

Diego Lépez’s Declaraçäo Magistral.

in Spain, possess photocopies of a transcription of

Enigmas, Riddles, and Emblems in

Early Jesuit Colleges BY NIGEL GRIFFIN CHRIST CHURCH, OXFORD

Within sixty years of its foundation in 1540, the Society of Jesus was the dominant teaching force throughout Catholic Europe. It became involved in education more by chance than design, as Ignatius Loyola’s initial aspirations for his new and different religious order were frustrated by events, and other early plans miscarried or proved impractical.

It was

the

receipt

of three

unsolicited

invitations

in the

space of just two to three years that triggered Jesuit involvement in what was to become the main thrust of the Society’s activities. The calls came from Emperor Charles V’s viceroy in Sicily, Juan de Vega, who wanted

Ignatius

to take charge

of the

Messina

studium

(1546);

from

John III of Portugal who asked the Society to assume control of the Colégio das Artes in Coimbra following the death of André de Gouvea and the suspicion of heterodoxy that fell on many of his colleagues (late

1540s); and from the then viceroy of Catalonia, Francisco Borja, the

Duke of Gandia and a future General of the Society, who was thinking of founding a studium-cum-novitiate close to his estates near Valencia in South-eastern Spain (1545-46).

From the outset, Ignatius had insisted on frequent and conscientious reporting to headquarters by every Jesuit cell and at every level, a system designed not only to foster conformity, but also to ensure that best practice could be identified and encouraged.’ As the Society’s

school

network

spread

and

grew

in

reputation,

the

results

of

experimentation in those three early pilot studia and elsewhere were to Generale ' See Edmond Lamalle, $.J., ‘L'archivio di un grande Ordine religioso: L'Archivio The following della Compagnia di Gest’, Archiva Ecclesiae (Rome), 24/25 (1981-82), 89-120. Societatis lesu, MHSI = Monumenta abbreviations are used in this article: ARSI = Archivio Romano Historica Societatis lesu, MI = Monumenta Ignatiana.

22

NIGEL GRIFFIN

ENIGMAS, RIDDLES, AND EMBLEMS

be dissected and disseminated. We have as a result a priceless documentary record of the development not only of Jesuit schools, but also of every stage of a curriculum under design. Several initiatives that seemed perfectly sensible and compassable at the time they were proposed proved unworkable and had to be abandoned,’ but, by 1586,

feature of the classroom teaching of rhetoric,> recommending that, every couple of months, the pick of them be posted up in the school for others to admire and learn from.° In his much reprinted Poeticarum institutionum libri tres (1594), the first Jesuit emblematist proper,

when the Jesuit curriculum, by then known

as the Ratio studiorum, was

first printed, most of the issues had been resolved and the refinements we find in the 1591 revision and the definitive 1599 edition are comparatively minor. The Ratio studiorum stresses the usefulness of composition in both prose and verse at every stage in a boy’s education.’ Surviving letters and reports from as early as the 1550s furnish ample evidence of the popularity among both pupils and parents of this feature of school life.’ The Ratio also encouraged the use of enigmas and emblems as a regular

? A good example is Ignatius’s plan to ditch the classroom teaching of Roman comedy, on the

grounds that much of its subject matter was dubious, even salacious. The outcry this caused led him

to change tack and to commission instead bowdlerized classroom versions of the works of Terence

and Plautus; see Nigel Griffin, ‘Plautus castigatus: Rome, Portugal, and Jesuit Drama Texts’, in / gesuiti e i promordi del teatro barocco in Europa: Roma 26-29 ottobre 1994, Anagni 30 ottobre 1994, ed. Miriam Chiabd and Federico Doglio (Rome: Centro Studi sul Teatro Medioevale e Rinascimentale, 1995), pp. 257-286 (271-286). ® See Marie-Madeleine Compére (ed.), Ratio studiorum: Plan raisonné et institution des études la Compagnie de Jésus, trans. Léone Albrieux and Dolorés Pralon-Julia, introd. Adrien Demoustier and Dominique Julia (Paris: Belin, 1997). There is a useful introduction by Mario

dans

Salomone to his translation and edition of the 1599 text, subtitled L'Ordinamento scolastico dei

collegi dei Gesuiti (Milan: Feltrinelli, 1979); see also Gian Paolo Brizzi (ed.), La ‘Ratio studiorum’:

Modelli culturali e pratiche educative dei gesuiti in Italia tra Cinque e Seicento, Biblioteca del Cinquecento 16 (Rome: Bulzoni, 1981).

* A good early example of the practice is reported to Ignatius by one of his small band of

founding fathers, Paschase Brouay (or Broét,

1500-1562). Undated, but probably written in October

Jacobus

Pontanus

(Spanmiiller,

1542-1626)

23

describes

the emblem

as

‘pictura quidem, tamquam corpus, poesis tamquam animus est: fitque ut emblema non possit non esse gratum, in quo et aures dulci carminum numero delectantur, animi pascuntur, et oculi pictura recreantur’ (indeed the picture is like the body as the poetry is like the soul; it is constructed so that the emblem can be nothing but pleasing, for in it the ears are delighted by the sweet harmony of the verses, the soul is nourished and the eyes are refreshed by the picture), and explains that part of its purpose was as a multimedia classroom teaching aid to encourage lateral thinking and develop spatial imagination. These were aims that had a particular appeal for teachers periodically sent on the refresher course that was Ignatius’s Spiritual Exercises, since those exercises attached importance to an ability to conjure up an inner landscape often at variance with evidence supplied by the senses.’ Ignatius had himself been stirred to the religious life by images. He may, as Endean suggests, ‘keep his own history rigorously out of the text’ of both the Exercises and the Constitutions, but there is a pervasive sense of the power of images in his spiritual writings and that ‘le visible soit le sacrement de l’invisible’.* Several Jesuit emblem ° ‘Eruditionis causa die vacationis pro historico et poeta

liceat interdum

alia magis

recondita

proferre, ut hieroglyphica, ut emblemata, ut quaestiones ad artificium poeticum spectantes, de epigrammate, epitaphio, ode, elegia, epopeia, tragoedia’ (‘Regulae professoris rhetoricae’, §15; Compère, Ratio, p. 171). ° ‘Affigantur carmina exornandum,

vel

scholae parietibus alternis fere mensibus

magistratus

promulgandos,

vel alia quapiam

ad aliquem

occasione,

celebriorem

diem

selectissima quaeque

a

1551, this recounts how the teachers in charge of the two most senior classes at Ferrara, Andrea

discipulis descripta. Immo etiam pro regionum more aliquid prosae brevioris; quales sunt inscriptiones ut clypeorum, templorum, sepulcrorum, hortorum, statuarum; quales descriptiones, ut

scolari tre volte la settimana, et gli altri giorni si fara disputare uno contra I’altro’: Epistolae PP.

urbis, portus, exercitus; quales narrationes, ut rei gestae ab aliquo divorum, qualia denique paradoxa, additis interdum, non tamen sine rectoris permissu, picturis quae emblemati vel argumento proposito

Boninsegna

(1525-1557) and Giovan

Battista (de) Velati (c. 1528-1602)

‘fanno componere

li suoi

Paschasi Broéti, Claudii Jaji, Joannis Codurii et Simonis Roderici Societatis Tesu, ex autographis vel originalibus exemplis potissimum depromptae, ed. Federico Cervés, S.J., MHSI 24 (Madrid: G.

Lopez del Horno, 1903), 66. Some three-and-a-half years later, the Lisbon rector Ignacio de Azevedo informed headquarters that King John III and his wife Catalina (sister to Emperor Charles V) had attended at their own request “vn acto de los studiantes que aqui enseñamos’ for which the Prefect of Studies, the rhetorician and educational theorist Cipriano Suarez (or Soares, 1524-1593), arranged a number of such compositions, others being produced at Christmas and

Easter:

‘por Nauidad

hizieron

vna muy

gran copia de versos del

nascimiento

muy

deuotos, que

rescitaron Vna tarde en su clase: ahora por pascoa de Resurrectiôn hizieron tantos, que gastaron mas de dos horas vn domingo 4 la tarde, y atin quedaron algunos por regitar’: Juan Lopez for Azevedo to Ignatius, Lisbon, 30 April

1555, Litterae quadrimestres

ex universis praeter Indiam

et Brasiliam

loci, in quibus aliqui de Societate Jesu versabantur, Romam missae (= LQ), 7 vols, ed. Mariano

Lecina, S.J. and Dionisio Fernandez Zäpico, S.J., MHSI Avrial, 1894-1932), III, 399-406 (403-404).

4, 6, 8, 10, 59, 61, 62 (Madrid:

Agustin

respondeant’ ($18; Compère, Ratio, p. 172). 7 A lucid and cautious summary

of the decisive role of the Exercises in framing the mindset of

individual Jesuits and acting as a cohesive Spiritual

Exercises’,

in The

Cambridge

influence in the Order is Philip Endean, S.J., ‘The

Companion

to the Jesuits,

ed. Thomas

Worcester,

S.J.

(Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2008), pp. 52-67.

* Jean-Marie

Valentin,

culturelle du monde

Les Jésuites

et le théâtre

(1554-1680):

Contribution

catholique dans le Saint-Empire romain germanique,

(Paris: Desjoncquéres,

2001), p. 36. A useful compendium

à l'histoire

La Mesure des Choses

is Saint Ignatius of Loyola:

Personal

Writings, ed, and trans. Joseph A. Munitiz and Philip Endean, Penguin Classics (Harmondsworth: Penguin Books, 1996). See, most recently, Ralph Dekoninck, ‘Ars symbolica et ars meditandi: La pensée symbolique dans la spiritualité jésuite’, Litérature (Paris), 145 (2007: numéro spéciale, L'Emblème littéraire: Théories et pratiques), 105-118; also Karel Porteman, ‘The Use of the Visual in Classical Jesuit Teaching and

Education’,

Paedagogica

Historica: International Journal of the

| pi

24

NIGEL GRIFFIN

books would

ENIGMAS, RIDDLES, AND EMBLEMS

in time be printed and distributed worldwide,

and others,

not of Jesuit authorship, purchased for college libraries and the working collections of Jesuit teachers of rhetoric.’ It has often been said that the Jesuit education received by seventeenth-century Catholic Europe's intellectual and artistic elites was responsible more than any other single factor (more, even, than the increasingly depressing nature of the data supplied by the senses) for the prominent role accorded, in the arts generally, to representations of the real world as a chimera, a deceit, the

work of the Devil, a stage, or a cireus.!°

The Jesuit curriculum emphasized the development and rehearsal of wit, or ingenium, not least, one suspects, because modes of indirection are wont to appeal to those who feel that direct statement may attract unwanted scrutiny. ‘Non nisi aenigmate licitum est vera loqui’ (it is not permitted to speak the truth except enigmatically), wrote a young recruit from Valladolid in 1615; a generation later, it was another Jesuit,

Baltasar Graciän, who famously encapsulated in both the matter and the manner of his Arte y agudeza de ingenio (1642) the aesthetic he and his

fellow Ignatian ingenios had been propounding and pursuing. Not only does he declare that ‘es la agudeza pasto del alma’ but also, and far

more significantly, he associates wit with beauty when he talks of ‘agradables proporciones conceptuosas, belleza del discurso, hermosura

del ingenio”.!!

alguna representacién que atraja a la gente principal a ofr’.'* This was a strategy, as they themselves were to learn, that was not without its pitfalls. Accusations came hard and fast that such junkets turned the academic cloister into a bearpit, that conspicuous consumption sat uneasily with the profession of poverty, that it was improper for boys to take female roles in dialogues and plays, and that pupils, ‘qui hac re mirifice delectantur ac excitantur’ (who are exceedingly delighted and excited by this), found it difficult to settle, after the big day was over, into the orderly academic routines by which the Founder had set such

store.!*

On more than one occasion, the disorder generated by an open day

spread beyond the boys themselves.'* Blanket instructions from the

Generalate, the Jesuit headquarters in Rome, had frequently to be overridden in the face of opposition from key local patrons, particularly where a studium was financially vulnerable, as most were. The limit imposed by standing orders on the frequency of such events could not always be observed; powerful families threatened with exclusion from open days held in property they had leased or loaned to the Society might issue an ultimatum that was not negotiable; and it was always perilous to ignore pressure from local authorities, secular and ecclesiastical, given that the Society was new and viewed askance by

Whatever the mixture of motives in play, Jesuit interest in teaching

aids like emblems and enigmas was not confined to regular classroom routine. From an early date, teachers realized that holding public open days would offer an opportunity to grow their studia through the glitz of advertisement and the spectacle of patronage on the hoof. As Juan Pablo Alvarez put it to General Lainez, ‘tengo experiencia que da mucho lustre a las eschuelas un principio [del año escolar] en que aia

12 Letter of 14 August 1560 from Medina del Campo (ARSI, Hisp. 97, 272ro). On emblems in Jesuit colleges

see Judi

Loach,

‘Jesuit

Emblematics

of Education

(Ghent),

n.s. 36

(2000=The

Challenges

of the

Visual

in the History

and Other Century

” See Pedro F. Campa,

the Opening

of the School

Year

at the

Symbolic France’,

in

Imagery The

by Jesuits within

Jesuits

and

the

Town

Emblem

Colleges

in Seventeenth-

Tradition:

Selected

Papers

and

Eighteenth-

of the

Leuven

International Emblem Conference, 18-23 August, 1996, ed. John Manning and Mare van Vaeck, Imago Figurata Studies la (Turnhout: Brepols, 1999), pp. 161-186; also Alison Saunders, ‘Make the Pupils Do It Themselves:

Emblems, Plays and Public Performance

in French Jesuit Colleges in the

Seventeenth Century’, in The Jesuits and the Emblem Tradition, pp. 187-206. 1 September 1556 (LO, IV, 456-457, doc. 806).

14 See the memorial compiled in 1563 by Juan Suarez, Provincial of Castile (ARSI, Hisp. 100,

of

Education, ed, Marc Depaepe and Bregt Henkens), 179-196.

and

Collège de Louis-le-Grand’, Emblematica, 9.1 (1995), 133-176, and ‘The Teaching of Emblematics

l3 Francisco de Varea for Manuel Godinho, History

25

399ro-400vo), especially the section entitled ‘Los inconvenientes que me paresce que ay en la fiesta

‘La génesis del libro de emblemas jesuita’, in Literatura emblemdtica

hispänica: actas del I simposio internacional (La Coruña, 14-17 de septiembre 1994), ed. Sagrario

que

hazemos

del

sanctfssimo

sacramento’

(400ro;

reproduced

in Nigel

Griffin,

“Lewin

Brecht,

Miguel Venegas, and the School Drama: Some Further Observations’, Humanitas (Coimbra), 35/36

1996), pp. 43-60;

(1984), 19-86, at 30-32); also Borja to Juan de Montoya, Provincial of Sicily, 1 October 1569: ARSI, tal. 68, 5vo-6ro, repr. in Monumenta paedagogica Societatis lesu penitus retractata multisque

Perceptions: Essays in Honor of William S. Heckscher on the Occasion of his Ninetieth Birthday, ed.

textibus aucta, n.s., ed. Ladislaus Lukacs, S.J., 7 vols, MHSI 92, 107, 108, 124, 129, 140, 141 (Rome: Institutum Historicum S.I., 1965-1992) (= MPaed.), HI, 473.

L6pez Poza, Cursos Congresos e Simposios

G.

Richard

Dimler,

S.J.,

‘Humanism

and

15 (Coruña: Universidade de Coruña,

the

Rise

of the Jesuit

Emblem’,

in

Emblematic

Peter M. Daly and Daniel S. Russell, Saecula Spiritalia 36 (Baden-Baden: Valentin Koerner, 1997), pp. 93-109.

5 A delightfully detailed account of the havoc

1° See Peter E. Russell, ‘Spanish Literature (1474-1681)’, in Spain: A Companion to Spanish Studies, ed. Russell (London: Methuen, 1973), pp. 265-380 (312-315); also Robert D. F. Pring-Mill, ‘Some Techniques of Representation in the Sueños and the Criticén’, Bulletin of Hispanic Studies (Liverpool), 45 (1968), 270-284 (272-275). !! Ed.

Evaristo

vol. 1, 49, 74.

Correa

Calderôn,

2 vols, Clasicos

Castalia

14-15

(Madrid:

Castalia,

1969),

quarterly report from Evora, dated 27 November did it always when

these

February

that could result comes

prove possible to prevent the general public were

1558

(re)staged

outside

to headquarters

from

school

premises,

Ingolstadt,

in Baltasar Barreira’s

1559 (LQ, VI, 390-401, doc. 312, at 394-97). Nor from watching school plays, especially

as witness Thomas

which

records a huge

consisting of ‘viri ac mulieres, ciues et rustici, iouani et vechi stupore et summa admiratione’ (ARSI, Germ. 186, 31vo).

who

Lentulus’s

audience watched

letter of 28

in the town

the spectacle

hall “cum

26

ENIGMAS, RIDDLES, AND EMBLEMS

NIGEL GRIFFIN

more established communities of religious with whom it was in competition for patronage. Yet the benefits of public involvement appeared to most to outweigh the disadvantages.!° The central feature of the open day was normally a play, nominally in Latin and on a biblical or spiritually improving subject. There was ample precedent for this in Spanish universities such as Salamanca and

Alcalé de Henares.'’ On such occasions, poetry and artwork by pupils

and members of staff, some of it commissioned for the open day itself, would be displayed in the areas of college to which the public had access for the duration: porter’s lodge, cloister (peristylum), aula

magna." The enigma and the emblem featured prominently among the pieces on show, and distinguished guests were often invited to make

common

cause with the boys and the studium (see, for example, extract

VIII, below), by solving some of these puzzles set by teachers and their abler pupils (or else they demanded that these be explained to them, as did the eight-year old King Sebastian of Portugal at the Säo Roque

college in Lisbon in December 1562).'°

1° See Griffin, ‘Lewin Brecht’. A letter of February

27

The custom was soon established of copying playtexts, sometimes with these ancillary compositions, for presentation to distinguished

visitors:

this

was

to prove

compositions to find their they might be restaged material composed for the owes not a little to this

one

way

among

many

for

literary

way to studia in other parts of Europe where or re-exhibited, often with additional local occasion.”! The emergence of a ‘Jesuit style’ international exchange of textual and visual

material.” There was, then, a close symbiosis between the individual

emblem or enigma, constituent elements

the occasional pictorial series, and the other of Jesuit spectacles such as verses, orationes,

playtext, costume, and décor.”

Most of the occasional pieces written for school open days do not survive, any more than do stage designs more generally; as Eva Knapp reminds us, these are now ‘wellnigh impossible for a modern critic to reconstruct’.** But a close reading of the documentary evidence which does survive can give us a flavour of those visual elements that correspondents repeatedly adjudged central to the success of such occasions. The reports also raise some intriguing questions about terminology.

1558 from the school at Billom in the

Auvergne happily records the staging of no fewer than eight plays in a single year, in French, Latin,

and Greek (ARSI, Gall. 80, 1ro-2vo; copy at Gall. 53, 139ro-140vo). 17 See the documentation

listed in Ignacio Elizalde, S.J., ‘San

teatro jesuitico’, Razén y Fe (Madrid),

Ignacio de Loyola y el antiguo

153 (1956), 289-304 (291).

'* Some of the earliest references to this practice come in draft regulations drawn up by Jerome Nadal

(e.g. MI,

Ill s.: Constitutiones,

IV. 505, dating

from

1553-1554).

The

account

of the early

Society by the Jesuit administrator and historian Juan Alfonso de Polanco (1517-1576), completed in 1574 but based on documents archived at headquarters in Rome, describes the formal opening of the

1561: MPaed., UT, 64-66, doc.

152, at 66). The young king was at this time being privately tutored

by Jesuits. 2 e.g, ‘actus est a pueris, qui in nostro collegio instituuntur, dialogus iucundissimo utilissimoque argumento; et actus duabus horis magno studiosorum concursu ... multi legendi, aliqui exscribendi eius, copiam petierunt’ (quarterly report from Rome, December

See also Américo

da Costa Ramalho,

‘Um

manuscrito

1555: MI, I/x. 420-422, doc. 6064).

de teatro humanistico

conimbricense’,

academic year at the Evora college on 1 October 1556 and interestingly suggests that the custom had

Humanitas

its origins in Ignatius’s Paris alma mater: ‘principium studiorum in peristylo collegii celebratum est;

Renascimento (Coimbra: Universidade de Coimbra, Instituto de Alta Cultura, 1969), pp. 333-345.

ubi ex more Parisiis Portugalliam deducto,

multae orationes et carmina, variis coloribus et litteris

ornata, parietibus erant affixa’, MPaed., 1, 613 (1556). Five years later, on the same visit to Portugal which was to see him issue guidelines on the use of classroom enigmas, Jerome Nadal (1507-1580)

instructed the university authorities in Eyora to limit the number of enigmas on public display on these grand occasions, while recognizing that these were now a familiar feature of the decoration of college on open days: ‘Que aya enigmas, como se suele, el némero de las quales en este collegio puede

ser hasta quatro’

(MPaed.,

III, 77, doc.

155, emphasis

added).

The

fullest

illustrated and

documented account of the spaces involved and, more generally, of the architecture of Jesuit schools and colleges, is Pierre Delattre, S.J. (ed.), Les Établissements des jésuites en France depuis quatre siècles: Répertoire topo-bibliographique publié à l'occasion du quatrième centenaire de la Jondation de la Compagnie de Jésus, 1540-1940, 5 vols (Enghien: Institut Supérieur de Théologie &

Wetteren: De Meester, 1939-1957); there is nothing comparable for Jesuit architecture in any other

European country.

Quarterly report for Rome, signed by Pe(d)ro Lopes for Rector Torres, 31 December 1562

(ARSI, Lus. 51, 24110-243vo at 243ro). Those responsible for judging poetry competitions were sensibly cautioned to get together and do their homework

before the public ceremonies

began:

‘se

junten el dia mismo que se han de interpretar los enigmas dos o 3 oras antes, y entiendan los enigmas, y lean los versos, y se preparen para juzgar’ (Jerome Nadal, commissarius to Portugal,

(Coimbra),

13/14

(1961-1962),

i-viib;

repr.

in Ramalho,

Estudos

sobre

a época

do

2! See Nigel Griffin, ‘A Portuguese Jesuit Play in Seventeenth-Century Cologne’, in Studies in the Sixteenth- and Seventeenth-Century Theatre of the Iberian Peninsula, ed. Michael J. Ruggerio,

Folio

12 (New

York:

Folio,

1980), pp. 46-69; and ‘ “I Spy Strangers”: Jesuit Plays and their

Travels’, in Teatro neolatino em Portugal no contexto da Europa: 450 anos de Diogo de Teive, ed. Sebastiäo Tavares de Pinho (Coimbra: Universidade de Coimbra, 2006), pp. 21-38.

2 Rudolf Wittkower and Irma Blumenthal Jaffe (eds), Baroque Art: The Jesuit Contribution (New York: Fordham University Press, 1972). For more detail, see Eva Knapp and Gabor Tiiksés, Emblematics

in Hungary:

A Study of the History of Symbolic Representation

in Renaissance and

Baroque Literature, trans. Andras Torok et al., Frühe Neuzeit 86 (Tübingen: Max Niemeyer, 2003),

especially chapters VII-X. 23 This association is studied in detail in Valentin, Les Jésuites et le théâtre, pp. 134-140. For the Jesuit emblem more generally, see G. Richard Dimler, S.J., Bibliography of Jesuit Emblem Books

(Toronto: University of Toronto, 1998), and ‘Jesuit Emblems: Implications for the Index Emblematicus’, in The European Emblem: Towards an Index Emblematicus, ed. Peter M. Daly (Waterloo, Ontario: Wilfrid Laurier University Press, 1980), pp. 109-120. 4 Eva Knapp and Istvan Kilian, The Sopron Collection of Jesuit Stage Designs, trans. David

Stanton et al. (Budapest: Enciklopédia Kiad6, 1999), p. 25.

28

ENIGMAS, RIDDLES, AND EMBLEMS

NIGEL GRIFFIN

First, however, let us take just a dozen short extracts from the very earliest years of the Society. These will afford us a glimpse of an emerging pattern in which the whole is manifestly greater than the sum

of the parts.”

Aca estamos buenos, y en el colegio se han regosijado con oraciones y versos los scolares estas fiestas, y tanbién con disputaciones. (Ignatius Loyola to Alfonso Salmerén, superintendent of the Jesuit community in Naples, Rome, 30 December 1553: MI. I/vi, 115, doc. 4025)

Il. 4 February 1554 Abra vn didlogo mañana, domingo, que el Maestro Andrea [des Freux]”° hizo en 3 dias, creo de 700 versos. Tanbién ynbié aqui vn su epigrama para

el cardenal*’ en nombre del collegio germanico.** Vuestra Reverencia, si le pareziere, se le dé. Otro hizo al papa, que le quiere hazer sculpir en mârmor en su viña. (Ignatius to Salmerén, Rome, 3 February 1554: ARSI, Jtal. 105', 48ro: MI, I/vi, 290, doc. 4139)

Octobris est.

principium

Erant

multae

studiorum orationes,

in cum

nostro

collegii

magnae,

tum

peristylo

etiam

variis

coloribus literisque ornatae, parietibus affixae, versus etiam praeceptorum et discipulorum circiter 1800, in quibus multa erant epigrammata in laudem

Dominae nostrae, et aliorum Diuorum; nonnulla in Principis Cardinalis” laudem,

multa

etiam

de

uirtutibus;

quorum

partim

columnis

parietibus affixa erant. (Fructuosus André to Ignatius, Evora, 31

1555: LQ, Ill, 763-771, doc. 454, at 769)

partim

December

IV. 25 November 1555

Dies etiam beatissimae Catharinae” solemniter celebratus est et grece et latine

Rector Alfonso de Zarate, Cérdoba,

172, 73r0-vo)

27 December

1555:

ARSI,

Hist. Soc.

V. September 1556

compositis

537, doc. 549, at 536)

VI. January 1557 Peristylum in quo huiusmodi acta singulis annis haberi solent exornatum erat tapetibus, aliis ornamentis magnificis parietes uestiebantur, multis praeterea carminibus, tam parietes quam collunae decorabantur. Enigmata quoque uaria tapetibus erant defixa pulcherrimis figuris depicta, ad quae maximus fiebat hominum accessus, cum uidendi figuras, tum diuinandi gratia, et diuinitas sibi opes acciperent; ad quod non parum picturae pulchritudine et forma excitabantur. Quaedam praeterea ex his postea a

Patre ad regem (nam id postulauerat) delata sunt.*' (Quarterly report from Dias Bairros, Lisbon, January

1557: LQ, V, 14-18, doc. 4, at 16)

VII. 3 October 1558

Il. 7 October 1555 celebratum

declamationes. (Pedro Pablo de Acevedo to Rome, on behalf of the college

Omnes aenigmata et orationes, quibus anni principium celebretur, praeparant. (Monclaro to Ignatius, Coimbra, September 1556: LQ, IV, 529-

I. 30 December 1553

Calendis

29

epigrammatis.

Quo

etiam

die

pronunciatae

sunt

* In these extracts, all scribal abbreviations have been resolved without indication.

° On Des Freux, see Nigel Griffin, ‘Italy, Portugal, and the Jesuits’, in Portuguese, Brazilian,

V° nonas Octobris disputationes generales habitae sunt, quo ad audiendum cum

ad

argumentandum

multi

doctores

[...]

conuenere.

Pomeridiano

tempore post disputationes habuit frater Barbosa orationem, tali actione ac vultus gestusque moderatione ut omnibus summopere placuerit. Chartae uero quas scolastici in hunc diem parauerant, ut parietibus more solito

affigerentur,” quia biduo ante nuntius de obitu Imperatoris allatus est* non

sunt affixae, ne tamen omnino columnae suis ornamentis spoliatae viderentur, iussit pater Leo, fratri qui nuntium attulit, qui etiam primum Gymnasium moderaturus erit, vt aliqua Epigrammata et Epitaphia componeret. Quamuis autem breuissimum tempus esset tot composuit ut omnes columnas quae sunt numero viginti carminibus ornaret, quos scolastici tristitiam quam de non affigendis chartis perceperant, animo prorsus abiecerunt, magnoque gaudio affecti sunt quod praeceptor primarius tot carmina tam brevi composuerit. (Quarterly report to headquarters, written by Simao Vieira for the Rector, Evora, 21 October 1558: ARSI, Lus. 51, 38ro-39vo, at 38vo)

and African Studies Presented to Clive Willis on his Retirement, ed. T. F. Earle and Nigel Griffin (Warminster:

Aris

&

Phillips,

1995),

pp.

Portugälia és a jezsuita dramaszévegek’,

133-149

(144-147);

also

‘ “Plautus

castigatus”:

trans. Jülia Demeter, in Barokk Szinhdz—Barokk

Az 1994, évi egri iskoladrama és barokk cimit konferencia

el6adäsai, ed, Marta Zsuzsanna

Roma, Drama: Pintér

(Debrecen: Ethnica Kiadäs, 1997), pp. 44-61 (41-54, 59-60).

Teatrales Hispänicos del Siglo XVI 5-6 (Valencia: Universidad Nacional de Educaciôn a Distancia,

* Pedro Pacheco, viceroy at Naples.

* The college which acted as a base for ‘Germans’ and ‘Hungarians’ studying in Rome; see Andreas Steinhuber, Geschichte des Kollegium Germanicum Hungaricum in Rom, 2nd edn, tev. (Freiburg im Breisgau: Herder, 1906).

? Cardinal-Prince Henry, great-uncle of the infant King Sebastian and, later, regent of Portugal.

“The Cérdoba college was dedicated to the virgin martyr Katherine of Alexandria in recognition of the patronage of the fabulously wealthy Catarina, Marchioness of Priego, great-niece

of the ‘Great Captain’

Gonzalo

Fernandez

de Cérdoba,

and

Francisco Borja, the future General of the Society. Acevedo (c. 1521-1573) was one of the most distinguished early Jesuit poets and dramatists; see Julio Alonso Asenjo, ‘La tragedia de San Hermenegildo’ y otras obras del teatro español de colegio, | vol. in 2, Col-leccié Oberta: Textos

also related, through

her mother,

to

Universidad

de Sevilla,

&

Universitat de Valéncia,

1995), pp. 87-91;

(ed.), Teatro escolar latino del siglo XVI: la obra de Pedro Bibliotheca Latina (Madrid: Ediciones Clasicas, 1997-2006),

Pablo

also Vicente Picôn Garcia de Acevedo SI, 2 vols,

‘| King John III, who died some six months after this letter was written. ‘? See excerpt X, below, for an explanation of these.

‘3 Emperor Extremadura.

Charles

V died

on

21

September

in his Spanish

monastery

retreat

at Yuste

in

30

NIGEL GRIFFIN

ENIGMAS, RIDDLES, AND EMBLEMS

VIII. 4 July 1559

XI. October?

En principio de Julio se celebré la fiesta de la reyna sancta; hizose con més

enigmas,

que

compusieron

los

maestros.

Acabada

la oracién,

saliôse

toda

Collegii Viennensis anni 59’: ARSI, Austr. 226, 150ro-172vo, at 161 vo)

X. 4 July 1560 Dia de Santa Ysabel Reina que fue de Portogal se hizo la fiesta del collegio.” vestiendo los studiantes las paredes del con sus composiciones de prosa y verso, trasladadas en buenas y grandes cartas mui lindas y hermosas, pintadas

precio,

de oro y diversas

ni faltaron

buenos

colores.

Vuo

Aedipos®

7 Enigmas

que

algunos dellos. (Quarterly report for Rome,

con

su

todos ellos de

sotil

ingenio

mucho

leuassen

written by Pe(d)ro da Silva for

Rector Mirôn, Coimbra, 1 September 1560: ARSI, Lus. 51, 103ro-105vo, at 104vo)

* For the importance Nacional,

Distrital, MS

MS

CXIV/1-40,

of this date 3008,

in the calendar of Portuguese

131-61,

173-203,

173ro-181ro; Coimbra,

255-80;

Evora,

Jesuit

Biblioteca

colleges, Ptiblica

Biblioteca Geral da Universidade,

see

Lisbon,

e Arquivo

MSS

993 and

994; Madrid, Real Academia de la Historia, MS 9/2532 (= Cortes 349), 239vo; and Florence, Biblioteca Nazionale, MS Conventi soppressi B.10.1522(1): also the papers assembled in Rome as part of her canonization process (Archivio Segreto Vaticano, Archivum Congregationis SS. Riti: Processus, MSS 501, 502, 4218, etc.). The devotion to Elisabeth (canonized 1626), widow of King Dinis, sprang from the express wish of Jodo Il, later endorsed (1565) by his son Sebastido (Rome, Fondo Gesuitico 1048/19; Rome, Archivio di Stato, MS 302), and she became the subject, towards the close of the century, of sonnets, eclogues, emblems, and other miscellaneous poems in both Spanish and Portuguese: Rubem Amaral Jr, Emblemdtica Lusitana e os emblemas de Vasco Mousinho de Castelbranco (Lisbon: Centro de Histéria, 2005). pp. 34-35. 5 The MS originally read ‘alcatifas’. © Cipriano Suarez (see above, note 4).

‘7 See above, note 34. 38 ; e An allusion

a : : : : to Oedipus’s solving of the riddle of the Sphinx.

de la corte que pudo caber en nuestro patio; el

salian muy ricamente uestidas, al modo romano, los pies descalsos, con unas

alparcas de terciopelo cubiertas de perlas. (Pe(d)ro Lépez for Rector Torres, Lisbon, 31 December

1561: LQ, VII, 624-630, doc. 596, at 626-627)

XII. 4 July 1562 Se hizo la fiesta de la Reyna sancta, que es la del collegio, armandose la yglesia con muchos paños y cartas de los studiantes y muchos Enigmas muy buenos y bien pintados, con la oracién que se tuvo con mucha satisfacién de todos. (Quarterly report for Rome, written by Francisco Alvarez, Coimbra, 1

September 1562: ARSI, Lus. 51, 226ro-227vo, at 227vo)

We have, then, a number of features mentioned time and again in documents like these from the early years of the Society: the display of written compositions of various kinds assembled by Jesuit teachers and their pupils; the inclusion of decoration and coloured illustrations, pictorial elements and gold paint to provide an appropriate setting for these; the decoration of the college with bunting and palm fronds; details of the rich costumes worn by performers; an emphasis on the students’ prowess in composition, public performance, and extemporization in various languages; a clear understanding that having one’s work displayed to fellow students and invited guests constituted both an incentive and a reward; the significance of the size and social standing of the audience;

Biblioteca

nobleza

que auia dado el gobernador de la India para su Alteza [...] Las uirtudes

IX. 1559 Studiosi artis oratoriae in nostro Gimnasio diebus Dominicis horis pomeridianis declamacionem habent aut elegiam aut epigramata proferunt, de virtutibus et aliis rebus quibus tum honestatem praecipiunt prudenciam comparant, tum artium praecepta exercent. (‘Litterae de forma totius

la demas

como fue al a la qual auia su Alteza con sus primos, y

qual . .. estaua muy bien exornado, puesto un dogel con cortinas de brocado

el

Padre doctor Mirén y algunos de los Padres con el rector y los doctores para el patio donde estauan los enigmas, y el Padre Cypriano” los comengé a interpretar, y tres dellos se entregaron a tres personas que los aufan declarado y uno dellos era un doctor cathedrâtico en leyes. (Pe(d)ro Dias for Rector Mirôn, Coimbra, October 1559: LQ, VI, 357-363, doc. 304, at 361)

1561

Los demas estudiantes de casa andan muy exercitados [...] principio del año, en el qual se hizo una comedia y oracién, muchos dias que deseaua uenir el rey, y llegando el dia, uino el cardenal su tfo,” y el señor don Anténio y señor don Duarte

apparato y solemnidad que los años pasados [...]** Estaua la iglesia muy bien concertada con muchos guadameciles y ramos, que la hazian muy fresqua; y los patios de fuera todos armados de otros paños, y en ellos pegados [sic] muchas cartas de oraciones en prosa y en uerso, que compusieron los studiantes, y en 8 columnas que ay, estauan puestas 8 alhombras” con 8

31

an emphasis

on ingenium,

or wit, among

both

pupils

and those distinguished guests invited to decipher some of the puzzles on display (and sometimes to take them away as a memento of the

occasion); and the relish with which such detailed reports of these public junkets were put together for the benefit of other studia and

headquarters. This pattern established in the 1550s and 1560s was to continue more or less unaltered. Yet there is one feature of these descriptions which

‘° King Sebastian and Cardinal-Prince Henry (see above, notes 29 and 34). 0 On occasion, it is clear that languages were deployed as pure display, as witness a 1587 report from the Polish Province of celebrations at Kalisz (prov. Poznañ) to mark the visit of the bishop of nearby Gniezno: ‘Orationes et dialogum secutae sunt linguae: Hebraica, Graeca, Latina, Italica, Hispanica, Gallica, Germanica, Ungarica, Polonica, Ruthenica, Lithuanica, Samogitica, quibus im. Ossoliñskich, MS Pawl. 204, omnis fuit mirifice recreatus’ (Wroclaw, Zaktad Narodowy fol. 215).

ENIGMAS, RIDDLES, AND EMBLEMS

perhaps merits closer scrutiny. Not only are student verse compositions employed as decoration (VI: ‘multis praeterea carminibus tam parietes quam collunae decorabantur’ (moreover both the walls and the columns

(reading columnae) are decorated with many

verses); X: ‘trasladadas en

buenas y grandes cartas mui lindas y hermosas’), but they are also themselves decorated and even illustrated for display purposes (III: ‘cum magnae, tum etiam variis coloribus literisque ornatae’ (both grandiose and decorated with various colours and letters); X: ‘pintadas de oro y diversas colores’; X: ‘Enigmas todos ellos de mucho precio’). In addition, what are described as enigmas (or riddles, or brain-teasers), requiring solution and elucidation (e.g. VIII: ‘el Padre Cypriano los comengé a interpretar, y tres dellos se entregaron a tres personas que los auian declarado’; X: ‘ni faltaron buenos Aedipos que con su sotil ingenio leuassen algunos dellos’), turn out to consist of both text and illustration (VI: ‘Enigmata quoque uaria tapetibus erant defixa pulcherrimis figuris depicta, ad quae maximus fiebat hominum accessus, cum uidendi figuras, tum diuinandi gratia, et diuinitas sibi Opes acciperent; ad quod non parum picturae pulchritudine et forma excitabantur’ (Also various enigmas were fixed to the hangings, depicted with the most beautiful figures; and very many men approached them, since they perceived their divine treasure, thanks to seeing and divining the figures; they were moved to this [exercise] especially by the beauty and form of the picture); XII: ‘Enigmas muy buenos y bien pintados’), The pictorial material may have perished but we do have a number of detailed descriptions which may allow us to discover how illustrations were integrated with text, often as proto-emblems. In his pioneering history of Portuguese neo-Latin drama, Claude-Henri Fréches includes

one such enigma from 1568, the work of Luis da Cruz.*! We have a

number of others, and I should like to discuss briefly three of these that suggest how such early Jesuit aenigmata aspired to the condition of

Jesuit emblems avant la lettre.”

Ww 53

tu

Do

NIGEL GRIFFIN

XII. The first is dated ‘1571”, and was written for recital/display at the Jesuit college at Avila, in Old Castile. There is no direct allusion in the manuscript to any accompanying illustration, but the Latin text and its Spanish verse accompaniment do both paint a picture in words. Although the MS from which it comes, now in the Library of the Real Academia de la Historia in Madrid (MS 9/2565 olim Cortes 384, fol. 199ro-vo), is anonymous, it was believed by the pioneer of Jesuit drama studies in Spain, Justo Garcia Soriano, to be the work of Juan Bonifacio, S.J. (c. 1538-1606), who had, as a young man, taught the future St John of the Cross when the latter was a part-time extern

student at the Jesuit school in Medina del Campo.’ No grounds were

given at the time for that ascription, and the present author cast doubt upon it in the 1970s, but it has recently been shown to be correct.“ aenigma Sena mouet pariter campo uexilla patente

Signifer, et forti concutit illa manu. Congregat armatas ex templo ad bella cohortes Si libet adiunctas protinus ille fugat. Signifer occultus signo cognoscitur alto attonitumque orbem uictor inanis habet. (The standard-bearer moves six standards equally over the open plain’ And strikes them with strong hand. He assembles armed cohorts from the temple for war;* If he pleases, he straightway puts to flight the combined forces, The concealed standard-bearer is recognized by his high standard And an empty [empty-handed?] victor holds the astonished world.)

Immediately following these six lines of Latin come the following four in Spanish:

‘° “El teatro de colegio en España’, Boletin de la Real Academia Española (Madrid), 14 (1927), 234-277, 374-411, 535-565, 620-650; 15 (1928), 62-93, 145-187, 396-446, 651-669; 16 (1929), 80106, 223-243;

19 (1932), 485-498, 608-624; Criségono de Jestis OCD,

Vida de San Juan de la Cruz,

ed. Matias del Niño Jestis OCD, Biblioteca de Autores Cristianos IV. 15 (Madrid: Editorial Catélica, 1964), pp. 37-38.

“| Le théâtre néo-latin au Portugal (1550-1745) (Paris: Nizet & Lisbon: Bertrand, 1964). pp. 166-167. On Luis da Cruz see Manuel José de Sousa Barbosa, ‘Luis da Cruz e a poética teatral dos Jesuitas: o prefäcio que ficou inédito’, Euphrosyne, 28 (2000), 375-377. ‘? For help with the Latin texts that follow I am grateful to my Oxford colleagues Peter Brown of Trinity College and Lesley Brown of Somerville, who between them supplied the English translations and made a number of helpful suggestions. Luis Gomes Kindly informs me that he has found only one early record of Jesuit emblems proper: Paulette Choné, ‘Domus optima: Un manuscrit emblématique au collége des jésuites de Verdun (1585)’, in The Jesuits and the Emblem Tradition, pp. 35-68 (35-36).

“ Nigel Griffin (ed.), Two Jesuit Ahab Dramas, Exeter Hispanic Texts 13 (Exeter: University of Exeter, 1976), pp. ix-x; Cayo Gonzalez Gutiérrez, El côdice de Villagarcia de P. Juan Bonifacio (Teatro cläsico del siglo XVI), Aula Abierta 36154 (Madrid:

Universidad

Nacional de Educacién a

Distancia, 2001), pp. 11-12. Gonzalez (p. 609) dismisses the poem reproduced here as part of ‘una serie de didlogos, poesfas ... la mayorfa en latin y de escaso interés ... Todas ellas parecen [ser] del P. Bonifacio’,

Jestis

Menéndez

Peléez,

Los

jesuitas

y

el

teatro

del

Siglo

de

Oro

(Oviedo:

Universidad de Oviedo, 1995), pp, 438-448, expresses a similar view (p. 446). *

Possibly ‘battlefield’, giving campo the sense it would have had in Spanish at the time.

* Or is extemplo one word, meaning ‘immediately’? The ille who is the subject of line 4 should perhaps be different from the subject of line 3, routing the forces there assembled. The subject of line 3 appears to be the signifer of lines 1-2 (different from the signifer occultus of line 5°).

34

NIGEL GRIFFIN

ENIGMAS, RIDDLES, AND EMBLEMS

Si jamds se ubiere visto alférez que seis banderas mueva con manos ligeras de mi demanda desisto.

À number of possibilities suggest themselves even though, shorn of their (performed?) context, they must, I think, remain just that. The context is often the missing term, the key to this kind of riddle wrapped in a mystery inside an enigma. Is this a description of a drawing? Or of a procession? Are the sena or banderas religious standards/insignia or secular ones? Why are there six of them? What, precisely, is the ‘high standard’, or ‘standard held on high’? Who is the signifer, or alférez: a military figure or a religious leader, or both? Has this riddle any connexion with Pius V’s Holy League, which inflicted in October 1571 at Lepanto what at the time seemed to all Christendom a decisive blow against the Ottoman Turk? This, after all, was the great event of the year for Catholic Europe, and one celebrated in towns and cities throughout the realm. If so, might one not have expected some reference to the sea, such as we get in Herrera’s famous Oda a la victoria (‘Cantemos al Señor, que en la Ilanura’), published in his Relaciôn de la guerra de Chipre the following year? Are the six standards those of Spain, Naples, Venice, the Papal States, Tuscany, and Genoa? Why should the signifer be described as occultus? Because he is the ‘hidden standard-bearer of the Lord’? Is he the same person as the uictor? Is the signifer the overall commander of the League forces,

as a presentation volume of the kind discussed earlier. Miguel Vanegas, or Venegas (Avila 1531-after 1589) was, until he was expelled from the Society in 1567, the most highly regarded Jesuit poet and dramatist of his day, travelling extensively through much of Europe and supervising performances of his plays in the colleges he visited.** Scholars have assumed that, together with a number of other poems from the same year, this one formed part of the decor at the first performance of his Achabus, but that play, as we now know, was not given at the Coimbra college until the late summer of 1562, not long before the author was to

leave Coimbra (and Portugal) for good.”

Enigma Dimicat è summa bellatrix arce Virago Gens fera qua sequitur stipite, rupe, face, Vique magis nulla qua lento uincitur igni. Tergore fert alias asperiore minas. Et quacunque rigés aditu lorica petatur, Exilit armatus qua uia facta puer Simius htic manibus curuis et dentibus urget: Pro dolor, it mater foetibus orba suis. At genus humanum niueis hos uestibus ornat Aut grata nudos in statione locat. Verus erit uates: ex arcis acumine partem. Qui tollat ueteré, substituatque noua? The warlike female warrior fights from the top of the citadel Pursued by a fierce tribe with stick, stone and torch,

Don John of Austria, and the uictor Philip II himself? But, then, why should the later be characterized as inanis, the most common

And she is overcome by no force greater than smouldering fire.”

On her rougher back she bears other threats. And wherever her stiff breastplate is sought in an attempt to penetrate it, An armed boy leaps out where the way has been opened. A monkey presses on him with crooked hands and teeth: Alas, the grief! The mother goes deprived of her offspring. But the human race adorns them with snow-white clothes Or places them unclothed in a pleasing location.

meaning

of which is ‘empty’ or ‘empty-handed’? Might the sense perhaps here be ‘without a burden’, now that the Turk, often described in such terms,

has been seen off, seemingly once and for all? The Spanish verse, presumably included because Spectators with a way into the riddle, is not encouraging.”

it

provided

XIV. The second example comes from ten years earlier and from Coimbra. Now in the Biblioteca Nacional in Lisbon (MS 3308, p. 961), it is dated

1561 and ascribed to ‘P. Michael Vanegas’. The MS, entitled

‘Rerum scholasticarum, quae a patribus ac fratribus huius Conimbricensis Collegii scriptae sunt, Tomus primus’, is a miscellany of pieces from the Jesuit Coimbra college, and was possibly confected ‘7 Many

playtexts and poetic pieces written for such occasions as this, while officially in Latin,

made extensive use of the vernacular to ensure that the youngest pupils and the townspeople more

generally might follow proceedings: see Nigel Griffin, ‘Tébbnyelviisék a korai jezsuita szinpadon’, trans. Julia Demeter, in A magyar szinhdz sziiletése: Az 1997. évi egri konferencia eldaddsai, ed. Demeter, A Régi Magyar Szinhaz | (Miskole: Miskolci Egyetem Kiad6, 2000), pp. 271-280 .

35

4% On

Venegas,

see Nigel Griffin,

‘Some

Jesuit Theatre

Manuscripts’,

Humanitas

(Coimbra),

23/24 (1971-1972), 427-434; ‘Miguel Venegas and the Sixteenth-Century Jesuit School Theatre’,

Language Review, 68 (1973), 796-806; and ‘Lewin Brecht’, 19-21, 33-34. Julio Alonso ‘Reencuentro con el M°. Miguel Venegas: Su Comedia en la fiesta del santisimo sacramento’, Cuadernos de Filologia (Valencia), Anejo 50 (2002), 1-23, publishes startling discoveries about the writer’s life after he left the Society. The most recent contribution is Maria Modern Asenjo,

Margarida Lopes de Miranda, ‘Miguel Venegas S. J. e o principio de um ciclo trâgico na Europa’, in Teatro neolatino, ed. Pinho, pp. 287-309. +9 The play, edited in Griffin, Two Jesuit Ahab Dramas (pp. 3-115), is now available in a more da tragédia scholarly format: Maria Margarida Lopes de Miranda, ‘Miguel Venegas e 0 nascimento doctoral a Tragoedia cui nomen inditum Achabus de Miguel Venegas’ (unpublished

jesuitica:

dissertation, University of Coimbra, 2002). On the date of performance, see Griffin, “Lewin Brecht’, 79-81. 50 i.e. ‘The force most effective in overcoming her is fire”.

36

ENIGMAS, RIDDLES, AND EMBLEMS

NIGEL GRIFFIN The prophet will prove truthful: how could one remove an old part From the top of the citadel and substitute a new one?

aenigma Contecta facie uirgo iugulatur honesta: illo fit nobis uulnere grata magis. fulgenti residet mulier pulcherrima sede: interdum manibus fertur et illa piis. Noctibus inuigilat, dormit secura diebus, quoque perit gladio uiuere saepe solet. Soluitur in lacrymas fletuue sedilia replet, non oculis plorat uiscera tota dolens. Tu uigila, et pelago prosper dare uela profundo incipe. Ne timeas: numina uersus habet.

Given the modern meaning of virago, it would be easy to assume that this bellatrix Virago may be some forerunner of the central figure of Venegas’s Achabus, Jezabel being a favourite with Jesuit writers keen to impress their young wards with an unappealing example of female conduct.*' But this warlike female is not paraded, as Jezabel was the following year, as an exemplum ad abhorrendum. It is probable that the reference here is once again to Queen Elisabeth (see above, note 34), who in 1336, widowed and living in Coimbra near a Poor Clare house she had founded, followed her son Afonso IV when he went to war with Alfonso XI of Castile, helped to broker a peace between them, and died

(A noble girl is killed with her face covered: By that wound she becomes more pleasing to us. The woman, most beautiful, sits on a shining seat: From time to time she too is carried by pious hands. She stays awake at night, she sleeps free from care during the day, And she often tends to live thanks to the sword that killed her. She dissolves in tears or fills her seat with weeping, She does not weep with her eyes, grieving with her whole body [?]. Be wakeful, you, and favourably begin to give your sails to the deep sea.

before she could return home. White robes (the niveis uestibus) and the

arx, or citadel, are common symbols of virtue, while the monkey (simius), sometimes associated with fire and with Vulcan, is more

usually

a symbol

of vanity,

lechery,

and

vice.”

The

following

paragraph, linked with the enigma in the MS, suggests that what we have here, though, is not (or not primarily) a symbolic image but rather a wordgame, playing with the orthographical similarities between the Latin terms pinus, ‘fir-tree’, penna, ‘feather’ (itself derived from Greek tug,

‘pine’;

compare

also

spina,

‘spine’,

‘sharp

pennae, ‘wing’, and pinea, ‘pine-cone”, ‘pine-nut’.

point’),

the

plural

Interpretatio. Est quidem Matrona, arx autem pinus, pinnae sunt cuspides eius arboris, armati pueri infantes nuclei. Caetera apta sunt. Quod si ex arcis acumine hoc est pinna aliqua deleas alterum N. et substitutas E. fiet pinea quam resistendo dimicat tanquam bellatrix Virago. (There is a woman,

an ark [citadel?], and a fir-tree. The

37

pinnacles/plumes

are the points of the tree, and armed boys [appear] as [in place of?] nuts. More decor in the same vein. If you remove the second N from the pinnacle and replace it with an E you get a pine-cone, with which the woman warrior continually struggles.)

XV. The third and last of our three aenigmata comes once again from the Avila college in Old Castile and dates from 1569. From the same MS as the first (XII), it is there ascribed (fol. 197vo) to Gaspar Sanchez, S.J. (c. 1554-1609).

Don’t be afraid: the verse has divine power [2].)*

We have two references to the occasion on which this enigma was probably displayed. They both come in letters from Avila sent by Juan Ordéñez to General Francisco Borja in Rome. The first, dated 14 July 1569, looks forward eagerly to the forthcoming /udus scaenicus: ‘Representarse a agora para agosto una tragedia del martirio de san Viceinte [sic] y sus hermanas que le esta esperando la ciudad con mucho deseo’ (ARSI, Hisp. 111, 112ro-113vo). The second, of 16 September 1569, can look back on what had proved a success: ‘La gramätica tanbién va adelante y ésta tiene muy ganado y affigionado al pueblo. El dia de San B[artolo]mé™ se representé el martirio de San Viceinte [sic] y sus hermanas. Compuso esta tragedia el padre Boniffaçio y dio harta devogién. Representése en el patio de las escuelas (ARSI, Hisp. 111, 322ro-323vo).

This time there can be no mistaking the nature of the visual content.

There

may

perhaps

have

been

some

kind

of painting

or three-

dimensional figure in college depicting a noblewoman being executed (and possibly then shown seated on a ‘pulcherrima sede’ (most beautiful

seat)); such

a figure could have

been obtained on loan (and

hence the reference to its being carried around, possibly in religious

*' See the ‘Checklist of Plays on the Ahab and Jezabel story’, in Griffin, Two Jesuit Ahab Dramas, pp. xi-xviiì. 52

Guy

.

de Tervarent, Attributs et symboles dans

l'art profane,

1450-1600:

Dictionnaire d'un

langage perdu, 2 vols and supplement (Geneva: Droz, 1958-64), vol. 2, pp. 351-355.

% Assuming that the woman

in line 3 is the same as the girl in the first two lines, so ‘the

woman’, rather than ‘a woman’. In line 4, it is not inconceivable that the et is simply delayed: if so,

it would mean, more plausibly, ‘And from time to time she is carried”. % 24 August.

38

NIGEL GRIFFIN

ENIGMAS, RIDDLES, AND EMBLEMS

processions?) or even made for the occasion. But an Avila audience would have had little need for any such immediate aide-mémoire. They would have been only too familiar with the main Romanesque building in the city, the Basilica of San Vicente, which was not only dedicated to the early Christian deacon of Osca (Huesca) supposedly martyred alongside his sisters Sabina and Cristeta in October 304 (some sources give the year as 306), but also housed his tomb of c. 1190 with its graphic depiction of the martyrdom of all three, the dismembering and crushing of their bodies, and the angels who bore their souls up to heaven.* The tomb, as well as several decorated capitals, has been identified as the work of a French sculptor who went by the name of Fruchel (d. 1192).

Here, then, we have not so much a riddle or brain-teaser but rather a reference to a sacred image known to every single member of the audience. The spectators were about to watch a play, in a mixture of Latin and Spanish, about the martyrdom, Bonifacio’s Tragedia Vicentina

(Real

Cortes 384, the

dramatist

Academia

de

la Historia,

Madrid,

MS

9/2565

olim

144ro-168ro), graphically depicting the sacrifice of what calls

‘tres

almas

al

Dios

trino’

(157vo).

The

playtext

frequently refers, as does the enigma, to the tears of the two young virgins (some sources trace the siblings to Evora, others to Talavera de la Reina) who first seek shelter in Avila from the tyrannical fury of ‘Dacius’ or Diocletian, and then willingly die to save their adopted city (161ro); it also details the martyrdom itself in terms thoroughly familiar

to those who in the next few days would worship at the tomb in the

basilica: torture, dismemberment, and the crushing of the bodies so that ‘Vix ossa nervis fixa manserunt loco’ (hardly any bones remained joined to the sinews there) and one of the sisters ‘tenerum subiicit corpus prelo’ (submitted her delicate body to the press) (164ro). There was also a text alongside the tomb, referring to this ‘martirio cruel’ and insisting

that all three were ‘cuasi todos desmembrados | y entre maderos tomados’.°° The eastern face of the tomb depicts the Three Wise Men adoring the Virgin and Child (compare line 3 of the poem, above). In the exhortatio

with which the show closed, Bonifacio, being a good teacher, sums up what his audience

have

witnessed:

‘Os, oy os vistes pelear,

| y con

55 e : See plates 210 and 211 in Pedro de Palol and Max Hirmer, Early Medieval Art in Spain, trans. Alisa Jaffa (London: Thames & Hudson, 1967); also plates 24-41 of José Manuel Pita Andrade, Escultura romänica en Castilla: los maestros de Oviedo y Avila, Artes y Artistas (Madrid: CSIC, Instituto Diego Velazquez, 1955).

56

Ra

Fe: 4 i j ) Bartolomé & Fernändez { Valencia,i Historia de San Vicente y grandezas de Avila [1676], ed. Tomas Sobrino Chomén, Fuentes Histéricas Abulenses 13 (Avila: Instituciôn Gran Duque de Alba,

1992), p. 116.

39

triumpho quedar | soberano | dos hermanas y un hermano | y en el cielo se assentar’ (167vo), and even reminds them of the scenes depicted on

the tomb: ‘{Quién no Ilora con ternura, | viendo aquella sepultura | y monumento, | memorial de su tormento, | de su pena y su holgura?’ (167vo).

In all three of these examples, images, real or virtual, lie at the core of the message conveyed by early Jesuit poets and dramatists operating in Spain and Portugal. The Jesuit emblem proper might not yet be a familiar sight to boys attending the studium, but it is clear that, even in these very early years, they were invited, both in class and in public, to develop their imaginative capacities every bit as much as their wordplay skills. We may have to wait some years before emblems formally labelled as such began to be a standard feature of Jesuit ludi litterarii in Portugal as in the rest of Catholic Europe, and it would not be until the turn of the seventeenth century that Shakespeare got his Ophelia to hazard that ‘belike this show imports the argument of the play’. But the notion that pictures had to be read and interpreted and links found between image and text was one with which Jesuit teachers and their pupils were perfectly familiar nearly half a century earlier. The student of Jesuit emblems would, then, be well advised to go back to the early manuscripts that survive (and Portugal has many of them) and look carefully to see whether there may not there be emblematic material masquerading as riddles, or enigmas, or wordgames.

Vasco Mousinho de Quevedo Castelo

Branco: Emblems in Portuguese BY

LUÎS GOMES UNIVERSITY OF GLASGOW

The poet Vasco Mousinho de Quevedo Castelo Branco (b. 1560s?, d. 167?) can be credited with publishing the first ever emblems in the Portuguese language, namely the fifty emblems in the Discurso sobre a vida e morte de Santa Isabel, rainha de Portugal, e outras varias rimas (Lisbon: Manuel de Lira, 1596/97).' To these one must add also twentysix manuscript emblems in Didlogos de vdria doutrina (Biblioteca Nacional de Portugal, Res. COD. 13167). This emblematic production is, by sixteenth-century standards, not very prolific, and given the questions hanging over Quevedo’s moral standing, it comes as no surprise that these emblems have remained relatively unknown for so long. Furthermore,

‘emblem’

from the title of

also find emblems

being used as a

the absence of the word

the Discurso and the lack of illustrations in all of his emblems must have played a part in the obscurity of this work.” We shall focus our interest on the way emblematics acts as part of his literary creative process, by looking at what ‘emblems’ were for Quevedo and how this genre found its way into mainstream sixteenthcentury Portuguese poetry in a rather unassuming fashion, a fact that is meaningful in itself. Emblems seem to have played different roles in Quevedo’s poetic creation. At times, Quevedo uses emblem techniques to explore the didactic value of simplifying a concept by evoking pictures

in the readers’

minds.

We

way of ‘intellectualizing’ literature through their concentration of meanings, assuming a good level of erudition in the reader to fully

' Herein referred to as Discurso. seen in Rubem Amaral Jr’s article ? A good general overview of Portuguese emblematics can be in this volume, which also covers emblems by Quevedo.

42

LUÎS GOMES

VASCO MOUSINHO DE QUEVEDO

understand the poems’ layers, a process that points to Quevedo’s concept of the role of literature at the turn of the seventeenth century. For this purpose, we shall look mainly at emblems and other poems from the Discurso. Quevedo dedicated this book to the second Duke of Aveiro, Alvaro de Lencastre, and the title of the work refers to a poetic discourse on the life and work of Queen Isabel of Portugal (1269?1336), wife of King Dinis (1261-1325),

of whom

Alvaro de Lencastre

Was a descendant. The poem is in six cantos, followed by the Outras varias rimas, or ‘other various rimes’, which begin with fifty-one sonnets (of which six are in Spanish), followed by a poem in terza-rima (in Spanish) and an unfinished eclogue (in Portuguese). After this come

the emblems, which are swiftly followed by romances and glosas in

Spanish and Portuguese, most in indigenous meters. A very curious and important fact is that, in a preliminary text to the reader, and as a way of presenting the errata, Quevedo states his in-

difference to the mundane matters of printing poetry. The errata, he states, has been compiled to humour those interested in such material things; as he wishes no fame from these matters, he suffers no shame from them. This could be considered simply a common leitmotif in such

introductory texts, where the author’s humility seeks to diffuse potential

criticisms,

shambles:

and

the

it features

book

very

is,

indeed,

something

irregular types,

of a bibliographical

numerous

spelling errors,

several cases of wrong pagination and ongoing corrections during the

printing process (including variant dates on the inprint)—it comes as no surprise that it has given rise to speculation of the existence of different books altogether. It is a little strange that Quevedo would allow his book to be printed in such poor conditions, given that he was alive and nearby during the publication of this work. Moreover, he even proclaims his hope of honouring his patron (one of the highest ranking nobles of the time) with this work, which would seem a contradiction. It is true that one could argue that Quevedo might have had his mind on his next project, the grand epic poem Afonso Africano (Lisbon: Antonio Alvares, 1611), since he says in the dedication to the Duke of Aveiro that the present book

(Discurso)

is a prelude

to greater things," but this still does

not

account for the poor quality of this publication, considering the effort and expense this would incur.

43

An indication that he was not altogether indifferent to his poetry comes with the series of emblems, which is itself preceded by a small introduction—it seems that the emblems were important enough to merit special attention and effort: Estes emblemas colhi, assi de Pierio como de Paradino, por me parecer cousa nova em nossa lenguage portugués. Morrerao mal logrados, que bem morre, quem tao mal nasce, pois lhe falta o melhor que sao as figuras, mas advirto q[ue] trato neles como se as tevera estapadas. (Discurso, 93ro)

(I have taken these emblems both from Pierio and Paradin, as they seemed a new thing to me in the Portuguese language. They will perish ill-enjoyed, for an ill-birth inevitably brings a death, as they lack their best, which are the pictures, but I warn you that I treat them as if these were printed.)

His sources,

‘Pierio’ and ‘Paradino’, are Pierio Valeriano’s Hiero-

glyphica (Basle: Michael Isengrin, 1556) and Claude Paradin’s Devises Heroiques (Lyon: Jean de Tournes, 1551).* Quevedo used other sources not mentioned in this introduction, mostly the Emblemata by Alciato, whom he quotes, or refers to, occasionally—not least, in the dedication to the Duke of Aveiro, at the start of the book. It is important to note

that the novelty to which Quevedo alludes does not extend to both Valeriano and Paradin, whom he recognizes simply as textbook sources for the creation of his emblems;

instead, he claims only the novelty of

writing such emblems in the Portuguese tongue. Quevedo’s introduction to his emblems also offers an indication of emblem reception in Portugal at the turn of the seventeenth century. The emblems, writes Quevedo,

‘will perish ill-enjoyed (...) as they lack

their best, which are the pictures’, a clear recognition of the importance of the picturae in emblem literature. Regardless of the reasons for not having included the picturae,’ Quevedo’s (and his readers’) priorities * Valeriano’s work was augmented in 1567, reprinted in 1575, 1579, 1586 and 1595, had a further eight print runs during the seventeenth century and had five different translations up to the nineteenth century; references to Valeriano are to the 1575 Latin edition and the 1615 French translation. Paradin published an augmented edition in 1557, which was then often translated, References to Paradin are to the 1557 edition. himself, itis f Although such reasons might be attributable to circumstances around Quevedo also conceivable that the difficulties might have arisen elsewhere in the printing process. Life for with a most printers in the Iberian Peninsula in the second half of the sixteenth century was troubled variety of different problems; for instance, skilled printing staff (compositors, beaters, type-selters,

augmented and reprinted.

* There is some evidence from the original manuscript that the Afonso Africano was to be dedicated to the Duke as well, but they fell out at some point and Quevedo changed his dedicatee to

apprentices, pullers and others) moved around in the Peninsula quite regularly, but were also from a variety of linguistic and religious backgrounds reaching beyond the Pyrenees. Language could be an added difficulty, but more worrying were their troubles with the Inquisition (see Clive Griffin,

de

Journeymen

Alvaro de Sousa, Captain of the Royal Guard (see Manuel dos Santos Rodrigues, Vasco Mouzinho de Quevedo—estudo histérico-literério e ediçäo critica

thesis, Universidade Nova de Lisboa, 1999), pp. 14, 16-17, 22-25).

O Afonso Africano (Lisbon: doctoral

Printers, Heresy, and the Inquisition in Sixteenth-Century Spain (Oxford: Oxford also have University Press, 2005), particularly pp. 84-87 and 171). This unsettled workforce could

44

LUÎS GOMES

VASCO MOUSINHO DE QUEVEDO

are clear, for even without the pictures, the epigram persists and its effect is assured: ‘but I warn you that I treat them as if these were printed’. This suggests that the familiarity with emblems of late sixteenth-century Portuguese readers seemed to have been such that pictures were almost secondary to the purpose of the text. Indeed, the novelty, says Quevedo, was not the emblems themselves, nor the missing pictures, but rather, as mentioned earlier, the use of the Portuguese language for the text of the emblems. This argument becomes even more relevant in his next book of emblems, the manuscript Didlogos de Varia Doutrina. It consists of a dialogue of a philosophical and moral nature between two men, Jerénimo and Boécio Severino, at times illustrated with emblems (as the author reveals in the title page). However, the illustration is done not by means of a picture or any graphic artifice, but merely by an emblem consisting of an inscriptio and a subscriptio vividly describing a pictura—very much in the line of Alciato’s first epigrams, which were later called ‘emblems’. Furthermore, in the prologue of what is nowadays considered Quevedo’s best work, Afonso Africano (Lisbon: Antonio Alvares, 1611), the author considers the Didlogos his best work to date: comparing both Afonso Africano and the Didlogos to sculptures, the former would be a bronze statue and the latter ‘fina prata, pois trazem à vista o ptiblico proveito’ (fine silver, for they make visible a public gain, Afonso Africano, 2vo).° This ‘fine silver’ refers not to the emblems

goals, and, at least at the beginning of his career as a poet, the graphic pictura was a very important tool for this task. We have shown elsewhere how Quevedo set his creative process at the service of late sixteenth-century religious fervour, and how emblems played their part in this process.’ However, we argue here that this was done not only for religious purposes, but also as part of his overall literary aesthetics. A good example of the importance of imagery to Queyedo can be found in the way he uses this to unite the whole of the Discurso. In fact, the prose eulogy of the introductory matter to the book is repeated in poetic terms at the beginning of the sonnet sequence and emblem sequence, giving these ‘other various rimes’ a corpus of their own: Ao Duque A gléria do edeficio, o louvor alto

Do que a tiltima mao lhe pòe, se dobra Em desgraça daquele, e magoa da obra,

Que no melhor lhe foi escasso e falto.

Este de letras, com que E que em mim vossa Se sua perfeiçäo por A todos causa mâgoa

function, and Quevedo relies vivid images to best achieve This reliance derives from process, and Quevedo gives

Vôs sereis minha gloria, eu gléria vossa, Ficando à vista as que eu ja n'alma tinha,

is used primarily for its didactic

on the capacity of the emblem to generate this goal. an aesthetic stance concerning the creative some clues to this early in the Discurso. In

Vossas armas reais em minha fronte. (Discurso, 60ro)

(To the Duke

The glory of the edifice, the high praise Of him who gives the last hand, will be doubled In disgrace of him, and in harm of the work That was deprived of its best.

the dedication to the Duke of Aveiro, Quevedo justified his decision to

include not only the ‘other various rimes’ with the Discurso, but also some mundane anecdotes in the edifying poem to Queen Saint Isabel, with the sole purpose of better captivating his audience and achieving his goal of leading them to a higher moral existence. He follows, and quotes, the Horatian precept of profit through delight: ‘omne tulit punctum, qui miscuit utile dulci’ (Horace,

De Arte Poetica,

This [edifice] of letters, with which I rise to Heaven

And which in me your hand raises and constructs, If its perfection does not agree with you, To all it shall cause harm.

343; Discurso,

p. vi) (He who joins the instructive with the agreeable, carries off every vote). The emblem is seen as a very useful genre to achieve his high

had a direct impact on the skills and resources available to Manuel de Lira at the time of printing

Quevedo’s Discurso.

: ° See Isabel Almeida, ‘“Fina Prata”: os Didlogos de Varia Doutrina Emblemmas, de Vasco Mousinho de Quevedo’, Românica, 9 (2000), 77-88

Illustrados

com

ao Céu me exalto mao levanta e obra, vos nao cobra, e sobressalto.

JA que os andames da esperanga minha Nao ha quem desarmä-los hoje possa, Fazei com que este meu trabalho monte.

themselves as artefacts, but rather to the moralising

function of the text. The emblem

45

But since the scaffolding of my hope Is now impossible to bring down, I pray you aid my work to rise.

7 Luis Gomes,

‘Emblemätica

nos sonetos religiosos de Vasco Mousinho

de Quevedo

Castelo

de Branco’, in Emblemas e Religido / Emblemas y Religion ed. Ignacio Arellano (Navarra: Grupo Investigaciôn del Siglo de Oro, 2009), forthcoming.

46

LUÎS GOMES

DISCVRSO

SOBRE

À VIDA, E MORTE, SANTAISABEL

"

VASCO MOUSINHO

DE QUEVEDO

You will be my glory, I yours,

DE

RAINHADE

Portugal, & outras varias Rimas.

Por Vafco Moufinho de Caftelbranco,

Dirigido ao Excellenti/sime Senkor Duque, Dom Ainaro de Lancaftre.

ri

Revealing what I already had in the soul: Your royal arms in my front.)

As would be expected from such a eulogy, Quevedo asks for help and praises the sponsor, whilst, in a spurt of self-confidence, praising his own skills as well—the final work will reflect the merit of the help obtained (ll. 11-12). At the end of the sonnet, however, the deal is extrapolated beyond the sonnet, unifying text, book, sponsor and poet: ‘You will be my glory, I yours, | Revealing those I already had in the soul: | Your royal arms in my front.’ (sonnet 1, Il. 12-14). Indeed, the tile page of Discurso bears the royal arms of the House of Lencastre, which the poet holds dear in his soul (Fig. 1). The sonnet becomes one with the voice of the poet and the book, and this is further reinforced in the book section of emblems, which follows this eulogy: Ao Duque Sempre verde em vosso arrimo.

No chao menos se estende,

R

Ane

LpRy 0 ji Sos

Menos enredos tece luxuriosa,

Mas se algum muro prende Assi trepa vigosa; Que perpétua verdura a hera goza. Sem vos, firme Coluna, Nenhum ser me enobrece ou gléria esmalta, Baixa é minha Fortuna, Porém subida e alta

Em quanto favor vosso me nao falta. (Discurso, 93vo)

(To the Duke. Always green in your support.

Inpreff com licenca de San£lo Officie:E del

EMLISBO A

47

Rey

Me

Per Maneclde Lyra.anno. de 159 6.

AodeuElena Lopez mercador de linre Fig. 1: Title page displaying the coat of arms of the Duke of Aveiro, Alvaro de

Lencastre. Vasco Mousinho de Quevedo Castelo Branco, Discurso sobre a vida e morte de Santa Isabel, rainha de Portugal, e outras varias rimas, Lisbon, 1596 (Biblioteca Geral, Universidade de Coimbra). Reduced.

On the ground it grows less, Fewer entanglements it weaves luxuriously, But if some wall it grabs, Thus it climbs lustrously, For perpetual greenery the ivy enjoys. Without you, firm Column, No being ennobles me, nor glory depicts me, Low is my Fortune, But high and mighty it will be, Whilst your fervour graces me.)

fn. 48

LUÎS GOMES

72

VASCO MOUSINHO

DE QUEVEDO

49

inspiration, like Alciato’s ‘Amicitia etiam post mortem durans’ (Friendship lasting even beyond death) on the reciprocal support between the ivy and the elm tree, or even the opening emblem in Geffrey Whitney’s

DEVISES Te ftante virebo.

Choice of Emblemes

motto

and

Quevedo’s

where

choice,

(Leiden: Christopher Plantin, 1586), with the same

Whitney

however,

provides

a similar eulogy

is not a tree (as

to Elizabeth

in Alciato)

or even

I.

an

wae À

yma

obelisk (as in Paradin or Whitney), but a strong and ascending stone edifice (a wall and a column). We can see now the connection between this emblem’s ascending building that is glorified by Quevedo’s endeavours (the greenery) and the sonnet’s building also held together by Quevedo’s efforts (the scaffolding). There is a clear connection between this first emblem, the first sonnet and the title page of the Discurso (and, by synecdoche, the whole book), and the connection is made through the medium of images created in the reader’s mind. There is a close association between an enigmatic text and an enigmatic image that make it very easy to relate the imagery of the Discurso’s sonnets to the emblematic tradition. The pressure of emblematic literature is very strong in a sonnet such as the following: A D. Fernäo Martins Mascarenhas quando o fizeram Bispo. Espanta crecer tanto o crocodilo S6 por seu acanhado nascimento, Que se maior nascera, mais isento

Estivera d’espanto o patrio Nilo.

Entrant dernierement Monficur le R. Cardinal de Lorreine en [on Abbaye de Cluny,eftoit esleuee au portald'icelle fa Deuife,qui eft une Pyramide,auec le Croif fant au deffus : enuironnee du bas infques en haut , d'un beau Lierre verdoyant. Et le tout acompagne , de l'inJeripcion qui fenfuit: Quel Memphien miracle fe hauflant Porte du-ciel largentine lumiere,

(Glasgow University Library). Reduced.

Based on Paradin’s ‘Te stante virebo’ (While you stand, I shall flourish; Fig. 2), the emblem reinforces the continuous movement of

variations

and edification

on

this

theme

of the first sonnet.

from

which

There

Quevedo

Vosso pontifical novo ornamento,

Pois no ventre o imortal merecimento

Vo-lo talhou, para despois visti-lo.

Tardou, mas veio, que a quem mais merece Muito mais tarde vir o prémio é certo,

E sempre tarda, inda que venha cedo.

Os Céus, que do primeiro estao mais perto, Mais devagar se movem; quem soubesse Tras d’aquele segredo, este segredo? (Discurso, 61ro)

Laquelle

Fig. 2: ‘Te stante virebo’, Claude Paradin, Devises heroiques, Lyons, 1557, p. 72

ascension

Em vao levantard meu baixo estilo

are other emblem

could

have

taken

e textual content occurs in other emblem ® This artifice of incorporating parts of the book into the (Münich: Melchior writers, as Jeremias Drexel, in Orbis Phaëton hoc est de universis vitiis lin guæ to the title page engraving in a preliminary text Segen and Nicolau Henrich, 1629). Drexel explains : artifice similar a uses , himself lo auctor’ Quevedo the reader ‘Lectori benevo at the end of the book. s da See meto das Santas Reliquias que forao leuada 3 {a in Gaspar dos Reis, Relacam do solenne recebi Iniuersi escreueleo da | niuersidade i a que > sece escreu I He carta corios ra ao real Mosteyro de Santa Cruz. de Coimb de Gomes, see Gor —see 596)— 1596) Mari Maris, e de o Anténi Anto ra: (Coimb Coi i hum amigo. per hum sacerdote canonista

‘Emblemätica nos sonetos religiosos...’.

i

|

|

| '

50

LUÎS GOMES

VASCO MOUSINHO DE QUEVEDO

(To Fernäo Martins Mascarenhas when he was made a bishop.

for the Dutch emblematist swiftly. Other connotations of saurians are disregarded. Here, then, natural history provides a lesson for man: great results come, sooner or later, from small beginnings. Quevedo’s image is, like many emblems, a res significans, depending on the belief that the natural world is imbued with moral meaning. It is not just the nature of the images which make some of Quevedo’s sonnets appear emblematic; it is also their form. We know that the notion that an emblem must have three parts can be derived from the practice of emblematists, even though it has no support in sixteenth-

It is astonishing to see the crocodile grow so much, For it is of small size at birth,

That if it were born bigger, the Nile would be More wanting of amazement. In vain will my low style raise Your pontifical new ornament, For in your innards the immortal merit Has carved it, to dress it thereafter. It was delayed, but it came, as to him who merits the most Much later is certain the prize to come, And it is always late, even it comes when early.

century theory.'' Nonetheless, the emblem of sonnet 3 would seem to be a tripartite one. There is a title (the dedication to the bishop), the image of the crocodile and an explanation of its significance (II. 9-11). This does not mean to say that the sonnet as a whole should be regarded as an emblem. Quevedo adds an enigmatic final tercet, not always

The Heavens, that are closer to the first one,

Move much more slowly: who would know Behind that secret, this secret?)

present in emblems,

The image with which the sonnet opens—the crocodile which is born from an egg but later in life grows to huge proportions —is one that was used by writers of emblems. Such an emblem was published in Amsterdam in 1618 by Florentius Schoonhovius, with the motto ‘E parvis cito magnus’ (From small beginnings things quickly grow). As often happens with such images there is probably a common source.’ In discussing emblems in literature, Peter Daly distinguishes between

what he calls a ‘word-emblem’ (an image occurring in a poem which seems to be the verbal equivalent of the illustration of an emblem) and a

poetic symbol:

the word-emblem

is ‘univalent in meaning’

and ‘in any

one context only one level of meaning is relevant’.'” Quevedo’s croco-

dile would seem to be such a univalent image. Crocodiles have many characteristics which, taken together, might form a poetic symbol— ferocity, deviousness (they remain hidden while stalking their prey),

hypocrisy

(crocodile’s tears). Indeed, Quevedo

himself uses the image

of the crocodile in this latter sense, in his emblem ‘Penitencia, impenitente’ (Discurso, 108vo) (Penitence, unrepentant). However, Quevedo and Schoonhovius focus on only one, the crocodile’s small size at birth and large size at maturity, a state which for Quevedo comes slowly and

” Peter M. Daly, Literature in the Light of the Emblem:

Structural Parallels Between

the

Emblem and Literature in the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1998), pp. 74-80, discusses the difficulty of finding sources for emblems. Schoonhovius ’ work, for instance, is published almost two decades later—Florentius Schoonhovius , Emblemata (Gouda: Andreas Burier, 1618).

!° Peter M. Daly, Literature in the Light of the Emblem, p. 105,

51

and which

I discuss in detail elsewhere.'? But the

connection of the rest of the sonnet to the emblematic tradition seems obvious. There is, however, a further distinction to be made. Theorists of the emblem, both those contemporary with Quevedo and in modern times, have seen, in the combination of image and explanation, statements of

general and of particular application. That is, this bi-medial text can be a statement of a general moral truth, accessible to all after a moment’s reflection, or something more personal and private, like a motto, applicable

only

to an

individual."

In the

latter case,

it is sometimes

called an impresa. It is a pity that Leal de Matos study of Quevedo’s sonnets

condemns

all of Quevedo’s

emblematic

sonnets

for being

didactic, not recognising that many of the sonnets must undoubtedly have a private significance, not least because so many of them are occasional

poems

written

for individuals.'*

Sonnet

3, for instance,

could be seen as an example of both types of text. It expresses a general truth, but at the same time may have a private relevance to the bishop to whom it was dedicated.

in The as !! Denis L, Drysdall, ‘The Emblem According to the Italian Impresa Theorists’, the Glasgow of Papers Selected Variety. and Tradition Europe: Baroque and Renaissance in J. Harper, International Emblem Conference, 13-17 August, 1990, ed. Alison Adams and Anthony Symbola et Emblemata, 3 (Leiden: Brill, 1992), pp. 22-32, p. 31.

#i Branco: estudo e ediçäo 2 Luis Gomes, Os soneros de Vasco Mousinho de Quevedo e Castelo

critica (Oxford: D.Phil thesis, University of Oxford, 2003), pp. 170-171. Peter M. Daly, Literature in the Light of the Emblem, pp. 27-30. 14 Maria Vitalina Leal de Matos, ‘Vasco Mousinho de Quevedo

Centro Cultural Calouste Gulbenkian, 37 (1998), 417-434, p. 423.

Castelbranco’,

Arquivos

do

52

LUÎS GOMES

VASCO MOUSINHO DE QUEVEDO A Pero de Maris sobre o seu livro

Other sonnets, such as 17 and 46, form an interesting pair of emblematic sonnets, which exemplify the point just made as well as providing further instances of the univalence of the word-emblem. Sonnet 46 makes a point of universal relevance:

Sentindo-se de força e vigor falta, Mal a que o tempo enfim todos condena, Renovar-se outra vez a âguia ordena, Abre as asas ao Sol, e as nuves salta.

Tanto que sente enfraquecer o alento, Quebrado o brio e j4 menos ligeira Co’ a longa idade e vida derradeira, [A] aguia a presa siguir, cortar o vento,

Despois que l4 se vé soberba e alta, Langa-se ao mar com füria nado pequena, E caindo-lhe a velha e antiga pena, De nova gléria se reveste e esmalta.

Levanta o mais que pode o v6o isento E, firida do Sol desta maneira D4 no mar, recobrando a forga inteira E, com novo vigor, novo ornamento.

Mar sois Maris, a lingua lusitana E esta âguia, que antiga se renova E os ares sobre todas livre raia.

Quem nao vé figurada a grande gléria De uma alma, cuja vida mal gastada Com nova peniténcia se melhora?

Temo-lhe o caso de Icaro de ufana; Mas se do Sol queimada em mar o prova, Sera para que sempre nova saia. (Discurso, 68ro)

Ao alto se levanta co’a memoria, E no divino amor toda abrasada

(To Pero de Maris, on his book

Cai no mar das lagrimas que chora. (Discurso, 82vo)

Feeling short of strength and vigour, An ill to which time condemns us all, To renew itself again the eagle decrees, Opens its wings to the Sun, jumping over the clouds.

(Feeling its life weakening Its pride broken, and less swift With long age and nearer the end of life, The eagle follows the prey, cuts the wind.

After it sees itself magnificent in the height, It throws itself with no small fury, And dropping the old plumage,

It then elevates its flight as much as possible And, hurt by the Sun in this way, Hits the sea, recovering its entire strength And, with new vigour, new ornament.

It dresses and represents itself in new glory.

You are the sea, Maris, the Lusitan tongue

Is this eagle, that ancient is renewing itself And the air above all others draws.

Who does not see depicted the great glory Of a soul, whose ill-spent life With new penitence is improved? To the height it rises with memory, And with the divine love aflame Falls on the sea of tears cried by the soul.)

In one felicidade pictura is the reader Sonnet precisely

copy of the Discurso an inscription has even been added ‘A da Alma Penitente’ (The happiness of the penitent soul). The described in detail in the quatrains, and Quevedo ensures that is aware of that fact in 1. 9: ‘Who does not see depicted’. 17 is clearly a much more private utterance, though it uses the same image.

53

I fear the case of Icarus’ arrogance; But if being burnt by the Sun does matter,

It will be so that it will become ever new.)

In Sonnet 46 what links the sea to the tears of the penitent is a natural

phenomenon,

known

to all, saltiness (1. 14). In sonnet

17 the link

between the sea and Pero de Maris’ historical dialogues has nothing to do with the world of nature, but depends on the similarity between the writer’s surname and the Portuguese word for ‘sea’ (or perhaps the

Latin ‘maris’, genitive of ‘mare’)—‘Mar sois Maris’ (1. 9) (You are the sea, Maris).

:

The distinction between similarities based on nature and those which are arbitrary or conventional, sometimes called ‘hieroglyphic’, was

San,

54

LUIS GOMES

VASCO MOUSINHO DE QUEVEDO

known to the Italian theorists of the emblem.'° The existence of both types in Quevedo’s sonnets is an indication of his familiarity with the world of emblems and the freedom with which he manipulated it. The two sonnets are, then, quite different, but they use the same image. The image of the eagle renewing itself is quite common

Rise higher with each surge, Forecast a mighty attack from the winds, Dolphins, with a swift and light jump, Seek repose in the best port, Passing the tempest in its protection Already free of fear and distress.

throughout Quevedo’s work,'® although he is likely to have had access

to Joannes Sambucus’ own good), which has with a slightly different in the sonnet: we have

emblem ‘Nimium sapere’ (Too wise for your most of the elements he used, though applied meaning.'’ Again, there is a clear tripartite form the inscriptio (title), the subscriptio (the tercets)

The mighty sea is this mighty world, The dolphins, all of us in it, Religions, safe calm ports. In these we should seek refuge from this sea, Lest we, in its high and deep abyss, Fall, overcome, and then die.)

and the pictura (the quatrains), with the meaning of renovation. Yet the

renovation of the human soul through penitence and the renovation of the Portuguese language by the publication of a book have very little in common. The image is univalent, to use Daly’s term once more, and in each case functions only in its immediate context, Quevedo’s sonnets are emblematic also for their internal structure, which results in a pattern that is to be found later on in similar compositions. Sonnet 41, on the perils of the soul in the tempestuous sea of life, illustrates this point: Quando as certileas ondas no mar alto,

Co’ a branda viraçäo quieto e manso, Que empolando se väo de lanço em lanço, Prognosticam dos ventos bravo assalto,

Os delfins, com ligeiro e leve salto, Buscam do melhor porto o mor descanso, Passando a tempestade em seu remanso Ja livres de temor e sobressalto. O bravo mar, é este bravo mundo, Os delfins, todos ns que nele andamos, As religiôes, seguros mansos portos. Para eles deste mar nos acolhamos, Antes que em seu abismo alto e profundo Soçobrados fiquemos, despois mortos. (Discurso, 68ro)

In 1790, the Portuguese jurist Francisco de Novaes Campos offered a manuscript book of emblems

Denis L. Drysdall, ‘The emblem according to the Italian impresa theorists’, p. 24.

16 E.g. when comparing Portugal's sorrow for the death of King Sebastian, which led to the Dual Monarchy with Spain: ‘Renovando-se sempre de ano em ano | Qual 4guia, que no mar a idade aviva’

(Discurso, canto 1.7, 11. 5-6) (Renovating itself year on year | Like an eagle that renews its age in the sea).

17 Joannes Sambucus, Emblemata (Antwerp: Christopher Plantin, 1564), p. 32.

to John, Prince of Brazil (later King John

VI). These were a translation into Portuguese of Juan de Solorzano Pereyra’s emblems, though not of the commentary.'* In its place, Campos offers a paraphrase of Solorzano’s emblem’s subscriptio in the form of a sonnet (Figs. 3 - 4). Both use a similar image of a storm as the troubled world, but, more importantly, both texts also have a similar structure: the first quatrain presents a background, against which further developments

are

set

Quevedo,

on

(second

quatrain).

The

first tercet clarifies

the

association of the elements produced thus far. For Quevedo, the sea is the world, the dolphins are the people, the ports are religions, and for Campos, the sea is the world and the storm signifies the war. Lastly, the second tercet proposes the solution through the interpretation of all the elements together, which produces a moral lesson. Furthermore, these sonnets also propose an argument by simplifying its rhetorical structure, a technique employed by Quevedo and other emblematists with a didactic purpose. Although both authors opt to write their emblem in a sonnet with a similar structure, Campos intends his sonnet to be read next to the emblem from which it derives, which would make its understanding much easier, whereas Quevedo’s sonnets could not be read in the same context.

(When the deep-blue waves in the high seas, Quiet, peaceful and undulating,

53

the

contrary,

forces

the

readers

to create

the

image in their minds through the text alone, and this confers a particular strength and vigour to the imagery therein. Indeed, at times, Quevedo

The manuscript, presently in the Biblioteca Nacional in Rio de Janeiro, was recently edited: Francisco Antonio de Novaes Campos, Principe perfeito: emblemas de D. Joao de Solérzano, ed.

Maria Helena de Teves Costa Ureña Prieto (Lisbon: Instituto de Cultura e Lingua Portuguesa, 1983). The

source

text for Campos’

translation

politica (Madrid: Garcia Morräs,

is Juan de Solorzano

Pereyra,

Emblemata

1653).

es

__

A

centum,

regio

VASCO MOUSINHO DE QUEVEDO

LUIS GOMES

56

Regum bella populos quaffant

As

”

Guerras

fad dos Povos

"

57

.

ER

PVERSAO

ty

/.

1

a ruina.

int: ado se pint i via se que A alma do unidos a todo ele.

the last decades of his life. In fact, in Vieira’s introduction we find an intense articulation of images and notions, past choices and present options, all derived from the profusion of paths in exploring the ‘wheel’. First it reflects the edifying tenacity of Saint Catherine and, by analogy, that of Catherine of Braganza, though

69

ASSUS

A in making Vieira excel does he that r clea sh also s p a r Cphrasis ; it is ns of ecp representatiî on visible by meaarity with aling a cl ose famili reve ry bula voca technical it in lays disp | enigmatic compositions: In

and

(which Vieira brings to the fore in this text, with pathos) is

permanence

IN PARN

ALCIATO

TE Nmao Décimo Ra.E‘Ser Vieir Vieira,

Cartas,

vol.

Segundo

3, p. 683

Rostrio',

sev « Sermoes

(Porto: Port

flo

Lello

€

. & Inmao rat

1959), vol. 11

70

ALCIATO IN PARNASSUS

ISABEL ALMEIDA

71

challenges which baroque rhetoric and poetics promoted, in witty renderings of the Horatian ‘ut pictura poesis’. The intense use of the emblem in the teachings of the Society of Jesus through the ratio studiorum, or even in the festivities they sponsored or in which they took part, bears witness to the Society’s fondness for this genre. However, both in religious and secular circles, people were encouraged to see, read, imagine, comment and inspire. In this process, word and image or drawing were brought together not only physically, but also when, owing to the descriptive training received and the pleasure of the hypotyposis, the word was able to ponere ante oculos. Just at the moment when the abstract nature of geometry and

Hieroglyphica or from Giovanni Pierio Valeriano, pivotal works on the fascination for ideograms. Vieira is particularly fond of hieroglyphics, which he praises either by pointing out its ancient beginnings (“Entre os Egipcios todos os seus mistérios se declaravam por jeroglificos’ (Amongst the Egyptians, all their mysteries would be declared through

the intellect as goal posts of a decisive gnosiological change was being applauded. From the former, one would reach the latter, often because of the refined metaphorical or metonymical agility it displayed: ‘Vede

(angels speak through conceits, which are natural images of things, and which images we all know. On the contrary, uttered words, as well as written words, are artificial images of the same things, and only those that

hieroglyphs)), or, when, looking from afar, he sacralizes their origin (against eventual suspicions of heresy) and claims them exempt from the stain of Babel-confusion: os anjos imagens também entender

mathematics was being trumpeted," the interweaving of the senses and

se correspondem

bem’

(See if these equate well), “Deu

Deus

first),'' Vieira would insist, praising the proportions which, more than

just pleasing him, were proof of a higher network of correspondences and a promise of eloquent discoveries:

assim como a forma supôe a matéria, assim como o retrato imita o original, assim como o edificio se levanta sobre os fundamentos, assim tudo aquilo

que se chama mistico supôe, imita e se funda sobre o natural.

(just as form presupposes matter, just as the picture imitates the original, just as

the

building

is raised

on

foundations,

so

all

supposes, imitates and is based on the natural.)'?

that

is called

mystical

The discursive language of the seventeenth century, which Margarida Vieira Mendes so well described,'* relied on the conviction (based on

the teachings of Aristotles, of Tullius, of Quintilian)'* that what would result from

appealing

to the senses,

would

efficiently

convince

the

reader, the more so when seen through the eyes of the imagination, as Loyola's Spiritual Exercises emphasized. Hence the allegoresis would interweave the tangible and the abstract, in a hierarchical order; hence, also, the popularity of patterns emanating from Horapollo’s 1° See Giacomo Jori, Marsilio/Crisis, 1998).

Per

evidenza:

Conoscenza

e

segni

nell’eta

barocca

(Venice:

!! Vieira, “Sermo do Santissimo Sacramento”, Sermdes, vol. 6, p. 106. Vieira, ‘Sermao Trigésimo— Rosario’, Sermôes, vol. 13, p. 2.

‘ Margarida Vieira Mendes, A Oratôria Barroca de Vieira (Lisbon: Caminho, 1989). H Vieira, ‘Sermào da Sexagésima’. Sermées, ed. Arnaldo do Espirito Santo and others (Lisbon: Centro de Estudos de Filosofia/Imprensa Nacional-Casa da Moeda, 2008- ), vol. 1, p. 47.

falam por conceitos, que sao imagens naturais das cousas, as quais conhecem todos, Pelo contrério, as palavras pronunciadas, como escritas, sao imagens artificiais das mesmas cousas, e nao as podem senäo os que souberem a arte.

know their art can understand them.)'°

primeiro

aos homens por mestra a natureza’ (God gave Men Nature as master

as perfect,

Whilst, as a true Jesuit, Vieira shows a clear rejection of the sermdo de aparato (sermons of extremes of elaborate display sustained by dramatic visual aids), the preacher in him would not tire of emphasizing the potential richness of drawings, letters or lexemes: “Todos os autores antigos fizeram ao cao simbolo da fidelidade’ (all ancient authors had the dog as a symbol of loyalty);'’ ‘o melhor jeroglifico da mesma Trindade é o M uno e trino’ (the best hieroglyph of the same Trinity is

the unified and tripartite M); ‘Os Egipcios nos seus hieroglificos, e antes deles os Caldeus, para representar a eternidade pintaram um O: porque a figura circular nào tem principio nem fim’ (The Egyptians in their hieroglyphs, and before them the Chaldeans, to represent eternity would paint an O: because the circular shape does not have a beginning or an end).'? Vieira was committed to a spectacular and admirable paraenetics, which was charged with energy and powerfully excited listeners, and such elements were available, ad libidum, in rich iconological repertoires and in the Bible.

One needs only to go back to the dedication of 1696: in a second epithalamic enigma which Antonio Vieira attributes to the ‘Serenfssimo Esposo

285.

ElRei

Carlos’

(Highest

15 Vieira, ‘Sermao da Dominga

Vigésima

Husband

Segunda

King

two

letters

depoisde Pentecostes". Sermdes. vol. 6. p.

6 Vieira, ‘Sermao Undécimo. Do seu dia—Xavier Dormindo,

14, p. 21.

Charles),

Xavier Acordado,

7 Vieira, ‘Sermäo de S. Roque, Sermües. vol. 8, p. 47. !! Vieira, ‘Sermao do Santissimo Nome de Maria”. Sermées, vol. 10. p. 98 Sermôes, vol. 10. p. 213. ora do O°, 19 Vieira, ‘Sermo de Nossa Senh

Sermôes. vol.

ALCIATO IN PARNASSUS

ISABEL ALMEIDA

72 stand

out:

C C,

obvious

monograms

of

the

bride

and

bridegroom,

Charles and Catherine. These letters were also the round number of 100, whilst being also, in a mirror image, two halves of a circle—and an expression of the infinite. Vieira, with his prophetic tendency, assures that ‘esta segunda figura igualmente coroada defronte da primeira, em uma pronosticava a duraçäo do reinado, em outra a conversäo do Rei’ (this second figure equally crowned in front of the other, the former would predict the duration of the reign, and the latter the conversion of

the King).”°

‘toto divisos orbe Britannos’

73

(Eclogue I, 66: “Britons, wholly sundered

from all the world’’') is encrusted in a diptych and questioned— ‘emendado’ —according to seventeenth-century oratorical textual plasti-

city.” As to the image of the ‘O’, resulting from the joining up of the

two ‘CC’, albeit a common artifice, it gains pertinence and a fresh interpretation through Vieira’s laudatio, which considered not only the political and religious subtlety of the Luso-British alliance in 1662, but also the relevance of Catherine’s example in the second half of the century, having returned to Portugal ‘como o Sol ao mesmo ponto do Horizonte donde tem safdo, contente de no tempo de sua aus€ncia ter alumiado os Antipodas’ (like the Sun to the same point on the horizon whence it has departed, happy for having in the time of its absence

illuminated the Antipodeans)”* (Fig. 3).

As can be seen, one should not be surprised that Vieira cultivated emblems, and particularly that he did so openly. The traces of this literary genre are plentiful, requiring an inventory and analysis that would merit the work of a research team—e.g., one would need to account for phenomena of assimilation of compositions where word and image were, in fact, combined, or consider the familiarity with emblemlike texts, At any rate, in one way or another, all this required the complicity of the reader, who was urged to exercise the memory and pursue faint lines of meaning, or who was obliged to follow lines of reasoning based on a symbolic reading of living creatures, objects and

events. Friar Francesco Panigarola offers two words of caution which shed some light on the interpretations that we shall suggest here. The first is a path to follow and a reassurance: la copia de i libri è quella, che principalmente, fra tutte le cose, suol fare honore à chi compone: havendo per regola certa, che à chi studia, e vuole gliene imparare, basta un libro solo; ma a chi scrive e vuole insegnare, non

bastano mille.

the (the abundance of books is what principally, amongst all things, honours study who those for that rule fixed a being there them: one who composes and want to learn, a single book is sufficient; but for those who write and

want to teach, a thousand books are not enough.)

Fig. 3: ‘Eternità’, Cesare Ripa, /conologia, Venice, 1669, p. 189 [as 163] (Glasgow University Library). Reduced.

It was typical of Anténio Vieira and of his period to renew accepted knowledge, that is, to discuss and oppose what seemed acceptable: in the first case, the line already quoted from the ‘Prince of Poets’ Virgil,

2 vols (London: ! Virgil, Virgil, trans. by H. Rushton Fairclough, Loeb classical library, 63-64,

Press, 1916-1918), rev. by G. P Goold (Harvard, MA; London, Cambridge University

Heinemann, 1999), vol. 1.

2 Margarida Vieira Mendes,

A Oratéria Barroca de Vieira, p. 161.

* Vieira, Sermoens [‘Dedicatéria’].

famosiss. Predicatore Fr. * Francesco Panigarola, Prattica di compor le prediche usata dal

20 Vieira, Vier ; ry |, Sermoens . |*Dedicatéria’

Francesco

nel Panigarola Min. Osservante Dall'Autore communicata prima a'soli suoi Discepoli,

A =».

74

ISABEL ALMEIDA

The second, from the Trattato della Memoria Locale, on an emblematic image and his debt towards elements highlighted by Giovanni Pierio Valeriano, summarizes a demanding opinion: ‘bisogna ben, che tu sia pigro d’intelletto, se da queste imaginationi non ti saranno subito raccordati questi due concetti’ (you must indeed be slow of intellect, if from these images you will not be immediately reminded of these two concepts).* In summary, emblematics contribute to the understanding of the vast field of reference and of some of the characteristics of the discourse and arguments exploited by a preacher like Father Anténio Vieira. Furthermore, the examples here presented alert the reader to the fact that, beyond what is being clearly stated, one will still need to apply baroque ingenuity in guessing what is being alluded to by the use of particular terms.

For Vieira, the image itself is less important than what can be achieved with it. The preacher is responsible for the audacity of the work undertaken, the meaning derived from preserving or changing what others have produced, and in this way he puts forward a forma mentis, a conception of the art of preaching. Therefore, to make use of images in sermons is a constant adventure: it both mirrors the dexterity of the preacher and provides a stimulus and attraction for his audience. Vieira enthusiastically pursues this process. Indeed, it functions as a key feature within an admirable ethos, since the preacher, anxious for action, remakes crystallized conceits: emblems, hieroglyphs, imprese, in their typical fixed form, are only accessories, or points of departure, matter that can be utilized, and it is precisely through this process that Vieira tends to enrich the images he debates, animates and stages. The boldness of some speculations is noteworthy: Pinta-se a morte com uma fouce segadora na mio direita, e um relégio com asas na mao esquerda. Se alguma hora foi assim a morte, troque-se daqui por diante a pintura, que jà nao é assim.

ALCIATO IN PARNASSUS Ja verieis a imagem da vitéria armada, outra; eu quero emendar esta imagem, cristä. Aceito a palma em uma mao, e também a espada na outra: mas ainda insignia da vitéria. E qual é? A coroa.

75

e com a espada na mao e a palma na porque me parece mais gentilica que porque se nao queixem os soldados, lhe falta a esta pintura a principal

(You would have seen the image of armed victory, with the sword in one hand and the palm in the other; I want to amend this image, because it seems

to me more Gentile than Christian. 1 accept the palm in one hand, and so that soldiers do not complain, also the sword in the other: but this image still lacks the main insigne of victory. And what might that be? The crown.)”’

Drawing the attention of the listener or reader to the direction of his discourse, Vieira immediately acclaims his interpretation and the alterations he proposes, contrasting a defined and somewhat stereotyped heritage to the prodigy of his skill, the command of his ingenuity, the daring with which he argues, refutes and recreates. He plays boldly with elements from famous collections such as Cesare Ripa’s Iconologia—a true fount of inventio for seventeenth-century letters and arts. Such would be the norm for Vieira: ‘Primeiro apontarei o que todos viram, depois direi o que poucos sabem’ (First I shall point out what all have seen, then I shall tell what few know).* In this context, one may expect to find, within the text of the Sermoens, emblematic material with which he disagrees and material which he follows faithfully. Moreover, evident too is his fascination for codified symbols which can be reinvented, mysterious but decipherable, and which seek to encompass everything. Therein lies the pretext for the emergence of the marvellous through the spiral of infinite appropriations that can be generated; therein also lies the display of difficulty that delighted Vieira, and which the contemporary Jesuit Baltasar Ingenio.

Gracién

came

to

theorize

in

detail,

in Agudeza

Pintou um enxame de abelhas que no oco de um capacete fabricavam os seus favos, e por titulo deste emblema: ‘ex bello pax’. A letra diz, como dizfamos, que da guerra nasce a paz e o corpo da pintura a nenhuma paz se

pode aplicar com maior propriedade, qual à do Brasil. Os favos sao os doces

henceforth, for it is no longer so.)”°

frutos desta terra singular entre todas as do mundo pela béngao de doçura com que Deus a enriqueceu: ‘In benedictionibus dulcedinis’: as abelhas pela maior parte da Etiépia sao os fabricadores dos copiosos favos, que carregam

Convento d'Aracoeli, e poi pubblicata à beneficio universale,

* Vieira, ‘Sermäo nas Exéquias de D. Maria de Atafde’, Sermôes, vol. 15, p. 392.

de

We can see this in the way Vieira takes up Emblem 177/178 (according to edition) of Alciato, only to elaborate on it (Fig. 4):

(Death is painted with a sickle in the right hand, and a watch with wings in the left hand. If death has at any time been thus, let the picture be changed

Ultimamente ristampata, più distinta & corretta. Aggiuntivi li titoli a ciascun capo & un Trattato della Memoria Locale, Composto e pratticato dal Medesimo Autore (Rome: Giacomo Mascardi, 1627), 21. 2s : : ~ Panigarola, Prattica, 88ro.

y Arte

7

Vieira, ‘Sermäo da Visitaçäo de Nossa Senhora’ , Sermôes, vol. 9, p. 367.

** Vieira, ‘Sermäo de Acçäo de Gragas’, Sermôes, vol 15, p. 111.

re=

à

76

i

|

ISABEL ALMEIDA

E

M

B

L

E

M

À

L

C

77

È

the body of the painting cannot be applied more appropriately to any peace than that of Brazil. The honeycombs are the sweet fruits of this land, uîlique amongst all in the world for the blessing of the sweetness with which God

:

pax

bello

Ex

ALCIATO IN PARNASSUS

x

x

V

enriched

I I I 2

it:

‘In

benedictionibus

(in

dulcedinis’

blessings

of

sweetness,

Psalms, 20. 4): bees, mostly from Ethiopia, are the makers of the precious honeycombs, which bear every year such opulent and numerous fruits; and the helmet, not being worn and no longer being kept for other occasions, is the sign of secured peace, perpetual and without fear, as was peace in Solomon’s reign, and that which, after many wars, God promised David through Solomon: ‘Filius qui nascetur tibi, erit vir quietissimus: facium enim eum requiscere ab omnibus inimicis suis per circuitum; et ob hanc causam pacificus vocabitur.’ (The son, that shall be born to thee, shall be a most quiet man: for I will make him rest from all his enemies round about:

and therefore he shall be called Peaceable. I Chronicles 22. 9) This is the natural sense of the Gospel, which can be adorned elegantly by the helmet and the bees of the emblem, if it be David’s helmet, and the

|

bees be Solomon’s.)”’

In a sermon in which he generously defends the sense of alienation of Pernambuco, Brazil (an idea defended in Portugal after the Restoration, in the 1640s),*° Alciato’s emblem is but the stimulus in which Vieira consolidates his idea. Furthermore, if one sees in bees the symbol of the slaves brought over to Brazil’s sugar plantations, and in the abandoned helmet the metaphor of a perpetual peace never achieved in the seventeenth century, and if all that reflects the oratorical dexterity of the preacher, then it is easy to follow the leap into arguing the advantage of ‘partir o emblema pelo meio’ (breaking the emblem in half), to end the greed of the ‘urso setentrional, que nos veio crestar as colmeias’

Fig. 4: Andrea Alciato, Emblemata, Padua,

1621, p. 737, Emblem

“Ex bello pax’ (Glasgow University Library). Reduced.

178,

todos os anos täo opulentas e numerosas frotas; e o capacete, nem usado j4

eum

requiscere

ab

omnibus

inimicis

suis

(He painted a swarm of bees that made their honeycombs in an empty helmet, and gave the emblem the title: ‘ex bello pax’ (from war comes peace). The letters say, as we were saying, that from war comes peace, and

come

to

destroy

our

Auriga: effreni quem vehit oris equus.

Rs ENgy Pee 2-2 ‘Sermäo Décimo Segundo— Rosario’, Sermdes, vol. 11, pp. 212-213. Classica Editora, (Porto: vols 2 edn., 3rd. % Joao Lticio de Azevedo, Histéria de Anténio Vieira,

|

= 1] | | |

|

Rosärio’, Sermôes, vol. 11, p. 213.

| | '

|i i

|

=

|

’ Vieira,

*! Vieira, ‘Sermao Décimo Segundo—

|

|

Et temeré proprio ducitur arbitrio.

1992), vol. 1, pp. 52-168,

|

hives).!

Haud facilé huic credas, ratio quem nulla gubernat,

per

circuitum; et ob hance causam pacificus vocabitur.’ Este é o sentido natural do mistério do Evangelho, a que poderao servir de elegante comento o capacete e abelhas do emblema, se o capacete for o de David, e as abelhas as de Salomao.

has

| |

:

In praeceps rapitur, frustra quoque tendit habenas

prometeu Deus nele a seu pai David: ‘Filius qui nascetur tibi, erit vir enim

that

I |

Temeritas

receio, qual fora a do reinado de Salomäo, e a que depois de tantas guerras facium

bear,

Ultimately, the amplificatio is uncontrollable and the deduction is blatant: Alciato’s emblem becomes a motto for a fantasy shaped by historical events and imbued with political meaning. many more examples More peaceful traces of Alciato (although we de await collation.) can be found in Vieira’s meditation on ambition and its cost (Fig. 5):

nem guardado para outras ocasiôes, é o sinal da paz segura, perpétua e sem quietissimus:

(northern

}

|

|

78

ALCIATO IN PARNASSUS

ISABEL ALMEIDA

Temeritas. EMBLEMA LV:.

79

pedes castigo. O autor é fabuloso, mas a sentença verdadeira. E se nao perguntai-o aos nossos faetontes: aos do Oriente na Asia: aos do Meio-Dia na Africa: aos do Ocidente na América. (How many have you finally seen, for death awaited them, where they were awaiting themselves greater interests and happiness from life? They achieved what they had asked for; they accepted in good will the grace of the order; but the order was not for good: ‘Paenam pro munere poscis’ (you request a punishment as a reward, Ovid, Metamorphoses 2.99): said the Sun to Phaethon, when the latter asked him for his chariot. Beware, sun, for you believe you ask for graces, and you are asking for punishment. The author is inventive, but the sentence is true. Ask, then, our Phaethons: the ones of the East in Asia: the ones of midday in Africa: the ones in the West in

America.)

Similarly, although Vieira limits himself to brief references to Horace, Virgil and Ovid, the reference to a pagan story is a move towards Alciato’s Emblem 4—‘In Deo laetandum’ (joy is to be found in God; Fig. 6), already studied by Horozco y Covarrubias, agreeing in the

Christianization of the myth through which Jesus or God’s chosen were

to be represented:*

Se os gentios criam que Jupiter deceu à terra em chuva de ouro, para render, e obrigar a Danae, e em figura de âguia para levar ao Céu a Ganimedes, que razäo lhes fica para duvidar que deça Deus à terra em outros dous disfarces

para render, e se unir com os homens nesta vida, e para os levar ao Céu na

outra?

Fig. 5: Andrea Alciato, Emblemata, Padua,

1621, p. 261, Emblem 55,

‘Temeritas’ (Glasgow University Library). Reduced.

(Rashness À driver pulled by a horse whose

mouth

does not respond to the bridle is

rushed headlong and in vain drags on the reins. You cannot readily trust one whom

goes.)

no

reason

governs,

one

who

is heedlessly

taken

where

his fancy

Quantos finalmente vistes, que os esperava a morte, onde eles esperavam os maiores interesses e felicidades da vida? Alcançaram o que pediram; aceitaram muito contentes o parabém do despacho; mas o despacho nao era para bem: “Paenam pro munere poscis’: disse o Sol a Faetonte, quando lhe pediu o governo do seu carro. Olha, filho, que cuidas que pedes mercés, e

(If the Gentiles believed that Jove had come to Earth in a rain of gold, to subdue and force Danae, and in the shape of an eagle to take Ganymede up to the heavens, what reason is left to them to doubt that God would come to Earth under two other guises to subdue, and come together with men in this life, and to take them to Heaven in the other?)”

Thus,

* Alciato, Emblemas, ed. Santiago Sebastian, introd. Aurora Egido, trad. Pilar Pedraza (Madrid: 1985), p. 91. Translation

from Glasgow

University

Emblem

Website,

from Emblemata (Lyons: Macé Bonhomme for Guillaume Rouille, 1550), p. 63.

Alciato at Glasgow,

a contaminatio

symbols (Alciato, Horozco depiction of the Bahian wars:

that brings together two different key y

Covarrubias...),°

comes

an

uplifting

3 Vieira, ‘Sermao da Terceira Quarta-Feira da Quaresma’, Sermoes, vol. 3, p. 262.

# Alciato, Emblemas, ed. Santiago Sebastiän, pp. 31-33. 35 Vieira, ‘Sermao do SS. Sacramento. Em Santa Engrâcia. Ano de 1645’, Sermoes, ed. Arnaldo do Espirito Santo, vol. 1, p. 106. y % Besides the aforementioned Alciato emblem 177/178, it is important to note Horozco Covarrubias’

Akal,

from

emblem

24 (book

1), where one finds: ‘hallaron admirable simbolo de la sujecion y

obediécia al rey en las avejas’ (from bees, they made an admirable symbol of subjugation and

Juan de obedience to the king)—see Juan de Horozco y Covarrubias, Emblemas Morales (Segovia: la Cuesta, 1589), 78.

Q

PERG RR ot er oe

TREO,

PPP Te 04716214, ))9 LORS

WE

buried in the same ditch.)””

The harmony of the image and of the conceit is meticulously projected in the Sermoens, inspiring comments that cover a variety of themes, regardless of their starting point: Se quereis esperar outra cousa, que nao seja Deus, nao a espereis de outro, senäo de Deus. Pintai uma nau com as âncoras no céu, e uma letra que diga: ‘Nil sperare nisi ab eo’: e esta seja a empresa das nossas esperanças.

r

sn

4

(Comparisons show they are always of such an allegorical and erudite eloquence, as we read in all the writings of St. Anthony. But why does he call the enemies in the attack and battle in his trenches ‘bees’, and say that they burned as fire in the ‘spines’? One could not have declared what we saw and heard more clearly. He [St. Anthony] could have called the Dutch ‘bees’, for the undeniable art and good government of their republic; and, similarly, ‘bees’ for the craving with which our honey brought them over; but he calls them ‘bees’, because they need only be small to be enraged, because of their furious drive and the fury with which they attacked, and more precisely, because it is normal for the bee to fall down dead: ‘Ponuntque in vulnere vitam’ (they leave life wounded). That is what happened to those that charged the wall and crossed beams that we had in our trenches, for as they pierced it with the instruments they carried for that purpose, so they fell, and stayed

,

ds Le

In Deo letandum_. % É MBLEMATLILI

81

mh 44

ALCIATO IN PARNASSUS

ISABEL ALMEIDA

t

80

e

a

for it (if you wish to wait for something else, that is not God, do not wait and from anyone other than God. Paint a ship with the anchors in heaven, from unless nothing (expect eo’ ab nisi sperare ‘Nil saying: letters some

him): and may this be the impresa of our hopes.)"

Fig. 6: Andrea Alciato, Emblemata, Padua, 1621, p. 26, Emblem 4, ‘In Deo laetandum’ (Glasgow University Library). Reduced. Bem mostram as comparaçôes serem de uma eloquéncia tio alegérica sempre, e erudita, como a que lemos em todos os escritos de Santo Anténio. Mas porque chama aos inimigos na investida e combate da sua trincheira abelhas, e diz que arderam como fogo nas espinhas? Nao se pudera mais vivamente declarar o que vimos e ouvimos. Pudera chamar abelhas aos Holandeses, pela arte e bom governo que se Ihes nado pode negar da sua repüblica; e abelhas nesta facçäo, pelo apetite que cd os trouxe do nosso mel; mas chama-lhes abelhas, que lhes basta ser pequenas, para serem coléricas, pelo impeto raivoso, e fiiria com que acometeram, e mais particularmente, porque é préprio da abelha cair morta: ‘Ponuntque in vulnere vitam’. Assim Ihe sucedeu aos que investiram a cortina e traveses que a nossa trincheira j4 tinha, porque quantos a picaram com os instrumentos que para isso traziam, todos cafram, e ficaram sepultados no mesmo fosso.

Without a doubt, Vieira would scour through different authors, verses spreading an intertextual network and marrying various classical in Jesus of Society the to dear attitude with parts of the Scriptures, an the from lessons of use the ng surroundi sies controver spite of the

classics and the Bible, and in spite of the qualms of contradiction or indecorum of excess that permeated the seventeenth century.

Vasco In this example, it is possible that Vieira chose a sonnet by

Mousinho de Quevedo

Castelo Branco as a template, taking the liberty

the metaphorical human of replacing the ‘dolphins’ in the sonnet with ‘ship’, and

taking

care,

in the development,

to weave

David's poetic

explanation: word into it. The echo of the Psalms crowns Vieira’s moral Quando as certileas ondas no mar alto

Co’ a branda viraçäo quieto e manso Que empolando se vao de lengo em lanço Prognosticam dos ventos bravo assalto,

37 Vieira, ‘Sermao de Santo Anténio’, Sermôes, vol. 7, p. 50. 3

288. Quinto” _ Sermées, vol. 14, p. Vieira, ‘As Cinco Pedras da Funda de David—Discurso

| || i

:: |

ALCIATO IN PARNASSUS

ISABEL ALMEIDA Os delfins com ligeiro e leve salto

condition. The crossing is from Earth to Heaven, and from mortal life to eternity: the sea is this world; the mariners are all of us: the ship is the body of each one of us, so weak and of so little resistance from all its sides: and the storm and bigger waves: ‘Ascendunt usque ad coelos, et descendunt usque ad abyssos’ (mount up to the sky; they go down again to the depths.

Buscam do melhor porto o mor descanso, Passando a tempestade em seu remanso,

Lee FET ä livres de temor e sobressalto.

O bravo mar é este bravo mundo, Os delfins, todos nés que nele andamos, As religides, seguros, mansos portos.

Psalms

Quiet and tame with the slow motion

That grows from one moment to the next, They predict a bold assault by the winds, The dolphins, with a swift and light leap Seek greater rest from the best port, Passing the storm in its tranquillity, Now free from fear and fright.

La Paciencia vence sus males Gran Paciencia ha menester, Quien resiste à un grave mal: Pero en esto (al parecer) Socrates no tuvo igual; Pues la prueba principal, Es una mala Muger.

The bold sea is this bold world, lhe dolphins, all of us in it, Religions, secure and quiet ports. To them from this sea we should seek refuge,

Before in its high and deep abyss We become shipwrecked, and then dead.)*” que

eu

vi

e

SSCl, F passei

e

isto isto

2sMmO mesmo

o

ue que

Ne nosndsS nao

S,) / s vemos,

estando SL estar

O)

Although

graça,

pôe-vos

no céu:

‘Ascendunt

soçobra e tolhe a respiraçäo, “Descendunt usque ad abyssos’. ere

estais

usque

em

ad

coelos’;

pecado,

se quando

mete-vos

no

vos

Inferno:

; and thisA is the very same thing

etait ced, seen :and experien ave seen (This 5 is is whatwhe 1 have that we do not see, being in the same and

worse

and

more

( Si sO 1ti

VO) WC uld a seer s

)

Socrates had no equal;

e da vida mortal para a eternidade: o mar é este mundo; os navegantes somos todos: o navio o corpo de cada um, tao fraco e de tao pouca resisténcia por todos os costados: e a tempestade e as ondas muito maiores:

‘Ascendunt usque ad coelos, et descendunt usque ad abyssos’; sao tao grandes, ou tao imensas as ondas, diz David, que umas sobem até o céu, outras descem aos abismos. Isto que nos poetas é hipérbole, no profeta é verdade pura e certa sem encarecimento. Se quando a onda vos afoga estais

i in thisi respect

For the principal proof, Is a bad woman.)*!

e a E se nenhum destes trabalhos padeceu Tobias, como foi a sua tentaçäo,

sua paciéncia

semelhante,

e de igual exemplo

à de Job? Porque o fino da

foi a tentaçäo de ambos, e o que mais vivamente lhes penetrou os coraçôes, desumanas sé nao propria; mulher outra e uma de , impiedade e crueldade, contra seus maridos, mas atrevidas e blasfemas contra o mesmo Deus.

of these toils, how was his temptation, (And if Thobias did not suffer any he aa WU] ac Dre F =

and

his:

Pe

. patience,

EE and similar

ù

as good

NE

an example

P

as Job’s?

Because

t

dangerous

39 ; ve i Vaseco Mousinho de > Quevedo Castelo Branco, Discurso sobre a vida, e morte, Isabel, Rainha de Portugal, & outras varias Rimas (Lisbon: Manuel de Lira, 1596), 80ro.

de Santa

. |

(Patience defeats its adversities One needs to have great patience, When one resists a grave adversity:

mesmo € em plor e mais perigoso estado. A travessia é da Terra para o Céu,

em

that

However, it is not solely through a demonstrable imitatio that Vieira adapts the emblematic culture of his time or champions it. The intertextuality is not always obvious, but it would seem sensible, at least, to recognize these affinities. For example, the intense misogyny of a sermon like the one on the ‘beheading of Saint John the Baptist’ finds a parallel in the Theatro moral en cien emblemas (Fig. 7):

(When the blue waves in the high sea

é o

106. 26): David says that the waves are so big or so immense,

some rise up to the sky, others descend into the abyss. What is a hyperbole in the poets, in the prophets is pure and assured truth, without adornment. If when the wave drowns you, you are in grace, it puts you in heaven: ‘Ascendunt usque ad coelos’ (they mount up to the sky); if when it sinks you and takes your breath, you are in sin, it puts you in hell: ‘Descendunt usque ad abyssos’ (they go down again to the depths).)*

Para eles deste mar nos acolhamos, Antes que em seu abismo alto e profundo Soçobrados fiquemos, despois mortos.

Isto b

83

à nN e Pe : : E 4, p. 183. + vol. 40 Vieira, ‘Sermäo da Quinta Dominga da Quaresma’, Sermôes, d el Enchi ridion de Con Emblemas; *! Otto van Veen, Theatro Moral de la Vida Humana en Cien 9 : e} CC Frs scale: east A ore e 145.5 p. (Brussels: Francisco Foppens, 1672), Epitecto, y la Tabla de Cebes, Philosopho Platonico

84

ISABEL ALMEIDA

ALCIATO IN PARNASSUS

De los Antiguos y «Modernor. LA

PACIENCIA

VENCE

LOS

145 MALES,

85

essence of the temptation of both, and that which entered their hearts deeper, was the cruelty and impiety of one woman and one other; not only were they cruel against their husbands, but they were also daring and blasphemous

against the same God.)

Juan de Horozco y Covarrubias’ Emblemas morales give the same authority, with delightful restriction; if we accept that Vieira imitated and brought together the story narrated in emblem 35 (Fig. 8), we now see him giving the spider aspects that can be compared to a silkworm, and this characterisation results in a negative representation of the courtier. [...]

la

araña,

que

aunque

sea

desechada

de

todos,

nunca

lo

fue

del

philosopho natural, ni del contemplativo devoto, considerando en ella las gradezas de Dios, y su sabiduria, que aun en cada cosa tan pequeña se conoce, echando de ver la industria que tiene este animalito, para procurar su sustiento urdiendo con tanta arte y delicadeza a sus redes para cagar y passar su vida. Siendo pues en esta competencia juntos, el gusano de la seda que representa los cortesanos, que se precia de muy discretos, y de poner las cosas como ellos dizen en su punto, no quiere que aya cosa en el mundo que se yguale con sus primores y delicadezas; y assi llama torpe y necia a la araña que representa la parte de los que avemos dicho, se passan sin estas sutilezas, y atienden a solo lo que les conviene sin tratar de essos primores.

([...] the spider, although being spurned by all, was never so by the natural philosopher, nor by the devout in contemplation, who considered in it the

greatnesses of God, and His wisdom, which becomes known

in the smallest

thing, coming to see the industry of this little animal in seeking its sustenance by devising, with such art and so delicately, its nets to hunt and spend its life. Being as one in this skill, the silkworm, representing courtiers who think themselves very discreet and who set things as they see fit, does not want there to be anything in the world to equal its fineries and exquisiteness; and thus it (=silkworm) calls the spider clumsy and stupid, which represents the part of those whom we have mentioned, who do not have these subtleties, and attend only to what is convenient to them without

such exquisiteness.)*

Gran Paciencia ha menefler,

Quien refifle à un grave mal: ‘Pero en efto ( al parexer) Socrates no tuyo igual ;

Pues la prueba principal, Es una mala Mauger. T

EXPLI-

Fig. 7: Otto van Veen Theatro Moral de la Vida Humana, Brussels, 1673, p. 145 (Glasgow University Library). Reduced.

A aranha, diz Salomäo, nao tem pés e sustentando-se sobre as maos, mora e nos paldcios dos reis. [...] a aranha nao tem pés, e tem pequena cabega, sabe muito bem o seu conto. Sobe-se mao ante mäo a um canto dessas em abébadas douradas, e a primeira cousa que faz, é desentranhar-se toda suas finezas. Com estes fios tao finos, que ao principio mal se divisam, lança para linhas, arma seus teares, e toda a fabrica se vem a rematar em uma rede pescar e comer. Tais sao (diz o rei que mais soube) as aranhas de palacio.

8, p. 247. #2 Vieira, ‘Sermao da Degolaçäo de Sao Joao Baptista’, Sermües, vol. 70. Morales, Emblemas Covarrubias, y +3 Juan de Horozco

=

= Sia

ALCIATO IN PARNASSUS

ISABEL ALMEIDA

86

comes together in a net to fish and eat. Such are (says the king that knew

more than any other) the spiders of the palace.)

Emblem

literature functions by the digestion of contemporary doc-

trine and learned practice, from the circulation of texts and the habit of

collecting commonplaces. As Anténio Vieira insisted, it ‘speaks’, in the same way in which emblems put forward the matter in hand, with the novelty they confer upon it, the hidden statements they allow or give

60.

La araña,y elgufano de lafeda

vit

vntiempo competicron, y el deRia | necia y torpesq ingenio aura G pueda El ygualar al primor del arte mia? BRA y ella dixospues bien? que biente queda Wa

deingemiar en tu daño noche y dia? To paffo,y tengaingemo quien quifiere, 4\

que el necrobine ; y el difercto maere. |

Kg

i { A

IL

Conihiii

Wh)

e

8O

’ EmBLXXXV

{|

'

Hori Apollinis

Fig. 8: Juan de Horozco y Covarrubias, Emblemas Morales, Segovia, 1589, fol. 69ro (Glasgow University Library). Reduced. (The spider, says Solomon, does not have feet and, standing on its hands, lives in the palaces of kings. [...] the spider does not have feet, and has a small head, and has all its wits about it. It will climb, hand after hand, to a corner of those golden domes, and the first thing it does is to disembowel itself in fineries. With such fine threads, which can hardly be seen at first at the beginning, it throws its lines, mounts its looms and all the fabrication

ny’. Thas ai Sperryui Smodyuna Tus mereidds .

.

’_ A'ySpeomey Tus, mareides tun Saod yu

œuvre onu vor Tes > avonepanroy Coo Das gia, éradh dre duéd nvès isopias)

a 7e WW oh E éyns prouver ai Seiverene 23. Quomodo hominem qui è pas triaperegre nunquam profectus fit.

|

Hominem qui nunquam folo na¢

tali reliéto, peregrinatus fuerit , fi

gnificantes,Onocephalum pingunt

quiz nec vilam audit hiftoriä,nequé nouit que apud exteras getes fiunt as.

Ilws

Fig. 9: Horapolo, Hieroglyphica, Rome, 1599, p. 60 (Glasgow University Library). Slightly enlarged.

vol. 2, p. 364. “4 Vieira, ‘Sermäo da Primeira Sexta-Feira da Quaresma’, Sermoes,

—>

88

ISABEL ALMEIDA

convenient identification. It is also necessary to consider the following: did emblems assume the role of a collection of symbols, providing ostentatious references, or were they a discreet framework of allusions, inviting tacit interpretation? This is a tantalising prospect: when he complains about the limitations of the politicians of his time, who had never left the country (“Se vés nao vistes o mar mais que no Tejo; se nao vistes o Mundo mais que no mapa; se nao vistes a guerra mais que nos panos de Tunes; como vos arrojais ao governo da guerra, do mar, do Mundo?’ (If you have not seen any sea except the Tagus; if you have not seen the world except a map; if you have not seen the war except the Tapestries of Tunis:® how do you dare to govern war, the sea and the world?)),"° would Vieira be alluding to the asses that Horapollo associated to the condition of those that would ignore the goodness of the ‘peregrinatio’,”” thus making his criticism sublimely more acute? (Fig. 9) He who reads, needs to understand. ‘Nés nao somos capazes de ver

tudo de uma vez’ (we are not able to see it all at once)**— Vieira dixit.

The Manuscript Principe Perfeito: Emblemas de D. Jodo de Solérzano by

Francisco Anténio de Novaes Campos’ BY

MARIA HELENA DE TEVES COSTA URENA PRIETO UNIVERSIDADE DE LISBOA

In 1790, Bachelor Francisco Anténio de Novaes Campos dedicated and offered to D. Joao, Prince of Brazil, a manuscript called The Perfect Prince. Emblems of D. Jodo de Solérzano. This manuscript can be seen today in the National Library of Rio de Janeiro, where it has been kept

together with the remaining collections of the Royal Library, taken to

Brazil in 1807 by the Prince Regent (the future D. Joao VI).

A.

There are several catalogues describing the manuscript, which is a

significant document of the influence of Graeco-Roman culture, as well

as of classical European culture, on the Portuguese culture of the 18th | Q: century. It is a pedagogical handbook, intended for the Prince’s education, such as many others written in Europe since the Middle Ages, following the tradition of similar ancient works. It represents the convergence of different currents: Graeco-Roman

literature, philosophy, mythology; biblical and patristic wisdom; Roman

‘3 This

is an allusion

to the Tapestries of Tunis which

were

woven

between

1549-1554.

Charles V had taken the court painter Jan Vernay with him to North Africa on the conquest of Tunis. The painter made copious and large draw ings of live battle scenes, and these were later recreated, at

great expense, in tapestries (see W. G. Thomson, A History of Tapestry—from the Earliest times until the Present Day, 1st edn 1906 (London: Hodder and Stoughton, 1930), pp. 201, 203-204).

" This article first appeared

* Vieira, ‘Sermao da Terceira Dominga da Quaresma’, Sermées, vol. 3, p. 192.

‘1 Horapollo, Hieroglyphica, ed. Jesus Maria Gonzalez de Zarate, trad. (from the Greek)

José Garcia Soler (Madrid: Akal, 1991), pp. 216-218. *

Vieira, ‘Sermäo Segundo—Rosirio’, Sermôes, vol. 10, p. 296.

Law; medieval, Renaissance, 17th and 18th centuries Hispanic political formal literature; Spanish Italian and emblematic philosophy; reminiscences of Camoens, etc. In order to transmit pedagogical ideas, the author used the Emblems by Don Juan de Solérzano Pereira, a lawyer and a grandee of the 17th century in Spain. He transcribed the emblematic poems from the Latin

Emblemas Marfa

de

D. Joao

in Francisco Antônio de Novaes Campos,

de Solérzano,

ed,

Maria

Helena

de Teves

Costa

Fhincipe Perfeito—

Urefia es

Instituto de Cultura e Lingua Portuguesa, 1985), pp. 163-173, with the title reprinted here by kind permission of the editor, to whom this volume is a tribute.

lisant

‘Summary’.

It is

‘eee

90

MARIA HELENA DE TEVES COSTA URENA PRIETO

original; he reproduced in colours the prints of the original, or had them reproduced; he added a paraphrase of each emblem in the form of a Portuguese sonnet. The manuscript consists of 104 sheets (230 X 180 mm), covered with press characters in an excellent handwriting. Each of the hundred Latin short poems has a top decoration with a gouache painted illumination and every sonnet is given a title by the paraphraser. Three sonnets dedicated to Prince D. Joäo open the codex. The motives are not original, as already said, but the copyist used a urban figures, he changed some great liberty: he eliminated in integrated characters some picked he ones; backgrounds into rural looking were who others, foreground; the in them placed groups and sideways, were turned completely or at three quarters towards the reader; he used vegetable motives that sometimes did not exist in the original, etc. The space in the composition is changed by systematic recourse to an octagonal frame, characteristic in Portugal in the end of the 18th century in mural decoration, both painted and tiled. a reveal the model cases the liberties towards In some misunderstanding of the allegorical and symbolic meaning of the emblem image. Generally speaking, he renders the characters’ features childish and effeminate, making the edges softer and rounding the lengthened forms. It must be noted that the rounding of the faces can be. noticed on tiles dating from the first quarter of the 18th century. Sometimes, the drawing is clearly defective, the merit of the illuminations residing in richness of colour, as well as in the treatment

of backgrounds with vegetation and seascapes. The backgrounds in grisaille remind us of the style of Jean Baptiste Pillement, a French painter, who at the end of the 18th century stayed more than once in Portugal, where he left a deep influence, both in mural painting and in tiles and other decorative arts. The resemblance in the style of the illuminations with that of Pillement suggests the possible familiarity of the illuminator with the courtly environment of Queluz, where Joaquim Marques worked, a disciple and imitator of the above mentioned artist. This is quite probable, if we consider the date of the manuscript(1790), the date of the construction of the palace (1747-1786) and the close acquaintance of the offerer with Prince D. Joao. There is no sign in the manuscript which allows the identification of the artist. Considering, however, certain details of the draperies, the treatment of tissues and the elaboration of the figures, etc., we could accept the illustration to be the work of a feminine hand, maybe even belonging to some conventual ‘workshop’. We know, indeed, that the arts of painting, as well as music, were cultivated in feminine convents in the 17th and 18th centuries, although they generally did not raise

q

91

PRINCIPE PERFEITO

of the illuminations above amateur level. Anyhow, whoever the author and the middling gs drawin may be, and in spite of the defects of the t Prince has its Perfec the of quality of the execution, the iconography as a document (a least at piece, master a own value, if not intrinsically as the end of the at al Portug in nated illumi were document of how books the emblematic literature 18th century; a document of the diffusion of y and also an important among us; a document of intellectual Histor as it is one of the few ure, document in the whole of emblematic literat books illustrated in colours).

s identity, we possess, While it is true that we ignore the illuminator’ and offerer. Francisco however, some data about the paraphraser 1739 at Azeitäo from a family Anténio de Novaes Campos was born in ats. of lawyers, university professors and diplom of Coimbra, he began his sity Univer the by Law in or Bachel As a 1771 he was a ‘Juiz-deto 1764 career as a magistrate in 1760. From da Real Coutada’ in the ‘Juiz on date that fora’ in Mirandela and from d to Prince D. Joao the Arrébida mountains. In 1790 he offere 1797 on, the date of his mother’s manuscript we are dealing with. From n 1799 and 1801) he had a passing, until his death (probably betwee e of the succession to the legal dispute with his elder brother becaus tion, he

of this conten right of primogeniture. During the vicissitudes some months in the for ed remain and nce his official reside

abandoned ing to Queluz Palace, where he room of the ‘porteiros da cana’ belong surgeon, by the Prince’s orders. fell ill and was treated by the Court’s of the sick Queen) granted to In 1797 and 1798, D. Joao (in the name Ponta

a e dos Orfäos’ of the Bachelor the post of ‘escriväo da Camar of the Bachelor and his es servic the s the title deed, beside

Delgada. In the offer of a book called Perfect family, formal mention is made of , Prince. a meaning. Before the have must book the of offer The date of the agitation of the period; before the national and international political by Pombal’s reformation of the renewal of the studies of Law, started being given to the study of Roman University in 1772 (less importance

uralism and simultaneously of Law, with a greater valuation of jusnat power); before the

of the royal the theory of the divine right c life during D. Maria I's reign; artisti and l cultura the of intensification influence of

ophical and social before the increasing literary, philos and sometimes contradictory x, France: before such a comple a Spanish book of Emblems of the intellectual agitation - we may ask if out of touch with the national 17th century does not appear completely t the subject expected from his and international reality and if the interes of D. Joao’s indulgence... In the ‘Prince might not be just the fruit and cultural answer

we

must

consider

the

several

political,

social,

—

92

—

MARIA HELENA DE TEVES COSTA URENA PRIETO

PRINCIPE PERFEITO

currents in the country (to one of which the emblematic ideals might correspond) and at the same time face some other interrogations, mainly those concerning the personal intentions of Francisco Anténio de Novaes Campos, when he offered the book. Was it no more than a captatio beneuolentiae or, more than that, might there exist in the author’s mind the awareness of his civic duties, just like it had happened with former emblem writers, who aspired, in serious moments of the national communities to which they belonged, to instruct their rulers? The insertion of the work in the century old tradition of princes’ regiments and emblem books can help us understand the possible motivations of the author of the paraphrase of D. Joao de Solérzano Pereira’s Emblems. The sources of European political philosophy date back to Greek and Latin Antiquity, not excluding other contributions (Hispano-Arabian and Oriental, in a strict symbiosis with the first ones). Many ancient thinkers nourished the medieval political theory, but there is a Greek polygraph’ the 4th century B. C. who with no doubt has been known in Portugal, at least from the beginning of the second dynasty onwards: Xenophon. Among his many writings, the one which now interests us the most is the famous Ciropedia or Ciro’s Education, where he left us, under the form of a romanced biography, one of the earliest treatises about the Prince’s education, which have been recorded. Xenophon’s work has been translated by Portuguese writers

at least five times, the first one into Provengal (about

1470) and the four

remaining ones into Portuguese (the last of which already in the 20th

century).

The

medieval

political

reflection

(nourished

by

the

Classical

philosophical and literary tradition, by the Bible, by Patristics and by the Roman Law) has been represented by French treatises from the 9th Century and above all by the treatises with the title De Reginiine Principum, written respectively by St. Thomas Aquinas and Giles of

Rome (also known as Aegidius Romanus or Aegidius Columna). Giles

of Rome’s work existed in D. Joao I’s library and it is said to have been translated into Portuguese by Prince D. Pedro. On the other hand, in the 13th and 14th centuries there circulated in the Iberian Peninsula an Arab literature with the intent of instructing princes and of which we have some documents left, under the form of romances, as well as books of another type, also with moralizing and political characteristics, which combine symbolic elements of an Asian origin, Greek fables and legends, narratives from hagiographers of the High Middle Ages, exploits found in Roman text-books on History and a popular and anecdotic substratum.

93

But it is not essential to look beyond Portugal to find some authors, whose political theory" represents a kind of summa of the classical Greek and Latin wisdom, permeated by Christianity, which had been common knowledge among the educated circles of Portugal, at least since the 14th century. One of these authors is Alvaro Pais, the bishop of Silves, who elaborated Mirror for Kings (Speculum Regum) between 1341 and 1344. Afterwards there appear the works by the princes of Avis (D. Duarte and D. Pedro), between

1433 and 1438, or works they had ordered from

the scholars they trusted. Diogo Lopes Rebelo, sometime grammar master of the future D. Manuel I, published, probably in (1496, a treatise called De Republica Gubernanda per Regem (On the Governing of the Republic by the King).

In the 16th century, Frei Anténio de Beja published as early as 1526, and dedicated to D. Joao III, a book called Breve Doutrina e Ensinanga de Principes (Brief doctrine and teaching of Princes). In the same year when The Lusiads were published and submitted to the same censor, there appeared De Regis Institutione et Disciplina libri octo (On the Education and Instruction of the Prince), by D. Jerénimo Osorio, dedicated to D. Sebastiäo. On the other hand, our national epic expresses the Portuguese and Hispanic political doctrine, condensed in the works we have mentioned above, among others, and in about eighty books of princes’ regiments by Spanish authors. x In substance the Rules for the Teaching and Doctrine of Prince D. Sebastiäo, ascribed to André Rodrigues de Evora and written in 1544,

follow

the

same

patterns.

But

the books

of regiment

of princes

dedicated to D. Sebastiäo, as well as Camoens’ epic, represent only one

link of the chain, that precedes and surpasses them in ‘time. In fact, still in the 16th century, after 1572, several books of this kind were published, among which we must point out the ones by Bartolomeu Filipe and Martim de Carvalho Vilasboas. The 17th century knows an extraordinary flowering

” of political

literature in Portugal, at the service of the Restoration cause, In defence

of the legitimacy of the Kings of the Braganza Dynasty. I will choose, among others, the works by Antônio de Freitas Africano, Antonio Carvalho de Parada, Sebastiäo Cesar de Meneses, Antonio de Sousa de Macedo and Frei Jacinto de Deus. All these books reproduce, so to say, the traditional doctrine since Antiquity, in such a way that their own contemporaries, like D. Francisco Manuel de Melo, perceive their repetitive character.

94

MARIA HELENA

DE TEVES COSTA URENA PRIETO

PRINCIPE PERFEITO

Among similar books of the 18th century, I will only point out the anthology published by Bento José de Sousa Farinha, precisely in 1790. Although he is considered among the most progressive intellectuals of his time, he does not show any innovation, when he organizes an anthology of the Portuguese philosophical thinking about princes’ education. He only reprints texts from the 16th and 17th centuries, among which some have remarkable affinities with the doctrine developed in the books of emblems and especially in the one by Solérzano Pereira. All we have said leads us to conclude that, when Francisco Antonio de Novaes Campos composed a paraphrase of the work of a Castilian author of the 17th century, he did no more, after all, than to condense, with a pedagogical purpose, the political doctrine, which was still current in Portugal in his time. Together with philosophical treatises on princes’ regiments there appeared in the 16th century a new form of moralizing literature, which was to achieve an extraordinary success for almost three centuries. In 1419 there appeared in Florence a manuscript (printed for the first

time

in Venice

by

Aldo

Manucio

in

1505)

then

translated

into Latin

with the title Hieroglyphica Horappoli and afterwards translated into several European languages. This book, probably written between the

second

and

the

fourth

centuries

of

our

era,

was

welcome

by

Renaissance men as the representative of the wisdom of ancient Egypt. From this time on books proliferated about hieroglyphs and the

symbology of animals, plants, stones and other natural elements (macrocosm), about the human body (microcosm) and about objects of

civilization. At the beginning authors and readers intended to exhibit and train their talent in the invention or decipherment of enigma and ingenious thoughts, that could be understood only by a very limited intellectual elite. It was in this atmosphere that the publication of Emblematum libellus by the Milanese lawyer Andre Alciato (or Alciati), printed for the first time in Augsburg (Augusta Vindelicorum)

by

Henry

Steyner

in

1531,

had

an

enormous

success,

amounting

to

about 150 editions in the 16th and 17th centuries. Besides being an allegorical figure, the emblem should present a synthetic inscription (lemma or motto) usually extracted from an ancient author, Greek or Latin, or from the Bible, and a short explanatory poem in Latin (those by Alciato were mostly translations from the epigrams of the Greek Anthology) or an explanation in Latin or vernacular prose. Originally intended for an elite of intellectuals, the emblem books soon became literature of divulgation mainly after the Jesuits and other educators perceived the vast pedagogical perspectives of the

95

communication of ideas through the conjugation of a short sentence and a figure. A great number of imitators of Alciato appeared in several countries. Usually, such imitations followed a different way from the one of the creator of the genre, that is, they specialized. While Alciato dealt with several subjects with a moralizing purpose (theological and cardinal virtues, rulers’ duties, divine and human love, etc.), his imitators confined themselves to a limited field, thus giving rise to religious, political and love emblems, etc. The whole structure of the Emblemata by Alciato and his political imitators follows a plan similar to the one of the books on princes’ education: in the first place, emblems which deal with the formation of man and the Christian, developing more or less systematically the doctrine concerning theological and cardinal virtues, deadly sins and the opposite virtues, the ultimate destiny of man (death, judgement, hell and paradise), the gifts of the Holy Spirit, etc.; in the second place, emblems connected with the specific duties of rulers. Alciato soon obtained a remarkable diffusion in Portugal. This is proved by the innumerable editions extant in Portuguese libraries. It is proved by the fact that the first commentator on Alciato was Sebastian Stochamer, a classicist of German descent, who lived for many years in Portugal, where he died. Stochamer wrote some ‘brief comments’ on Alciato’s book I, at the request of a Portuguese nobleman, D. Joao de Meneses Sottomayor, lord of Cantanhede, in 1552 (one of the first, if not the first edition of Alciato with this commentary is the one printed in Lion in 1556). It is also proved by the anonymous translations published by Jose Leite de Vasconcelos in 1917; by the unpublished translation of the Commentaries by Diego Lopez to the Emblems of the Milanese lawyer (by Teoténio Cerqueira de Barros, in the late 17th century) and the quotations of Portuguese authors of the 17th and 18th centuries besides the possible influence on the work of Camoens. On the other hand, the, works of the imitators of Alciato have also been known among us, especially the ones by the Spanish emblematists like Diego de Saavedra Fajardo and, precisely, Joao de Solorzano Pereira. Joao de Solérzano Pereira was born in Madrid in 1575, graduated in Law in Salamanca in 1599, and was appointed in 1607 to the Law Chair of Vespers at the same University, where he also obtained the doctor degree. He received his juridical formation in a period of revival of Roman and Canon Law and among his disciples were some of the most illustrious men in his time. In 1609 he was appointed auditor in the Royal Audience of Lima in Peru, with the charge of compiling the legislation of Latin America. Eighteen years later, he returned to Spain, full of prestige. He was

—

96

MARIA HELENA DE TEVES COSTA URENA

entitled Politica Indiana

Baltasar

Grotius,

(Indian

Politics),

and

in

1653 he published the Emblemata Centum Regio-Politica, where, thanks to his experience of life and public affairs allied to an unusual humanistic, juridical and political learning, he expounds in a pedagogical form his theory of the State. One of his novelties is the purpose to raise political emblematics up to the level of university teaching. The bibliography used by the author extends from the poets and prose writers of Greek and Latin Antiquity, through medieval Latinity and Bizantine Grecism to modern authors like Erasmus and Thomas More, besides benefiting from the contributions of Patristics and of Roman, Canon and Visigothic Law. The doctrine of the State, with a Catholic and Scholastic basis, is represented by the reflection on the works of famous authors, such as Vitoria, Belarmino, Suarez and obviously St. Thomas Aquinas. He stands in basic opposition to heretic writers, such as Bodin, Machiavelli and Botero. The controversy upon the freedom of the seas led him to mention, among others, Menchaca, de

Ayala,

Beroldo

and

the

Portuguese

Serafim

de

Freitas. Although a great part of Solérzano’ Pereira’s work deals with the justification of the Spanish sovereignty in America, the Emblemata have a less peculiar character, which explains that a Portuguese lawyer of the end of the 18th century can have adopted his message. A part of the symbology of Solérzano Pereira’s Emblems is inspired in works of ‘other emblematists, whom

-

PRINCIPE PERFEITO

PRIETO

successively appointed to the highest posts arid in 1644 he jubilated as a member of the Council of the Indies, and died in 1655, at the age of eighty. From 1605 to 1647 he published his juridical works, from which stands out the book

D

he quotes carefully, above all in

that of Saavedra Fajardo’s, thus allowing a table of concordance to be established between the emblems we are dealing with and the ones mentioned by the former author in his bibliography. The political philosophy of the emblematist paraphrased by the Portuguese Bachelor reflects the atmosphere of a period, when ‘the ideas of man’s transcendence were axiomatic, and had a religious exaltation, an ascetic concept of human life, education of the will, a tradition which was centuries old, a mystic concept of the person of the

King and, at the same time, an eminently just and democratic sense of

the forms of government.’ The techniques of literary expression used to transmit the ethical and philosophical-political message of ‘the princes’ regiments’ were, in Solérzano Pereira’s book, the metrlcal patterns of the Latin lyrics, imitated from the Greek, especially the ones of the Horatian lyrics.

97

When Francisco Anténio de Novaes Campos paraphrased Solérzano Pereira’s work, he might have imitated Graeco-Latin poetics and metrics. The ode, in the types used by the didactic poetry of the 18th century, could correspond to the pedagogical intention of the Perfect Prince. Besides, he could easily find models among the Portuguese poets, such as Correia Garçäo. But he preferred the sonnet in its classical form (decasyllabic metre and distribution of rhyme, according to the pattern: ABBA, ABBA, CDC, DCD). He did it, apparently, with full knowledge of the analogies between the epigram and the sonnet and of their relations with emblematics. In fact, after its invention in the 13th century, the sonnet knew a spectacular flourishment in Italian poetry, which was to impose its divulgation in the whole European literature. On the other hand, the Latin epigram had had a deep influence on the sonnet, modelling the triplets as a witty clause. Already in the 16th century the theorists of literature had a clear conscience of the analogy between the epigram and the sonnet, as Mario Praz points out when he speaks of Sebillet. Neither is it by chance that Baltasar Gracian exemplifies several aspects of «agudeza» with Marcial’s epigrams and Alciato’s emblems, besides using the terms epigram and sonnet as synonyms. And the fact that Petrarch’s sonnets contain a potential emblematic system has been for more than once noticed by literary specialists. Another (and not less interesting) aspect of the Portuguese paraphrase of the Emblemata can be found in Camoens’ formal reminiscences. Camoens, who has very probably received influences

from emblematics, not only in episodical subjects, but also in what

concerns the whole of ropoi of the political philosophy of his epic, would then, in a refluent movement, leave his traces on Francisco Anténio de Novaes Campos’ emblematical sonnets. We notice the above mentioned reminiscences of Camoens under several forms: in the use of adjectives (frequent use of adjectives like ‘luzente’ (luminous), ‘reluzente’ (gleaming), ‘marchetado” (inlaid), ‘inopinado’ (incredible), etc., in syntagmas similar to those of Camoens); in the epic similes in Homer’s and Virgil's way which Camoens liked so much; in the terminology of mythological evocations (like ‘Olimpo luminoso’ (luminous Olympus), ‘Olimpica _morada (Olympic abode), ‘Aquiles fero’ (fierce Achiles), ‘Marcio jogo (martial game), ‘fâbulas sonhadas’ (dreamt fables), etc.) in the glossing of the

millenary common place of the ‘ship of State’ in the middle of the ‘storm’ or ‘storms’ of politics and war; and in some cases In which the verses are true centos from The Lusiads.

,

A detailed analysis of these and other aspects may substantiate the

statement that Francisco Anténio de Novaes Campos’ sonnets belong to

enr»,

98

MARIA

HELENA

PRINCIPE PERFEITO

DE TEVES COSTA URENA PRIETO

the documents which reveal the Portuguese intellectual character of the 17th and 18th centuries, when the poetry of Camoens in general, and The Lusiads in particular, were read and felt as the nation’s Holy Scripture. Nowadays, when comic strips ‘intended for children and young people usually have at their service young writers and artists or, at least, specialists in the genre, it may seem surprising that from the 16th to the 18th century the emblematic literature, with pedagogical purposes, should have been above all cultivated by elderly lawyers and intended for adults too. Grave men, mostly magistrates, hoary-haired, worshipped and honoured, devoted themselves in the last decades of a busy life to conceive elaborate allegories, in order to communicate doctrine, and commented on them with a great weight of humanistic, biblical and juridical erudition. It was not sheer diversion, but a very serious ‘function’ taken to heart directly in the service of the community or under that of the prince, with the intention of serving the community indirectly. Nothing was farther from art for art’s sake, in spite of the baroque features of the form, than this complicated and sometimes, hieroglyphic language, with which they aspired to transform the imaginary into psychagogy. One could not be surprised if the genre became old-fashioned in the 18th century, a period of rationalism; what should astonish us, on the contrary, is the fact that it was then retained. It almost fell into oblivion precisely in the 19th century, although some works of the genre continued to be reprinted. The heavy load of learning and a message addressed to the will rather than to the feeling may explain the Romantic disregard for this literary genre, in which an exuberant forest of images, apparently undisciplined, hides an inflexible pedagogical discipline. We know that already in the 18th century there were people who considered emblematics as a deterioration of taste. Winckelmann, for instance, expressed a negative criticism in 1756, when he published Gedanken

von der Nachahmung der Griechischen

und Bildhauerkunst, emblematists, instead of indulged in arbitrary condemnation was not Herder

(in

Andenken

Werke in der Malerei

where he emphasized the fact that rediscovering the noble simplicity of Greek creations of the imagination. However, general, so that still in Germany we find an

einige

ältere

Deutsche

Dichter

and

the art, the in in

Zerstreuten Blättern, 1793) a more understanding verdict, when he expresses the desire for an investigation about emblematics, although he reveals a ‘nationalist partiality’ when he cons ides this genre a product of ‘the German character and art’, instead of recognizing its insertion in the European cultural context.

-

99

The offer of a book of emblems to Prince D. Joao (the future D. Joao

VD), in the last decade of the 18th century witnesses the permanence in Portugal of a form of culture and a combination of values that, besides keeping the tradition of the Scripture and Patristics denote the constantly intense vividness of Graeco-Roman legacy in the fields of Literature, Mythology, History, Political Philosophy and Law.

An>

‘Occasio’ and ‘Fortuna’ in Portuguese Art of the Renaissance and the Baroque: a Preliminary Investigation BY LUIS

DE MOURAL

UNIVERSITE

DE

SOBRAL

MONTREAL

As in the majority of western European countries, interest in emblem literature arose in Portugal during the sixteenth century, especially among the /iterati. The epic poet Luis de Camôes (ca. 1524-1579) is the best-known example on this respect, and several instances of him using or drawing inspiration from Alciato’s emblems have long been identified and discussed.' In visual art—printers’ marks, heraldry and personal blazons will not be considered here—emblems

were frequently

used, especially during the two following centuries in both the profane and religious areas. After some general comments on the use of emblems by Portuguese

artists of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, the following paper will concentrate on the themes of ‘Occasio’ and ‘Fortuna’ as they

appear in diverse contexts in Portugal and colonial Brazil. 1. EMBLEMS Triumphal

AND THE ARTS IN PORTUGAL

arches built for royal entrées in Lisbon or for royal weddings

were usually decorated with statues, paintings, emblems and allegorical

personifications.

Depending

on

specific

times

and

circumstances,

the

meaning of these iconographic elements would have a more political, corporatist or moral character. Thus,

for

instance,

several

arches

built

for the joyeuse

entrée

of

Philippe II (Philippe III of Spain) in Lisbon in 1619, clearly expressed ! Martim de Albuquerque, A Expressdo do Nacional - Casa da Moeda, 1988), pp. 265-290.

poder

em

Luts

de

Camôes

(Lisbon:

Imprensa

102

‘OCCASIO’ AND ‘FORTUNA’

LUÎS DE MOURAL SOBRAL

the hope that the Hapsburg King would move the capital of the Spanish Empire to the capital of Portugal, an event that inevitably would bring benefits for the country and for its financial and commercial elites.? However, almost half a century later, in 1666, during a period of political instability caused by the rupture in 1640 with Spain, emblems used to celebrate the wedding of physically and mentally disturbed Afonso VI with Marie Francisque Isabelle de Savoie pointed to the necessity of providing an heir to the Portuguese throne, as well as to the importance of the alliance with France, the powerful adversary of

Spain.

Nonetheless, it is in the religious domain that emblems would be more often used in Portuguese art during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. By then, patrons and artists had at their disposal a large amount of graphic material touching virtually every aspect of religious culture, which could easily be adapted to specific needs. Emblems were indeed employed in ephemeral manifestations (processions, solemn

transfers of relics, and the like) and on permanent painted or sculpted

decorations. A great number of these emblems would be related to the Virgin Mary, thus reflecting the importance of the Mother of God in Catholic belief in general and in Portuguese piety in particular. At the turn of the seventeenth century, dozens, if not hundreds, of wooden cassoni ceilings were decorated with Marian images long associated with the Litaniae Lauretanae. For example, simple motifs (palm tree, mirror, fountain, Porta Caeli, Hortus Conclusus, etc.) in the centre of festoons,

painted directly on wood in tempera or oil, can be seen in, for instance, the sacristy of the Jesuit church of S. Roque, in Lisbon, or in the sanctuary of the church of the Jesuit Colégio, in Funchal (Madeira).

Other instances can be seen, for example, in the ceiling of the sacristy of the Cistercian church of Bouro, near Braga, in the north of Portugal,

decorated with more elaborate compositions, using mottoes and figural motives of diverse provenance. This tradition was not surprisingly transported to overseas territories once under Portuguese influence, and especially to Brazil.

? George

Kubler,

Portuguese

Plain

Architecture

(Middletown, Connecticut: Wesleyan University

Between

Press,

Spices

and

Diamonds:

103

2. EMBLEMS AND AZULEJOS

During the first half of the eighteenth century, the integration of emblems into large panels of azulejos (glazed ceramic tiles) became common,

often

with

combined

images

narrative

to

create

complex

iconographic machines not always easy to interpret. On other occasions, though less frequently, a decoration is entirely composed of emblems, these being then framed by monumental and often extravagant or fantastic ornaments. Thus monumentalized and put on public display, emblems acquired a much higher visual importance if compared with their original, more discrete supports. It is of course impossible to present here even a quick overview of this subject. I shall mention only a small sample, which will contextualize this artistic expression in Portuguese art of the Baroque period. Antonio de Oliveira Bernardes (1662-1731) is certainly the most influential azulejos painter of the entire eighteenth century. Trained as a conventional painter, he concentrated for a while on the more lucrative azulejo decoration, bringing to the craft a quality of design and composition hitherto practically unknown.

Author of several Marian cycles, Oliveira Bernardes employed in

some of them images of a recondite symbolism. In the vault of the nave of Nossa Senhora dos Remédios in Peniche, for instance, which shows

at its centre the Assumption of the Virgin Mary, the artist put a medallion showing an open shell with a pearl inside. The medallion bares the inscription: ‘In utero iam pura fui’. The painter used this theme several other times: in a private chapel in Cascais consecrated to Nossa Senhora da Nazar, and, around 1715, in a former chapel of the Immaculate Conception in the actual parish church of Mercés, in :

Lisbon, formerly a Franciscan Monastery (Fig. 1).

The Mercés chapel is one of the absolute masterpieces of azulejo decorative ensembles of the eighteenth century. With the Virgin of the Immaculate

Conception

in

its centre,

the

programme

of the vault

includes pre-figurations from the Old Testament (the Transportation of the Arch, Esther, Moses and the Burning Bush, the Encounter at the

of Golden Door), and, on the lower part of the four walls, a series twelve emblems.

1521-1706

1972), especially p. 109, See also José

Manuel Requena Benitez, ‘Arte y emblemätica en la visita de Felipe I a Lisboa’, in Del libro de emblemas a la ciudad simbélica: Actas del III Simposio Internacional de Emblemätica Hispänica, ed. Victor Minguez (Castellé de la Plana: Universitat Jaume I. 2000), pp. 403-434. ? Angela Barreto Xavier, Pedro Cardim and Fernando Bouza Alvarez, Festas que se fizeram pelo casamento do Rei D. Afonso VI (Lisbon: Quetzal Editores, 1996).

* See also the article by José Julio Garcia Arranz in this volume.

amica mea: simbolismo e narraçäo $ On this chapel see Luis de Moura Sobral, “Tota pulchra est

, Azulejo, 3/7 (1999), 71-90. num programa imaculista de Anténio de Oliveira Bernardes’

104

LUÎS DE MOURAL

SOBRAL

‘OCCASIO’ AND ‘FORTUNA’

105

Fig. 2: Obstetricante Coelo, c. 1629, etching, Jacques Callot, Vie de la Mere de Dieu representée par Emblesmes, Paris, 1646 (Glasgow University Library).

The shell with a pearl is one of these. It could have been inspired by the ‘Obstetricante Coelo’, from a collection of etchings by Jacques Callot, Vie de la Mere de Dieu representée par Emblesmes (Fig. a) The quatrain accompanying Callot’s composition explains its Marian symbolism: La Rosée a formé dans sa riche coquille, Cette perle qui luit d’un éclat triomphant. L'esprit sainct à produict ce Dieu qui est enfant, Dans les pudicques flancs de cette chaste fille.

a longThe Callot poem echoes two ancient literary traditions: first, that stating 35), IX, History, (Natural Pliny lived theory dating back to

pearls were formed by shells similar to oysters When inseminated by pure drops of dew: (Matthew,

v

E

g

SE

o

© ESEZ

SE 56

©

However,

-

z= 2 2

S

3 à ier z2 ©

SE

§

Est

Origen

13, 45-46) which, since Clement of Alexandria (150-ca. 215)

(185-232)

who

accepted

or acknowledged

origin of the pearl, saw the latter as a symbol of Christ.

E

4 ÉÉÌÉ È QSE

=

and

second, the exegesis of the Parable of the Pearl

Oliveira

Bernardes

emblem has a

the mythical

specific

arian

interpretation meaning, thus referring to a different exegetical line of

(303-373). initiated, it seems, by the Syrian theologian St. Ephraem

Mary and Indeed, Oliveira Bernardes’ pearl is a symbol of the Virgin

to the not of her son, The motto ‘In utero iam pura fui’ points directly © Here illustrated from the edition: Paris: François Langlois,

1646.

LE.

LUÏS DE MOURAL

106

107

‘OCCASIO’ AND ‘FORTUNA’

SOBRAL

doctrinal controversy between Franciscans and Dominicans. The latter argued that the Virgin was purified only in the womb of her mother, whereas the Franciscans maintained that she was liberated from Original Sin from the first moment of her conception in God’s mind. Before Oliveira Bernardes, emblematic literature had already associated the pearl with the Immaculate Conception of the Virgin. We find it in the mid-seventeenth century in works by the English Jesuit Henry Hawkins and by the Dutch Jesuit Hendrik Engelgrave.’ In the latter’s work, the shell with the pearl appears at the beginning of the chapter about the Feast of the Immaculate Conception, and its motto taken from the Song of Songs (‘Tota pulchra es amica mea et macula non est in te’) is usually associated with all kinds of representations of the theme. Besides the shell with a pearl, other emblems in the Mercés’ azulejo cycle employ ancient Marian symbolism. The one depicting a basilisk with the inscription ‘Ipse peribit’ (Fig. 1) could be inspired by Joachim Camerarius’ ‘Noxa nocenti’ (Fig. 3).* Within the Marian context, the motif points to the ‘pure crystal vase’ of Mary’s womb where Christ took refuge, suggesting a parallel with the mirror that can be used as protection against the killing gaze of the basilisk. Maurice Scéve’s emblem ‘Mon regard par toy me tue’ and the accompanying dizain 186, clearly explain the symbolism of the basilisk.” An interesting example of ceramic decoration composed exclusively of emblems is the sacristy of the Franciscan monastery of Varatojo, near Torres Vedras, to the north of Lisbon. It is attributed to Policarpo de Oliveira Bernardes (1695-1778), son of Anténio.'° The compositions are based on Benedictus van Haeften’s Schola cordis (six panels), and on the Pia desideria by Herman Hugo (two panels)'', while two others repeat Marian themes with trees already used by Policarpo’s father in the Mercés chapel in Lisbon. As was to be expected, Haeften’s and Hugo’s books were very : . ; popular among azulejo+ painters, since they responded to the piety of the

$o

EXXTE. N

O

4

O

N

A sa

C

E

N.

I °

: juft1/1724 merces 2 ; elle fabze i juftifinea Improbitas fole ie fic ] fife Bafilifie sibi-

Auttor es interitus

7 We refer to Henry Hawkins S. J., Partheneia Sacra (Rouen: Jean Cousturier, 1633), p. 194, and to the third part of Hendrik Engelgrave S. J., Lux Evangelica (Cologne: Joannes Busaeus, 1657), p. 431. * Joachim Camerarius, Symbolorum et emblematum ex aquatilibus centuria quarta... (Nuremberg: Paulus Kaufmann, 1604), p. 80.

et reptilibus desumptorum I NT

” Maurice Scève, Délie (Lyons: Sulpice Sabon, 1544), p. 87. The dizain in question is wrongly numbered CXCVI in the 1544 edition. See:http://www.emblems.arts.gla.ac.uk/french/emblem.php?

è

id=FSCa022.

"© José Meco, O Azulejo em Portugal (Lisbon: Alfa, 1989), p. 226. !1 First

editions:

Benedictus

van

Haeften,

Schola

cordis

(Antwerp:

’ = i 2 5 ‘ a nocenti’, Symbolorum et : Fig. 3: Joachim Camerarius ( 1534-1598), ‘Noxa n iaia qu quarta, € rum m centur ptoru des desum ibus ilibus reptil et s i ilibu aquat emblematum ex

Nuremberg,

Hieronymus

£ R

1604, p. 80 (Glasgow University Library).

Verdussen,

1629); Herman Hugo, Pia desideria (Antwerp: Henricus Aertssen, 1624).

Vv

ss

108

LUÎS DE MOURAL

SOBRAL

‘OCCASIO’ AND ‘FORTUNA’

Baroque period. Other compositions inspired by the Schola cordis can be seen in the Museu Nacional do Azulejo in Lisbon. The Pia desideria was

also

Lisbon

responsible

(Santa Marta

for decorations

monastery).'*

in

The

Santarém

Regia

(Santa

Cruz)

via Crucis,

and

another

popular book by van Haeften'’ inspired, among others, azulejos once more in the Museu Nacional do Azulejo, after the painter Bento Coelho (ca. 1620-1708) had used the same prints as models for two different

series of canvases.'*

The most monumental series of emblems in azulejos in the Lusitanian world is to be found in Brazil, in the cloisters of the Sao Francisco Monastery in Salvador da Bahia. Their author is the Portuguese artist Bartolomeu Antunes (1688-1753), who shipped the gigantic order from Lisbon, where he lived and worked. The thirty-seven panels of the cycle were installed between 1746 and 1748. They follow the designs of Otto van Veen’s Theatro moral de la vida humana (1672), the Spanish version of Quinti Horatii Flacci Emblemata (1607),'> and consist of a series of meditations about sin, the certainty of death and Christian virtue. According to Santiago Sebastian, they form ‘the most Strange monastic programme of the whole of western Baroque culture’.'® Indeed, it is at least curious that Franciscans from Salvador found it necessary to publicize, within their walls, in such a monumental way, the importance of Virtue. Curiously, more or less at the same time, the ceiling of the Meeting Room of the local Misericérdia

(an

institution

of

charity)

was

decorated

with

a

series

of

Virtues,

inspired by Ripa. Even if this point needs further investigation, I suspect that the introduction of allegorical language into the visual arts

of Brazil coincides with a moral crisis in the capital of the colony.!? The

azulejos and paintings

would

then be a means

for the colonial elite to

° Joao Pedro Monteiro, ‘Os “Pia Desideria”, uma fonte iconografica da azulejaria portuguesa do

Século XVIII’, Azulejo, 3/7 (1999), 61-70.

11 First edition: Benedictus van Haeften, Regis via Crucis (Antwerp: Balthasar Moretus, 1635). l In the sacristy of the Sao Pedro de Alcantara Monastery, and in the Flamengas Convent, both in Lisbon; see Luis de Moura Sobral, Do sentido das imagens (Lisbon: Estampa, 1996), pp. 81-96, and Bento Coelho (1620-1798) e a cultura do seu tempo, ed. Luis de Moura Sobral (Lisbon: Instituto Portugués do Patriménio Arquitectônico, 1998), pp. 256-259. " Otto van Veen, Horatii Flacci Emblemata (Antwerp: Hieronymus Verdussen, 1607); Theatro moralde la vida humana (Brussels: Francois Foppens, 1672). !° Santiago Sebastian, ‘Theatro moral de la vida humana, de Otto Vaenius: Lectura y significado de los emblemas’, Boletin del Museo e Instituto ‘Camén Aznar’, 14 (1983), 10.

1 Cf. my lectures *Anténio Simoes Ribeiro (ca, 1716-1755) and the art of painting in Salvador,

Bahia’,

New

York,

The

Institute

of

Fine

Arts.

March

25th,

2006,

and

‘Virtus

in

Lusitania.

Enlightenment and Anti-Enlightenment in the Portuguese Painting of the 18th Century’, 38th Annual Meeting, Society unpublished).

for

Spanish

and

Portuguese

Historical

Studies,

Miami,

April

20,

2007

(both

109

promote moral values, and they should somehow be considered as manifestations of the Baroque Enlightenment. In the “Proemio’ of the Theatro moral de la vida humana, which had inspired the azulejos, François Foppens says the book ‘teaches men not to be cultured and learned (‘doctos y eruditos’), but wise and good (‘säbios y buenos ), not to speak but to act appropriately’,'* a sentence which, in the eighteenth century, could easily reflect new philosophical ideas in the Enlightenment era. 3. ‘OCCASIO’

IN

A HUMANIST HOUSE

There are, however, earlier manifestations of applied emblematics in Portuguese visual arts. One of the earliest manifestations of Alciato’s Emblemata in the arts in Portugal is probably a medallion presently in the Machado de Castro Museum, Coimbra. It is attributed to the architect and sculptor Jean de Rouen (or Joao de Roao, ca. 1500-1580) (Fig. 4). Working in Portugal from ca. 1528, he is one of the artists credited with bringing French Renaissance aesthetics to Coimbra, then the seat of the only University in Portugal. This medallion represents the personification of ‘Occasion’ or ‘Opportunity’ holding an open razor with her right hand, turned to the right and standing over a globe. She has wings at her ankles, and her hair floats in bas relief to the right of her face, accentuating the beautiful profile of the back of her neck which is bare. She holds a phylactery inscribed in Portuguese with the words ‘pera a vida e pera a morte’ (‘for life and death’), implying, so it seems, the idea of seizing the opportunity in every moment of human existence, even ‘in the face of It has been said that Jean woodcut illustrating the first burg, 1531), a woodcut used

death’. ar ep de Rouen had found inspiration in the edition of the Emblematum liber (Augsafterwards in two subsequent Augsburg

editions.” This is certainly possible for the motif of the globe, replaced in most of the later editions by the wheel of Fortune. However,

the

with Coimbra medallion shows a quality in the design and a concern, formal beauty, very remote indeed from the roughness of the ANSE woodcut. If we are to look among Alciato’s early editions for a more candidate direct model for the Coimbra ‘Occasio’, then a much better

!8 Otto van Veen, Theatro moral de la vida humana, 5ro. er, ev editions) and ic RATE ai 1531 (two Steyne H (Augsburg: . Heinrich liber , 19 Andrea Alciato, Emblematum a aos novos vus antigo mundo Do in ‘Fortuna’, 1534). Maria Joao Vilhena de Carvalho, säc Comis : is (Lisbon: (1516-1624) ) humanismo, classicismo e noticic 15 dos Descobrimentos em Evora ; umar p. 343 (this author quotes Nacional para as Comemoraçôes dos Descobrimentos Portugueses, 998), Santiago Sebastiän).

111

‘OCCASIO’ AND ‘FORTUNA’

LUÎS DE MOURAL SOBRAL

110

Fig. 5: ‘In Occasionem’, woodcut from, Andrea Alciato, Library). Emblematum libellus, Paris, 1534, p. 20 (Glasgow University

of his death.” A worked in Coimbra from around 1547 until the date was appointed amer Stockh former secretary of Professor Fabio Arcas, capacity he which in Press, ity Univers the in 1557 as proof-reader with de propriis arium Diction ’s Cardoso mo Jer6ni of supervised the printing is well As um.” nominibus celebriorum virorum, populorum, region Latin of author known to emblem scholars, Stockhamer was the

He dedicates commentaries on Alciato published in Lyons in 1556."

Atque Illustri Domino the Lyons edition to the ‘Magnifico, Generoso, ede’ (the dedicatory Cantanh in Domino Ioanni Menesio Sotomaior, Fig. 4: Jean de Rouen, attr., ‘Occasio’, second half of the 16th Century, Coimbra, Machado de Castro Museum (Photo: © Arquivo do MNMC).

would

be the illustration of the Paris

1534

and subsequent

Wechel

editions,” where, moreover, the figure is turned to the right, as in the medallion (Fig. 5).

The name of the original owner of the medallion is not known. We do know, however, that it came from a house in the Rua das Covas in

Coimbra, in the Old Cathedral part of the city. Again we do not know

who its inhabitants were, though they must have been connected in some way to the humanist milieu of the University or to the ecclesiastical community.”’ Nonetheless, we cannot overlook the fact that the German classicist Sebastian Stockhamer (?- ca. 1589) lived and

yor, Lord of address is dated 1552).2° This Joao de Meneses Sottoma de Rouen, to whom Cantanhede, was also a patron to the sculptor Jean the medallion

is attributed.

Joao de Meneses

came

to commission

sculptor, including graves for several important works from the French

himself and his wife. for sure whether the Although it might not be possible to ascertain prowas commissioned by Stockhamer or by his Coimbra ‘Occasio’ tector, it is reasonable

was to conclude that the beautiful medallion

created in the entourage of these two humanists.

2 Anténio da Costa Ramalho, s.v, ‘STOCHAMER

(Sebastido)’, Verbo: enciclopédia luso-

brasileira de cultura (Lisbon: Verbo, 1963-1986).

22 Coimbra: Joao Barreira, 1569. Jean de Tournes and Guillaume Gazeau, 24 First edition: Succincta commentariola (Lyons:

1556).

p.3. * First edition: Andrea Alciato, Emblematum libellus (Paris: Chretien Wechel, 1534). #1 Vilhena de Carvalho, ‘Fortuna’, pp. 343-344.

Jean de Tournes and Guill aume Gazeau, 1556), 25 Andrea Alciato, Emblematum libri II (Lyons:

bra (Coimbra: Instituto escultor da Renascença coim * Nelson Correia Borges, Jodo de Rudo: de Histéria da Arte, 1980).

REED,

‘OCCASIO’ AND ‘FORTUNA’

LUÎS DE MOURAL SOBRAL

5. FORTUNE

Fig. 6: ‘Liberality’, ‘Fortune’ and ‘Virtue’, 1562, carved relief, Evora, Cathedral (Photo by the author).

112

IN

113

A CATHEDRAL

The figure of Fortune, of whom ‘Occasio’ is a variant, appears on a 1562 wooden relief in the choir stalls of the Cathedral of Evora, in Alentejo (Fig. 6). To be more precise, it appears on two identical carvings, one on the north row of the stalls, the other on the opposite side, almost facing each other, and with the compositions reversed, as if the one was the mirror image of the other. The carvings of the stalls, which consist of grotesques, allegorical figures, the Evangelists, several saints, hunting scenes and even histories of the Old Testament, are among the most beautiful works of the Renaissance in Evora. They also constitute an enigmatic ensemble. Indeed, as one observes the carvings, it would seem that a coherent programme was followed only to a certain point, and then abandoned. It

is also possible that the panels were commissioned

from different

ateliers; indeed, a visual analysis of the carvings points to the contribution of two or three different ateliers. As far as I know, the Evora pieces have never before been discussed

nor fully described.’ For the present study, we will look at the Fortuna

relief, the most intriguing work of its kind in Portugal, leaving the study of the entire series for a more suitable occasion (the panel reproduced in Figure 6 is the one on the south wall).

The composition of the Fortune panel is clearly divided into two

over a parts. On the left side, over a bench or a bridge that seems set on a stands emperor Roman a as dressed man bearded a of statue a cliff,

small pedestal, holding a cornucopia in his left hand. His feet indicate a slight movement towards the right. Associated in antique medals with the effigies of Roman emperors, the cornucopia symbolises Liberality is or Public Felicity.”* In front of him, Fortune is bending to the right. It

to liberate hard to see if she is falling or, on the contrary, if she is trying to it. attached seems knee left her since bench, inclined the herself from it make to bench Inversely, it is also possible that Fortune is lifting the

difficult for Liberality to advance, as the latter is looking to the left, almost turning his back on Fortune. young man, On the right side of the composition we find a seated

a “T almost completely nude, resting his left foot on a shield, holding

Coldquio, 21 27 See, however, the short paper by Tullio Espanca, ‘0 coro da Catedral de Evora’, h not systeman tically; althoug identified, are reliefs (1957), 18-23, in which some of the carved nor is he interested in discussing the relie fs as a Espanca does not mention the Fortune panels, for accompanying me in a visit to the Evora Goulart Artur friend my to programme, I am indebted

stalls some years ago.

profane: Dictionnaire d'un langage perdu # Guy de Tervarent, Aftributs et symboles dans l'art (1450-1600) 2nd edn (Geneva: Droz, 1997), p. 148.

CEE

LUIS DE MOURAL

114

on his right hand, and sitting on a humanoid beast (an old woman with dragon feet); he holds the beast on a leash. The young man seems to be a kind of male version of Nemesis, or Distributive Justice, grounded on Force (the shield). Since he is controlling the Vices (Envy or Error) he could also symbolise Temperance (the “T’, a measurement tool, is in keeping with the Nemesis idea). If, however, we rather see it as the Greek letter ‘Tau’, it would then have the Christian symbolism of Redemption or Salvation. Finally, at the centre of the panel we see a young boy on a tree, trying to pick fruits or flowers. Is he the symbol of Charity, as he appears in paintings by Cranach?”’ If the tree is a vine, a possible reading in this panel (though not in the opposing south row), it could symbolise the Eucharist. A possible reading of the overall composition would be as follows: Fortune makes it difficult for Honour, Power and Riches (or Liberality of Public Felicity) to progress; Temperance or Justice (or simply Virtue) assisted by Charity and grounded on Force, controls Vices and

contemplates Salvation.”

Although placed in a Catholic context, the composition has an unequivocally profane character. Furthermore, the fact that a second, identical relief is to be found almost in front of this one, somehow marking a central axis, indicates that special importance was given to their meaning. Is it, then, possible that the panels were intended for more personal, specific, political aims? The embellishment of the Cathedral in the mid-sixteenth century was fostered by a figure of utmost importance in the Portuguese religious, political and cultural life of the time, the Cardinal-Prince Henry (15121580). A brother of King John III, Prince Henry had been appointed the first Archbishop of Evora in 1540, and made a Cardinal six years later. In 1559, he founded the University in that city, which he entrusted to the Society of Jesus. This was a period of extreme political tensions in Portugal, caused mainly by the question of succession, since the fragile Avis dynasty was intimately linked to the powerful Spanish Hapsburgs. The designated successor to John III, the very young and sick Prince John (1537-1554), had

died

days

before

his

wife

(daughter

of Charles

115

‘OCCASIO’ AND ‘FORTUNA’

SOBRAL

V

of Spain)

had

provided an heir, Prince Sebastian. The birth of Prince Sebastian was considered a miracle and was felt as a relief in Portugal. However, Sebastian’s health was frail and political uncertainty persisted.

» Mentioned by Tervarent, Attributs et symboles dans l'art profane, p. 236. : . : e y, 30 and comments about the panel, | am indebted to my colleague Jean-Frangois information For Lhote.

Queen Catherine, sister of After the death of John III, the widowed . By the end of 1562, the the Emperor Charles V, was appointed Regent ral, she was replaced by her date inscribed on the stalls of Evora Cathed replacement did not go This brother-in-law, Cardinal-Prince Henry. mainly by divergent caused Court, without further tensions in the nal-Prince Henry Cardi ally, Eventu ts. political and religious interes two years, from 1578 to 1580, would become king himself for less than in Morocco. after his great-nephew Sebastian was killed mstances are echoed in the Is it plausible that these particular circu the date of the stalls, the 1562, Evora emblematic composition? In Evora and the tensions at in living eight-year old Prince Sebastian was Henry’s and Queen Catherine’s the Court between Cardinal-Prince sense, the figure of the old man on factions were at their peak. In this could be an allegorical portrait of the left (Liberality or Public Felicity) unfavourable Fortune inhibits from Cardinal-Prince Henry, whom an to the young man at the right. bringing the fruits of Abundance or rather,

of King Sebastian— Similarly, the latter would be an allegory be, i.e. strong, capable of would he been hoped

of what it had to his subjects (in other words, eradicating Vice, of bringing Salvation | and Justice). | the embodiment of Force, Temperance of ion execut the in stage an early The Fortuna panel must date from abanwas amme progr ive primit the the stalls if, as mentioned earlier, constitute a doned at a certain moment.

kind

of humanist

Portuguese throne.

ex-voto

If so, the Évora carvings would

for the

young

Sebastian,

heir to the

|

united by a third, transversal row, The north and the south stalls are Le choir. The central panel of this along the western wall of the ns aeo ional tradit a r, shows Hercules strangling the Centau a zstion, Good

fighting

Evil,

of

Barbarism

defeated

by

Crvili

to the its left by Saint Sebastian attached Classical episode is flanked on were saints Both and by Saint Blaise on its right.

tree of his martyrdom,

also the à infirmities, the former being supposed to protect against is correct, the three panels

retation of Prince Sebastian. If this interp the ete, but now clearly within compl or nce annou , reflect combined g: carvin s of the Ponen Humanism, the meaning spirit of the Christian

of two Catholic heroes. _ a Force is now put under the protection as a reigning ~~ in November 1569, and now

Seven years later, e appoints the celebrated Andre Sebastian visits Evora. The city torTer and ist human ian Erasm the once Resende (ca. 1500-1573), Tu = the welcome address to the young y give to sor, Profes Coimbra nee was an heir to the throne Resende evokes the times when ee s two saints also seal invoke expected by the Portuguese and so King Lord, culous King, our the stalls, Sebastian and Blaise: ‘Mira

LUÎS DE MOURAL

116

SOBRAL

“OCCASIO’ AND ‘FORTUNA’

of the tears of your entire nation, asked of god with great sorrow’. Sebastian, said Resende, is the ‘hope of our Kingdom [...] given to us by God, asked of God by us’. The text goes on to mention ‘the precious martyr, your protector, whose name among the Christian kings you first took’, wishing that the native saints of Evora, ‘the glorious Mânsio, Vicénsio, Sabina and Cristeta, our patron saints, with the marvellous Blaise, our lawyer’ would take the King Sebastian ‘by the hand”. se It is tempting to think that André de Resende was the author of the artistic programme of the Cathedral. Resende had been living in Evora since the mid-1540’s, mainly at the service of the Cardinal Henrique. He often collaborated with the Cathedral authorities in various affairs. A humanist of repute, he would dedicate his later years to archaeological studies—indeed, he is considered the founder of Portuguese archaeology. In 1550's Evora there could not be a more suitable scholar to devise or at least inspire the humanist concept for the enigmatic carved panels of the Cathedral. 5. OPPORTUNITY

IN

A GARDEN

More than a century later, around 1675, a statue of Occasio was placed in the gardens of the Palacio of the Fronteira Marquis, in Benfica,

Lisbon (Fig. 7).°? The main garden, designed à la française, has at one

of its sides a two-storey, U-shaped structure, encasing a rectangular pond, and supporting an open gallery forming a kind of ambulatory, known as the Gallery of the Kings. Two staircases give access to this Gallery, one along the left hand side of the pond, the other on the opposite side. Overhanging the pond, the Gallery of the Kings faces the formal garden, separating it from the farming area of the estate. It is called the Gallery of the Kings because it is decorated with a series of marble busts in niches representing the Portuguese kings, starting with the founder of the monarchy in the twelfth century, Afonso Henriques, and ending with Peter II of Portugal (1649-1706), Prince Regent from 1666 to 1683, and king after that date. The statue of Occasio stands on the top of a high portico built over and at the very centre of the balustrade of the Gallery. Suspended high above all the other iconographical elements of the Gallery and the garden, Occasio is the focal point for the main axis of the composition. ‘| André de Resende, Fala que meestre Andree de Resende fez a el Rey dom Sebastiam a vez que entrou en Euora, n.d, [1569], facsimile edn (Rio de Janeiro: Biblioteca Nacional,

primeyra

1981), non pag. # On the Fronteira gardens see the classic José Cassiano Neves, Jardins e paldcio dos Marqueses de Fronteira (Lisbon: Quetzal, 1995), Cf. also Monumentos, 7 (1997) (Lisbon: Direcgao-

Geral dos Edificios

e Monumentos Nacionais), almost entirely dedicated to this building.

e on,£gardens of the Fronteira Palac Fig. 7: ‘Occasio’, ca. 1675, Lisb (Photo by the author).

117

118

LUÎS DE MOURAL

SOBRAL

‘OCCASIO’ AND ‘FORTUNA’

The Gallery can be interpreted within an emblem context, particularly

because of the emphasis given to the representation of Occasio, which would seem merely one statue among many others. The first level of the Gallery — or its base—is a long arcade decorated with panels of azulejos depicting equestrian portraits of members of the Fronteiras, from the founder of the Mascarenhas family, Captain Fernäo Martins de Mascarenhas (died 1501), to the young second Marquis, Fernando

de Mascarenhas

(1655-1729),

heir of the title. Visually

and

symbolically, the military Fronteira are therefore represented as the support, or the base, for the Monarchy, a role they certainly had played. Like

his ancestors,

Joao

de Mascarenhas

(1633-1681),

who

commis-

sioned the palace and the gardens, distinguished himself in a military capacity in the service of the Braganza dynasty, which had ruled since break with the Hapsburg Spain in 1640. In fact, his action during the Wars of Restoration contributed to the victory of the Portuguese armies against the Spanish, a process which ended in 1668 with the Peace Treaty between the two countries. Two years later, Prince Regent Peter, of whom he was a personal friend, made Joao de Mascarenhas the First

Marquis of Fronteira.

The commentary to the Occasio emblem in the Geneva of Alciato says :

1615 edition

Occasion c’est quand lon observe si bien l'opportunité du temps, du lieu, &

des personnes, que tout ce qu’on entreprend reiissit à bonne fin.”

An echo of this pragmatic conclusion can be found in an exact contemporary of the first Marquis of Fronteira, the Portuguese jurist and diplomat Duarte Ribeiro de Macedo

(1618-1680), who had advised

the prince to take advantage of the ‘benefits that Time and Occasion

would present to him’.**

Floating against the blue sky of Lisbon almost in apotheosis, above captains and kings, the Fronteira statue of Occasio seems to commemorate the opportunity that enabled the Mascarenhas to serve the Portuguese monarchy. An opportunity that was to prove beneficial for this family, as the visitors of the beautiful gardens would certainly not fail to notice.

* Andrea Alciato, Les Emblemes (Geneva: Jean II de Tournes, 1615), p. 26. ‘Occasion is when one so well respects the opportunity of time, place and people, that everything one undertakes comes to a successful conclusion’ [our translation], This is based on the Stockhamer ‘ Duarte

Ribeiro

de

Macedo,

‘Summa

Politica’,

Obras,

2

vols

Anténio

Isidro

da

Calafate, Histéria do pensamento filoséfico português, 4 vols in 7 (Lisbon: Caminho,

1999-2004),

IN THE LIBRARY

As we have seen, allegories and emblematic images were mainly used in Baroque Portugal for the decoration of religious places. However, at the beginning of the eighteenth century, coinciding with the start of the reign of Joao V (r. 1707-1750), a strong new interest in profane allegory arose, a phenomenon that, at least in part, must be related to the Enlightenment. This interest in profane allegorical imagery permeated the religious domain, as I have already suggested with regard to the azulejos panels in the cloisters of the Saint Francis Monastery in Bahia. Between 1719 and 1720, the Roman-born Giovanni Battista Pachini decorated the ceiling of the Chapter Room of Porto Cathedral with a cycle of Virtues,

using Ripa’s /conologia as an iconographic manual.” The series include

Authority, Liberality, Secrecy, Concordia, Honour, Clemency, Wisdom, Prudence, Divine Justice, Truth, Merit, Solicitude and Charity, the latter being the only Theological Virtue represented. Placed in a religious institution, the novelty of the concept is worth underlining: these allegories do not invoke exclusively traditional Catholic values. They appeal to the sense of moral responsibility of the Canons assembled in the room, and therefore they reflect ideas or preoccupations typical of, indeed, if not exclusive to, the spirit of the new era. Almost at the same time, allegories were also used in the decoration

of the newly

built Library of the University

of Coimbra.”

Here,

however, they are of a strictly profane nature. The Library is divided into three rooms, each covered by a quadratura, a typical form of Baroque ceiling decoration. These quadraturas were done between 1723 and 1724 by Anténio Simôes Ribeiro (ca. 1700-1755), assisted by Vicente Nunes for the gilt work. The second ceiling shows at its centre the personification of the University represented with attributes of both Academia and Grammar. University is accompanied by two pairs of Virtues, Fortune and Fame (Fig. 8), and Honour and Virtue, and also by

four medallions with the effigies of Virgil, Ovid, Seneca and Martial.

The composition illustrates the classic roots of University learning, and, at the same time, the benefits and values bestowed upon those who follow and accept its teachings. # Flévio Gongalves, ‘Jodo Baptista Pachini e os Painéis da Casa do Cabido da Sé do Porto’, Arquivos do Centro Cultural Portugués, 5 (1972), 301-357.

commentary of 1556.

(Lisbon:

Fonseca, 1743; repr. Lisbon: Anténio Rodrigues Galhardo, 1767), vol. 2, p. 137, as quoted in Pedro vol. 2 (2001), p. 696.

6. ‘FORTUNA’

119

3 For descriptions of the Coimbra Library, see Florencio Mago Barreto-Feio, Memoria historica e

descriptiva

à

cérca

da

Bibliotheca

da

Universidade

de

Coimbra

(Coimbra:

Imprensa

da

Universidade, 1857), pp. 16-37, and José Ramos Bandeira, Universidade de Coimbra: edificios do

Corpo

Central e Casa dos Melos,

pp. 164-181.

2 vols (Coimbra:

Casa do Castelo,

1943-1947),

vol.

1 (1947),

‘OCCASIO’ AND *FORTUNA®

SOBRAL

121

ceiling of the University Royal Library (Photo by the author).

LUÎS DE MOURAL

Fig. 8: Antonio Sim des Ribeiro, ‘Fortuna’ and ‘Fama’, 1723-1724, Coimbra,

120

Fig. 9: Antonio Simôes Ribeiro, “Triumph of the Divine Wisdom’, 1735/1736, ceiling of the former Library of the College of the Society of Jesus, Salvador, Bahia (Photo by the author).

123

‘OCCASIO’ AND ‘FORTUNA’

LUÎS DE MOURAL SOBRAL

Fortune is a clothed woman, seated on a mock broken pediment, with the wheel at her left side. Simôes Ribeiro uses an old variant of this personification, a Fortune with two faces looking in opposite directions, thus signifying the uncertainty of her action. One face is sombre, the other is lighted, and is turned towards her companion, Fame. The author of the Coimbra ceilings seems rapidly to have acquired a solid reputation as a specialist of quadratura painting. Less than twelve years later, he is in fact painting on the other side of the Atlantic Ocean, in Salvador, Bahia, then the capital city of Brazil. Indeed, the impact of the painter in the art of north-east Brazil is outstanding: besides quadratura, he was responsible for bringing to the region the tradition of allegorical figures (he was the author of the Virtues in the ceiling of the Misericérdia, I have mentioned above), and for initiating what has been called the Bahian School of Painting. A short time after his arrival in America, in 1735 or 1736, Simôes Ribeiro started the ceiling of the Library of the Jesuit College, installed above the sacristy of the church of the Society of Jesus (Fig. 9). Compared with Coimbra’s, the Salvador ceiling is more architectural and, covering the whole of the single room, it is also more monumental. The architectural setting of the composition occupies most of the painted surface. The vanishing lines of the walls, columns, and pilasters point to the allegorical group in the central zone of the painting. This group is formed by four figures among clouds, as if they were observing the readers below. At the top, the winged Fame holds a banderol with the inscription ‘sapientia aedificavit sibi domum’ (wisdom

has built her house’, Proverbs, 9. 1).

123

‘sources of wisdom’, namely, the Crucified Jesus and the Virgin Mary. The Jesuit Fathers of the University of Evora followed these pres-

criptions when they ordered in 1708 the enthroned Mother of God,

‘Sedes Sapientiae’, for the ceiling of their Library. In the New World, less than thirty years later, things were slightly different. The allegorical language on the ceiling of the Jesuit Library in Salvador avoids the traditional symbols of Christian piety, enabling a more open, more cultured reading of the painting. However, regardless of the novelty of this figuration, the Salvador ceiling still echoes more traditional, triumphant symbolisms. Claude Francois Menestrier had recalled in 1663 that the architect of the church of Saint Sophia in Constantinople, consecrated to Divine Wisdom, and the founder of the Society, were both named Ignatius. This ‘heureuse rencontre’, Menestrier says, enabled ‘inventive parallels between this Temple [Saint Sophia] and our Society’. In the self-laudatory prose of the Jesuit writer, the ‘Temple of Wisdom open to all Nations’ became ‘the symbol of our Society spread all over the World to extend the glory of God’.** The Salvador painting explicitly proclaims similar ideas. As we can see, there is no doubt that emblems played a major role in the architectural decoration of the Portuguese Baroque, and scholars are becoming increasingly aware of this. Emblems added to what can be called the monumental visual culture of the period a special dimension (sophisticated, witty) typical to be sure of the period, but not yet fully acknowledged by Portuguese art historians.

The other three figures

form a pyramid, having at its top Divine Wisdom seated on a throne of clouds and transported by Time and his natural companion, Fortune. Wisdom holds a sceptre and, in her left hand, the Book of Ecclesiasticus opened at verse 1. 14, though the quote is from Psalms 110. 10: ‘initium sapientiae timor Domini’ (the beginning of wisdom is the fear of God). Time is represented in the customary figure of an old man, and Fortune, with wings on her back and ankles, has the wheel as the main attribute. Learning, proclaim the quotes on the painting, must be subordinated to God’s will and learning must be controlled by Faith. The figural part of the composition adds, however, that learning depends also on the conjunction of Time and Chance, and, the latter being propitious (Fortune stands on the upper part of the wheel), one should not fail to benefit from such a gift or activity.

In his Musei sive Bibliothecae... (1635),*” the Jesuit Claude Clément

claims

that

religious

libraries

should

be

decorated

‘7 Claude Clément, Musei sive Bibliothecae... (Lyons: Jacques Prost, 1635).

with

the

main

à tous les peuples: dessein des # Claude François Menestrier, Le Temple de la Sagesse ouvert (Lyons: Antoine Molin, 1663), Trinité tres-saincte la de College du Cour Grande la de peintures pp. 2-3.

nn. i

Azulejos and Emblematics in Eighteenth

Century Portugal: the Hieroglyphic Programmes of Masters Antônio and Policarpo de Oliveira Bernardes’ BY

JOSE JULIO GARCIA ARRANZ UNIVERSIDAD DE EXTREMADURA

(SPAIN)

I. BRIEF EXPOSITION OF THE SUBJECT

Portuguese tiles of the first half of the eighteenth century, known as azulejos, came to incorporate emblematic imagery into the genre of ceramic wall coverings. This development appeared as a parallel phenomenon to the emergence of the great figurative compositions in blue and white, full of Baroque theatricality and illusion. Although there is an almost total absence in preceding centuries of emblems or hieroglyphs! from Portuguese azulejos (taken here in their most orthodox form of an image of a symbolic character accompanied by a brief sentence, usually in Latin, as a motto, which interacts with the meaning of the former), it is not unusual to find symbolic collections with these characteristics in the eighteenth century. They may function as a complement to the historical programmes or complex allegorical frameworks, at times even coming to the fore in programmes of

decorative development. In spite of the surprising present shortage of studies on applied emblematics in architectural ornaments in Portugal (a

" The Research,

present work Development

was carried out within the framework of the National Plan of Scientific and Technological Innovation Research and Development of the Ministry

for Education and Science and Regional Development European Fund (FEDER). entitled ‘Biblioteca digital Siglo de Oro II: relaciones de sucesos, polianteas y fuentes de erudicién en la Edad Moderna (catalogaciôn, digitalizacién y difusiôn via Internet)’ (HUM2006-07410/FILO), whose principal researcher is Professor Sagrario Lépez Poza, University of Coruna. ! We prefer the term ‘hieroglyph’ when naming the emblematic elements applied to architecture, as is presently common practice.

DE

|

AZULEJOS AND EMBLEMATICS

JOSÉ JULIO GARCIA ARRANZ

126

statement that can be extended to the emblematic genre in general). there is a growing catalogue of eighteenth-century hieroglyphic series in ceramics. Some years ago, Rubem Amaral Jr. listed five programmes of an emblematic character inspired directly by some of the better known contemporary illustrated treaties on doctrinal and moral matters:’ the serialized panels presently reinstalled at dado height in the higher galleries of the cloisters of the Madre de Deus National Azulejo Museum of Lisbon, based on individual works by Benedictus van Haeften, the Schola Cordis and the Regia Via Crucis (Fig. 1);* other series, also in Lisbon, in the Coruchéus Palace and the convent of S. Joao de Deus, adopted from Otto van Veen’s Emblemata Horatiana, and, lastly, several representations in the Brotherhood House of the church of Santa Cruz in Santarém and the chapter house of the convent of Santa Marta of Lisbon, from engravings in Hermann Hugo's Pia

desideria.°

To these should be added the interesting azulejo ensemble in a rococo style, installed in 1781 and only partially surviving, of the church of the Royal Convent of Jesus in Settibal, inspired, with slight modifications, by engravings from the Elogia Mariana by the Belgian friar August C. Redel—or Redelio (Augsburg: Engelbrecht, 1732)

* Geraldo José Amadeu

Coelho Dias highlighted the lack of a thorough bibliographic catalogue

of the emblematic production in Portugal, in ‘Frei Joao dos Prazeres, O.S.B. A polémica monastica e

a literatura emblemätica’, Revista de Historia (Centro de Histéria da Universidade do Porto), 2 (1979), 351-364 (p. 14). More recently, Ana Martinez Pereira confirms it still remains to be carried out (‘La emblemätica tardia en Portugal: manifestaciones manuscritas’, in Paisajes emblemäticos: la construcciôn de la imagen simbélica en Europa y América, eds. César Chaparro, José Julio Garcia,

José Roso and Jestis Urefia, 2 vols (Mérida:

Editora Regional de Extremadura,

2008), vol.

1,

pp. 181-197.

* Vasco Mousinho de Castelbranco, Emblemätica lusitana e os emblemas de

Vasco Mousinho de

Castelbranco, ed. Rubem Amaral Jr. (Tegucigalpa: the author, 2000), p. 17. * These

Lisbon

cycles,

from

the

Augustine

specialised bibliographies, ¢.g., Santiago Sebastian, Van

Haeften’, Boletin del Museo

convent

of

Grilos,

are

well

‘Los emblemas del Camino

e Instituto Camén

Aznar, 44 (1991), 7. On

documented

in

real de la Cruz de the presence of Van

Haeften in Portugal, see also Luis de Moura Sobral, ‘A sacristia como pinacoteca da época barroca:

af

o ciclo pictural de Bento Coelho no convento de S. Pedro de Alcäntara, Lisboa’, Do sentido das

[5]

2s

imagens:

KO

rs

=

.

-

è

ensaios

1996), pp. 81-96. 5

à

sobre pintura

. ; j The impressive Lisbon

Bartolomeo Salvador

da

Antunes, Bahia,

are now Brazil

Câtedra, 1995), pp. 262-276).

barroca

portuguesa

e outros

.

temas

ibéricos

h

-

=

(Lisbon:

-

Estampa,

® panels based on the above mentioned work byy Van Veen, p probably2 by3 to be found in the cloisters of the convent of S. Francis in Sao

(see

Santiago

Sebastidn,

Emblemdtica

e Historia

del

Arte

(Madrid:

=

2

3

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—-£5o-=2%2 = D: tb I° & = Z ‘àU5= oe st Fa

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127

128

AZULEJOS AND EMBLEMATICS

JOSÉ JULIO GARCÎA ARRANZ

129

(Fig. 2), and discussed by José Anténio Falcào;° and the series recently discovered by Reyes Escalera Pérez in the ceramic panelling of the pillars in Beja cathedral (church of the former Conceiçäo convent), also

based on the Pia desideria.'

There is a similar emblematic trait, albeit of a lesser interest due to its conventional and repetitive character, in the Marian hieroglyphic series from the Litaniae Lauretanae, which aim to complete the symbolic imagery of the programmes dedicated to the life of the Virgin Mary, as we intend to demonstrate using some panels by Antonio de Oliveira Bernardes. There are numerous examples: of exceptional beauty and quality are the series prepared by Bartolomeu Antunes for the convent church of Vilar de Frades, in Barcelos, or in the hermitage of Porto Salvo, in Oeiras.* On certain occasions, these extensive Marian programmes could be reduced to a pair of thematically similar symbols, usually facing each other, one on each side of the chapel or space for which they were destined. This is the case of the high altar of the sanctuary of Nossa Senhora of Cabo Espichel, on whose side walls can be seen individual tree emblems (a palm tree and an olive tree with the letters ‘QUASI PALMA’ and ‘QUASI OLIVA’) in the iconographic context of Marian exaltation. There is a similar arrangement of sun and moon hieroglyphics in the small chapel of Nossa Senhora da Conceiçäo in Porto Seguro, in Cascais; here, in the high altar and above some small panels of praying hermits, we find symbols of the moon (*PVLCRA VT LUNA’) and, opposite it, the symbol of the sun over a tree ((ELECTA VT SOL’), motifs successively attributed to Policarpo de Oliveira and to the monogramist P. M. P.° Ornithological symbols offer a different meaning using medallions and surrounded by floral decorations, designed by Anténio Vital Rifarto in 1738 for the chapel of S. Vicente in Porto’s cathedral: in this case, we see the pelican feeding its young with its own blood and the phoenix among flames, both without a motto, although clearly alluding, respectively, to Christ’s sacrifice and

resurrection.” 5 José Antonio

= An .m.n

aspectos

Lee

Fig. 2. Church of the Royal Convent of Jesus in Setébal, litany inspired by an engraving from August C. Redel, Elogia Mariana.

histéricos

alguns Falcäo, ‘Azulejaria setecentista do Real Convento de Jesus de Setibal: y América: e iconograficos’, Relaciones artisticas entre la Peninsula Ibérica

José Martin Gonzalez actas del V simposio hispano-portugués de Historia del Arte, ed. Juan (Valladolid: Universidad de Valladolid, 1990), pp. 103-112. 7 All

scenes.

these emblems

lack

a motto

and

alternate with

effigies of sacred

pictures and

biblical

pp. 57-59. * See José Meco, Azulejaria portuguesa (Lisbon: Bertrand, 1985), no século XVIII, Corpus da Azulejaria ° Joäo Miguel dos Santos Simôes, Azulejaria em Portugal vol. 5 (1979), p. 189. Portuguesa, 6 vols (Lisbon: Fundagao Calouste Gulbenkian, 1963-1979), Oporto (Lisbon: Estar, 2001), p. 33. Joao Pedro Monteiro, O azulejo no Porto—The Tile in motif in Portuguese azulejos, forming The pelican that harms itself to feed the chicks is a common

zB)

130

In this provisional list of emblematic ceramics in Portugal, the production of Anténio and Policarpo de Oliveira Bernardes deserves special mention, particularly as it constitutes an unparalleled case to this date. In the course of our research in the last few years on applied emblematics in the azulejo production of these two great masters of the two first decades of the eighteenth century, we have verified thus far the presence of hieroglyphic elements in at least ten of their azulejo programmes, be it by documented authorship or stylistic attribution to either of these authors. The corpus in its entirety consists of about eighty hieroglyphs, undoubtedly one of the richest in the area of applied emblematics in architectural ornamentation. Furthermore, the lack of any record of other examples that might allow a contrasting analysis of various different programmes of this nature (be they in ceramics, painting or sculpture), and that might be the work of a sole artist or studio, increases the interest of these ensembles. II. ANTONIO AND POLICARPO DE OLIVEIRA BERNARDES AND THE PORTUGUESE AZULEJOS OF THE FIRST HALF OF THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY

At the turn of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, Portuguese azulejo production went through a well-documented process, gradually moving away from polychromatic patterns towards the ‘blue and white’ patterns that distinguish almost all eighteenth century tile production, with increasingly monumental historical compositions. A determining factor in this evolution was the impact of ceramic tile ensembles from Northern Europe (in particular imports from Dutch factories) on Portuguese artists at the end of the 1600s. As well as producing the typical tiles with a single depiction, the figura avulsa, Dutch artists also embarked upon narrative cycles of great importance, in response to the iconographic demands of the Portuguese market. The imported Dutch tiles soon influenced the techniques and aesthetics of Portuguese production; they featured vibrant designs in cobalt on a white enamel background (a highly sophisticated technique), and due to their high quality of manufacture and competitive price the Dutch tiles had a significant commercial advantage. These were picked up initially by part of Eucharist-themed programmes

where the pictura lacks the motto. A good example of this is

the Pombaline series in one of the side chapels of the convent church of S. Bento de Avis (see Teresa Saporiti, although

AZULEJOS AND EMBLEMATICS

JOSÉ JULIO GARCÎA ARRANZ

Azulejaria do distrito de Portalegre (Lisbon: Textype, 2006), pp. 46-48). However, their iconographic merit is evident as a repertoire of liturgical symbols, they lack an

emblematic character. This is also the case of the numerous medallions representing the Passio Christi, often accompanying pictorial representations of the life and passion of Christ, which, lacking a motto, acquire a merely referential status.

131

masters like Gabriel de Barco, and prevailed during the first half of the eighteenth century. This led to the model of large scale bi-chromatic figurative compositions, with delicately painted scenes, transparent areas and a gradual landscape depth, where new scenic possibilities are explored, whilst resorting to the continuous floral surrounds (or cercaduras) associated with the frequent use of the brutesco in mural

paintings."!

Against the backdrop of this revival of Portuguese ceramic tiles, generally known as the ‘Cycle of the Grand Masters’, two paintersceramists stand out: Antonio de Oliveira Bernardes and his son, Policarpo de Oliveira Bernardes. Judging by his vast body of documented or attributed work, Anténio de Oliveira Bernardes (b. Beja, 1662, d. Lisbon, 1732) is one of the most prolific Portuguese azulejo-makers (or azulejeiro), and one of the most influential of the first third of the eighteenth century. Active from the end of the 1600s, he worked with the support of an influential workshop active in Lisbon since 1694, where the principal painters of the following generation were trained. The master soon abandoned the easel and decorative ceiling painting, in which he had been a pioneer of the new spirit of Baroque perspective, by exploring the innovations of the French models by Charles Le Brun. Instead, he dedicated himself almost exclusively to azulejo painting in blue and white, destined for ecclesiastical interiors. This provided an opportunity to apply models previously used in his ceilings and canvases to tell the stories of the the Life of the Virgin, the Passion of Christ, and other narratives from

hagiographic repertoire. His formal education in oil painting and use of a quadraturista technique, which he had already attempted in mural paintings, were a contributory factor in his success, and this explains the quality of srompe l'oeil architecture in some of his azulejo panels. Anténio de Oliveira Bernardes directed his studio until 1725, when, began without doubt due to an illness that undermined his health, he his until Policarpo, son his with studio the of management the sharing

death in 1732."

Le

in his The principal merit of Anténio de Oliveira Bernardes lies of level high a with output prolific ability to combine a remarkably rich shades chromatic of use designs, elegant his artistry in his panels: the poin transparencies and technical virtuosity allowed him to explore stand that scenes tential of the Portuguese Baroque through spectacular adopAntonio Firstly, period. out among the surviving creations of this concepts ted the pictorial innovations and monumental organization Presenga, 2003), p. 119. !! Vitor Serrao, Histéria da arte em Portugal: Barroco (Lisbon:

'2 Vitor Serräo, Histéria da arte, pp. 212-218.

132

JOSÉ JULIO GARCIA ARRANZ

introduced to Portugal by Gabriel de Barco at the end of the 1600s. Furthermore, he brought together the strong Baroque features of floral and architectural ornamentation of frames with the anatomical realism of figures in his narrative paintings, which acquire a near-sculptural dimension. His preference for relatively simple compositions, which were well proportioned even in larger representations, contributed to the comprehension of the image. His abilities are also apparent in his treatment of landscapes, particularly in the distinctive ‘expansion’ of the background, with perspectival depth introducing space between the foliage and other ornamental paraphernalia. Anténio had a good command of aerial perspective, diluting landscape backgrounds in a characteristic sfumato in contrast with the density of the characters. In these figures the cobalt blue acquires, at times, stunning transparencies and gradation through the artist’s excellent pictorial execution and masterly light manipulation. This technique of combining chiaroscuro and impressionistic effects affords his panels a quality rarely matched in

this area.

Anténio’s remarkable contribution was matched by the work of Policarpo de Oliveira Bernardes, his son and principal disciple, who would maintain the workshop’s high levels of craftsmanship. Born in 1695, Policarpo passed away in 1778, although his last documented work is dated only 1740 (several panels for the hermitage of Porto Salvo in Oeiras). He ably replicated the Baroque eloquence of his father’s paintings; his works are testament to his meticulous training and marked creative personality, and his aptitude as a painter is clear in his historical panels. His manipulation of space is, like his father’s, masterly, and the characters acquire a shape accentuated by crossed brush strokes, a favourite technique of Policarpo which showcases a certain psychological agudeza. Equally noteworthy is the decorative flair of this master in the monumental Baroque panels covering vaults (chapel of S. Lourengo in Almancil), or the typical ‘dilated walls’ (church of the Misericôrdia of Viana do Castelo).

In addition to their undeniable artistic skills, both father and son cultivated a rigorously erudite vein in their programmes, which is particularly evident in the complex historical panels. They frequently use allegorical figures and emblem series to complement and emphasize the edifying or doctrinal message contained within the narrative episodes. In fact, emblems and hieroglyphs with symbolic and ornamental

13 On particular features of Anténio de Oliveira Bernardes’

work see Vitor Serräo, Historia da

arte, p. 212; José Meco, Azulejaria portuguesa, pp. 50-51, and Maria Alexandra Trindade Gago da Camara, Azulejaria barroca em Evora: um inventério (Evora: Universidade de Evora, 1999), pp. 58-

60.

AZULEJOS AND EMBLEMATICS

qualities were programmes precedents in in some of his

133

used by Antonio in his ceramic historical and allegorical when, as indicated above, there were still no clear Portugal;'* these features were also taken up by Policarpo most distinguished works.

III. THE HIEROGLYPHIC PROGRAMMES OF ANTONIO AND POLICARPO DE OLIVEIRA BERNARDES: A GUIDE TO THEIR LOCALIZATION AND CONTENT

It is possible to identify certain shared traits in the various hieroglyphic series designed by both artists. Firstly, and given the vast production of our azulejeiros, the presence of emblem elements is restricted to religious buildings (parish, monastery or charity churches, as well as sanctuaries or hermitages), covering walls or other interior surfaces of their various dependencies, such as naves, vestries and side chapels; these locations consequently determine and limit their themes. The most common theme of these series is Marian exaltation, although there is also no shortage of material relating to Christ or to the lives of saints, or even to certain moral or dogmatic concepts. This can be seen in the series on bodily piety in the church of the Misericérdia in Evora, or in the monastic programme of the church of Tergo, in Barcelos, fully in harmony with the nature and function of the space to which they were destined. Such thematic affinity will lead, at times, to the recycling of certain symbols in different programmes. Generally, pictures or scenes that comprise the res picta of the hieroglyphs appear in circular or elliptical medallions. Their outlines, at times broken, depict embellished frames of cut-out scrolls of leather, floral garlands, masks, angels and cherubs, thus recreating the characteristic setting of printed emblems and devises. The mottoes appear inscribed in banners, or superimposed horizontally around the lower border of the medallion. These emblematic series are physically positioned in various significant places. One of the favourite locations is at dado height in the body of the church or sanctuary nave, where they act as a meaningful complement to the narrated programmes, which usually occupy the higher parts of the walls (as happens in the aforementioned churches of the Misericérdia of Evora, or Barcelos (Fig. 3)); this location facilitates the spectator’s reading of the series. The same happens in smaller

l Elsewhere we have already suggested the possibility that the emergence of emblems in Portuguese

tiles

corresponds

to the

cultural

technical and thematic innovations.

current

originating

from

Holland,

which

brought

along

JOSÉ JULIO GARCÎA ARRANZ

Fig. 3. Church of Ter ço (Barcelos), hieroglyphs at dado level.

AZULEJOS AND EMBLEMATICS

135

spaces, as the case of the small chapel of the Senhor do Santo Nome de Jesus in the church of Nossa Senhora da Conceiçäo, in Vila Viçosa. Here, it is possible to see an arrangement of emblems of considerable size, framed by ample foliage and architectural ornaments, each facing the other in the lower half of the side walls, in panels made around 1718 and signed by Policarpo.'* By contrast, in the small baptismal chapel at the foot of the cathedral of Braga, the back wall is covered by an attractive ceramic hieroglyph reproducing literally the final empresa of the famous treaty by Francisco Niifiez de Cepeda.'® It is also possible to find a simultaneous use of emblems on walls and vaults, as is the case in some of the many decorations made by the father-and-son team for the interior of the sanctuary of Remédios, in Peniche. Here we find the usual dado height hieroglyphs, with which others have been incorporated, integrated in the complex architectural and allegorical design of the barrel vault. Something similar can be seen in the programme of the church of Mercés in Lisbon (formerly of the old Franciscan monastery of Jesus), dated 1714. It has a dense emblematic programme set out at dado height which harmonizes with new symbols included in the semicylinder of the ceiling. However, in this case the coverings are not adapted solely to the body of the nave or chapel, but convey a narrative movement spread out, as in a gallery, joining the sanctuary of the temple with other interior parts of the building. The disposition of the hieroglyphs in the chapels of the hermitage of Nossa Senhora da Cabeça, in Evora, and of Nossa Senhora da Memoria, in Sitio de Nazaré, is less usual. In the former, datable to between 1710 and 1715, the hieroglyphs were adapted with precision to the four pendentives of the dome over the sanctuary, to which part we must add a fifth symbol at the front of the upper level of the triumphal arch. Also of great

interest is the disposition of hieroglyphs

in the four webbing

sections and keystone of the rib vault of the principal or main body of and the little Nazaré chapel (Fig. 4), whose inscription dates it to 1709, workshop.” Bernardes Oliveira the to attributed is which

'S Santos Simoes. Azulejaria em Portugal, p.419. 1° Francisco Niifiez de Cepeda, Idea de el Buen

Pastor, copiada por los SS. Doctores morales, politicos y economicos para el es, espiritual avisos con Sacras; Empresas en representada 1682 ), See also José Julio Garcia Posuel, y Anisson (Lyons: Gobierno de un Principe Eclesidstico cerâmica de la capilla Arranz, ‘Una empresa de Niifiez de Cepeda en azulejos: la decoracién \ Norba-Arte, 25 (2005), 129-148. (Portugal)’, Braga de catedral la de bautismal emblemätico de exaltaciôn mariana: los azulejos 17 See José Julio Garcfa Arranz, Un programa Norba-Arte, 20-21 (2000-2001 ), 59-76; a de la Ermida da Memoria en el Sitio de Nazaré (Portugal)’, the hieroglyphs in this hermitage can be of authorship Bernardes* Oliveria discussion of Antonio de found on p. 65.

See >. "

JOSÉ JULIO GARCIA ARRANZ

AZULEJOS AND EMBLEMATICS

137

Within the favoured Marian theme, the point of reference, on account

Fig. 4. Vault hieroglyphs of the main body of the Memoria hermitage (Sitio, Nazaré).

136

of its size and density, is provided by the coverings of the abovementioned gallery of the Mercés church in Lisbon. In spite of its relatively modest size, it brings together an overwhelming concentration of Immaculist symbols, a symptom of the Catholic reactivation of the cult of this Mystery (a late dogma) during the eighteenth century, and a striking example of the heightened symbolism of some Baroque programmes. The group includes up to eighteen hieroglyphs, distributed between the lower walls, the covering of the barrel vault, and its semicircular spaces. To these may be added several other distinctive emblems: those of the Litanies which, secured by angels in elliptical medallions, surround the image of the Immaculate Tota pulchra in the centre of the vault, small medallions with the moon, the sun and a star, and, presented by four other angels, four ‘Marian’ trees: the palm tree and the cypress can be easily recognized, and two others which could arguably be identified as the cedar and the olive.'* Even the four narrative scenes in the vault covering acquire an emblematic tone by way of their Latin inscriptions. Some of the dado hieroglyphs are broken on the side by the door jambs, affecting the image and the motto, but nevertheless it is still perfectly possible to identify the motifs in all cases. This description of the church of Mercés lists the hieroglyphs, starting clockwise, from main door:'” Dado of the room: a basilisk with open wings looks at its reflection in the mirror: ‘IPSE PERIBIT’. An oyster opens up showing a pearl inside: ‘IN VTERO IAM PVRA FYI’. A leafy tree rises up intact amongst dried trees: ‘INTACTA TRIVMPHAT’.” A radiant sun shines over an obelisk with a sphere 15 All these elements can be found as symbolic attributes in the Litaniae Lauretanae (written

towards

1500 from various medieval Marian litanies), and would commonly

be found in painted or

Conception. According to Suzanne Stratton, the origin of these litanies lies in the use of images on the Blessed Virgin Mary derived by

sculpted

depictions

of the

Blessed

Virgin

Mary

Immaculate

Bernardo de Claravall from verses in the Song of Songs, which highlighted feminine kindness; in the

Stratton,

century, Abelard ‘La Inmaculada

(1988),

35-36).

twelfth

The

references with the Immaculate Virgin (see Suzanne en el arte español”, Cuadernos de arte e iconografia, \.2 of attributes increased over the years, derived from other biblical

identified

these

Concepcién

number

references, as those mentioned above, inspired in Ecclesiasticus. 19 ‘The reader will find that both Anténio and Policarpo de Oliveira Bernardes’ command of Latin is, at times, not perfect. I give a diplomatic transcription of the mottoes as they occur in the

original azulejo panels, without corrections.

garden of 2 We have found the same hieroglyph at the base of an azulejo panel presently in the the Castro Guimaraes Museum, in Cascais, datable to around 1750, which Santos Simoes suggests came originally from a Theatine convent of monks, judging from their theme (Santos Simôes, on the Aculéjaria em Portugal, p. 188). This panel can be found in the higher side of the garden, on a back wall of a pond, and represents the triumphal procession of Our Lady of the Conception, sat

triumphal chariot.

Anan

of Mount on its summit: “VMBRAM NESCiT’.”’ A sun shines on the summit shines stars, of full Way, Milky The Olympus: ‘SEMPER CALIGNIS. Expers’. from a sprout flowers Numerous ’. NOTABILIS E “CANDOR : landscape a on on a plant supported by a frame: “SVB NOCTE FLORESCO’. The sun shines “SOLA |...] Venus): (=planet star a to near very d positione is and landscape CVM SOLE’ (hieroglyph broken by a door jamb). A rose of great beauty broken stands out from a rose garden: ‘PRAESIDIO ET DECORI (hieroglyph “ODORE cedar: a from flees dragon a or by a door jamb). A winged serpent FUGAI SVO’. A leafy tree around which some birds fly: “SPECIE, ET a PVLCRITVDINE’. Parapet of a well: ‘DVLCIS AMARI (hieroglyph broken by door jamb). the Arched tympana under the vault on both ends of the room (here of emblems carry a double motto, one of which refers to the animal motif shining sun and moon the to ly, respective the pictura, and the other relating, door on the composition): a winged serpent slithering in front of the closed APE“NON motto the appears door the (over of the fortified town walls RIETVR NIZI VERBO’), on which a radiant sun is shining, with the saying ‘NIL COINQUI NATUM’. A dog barking at the moon shining in the sky (the dog has the motto “LATRABIS SED NON MORDEBIS’; the moon has the motto ‘SEMPER PLENA’) near some buildings of a fortified town. Hieroglyphs of the vault: inside a closed garden near a palace or monastery, a heliotrope raises its flower to the shining sun above in the sky: “HOC LVMINE VIVO’, Adam is seated near the Tree in Paradise, the serpent is coiled around the tree and has an apple in its mouth; Adam contemplates the Immaculate Virgin, who has appeared over the top of the tree: *PRIMOGENITA ANTE OMNEN CREATVRAM’ (Fig. 5). A cylindrical tower protected by several shields at the base; standing on the tower is a bird observing another bird, which flies towards it: ‘[HIC SE] CVRVS

STO’. Scales held ina

hand appearing from the sky through clouds, with perfectly balanced plates: “STAT

around PER

UT LUNA’;

SPECULUM,

the sun:

FUNUS

the

of

representation

the

‘PULCHRA

Emblems

IN RECTO’.

SEMPER

of the

‘ELECTA

AUTEN

Litanies

FACIE

a mirror:

UT SOL’; AD

supported

Conception:

Immaculate

FACIEM’;

the

angels

by

moon:

the

“VIDEMUS cedar:

NUNC “QUASI

CEDRUS EXALTATA’ (there are two other small medallions very close to this composition

with the moon

and the sun, without

words).

Narrative

scenes

with Latin mottoes: Moses, near some sheep from his flock, kneeling before the

burning

bush

(Exodus

3.1s):

‘FLAGRAT

ET

NON

CONFLAGRAT';

the

priest Uzzah lies slain by the cart and oxen that carry the Ark of the Covenant for having touched it accidentally (II Samuel 6.3-8; I Chronicles 13.7-11):

‘PERCUSSIT

DOMINVS

OZAM

SVPER

springs out of the chests of Joachim and Anne, in an enormous rose on which rests an effigy of ‘SINE SPINIS’; King Asuerus is seated high on with his sceptre queen Esther, who is kneeling “NON ENIM PRO TE’.

RE

TEMERITATE’;

a

rosebush

parents of Mary, joining up the Immaculate Conception: a lavish throne, and touches on the steps in front of her:

i : This hieroglyph also appears on a banner carried by a monk in the aforementioned panel.

ante omnem creaturam’. Fig. 5. Church of Mercés (Lisbon), ante-chamber of the sacristy, hieroghlyph of the vault: ‘Primogenita

AZULEJOS AND EMBLEMATICS

JOSE JULIO GARCIA ARRANZ

138

140

JOSÉ JULIO GARCIA ARRANZ

AZULEJOS AND EMBLEMATICS

the front ‘SEMPER gleaming chapel of his usual DECORI’),

141

panel, which has now fallen into disrepair, had the caption CALIGNIS’, which would correspond to the motif of the sun over Mount Olympus. A second example comes from the Nossa Senhora da Cabeça, in Evora. In it, Anténio resorts to floral repertoire in the pendentives—the rose (*PRAEZIDIO ET the dragon

fleeing

from

the cedar ((ODORE

FVGAT

SUO’),

the sun and the heliotrope (‘HOC LUMINE VIVO’) (Fig. 6), and the tree surrounded by flying birds (‘SPECIE ET PVLCRITVDINE); for the front of the triumphal arch Antonio reserved the image of the mouth of the

well with the motto

‘DVLCIS AMARI’.”* Lastly, in the sanctuary of

Remédios, in Peniche, we find similar emblematic motifs on the stunning complete inner covering of the temple, probably designed by Ant6nio (his signature can be seen on one of the panels), but executed by his son. On the lower walls, hieroglyphs are known compositions: ~

C4

Fig. 6. Chapel of Nossa Senhora da Cabeça (Évora), hieroglyph in a pedentive: “Hoc lumine vivo’.

A number of these Lisboan motifs were also re-used by the Oliveira Bernardes in other iconographic programmes dedicated to the Mother of God. An example of this is the sotocoro of the chapel of Nossa Senhora de Nazareth, in Cascais, where, next to depictions of Old Testament prophets, stands an image of the rose (‘PRAESIDIO ET DECORI’) and, opposite to it, a half-open oyster showing a pearl within (IN VTERO IAM PVRA FVI’). One of the sides of the chancel of the same building bears the image of the obelisk, or high pyramid, topped by a crescentmoon (‘VMBRAM NESCIT’). According to Santos Simées,”

2

Santos Simôes. Azulejaria em Portugal, p. 190.

Fig. 7. Sanctuary of Remédios (Peniche), dado hieroglyph: ‘Odore fuga(t) suo’.

pp. 50-52; Santos # About this chapel see Gago da Cfimara, Azulejaria barroca em Evora, Simôes, Azulejaria em Portugal, p. 411 and “Alguns azulejos de Evora’, in Estudos de Azulejaria, 54-55). ed. Vitor Sousa Lopes (Lisbon: Imprensa Nacional-Casa da Moeda, 2001), pp. 17-52 (pp.

142

JOSÉ JULIO GARCIA ARRANZ

AZULEJOS

AND

EMBLEMATICS

143

the Tower of David protected by shields (Song of Songs 4.4) (‘HIC SECVRIS STO’), the dragon fleeing the cedar ((ODORE FVGA SVO’) (Fig. 7), or a gleaming sun shining high over Mount Olympus

(‘SEMPER CALIGNIS EXPERS’).** We also see familiar symbols in the

barrel vault’s narrative, architectonical, ornamental and allegorical ensemble: the rose standing out from a thorny rosebush (“PRAEZIDIO ET DECOR’), the semi-opened oyster with the pearl within (‘IN VTERO IAM PVRA FVI’), and the sun (‘ELECTA VT SOL’) and moon (*PVLCRA VT LVNA’) pair. The hieroglyphs of the upper vault of the Memoria hermitage in Nazaré display a certain thematic and iconographic unity; their motifs and mottoes are derived from both Ecclesiasticus 24.13-17 (with the exception of the phoenix) and the collection of Marian attributes found in the Litaniae Lauretanae. The four emblems are located at the centre of the corresponding webbing sections of the rib vault: the cedar of Lebanon (‘QVASI CEDRVS EXALTATA SVM IN LIBANO’), the cypress of Hermon

(‘QVASI

CIPRESSVS

[IN

MON]

NTE

SION’),

the

palm-tree

of

Cades ‘QVASI PALMA EXALTATA SVM IN CADIS’) and the rose-bush of

Jericho (‘QVASI PLANTATIO ROZA EM IIRICHO’).* The programme

ends with the phoenix in flames (‘ET VIVAT’) in the medallion at the centre of the vault. Christian emblematics are represented by large parallel hieroglyphs in the side walls of the above-mentioned small chapel of Nossa Senhora da Conceiçäo in Vila Viçosa. The left hieroglyph depicts a tulip growing on a river bank: ‘SINE SEMINE GERMEN’; on the left hieroglyph we see a child writing on the bark of a tree, with a quill, the word

‘Jessus’:

*‘PVLCHRVM

PROPERAT

PER

VULNERA

NOMEN’

(Fig. 8). Again, in the church of S. Lourenço, a remarkable sanctuary near Almancil (in Loulé, Algarve), the interior is lined with a monumental and stunning integral ceramic covering, crammed with allegories and personifications executed by Policarpo in 1730. In the midst of a particularly dense Baroque programme, two small emblems of the patron saint stand out: a house built on top of a steep high hill

* found

Photographs of these in José

Manuel

hieroglyphs

Cordeiro

at skirting

Nascimento,

level and details of the nave coverings

Santudrio de Nossa Senhora

can be

dos Remédios—Peniche

(Peniche, the author, 1997). ” In the nearby the

sacristy,

lined

church of Nossa Senhora da Nazaré, the vault over the passageway with

tiles by

Antonio

de Oliveira

Bernardes,

displays

leading to

a representation

of the

Assumption of Our Lady, who is flanked by four Marian emblems without a motto, two of which are tree representations, very similar to those in the Memoria hermitage.

Vigosa). chapel of Senhor do Fig. 8. Church of Nossa Senhora da Conceigao (Vila at per vulnera nomen . Santo Nome de Jesus, side hieroglyph: ‘Pylchrum proper

144

AZULEJOS AND EMBLEMATICS

JOSÉ JULIO GARCÎA ARRANZ

145

The abundant and interesting emblems in the cycles of the churches of Nossa Senhora do Terço, in Barcelos, and of the Santa Casa da Misericérdia, in Evora, are more educational and edifying, and thus are more in tune with bookish emblematics. In the first of these, a temple of the ancient monastery of the Benedictine nuns in Evora, the whole of the nave is lined in azulejos dated 1713 in its inscription, attributed by

Santos Simoes to Anténio de Oliveira Bernardes.”’ The walls display

impressive figurative compositions illustrating episodes of the life of St. Benedict. On both sides of the nave, the lower walls reveal various series of hieroglyphs (twenty in total), which aim to illustrate and exemplify various passages and sentences of the Rule of St. Benedict. As with the examples from the churches of the Misericérdia in Evora, the emblems in Barcelos have a double motto: the first, in a scroll above the pictura, in Latin, constitutes the true motto of the symbol; underneath the motif or composition appears a sentence in Portuguese summarizing the Benedictine rule from which it derives. This is the sole example of azulejo production by the Oliveira Bernardes family in which the whole series is inspired directly and wholly by a previously published literary source. While in previous examples textual precedents are only partially discernible, in this case the emblems were taken from the works of Joao dos Prazeres, namely O Principe dos Patriarcas S. Bento. Primeiro tomo

de

sua

Vida,

discursada

em

emprezas

Politicas

e Predicdveis

(Lisbon: Anténio Craesbeeck de Mello, 1683), and O Principe dos Patriarcas S. Bento. Segundo tomo de sua Vida, discursada em emprezas Politicas e Morais (Lisbon: Joam Galram, 1690). The hieroglyphic programme is as follows: North elevation of the nave: a hand appearing from clouds attacks a sevenheaded Hydra with a torch: ‘NON EXTINGVETVR IGNE / SO COM O AMOR DIVINO

SE EXTINGVE

PROFANO’

O AMOR

(It shall not be extinguished

by

fire / Only with divine love will profane love be extinguished). Some garments (jacket and trousers) appear on a table: “A GOSTO, E A MEDIDA l A ELEICAO DO HABITO HA-DE SER VOLYNTARIA’ (By preference and due measure

Fig. 9. S. Lourenço sanctuary (Almancil, Loulé), hieroglyph in vault: ‘Igne me examinasti’.

(‘EXALTASTI SVPER TERAM HABITATIONEN MEAM’) and a phoenix on flames (‘IGNE ME EXAMINASTI’) (Fig. 9).2 ~' See further notes on this programme in Santos Simôes, Azulejaria em Portugal, pp. 430-31, and in ‘Os notéveis azulejos da Igreja de S. Lourenço de Almansil e da Capela de Nossa Senhora da Conceiçäo de Loulé’, Estudos de Azulejaria, ed. Vitor Sousa Lopes, pp. 153-154.

/ The

selection

27 ‘Breves notas sobre alguns Lopes, pp. 255-260 (pp. 256-257).

of the habit shall be voluntary).

azulejos

de

Barcelos’,

Estudos

A

de Azulejaria,

bird of prey,

ed. Vitor

Sousa

e idedrio is a thorough analysis of this work in Ilda Soares de Abreu, Simbolismo dos Patriarcas S. Bento, Principe O em seiscentista ideal principe o para ideal educaçäo a politico: Jodo dos Prazeres pelo M. R. Pregador Geral da Corte e Cronista Mor da Congregaçäo, Frei Joao dos Prazeres, O.S.B. (Lisbon: Estar, 2000). See also Geraldo José Amadeu Coelho Dias, ‘Frei Histéria (Centro de Historia da A polémica monästica e a literatura emblemiatica’, Revista de Pereira, ‘Vidas ejemplares en Martinez Ana and 351-364, (1979), 2 Porto), Universidade do (=Via Spiritus, 10 (2003)), emblemas (siglos XVI-X VII), in Hagiografia literdria: séculos XVI-XVII Manuel Alves Tedim for bringing 126-129. We thank our colleagues Ana Martinez Pereira and José to our attention the source of inspiration for the Barcelos hieroglyphs. # There

ors

sae

possibly an eagle, builds its nest on top of a craggy mountain INMVNITAS

PEREAT

CLAVZURA

NAM

CORONENTVR

/

DA

/ O SAGRADO

SE UIOLA

SO PELAS

svBbITOS’ (Not beyond their strength / The superior shall have individual knowledge of all his subjects). Two eyes suspended from the sky

DA

The superior, as he punishes, so he shall reward). A swarm of bees flies over

top: “NE

contemplate the sun; one of them cries: ‘ALLEVAT, ET VEXAT / O SVPERIOR, / ASSIM COMO CASTIGA, HADE PREMIAR (It both raises up and torments

the sacred PORTAS’ (Lest freedom should perish / Not only through doors is chicks quality of confinement violated). A crowned eagle flies with its four towards

REGRA

sun:

the

‘PROBANTVR

VT

A

OBSERVANCIA

a

(They are tested

DA SALVACAO’

DE S. BENTO HE CERTO CAMINHO

(One is not enough /

toes (which,

smells sweet / Envy in religion shall lead to imitation and not destruction). South elevation of the nave: a radiant sun shines over a landscape: “NON OCIOSIDADE’

(It does

lie

not

still / There shall be no idleness in religion). Rays of sunlight and rain stream from a group of clouds: ‘FORTIOR IN ADVERSARIOS / QVANTO AS

TENTAÇOENS

FOREM

FORTES

MAIS

HADE

FORTE

MAIS

SER

A RESISTENCIA’®

(Stronger when confronted by adversaries / The stronger the temptations shall be, the stronger shall the resistance be). A bird, possibly a dove, takes to the air under the rain that pours from a cloud: ‘NE SVCCVMBAT / HADE VOAR O ESPIRITO, PARA O CORPO NAM

FLORE

CARPITVR

MEL

/ NEM

NOS SVBDITOS’

SEMPRE

(Honey

is

in fact, constitute one single motto divided in two parts),

from having a each in its corresponding scrolls. Such mottoes, far simple and the to es themselv limit conceptual or hermetic meaning, depicted the by indicated action e charitabl the of direct description image. the in ed scenes, or of the properties of the elements represent not does symbols these Accordingly, the reading and interpretation of were phs hierogly the of require great effort from the devout. Some front of the high altar displaced from the side of the nave to the has caused a slight which stalls, of platform for the installation deterioration of the panels.

NA RELIGIAO HADE SER PARA IMITAR E NAM PARA DESTRUIR’ (Because it

HAVER

OMNI

IGVAL PROCEDIMENTO

postures Bernardes; this judgment is based upon the architectural plans, us and continuo the of the characters, images grouped in few levels, and tiles the dating on inscripti an secure contours of the images.” There is the ut througho height dado at found to 1716. The emblematic motifs ing represent episodes Gospel ve successi the nave, lined up underneath of mercy the spiritual works of mercy, allude to the tradition of works to be considers n institutio the that actions other to and of the body, motLatin two with within its social remit. Each emblem is presented

It is not possible to keep religion without punishment). An iron sickle floats in a river: ‘IMPOSSIBILIA SVPERAT/ A OBEDIENCIA HADE SER CEGA’ (It overcomes the impossible / Obedience shall be blind). A hand appearing from clouds picks a flower from a branch in a vase: “QVIA OLET/ A INVEJA

HADE

EX

de Oliveira church of Santa Casa da Misericrdia, in Evora, to Ant6nio

TVDO TEM NA RELIGIAM’ (It gives both shade and nourishment / The religious man has everything in religion). A man seated at a table arranges the pieces of a broken vase: “FACILE CONCILIATVR / NA RELIGIAO NAM HADE HAVER ODIOS’ (It is easily mended / There shall be no hatred in / religion). A hand holds a stick next to a horse’s bit: ‘NON SVFFICIT VNVM

NAM

‘NON

O SVPERIOR

Santos Simoes also attributes the authorship of the ensemble in the

O against a tree trunk eats its leaves: “OB VMBRAT [sic], ET ALIT / O RELIGIOZ

RELIGIAO

bush:

to his subjects).”

AO DIVINO ESPELHO’ (It defiles itself / Only those contemplating the divine looking glass will compose themselves well). A sheep or lamb resting

QVIESCIT / NA

ACHAR

not gathered from very flower / The superior shall not give equal treatment

looking glass: ‘SE IPSVM CONSPVRCAT / SO SE COMPOEM BEM QVEM SE VE

A RELIGIAO SEM CASTIGO’

flowering

HADE

is so that they may be crowned / The observance of the Rule of St Benedict a a certain path to salyation). A Basilisk contemplates its reflection in

NAO SE PODE CONSERVAR

147

AZULEJOS AND EMBLEMATICS

JOSÉ JULIO GARCÎA ARRANZ

146

SENTIR OS RIGORES DA RELIGIAM’

(Lest it should be overcome / The spirit shall fly, so that the body does not feel the rigours of religion). A fountain throws water up high: *QVO PRESSA ALTIVS

/ A

NA

HUMILDADE

RELIGIAO

HE

FAMA

DE SVA

QVE

A,

FAS

A

AUVULTAR

VIRTVDE’ (Higher where it is pressed down / Humility in religion is that which augments virtue). A group of various animals (mammals, reptiles, amphibians, insects...) faces a panther: ‘IN ODOREM CVRRIMVS | A RELIGIAO

HADE

SE BVSCAR

PELA

VIRTVDE’

(We

run towards

the fragrance / Religion shall be sought for the fame of its virtue). A herdsman drives a yoke of oxen with a staff, which pulls a plough: TV CEDE/ NAM HAD[E O RELIGIOZO] QVERER, QOS...

[AN]DE AO SEO PASS[O]’

(Give way / The religious shall not wish for the [Lord?] to walk at his pace) (both image and text are interrupted by a holy water basin). A roofless house appears

partly

in ruins:

“SINE CVLMINE

CORRVIT

/ NAM

SE CONSERVA

A

VIRTVDE SEM ORACAM’ (Without support it crumbles / Virtue cannot be kept without prayer). The sun appears surrounded by the Zodiac signs: “NON VLTRA

VIRES / O SVPERIOR

DEVE TOMAR

INDIVIDVAL

CONHESIMENTO

DOS

yphs and offers s que dao liçôes. describes these hierogl 2° Manuel Avelino Ferreira, s.v. Azulejo Rule (A igreja beneditina de Nossa tine Benedic the of les princip the on a moral interpretation based da Confraria de na historia de Barcelos (Barcelos: Mesa Senhora do Terço: histéria duma igreja ros, Eugénio Triguei Limpo Julio Antonio 101-124). See also Nossa Senhora do Terço, 1982), pp.

çäo Cardoso Pereira de Lacerda, Barcelos Andrea da Cunha e Freitas and Maria da Concei esa de Pais e Amigos do Cidadao Portugu çäo monumental e artistico (Braga: Associa and also Santos Simoes, Azulejaria em Mental—Distrital de Braga, 1998), pp. 40-41,

historico, Deficiente Portugal,

medallions with epigraph]. figurados e epigrafados [figurative pp. 94-95, who calls them medalhôes All translations by the editor.

Estudos de Azulejaria, ed. Vitor Sousa Lopes, % Santos Simôes, ‘Alguns azulejos de Evora’,

p. 42.

Er OR

Anan

JOSÉ JULIO GARCIA ARRANZ

148

AZULEJOS AND EMBLEMATICS

149

= =) A = = mi

Fig. 10. Church of Santa Casa da Misericérdia (Evora), dado hieroglyph: ‘Vagos hospitio excipit/ Hospitia cunctos excipit errantes’.

” eH

The hieroglyphic programme is as follows: South elevation of the nave: Ist: Clothe the unclothed — a silkworm makes its cocoon, hanging by threads between two plants: ‘“EGENOS VESTIT / SVA PERDIS [...] NDI AVE’. 2nd: To marry single women adequately —a gardener removes the ivy that strangles some trees: ‘INNVPTAS IN MATRIMONIVM COLLOCAT NEPERICHITENTVR, / CADANT NE FORTE MARITAT’. 3rd: Give shelter to the wanderer—several birds fly around the top of a tree or rest on its branches: ‘VAGOS HOSPITIO EXCIPIT, / HOSPITA CVNCTOS EXCIPIT ERRANTES’ (Fig. 10). 4th: To welcome all those in need—on a mountain, a ripe and open pomegranate shows its seeds: *MISERICORS IN OMNES, / NVLLI

SVA

MVNERA

CLAVDIT’.

5th:

Help the sick—a

gardener

holding a

watering can in his hand walks amongst the flower beds intending to water his plants: ‘CHARITATEM

ERGA INFIRMOS EXERCET / VIRES LANGVENTIBVS

ADDIT’. Hieroglyphs reinstated in the high altar: 6th: Heal the sick—a pharmacist sits inside his shop grinding a substance with a pestle and mortar, next to shelves CAVSAS

with medicine containers: ‘FVNCTIONES MILLE SALVTIS HASET’. 7th: Give water

MISERICORDIA [E], / to the thirsty—a hand

appearing from a cloud holds a jug with which it waters a plant set in a pot, protected

by

a net:

‘[...]CIRE

DETENTOS

E [...] OSINIS

FOVET

/ CLAVSIS

ALIMEN [...] MINISTRAT’.*' 8th: Feed the hungry—in a vast landscape rises the trunk of a pruned tree with several grafts in its branches: “EXPOSITOS NVTRIT, / FAETVS ALIENOS SVMIT ALENDOS’. 9th: Assist the wounded—a felled palm-tree lies on the ground; its trunk is pressed between several stones:

‘LANGVIDOS

IN

XENODOCHIVM

BAIVLAT

/

HOC

VILI

PONDERE

CRESCIT’. North elevation of the nave: 10th: To bury the dead—a sun with a face appears between the clouds, clearing the darkness and the night stars that still shine: ‘PAVPERVM FVNERA OBIT, / FVNERAT EXTINCTVM HIS FACIBVS’. Hieroglyphs from the sotocoro of the church: an iris grows in the middle of a field: ‘CON [SIDJERATE LILIA AGRI’. An empty bier lies on the ground: ‘ET

UOS ESTOTE PARAIT.”

We have left what is perhaps the most peculiar example for last, dated 1715, and also attributed to Antonio de Oliveira Bernardes by

‘| Both Bernardes artists use this hieroglyph again in the prominent of the Misericérdia in Viana do Castelo, in a small medallion under the temple, at the foot of the naye. We think this is simply a case of using space, since the remainder medallions under the historical episodes are emblematic elements. * For

an

in-depth

study

of this

programme,

see José

Julio

tile decoration of the church scene of Jesus teaching at the this element to fill an empty also blank, thus lacking other

Garcia

Arranz,

‘Las

obras1

de

Misericérdia en Evora Misericordia y la emblemätica: los azulejos de la iglesia de la Santa Casa da

Florilegium of Studies on Emblematics: Proceedings of the 6th International Sociedad de Society of Emblem Studies, ed. Sagrario Lépez Poza (A Coruna: The Conference of Cultura Valle Inclän, 2004), pp. 359-370. (Portugal)’,

in A

+2LEX

150

JOSÉ JULIO GARCÎA ARRANZ

AZULEJOS AND EMBLEMATICS

Santos Simées:** the hieroglyphic decoration of the baptismal chapel in

the cathedral of Braga. In front of a busy and excessive architectural composition, three angels hold a cloth displaying a square area fenced as a hortus conclusus; inside, it is possible to distinguish three flowers, each one of them crowned with an ecclesiastic attribute: a rose with a papal tiara, a carnation with a galero (or cardinal’s hat), and a lily with the episcopal mitre. The hand of death appears from the left, holding a scythe with which it has already cut down the lily, and is about to cut down the stems of the carnation and rose. The image is topped by the motto *AEQUO PULCAT PEDE,’ effectively reproducing the last empresa of the Jesuit Francisco Niifiez de Cepeda’s Idea de el Buen Pastor. The hieroglyph is a clear warning to ecclesiastical leaders in which Baroque notions intimately associated to the idea of death converge, the foremost among these being the concept of vanitas. Recalling the vacuity of profane pleasure and of worldly wealth and pride, it is, on one hand, a warning of the brevity of existence and of the unpredictable

arrival of death, and, on the other, a symbol

of death’s inevitable

levelling effect, which stems from the literary and visual heritage of the

notorious medieval Danse Macabre.**

IV. SOME CONCLUSIONS

The review of the corpus of ceramic hieroglyphs by Anténio and Policarpo de Oliveira Bernardes reveals, strikingly, that the vast majority of their symbolic repertoire is made up of plant elements (trees, plants and fruits), or, to be more precise, in the case of the Santa

Casa da Misericérdia in Evora, by scenes of gardening (watering, clearing, grafting...), the latter attempting to establish a clear association between the charitable activities of the Misericérdia and the care of a garden. The only significant exception to this general theme comes in the Benedictine programme in Barcelos, where a greater thematic diversity, typical of the printed emblem, is an indicator that the

whole

series

is taken

from

a preceding

literary

repertoire.

This

typological preference may reflect a particular fondness on the part of the artists, or it may point towards the fact that most of Marian symbols

derive from flora (as in the Litaniae). However,

it is also important to

consider that the broad scope of this imagery encompasses motifs which would

|

be

familiar

contemplated

the

to and

mural

easily

identified

decorations,

and

by

thus

the

faithful

more

as

suitable

they and

© Santos Simôes, Azulejaria em Portugal. p. 102. * Niifiez de Cepeda,

pp. 190-192,

Empresas

sacras, ed.

Rafael

Garcfa

Mahiques

(Madrid:

Tuero,

1988),

effective

in illustrating a moral or dogmatic

message

151

in a manner

directly and perfectly intelligible to the congregation. This could explain the abundance of allusions to everyday elements of Nature that would come to characterize late Baroque emblematics, particularly those concerned with religion. Furthermore, on the pictorial level, both artists’ hieroglyphs tend towards the formal simplicity typical of ‘architectural’ emblematics, recalling collections of literary emprese, with the predominance of a sole motif or sparse depictions of people. In the majority of cases, these figures are displayed in front of open landscapes, blurred by the characteristic sfumato applied by the Oliveira to their backgrounds. Together with the usually considerable dimensions of the ceramic murals, this trait allows spectators to identify immediately the subject through the use of familiar images. In almost all the cases presented above, the iconic programmes have a clear didactic and informative purpose, which tends to overshadow the decorative function of the framing architecture and foliage. In order to meet these objectives adequately, the panels become iconographic resources, displaying the hieroglyphs as a signifying or emphatic element of the edifying message, which is derived from the narrative panels or those of an evangelical or hagiographic theme. The latter, with a monumental stature and clear exposition, would almost certainly be used by the priest in his sermons. The combination of symbolism and explanation exemplifies doctrinal concepts and moral instructions in a clear way for an illiterate public, their content forming part of the teachings of the priest’s sermons. Similarly, in the particular cases of the lining of domes, the hieroglyphs form part of spectacular complex scenes, at the one time decorative, narrative and symbolic, and with a proliferation of personifications, attributes and inscriptions. This lends unity to the ensemble, transforming it into a proper compendium of Baroque eloquence. Here, emblematic components simultaneously

reaffirm the various distinct aspects of the ensemble, whose correct interpretation would be complemented by the sermon from the pulpit. All these programmes constitute an illustrative sample of how church emblematics, particularly when applied to ecclesiastic and public spaces (similarly to festive hieroglyphs), were moving away from the bernetic approach

and

intellectual games

that stood at the origin of the genre;

rather, they continued the ideological trajectory established in the preceding century. The emblem no longer offers an intellectual challenge to the spectator: it merely focuses on a socio-religious concept after A attracting the spectator’s attention by means of the visual iin and fixing it in his memory through the transitory mystery opened y the

identification

motto.

of the

images,

and closed

by the translation of the

a

a

0

The Emblem Book Collection of Diogo Barbosa Machado

(1682-1772) BY

LUÏS DE MOURA SOBRAL UNIVERSITE DE MONTREAL

Diogo Barbosa Machado was an outstanding figure in eighteenthcentury Portuguese cultural life. Born in Lisbon, a son of the Army Captain Joao Barbosa Machado, and a brother of two other distinguished historians, the Theatine José Barbosa (1674-1750), and the jurist Inâcio Barbosa Machado (1686-1766), Diogo studied Philosophy and Theology with the Oratorians in his hometown, before enrolling in Canon Law at the University of Coimbra, in 1708, although health issues later prevented him from graduating. He took orders as a secular presbyter in 1724, and was appointed four years later abbot in the parish church of Santo Adrido, in Sever, Santa Marta de Penaguiäo, in the

North of Portugal.'

He was one of the first members of the Portuguese Royal Academy of History, founded in 1720, and, before settling in Sever, he had already started academic activities, presenting lectures, and publishing in the first issues of the Academy’s proceedings and documents, the Collecçam dos documentos, e memorias da Academia Real da Historia Portugueza. He was the author of several books on a variety of topics,

including a four-volume history of King Sebastian (more than two

Machado is his own ! The main source for the life and publications of Diogo Barbosa 1741), biographical entry in the Bibliotheca Lusitana, 4 vols. (Lisbon: Anténio Isidoro da Fonseca, Annaes da Biblioteca vol. 1, pp. 634-635. See also B. F. Ramiz Galvao, ‘Diogo Barbosa Machado’,

in Grande Nacional do Rio de Janeiro, 1 (1876-1877), 1-29; “Barbosa Machado (Diogo)’, enciclopédia portuguesa e brasileira (Lisbon: Editorial Enciclopédia, 1935), vol. 4, pp. 203-204; 3 vols. (Lisbon: Verbo, Joaquim Verissimo Serrao, A historiografia portuguesa —doutrina e critica, 1974), vol. 3—Século XVIII, pp. 112-118.

222 =~

154

LUÎS DE MOURAL SOBRAL

DIOGO BARBOSA

thousand and five hundred pages).? However, he is better known as the author of the first Portuguese bibliography, the Bibliohteca Lusitana. a monumental work in four volumes, published in Lisbon in 1741

(volume

1), 1747 (volume

2),

1752

(volume

3), and

1759 (volume

4),

still in use in every major library, and still an indispensable research tool in the area of Portuguese studies. Diogo Barbosa Machado was also a compulsive book collector animated by real bibliophile interests. He collected rare copies of old books, hundreds of booklets about various aspects of Portugues e history, maps, printed portraits, and prints. At the end of his life, he presented these collections to King José, and the books reached the Royal Library between 1770 and 1773, two decades after the death of the donator. This collection would not stay very long in Portugal. In 1807 King John VI and the royal household fled the Napoleonic invasions, taking refuge in Brazil, settling the court in Rio de Janeiro. The king did not travel light, and amongst the many possessions taken in the entourage was the Royal Library, The king’s presence resulted in the colony being elevated to the status of kingdom, and eventually to its independe nce from Portugal in 1825. This surge of nationalist feelings had a bearing on Barbosa Machado’s collection: after the end of the Napoleoni c wars, the king returned to Lisbon in 1821, leaving his son, Prince Peter (later Peter IV of Portugal) regent of Brazil, but the Barbosa Machado collection or, at least, a great part of it, was to remain in Brazil, where they were to form the original nucleus of the Biblioteca Nacional in Rio de Janeiro. In preparing his donation to the Portuguese Royal Library, Barbosa Machado wrote ‘with his own hand’ a manuscript catalogue of his collections, still preserved in Rio de Janeiro ? The index of the manuscript divides the contents of the catalogue into thirty-fou r categories: 1, ‘Escritura Sagrada’ (sacred scriptures), 2, ‘Theologi a Especulativa, Dogmatica e Moral’ (speculative, dogmatic and moral theology), 3, ‘Liturgia Sacra, e profana’ (sacred and secular liturgy), 4, ‘Historia

Ecclesiastica’ (ecclesiastical history), 5, ‘Historia Eccles.* das Regioeñs

Orientaes, e Occidentaes’ (ecclesiastical history of eastern and western regions), 6, ‘Historia Profana’ (secular history), 7, ‘Historia Profana das Regioeñs Orientaes, e Occidentaes’ (secular history of eastern and western regions), 8, ‘Vida de Christo S.° Nosso, Santos e Santas, Principes © Memorias para a Historia de Portugal, que comprehendem o governo del Rey D. Sebastid o... (Lisbon: Academia Real, vol. 1 (1736), vol. 2 (1737), vol. 3 (1747), vol. 4 (1751). I thank Tarso Tavares from the Biblioteca Nacional for his assistance in obtaining a microfilm of the manuscript. ’ «Cathalogo dos livros da livraria de Diogo Barbosa Machado distribuidos por elle em

materias e escrito por sua propria mao», Shelfmar k: Manuscritos 15,1,002.

Eccles. accoens secular events), santid.°

MACHADO’S

EMBLEM

BOOKS

155

e Seculares e de homens, e mulheres illustres em virtude, e militares’ (life of Christ our Lord, Saints, ecclesiastical and princes, men and women of illustrious virtue, and military 9, ‘Elogios de Pontifices, Principes, e Varoeñs insignes em letras e Armas’ (praise of Pontifs. princes and men dis-

tinguished in sanctity, letters and arms),

10, ‘Bibliothecarios’ (librarian-

ship), 11, Genealogicos’ (genealogy), 12, ‘Heraldicos’ (heraldry), 13, ‘Chronologos’ (chronology), 14, ‘Geografos’ (geography), 15, Orthografos’ (orthography), 16, ‘Grammaticos’ (grammar), 17, ‘Rhetor icos, e Oradores’ (rhethoric and oratory), 18, ‘Discursos Concion atorios’ (public speeches), 19, ‘Poetas Latinos’ (Latin poets), 20, ‘Poetas Portugueses, Castelhanos, e Italianos’ (Portuguese, Castilian and Italian poets), 21, ‘Symbolos, Emblemas e Empresas’ (symbols, emblem s and imprese), 22, ‘Diccionarios’ (dictionaries), 23, “Antiquarios’ (antiquarian), 24, ‘Authores q. comprehendem diversas mat.** nas suas obras’ (authors that have addressed various matters in their works), 25, ‘Authores antigos da lingua latina em prosa, e em verso’ (ancient Latin language authors in prose and verse), 26, ‘Pompas Triumfa es na Entrada de Principes e Funeraes dos mesmos’ (triumphal pomp for royal entrées of princes and their funerals), 27, ‘Politicos’ (politics ), 28, ‘Asceticos’ (asceticism), 29, ‘Itinerarios’ (itineraries), 30, ‘Escritores de

Cartas’ (writers of letters), 31, ‘Apologias’ (defenses), 32, ‘Criticas, e Invectivas’

(critical

and

invective

works),

33,

‘Miscellanea’

(miscellaneous), 34, ‘Livros de Estampas’ (books of prints). Accordi ng to Ramiz Galväo, the collection consisted in all of ‘4,301 works in

5,764 volumes’.

The size and variety of this library is no doubt exceptional, especial ly if one considers it was formed by a single individual. Indeed, in Barbosa Machado’s time, we know, for instance, that the library of the Theatines in Lisbon comprised eighteen thousand volumes, a little more than four times the contents of the scholar’s own collection. Incidentally, José Barbosa Machado, the older brother of Diogo Barbosa Machado, had worked in the library of the Theatines, and, according to Thomaz Caetano de Bem, he was responsible for acquiring ‘a huge collection of Maps of Portugal, and lands of its Dominions, [...], and

other large prints of Portuguese Kings, and Gentlemen, illustrious in Virtue, or Letters, [or] dignities’.° It could well be that the library of the * Ramiz Galvao, ‘Diogo Barbosa Machado’, pp. 28-29. ” Ramiz Galväo, ‘Diogo Barbosa Machado’, p. 29, ‘ Thomaz Caetano de Bem, Memorias Historicas Chronologicas

Clerigos Regulares

em Portugal, e suas Conquistas

Officina Typhografica,

1792), vol. 1, pp. 181-182.

da

Sagrada

Religiäo

na India Oriental, 2 vols. (Lisbon:

dos

Regia

222

=

DIOGO BARBOSA MACHADO’S

LUÏS DE MOURAL SOBRAL

156

Theatines and the example of his erudite brother served as a source of inspiration for the bibliophile personality of Barbosa Machado. The twenty-first category of the catalogue is described as ‘Symbolos, Emblemas e Empresas’ (symbols, emblems and imprese), and runs from folio 74ro to folio 77vo of the manuscript. It is a rather extraordinary

collection

of emblem

books

which,

to my

knowledge,

has

never before been described nor studied. On the one hand, the fact that Barbosa Machado had created a separate group for these books, indicates that he was perfectly aware that they belonged to a specific genre, and that this genre deserved to be so individualized. It is true, as I tried to show elsewhere, that, in Barbosa Machado’s own times, emblems had been increasingly integrated into the Portuguese visual arts, which shows on the other hand that they were circulating.’ What I don’t know is if this bibliographical or cultural awareness was shared by his contemporary literati. Indeed, I do not know of a similar collection of emblems books in Portugal, during the eighteenth century. * * *

The section ‘Symbolos, Emblemas e Empresas’ (symbols, emblems and imprese), comprises one hundred and eighty-six entries or titles (generally one line per entry), some of which I was not able to identify (entries

13, 55, 67, 71,

127,

128,

139,

168 and

179), either because of

the state of conservation of the manuscript, or because of the incomplete amount of information received in it. Nevertheless, some of these present various elements (year of the publication, language) which have been used to create some of the statistics below. This explains the fact that the numbers I give do not always coincide. As was to be expected, most of the books in the Barbosa Machado collection (one hundred) were published during the seventeenth century. Less than half of that amount (fourty-one) were printed in the previous century, and only twenty-six belong to the author’s own century. As for the languages, one hundred books were written in Latin, thirty-four in French, fewer in Italian (twenty-six) and Spanish (eleven), and only two in German. The oldest book in the collection is De hieroglyphicis by Horapollo, in the Lyons’ 1542 edition (two copies, entries 96 and

115), and the most recent is Audin’s

Fables

heroïques,

published in Amsterdam in 1754 (entry 66). When the latter was published, Barbosa Machado was already 72 years old, but he obviously could still not give up his bibliophile passion.

BOOKS

157

It comes as no surprise that Otto Van Veen is the author ocurring most frequently in the collection (six different editions). Also, certain books appear in different editions and various languages. Barbosa

Machado owned at least four editions of Aesop’s Fables, three of them in French. Some books appear in three different editions (Borja,

Boxhorn, Cartari, Horozco), and others in two (Audin, Faerno, Ferro, Horapollo, Marolles, Paradin, Saavedra Fajardo, Sambucus, Van Veen). On

the other hand,

several editions

are mentioned

twice:

Boxhorn,

Emblemata Politica (46 and 120), Cinquante Devises pour Mgr Colbert (170 and blematum

175), Cramer, Emblematum Sacrorum (68 and 147), EmEthico-politicorum (41 and 119), Hesius, Emblemata sacra

(81 and 82), Horapollo, De hieroglyphicis (1542) (96 and 115), Kilian, Emblemata Sacra Passionis (61 and 171), Mayr, Hyperdulia Mariana (9 and 154), Crispyn de Passe, Speculum Heroicum Principis (111 and 156), Reusner, Emblemata

(44 and

124), Symbola et Emblemata

...

Imperatoris Moschovie (112 and 178) and Zincgreff, Emblematum Ethico-politicorum (41 and 119). Was this caused by an error during the cataloguing process, or, more simply, is it a consequence of collector’s syndrome? The Biblioteca Nacional in Rio de Janeiro keeps a rich collection of emblem books, from a variety of provenances. Some of them correspond to the titles and editions owned by Barbosa Machado (Index 2),

but, naturally, not all of the latter come from the Portuguese scholar’s collection. After consultation of the online catalogue of the Biblioteca Nacional

in February 2009, the following criteria were adopted: when a title mentioned

in the manuscript

was found,

in the same edition, in the

Biblioteca Nacional, I give the respective shelfmark at the end of the

entry, after the initials BNR; the corresponding titles and editions are listed in Index 2, Some entries in the online catalogue mention that some books have the ex-libris of Barbosa Machado (Index 3). These, and only these, have the assured provenance of Barbosa Machado’s

and if this collection. Others bear the stamp Real Bibliotheca (Index 4),

indicates that they were indeed brought from Lisbon in 1808, we cannot affirm with absolute certitude that they belonged to Barbosa Machado. Indeed, some books showing the same stamp were not included by Barbosa Machado in his manuscript.

Of course, the results presented here cannot be considered definitive. Besides inevitable errors of transcription, this kind of research can only

and in be conveniently pursued among the stacks of the libraries Still, I catalogues. Library old less and old permanent contact with the hope

’ See, for instance, in the present volume, José Jélio Arranz’ and the present author’s articles.

EMBLEM

that

the

presentation

of

this

important

eighteenth-century

of this collection, revealing a precise awareness of the characteristics

= 22273.

LUÎS DE MOURAL SOBRAL

158

DIOGO BARBOSA

E EMPRESAS’

Passions humaines,

Oeuvre augmentée

Mathieu Guillemot,

1644)

Fol. 74ro

BNR

aliorum...

(Cologne:

BNR Shelfmark: 171, 5, 7-8 ___ Lux Evangelica, Antuerp,

1665 (?)’

Henricus Engelgrave, Lux Evangelica sub velum Sacrorum Emblematum Recondita (Part 1), (Antwerp: viduam et hæredes Ioannis Cnobbari, 1648).

‘Mayr, Hiperdulia Salisburg, 1713°

BNR Shelfmarks: 178, 5, 5 (Antwerp, 1657), 116B, 2, 9 (Cologne, 1659), ‘Labia, Symboli Predicabili, Ferrara, 1692’ Carlo Labia, Simboli predicabili estratti da Sacri Evangeli Che corrono nella Quadragesima, delineati con morali, & eruditi Discorsi da Monsignor

10.

Carlo Labia (Ferrara: Bernardin Barbieri, 1692)

Et

Eius

Partes

emblematum

Figuratas

Matry (?),

‘Contile, Imprese, Pavia, 1574’

BNR Shelfmark: 021.8 (Stamp: Real Bibliotheca)

‘Ferro, Teatro de Imprese, Venesa, 1629 (?)’

universitate

Giovanni Ferro, Teatro d'Imprese ... (Venice: Giacomo Sarzina, 1623)

‘Scarlatini, Homo Symbolicus, Augusta, 1695” Homo

…

et croniche ... (Pavia: Girolamo Bartoli, 1574)

‘Piccinelli, Mundus Symbolicus, Clonia (sic), 1681’

Scarlattini,

sive (sic) Symbola

Luca Contile, Ragionamento di Luca Contile sopra la proprieta delle Imprese con le particolari de gli Academici Affidati et con le interpretationt

BNR Shelfmark: 2A, 3, 14 (Ex-libris: Didacus Barboza Machado, n.297)

Ottavio

Mariana,

Coelestin Mayr, Hyperdulia Mariana: seu Festa Dei-Parentis, cultu symbolico, philosopico, historico-moral (Salzburg: Johann Joseph Mayr, 1713)

166, 5, 6 (Cologne, 1690)

Filippo Picinellli, Mundus symbolicus in Jormatus... (Cologne: Hermanni Demen, 1681)

198, 6, 1

Cesare Ripa, Nova Iconologia di Cesare Ripa Perugino Cavaliere ... Nella quale si descrivono diverse Imagini di Virtà, Vitij ... Provincie d'Italia, Fiumi ... Opera utile ad Oratori ... Per inventar Concetti, Emblemi, ed Imprese. Per divisare qualsivoglia apparato Nuttiale, Funerale, Trionfale. Per rappresentar Poemi Drammatici, e per figurare co’ suoi propij simboli cid, che pud cadere in pensiero umano. Ampliata ultimamente dallo stesso Auttore di Trecento Imagini ... arrichita d’altre Imagini, discorsi, et esquisita corretione del Sig. Gio, Zaratino Castellini Romano (Padova: Pietro Paolo Tozzi, 1625)

Henricus Engelgrave, Coelum Empyreum non vanis et fictis Constellationum monstris belluatum sed divum Domini Jesu Christi, ejusque illibate Virginis Matris Mariae, Sanctorum Apostolorum, Martyrum, Confessorum, Virgi-

©

Shelfmark:

ceux qui aspirent à estre, ou qui Peintres, Ingenieurs, Autheurs de Poémes Dramatiques. Tirée des moralisées par I. Baudoin (Paris:

‘Ripa, Iconologia, Padova, 1625’

‘Engelgrave, Caelum Empyrium, Colonia, 1668”

Patriarcharum

159

d'une seconde partie; necessaire à

toute sorte d'esprits et particulierement a sont en effet, Orateurs, Poetes, Sculpteurs, Medailles, de Devises, de Ballets, & de Recherches & des Figures de Cesar Ripa,

num, nec non Sacrarum Religionum loannem Bussaeum, 1668)

BOOKS

Jean Baudoin, /conologie, ou Explication nouvelle de plusieurs images, emblemes, et autres figures Hyeroglyphiques des Vertus, des Vices, des Arts, des Sciences, des Causes naturelles, des Humeurs defferentes, & des

‘Cathalogo dos livros da livraria de Diogo Barbosa Machado distribuidos por elle em materias e escrito por sua propria mao’, Biblioteca Nacional do Rio de Janeiro, (Shelfmark: Manuscritos 15, 1, 002), folios 74r-77v

il

EMBLEM

‘Baudoin, Iconologie, Paris, 1644’

genre in eighteenth-century Portugal, can be of some use for historians of literature, the arts, the book, and of culture in general. ‘SYMBOLOS, EMBLEMAS

MACHADO’S

BNR Shelfmark: 179, 5, 1 &

Symbolicus,

Anatomicus, Rationalis, Moralis, Mysticus, Politicus, & Legatis: Opus Utile Praedicatoribus...; Cum Additionibus & Indicibus... (Augsburg and Dillingen: Sumptibus Joannis Caspari Bencard, Bibliopolae, 1695)

‘Boschius, Symbolographia, Augusta, 1702’ Jacopus Boschius, Symbolographia sive de Arte Symbolica Sermones Septem (Augsburg and Dillingen: Joannem Casparum Bercard, 1702)

12.

___, Ombre apparenti, Venetia, 1629° Giovanni Ferro, Ombre apparenti nel Teatro d'Imprese di Giovanni Ferro illustrate dal medesimo Autore col lume di nuove considerazioni (Venice: Giacomo Sarzina, BNR

Shelfmark:

1629)

179, 5, 7

[Entry unidentified]

i

LUIS DE MOURAL SOBRAL

160

14.

DIOGO BARBOSA

‘Marolles, Tableau du Temple des Muses, Paris, 1663°

‘Temple des Muses, 1733° Bernard Picart et Michel de Marolles, Le Temple des tableaux où sont représentés les événemens les plus l'antiquité fabuleuse; dessinés et gravés par B. Picart Maires; et accompagnés d'explications et de remarques Barre de Beaumarchais] (Amsterdam: Zach. Chatelain,

16.

Muses, orné de lx remarquables de et autres habiles [par Antoine de la

langue

Grecque,

et en

cette

nouvelle

edition

avec

22.

epigrammes

BNR Shelfmark: 929.82 (Stamp: Real Bibliotheca)

23,

‘Areso, Imprese Sacre, Venet, 1649°

18.

‘Venio, Emblemata (?) Symbola. Bruxelas

1624’

24.

20.

21:

Niifiez de Cepeda, Francisco. Idea de el Buen Pastor copiada por los SS. Doctores Representada en Empresas Sacras; Con avisos espirituales, morales, politicos, y economicos para el govierno de un principe

1664 (sic)’

di Christo; delle prerogative di S. Gio. Evangelista, e di S. Pietro Apostolo; dell’ innocenza, e stimmate del P. S. Francesco; delle glorie del P. S. Antonio da Padova, e di altre materia fruttuosissime ... (Venice: Per il

Baba, 1654) 4to. BNR

26.

Shelfmark:

181, 5,5

‘Venio (?), Horatii emblemata, Antuerp, 1707 (?)’ Otto van Veen, Horatl Flaccl Emblemata. Imaginibus in ces incisis notisque illustrata, Studio Othonis Ven! Batavolugdunensis (Antwerp: Ex Officina

Girolamo Ruscelli, Le Imprese illustri con espositioni, et discorsi del S°’. Teronimo Ruscelli (Venice: Francesco Rampazetto, 1566)

“Nunez, Empresas pastorales. Leon. 1688°

‘Ricci, Imprese sacre, Venese,

Vincenzo Ricci, Sacre Imprese del P.F. Vincenzo Ricci da $. Severo Gia Provinciale della Provincia di S. Angelo ... Nelle quali in particolare si tratta delle grandezze et eccellenze della Beatissima Vergine; della Divinita

‘Moine, Art de Devises, Paris, 1666’

‘Ruscelli, Impresse illustri. Venes. 1566’

‘Chartarii, Imagines deorum, Lyon, 1581”

BNR Shelfmark: 291.13 (Ex-libris: Didacus Barboza)

25.

BNR Shelfmark: 057C, 04 08 (Ex-libris: Didacus Barboza Machado)

Pierre Le Moyne, De l'Art des Devises. Par le P. Le Moyne de la Compagnie de lesus. Avec divers Recueils de Devises du mesme Autheur (Paris: Sebastien Cramoisy & Sebastien Mabre Cramoisy, 1666)

sieur de Gomberville, La doctrine des Mœurs, tirée de la Stoiques, representée en cent tableaux, et expliquée en cent Vinstruction de la jeunesse (Paris: Pour Pierre Daret de Louys Sevestre, 1646)

Vicenzo Cartari, Imagines deorum, qui ab antiquis colebantur: In quibus simulacra, ritus cærimoniæ, magnaq, ex parte veterum religio explicantur (Lyons: Apud Bartolemæum Honoratum, 1581)

Otto van Veen, Emblemata sive Symbola A Principibus, viris Ecclesiasticis, ac Militaribus, aliisque usurpanda. Devises ou Emblemes pour Princes, gens d'Eglise, gens de guerre, & aultres (Bruxellae: Huberti Antonii, 1624)

19°

‘La doctrine des Mœurs, Paris, 1646° Marin Le Roy, Philosophie des discours pour Imprimerie de

sur

Paolo Aresi, Imprese sacre con triplicati discorsi illustrate & arrichite: A’ Predicatori, a gli studiosi della Scrittura Sacra, et a> tutti quelli, che si dilettano d'Imprese, di belle lettere, e di dottrina non volgare, non men utili, che diletevoli. Del P. D. Paolo Aresi chierico Regolare (Venice, Giuntini and Baba, 1649)

‘Ulloa, Impressas militares. Leon, 1561°

Roville, 1561)

chacun diceux par Artus Thomas Sieur D'Embry (Paris: chez la veufve Abel l’Angelier… et la veufve M. Guillemot, 1615)

My.

161

Alonso de Ulloa, Dialogo de las Empresas Militares y Amorosas, compuesto en lengua italiana, por ... Paulo Jovio ... Todo nuevamente traducido en Romance Castellano, por Alonso de Ulloa (Lyons: En casa de Guillielmo

1733)

des

BOOKS

Fol. 74vo

‘Vigenere, Tableaux de Philostrate, Paris, 1615” Blaise de Vigenere, Les images ou tableaux de platte peinture des deux Philostrates sophistes Grecs et les statues de Callistrate Mis en Francois par Blaise de Vigenere, Bourbonnois Enrichis d’Arguments et Annotations. Reveus et corrigez sur l'original par un docte personnage de ce temps en la

EMBLEM

eclesiastico. Dedicada al Eminentissim. Sen“or D. Luis Manuel Cardenal Portocarrero, ... Por el Padre Francisco Nüñez de Cepeda de la Compania de Jesus, natural de Toledo. Tercera Impresiôn Corregida por su autor, aumentadas las Empresas primeras, y añadidas diez de nuevo (Lyons: Anisson, Posuel, y Rigaud, 1688)

Michel de Marolles, Tableaux du Temple des Muses: tirez du cabinet de feu Mr. Fauereau ... & grauez en tailles-douces par les meilleurs maistres de son temps, pour representer les Vertus & les Vices, sur les plus illustres fables de l'antiquité (Paris: Chez Jean Du Puis, 1663)

15.

MACHADO’S

Hieronymi Verdussen, Auctoris ere & cura., 1607)

PAIE

‘Theatro Moral, Bruxeles,

1669”

Otto van Veen, Theatro moral de toda la philosophia de los antigvos y modernos, con el Enchiridion de Epicteto, &c. Obra propia para ensenanza de reyes y principes (Brussels: Francisco Foppens, 1669)

22223.

LUÎS DE MOURAL

162

35.

‘Tipotii, Symbola divina & hum., Francof, 1601°

Juan de Borja, Empresas Morales, compuestas por el excellentissimo senor,

1698°

“Wigelio, Ethica naturalis’

de Borja Don Juan de Borja ... sacalas a la luz, El Doctor Don Francisco

... (Brussels: Francisco Foppens, 1680) BNR

37.

Naturalium proprietatibus Virtutum Vitiorumque, sumbolicis collecta a Christophoro Wiegelio (Nuremberg: n. d. ca. 1690)

imaginibus

‘Biralli, Imprese Scelte, Venese, 1600°

qualitaa: stimate da’ buon giudizi le migliori infin qui d’intorno di questo nobilissimo soggetto: per accurata diligenza di Simon Biralli, raccolte ad

utilita, e diletto di coloro, che vaghi, e studiosi ne sono (Venice: Appresso Gio. Battista Ciotti Senese, 1600) Shelfmark: 809.915 (Ex-libris Didacus Barboza Machado)

*Masanio, Speculum Imaginum, Colon., 1714’ Jakob Masen, Speculum imaginum veritatis occult, Exhibens Symbola, Emblemata, Hieroglyphica, Ænigmata, omni tam materie, quam forma

Julius

Hortinus

Roscius,

es) u

illustratum

(Cologne:

Sumptibus

1589”

Emblemata

Sacra

Stephani

Caelii

Montis

1589)

“Borja, Empresas Morales, Praga, 1581” de

Borja,

nuestro Senor,

1581)

Empresas

Morales

dirigidas por Don

BNR Shelfmark: 60, 3, 22

a

la

‘Bruc, Emblemata Politica, Colon.,

1618’

t Cogn. Sil. Jacobus à Bruck (called Angermundt), Jacobi à Bruck Angermun

38.

‘(?), Similitudines, Argentorati, 1624” Janus

S.C.R.M.

luan de Boria

del

Rey

(Prague:

;

Don

Phelipe

lorge Nigrin,

AN

Gruterus,

Gruteri.

paret

Florilegii magni,

Formatus

vetustis, Graecis,

concinnatusque

seu,

Polyantheae

ex quinquaginta

Latinis, sacris, profanis, quorum

in tomo primo...

emblemata,

Accessere item

mythologica:

&

XXV

heic quoque

Tomus

Secundus

minimum

Jani

auctoribus

tamen nullus fere com-

nova Apophthegmata,

monastichorum

Latinorum

millia;

similitudines, provertotidem redolentia definitiones, sententias, dogmata, orbis scriptoribus literati ex bia, exempla, &c. decerpta pené ad verbum .. urg: Zetzner, 1624) classicis. (Strasbo ‘Pona, Emblemata Sacra, Verona,

1645”

os sive ex corde desumpta Francesco Pona. Francisci Ponae cardiomorphose Emblemata sacra (Verona: 1645) BNR

S.

intercolumniis affixa ... Studio et opera lulii Roscii Hortini, Tem[pesta] incid. 1589 (Rome: Apud Alexandrum Gardanum & Franciscum Coattinum,

Juan

137, 2, 10

BNR Shelfmark: 137, 2, 9

Simon Biralli, Dell’Imprese scelte: Dove trovansi tutte quelle, che da diverse autori stampate, si rendon conformi alle regole, & alle principali

‘Rosci, Emblemata Sacra, Rome,

Shelfmark:

breviter Emblemata Politica. Quibus ea, que ad principatum spectant, Novum Opus r. proponitu fusius explicatio vero m singuloru demonstrantur, (Cologne: apud Abrahamum Hogenberg chalcographos, 1618)

Christoph Weigel, Ethica Naturalis seu Documenta Moralia e Variis rerum

varietate, exemplis simul, ac preceptis Jacobi Promper, 1714)

hispanice a Johanne

scripta quondam

Moralia,

‘___, Empresas Morales, Bruxeles, 1680’

149, 7, 1

Alexandri Sperelli, ///ustrissimi, reverendissimi domini ... Alexandri Sperelli ... Paradoxa moralia / à translatore ... P. Don Ludovici Voltolini ... Theatino latio idiomate donata (Frankfurt: Sumptibus L. Kronigeri, & haeredum T. Goebelij, 1698)

BNR

1697’

de Boria, latinitate autem donata a L. C. C. P. (Berolini: Sumptibus Johann. Michael. Rudigeri. Stanno Utrici Liebperti, 1697)

musæo Octavi de Strada civis Romani (Frankfurt: Tampachius, 1601) ‘Voltolini, Paradoxa Moralia, Francof.,

Moralia, Berolini,

Juan de Borja, Emblemata

Jacobus Typotius, Symbola Divina & Humana Pontificum Imperatorum Regum. Accessit brevis & facilis Isagoge lac. Typotii. Tomus Primus. Ex BNR Shelfmark:

, Emblemata

‘

163

BOOKS

EMBLEM

MACHADO’S

DIOGO BARBOSA

SOBRAL

Shelfmark:

191, 3, 7

‘Emblemata Acada. Altorfinae, Norimb., Academia

Altorfina,

Emblemata

1597’

anniversaria

Academie

Alorfinæ

ariorum æ vari i proposita causa" exerci1 tandorum iuventutis studiorvm 1597) rus, Lochne s ophoru Christ berg: (Nurem ta orationibus exposi

BNR Shelfmark: 17A, 4, 135

‘Zingrefi, Emblemata ethico politica, Heidelberg, 1664

Ethico-politicorum Centuria mes Julius Wilhelm Zincgreff, Emblematum Guilielmi Zincgrefii, Coelo Matth. Meriani (Heidelberg: Clemente Ammonium, 1664) BNR Shelfmark: 142, 3, 5

164 42.

DIOGO BARBOSA

LUIS DE MOURAL SOBRAL 50.

‘Wolfgangi, Emblemata, Auspurg, 1727° L. W. M. Woytt, Laurentii Wolfgangi Woyttens Emblematischer Parnassus; worauf die Musen, ihre Blumen-Lese zu allerhand Freuden und TrauerKräntzen, halten ... in einem Gefilde von funffzehen Hundert ... Sinn-Bildern (Augsburg: Jeremias Wolffs, 1727)

43.

‘Baudoin, Emblemes divers, Paris, 1659”

gesies Transformatus. Editio posterior; priore Amplissime insuper xxxii Figuris æneis illustrata ... (n.p.: Lotter, 1725)

alr

45.

‘Faerno, Centum Fabulae, Antuerp. (sic), 1568’ Gabriello Faerno, Fabulæ Centum ex antiquis auctoribus delectæ et a Gabriele Faerno Cremonensi carminibus explicate (Venice: Ioannem Chriegher, 1568)

46.

47.

29:

1632)

‘Costalii, Pegma, Lugd. 1555’ Pierre Coustau, BNR

54.

Pietri

Costalii Pegma,

narrationibus philosophicis

cum

1555)

Shelfmark: 929 (Ex-libris: Didacus Barboza Machado)

“Mirobulii, Adverbia Moralia, Varsavia, 1691” Mirobulius Tassalinus [Prince Stanislaw Heraklyusz Lubomirski], Adverbiorum Moralium, sive de Virtute et Fortuna Libellus (Varsovia: 1691)

SEX

‘Seculum (?) et novum (?), Bruges, 1701”

Marcus Zuerius Boxhorn, Emblemata Politica. Accedunt Dissertationes Politicæ de Romanorum Imperio (Amsterdam: Joannis Janssonii, 1651)

56.

‘Jay, Triomphe de la Religion, Paris, 1687° Gabriel Francois Le Jay, Le Triomphe de la Religion sous Louis le Grand représenté par des Inscriptions et des Devises, Avec une Explication en Vers Latins et Frangois (Paris: G. Martin, 1687)

‘Emblemata Politica, Antuerp., 1°(?)’ politica,

&

orationes

(Amsterdam:

S7

‘Paradini, Symbola heroica, Antwerp, 1567’

58.

‘___, Divises heroiques, Paris, 1622’ Claude Paradin, Devises Heroiques et Emblemes de M. Claude Paradin, Revues & augmentees de moytie par Messire François d’Amboise ... (Paris: 1622)

de

1702’

Vigneron),

Fables

Choisies

(Amsterdam:

‘Goulart, Theatre du monde, Amstel., 1657” Simon Goulart, Théâtre du Monde. Contenant divers la Vie Humaine. Représentés en histoires, poétiques, montrent à l'homme le vray Chemin pour parvenir à Mis en vers par le très docte Sr. Simon de Goulart

BNR Shelfmark: 246.55 (Stamp: Real Bibliotheca)

Rolet Boutonne,

‘Veneroni, Fables Choisies, Amst. Giovanni Veneroni (dit Jean George Gallet, 1702)

Claude Paradin, C. Paradini et D. Symeonis Symbola Heroica (Antwerp: Christophori Plantini, 1567)

49.

I. Janssonium,

‘Pomey, Panteon Myticum, Ultrajecti, 1697°

(Lyons: Matthiam Bonhomme,

Fol. 75ro 48.

Politica: Authore lusto Reifenbergio luris

‘Zueri, Emblemata Politica, Antuerp. (sic), 1651’

Marci Zuerii Boxhornii Emblemata Johannis Janssonii, 1635)

Et

François Pomey, Pantheum mythicum: seu, Fabulosa deorum historia: hoc epitomes eruditionis volumine, breviter dilucidéque comprehensa (Utrecht: Guiljelmum van de Water, 1697)

‘Reusnero, Emblemata, Francof., 1581’ Nicolas Reusner, Emblemata Nicolai Reusneri ic. partim ethica, et physica: partim vero Historica, & Hieroglyphica, sed ad virtutis, morumque doctrinam omnia ingeniosé traducta: & in quatuor libros digesta, cum Symbolis & inscriptionibus illustrium & clarorum virorum... (Frankfurt: Ioannem Feyerabendt, Impensis Sigismundi Feyerabendij, 1581)

Emblemata

Professore ordinario (Amsterdam:

BNR Shelfmark: 012,02,08-09 (Ex-libris: Didacus Barboza Machado)

44.

Auctior,

‘Reifengio, Emblemata Politica’ Justus Reifenberg,

52.

1659-60)

1725’

Martinus à S. Brunone, Martini a S. Brunone Austriaci Viennensis e Scholis Piis: Vertumnus Vanitatis; In xxiv Metrorum Schemata Poesi Morali Tri-

Jean Baudoin, Emblémes divers, représentez dans 140 figures en tailledouce. Enrichis de discours moraux, philosophiques, politiques, & hystoriques (Paris: Loyson,

‘Vertumnus vanitatis, Augusta.,

165

BOOKS

EMBLEM

MACHADO’S

excellens Tableaux de morales, & saintes, qui la couronne d'honneur. (Amsterdam: David de

Wessel, 1657)

59.

‘Explication de tableaux de Versailles, Paris, 169 be Pierre Rainssant, Explication des tableaux de la Galerie de Versailles, et de

ses deux sallons (Paris: R. Pepie, 1691)

=

166

DIOGO BARBOSA

LUÎS DE MOURAL SOBRAL

Versen oder Reymen erkldret gezieret und zu einem Gottseligen Stamm- und

a seculo hominum,

BNR Shelfmark: 189, 4, 5

subjectis eorum

vitis per compendium,

ex probatissimis

69.

“Sacra Passionis I.C., Augusta, 1620°

70.

Giovanni Andrea Palazzi, J Discorsi di M. Gio. l'Imprese: Recitati nell'Academia d'Urbino ... Benacci, 1575)

[Entry unidentified]

72.

‘Bertod, Emblemes Sacrez, Paris, 1665” François Berthod, Emblemes sacrez, tirez de l'Escriture Saincte et des pères, inventées et expliquées en vers françois … par le P. F. Berthod (Paris: Estienne Loyson, 1657-1665)

Andrea Palazzi sopra (Bologna: Alessandro

BNR Shelfmark: 130, 2, 17-17A

Albert Flamen, Devises et Emblesmes d'amour moralisez, gravez par Albert Flamen, Peintre (Paris: Estienne Loyson, 1672)

Fol. 75vo

‘Typus mundi 1652’

73.

amoris anthipatia, Antuerp,

Amoris Antipathia, Emblematice proponuntur Joan. Cnobbaert, 1652)

Caude-François à RR.

C.S.LA.

68.

A

‘(2), emblemata, Amestel.’

1695’

imaginum id est Sylloge Symboloin Latinam translata, Figurisque

elegantioribus ac antea ornata (Amsterdam: Janssonio-Waesbergios, 1695) BNR Shelfmark: 189, 4, 9

75.

‘Sambuci, Emblemata, Anterp, 1564’ Joannes Sambucus, Emblemata, cum aliquot nummis antiqui operis, loannis Sambuci Tirnaviensis Pannonii (Antwerp: Christophori Plantini, 1564)

‘Bachmanus, Emblemata Sacra, Francof., 1624°

Daniel Cramer, Emblematum Sacrorum Prima Pars. Das ist: Fiinffizig Geistlicher in Kupfer gestochener Emblematum auss der H. Schrifft von dem stissen Namen und Creutz Jesu Christi. Erster Theyl. Invertirt und angegeben durch den Ehrwiirdigen und Hochgelehrien Herrn Daniel Cramern Theol. Doct. Nachmaln von Herrn Cunrado Bachmanno ... mit Lateinischen und Teutschen, von M. C. R. aber mit Frantzôsischen unnd ltaliänischen

Ss — Philosophia imaginum, Amsteld., Caude-François Menestrier, Philosophia rum amplissima ... E Lingua Gallica

‘Martiniere, Fables heroiques, Amsterd., 1754” Audin, prieur de Thermes and Antoine Augustin Bruzen de La Martiniére, Fables heroiques, renfermant les plus saines maximes de la politique et de la morale. Avec des discours historiques (Amsterdam: J. Neaulme, 1754)

Menestrier, L'art des Emblèmes ou s'enseigne la morale

près de cing cens figures (Paris: Robert J. B. de la Caille, 1684)

(Antwerp:

BNR Shelfmark: 95, 2, 6

67.

‘Menestrier, Art des Emblemes, Paris, 1684’ par les figures de la fable, de l'histoire & de la nature. Ouvrage rempli de

Typus Mundi in quo eius Calamitates et Pericula nec non Divini, humanique

66.

‘Habiti antiqui (sic) e moderni, Venet., 1590°

71.

‘Devises Emblem. da (sic) amour moralisez, Paris, 1672’

(?) divini et humani

1706°

Cesare Vecellio, Degli habiti antichi et moderni di diverse parti del mondo: libri due fatti da Cesare Vecellio & con discorsi da lui dichiarati (Venice: Damian Zenaro, 1590)

‘Vigiliae Rhetorum, et Somnia Poetarum, 1671 (?)’

‘Palazzi, Discorsi sopra l’Imprese, Bologna, 1575’

‘Miroir des Vertus e (sic) des Arts, Harlen,

Miroir des Vertus et des Arts. Spiegel der Deugden en Konsten. In Frans en Duits digt (Haarlem: A. van Schevenhuysen, 1706)

Vigiliæ Rhetorum et Somnia Poetarum, Symbolice et Emblematice Expressa,

65.

167

Gesellen Buch angeordnet (Franckfurt: Luce Jennis, 1624)

Et in alma Archiepiscopali Universitate Salisburgensi Publice Affixa infra Octavam SS. Corporis Christi (Salzburg: Sumptibus Joannis Baptistae Mayr, 1681)

63.

BOOKS

Guillaume Roville (Guillaume Rouillé), Promptuarium iconum insigniorum

Lucas Kilian, Emblemata Sacra Passionis Salvatoris nostri lesu Christi ... consecrata ... a Luca Kiliano Inventore & Raphaele Custode Chalcographo Augustano (Augsburg: 1620)

62.

EMBLEM

‘Promptuarium iconum, Paris (sic), 1553’

auctroibus desumtis (Lyons: Gul. Rovillium, 1553)

61.

MACHADO’S

BNR Shelfmark: 824.759 AA 76.

17/12/1992 (Stamp: Real Bibliotheca)

*__, Emblemata, Antwep, 1566° Joannes Sambucus, Emblemata, cum aliquot nummis antiqui operis, loannis Sambuci ... Altera editio. Cum emendatione & auctario copioso ipsius

auctoris (Antwerp: Christophori Plantini, 1566) BNR Shelfmark: 894.511 (Ex-libris: Didacus Barboza Machado)

22122)

LUIS DE MOURAL

168

"if

DIOGO

SOBRAL

BNR

Shelfmark:

BNR

Shelfmark:

Sen

Don

BOOKS

1694’

BNR

Shelfmark:

196, 4

traducidas en Latin, Bruxel..

Krething

Socitatis lesu Emblemata

Politica Carmmine explicata ... (Antwerp: lacobum Meursium, ‘Fontaine, Fables Choisies, Anveres,

1661)

ma

Ethico-

1688°

Hesius, sacra

Guilielmi de

Fide,

Spe,

Hesii

Antverpiensis

Charitate

Emblemata 1636)

è

Societate

Balthasar

lesu

16367

Hesius, Guilielmi Hesii Antverpiensis sacra de Fide, Spe, Charitate (Antwerp:

è Societate lesu Balthasar Moretus,

Giovio

‘Albertini, Emblemata hieropolitica, Coloniae, 1649” illustrabat Joannes Melitanus a Corylo. Constantinum Munich, 1647)

‘Smids, Pictura Loquens, Amstel.

Eiusdem

Muse

Errantes (Cologne:

1695”

Shelfmark:

‘Montanae,

bergue, 1602’

1

Emblemata

Christiana,

Francof.,

1598

et

Heidel-

Georgette de Montenay, Georgiae Montaneae, Nobilis Galle, Emblematum Christianorum Centuria Cum eorundem Latina interpretatione Cent

93

M.

mulitari Gabriel

Lietard,

D

am F

sog

medesimo

1575° !-

perfecto

y

de

{

Adria

Emblemat

Jonge

A.

M.

tale deur

RS

)

Principe

j 5 en emblemas

(Anty

G.

AU MinistrPSE

Y

(Lyons

H. 1

1018$ Boissa

1662)

Christianos

Figueroa,

de

Suarez

Adevocion

Barbara

gl

Dieg

Symeor

nel

Domenichi

ade

(Adriaan

‘Figueiroa, Emblemas D

€

se S.

= Se ‘Mendo, Principe perfecto, Leon, 1662

and

DCE

d

luan

de D. CEE

604

del

Antuerp. Antuerp,

in Nederlantsche

\ndrés Mendo, / os y morales

193, 3, 19

'

Don

Rodr

Impre Et

wico

Junius

Overgheset 9?

dell 1:

blem: a, Emblemat

Adrianus

Ludolph Smids, Pictura Loquens, sive, Heroicarum tabularum Hadriani Schoonebeeck, enarratio et explicatio (Amsterdam: Hadriani Schoonebeek, 1695) BNR

y Junio,

sank

STA

on

d

la

Rovillio

Gulielmo

9]

Morales

en

15/4

militari,

Vescovode

ragionamento

Ægidus Albertinus, 42. Albertini Emblemata Hieropolitica, versibus et prosa

Alonso

Dialogo

Giovi

Paolo

(?)

Presidente

dei

memoria

1

(Agrig

Biblioteca ET

Cuellar

de

Zaragoza:

Imprese

‘Giovio.

( ?), 1610

Arcediano buena

la

ti

su

Leyva 90

morales,

D

san

Memoriaé

(Stamp: Real eg

2

moraha

Emblemata

: y Covarrubias, ) Emblemas

Covarrubia a

10

12,2.

Horozco

Juan de

Moretus,

Loannes

brussels:

segobiensis dedicata

episcopi

Emblemas

Dedicadas

‘Hesi, Emblemata Sacra, Antwerp, Gulielmus

(Antwerp:

Christiano-Pol

Fajardi

agrig

episcopi

Shelfmark:

x9

Iuniot

Moralia,

Covarrubias,

y

de Le

Covarvvias BNR

Emblemata Le

de

a

Mant

en

I. lanssonium

0459

Horozco

de

‘Emblemata Sacra, Antwerp, 1636° (?) Emblemata 1636)

Franc

‘Covarruvias.

Jean de La Fontaine, Fables choisies. Mises en vers par Monsieur de La Fontaine, et par luy reveués, corrigées & augmentées de nouveau. Suivant la copie imprimée à Paris (Antwerp: H. van Dunewalt, 1688)

Gulielmus

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Pietro Targa, Cento, e cinquanta favole: tratte da diversi autori antichi, e ridotte in versi, e rime (Venice: Giovanni Chrigero, 1569)

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‘Capacio, Imprese, Neapoli, 1592’ Giulio Cesare Capaccio, Delle Imprese, trattato di Giulio Cesare Capaccio. In tre Libri diviso.

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‘Bochio, Symbolicce questiones, Bononie, 1574’ Achille

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Typographiæ Bononiensis, 1574)

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‘Bargagli, Imprese, Venesa, 1594’ Scipione Bargagli, Dell'Imprese di Scipion Bargagli gentil’huomo sanese. Alla prima Parte, la Seconda, e la Terza nouvamente aggiunte: Dove, doppo tutte l'opere cosi scritte a penna, come stampate, ch’egli potuto ha leggendo vedere di coloro, che della materia dell’ Imprese hanno parlato, della vera natura di quelle si ragiona. Alla Regia, e Cesarea Maesta del savissimo, ed

‘Camilli, Imprese illustri, Venes., 1586° le figure

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106.

*Maccii, Emblemata, Bononia, 1628° Paolo Maccio, Pauli Maccii Emblemata (Bonn: Clemens Ferronius, 1628)

107.

‘Schoonhovi, Emblemata, Lugd. 1626’ Florentius

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‘Camerarii, Symbola et Emblemata, Typis Voegelianis, 1605” Joachim Camerarius, Symbolorum et emblematum centuriæ tres ... Editio secunda auctior & accuratior. Accessit noviter centuria IV ... (Nuremberg: Typis Voegelinianis, 1605)

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‘Oreo, Viridarium Hyeroglif. morale, Francof., 1619” Henricus Oræus, Viridarium Heiroglyphico-Morale. In quo virtutes et vitia, atque mores huius evi secundum tres Ordines Hierarchicos, Ecclesiasticum, Politicum, Oeconomicum, per definitiones, distributiones, causas, adfectiones, adiuncta, effecta etc. piè, prudenter, dextrè ac variè explicantur, & non tantum dictis, & exemplis historiarum veterum ac recentium, ex sacris scripturis, sanctis Patribus seu Dd. Ecclesia, Poetis Philosophis, Historicis cum Christianorum tum Gentilium, sed etiam artificiosissimis Eiconibus hieroglyphicis illustrantur. Opusculum novum ac rarum ... (Frankfurt: lacobum de Zetter, 1619)

110.

114.

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116.

le Sieur I. Hillaire, Sr. De loannem Ianssonivm, 1613)

112.

la Riviere

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113.

‘Ginther, Mater amoris et doloris, Augusta, 1711”

BNR Shelfmark: 493.1 (Stamp: Real Bibliotheca)

117.

Antonius Ginther, Mater amoris et doloris, quam Christus in cruce moriens omnibus ac singulis suis fidelibus in matrem legavit: Ecce Mater tua. Nunc explicata per Sacra Emblemata, F iguras Scripturae quam plurimas,

‘Banier, Mythologie de Fables, Paris, 1738° Antoine Banier, La mythologie et les fables expliquées par l'histoire (Paris:

Briasson, 1738)

Amhem:

‘Emblemata et Symbola, Amstel, 1705’

*___, e em italiano, Roma, 1601” Horapollo, Delle significationi de segni hieroglifici: cioe, Sacre scolture, appresso gli Egitii. Oro Apolline niliaco ; tradotto in lingua volgare per M. Pietro Vasolli et di novo aggiunto le figure ad ogni dechiaratione (Rome: Carlo Vullietti, 1601)

figurati,

Crispyn de Passe (the Elder), Speculum Heroicum Principis omnium temporum Poétarum Homeri, Id est argumenta xxiiij librorum lliados in quibus veri Principis Imago Poëticè, elegantissime exprimitur. Les XXIIII livres d'Homere Reduict en tables demonstratives figurées, par Crespin de Passe, excellent graveur. Chacque livre redigé en argument Poéticque. Par

‘Orus Apollonius, De Hyerogliphicis, 1542’ Horapollo, Orus Apollo Niliacus De hieroglyphicis notis, a° Bernardino Trebatio Vicentino latinitate donatus (Lyons: Seb. Gryphivm, 1542)

BNR Shelfmark: 398.2 (Stamp: Real Bibliotheca)

111.

‘Walchio, Decas Fabularum, Argentorati, 1609° Johannes Walchius, Decas fabularum humani generis sortem, mores, ingenium ... cum ad vivum, tum mythologice adumbrantium: theologis sacra: jureconsultis justa: medicis salubria:philosophis vera: stolidis incongrua dictantium: Novo qvodam dicendi genere atqve insolita sermonis forma constructa... per Joannem Walchium Schorndorffensem (Strasbourg: Zetzner, 1609)

‘Faerno, Centum fabule, Roma, 1565” Gabriello Faerno, Fabulæ centum ex antiquis auctoribus delectæ et a Gabriele Faerno Cremonensi carminibus explicate (Rome: Vincentius Luchinus, 1565)

173

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118.

‘Boissardi, Theatrum vita humana’

Jean

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Theatrum

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119.

Humane. A. I. 1 _Boissardo

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‘Zincgrefii, Emblemata, Heidelberga, 1674 (?)°

Julius Wilhelm Zincgreff, Emblematum Ethico-Politicorum Centuria lulii Guilielmi Zincgrefii, Ammonium, 1664)

Calo

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130.

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‘Horai, Icones Mysthica, Francof., 1620°

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Gabriele Simeoni, Le Imprese heroiche et morali ritrovati da M. Gabriello

Symeoni fiorentino, Rovillo, 1559)

al Gran

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di Francia

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Guglielmo

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‘__, emprese sentenciosa, Leon, 1560’ Gabriele Simeoni, Le Sentenziose Imprese, et Dialogo del Symeone. Con la verificatione del sito di Gergobia, etc ... (Lyons: Guglielmo Roviglio, 1560)

124.

Iacobum de Zetter, 1620)

132.

Nicolas Reusner, Emblemata Nicolai Reusneri ic. partim ethica, et physica: partim vero Historica, & Hieroglyphica, sed ad virtutis, morumque doctrinam omnia ingeniosè traducta: & in quatuor libros digesta, cum Symbolis & illustrium

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125.

(Frankfurt:

‘Boissardi, Emblemat., Francof., 1593”

recens in lucem edita (Frankfurt:

BNR Shelfmark: 137, 2, 4

133. 134.

‘Burgundia, Mundi Lapis Lydius, Antuerp, 1639”

127.

‘Belle Metamorph. de Ovide (?)’

128.

[Entry unidentified]

‘Freitagio, Mythologia Ethica, Atuerp.,

Arnoldus

Freitag,

Mythologia

Ethica.

Hoc

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est moralis philosophiæ per

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‘Apologi creaturarum, 1584 Johann Moerman, Apologi creaturarum (Antwerp: G. de Jode, 1584)

1593)

BNR Shelfmark: 929.82 (Ex-libris Didacus Barboza Machado)

126.

el pensamiento, en que mas pueden señalarse: assi en virtud, como en vicio,

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Ioannem

Jean Jacques Boissard, Jani lacobi Boissardi Vesuntini Emblematum liber. Ipsa Emblemata ab Auctore delineata: a Theodoro de Bry sculpta, & nunc

‘Villalva, Empresas espirituales, Baega, 1603 (1613?)° Juan Francisco de Villava, Empresas Espirituales y Morales, en que se finge, que diferentes supuestos las traen al modo estrangero, representando

‘Reusneri, Emblemata, Francof., 1581°

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‘Benedeti, emprese, Aquila, 1599’ Felice Benedetti, L'Imprese della M. C. di D. Filippo d’Austria Il Re di Spagna. Rappresentate nel tumulo per la sua norte Eretto dalla fedelissima Citta dell’ Aquila ... (Aquila: Lepido Facii, 1599)

Fol. 76vo 122.

175

Otto van Veen and Raphael Custos, Emblemata Amoris: consecrata nobilmo. & clarissmo. viro Dno. Philippo Heinhofero, Augustano Vindelico, Serenissimi Duc. Pomer. consiliario subtil. & eleg. artium admiratori, Maecenati magnifico, studio & opera Raphaélis Custodis Civis et Chalcographi Augustani (Augsburg: 1622)

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‘Boxhorni, Emblemata politica, Amstel., 1651° Marcus

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135.

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ait»;

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‘Petra, Symbola heroica, Antuerp, 1624’ (1634?) Silvestro Pietrasanta, De Symbolis Heroicis Libri IX. Auctore Silvestro Petra Sancta

Romano

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Moreti, 1634)

lesu

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‘Bornitii, Emblemata ethico politica, Moguntia, Jakob Bornitz, Jacobi erudita interpretatione

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‘Rollenhagio, Nucleus emblematum, Colonia’ Gabriel vulgo

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142.

147.

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(Leyden:

148.

lacobum

Vita Beate Marie

1608’

Emblemata, figuris æneis incisa Studio Othonis (Antwerp: Venalia apud Auctorem, 1608)

1624’

189, 4, 5

‘Causini, Symbolica ægyptiana, Pariisis (?), 1657 (?)’ Nicolas Caussin, Symbolica Ægyptiorum Sapientia: olim ab eo scripta, nunc post varias editiones denud edita; Polyhistor symbolicus: electorum symbolorum, et parabolarum historicarum stromata, XII. libris complectens

‘Callot, Vite di M* Virgina Emblemata, Paris, 1646’ Jacques Callot,

177

1617°

‘Bachmanni, emblemata Sacra, Francof.

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‘Heinsio, Emblemata amatoria’ graphicè

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“Veni, Emblemata amatoria, Antuerp, Otto Van Veen, Amorum Veni Batavo-Lugdunensis

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François Langlois, dict Chartres ... 1646)

143.

lacques

Callot

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‘Capaci, Apologi, Venesa, 1619”

Fol. 77ro

149.

‘Caburacci, Modo di fare Imprese, Bologna, 1580’

Giulio Cesare Capaccio, Gli Apologi del Signor Givlio Cesare Capaccio ...: con le dicerie morali ove qvasi con vivi colori al modo cortegiano, Uhumana vita si dipinge, la malignita si scopre ... e di tutti i ciuli costumi si

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‘Cartari, Imagini di Dei, Venesa, 1624’

BNR

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144.

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Vincenzo Cartari, Le imagini de gli dei de gli antichi: nelle quali sono descritte la religione de gli antichi li idoli, riti, & ceremonie loro, con l’aggiunta di molte principali imagini che nell’altre mancauano, et con Vespositione in epilogo di ciasceduna & suo significato (Venice:

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in difesa dell’Orlando Rossi, 1580)

1619)

Shelfmark: 21, 4, 14 (Ex-libris Barbosa Machado n. 2574)

150.

Shelfmark:

Furioso

di

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Giarda,

[cones Symbolicae

Shelfmark:

Gio.

136,

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1628’

Bibliothecae

fori Giardae... Elogiis Ilustratae (Milano:

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‘Giarda, Icones Symbolica, Mediolani, Cristoforo

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‘Reusneri, Symbola heroica, Londini, 1650’

‘Brunes, Emblemata,

Nicolas Reusner, Symbola heroica, in tribus classibus: quarum primà, continentur illa Impp. ac Caesarum Romanorum-ltalicorum à C. Julio Caesare, usque ad Flav. Constantinum Magnum: Secunda verd, Impp. & Caesarum Romanorum-Graecorum ab eodem Constantino, usque ad

Johan de Brune, Johannis de Brune 1.C. Emblemata of Zinne-werck: voorghesteet, In Beelden, ghedichten, en breeder uijt-legginghen tot uijtdruckinghe, en verbeteringhe van verscheijden feijlen onser eeuwe

Carolum

‘Raynaldi, Imprese, embleme, Roma,

Impp.

usque

Magnum

primum

Caesartimque

ad

Caesarem

Germanicum:

Romanorum-Germanicorum

Ferdinandum

Il,

Caesarem

à

Tertiâ

autem

classe,

Carolo

illo

Magno,

Austriacum:

opus

Daniel, 1650)

impensis Thomae

Eaglesfield

‘Verrien, Recueil de Emblemes,

biblopolae,

Paris,

è Coemiterio

quidem

Giovanni Imprese, BNR

D. Pauli,

160.

arum, Symbolorum antiquitatum et anagrammatum suffragiis roboratus. Ac totidem præfixis chronographicis annum currentem prodentibus copiose

instructus. Occasione sæculi, hoc eodem anno septima vice absoluti et celebrati a Patribus Benedictinis Liberi ac Imperialis Monasterii ad SS. Combinatus

Zoller, Ord. S. Benedicti (Augsburg: Matthiam Wolff, 1720)

161.

et

quibus

de

Passe

Poétarum

(the

Elder),

Homeri,

veri Principis Imago

Speculum

Heroicum

Poétice,

elegantissime

exprimitur.

parte

auctis

‘Jodelle, recueil des inscriptions, Paris, 1558

omnium

Iliados in

163.

Veen, Amoris Divini Emblemata Studio et Ære Othonis

Vænl con-

‘Emblemata selectoria, Amstel.,

1704’

Emblemata Selectoria. Typis elegantissimis expressa, nec non Sententiis, Carminibus, Historiis ac Proverbiis, ex scriptoribus cum sacris tum proJanis, antiquis & recentioribus, illustrata (Amsterdam: Franciscum van der Plaats, 1704)

164,

Les XXIII]

‘Dolci, Emprese nobili, Venes., 1578’ Battista Pittoni, Imprese nobili et ingeniose di diversi Prencipi et d’altri per-

livres d'Homere Reduict en tables demonstratives Jigurées, par Crespin de

Passe, excellent graveur. Chacque livre redigé en argument Poéticque. Par le Sieur I. Hillaire, Sr. De la Riviere rouennois (Utrecht and Arnhem: foannem Ianssonivm, 1613)

des

cinnata (Antwerp: Ex officina Plantiniana Balthasaris Moreti, 1660)

Jansonium

Principis

Id est argumenta xxiitj librorum

dimidia

‘Amoris divini emblema., Antuerpia, 1660

‘Homeri Iliades cum fig Passai, Trajet, 1613’ temporum

‘Alciati, Emblemata commenti, Patavii, 1661°

Otto Van

Joannem

1722)

BNR Shelfmark: 841 (Stamp: Real Bibliotheca)

cultu Mayr,

Crispijn van de Passe, Wilhelm Salsmann, Maarten de Vos, P. Ovid. Nasonis XV Metamorphoseon librorvm Jigure... (Cologne: Prostant apud

Crispyn

1722’

Etienne Jodelle, Le Recueil des inscriptions, figures, devises, et masquarades, ordonnees en l'hostel de ville à Paris, le jeudi 17, de Fevrier,

‘Salsmanno, Ovidii Metamorph. cum fig. Passai’

1607)

in

186, 4, 15

1558, autres inscriptions en vers heroïques Latins, pour les images Princes de la Chrestienté (Paris: Wechel, 1558)

1713)

typographum Arnhemiensem,

Distinto

BNR Shelfmark: 224, 1, 10

per P. Josephum

Coelestin Mayr, Hyperdulia Mariana: seu Festa Dei-Parentis, symbolico, philosopico, historico-moral (Salzburg: Johann Joseph

Coloniensem

Shelfmark:

quasdam quasi classes dispositis, & plusquam (Padova: Pauli Frambotti Bibliopolæ, 1661)

“Mayr, Hyperdulia Mariana, Salisburgi, 1713”

chalcographum

Paolo Rainaldi, // Museo di Gio. Paolo Rainaldi, & Emblemi ... (Rome: Francesco Moneta, 1644)

Andrea Alciati, Andree Alciati, Emblemata cum commentariis ... Novissima hac editione in continuam unius commentarii seriem congestis, in certas

Joseph Zoller, Conceptus chronographicus de Concepta Sacra Deipara Septingentis Sacre Scripture, S. S. Patrum ac Rationum, nec non Histori-

Passeum

1644’

spiegati dal Padre Filippo Bonanni ... (Roma,

‘Zoller, Conceptus chronologicus (sic), Augusta, 1720°

Crisp.

1624)

Filippo Bonanni, Gabinetto armonico pieno d'istromenti sonori indicati, e

... (Paris: Jombert, 1724)

& Afram, Auguste Vindelicorum.

1624’

‘Bonani, Gabinete armonico, Roma,

1724’

Nicolas Verrien, Recueil d’Emblémes, devises, medailles. et figures hiéroglyphiques. Au nombre de plus de douze cent, avec leurs explications

Udalricum,

Amstel.,

(Amsterdam: Ian Eversten Kloppenburch,

philologicum & politicum, nec-non per totum aureum, idedque cum primis civilis sapientiae studiosis lectu jucundissimè-utilissimum (London: R.

Un o>)

MACHADO’S

sonaggi illustri nell'arme et nelle lettere ... (Venice: Girolamo Porro, 1578) 165.

‘Fabrici, Emblema. a Gregorio XIII, Roma, Principio Fabrizi, Delle Allusioni, Imprese,

1588"

et Emblemi del Sig. Principio

Fabricii da Teramo Sopra la vita, opere, et attioni di Gregorio XIII Pontefice Massimo, Libri VI: Nei quali sotto l'allegoria del Drago, Arme

LUÎS DE MOURAL SOBRAL

BNR

d'un principe Christiano

122, 5, 8

‘Catzii, Emblema. vario, Amstel’

(Amsterdam: Blaeuw, 1622)

168.

[Entry unidentified]

169.

‘Philothei, Symbola Christiana, Francof., 1667’

Cinquante Devises pour Mgr Colbert, conseiller ordinaire du Roy en son royal;

controlleur

général

d’Estat (Lyons: Jacques Canier, 1683)

176.

177.

infinita,

Ad

Mysticam

naturalem

et occultam

‘Solorzano, Emblema. regio politica, Matriti, 1653”

Nunc primun

in lucem edita (Venice:

Pereira

1. V. D.

ex

ecquestri Militia Divi lacobi, et in regiis supremis Castellae, et Indiarum

Consiliis Antiquissimi,

et iam

emeriti Senatoris Emblemata

Politica. Æneis laminis affabre cælata,

explicita,

vividisque,

centum,

1591)

178.

Regio

Shelfmark:

116B,

1, 3

caeterarumque

gentium

Franciscum

et Emblemata

Jussu

atque

auspiciis

Philosophia;

de Francischis Senensem.

Sacerrime

suæ

Majestatis

Magni

Ducis Petri Alexidis,

totius Magne,

Parve

& Albæ Rossi,

nec non

aliarum multarum Potestatum atque Dominiorum Oriental ium, Occidentalium Aquilonariumque supremi monarchæ, excusa (Amsterdam: Henricum Wetstenium, 1705

179, 180.

‘(2), Emblemes,

1700°

‘Flitnero, Nebulo Nebulonum,

Leevarda,

1636’

Johann Flitner, Nebulo | ebulonum hoc est: ioco-ser ia vernaculae nequitiae censura, carmine iambico depicta tipisque exornata aeneis à lohanne

Flitnero (Leeuwarden: loanne Coopmans,

1636)

BNR Shelfmark: 98,4,25 (Stamp: Real Biblio theca)

N

Orphica

‘Symbola et Emblemata jussu Imper. Moschovia, Amstel, 1705”

Symbola

quicquid

“Verdizoni (sic), Cento favole. Venes., 1607’ Giovanni Mario Verdizotti, Cento favole bellissime: de i piv illystri antichi, & moderni autori Greci & Latini (Venice: Alessand ro Vecchi, 1607)

atti-

Augustissimi Serenissimi Imperatoris Moschovie Magni Domini Czaris, et

ad regum Institutionem, et rectam Reip. Administrationem conducere, & pertinere videtur, summo studio disseritur... (Madrid: D. Garcia Morras, 1653) BNR

significationem

fum ex Sacrosancta veteri Mosaica, & Prophetica nec non Ceelesti nova Christiana, & Sanctorum patrum Euangelica Theologia, deprompta sunt ...

et limatis carminibus

& singularibus commentarijs affatim illustrata. Quibus,

rerum

nentia. Que nempe de abstrusione omnium prima Adamica lingua: tum de

Augustano (Augsburg: 1620)

Solorzano

Les Véritables

Antonio Ricciardi, Commentaria Symbolica in duos Tomos distributa Antonio Ricciardi Brixiano Auctore, in quibus explicantur arcana pene Aegyptiorum

De

secretaire

‘Ricciardi, Symbola, Venetiis, 1591°

antiquissima

D. Ioannis

et

‘Audin, Fables heroiques, Paris, 1660°

Lucas Kilian, Emblemata Sacra Passionis Salvatoris nostri lesu Christi ... consecrata ... a Luca Kiliano Inventore & Raphaele Custode Chalcogra pho

Pereyra,

ministre

Audin, prieur de Thermes, Fables Héroiqves: Comprenans

‘Kiliano, Emblemata Passionis I.C., Augusta, 1620°

de Solorzano

Jinances,

Maximes De La Politiqve Et De La Morale; Representées par plusieurs Figures en Taille-douce; Ensemble les Moralitez, Discours & Histoires sur chaque Fable, adjoustées en cette seconde Edition, corrigée & augmentée

d'Estat (Lyons: Jacques Canier, 1683)

Juan

des

(Paris: Loyson, 1660)

1663 (sic)’

Cinquante Devises pour Mgr Colbert, conseiller ordinaire du Roy en son conseil royal; controlleur général des finances, ministre et secretaire

12;

‘Cinquante Divisas a M. Colbert, Lyon, 1683° conseil

Philotheus [pseud. of Karl Ludwig], Philothei Symbola Christiana Quibus Idea hominis christiani exprimitur (Frankfurt: Johannem Petrum Zubrod, 1667)

171.

131, 2, 1-2

Fol. 77vo

175.

‘Motte, Fables, Paris, 1719”

‘Silvecane, 50 Divisas, Leon,

181

‘Bartoli, Symboli morali, Venes., 1689”

BNR Shelfmark:

M. de La Motte et Claude Gillot, Fables nouvelles: dediées au roy (Paris: Gregoire Dupuis, 1719)

170.

BOOKS

Daniello Bartoli, De simboli trasportati al morale (Venice: Giuseppe Tramontin, 1689)

Jacob Cats, lacobi Catzii J. C. Silenvs Alcibiadis Sive Protevs: Humane vite ideam, Emblemate trifariam variato, oculis subjiciens ; Iconibus artificiose in cs incisis, ac trium linguarum explicatione eleganter elustratus

167.

174.

EMBLEM

LT

166.

Shelfmark: 929.6 and

forma

MACHADO'S

ane Ate tee

del detto Pontefice, si descrive anco la vera ... (Rome: Bartolomeo Grassi, 1588)

DIOGO BARBOSA

unlilc elt

180

LUÎS DE MOURAL SOBRAL

DIOGO BARBOSA

MACHADO’S

EMBLEM

BOOKS

183

‘Lestrange, Fables de Esope, Amstel., 1714° Roger

L’Estrange,

Les fables

d’Esope

et de plusieurs

autres

excellens

Mythologistes: accompagnées du sens moral et des reflexions de Mr. Le Chevalier L’Estrange ; traduites de l’Anglois. Avec de figures dessinées & gravées par F. Barlow (Amsterdam: Etienne Roger, 1714)

BNR Shelfmark: 004B, 01, 15 (Stamp: Real Bibliotheca)

182.

‘Esope, Fables, Paris, 1682’ sop, Fables d'Esope, avec les figures de Sadeler (Paris: Pierre Aubouyn, 1689) BNR Shelfmark: 004B, 01, 10 (Ex-libris: Didacus Barboza Machado)

‘__, Greca et Latina, Lugduni, 1632’ Æsop, Fabule Æsophi: græcè & latinè, nunc denuo selectæ: ew item quas Avienus carmine expressit. Accedit Ranarum & murium pugna, Homero olim asscripta. Cum elegantissimis in utroque libello figuris, & utriusque interpretatione plurimis in locis emendata. Ex decreto DD. Hollandiæ

ordinum in usum scholarum (Leyden: loannis Maire, 1632)

184.

‘

___, en belle humeur, Brusseles,

Alsop, Esope en belle humeur:

1700’

Derniere traduction et segmentation

fables en prose et en vers (Brussels: François Poppens, 1700) BNR

185.

de ses

Shelfmark: 004B, 01, 11-12 (Ex-libris: Didacus Barboza Machado)

‘___, Fables, Paris, 1703’ Alsop, Les fables d'Esope phrigien avec celles de Philelphe: traduction nouvelle enrichie de discours moraux et historiques, et de quatrain à la fin de chaque discours (Paris: Michel Brunet, 1703) BNR Shelfmark: 004B ,01, 13-14 (Stamp: Real Bibliotheca)

186.

‘Desbillons, Fabulae Æsopiana, Paris, 1759’ François Joseph Terrasse Desbillons, Fabularum Æsopiarum, libri quinque priores diligenter emendati editio Tertia ... (Paris: J. Barbou, 1750) BNR

Shelfmark: 004B, 01, 04 (Ex-libris: Didacus Barboza Machado)

INDEX Academia

1. AUTHORS

Altorfina, Emblemata anniversaria:

40

sop, Esope en belle humeur: 184 Æsop, Fables: 182 Æsop, Fabulæ ... græcè & latinè: 183 sop, Les fables d'Esope phrigien: 185 Albertinus, Emblemata Hieropolitica: 83 Alciati, Emblemata cum commentariis: 160 Aresi, Imprese sacre: 17 Audin, Fables heroïques (1754): 66 Audin, Fables Héroiqves (1660): 176

Caburacci, Trattato ... modo di fare le Imprese: 149

Camilli, Imprese illustri: 105

108

Capaccio, Delle Imprese: 104 Capaccio. Gli Apologi: 143 Cartari, Imagines

deorum:

24

Cartari, Le imagini de gli dei: 144 Cats, Humane. vite ideam, Emblemate trifariam

variato:

Desbillons, Fabularum Æsopiarum: Emblemata Emblemata Engelgrave, Engelgrave,

Banier, La mythologie et les fables: 117 Bargagli. Dell'Imprese: 100 Bartoli, De simboli: 174 Baudoin, Emblémes divers: 43 Baudoin, /conologie: 7 Benedetti, L'/mprese... di D. Filippo d’ Austria II Re di Spagna: 130 Berthod, Emblemes sacrez: 72 Biralli, Dell’ Imprese scelte: 31 Bocchi, Symbolicarum Queæstionum: 99 Boissard, Emblematum liber: 125 Boissard, Theatrum Vite Humane: 118 Bonanni, Gabinetto armonico: 159 Borja, Empresas Morales (1581): 34 Borja, Empresas Morales (1680): 36 Borja, Emblemata Moralia: 35 Bornitz, Emblemata Ethico-Politica: 137 Boschius, Symbolographia: 6 Boxhorn, Emblemata Politica (1635 ?): 47 Boxhorn, Emblemata Politica (1651): 46, 120, Bruck, Emblemata Politica: 37 Brune, /ohannis de Brune I.C. Emblemata: 157 Brunone, Vertumnus Vanitatis: 50 Burgundia, Mundi Lapis Lydius: 126

Callot, Vita Beate Maria Virginis: 142 Camerarius, Symbolorum et emblematum:

AND TITLES

166

Caussin, Symbolica Ægyptiorum: 148 Chesneau, Orpheus Eucharisticus: 77 Cinquante Devises pour Mgr Colbert: 170, 175 Contile, Ragionamento: 10 Coustau, Pietri Costalii Pegma: 53 Cramer, Emblematum Sacrorum: 68, 147

sacra: 81 Selectoria: 163 Coelum Empyreum: Lux Evangelica: 2,

Fabrizi, Delle Allusioni: 165 Faerno, Fabulæ Centum (1565): Faerno, Fabul@ Centum (1568): Ferro, Teatro d'Imprese: 11 Ferro, Ombre apparenti: 12 Flitner, Nebulo Nebulonum: 180 Flamen, Devises et Emblesmes: Freitag, Mythologia Ethica: 134 Friedrich, Emblemes Nouveaux:

186

1,

110 45

64 145

Giarda, Bibliotheca Alexandrine Icones Symbolicæ: 150 Ginther, Mater amoris et doloris: 113 Giovio, Dialogo dell'Imprese militari: 90; see also Ulloa Goulart, Théâtre du Monde: 58 Gruterus, Florilegii magni: 38 Hensius, Emblemata amatoria nova: 141 Hesius, Emblemata sacra: 81, 82 Horapollo, De hieroglyphicis (1542): 96, 115 Horapollo, Delle significationt: 116 Horozco y Covarrubias, Emblemas Morales (1589

?) : 103

Horozco y Covarrubias, Emblemas Morales (1604 ?): 89 Horozco y Covarrubias, Emblemata Moralia: 88 Jobert, La Science des médailles: 121 Jodelle, Le Recueil des inscriptions: 161 Junius, Emblemata: 91 Kilian, Emblemata Sacra Passionis: 61, 171 Kreihing, Emblemata Ethico-Politica: 79 Küsel, Theatrum dolorum lesu Christi; 138 Labia, Simboli predicabili: 3 La Feuille, Devises et Emblemes: 102 La Feuille, Essay d'un Dictionnaire: 101 La Fontaine, Fables choisies: 80 La Motte et Gillot, Fables nouvelles: 167 Le Jay, Le Triomphe de la Religion: 56 Le Moyne, De l'Art des Devises: 19 Leopold, Emblematisches Lust-Cabinet: 98 Le Roy, La doctrine des Mœurs: 23 L’Estrange, Les fables d'Esope: 181 Lubomirski, Adverbiorum: 54

Bava DIOGO BARBOSA

LUÎS DE MOURAL SOBRAL Ruscelli, Le Imprese: 20

Maccio, Emblemata: 106 Marolles, Tableaux du Temple des Muses (1663): 14 Marolles, Le Temple des Muses (1733): 15 Martinus à S. Brunone, Vertumnus Vanitatis:

Saavedra Fajardo, Idea de un Principe politico Christiano: 86 Saavedra Fajardo, Jdea Principis Christiano:

87

50

Sambucus, Emblemata (1564): 75 Sambucus, Emblemata (1566): 76 Scarlattini, Homo Et Eius Partes: 5 Shoonhovius, Emblemata: 107 Simeoni, Le Imprese heroiche: 122 Simeoni, Le Sentenziose Imprese: 123 Smids, Picrura Loquens: 84 Solorzano Pereyra, ... Emblemata centum: 172 Sperelli, //lustrissimi, reverendissimi domini:

Masen, Speculum imaginum: 32 Mayr, Hyperdulia Mariana: 9, 154 Mendo, Principe perfecto: 92 Menestrier, L'art des Emblèmes: 73 Menestrier. Philosophia imaginum: 74 Miroir des Vertus et des Arts: 69 Moerman, Apologi creaturarum: 133 Montenay, Emblematum Christianorum: 85

29

Nüñez de Cepeda, Idea de el Buen Pastor: 21

Stengel, Emblemata losephina: 135 Suarez de Figueroa, Camino de el Cielo: 93 Symbola et Emblemata ... Imperatoris Moschoviæ: 112, 178

Oreus, Æroplastes Theo-Sophicus, sive Eicones Mystic: 131 Oreus. Viridarium Heiroglyphico-Morale:

109

Palazzi, 1 Discorsi: 63 Paradin, Devises Heroiques: 49 Paradin, Symbola Heroica: 48 Passe, Speculum Heroicum Principis: 111, 156 Passe, Salsmann, de Vos, P. Ovid. Nasonis XV Metamorphoseon: 155 Paulinus, Centum fabulae: 95 Philostratus: 16 Philotheus, Philothei Symbola Christiana: 169 Picart and Marolles, Le Temple des Muses: 15 Picinelli, Mundus symbolicus: 4 Picinelli, Symbola Virginea: 78 Pietrasanta, De Symbolis Heroicis: 136 Pittoni, Jmprese nobili et ingeniose: 164 Pomey, Pantheum mythicum: 52 Pona, Cardiomorphoseos sive ex corde desumpta: 39 Rainssant, Explication des tableaux: 59 Rainaldi, J] Museo di Gio, Paolo Rainaldi: Reifenberg, Emblemata Politica: 51 Reusner, Emblemata: 44, 124 Reusner, Symbola heroica: 151 Ricci, Sacre Imprese: 25 Ricciardi, Commentaria Symbolica: 177 Ripa, Nova Iconologia: 8 Rollenhagen, Nucleus Emblematum: 140 Roscius, Emblemata Sacra: 33 Roville, Promptuarium iconum: 60

158

Targa, Cento, e cinquanta favole: 94 Tassalinus, Adverbiorum Moralium: 54 Typotius, Symbola Divina & Humana: 28 Typus Mundi: 65 Ulloa, Dialogo de las Empresas

Militares: 22

Van Lochom, Amoris Divini et Humani: 97 Van Veen, Amoris Divini Emblemata: 162 Van Veen, Amorum Emblemata: 146 Van Veen, Emblemata: 18 Van Veen, Horatl Flaccl Emblemata: 26 Van Veen, Theatro moral: 27 Van Veen and Custos, Emblemata Amoris: 129 Vecellio, Degli habiti antichi et moderni: 70 Veneroni, Fables Choisies: 57 Verdizotti, Cento favole: 173 Verrien, Recueil d'Emblêmes: 152 Vigenere, Les images ou tableaux de platte peinture: 16 Vigiliæ Rhetorum et Somnia Poetarum: 62 Villava, Empresas Espirituales y Morales: 132 Walchius, Decas fabularum

humani

generis:

114 Weigel, Ethica Naturalis: 30 Woytt, Emblematischer Parnassus: 42 Zincgreff, Emblematum Ethico-politicorum: 41,119 Zoller, Conceptus chronographicus: 153

MACHADO’S

EMBLEM

185

BOOKS

INDEX 2. TITLES AND EDITIONS IN THE BIBLIOTECA NACIONAL IN RIO DE JANEIRO (FOUND THROUGH THE ONLINE CATALOGUE IN FEBRUARY 2009) Academia Altorfina, Emblemata anniversaria: 40 Æsop, Fables: 182 Æsop, Les fables d'Esope phrigien: 185 Alciati, Emblemata cum commentariis: 160 Banier, La mythologie et les fables: 117 Bartoli, De simboli: 174 Baudoin, Emblêmes divers: 43 Baudoin, /conologie: 7 Benedetti, L'Imprese… di D. Filippo d’Austria Il Re di Spagna: 130 Berthod, Emblemes sacrez: 72 Biralli, Dell'Imprese scelte: 31 Boissard, Emblematum liber: 125 Borja, Empresas Morales (1680): 36 Borja, Empresas

Morales

( 1581):

34

Bruck, Emblemata Politica: 37 Capaccio, Delle Imprese: 104 Caburacci, Trattato ... modo di fare le Imprese: 149 Cartari, Jmagines

deorum:

24

Cartari, Le imagini de gli det:

144

Chesneau, Orpheus Eucharisticus: 77 Contile, Ragionamento: 10 Coustau, Pietri Costalii Pegma: 53 Cramer, Emblematum Sacrorum: 68, 147 Desbillons, Fabularum Æsopiarum: Engelgrave, Coelum Empyreum: Engelgrave, Lux Evangelica: 2.

De

hieroglyphicis

(1589 ?) : 103 Horozco y Covarrubias, Emblemata Moralia: 88 Jodelle, Le Recueil des inscriptions: 161 Jobert, La Science des médailles: 121 L'Estrange, Les fables d'Esope:

181

Montenay, Emblematum Christianorum: 85 Paradin, Symbola Heroica: 48 Pietrasanta, De Symbolis Heroicis: 136 Pona, Cardiomorphoseos sive ex corde desumpta: 39

Rainaldi, // Museo di Gio. Ricci, Sacre Imprese: 25

Paolo Rainaldi:

158

Saavedra Fajardo, Idea de un Principe politico Christiano: 86 Sambucus, Emblemata (1564): 75 Sambucus. Emblemata (1566): 76 Shoonhovius, Emblemata: 107 Simeoni, Le Imprese heroiche: 122 Smids, Pictura Loquens: 84 Solorzano Pereyra, ... Emblemata centum:

Targa, Cento, e cinquanta favole: 94 Typotius, Symbola Divina & Humana: Typus Mundi: 65

186

28

Ulloa, Dialogo de las Empresas Militares: 22

1.

van Lochom, Amoris Divini et Humani: 97 Van Veen, Emblemata: 18 Villava, Empresas Espirituales y Morales: 132

Fabrizi, Delle Allusioni: 165 Faerno, Fabulæ Centum: 110 Ferro, Ombre apparenti: 12 Ferro, Teatro d'Imprese: 11 Flitner, Nebulo Nebulonum: 180 Horapollo,

Horozco y Covarrubias, Emblemas Morales

l 3

184

Walchius, Decas fabularum humani generis: 114

(1542): 96,

115

Horapollo, Delle significationi: 116

Zincgreff, Emblematum Ethico-politicorum: 41,119

RIO DE JANEIRO INDEX 3. BOOKS IN THE BIBLIOTECA NACIONAL IN WITH THE EX-LIBRIS OF DIOGO BARBOSA MACHADO Æsop, Esope en belle humeur:

184

sop, Fables: 182 Æsop, Fabule ... grace & latine: 183 Baudoin, Emblémes divers: 43 Benedetti, L'Imprese... di D. Filippo d'Austria II Re di Spagna: 130 Biralli, Dell' Imprese scelte: 31

Boissard, Emblematum liber: 125

Caburacci, Trattato ... mado di fare le Imprese: 149 Cartari, Imagines deorum: 24 Cartari, Le imagini de gli dei: 144 Coustau, Pietri, Pegma: 53

Desbillons, Fabularum Æsopiarum:

186

h 2ai4za

186

LUÏS

Horapollo, De hieroglyphicis : Labia, Simboli predicabili: 3

= (1542):

Sambucus, Emblemata (1566):

76

INDEX

Esop, Les fables d’Esope Bargagli,

96. 115

4. CORRESPONDING RIO DE JANEIRO

Dell’Imprese:

DE MOURAL

BOOKS

WITH

phrigien:

185

significationi

IN THE

BIBLIOTECA

STAMP

REAL

Jodelle,

Le

NACIONAL

Covarrubias, Emblemata Recueil des

inscr iptions:

L'Estrange, Les fables d'Esope:

: Horozco y Covarrubias, Emblemas (1589) : 103

116

Morales

Targa, Cento, e $

cinquanta favole:

"4

Moralia: 161

181

48

Sambucus, Emblemata (1564):

( 1601):

IN

BIBLIOTHECA

Paradin, Symbola Heroica:

Faerno, Fabulæ Centum (1565): 110 ' 2 Flitner, Nebulo Nebulonum: 180 Delle

THE

Van Lochom, Amoris Divini et Humani: 97 1 Van Veen, Emblemata: 18

Horozco y

100

Capaccio, Delle Imprese: 104 Contile, Ragionamento: 10

Horapollo,

£

SOBRAL

‘

Ulloa, Dialogo de las Empresas + ATEN

75 94 Militares: :

20

88