Modern Muslim India and the birth of Pakistan, 1858-1951 [2 ed.]

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GATHERING ON THE E V E OF T H E FOUNDATION O F TH E A LL-IN D IA MUSLIM LEA G U E SHAH BAGH, DACCA, D ECEM BER, 1906

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pp ^*1

S ith n g 07i the ground ■. (1) Nisar Ahmed Khan

(2) Shabed Suhrawardy (3) Abdur Rahman Siddiqi (4) M. Muhammad Ali (5) Syed Gholam H asn a’.n (6) Gbazi Abdul A iiz (7) M. Sbaukat AH (8) Syed Baquar Hasan (9) Fazal Muhammad Khan. Srlling on the chairs : il) Shaikh Abdullah (2) A. Majid (3) Syed Nabi-ullah (4) Abdus Salam Rafiqi (5) Sabebzada Aftab Ahmed Khan (^) N awab Mohamed Ali (7) Raja Ndushad Ali Ktian (8; N awab Sir Salimnllah Bahadur (9) Justice Sharfuddin (10) Nawab Mohsin-ul-Mulk (11) Sir Rafiuddin Abmed (12) A Lawyer of Saharanpur. Standing (front row) : (1) ZafarAIi Khan (2) Khoishedji (3) Abdul Karim (4) Anwar Ahmed (5) Najmuddin (6) Zahur Ahmed (7) Shah Mustafa (8) Wazir Hasan (9) W aheeduddin (10) Dr. Ziauddin Ahmed. Standing (behind) : (1) Shamshad Ahmed Khaa (2) Muhammad Yusuf (3) Choudhury Ghulam Mustafa (4) Syed Zahur Ahmed.

MODERN MUSLIM INDIA AND THE

BIRTH OF PAKISTAN (1858— 1951)

S. M. IKRAM, C.

M .A ., HON. D.LITT.

S. p. (Rtd.)

☆

SH. MUHAMMAD ASHRAF KASHM IKI

BAZAR,

LAHO RE

(PA K ISTA N )

First Edition, M a kers o f P akistan and M odern M uslim , India First Edition, July 1965, under th e Present T itle Second Revised Edition, 1970

Printed by M. Zarreen Khan a t the Zarreen Art Press R ailw ay Road, Lahore

Sh.

Published by Muhammad Ashraf

Kashmiri Bazar, Lahore (Pakistan)

To The Memory of

IQBAL

{p. V.)

T H E AUTHOR

(LondoD, 29-12-1932)

ALLAMA IQBAL

^HIS book was published, in its present form, in the latter half of 1965. The first edition got exhausted sooner than was expected and I have been unable to carry out the revision and rewriting which I had planned. The work of all those who, like the present writer, undertake such jobs in addition to other heavy responsibilities must suffer from certain deficiencies. This applies to all m y books, but the present one has had a somewhat peculiar history. I t was originally compiled in 1946, as an amended English version of m y Urdu book, Mauj-i-Kausar. It was unpublished when the Partition took place and after that the manuscript had to be laid aside for some years. In 1950 a chapter on Liaquat Ali Khan was a dded and with some other additions the book appeared as M akers o f Pakistan and Modern Muslim India. The bulk of the material included in the book was the same as had been compiled in 1946 and was reaUy a book written by a layman for laymen. It was not burdened with footnotes or even with citations, and treatment was kept simple to suit the requirements of the general reader. Owing to the paucity of the material on the sub­ ject, however, the book was utilised in some educational institu­ tions and I tried to make the enlarged version, issued as Modern Muslim India and the Birth o f Pakistan, somewhat more system ­ atic. References were given regularly and copious footnotes added in respect of the additional m atter included in this edition, but the greater part of the book remained as it had been written in 1946. I was hoping that when the tim e came for a second edition of Modern Muslim India and th e Birth o f Pakistan I would be able to rewrite the whole book, quote authorities for all important state­ m ents and omit certain portions—e.g. details relating to the his­ tory of Aligarh College—which were no longer of material signifi­ cance. This has not been possible within the tim e allowed by the publisher for the preparation of the second edition. A good deal of the book, therefore, appears as it was written in 1946, but no effort has been spared to make it more comprehensive and up-to-

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date. An enormous mass of new material relating to the struggle for Pakistan has appeared in England, Pakistan and India. Every effort has been made to secure this material and utilise it for pur­ poses of additional information, or rebuttal, where necessary. Even more strenuous work has gone into the collection of data regarding the areas which constitute Pakistan. So little work had been done in the past in relation to these areas that important figures iike Syed Nawab Ali Chaudhry, Sir Shamsul Huda, and Sir Abdul Rahim of Bengal, and Sardar Muhammad H ayat Khan and Khan Bahadur Barkat AU Khan of the Punjab, Hasan Effendi of former Sind and Sahibzada Sir Abdul Qayum of the Frontier rarely, find any place in the history of the Muslim struggle. Very special efforts have been made to collect particulars about theiri and give them their proper place in the national history. This has not always been easy and some of the accounts offered here can be treated as tentative. The section relating to Husain Shaheed Suhrawardy has been greatly enlarged and it is hoped justice will be at long last done to that brilliant man, whose share in the achievement of P ak is^ n was, probably, second only to that of the great Quaid. A special effort has also been made to deal with those who distinguished themselves in the work for the .Muslim League in the Punjab, like Malik Barkat Ali, Mian Bashir Ahmad,: and Hameed Nizami. At the same tim e an attem pt has been made to achieve a balanced view of the controversies in the Punjab and to show in what respects the position of the Quaid-i-Azam differed from that of the group that has found such an eloquent spokesman in Ashiq Husain B atalvi. The previous edition of this book contained an important new chapter entitled Jinnah the Man and the Statesm an.T he elucidation of, the achievements and the policies of the Father of the Nation has been further enlarged in this edition. During my study of th e events relating to the Partition nothing has impressed me more than the immeasureable superiority of the Quaid over all his; colleagues and the great qualities of his head and heart. His papers have yet not been examined ,and will require study by . well-, formed,: responsible and understanding archivists, but the vast volume of literature which has poured in recent years regarding the Partition from quarters often unfriendly to the Quaid enables

us to see fairly clearly the lineaments of his personality and leaves no doubt about his greatness and essential goodness. The present writer has been approached by some admirers of the Quaid to undertake a full-length biography of the Quaid. In the absence of Quaid’s papers it is not possible to attempt a really satisfactory biographical study, but in the present volume enough has been written to bring out not only the Quaid’s sterling qualities but also show how far removed from the truth is the picture generally pairited of him in India and Pakistan. Largely, this has been done by showing the Quaid in action, e.g. by explaining his handling of the Punjab affairs or by outlining the steps taken by him as the Governor-General of Pakistan not only to save the State from being overwhelmed bj^ unprecedented problems but to safe­ guard the interests of the non-Muslim minorities. There are also some general sections and it is hoped that a sufficient number of new points have been raised and enough evidence put forward to enable the future biographer to do justice to this greatly mis­ understood personality. In the end it is a pleasant duty to record my thanks. Amongst the many who have helped the uppermost in my mind are Syed Murtaza Ali and other friends in East Pakistan, who not only supplied information regarding personalities there, but also helped me by friendly criticism and suggestions. I am also thankful to Khwaja Muhammad Asif, Editor of The Pakistan Times, for giving me access to what was once the Tribune library and to borrow some books not available elsewhere. I t may be a little odd to thank officials of an organisation which one has helped to establish and with which one is even connected in a responsible position. My list of acknowledgments, however, would not be complete if I do not include the officers of the Research Society of Pakistan—particularly Mr Rafiq Afzal, Acting Secretary. In obtaining material not only about the leading figures of the Punjab but even about the personalities of Muslim Bengal, I have drawn heavily on the small reference library of the Society which contains a near-complete file of the Inqilab and the priceless Mihar Collection of contemporary pamphlets and reports. S. M.

Ik e am

^HIS book originally appeared in 1950, under the title M akers o f Pakistan and Modern Muslim India (by A .H . Albiruni) and has been out of print for some years. It was not reissued earlier, as I wished to bring the account up-to-date. This has not been found possible, and the present volume deals only with the period ending with the death of Liaquat All Khan. The original book has, however, been greatly enlarged, and I hope the additions are substantial enough to justify the change in the title. Out of fifteen chapters, five are entirely new—including a long chapter on developments in the areas which now constitute Pakistan—and there are considerable additions in others. A new section, which may not find ready acceptance, but which has given the writer something of a joy of discovery relates to “ Jinnah, the man and the statesmen” . Some tendentious state­ ments regarding the happenings in East Punjab at th e tim e of Partition, made by V. P. Menon in his The Transfer o f Poewr in India, which is an important source book for the period, have made it desirable to deal with that grisly chapter in the history of the subcontinent at some length. The book has been inscribed to the memory of I qbal, not only in acknowledgment of the way he inspired the author’s genera­ tion, but also in gratitude for many acts of personal kindness. In revising thie text and seeing it through the press I have been helped by Dr Syed Razi Wasti, to whom m y thanks are due. A word or two about the origin of some o f the pictures appear­ ing in t^is bboic inay be of interest, t h e historic photograph of the gathering which took part in the foundation of the All-India Muslim League in 1906 was obtained at Dacca. The author, as Membe r, Board of Revenue, East Pakistan (1955-7), was in charge of State Acquisition (Abolition of Zamindari) and the Court of Wards. The estate of the heirs of 'Nawab Salim Ullah Khan was under the administration of the Court of Wards, and the Manager of the Nawab Estate, at my request, borrowed from one of the heirs the

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original group photograph, and arranged for the identification of as many participants as was possible. The photograph was somewhat faded and Messrs Zaidis^ Photographers (Dacca Branch), had to make special efforts to have a reasonable reproduction. The group photograph with Iqbal is a memento of the days when the poet was in England in connection with the third Round Table Conference. The autograph copies signed by Iqbal are dated “ London, 29 December 1932” . Shibli’s photograph was obtained, shortly before Partition, from Atiya Begum, who, as is well known, inspired the lyrics of Dasta-i-Gul and Bu'e^i-Gul and to whom the picture was presented by Maulana himself. For an unpublished photograph of Mian Fazl-i-Husain, I am indebted to his daughter. Begum Asghari Manzur Qadir. In the end, it may be worth while stating that the conclu­ sions drawn in the course of the narrative and comments made are entirely my responsibility. “ There is nothing of&cial about this book. It is a purely private and personal affair.” S . M. I kr Am 1 July 1965

INTRODUCTION N the coming pages,aii attem pt-has been made to‘ trace the" developments concerning Muslims of:the Indo-Pakistan sub­ continent from the unsuccessful War of Independence till’ the death of Liaquat Ali Khan> Our approach has been largely bio-: graphical, but figures have been so selected, and the sketches so arranged, that it may be possible to read in these pages a more or less connected story of the struggle which ultim ately led to the establishment of Pakistan. The British success in quelling the country-wide Revolt of 1857, and the direct assumption by the Queen of England, of government of India, finally set ..the seal on the extinction of the Mughal Empire of Dehli. It was followed by a further weaken­ ing of the Muslim political position which had continued to decline since the death of Aurangzeb. After the Revolt, the position of the Muslims deteriorated still further, as they had to bear the brunt of the distrust, nay, active hostility of the new masters. Syed Ahmed Khan and his band of workers had to deal with this situation, and by winning the confidence of the British rulers of India, and by urging upon the Muslims to learn modern sciences and acquire new learning, they enabled the Indian Muslims to adjust themselves to the new circumstances. For nearly forty years this group, or what may be called the Aligarh School of Politics, was in power, and our first three sketches, i.e. those of Syed Ahmed Khan, Hali and Mohsin-ulMulk, relate to the leaders of this group. Viqar-ul-Mulk was also one of the Aligarh band of workers, but he had to assume leadership at a time when the annulment of the partition of Bengal, in December 1911, clearly showed that government was not proof against the pressure of politiqal agita­ tion, and it was impossible to safeguard the just interests of Indian Muslims by depending wholly on the goodwill and fairplay of the government in power. The last years of Viqar-ul-Mulk and the career of Maulana Muhammad Alj belong to a period when the old

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Aligarh policy had lost ground and a new one had yet to take its place. The process of transformation was greatlj?’ accelerated by Shibli and Abul Kalam Azad, who riot only criticised the policy of the Aligarh School in political, religious, and educational spheres, but tried to build up a rival leadership by organising and increasing the influence of the Ulama. The resultant confusion was brought to an end by two men of genius—Hakim-ul-Ummat Jqbal, and Quaid-i-Azam yivLn&h., They supplied the want of a new, realistic and constructive policy, and one, by seeing the vision of a Muslini state formed by the grouping together of Muslim majority areas, and the other, by establishing that state, brought the new policy to a successful end. The. Way for the success of the Quaid was paved by the provincial leaders who built up the Muslim position in th e areas where they were in a majority but had been politically and economically ifaeffective, and by the Aga Khan, who headed the historic Simla Deputation in 1906 and played an important part a f the Round Table Conference, a quarter of century later. Muslim Bengal was slow to start, but its contribution on two crucial occasions—at the time of the foundation of All-Iridia Muslim League at Dacca in 1906, and again, at the tirhe of Partition—was important, almost decisive. Amongst her worthy sons whosecareers have been sketched in this book are Syed Ameer Ali, Nawab Salim Ullah Khan, A.K. Fazl-ul-Haq, Husain Shaheed Suhrawardy and Khwaja Nazim-ud-Din. Liaquat Ali K han’s role, during the lifetime of the Quaid, was that of a loyal and efficient lieutenant, but even then his services were substantial enough to earn for him the title of the Quaid’s "right hand” . After the Quaid’s death, his responsibilities greatly increased, and the able and skilful manner in which he discharged them was a factor in the consolidation of Pakistan. Much of the material that has been used, particularly in the earlier part of our book, is in Urdu. Foreign observers, who do not have access to the material in Urdu, have naturally taken time to grasp fully the developments in the national life of the Muslims of the subcontinent, and only now the significance of the forces which paved the way for Pakistan is being realised. For a long time it was thought that not only was the Quaid-i-Azam respon­ sible for winning Pakistan, but that his advocacy was responsible

for the adoption of Pakistan as a goal by Indian Muslims. Now, however, the truth is beginning to be realised. Morgan PhillipsPrice, the prominent socialist leader of England, who, on account of his deep study of Muslim literature, was well qualified to under­ stand the deeper currents influencing Muslim life, said at a meet­ ing of the E ast India Association: Some hold the belief that but for Mr. Jinnah, who channelised the Muslim impulse for security and freedom, Pakistan would not have been achieved. After my tour of Pakistan, I am convinced that without Mr. Jinnah, it would have still come into existence. But it would have been a very painful emergence.i This is, perhaps, nearer the truth. At any rate, those who will read in the coming pages an account of Syed Ahmed K han’s conversations with the Commissioner of Benares in 1867 and his historic letter to Mohsin-ul-Mulk, regarding the destiny of the Hindus and the Muslims, his remarks on Lord Ripon’s Local SelfGovernment Bill of 1883, and his later speech advising Muslims to keep away from the Indian National Congress, will agree that the stage was set and much spade work done long before the Quaid-i-Azam took up the cause of Pakistan. The Quaid's part in the struggle was decisive and he was, indeed, the chirf architect of Pakistan but the foundation had been truly and firmly laid by another great man—Syed Ahmed Khan. As Dr Percival Spear remarks, "In his [Syed Ahmed Khan’s] whole attitude was implicit the concept of Pakistan. It only needed the prospect of British withdrawal, something which in his day stiU seemed remote, to bring it to the surface. ” 2

1, Dawn, Karachi, 13 February 1949. 2. P. Spear, India, P akistan, and the W est (1st Ed.), p. 191.

CONTENTS Dedication

...

...

...

...

iii

Preface to the Second Edition

...

...

v

Preface to the First Edition ...

...

...

viii

Introduction

...

...

x

...

...

...

xv

1. The Background

...

...

...

1—12

2. Syed Ahmed Khan

...

...

...

13—58

3. Hali

...

...

...

59—71

...

...

..;

72—84

...

...

85—97

...

List o f Illustrations Chapters

...

4. Mohsin-ul-Mulk

5. The B eginningsi» Bengal

The Ruin of Muslim Bengal—Haji Muhammad Mohsin—Nawab Abdul Latif—Numerical Expan­ sion of Islam—Sj^ed Ameer Ali—Nawab Salim Ullah 6. Viqar-ul-Mulk

...

...

...

98— 110

7. The Religious Groups ... ... ... H I — Deoband—Brelvi Sect— Sufi Orders—Nadva-tulUlama of Lucknow 8. Shibli ... ... 9. Abul Kalam Azad ... 10. Maulana Muhammad Ali

... ... ...

... ... ...

119— 133 134—148 149— 159

11. Iqbal ... 12. The Aga Khan

... ...

... ...

160— 181 182—189’

... ...

13. Emergence of the Muslim Majority Provinces ...

190—339

The Punjab—Muslim Organisations : Anjuman-iIslamia — Anjuman-i-Himayat-i-Islam — Cultural Developments—Justice Shah Din and Mian M. Shafi—New Hindu Movements and Economic E x­ ploitation of the Muslims—Mian Fazl-i-Husain — Sikandar H ayat Khan—Malik Barkat Ali Bengal—Syed Nawab Ali Chowdhry—A. K. Fazlul-Haq—Sir Abdul Rahim—Khwaja Nazim-udDin—Husain Shaheed Suhrawardy Sind—Hasan Ali Effendi—Struggle for Separation of Sind North-West Frontier Province—Reforms for N .-W .F .P .—Sir Abdul Qayum—Congress Govern­ ment—Referendum 14. Quaid-i-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah ... 340—452 I. The Beginning—II. Ambassador of HinduMuslim Unity, A Successful Mission— III. Home Rule League—IV. An Ambassador of HinduMuslim Unity, The Failure of a Mission—V. Wanderings in the Wilderness—The Struggle for Pakistan—Governor-General of Pakistan—Jinnah the Man and the Statesman 15. Liaquat Ali Khan

...

...

...

453—474

Appendices I. Cultural Basis of Hindu-Muslim Separatism ... 475—479 II. Quaid-i-Azam’ s Offer of a Joint Defence Pact with India and Prime Minister Nehru’s Reaction 480—481 III. List of the Presidents of the All-India Muslim League ... ... ... ... 482 Index

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...

...

...

...

483-^506

L IS T OF IL L U ST R A T IO N S 1. Gathering oa the eve of the foundation of the All-India Muslim League, Shad Bagh, Dacca, December 1906 Frontispiece 2. The Author and Allama Iqbal Facing page Hi 3. Sir Syed Ahmed Khan

13

4. Kh. Altaf Husain Hali 5. Nawab Mohsin-ul-MuIk

59 72

6. Syed Ameer Ali 7. Nawab Sir Salim Ullah Khan

92 94

8. Shams-ul-Ulama Allama Shibli Numani 9. Maulana Abul Kalam Azad

119 134

10. Maulana Muhammed Ali

149

11. H. H. the Aga Khan 12. Mian Sir Fazl-i-Husain 13. A. K. Fazl-ul-Haq

182 213 277

14. 15. 16. 17.

286 294 340 453

Khwaja Nazim-ud-Din Husain Shaheed Suhrawardy Quaid-i-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah Nawabzada Liaquat Ali Khan

Chapter 1

T H E BACKGROUND (712—1857) ^HEN the proposal for a separate Muslim state was put forward, the non-Muslims were startled. For those who had not kept in touch with the Muslim standpoint ex­ pressed normally in Urdu, and had taken for p an ted that on the departure o f the British the majority community would inherit the w hole o f the subcontinent, it was a “bolt from the blue” . Now, how ever, the truth is being realised. Observations o f Morgan Phillips-Pricehave been quoted. Even the thoughtful Hindu writers have recognised that the demand for Pakistan had its roots in the past, and was the outcom e o f the unwillingness o f the Hindus and th e Muslims to make adjustments necessary for the evolution o f a com m on nationhood. Dr Sachin Sen, ^ r example, says at the conclusion o f his book. The Birth o f Pakistan (p. 196): "Indian soil was not well watered for the sprouting o f secular, democratic nationalism. What was implicit was made explicit by Pakistan. It was a tragic phase o f Indian national history tliat Pakistan was n ot basically an unnatural growth.” Muslim writers have, however, gone too far back into anti­ quity to trace the origin'of the new state and some o f them have even quoted al-Biruni (d. 1050) to indicate the basis for Pakistan. I t is true that the ground for Muslim separatism was prepared when Islam entered the subcontinent, and all efforts to provide a t)ridge between the Hindus and the Muslims failed. For practical purposes, however, the gradual crystallisation and realisation of th e idea o f Pakistan is related to the period o f the British rule. During the Muslim rule some sort o f modus operandi had been evolved. This proved impossible o f achievement when democratic institutions were introduced and changes took place in the outlook

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o f the two communities. This book is an account o f the failure o f these efforts and the slow growth o f separate Muslim nationhood for which a territorial base was found in the Muslim majority areas. If one were asked to give a date for the beginning o f moderm Muslim separatism, it was probably 1869 when Syed Ahmed K han, touched to the quick by the growing Hindu demand for replace­ ment o f Urdu by Hindi, grimly prophesied that the paths of the Hindus and the Muslims wiU separate. The letter in which this, great realist has summed up the basis, the advantages and risks o f Muslim separatism has been reproduced at length elsewhere, and gives not only the reasons which started the modern course o f Muslim separatism but also contains a cool appraisal of the advantages and limitations o f this course. After his grave decision Syed Ahmed who had been organising institutions hitherto for the common good o f the Muslims and the Hindus—like th e Moradabad School and the Scientific Society—felt that it was h is duty to save the Muslim community and ensure that in the future it played a role which bore some relation to its past. This book is a study o f the efforts which this great man and his successorsmade to attain this object. As, however, the activities of the pro­ moters o f Hindi as well as o f those who reacted sharply to this, example of new Hindu resurgence had their roots in the past, a. preliminary chapter is added to indicate the previous landmarks, in the history o f Hindu-Muslim relationship, and the gradual con­ solidation o f separate Muslim nationhood. It has been.subdivided into two section#! one dealing with the period o f Muslim sup­ remacy and the other, with the transitional period, beginning withthe death o f Aurangzeb, the last o f the great Mughals, and ending in 1857, with the defeat and capture o f the titular Mughal Emperor Bahadur Shah.

I (712— 1707) On a small scale, the contacts between the Hindus and th e Muslims began on the coastline o f the Indian subcontinent much earlier, but the two people came in large-scale and sustained

contact only after the Arab occupation o f Sind in 712. Muhammad bin Qasim, the Arab conqueror, had to lay down the lines which were to govern their relationship and this he did in what is often referred to as the Brahmanabad Settlement, after the scene o f the battle, which made him the master o f the Lower Sind. He acted in a most liberal and statesma:nlike manner. He gave the Hindus all the privileges which the Muslim jurists reserve for the People o f the Book, and set up a precedent which, in spite o f its doubtful legal authority, became the norm during the Muslim rule. The Arab conqueror went further. H e seems to have entered into a sort o f partnership under which the Arabs looked after the defence o f the realm and its law and order, while the Hindu Amils, the traditional civil servants o f the area, were in charge o f the civil administration. Muhammad bin Qasim was an ofiScer o f the Umayyads, but when the Abbasids succeeded them in 750, not only were these administrative policies maintained but the Arab-Indian col­ laboration was extended to intellectual and cultural fields. Sind provided the first substantial link between Islam and India, but the main entry o f the Muslims in the subcontinent was through the north-western passes, the traditional route o f invasion. Some three hundred years after the Arab occupation o f Sind, Ghazni, which had developed into a majar political, military and cultural centre on the outskirts o f the declining Abbasid empire, became the base o f operations against the subcontinent. In 1020, Sultan Mahmud o f Ghazni (998-1030) annexetj Lahore. As the southern parts were already under the Muslims, this annexation meant that by 1020 the areas which constitute W est Pakistan today were under Muslim rule. The heritage o f Ghazni in the realm o f language, religious practices and law was even more important than that o f Sind. The Ghaznavids introduced Persian which was to be the official and literary language during M uslim rule in India, vigorously patronised Sunni creed and promulgated Hanafi law. W ith occasional and minor departures, these features characterised Indian Islam and served as a binding force. The conquest o f Northern India was the work o f Muhammad Ghauri (d. 1206) who came almost two centuries'after Mahmud. The original fabric o f the Delhi Sultanate was built up by the patient, far-seeing and mild-mannered Iltutmash (1211-36). Its

consolidation was due to the great administrative ability o f Balban who dominated Northern India, first as an all-powerful noble

These developments widened the gulf between the Hindus and the Muslims, but perhaps more effective in consolidating Muslimi nationhood during this period was the sustained support which Aurangzeb gave to the Muslim educational institutions during h is long reign of fifty years. The popular Islamic curriculum known, as Dars-i-Nizamia was coming into being in his reign and the emperor was personally responsible for the grant o f an extensive building known as Farangi Mahal o f Lucknow to the family o f Mulla Nizam-ud-Din, after whom the Bars is named. Aurangzeb made very large grants for the spread of education and the largescale employment o f Qazis in his reign offered lucrative openings to those who received proper education in Muslim institutions. H e issued orders forbidding Muslims to attend educational insti­ tutions maintained by the Hindus. By the time Aurangzab died, not only had the Muslim people gained a new self-confidence, but there was a large educated class which could maintain Islamic learning and provide the base for the great Islamic religious revival o f the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries.

II (1707—1857) / Aurangzeb died in 1707, and in less than fifteen years the prestige o f the Mughal monarchy had reached its nadir. Even during the lifetime of the great emperor the military weakness o f the Mughals had become manifest. He spent twenty-five arduous years in the Deccan, without decisively solving the Marhatta prob­ lem. A single fort like Jinji would take seven years to capture. Aurangzeb’s ability, determination and prestige held the Marhattas in check, but even before he closed his eyes their roving bands had caused havoc and spread consternation deep in the Mughal empire. After Aurangzeb’s death the pace o f disintegration became pre­ cipitate. The years 1716 to 1719 saw three puppet kings succeed one another on the throne, at the pleasure o f the Syed Brothers. In 1739 Nadir looted Delhi and massacred its inhabitants. In 1757 the battle o f Plassey was fought and a rich fruitful province came under the sway o f the East India Company. Seven years later the Mughal emperor and the Nawab Wazir o f Oudh were defeated at Buxar. By the end o f the century Ranjit Singh had occupied Lahore, and Madhuji Sindhia was supreme at Delhi. Attempts made by Hyder A li and Tipu to reverse the trend o f events in the South fail­ ed in spite o f their bravery, ability and resourcefulness. The same process o f disintegration was visible in the life o f the community. This was the worst period in Shia-Sunni relationship. Aurangzeb had striven hard to sustain Sunni orthodoxy but his son and successor made a resolute attempt to turn his empire into a Shia kingdom. In 1712 he ordered the Commander o f Artillery torecite Shia formula during Friday prayers from the pulpit o f the Badshahi mosque o f Lahore. This was successfully resisted by the local public and Pathan soldiers who thronged the streets. There were riots elsewhere—e.g. at Ahmedabad—and the attempt was. abandoned, but the eighteenth century remained a period o f acute Shia-Sunni conflict. N ot only did this lead to assassinations—in­ cluding that o f Mirza Mazhar Jan-i-Janan, a famous saint and poet—but the feud greatly weakened Muslim solidarity. It is true that it normally remained below the surface, and the divisions were

3\ot hard and fast. It is also true that the Muslims generally closed their ranks against a common non-Muslim enemy, but these divisions remained serious during the eighteenth century. Dr Ishtiaq Husain Qureshi goes so far as to say, “It was natural that -a tradition should grow up of cooperation between the Shiahs and the Hindus against the major section o f the Muslim community. JElsewhere, dealing with the situation after the death o f Aurangzeb, he says, “The rift between the Shiahs and the Sunnis increased, until it was impossible to hope for a concerted attack upon anarchy. . . . The Shiahs were unable to see that it was the power •of Islam and not only that of orthodoxy which was at stake___ ■One may not wholly agree with this assessment, but it has to be recognised that, in the eighteenth century, Shia-Sunni differences Tvere a serious factor, and though generally below the surface, and •often thinly disguised as Irani-Turani dispute, were on some im­ portant occasions—e.g. during the conflict o f Safdar Jang with the Mughal king—pretty obvious and proved disastrous. Politically, the eighteenth century remained a period o f defeat an d disintegration, but in the cultural and religious spheres it was a time o f reconstruction. This was the period when Muslim edu■cational system was standardised and generally adopted over the subcontinent. This period also saw the rapid rise o f Urdu to the level o f a literary language, capable o f giving expression to the thoughts, feelings and learning o f Muslim India. Both these de"velopments made for unification and consolidation o f the Muslim •society. Even more important was the work o f Shah Wali Ullah -(1703-61) whom President Ayub called in a speech, delivered at Balakot, “the Father o f Modern Muslim India” . Son o f a distin­ guished scholar who had participated in the compilation o f the famous Fatawa-i-Alamgiri, he was born four years before the death o f Aurangzeb. He was educated by his father, and later completed his studies in the Hejaz. When he was still abroad, he was receiving reports o f chaotic conditions back home and was advised to stay •on in Arabia. He spurned this advice and returned home to take up the task of spiritual regeneration and consolidation. In the ■course of a well-regulated life, he completed a whole library o f books on various branches of Islamic thought, beliefs and learning.

■which were well suited to the religious needs of the subcontinent and marked the beginning o f a new era. He translated the Holy •Quran into Persian and wrote learned works on Hadith, but per­ haps his biggest contribution to the religious life o f the community was the sane, balanced point o f view which he brought to the study o f various subjects. The revivalism of the Mujaddid has jiv e n a new life to Islam, but a broader and more realistic approach was needed to form the basis on which various conflicting groups— the Sufi and the Mulla, the Shia and the Sunni, the Hanafi and Ihe Hanbali—could agree. Shah jWali Ullah averred that “ ‘adl {justice, balance] was the primal virtue, and the basis of all civilised existence” . By making ‘adl his lodestar in treatment o f controver­ sies, he put forward a point o f view from which only the extremists -could differ. In particular, he worked hard and wrote numerous bulky volumes to bring Shia-Sunni dispute to a level where they would cease to be a menace to the corporate life o f Muslim India. H e ably expounded and defended the Sunni point o f view but, unlike the Mujaddid who held Shias to be Kafir and deserving o f capital punishment, he adopted a far more liberal attitude towards them. He also stood for reform in social customs, beliefs and practices but warned against cutting oneself adrift from the Muslim society and becoming an ineffectual angel beating one’s wings in the void. Shah Wali Ullah’s work was carried on by four gifted sons and a host o f disciples and pupils. His sons produced two Urdu versions o f the Holy Quran and adopted other progressive measures, but like their feather did not break away from the community in their enthusiasm for reform and radicalism. The most influential o f Shah Wali U llah’s sons was Shah Abdul Aziz, who refused an offer of appointment at Calcutta Madrassa and devoted fifty years o f a dedicated life to give solace and spiritual guidance to Muslim India. In his views he was less venturous than his illustrious father, but he gave moral support to his famous disciple Syed Ahmed Brelvi, nephew Shah Ismail Shaheed and son-in-law Abdul Hai who toured all over Northern India to carry the message of Islamic revival and social reform, and ultimately led the unsuccessful Jihad against the Sikhs in the north-west. The Jihad failed but the enthusiasm which was generated was not confined to Delhi. Syed

Ahmed Brelvi and his two distinguished companions had spent several months at Calcutta on the way to and from the holy places, and not the least important result o f the movement was the new link which it established between Northern India and Muslim Bengal. After the battle o f Plassey, Bengal, which even otherwise was somewhat isolated, had become cut off from the centres o f Islamic learning in Northern India. This isolation was ended by the Bengali disciples o f Syed Ahmed Brelvi—like Sufi Noor Ahmed o f Chittagong and Maulvi Imam-ud-Din o f N oakhali—and his other Khalifas like M aulvi Inayat A li o f Patna and Maulvi Karamat A li o f Jaunpur, who spent long years o f missionary work in what is now East Pakistan. N ot only did their activities bring about a new Islamic regeneration in the area, which incidentally provided a large number of recruits for Jihad in the north-west, but by linking Muslim Bengal with Northern India provided that cohesion in the Muslim community which a century later was to be reflected in the two areas being grouped together in the independent state o f Pakistan.

N otes 1. KWe Khishgi, M a a ra j-u l-m ia y a t ( MS. N o . SH . M SS.—6281 o fP a d ja b University Library), p. 617. 2. Ishtiaq H usain Qureshi, The M uslim Com m unity o f the Indo-P akistan Subcontinent, p. 189. 3. Ibid., p. 171.

(p. 13)

SYED AHMED KHAN

Chapter 2

SY ED AHM ED KHAN (1817—98)

N 30 May 1871, Lord Mayo, the Viceroy o f India, who was getting a little concerned about the continuous, violent manifestations o f Muslim discontent with the British rule, asked a distinguished civil servant to study the problem, analyse the causes of the discontent and suggest remedies. That was the genesis o f Dr Sir W illiam Hunter’s The Indian Musalmans : are they Sound in conscience to rebel against the Queen ? Hunter’s book was limited in its objective, and written from an obviously imperialistic angle. It is, however, a mine o f illumi­ native information on the position which Muslim India had reached •within fourteen years o f the unsuccessful War o f Independence, and as this was also the time when Syed Ahmed returned from England, with his ambitious schemes for the uplift o f his people, it would be useful to consider in detail some o f its facts and figures. Dr Hunter’s thesis was that if Government wished to avoid the end­ less repetition o f “Wahabi murders,” and the enormous expendi­ ture o f annual military campaigns against the “ Fanatics’ Colony” o n the Frontier, it must remove that “chronic sense o f wrong, which has grown up in the hearts o f the Musalmans under British ru le” . That this “chronic sense o f wrong” had a solid basis, was shown "by Dr Hunter with an array o f facts and figures regarding Bengal, which he knew intimately. First he dealt with the Muslim land­ owning classes o f the Eastern Bengal. He wrote : At Murshidabad a Muhammadan Court still plays its farce o f ijiimic state, and in every District the descendant o f some line

O

o f princes sullenly and proudly eats his heart out among roofless palaces and weed-choked tanks. Of such families I have personally known several. Their houses swarm with grown-up sons and daughters, with grandchildren and nephews and nieces, and not one o f the hungry crowd has a chance o f doing anything for him self in life. They drag on a listless existence in patched-up verandahs or leaky outhouses, sinking deeper and deeper into a hopeless abyss of debt, till the neighbouring Hindu money-lender fixes a quarrel on them, and then in a moment a host o f mortgages foreclose, and the ancient Musalman family is suddenly swallowed up and disappears for ever.i After describing very vividly and at great length the ruin of the Muslim landed aristocracy. Hunter tersely remarks : I f any statesman wishes to make a sensation in the House o f Commons, he has only to truly narrate the history o f these Muhammadan families of Bengal.2 Next, Hunter considers the position o f Muslims in public services, which ever since the Muslims came to India (and either neglected trade and industry or found themselves powerless against the all-powerful Hindu caste-guilds) had been the prin­ cipal means o f livelihood for the educated Muslims. O f course, the higher posts in the Army—formerly a close preserve o f the Muslims—were now denied to all Indians but even in other spheres o f public employment, the share o f Muslims bore n o relation either to their population or their historical traditions. Hunter first deals with the proportion o f the Muslims in the Judicial and the Revenue services, which in different grades varied from one-fourth to one-tenth and goes on to say : It is, however, in the less conspicuous Departments, in which the distribution o f patronage is less keenly watched by the political parties in Bengal, that we may read the fate o f the Musalmans. In 1869 these Departments were filled thus In the three grades o f Assistant Government Engineers there were fourteen H indus and not one Musalman ; among the apprentices there were four Hindus and two Englishmen, and not one Musalman. Among the sub-Engineers,. . . there were twenty-four Hindus to one Musalman; among the Overseers, two Musalmans to sixty-three Hindus. In the Ofiices o f Account there were fifty names o f Hindus, and not one Musalman; and in the U pper Subordinate Department, there were twenty-two Hindus, and again not one Musalman.3 He similarly surveyed the professions o f Law and M edicine,

which revealed an equally depressing position, and after giving a. table showing “ Distribution of State Patronage in Bengal” in A p ril 1871, he went on to say : In one extensive Department the other day it was discovered' that there was not a single employe who could read the M usalman d ia lect; and, in fact, there is now scarcely a Government office in Calcutta in which a Muhammadan can hope for any post above the rank of porter, messenger, filler of ink-pots, and m ender o f pens.4 Hunter next deals with the causes o f this state o f affairs. R e­ pays a high tribute to the Hindu intellect, but adds that “ an univer­ sal and immeasurable superiority on the part o f the Hindus, such as would be required to explain their monopoly o f official preferment,, is unknown at the present day, and is in direct contradiction to their past history” .5 As a matter o f fact, he adds, “ The truth is, that when the country passed under our rule, the Musalmans were the superior race, and superior not only in stoutness o f heart and" strength o f arm, but in power o f political organization, and in the science o f political government.” ® Muslims held their own even in the intellectual sphere. “ Before the country passed to us, they werenot only the political but the intellectual power in I n d i a . M uslim backwardness was, therefore, not due to any inherent inferiority o f the community but could be traced to historical' causes, which had blocked their progress. Hunter described them all, including their neglect o f modern education—“ Some years ago . . . out o f three hundred boys in the English College (Calcutta), not one per cent were M uslim” —but he also pointed' out, as clearly as a Government servant could do with propriety, that the policy, which the British Government had followed to­ wards the Muslims, was one o f the principal causes o f turning the scales against them. He gives a quotation from a Persian news­ paper o f Calcutta, which would be a revelation to those whocriticise the principle o f reservation o f posts for M uslim s; ‘A ll sorts o f employment, great and small, are being gradually snatched away from the Muhammadans, and bestowed on men o f other races, particularly the Hindus. The Government is bound to look upon all classes o f its subjects with an equal eye, yet the^ time has now come when it publicly singles out the Muhammadansin its Gazettes for exclusion from official posts. Recently, whem

-several vacancies occurred in the office o f the ^underbans Com­ missioner, that official, in advertising them in the Government ■Gazette, stated that the appointments would be given to none but the Hindus.’* Hunter’s facts and figures were mainly for Bengal, but the position in many other parts o f the country was similar. He, him­ self, quotes from a petition submitted by Muslims o f Orissa to the Commissioner o f the Division, which, though worded in stilted phraseology, gave an indication of the Muslim position in that part o f the country ; ‘Truly speaking, the Orissa Muhammadans have been levelled ■down and down, with no hopes o f rising again. Born o f noble parentage, poor by profession, and destitute o f patrons, we find •ourselves in the position o f a fish out o f water. . . . We would travel into the remotest corners o f the earth, ascend the snowy peaks of Himalayas, wander the forlorn regions o f Siberia, could "we be convinced that by so travelling we would be blessed with a •Government appointment o f ten shillings a weeks.’^ The Communal Triangle in India written by the Indian socialist leaders, Asoka Mehta and Achyut Patwardhan, throws further ligh t on the status enjoyed by Muslims in public offices at this tim e. We quote a paragraph, on which comment will be fu tile ; N ot only were the Muslims economically crushed, but educai;ionaUy and socially also their position was deliberately depressed by the Government. In 1870, the Muhammadan pleaders present­ e d two memorials to the High Court pointing out that while -closed days allowed to the Christians were sixty-two, and those to Hindus fifty-two, only eleven were granted to the Muhammadans. The petition was called forth by an order that the "Native holidays” observed by the High Court should be the same as allowed in the j

L IA Q U A T A L I K H A N

(1896— 1951)

N

fAWABZADA Liaquat Ali Khan was born in 1896 iir Karnal District of East Punjab. He was the second son “ ' of a wealthy land-owning family, which came from Iran about five hundred years ago, and claims descent from the famous Iranian king, Nausheerwan the Just. The family owned landed estate in the Punjab and United Provinces, and young Liaquat spent his formative years in U.P., which was at that time the home of Muslim culture. He graduated in 1918 from Moham­ medan Anglo-Oriental College of Aligarh, and left a year later for higher studies in England. He joined Exeter College at Oxford and also kept terms for the Bar. He took his degree in Law in 1921 and was called to the Bar at the Inner Temple in 1922.. During his stay at Oxford, Liaquat Ali Khan took active part in political debates for which the Indian Majlis at Oxford has always been known and was the treasurer of that organisation for some time. No proper study of Liaquat Ali Khan, particularly relating to the period preceding his appointment as Finance Minister in the Government of India, has been made and one turns with grati­ tude to such information as is incidentally available in the accounts of others. He seems to have had a sociable personality, with a large number of friends in all communities. K. S. P. Menon, who became Secretary General of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and Commonwealth Relations in India, was his contemporary at Oxford, and calls him “ a good sportsman and a good friend” . Elsewhere Menon says in his autobiography, Many Worlds, about

his residence in D elhi: “ A frequent visitor to our home at this time was Liaquat Ali Khan, who was destined to become the first Prime Minister of Pakistan. After our parting at Oxford we had met seldom. Now both of us had acquired wives, and they too struck up a friendship. . . . Liaquat was already a rising star in the Muslim League, but that did not interfere with our friendship.” ! Nawab Ahmed Saeed Khan of Chhatari has also a few informative paragraphs regarding Liaquat in his autobiography, Yad-i-Ayyam. Chhatari visited Karnal on 12 February 1929, and was a guest of Nawabzada Liaquat Ali Khan. He writes that in those days Liaquat had a large Zamindari in the districts of Karnal and MuzafFarnagar. He was a member of the [U.P.] Legis­ lative Council, of which he became Deputy President. Chhatari praises Liaquat’s sound common sense, strong sense of selfrespect and generous hospitality, and continues to say, “ He had a separate group in the Council, but often supported me. In those days he was opposed to Separate Electorates, etc. He delivered a well-argued speech in support of Joint Electorates, while speaking in the Legislative Council on the question of elections to the Town Committees. In the course of his speech he said, ‘Interest of no minority can be truly safeguarded through Separate Electorates. In my opinion they are harmful for a minority. In Separate Electorates everybody is interested only in his own group. The Hindu stands for the Hindus, the Muslim for the Muslims, the Christian for the Christians and the Sikh for theSikhs.” 2 After his return to India, Liaquat Ali Khan settled down at MuzafFarnagar in U.P. In 1926 he was elected to the U.P. Legisla­ tive Council where he sat for fourteen years, six of them as Deputy President and leader of the Democratic Party. In 1923 he joined the All-India Muslim League and attended its annual session at Lahore in May 1924. When, in 1927 the League split into two groups—one led by M. A. Jinnah and the other by Sir Muhammad Shafi—on the question of the co-opera­ tion with the Simon Commission, Liaquat sided with the group headed by Jinnah. He was a member of the Muslim League

delegation which attended the National Convention held at Calcutta to discuss the Nehru Report in December 1928. Like the leader of his group, Liaquat fervently believed in Hindu-Muslim unity and worked for it. In his presidential address delivered at the Provincial Muslim Educational Conference in 1932 he expressed the view that the Muslims had “ distinct culture of their own” and had the right to preserve it. “ But,” he also added, “ days of rabid communalism in this country are numbered and we shall witness ere long the united HinduMuslim India anxious to preserve and maintain all that rich and valuable heritage which the contact of the two great cultures has bequeathed us. We all believe in the great destiny of our common motherland to achieve which common assets are but invaluable.” ^ In 1933 he married again. His second wife was a well-known educationist and was originally a Christian. The couple went to Europe in the same year. The Nawabzada maintained his connec­ tions with the Muslim League but at that time the League did not have a Parliamentary wing. The Nawabzada, who had organised a Democratic Party in U.P., made a close study of the organisa­ tion of the political parties in England. On 26 April 1936 he was elected Honorary Secretary of the All-India Muslim League in place of Sir Muhammad Yaqub in its Bombay Session and held this office, with a brief gap, right up to the time when the All-India Muslim League was wound up after the establishment of Pakistan. There is some confusion about Liaquat’s position from July 1936 to early 1938, and the safest course seems to be to quote from the editor’s introduction to the Speeches and Statements o f Quaid-i-Millat Liaquat A li Khan—\9 A i-5 l. “ He resigned from the Muslim League Parliamentary Board in July 1936 due to diiferences "with the provincial members of the Board and because the parliamentary leaders dominating the Board were, in the words of Liaquat, ‘regarded with suspicion by the majority of Muslims as having a veiled kinship with the Cong­ ress’. Liaquat joined the newly organised National Agriculturist Party of Nawab of Chhattari. He, however, did not contest the 1937 elections on any party’s ticket. . . . Liaquat Ali Khan was again elected as Honorary Secretary of the Muslim League

456 ]

M odem Muslim India and the Birth o f Pakistan

in 1938.” “ In 1940 Liaquat Ali Khan was elected to the Central Legislative Assembly, where he immediately became the Deputy Leader of the Muslim League Party und6r the leadership of the Quaid-i-Azam. Perhaps even more important was his election as Secretary of the All-India Muslim League, Which office he occupied for the first time in 1937. Being by nature more suited to quiet, constructive work and shunning limelight, his great qualities were not known to many but the great Quaid who had seen him closely at work knew his worth and described him as < his “ right hand” in a public speech. The first volume o i Speeches and Writings o f M r. Jinnah (p. 574) contains the following item regarding his re-election as Honorary Secretary of the All-India Muslim League at the Karachi session on 26 December 1943 ; In putting the proposition to vote Mr. M.A. Jinnah described Nawabzada Liaquat Ali Khan as “ my right hand” . He, the Nawabzada, had “ worked and served” day and liight, and none could possibly have an idea of the great burden he shouldered. Nawabzada Liaquat Ali Khan, Mr. Jinnah continued, commanded the universal respect and confidence of the Musalmans. Though a Nawabzada, he was a thorough proletarian, and he hoped other Nawabs in the country would follow his example. Mr. Jinnah paid a tribute to the General Secretary for the services he had rendered to the League during the last seven years and wished him a long life of service to the community. The great opportunity of Liaquat Ali Khan’s life came in 1946, when he was appointed to the Vicejoy’s Executive Council and became Finance Member in the Indian Interim Government, which preceded the Partition. This was an office which called for solid, constructive work rather than the histrionic exuberance of the average Indian politician, and here Liaquat was in his element. After twenty years of parliamentary experience in Lucknow and Delhi, he was of course a master of the parliamentarian technique, effective in speeches and quick in repartees. With his dignity and courtesy of the old Muslim aristocracy, he was bound to be popular with all sections of Indian society, but what surprised everybody was his great success as Member in charge of a portfolio which was not supposed to be the special domain eithei

of Muslims or of old aristocracy. He not only quickly mastered the routine of work in the Finance Department but introduced changes which were noteworthy for their soundness, originality and benefits to the under-dog. His memorable budget which made “ many a multimillionaire turn grey overnight” extorted grudging approval even from the Congress opponents and waswidely acclaimed as “ a poor man’s budget” . Some, people ia Bombay and Ahmedabadjthought that the budget was dictated by political motives but this was not so. In spite of his high birtk and the general style of his living those who knew the Nawabzada. intimately say that he had a marked streak of “ the other-worldliness” and his love for the under-dog was deep and sincere. Presumably the Quaid was referring to this when he said th a t “ though a Nawabzada, he was a thorough proletarian,” and it was this love which was responsible for his “ poor man’s budget” . Liaquat Ali Khan was the leader of the Muslim League Party in the Indian Interim Government and his appointment as Premier of Pakistan followed almost automatically. This meant a great increase in his responsibilities and opportunities. Of course, solong as the Quaid was alive, the ultimate responsibility for matters of highest national importance continued to be his but the Prime; Minister was responsible for carrying out aU decisions and in most cases for taking them with the help of his Cabinet. After the Quaid’s death, Liaquat’s responsibilities increased a hundredfold. Although there was no change in his ofl5ce, he became, by commort consent, the Quaid’s successor. He was the Quaid’s chief lieutenant during his lifetime and so he stepped into his shoes after his death but it was not an easy task to fill the void created by the death of the father of the nation. The Quaid had led the people to their goal and had, therefore, all those advantages which, national heroes can command. Liaquat took over. Quaid’s res­ ponsibilities without the advantages which the Quaid had. He had to work hard to display all his qualities of leadership, sound judgment and constructive statesmanship before he could earn, the confidence of the people. Outside Pakistan the number o f those who doubted his—and in fact any Pakistani’s—ability to fill the void left by the Quaid was much larger. As a matter o f

fact, many newspapers in England and America openly stated that with the builder’s death “ the house that Jinnah built” would -collapse. The fact that the Quaid’s death coincided with the downfall of Hyderabad greatly added to the prevailing gloom and increased Liaquat’s difficulties. The way he mastered these ■difficulties and discharged his onerous responsibilities could be •seen by reference to the pages of the same foreign newspapers. A leftist critic, while comparing Liaquat Ali Khan with Pandit T>Iehru and the Quaid-i-Azam said that “ although he lacks their public appeal, his abilities as an administrator and political boss are superior to either of them” . The Manchester Guardian in a leading article summed up the position by saying about Nawab Xiaquat Ali Khan, “ . . . for nearly three years he has been build­ ing up his present commanding position. Courage, humanity, practical idealism, and sicill in handling his political colleagues are the qualities which equipped him for his task in Pakistan. His patient work is now beginning to earn recognition from the •world. He is passing from the status of a national statesman to an international one. He belongs to the small group of world figures iDy whom international destinies are decided. The best testimony .to him is the condition o f Pakistan today" [italics ours]. Not only was Pakistan able to adjust herself to the death oif the Quaid without any political or administrative dislocation, but Tinder the wise statesmanship of his successor, Pakistan maintained a continuous record of progress and consolidation. Her economic strength was put to a severe test when after the devaluation of the pound, almost all countries in the sterling area devalued their ■currencies and only Pakistan stood out. Very few outside Pakistan thought that she would be able to maintain this attitude for long. It was felt that economic forces would prove too strong, and she would have to reconsider her decision. India, on which Pakistan ■depended for supply of coal and other necessities, and for sale of her major commercial crops like jute and cotton, was so put -put by Pakistan’s decision that she refused to recognise the new •exchange rate of Pakistani rupee and a trade war started between ■the two dominions. India with her vast economic resources and ability to hold on was sure of victory. She allowed her mills at

Ahmedabad and Calcutta to be closed and thousands of labourers ie p t out of work for want of cotton and jute rather than purchase these commodities from Pakistan. She refused to supply coal, without which, it was thought, Pakistan’s communications would be halted. This economic war lasted for more than a year, and ■of course involved great efforts and sacrifices on the part of Pakistan. It was not only a struggle against a powerful neighbour. Behind India were ranged, in the distant background, the forces o f other countries of the sterling area, which were adversely affected by Pakistan’s decision. For a good while not only the jute magnates of Calcutta but also of Dundee kept off the East Bengal market. Indian newspapers freely talked of “ DundeeCalcutta Axis” . But Pakistan proved equal to the task. She found new markets for her produce and was similarly able to purchase elsewhere the coal and other stuff for which she depended on India. Ultimately, on 25 January 1951, India had to accept the par value of Pakistani rupee, and the seventeen-month-old trade deadlock was resolved. If Pakistan attained political independence in 1947, it attained full commercial independence three and a half years later and though the two countries, in their mutual interest, resumed a well-regulated trade, Pakistan emerged stronger and economically more independent on account of the “ cold war” . The problems arising out of the economic war with India were tackled by the Ministry of Commerce—particularly the Jute Board—and the Ministry of Finance, but the Prime Minister, who had overall responsibility for major national policies, must share with them the credit for economic consolidation of Pakistan. Same sturdy independence was displayed in the sphere of foreign relations. Since the day of Sir Syed, the relations between Indian Muslims and British ofHcers in India have been usually smooth and marked by understanding and goodwill. A large majority of Indian soldiers, who bled for the Empire in the two World Wars consisted of Muslims from the areas which are now a part of Pakistan. These relations, however, became severely strained on account of the policy followed by the Labour Govern­ ment during the last stages of British connection with India. There was intense and widespread bitterness against the part

played by Lord Mountbatten, Sir Evan Jenkins and Sir Cyril Radclifif in “ the final phase” but Pakistani authorities kept their heads cool. Not only their attitude towards British. Common­ wealth was less equivocal than that of India, but they employed a large number of British otBcers in positions of trust and power. It, however, became obvious that this policy was not being pro­ perly appreciated in London. It was being attributed, it was felt, to Pakistan’s weaknesses rather than to a desire to maintain a policy, which had been of advantage not only to Muslim India but to Great Britain. It was left to Liaquat Ali Khan to dispel these illusions. While in London in April 1949, in connection with a Commonwealth Conference, he met the representatives o f the press, and gave a warning that Pakistan “ could not be taken for granted” . On his way home he received and accepted an invitation to visit Moscow as the guest of U.S.S.R. Government. This visit did not materialise but it underlined the fact that Pakistan was not to be “ taken for granted” . In the field of Indo-Pakistan relations Liaquat Ali Khan’s personal contribution was even more striking. Bharat and Pakistan came into existence, as a result of a scheme which was accepted and publicly endorsed by the representatives of the two organi­ sations, now controlling the Governments in the two countries— the Congress and the League. To secure the concurrence of the Congress to its scheme of Pakistan, the League made a huge sacrifice—by accepting the proposal to partition Muslim-majority provinces of Bengal and Punjab. N ot only was the general scheme of Partition mutually agreed—and basically fair—but the interests of the two countries require that they should work in close harmony. But a major operation like the partitioning of a sub­ continent must leave “ loose ends” which can be tied up only in an atmosphere of goodwill, understanding and constructive statesmanship. Unluckily, owing to the events before and after the Partition this atmosphere has usually been lacking. Relations between India and Pakistan have been generally bad, and often they have been on the brink of war. Situation was particularly grim in the spring of 1950, when India had lined up her mechanised brigade and other troops on the borders of East

Pakistan and the war-polls conducted by the newspapers in Bombay and Calcutta showed a vast majority of readers in favour o f war with Pakistan. These were the conditions when Liaquat Ali Khan agreed to pay his first visit to New Delhi since the Partition to discuss things with the Prime Minister of India. Not a few in Karachi were critical of this decision. Newspapers made veiled and unveiled references to the treatment meted out by India to her liberator—Mahatma Gandhi. But Liaquat Ali Khan carried out his peace mission boldly, and Nehru-Liaquat Pact was signed, under which the war between the two countries was averted and a vigorous positive effort was made to improve the situation. The significance of Liaquat’s contribution at this juncture can be realised from the fact that not only was he able to come to terms with Prime Minister Nehru but impressed Sardar Patel with his “ earnestness and visible sincerity” . At that time opinion in the Indian Cabinet was sharply divided over the desirability of coming to a settlement with Pakistan. Two ministers—Shyama Prashad Mukerji and K.C. Neogy—resigned in protest against Nehru-Liaquat Pact. Patel, also, was of two minds, but Liaquat was able to persuade him to make this efibrt to bring the two countries closer. In a broadcast from Calcutta on 21 April 1950, Patel said : I also know that my West Bengal friends are definitely worried about the concept of an Islamic State and the conse­ quences which, in the light of history, such a concept is taken to entail. In the face of a clear acceptance of fundamental principles o f democracy by the Prime Minister of Pakistan we have no alternative but to mark time and to put it to the test. The one thing that made a profound impression on me in accepting Prime Minister’s assurances at their face value was the earnestness and visible sincerity with which he laid stress on the need of bringing the two countries closer in our hfetime. We have at least the background of previous associations and of past friend­ ship and goodwill; the new generation will grow under the full belief and faith in absolute separation.^ With regard to Nehru-Liaquat Pact, N.V. Gadgil who was a minister in N ehru’s cabinet, but belonged to Patel’s party, has

made some important revelations. In his account of his experiences as a minister of Government of India, Gadgil says that originally Nehru-Liaquat Pact contained two paragraphs accepting the “ principle of reservation for Muslims in proportion to their population in all the services and representative bodies in the constituent states of India. Similar provisions were suggested for the Central Government also.” ^ The present writer, who was one of the officials attached to the Pakistan Delegation at the time of Nehru-Liaquat Pact, knows it to be a fact that provisions for similar safeguards for the Hindus in East Pakistan, etc., also had been made. Gadgil does not bring this out, but points out that when the draft agreement was brought before the Indian Cabinet, he strongly objected to the relevant paragraphs and said, “ These two paragraphs must go lock, stock and barrel. . . .” 7 Nehru pointed out that he had. already “ agreed to this with Liaquat Ali Khan.” 8 Gadgil was, in due course, supported by Patel and the relevant paragraphs were dropped. Curiously enough, Gadgil has based his opposition to safeguards for minorities on the basis of secularism! He told Patel, “ We have decided upon a secular Government. This agreement destroys this conception” ^—as if secularism is opposed to ensuring for the minorities their due share in administration and political life! The incident is another illustration of the manner in which elforts of the Pakistan Government—and noncommunal Hindus—to obtain a fair deal for minorities were thwarted. Gadgil makes no secret of the fact that he was opposed to the very principles of the Liaquat-Nehru Pact and there were others in the Indian Cabinet—like Shyama Prashad Mukerji— who shared his views. He says, “ Pakistan was encouraged in its policies by this Pact. Communal Muslims in India get a strong shot in the arm because of it. I felt at the time that it was injurious to the security of the country and I still feel so.” io With people in key positions in India holding these views, it is hardly a matter for surprise that the efforts of Nehru and Liaquat had only temporary and limited results. Nehru-Liaquat Pact did not bring about all the results that were expected. They were, indeed, impossible of achievement

without India’s sincerity in carrying out her commitments regard­ ing Kashmir, but an ugly situation in both countries was avoided. In internal matters Liaquat Ali Khan followed an equally sound! policy. Under his guidance every effort was made to run theadministration on sound, healthy and progressive Hnes. There is not a small danger of an atmosphere of “ palace” or “ court’’" intrigues developing round seats of authority in Eastern countries. Adventurers are not lacking amongst politicians—and even civil servants '.—who for short-sighted gain might encourage the dev­ elopment of such an atmosphere. Pakistan has, of course, been lucky in this as the Quaid-i-Azam set up very high traditions. He was all-powerful in the state which he brought into existence but he exercised his power in a constitutional, well-regulated and con­ scientious manner, worthy of the most progressive and advanced', countries. Liaquat Ali Khan maintained the high traditions he inherited from the Quaid. There was nobody who was moreanxious to uphold the independence and prestige of the Pakistan Public Service Commission than the Prime Minister and hisactions were directed towards seeing that Government should be run on well-recognised and sound principles rather than according: to the personal idiosyncrasy of any Minister or himself. The Quaid was very keen to raise the standard of political life in Pakistan. He had no hesitation in dismissing an all-powerful provincial Premier because allegations of maladministration and nepotism were received against him. One of the measures which he brought on the Statute Book within the first year of the inception of Pakistan was the Anti-Corruption Act and he took immediate steps to set up a machinery for enforcing the Act. Liaquat Ali Khan more than maintained Quaid’s policy in thisrespect. At least, in the beginning, his position was not as strong, as that of the Quaid in dealing with powerful politicians, who allowed serious abuses to creep into their administration. As a matter of fact, in the opinion of some shrewd observers, he did himself some damage and made powerful enemies for himself when he insisted on the Quaid’s policy being followed with regard to certain politicians in the Punjab and Bengal. But it is greatly to his credit that he ignored these considerations and did his best

to build up a healthy and clean political life in Pakistan. One of the major problems with which Liaquat Ali Khan had to deal soon after the Quaid’s death rejated to the adjustment of modernist and traditional viewpoints about the future of Pakis­ tan. This is a problem with which all Muslim states have had to deal and their solutions have differed widely—frorii secularism of Turkey to extreme traditionalism of Saudi Arabia. In Pakistan the problem assumed a sharp political shape on account of the activities of Maulana Maududi and Jamaat-i-lslami. Maulana TVfaududi, who was at one time the editor of Al-Jamiat, is a brilliant writer on religious subjects. Some years before the Partition he settled down at Pathankot in East Punjab, and started urging the establishment of Hakumat-i-Iiahia in the pages ■of his Tarjuman-ul-Quran. He took no part in the struggle for Pakistan and in fact he and his companions were generally criti­ cal of the Muslim League leadership. Massacres of East Punjab, however, forced him and his companions to seek asylum in Pakistan and he established his headquarters at Lahore. Here, he and his organisation started a campaign for replacement of the Pakistan. Penal Code and other statutes in operation during the British period by Islamic Law and acceptance of the view that the •Constituent Assembly of Pakistan or Muslim legislature had no right to frame any constitution or initiate any laws which were not provided for in the Quran, as interpreted by qualified ulama. He made the following four-fold demand from the Pakistan Con­ stituent Assembly in an interview which he gave to a representa­ tive of the Dawn in April 1948H : (1) Acknowledgment of the sovereignty of God (as against the sovereignty of the people in democracy); (2) acceptance of the Shariat as the basis of the constitution ; (3) amendment of anti-Islamic laws and an assurance that no law contrary to the Shariat will be enacted ; and (4) the Pakistan Government to exercise its power within the limits of the Shariat. In dealing with Maulana Maududi the Government of Pakis■tan—a League Government—did not allow itself to be influenced

by his past attitude towards the Muslim League. In fact, shortly after Partition, Jamaat-i-Islami offered their assistance in looking after certain refugee camps and the Punjab Government gladly accepted this offer of co-operation. The Maulana was more than welcome at the Radio Pakistan—a State-controlled organisation —and he broadcast a number of talks from Lahore Radio Station. Soon, however, it appeared that the extremism of the Maulana would involve him in a conflict with the Government. He, for example, advised Government servants against signing a pledge demanded by the West Punjab Government, until that Govern­ ment became Islamic. He also expressed the view that fighting in Kashmir, where a large number of Pathans had gone to the rescue of their Muslim brethren, was not Jehad, as Pakistan had treaties with India. This view was severely criticised in the press and action was taken, by the West Punjab Government, to detain the Maulana under Punjab Public Safety Act in October 1948. Shortly thereafter, the question of enunciating the principles under which Pakistan’s constitution should be framed came before the Constituent Assembly, and Liaquat Ali Khan made it clear that though his Government did not share Maulana M aududi’s views about the future of Pakistan, they were deter­ mined to give the people the constitution wanted by them. On 7 March 1949, Liaquat Ali Khan brought before the Constituent Assembly what has been known as the Objectives Resolution and delivered a long speech in explaining its provisions. In the course of the discussions that followed the Leader of the Congress Party in the Assembly stated that he had consulted “ some Lahore U l a m a ” i 2 and had been informed that a non-Muslim could not hold an ofSce of importance in an Islamic State. Liaquat Ali Khan corrected him and stated that this would not apply to the state which they were envisaging and issued a warn­ ing, on the floor of the house, to those Lahore ulama who were misleading the public. The full text of the Objectives Resolution was as follows : Whereas sovereignty over the entire Universe belongs to Allah Almighty alone, and the authority which He has delegated to the 30

State of Pakistan through its people for being exercised within the limits prescribed by Him is a sacred tru s t; This Constituent Assembly representing the people of Pakistan resolves to frame a constitution for the sovereign independent State of Pakistan; Wherein the State shall exercise its powers and authority through the chosen representatives of the people; Wherein the principles of democracy, freedom, equality, toler­ ance and social justice as enunciated by Islam shall be fully observed ; Wherein the Muslims shall be enabled to order their lives in the individual and collective spheres in accord with the teaching and requirements of Islam as set out in the Holy Quran and the Sunna; Wherein adequate provision shall be made for the minorities freely to profess and practise their religions and develop their cultures; Whereby the territories now included in or in accession with Pakistan and such other territories as may hereafter be included in or accede to Pakistan shall form a Federation wherein the units will be autonomous with such boundaries and limitations on their powers and authority as may be prescribed ; Wherein shall be guaranteed fundamental rights including equality of status, of opportunity before law, social, economic and political justice, and freedom of thought, expression, belief, faith, worship and association, subject to law and public m orality; Wherein adequate provision shall be made to safeguard the legitimate interests of minorities and backward and depressed classes; Wherein the independence of the judiciary shall be fully secured; Wherein the integrity of the territories of the Federation, its. independence and all its rights including its sovereign rights on land, see and air shall be safeguarded ; So that the people of Pakistan may prosper and attain their rightful and honoured place amongst the nations of the world and make their full contribution towards international peace and progress and happiness of humanity. The Objectives Resolution is a brief document, but its signifi­ cance is realised if its background and the acute controversies it successfully resolved are taken into consideration. The basic

stand of the Jamaat-i-Islami which had carried on most active propaganda in favour of an Islamic State, but (curiously or characteristically?) had not joined the struggle for the establish­ ment of Pakistan, was that sovereignty (including the law-making power) belongs to God alone and the legislature (or rather, the ulama) can only interpret what have been revealed as Divine Ordinances. This would have left no law-making power with the legislature, and completely diluted its authority. The Objectives Resolution attempted to reconcile the conflicting viewpoints by affirming that the “ sovereignty over the entire Universe belongs to Allah Almighty alone” but followed it up by referring to “ the sovereign independent State of Pakistan” and stipulated that the authority “ within the limits prescribed by Him” was to be exer­ cised by the people of Pakistan. Limitations on the power of legislature were few. They related to the future alone, and excluded only those laws which were definitely “ repugnant to the Quran and Sunna.” This left a vast field, in fact the main field, of modern legislative activity, to be operated in accordance with the traditions and requirements of the Muslim community and according to sound, healthy principles of Islamic law, under the sovereign authority of legislature. One demand of the Jamaat-i-Islami was that Pakistan should formally declare itself to be an Islamic State. The Objectives Resolution did not provide for this, but the only clause added in 1956 to the Objectives Resolution of 1949 and retained in the Preamble to the Constitution of 1962, laid down that “ Pakistan would be a democratic State based on Islamic principles of social justice.” This, also, is something different from the theocratic state, which is the basic goal of the Jamaat. The other important demand on behalf of the group advocat­ ing an Islamic State was that the Muslims of Pakistan should be compelled to live in accordance with the teachings of the Quran and the Sunna. The relevant provision in the Objectives Reso­ lution was that the “ Muslims of Pakistan should be enabled individually and. collectively to order their lives in accordance with the teachings o! Islam as set out in the Holy Qiiran and the Sunna.” The significance of the omission of an expression

incorporating the idea of “ compulsion” and selection of the ■word “ enabled” can be realised, if it is'recalled that Maulana Shabbir Ahmad Usmani, the acknowledged leader of the Muslim theologians, was a member of the Sub-Committee which drafted the Objectives Resolution, and co-piloted it along with the Prime Minister, in the Constituent Assembly. The entire ap­ proach of the Objectives Resolution was that while Pakistan should be a progressive, modern state and not a theocratic, medieval government like the former Saudi Arabia or Yemen, yet every attempt should be made to translate the people’s dream of an Islamic social order into action. The Constitution of 1956 and following it the Constitution of 1962 maintained the same approach. The idea of “ compulsion” in the fields normally left out of the purview of a modern state was not incorporated but elaborate provision was made through directive principles not ■only for “ enabling” the people to order their lives in accordance with the Quran and the Sunna but also for their Islamic education and for propagation of Islamic values. At least, some Western scholars have grasped the historic importance of the Objectives Resolution. For example. Professor ■Grunebaum, after reproducing the Resolution in extenso (and referring to some provisions of the Constitution of Pakistan) remarks, “ It would seem to me that on the theoretical level at least, as good an integration of traditional and Western ideas has been reached in this document as one might reasonably expect, and later he adds that “ the attempted bridging of the gap "between the Muslim tradition and the Western-inspired idea of the nation-state deserves the greatest attention. If the balanced and comprehensive approach to the ideologi­ cal problem which Liaquat Ali Khan had been advocating suc­ ceeds and can be worked out in detail by scholars and thinkers, he would have rendered a great service not only to Pakistan but to many other Muslim countries which are faced with the same problem. Of course, this is not going to be easy. If it is to be achieved, Pakistan will have to produce another Iqbal—or at least somebody who, working on the foundations 'already laid by -Shah Waliullah and Iqbal, can attempt a new synthesis. This may

or may not be possible in the near future, but at any rate Liaquat Ali Khan deserves credit for having maintained a sane^ and balanced stand—in spite of criticism from those who do not fully realise the implications of Maulana Maududi’s original viewpoint. Liaquat Ali Khan was, by all accounts, a great success as a Prime Minister, but two im portant factors which contributed to this deserve to be mentioned. One is the spirit and the quality dis­ played by the average Pakistani. Of course, the leaders and the Government have helped but the real explanation of Pakistan’s ability to deal successfully with her heart-breaking problems lay in the tenacity, fanatical devotion and self-sacrifice of the man in the street. Nobody was more conscious of this than Liaquat. While addressing the Chicago Council on Foreign Relations, during his tour of the United States, he stated frankly: W hat enabled Pakistan to tide over the post-Partition prob­ lems was neither experience nor skill—for we possessed little o f either—but the sheer determination of the people and their intense patriotism. This continues to be our greatest asset and is a very steadying factor in an uncertain part of the world. The second important factor is the ability and patriotism dis­ played by some Government servants. When Pakistan came into being, the number of senior, trained and experienced Muslims in the services was very small. To some extent the gap was filled by employment of foreign personnel, but the brunt has been borne by the Pakistani officers. This was possible only because several amongst them did the work of two or three men and sacrificed all social pleasures, comforts and amenities to give Pakistan a chance. Of course, this was not true of all or perhaps even majority of Government servants, but the proportion of such officers had been substantial enough to enable Pakistan to tide over her initial handicaps. This aspect of the new state has been duly noticed by foreign observers. After a visit to Karachi, in 1949, A.D. Mani, Editor, Hitavada, wrote in Free Press Journal oT Bombay, that in Pakistan “ the devotion of the services to the welfare of the State, as they conceive it, is far more pronounced” than in India. “ The services in Pakistan, by and large, are

prepared to undergo any sacrifice, for the maintenance of the stability of the Pakistan State.” i5 The tradition of criticising bureaucracy is so deep-rooted in this subcontinent that it is diflScult for the civil servants to expect bouquets from their own press, but the role of services in making a success of “ a mutilated” Pakistan has been so distin­ guished that even the press in Pakistan cannot ignore it. In a leading article Morning News of Dacca wrote : There is general public acknowledgment of the fact that since partition quite a number of the officers of the Pakistan Adminis­ trative and Police Service in East Pakistan have risen to un­ attainable heights in discharging loyally and efficiently their duties by the State and the people. Pakistan has been well served by her officers but cannot Liaquat Ali Khan claim some credit for making a suitable selec­ tion of key-men? When the Quaid-i-Azam died and Liaquat stepped into his shoes, The Observer of London wrote about him; . . .But most valuable to him [Liaquat Ali Khan] now is the experience he gained through 21 years of administration, with the insight into character and the practice in choosing men that this gave him. Under Liaquat’s leadership, Pakistan was able to belie the forebodings of those who thought that with Jinnah’s death “ the house that Jinnah built” would collapse. He consolidated the foundations and began to build up the new edijSce. With his charm, intelligence and good sense he impressed all those who came in contact with him and was able to raise the prestige of the country. In March 1950 he toured U.S.A. at the invitation of the government and favourably impressed those he met. Internation­ ally, he was thought a worthy successor of the Quaid-i-Azam. It would, however, be idle to pretend that he possessed the Quaid’s authority. He maintained his position more as an arbitrator than as a leader, and met with one or two serious reverses. His dismissal of Mamdot Government displeased many who had faced and brought to knees the Unionist regime in 1947. The Governor-General Khwaja Nazim-ud-Din condemned the Punjab

Government in strong language, echoing the thoughts and style of Sir Francis Mudie. The fact that Khan ofM am dot was ultimately found “ not guilty” of the charges against him under PROD A, strengthened the feeling that he had not received a fair deal, and even Liaquat found it necessary to curb the autocracy of the British Governor. He suggested the appointment of Advisers, in the absence of a Council of Ministers, and considering that after the resignation of the Congress ministers in 1939, even the British authorities had appointed Advisers to assist the provincial Governors, the step proposed by Liaquat was fully justified. Mudie, however, resisted and Liaquat allowed him to resign and leave. The decision of Liaquat’s Government to accept the cease-fire in Kashmir as from 1 January 1949 has also been criticised. Maj.-General Fazal Muqeem Khan in his The Story o f the Pakistan Army refers to “ the army’s horror” at the timing of the d e c isi^ . He has pointed out in the Preface that the “ views expressed and comipents made” in his book are entirely his own, but there seems little doubt that this feeling was widespread. A fair judgment on this question cannot be passed till all relevant data are available and all considerations underlying this fateful decision are known—and after Liaquat’s death that may not be possible. It is certain that the announcement of the cease-fire was a source of keen disappointment to those heroic and resourceful army officers and personnel who had secured notable success and were on the eve of further victories in the area, but according to the information available Liaquat had to keep the overall picture in view. Apparently, he had been given to understand that if the Pakistani thrust continued, India would carry the war into the neighbouring plains which had been substantially denuded of troops to support the effort in Kashmir. The correct assessment of the situation can now only be a niatter of speculation, but after the events of Septemper 1965 it is difficult to hold that Liaquat’s decision in December 1948 was necessarily wrong and not an act o f a statesman and a true patriot. A development which m u st have caused Liaquat great personal disappointment and which led to delay in the country’s progress

on the constitutional road was the successful resistance to the Interim Report of the Basic Principles Committee which he sub­ mitted to the Constituent Assembly in September 1950. There was such widespread opposition to these proposals that they had to be withdrawn. This was the low ebb o f Liaquat’s political career, but there is no doubt that he would have, in course of time, found a solution. Unluckily he was not spared long for the purpose ; on 16 October 1951, he fell a martyr to the bullet of an assassin. His death was a staggering blow to Pakistan, and the ship of the new state entered troubled waters, but by then its seaworthiness had been established. The extent of Liaquat’s—and his co-workers’—achievements may be measured by the observation of two responsible foreign­ ers. Our first quotation is from O.M. Green’s review of Making o f Pakistan by Richard Symonds. In the course of the review. Green observed that the creation and rapid consolidation of Pakistan was “ one of the greatest romances of history” and pointed out how Pakistan had belied the forebodings of those who thought that Pakistan would not prove viable or durable. He wrote : No birth was ever more frowned upon by Cassandras than Pakistan’s. How triumphantly she has defeated the prophets of woe, creating out of nothingness a stable Government with balanced budget, favourable trade balance and foreign policy of its own, is now for the first time comprehensively told by Mr. Symonds. Green’s review appeared in The Observer of London on 30 April 1950, i.e. a little more than a year before Liaquat’s death. The next quotation is from the pen of a distinguished American, David E. Lilienthal, a former Chairman of the worldfamous Tennesse Valley Authority. He wrote in the course of an article which was reproduced in The Hindu, Madras, on 26 August 1951, i.e. a few weeks before the sad end of L iaquat: Pakistan is a country that is moving towards the kind of modern outlook that in a brief span of years transformed a past-ridden Turkey into a forward-looking nation, a bulwark of strength to the free world. Democracy and democratic ways

now have a great foothold in this new nation of Pakistan. Her people, with great courage, have surmounted amazing difficulties these past four years. She has survived a stupid economic war against her by her big neighbour In d ia; has made headway in the emancipation of women from their thirteeuth-century status; is developing irrigation, agriculture and industry with an energy and practical approach th at is inspiring to see. The Pakistanis as individuals are a delightful people, ap­ proachable, friendly, charming in manner and custom; their diplo­ matic representatives in the United States and at the UN are exceptionally able and attractive individuals. But war [with India over the Canal Waters] would reverse the whole trend in Pakistan, put a stop to development, put religious fanaticism and the reactionaries ip. the saddle. In his study in Karachi I visited Pakistan’s Prime Minister,, Liaqat Ali Khan, a mild-mannered lawyer, a partition refugee from western United Provinces and East Punjab, very Western in dress, appearance and speech. Liaqat never raised his voice, never spoke in bitterness. But his resolution was plain, and what he said, when he put the case of Pakistan, was as strong as words could make it. The above remarks are of particular interest, not only for the personal references they contain to Pakistan’s first Prime Minister but also for showing that by the end of Liaquat’s regime, Pakistan had enough achievements to its credit to interest foreign statesmen in the advantages of its survival and continued progress!

Notes 1. K.S.P. Menon, M any Worlds, p . 137. 2. Yad-i-Ayyam, p. 262. 3. Quoted in M. Rafiq Afzal, Introduction to Speeches and Statements^ o f Quaid-i-Millat Liaquat Ali Khan (1941-51), p. v. 4. Ibid., p. vi. 5. The Statesman, 23 April 1950. 6. N . V. Gadgil, Government From Inside, p. 86. 7. Ibid., p. 87. 8. Ibid. 9. Ibid. 10. Ibid., p. 88.

11. Daivn, 6 April 1948. 12. The statem ent was universally taken to refer to ulama o f Jam aati-Islam i and this has not been contradicted either by the speaker o r by the Jam aat. 13. G.E.V. G runebaum , Modern Islam, p. 230, 14. Ibid. 15. Free Press Journal, 19 September 1949. 16. Morning News, Dacca, 13 M ay 1950*

Appendix I

C U LTU R AL B A SIS OF H IN DU -M U SLIM N SE PA R A T ISM N pages 30 and 31 a references has been made to the beginning of Hindi-Urdu controversy in the seventh decade of the last century and an account given of Syed Ahmed Khan’s conversations with the Commissioner of Benares in 1867 as well as a translation of his letter, dated 29 April 1870, prophesying that the Hindu attempt to replace Urdu by Hindi would strike at the root of Hindu-Muslim unity. Dr Asoke Majumdar’si Advent o f Independence provides im portant additional material regarding the cultural history of the period. As this book is not easily available in Pakistan, some of the relevant details are given below. The data provided by Dr Asoke Majumdar clearly indicates that the Hindus took the lead in Hindu-Muslim separatism. After referring to “ the beginning of the nationalist movement which was essentially Hindu and Bengali in character,” 2 he points out that the successors of Ram Mohan Roy “ were essentially Hindu religious or social reformers” . By 1867 the idea of Hindu-nationalism was finding expression in influential quarters. In that year, “ Rajnarain Bose (maternal grandfather of Sri Aurobindo) who started the idea of nationalism in Bengal” initiated “ the Hindumela, which met annually from 1867 to 1880, and for which Tagore wrote two charming songs. Inspired by the Hindu-mela, the ‘National Society’ was founded in 1870 to promote unity and national feelings among the H i n d u s . W h e n objection was taken to the use of the word “ national” for a Hindu organisation, the National Paper, the organ of the Hindu-mela replied, “ We do not understand why our correspondent takes exception to the Hindus [s/c] who certainly form a nation by themselves, and as

O

such a society established by them can very properly be called a national society.” ** Dr Majumdar points out “ that in those days and even later the term ‘Bengali’ meant only the Hindu residents of Bengal, while the Muslims of Bengal were invariably referred to as Muslims. The only other large group of Muslims was to be found in the Punjab, but the Bengalis invariably referred to the Sikhs when speaking of the ‘Punjabis’ and it was the martial exploits of th& Sikhs which raised an echo in the hearts of the Bengali national­ ists. They also took to heart the struggle of the Marathas and the Rajputs against the Muslims. Bankim wrote several historical novels painting the Rajput princes as the flower of chivalry and the Muslims—with one exception—as discomfited villains. These novels were translated in all the Indian languages and their effectscan be imagined. Bankim’s novels were based on Tod’s Annals and Antiquities o f Rajasthan which sustained the Hindu revivalist movement to a degree not usually appreciated.” 5 He adds,. “ Tagore wrote poems on Rajput, Sikh and M aratha heroes, but except for the solitary poem on the Tajmahal where he had to bring in Shahjahan, no figure of Muslim India stirred his imagi­ nation to bring out a verse. . . . The result was that the Bengali language which developed during the nineteenth century produced a ‘Hindu’ literature.” ® The same separatist trend was now visible with regard to Persian, which bad been extensively cultivated by the Hindus^ of Bengal till the early years of the nineteenth century.7 As Dr Majumdar points out, “ Raja Ram Mohan Roy knew both Persian and Arabic but none of his successors did, who were all Sanskrit s c h o l a r s . ’ ’^ He remarks elsewhere; “ [Rabindra Nath] Tagore’s father had some poems of Hafiz translated into Bengali. Tagore must have read it, but I have failed to trace any mention of Hafiz in Tagore’s work. Other Tagores of the poet’s generation translated important works into Bengali, his brother having translated Tilak’s M arathi G/7ara/;aj;>'a.Vivekananda’s father also was a great admirer of Hafiz but he had not read the Gita. Vivekananda, on the other hand, was a good Sanskrit scholar, but knew no Persian. Developments similar to those which made Bengali a Hindu

language also took place in other modern languages in Hindu areas. Dr Majumdar.writes, “ The other modern Indian languages also developed rapidly during the nineteenth century; of the South Indian languages, Tamil had a long tradition behind it, but entirely Hindu, and was developed by the Hindu writers. Modern Marathi inherited the tradition of the medieval saints like Namadeva and Jnanadeva; Gujarati, Oriya, and Assamese, also followed similar trends. The literary movement in India, of which they felt justly proud, was essentially the work pf Hindu writers, based largely either on Sanskrit or medieval Bhakti literature ; new ideas were borrowed from English literature. Developments in predominantly Hindu areas or even in Bengal did not lead to any serious problem. According to Dr Majumdar, “ This was possible because in all these areas Muslims were an insignificant minority, and in Bengal far behind the Hindus intellectually; but trouble arose in the Hindi-speaking area where Urdu had so far been the dominant language.” !! With regard to Hindi-Urdu controversy, about which Syed Ahmed Khan’s reaction has been given elsewhere, Majumdar says, “ In the early nineteenth century Hindustani, or the language of Upper India, really signified Urdu. It is difficult to determine as to when the Hindus began to agitate against Urdu, but beginning from 1869 the Hindus are found organising meetings to mobilise public opinion and appealing to the govern­ ment to replace Urdu, a Muslim language, by Hiridi, ‘the national language of the country’. In Bihar, then a part of Bengal, orders were issued to replace Urdu by Hindi written in Nagri characters; persistent attempts were made to ignore the order and was only given effect to in 1881 after peremptory orders had been issued by Sir Ashley Eden, the Lt.-Governor.” i2 According to Majumdar, Bengali officers serving in Bihar played an impor­ tant part in replacement of Urdu by Hindi in that area. “ At this time Bihar was administratively a part of Bengal and the intro­ duction of Hindi was mainly .due to the Bengali oflBcers to whom Sanskritized Hindi presented no difficulty. As Sanskrit was printed in Nagri script, they preferred Nagri to the unknown Arabic script of Urdu. ” 13 In course of time the demand was also taken up in U.P. Majumdar says elsewhere, “ A lecture on

Nagree vs. Urdu was delivered by Baboo Boodhee Bullubh Punt at Nynee Tal Institution on August 28, 1869. Boodhee Bullubh’s lecture was virulently anti-Urdu. The President, Mr. Gutiga D utt Punt in course of his speech said that ‘as Urdoo only took its rise on the conquest of the country' by the Mahomedans and as it was for the convenience of the said conquerors that it was introduced, now that the Mahomedans haVe in their turn been conquered by a race talking neither Urdoo nor Hindi, the national language of the country should be reverted to, v/z., Hindi____’ ” 14 Incidentally Majumdar gives some interesting details regard­ ing the Muslims of Bengal. After referring to the series of the Wahabi trials from 1864 to 1871, he says, “ The result o f the post-Mutiny activities of the Wahabis, however, was inimical to the interests of their community. The British became convinced that neither the Sikhs nor the Marathas, but the Muslims were their real and implacable enemy. The Muslims of Bengal had taken the most active part in the Wahabi ’movement, while those of U.P. were quite indifferent to it. So the Bengali Muslims were gradual ly deprived of government patronage and jobs, while no harm befell the U.P. M u s l i m s . ” i 5 Even before this, Bengali Muslims had suffered owing to their poor knowledge of English, and peculiar local regulations which affected them adversely. “ In the U .P., knowledge o f English was not essential for several important appointments, but it was made obligatory in Bengal where the Muslims stood aloof from the new schools and colleges.” !® Majumdar adds, “ But in 1863, Nawab Abdul Latif, who had been opposing the Wahabi movement, founded the pro-British Muhammadan Literary Society, and five years later (January 30,1868) made a vigorous plea for the English education of Muslim boys and suggested the elevation of the Anglo-Persian depart­ ment of the Calcutta Madrassa to the status of a college. Abdul Latif’s idea was partly realized in 1873, when the munificent legacy of Muhammad Mohsin was converted into a Trust Fund to pay two-thirds of the fees of any Muslim student in any English school or college in Bengal.” 17 Later, according to D r Majumdar, another factor crept in so far as the Bengali Muslims were concerned. “ Their leaders like Amir Ali and Abdul Latif

insisted that Urdu and not Bengali was the language of the Bengali Muslims, and that instructions should either be given in Urdu or in a highly Persianized Bengali. Though the Government remained somewhat indifferent to this demand, the Muslims took it up seriously till the formation of Pakistan, after which the East Pakistani Muslims began to agitate for the recognition of Bengali as their national language, and a few Muslim students, were shot dead at Dacca by the Muslim Police. But till 1947, the Bengali Muslims considered Bengali as a Hindu language, and Urdu as their mother tongue. The non-Bengali Muslims, like Amir Ali or Abul Kalam Azad never learned Bengali, and this ignorance was a hallmark of aristocracy in Muslim Bengal.” i*

Notes 1. D t Asoke M ajum dar is the son of the well-known Indian historian, R. C . M ajumdar, and is Assistant Editor o f the series. H istory and Culture o f th e Indian People, being published by B haratiya V idya Bhavan, Bombay. 2. A.K. M ajum dar, Advent o f Independence, p. 39. 3. Ibid., pp. 39-40. 4. Ibid., p. 40. 5. Ibid., pp. 40-1. 6 . I b i d . , p. 4 ] , 7. F o r a remarkable study o f the interest shown in Persian and U rdu by Bengali H indus during the nineteenth century see Shanti Ranjan B hattacharya’s Bengali Hinduon k i Urdu Khidmat' (Urdu). 8. M ajumdar, op. d t., p. 41. 9. Ibid., p. 57. 10. Ibid., p. 41. 11. Ibid. 12. Ibid., pp. 41-2. 13. Ibid., p. 57. 14. Ibid. 15. Ibid., p, 43. 16. Ibid. ' 17. Ibid., p. 44. 18. Ibid., pp. 44, 45.

QUAID-I-AZAM’S O^FER OF A JOINT DEFENCE PACT WITH INDIA AND PRIME MINISTER NEHRU’S REACTION

iH E following extracts are from an account of the interview given by the Quaid-i-Azam to D r Eric Streiff, special cor­ respondent of the Neue Zurcher Zeitung, Zurich (Switzer­ land) : Q. Is there any hope of India and Pakistan coming to a peaceful settlement of their 6wn with regard to their diiferences and disputes on very vital and important matters ? A. Yes, provided the Indian Government will shed the superiority complex and will deal with Pakistan on an equal footing and fully appreciate the realities. Q. In international affairs, will Pakistan and India work jointly and also join hands for the defence of their borders—both land and sea—and co-operate against any outside aggression ? A. Personally, I have no doubt in my mind that our own paramount interests demand that the Dominion of Pakistan and the Dominion of India should co-ordinate for the purpose of playing their part in international affairs and the developments that may take place, and also it is of vital importance to Pakistan and India as independent sovereign States to collaborate in a friendly way jointly to defehd their frontiers both on land and sea against any aggression. But this depends entirely on whether Pakistan and India can resolve their own differences and grave domestic issues in the first instance. In other words, if we can put our house in order internally, then we may be able to play a very great part external:iy in all international affairs {Dawn, Karachi, 12 March 1948).

T

II New Delhi, 29 March ; The Prime Minister, Pandit Jawahar Lai Nehru, indicated in the Indian Legislature today that the Government of India would gladly consider the question of joint defence with Pakistan “ when the time is ripe for it” . Replying to Mr Brajoshwar Prasad, Pandit Nehru said that Government had seen the Press report regading Mr Jinnah’s offer to a Joint Defence Pact between India and Pakistan. Q. Have the Government of India been approached either officially or non-officially by the Government of Pakistan for the conclusion of a joint defence pact ? Pandit N eh ru ; Government have received no such offer either officially or otherwise. The question of joint defence, however, is important from the point of view of both India and Pakistan and Government will gladly consider this when the time is ripe for it .—A P I {Dawn Karachi, 31 March 1948).

LIST OF THE PRESIDENTS OF THE ALL-INDIA MUSLIM LEAGUE Year

Name o f the President

1907 Adamjee Pirbhoy 1908 Sir Ali Imam 1909 Sir Agha Khan 1910 Nabiullah 1912 Nawab Salimullah 1913 Sir Muhammad Shafi 1915 Mazhar-ul-Haq 1916 M. A. Jinnah 1917 M aulana Muhammad Ali 1918 A.K. Fazlul Haq 1919 Hakim Ajmal Khan 1920 Dr M. A. Ansari 1921 Maulana Hasrat Mohani 1923 Ghulam Muhammad Bhurgri 1924 M.A. Jinnah 1925 Sir Abdur Rahim 1926 Sir Abdul Qadir 1927 Sir Mohammad Yaqub 1929 M.A. Jinnah 1930 Sir Mohammad Iqbal 1931 Sir Zafrullah Khan 1933 K.B. Haiiz Hidayat Husain 1934 M.A. Jinnah 1936 Sir Wazir Hasan 1937-47 Quaid-i-Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah

INDEX

Abbasids, 179 Abbasid E m pire, 3 A b botabad, 322 Abbot, Sir Jam es, 233 Abdul Aziz, 222, 253 Abdul Aziz, Ch.. 252 Abdul Aziz, Shah, 11, 116 Abdul Bari. M aulana, 74, 90, 108 Abdul Ghaffar K han, K han, 147, 322 S ; see also Frontier G andhi Abdul G hani, Sir, 94 Abdul H ai, 11 Abdul H alim S harar, 125 Abdul H am id, Aga, 396 Abdul H am id K han Bashani, 272, 281 Abdul H am id. Mirza, 263 Abdul H am id, Sufi, 260 Abdul H am id, Sultan, 134 Abdul H aq. Maulvi, 64, 78, 266 A bdul H aq, MiaD, 171 Abdul H aq Muhaddi^. Sheikh, 7 A bdullah Brelvi, Syed, 143 A bdullah H aroon, H aji Sir, 264, 354 Abdullah, Sheikh, 437 Abdul L atif, D r Syed, 65 Abdul L atif (Judge), 199 Abdul L atif, N aw ab, 90, 91, 278, 478 Abdul M ajid D-aryabadi, 147, 176 Abdul Majid, Mian, 253 Abdul Majid Qureshi. 222 Abdul Majid Sindhi, Sheikh, 314 Abdul Malek, 301 Abdul Q adir Qasuri, Maulana, 252, 359

Abdul Qadir, Sir. 56, 161, 203, 204. 213, 222. 263, 266, 272 Abdul Qayum. Sahibzada Sir, 229, 318, fi. Abdul R ab N ishtar, Sardar, 229, 323 Abdul R ahim , Sheikh, 273 Abdul Rahim K han-i-K hanan, Khan-i-Azam , 5 Abdul R ahim , Munshi, 199 Abdul Rahim , Sir, 81, 206, 275, 276, 282 fi., 297 Abdul R ahm an Siddiqi, 227 Abdul Rauf, Sahibzada, 320 Abdul Salam K hurshid, 261, 262, 265 Abdul S a tta r K han N iazi, 262, 263 Abdur Rab, A.S.M., 303 3. Abdur Rahim , K hwaja, 171 Abdus S atta r, Pirzada, 316 Abdus Sobhan Chowdhry, !Nawab, 272 Abell, George, 383, 405, 406 Abu H anifa. Im am , 121, 123 Abu Husain Sarkar, 281, 288, 294 Abul Fazl, 5, 6, 7, 21 Abu! Hashem, 294, 300, 301 Abul K asim , 279, 282 Academy of Authors {see also D arul-Musannifin), 118 A chyut P atw ardhan, 16, 43, 57 adl, 11 Afghanistan, 74, 114, 155, 170, 28+ A ftab Ahmad K han, Sahibzada, 25, 114, 272 A gaK han, 81. 82, 8 ^ 103, 110, 138, 159, 173, 182 ff., 223, 268, 341, 352, 354, 355, 357, 432

Agra, 40 Ahad Shah, K hwaja, 204, 205 Ahimsa, 61 Ahmad B jkhsh, Nawab, 20 Ahmadis, 53 Ahmad K hittu , B aba, 64 Ahmad K aza K han, Maulvi, 116 , 117 Ahmad Saeed K han, Nawab, 454 Ahmad Shuja, Hakim , 108 Ahmedabad, 9, 64, 457, 459 Ahmednagar 144 Ahmednagar F ort, 145 Ahrars, 174, 358. 363 Ahsan-ud-Din, P ir, 171 Ahsanullah, K han B ahadur, 94, 29 J Ain-i-Akbari, 21 Ajmal K han, H akim , 81, 95, 143, 155 Ajmer, 105, 206, : Akalis, 393, 394, 405 Akbar, 5, 6, 8, 17, 19, 21 Akbar H ydri, Sir, 2^5 Akbar Shah II, 17,18 Akbar Shah K han N ajibadadi, 175 Akram K han, M aulana, 279, 281 290, 294, 296, 307 Ala-ud-Din K halji, 4 Al-Bilagh, 141 Alexander, 67 Alexander, A V., 371 Alexandria, 122 Al-Paruq. 121, 123 Al-Ghazali, 123 Al-Hilal. 127, 131, 136 ff„ 151. 152, 160. 165 . Al-Hilal Press, 141 AH Ahmad, Syed, 278 AH B rothers, 152, 166, 206, 221 Aligarh, 25, 28, 35. 36. 38, 41, 46, 49, 68, 73 ff„ 90, 99, 103, 106, 108, -109,110, 113, 114, 115, 119, 121, 124fi„ 137, 140, 146, 149, 151, 154, 160, 161, 175, 183, 193, 195, 198,

206, 208, 236, 249, 251. 287, 312, 453 Aligarh College, 29, 37, 38, 43, 50, 52, 60, 64, 72, 79. 98, 99. 100, 101. 103, 107, 108, 113, 114, 120, 12J, 125, 128, 129, 131. 138, 150, 152. 196. 197, 234, 273. 274, 313 Aligarhians, 136. 151 Aligarh Institute Gazette, 25, 30, 100, 105 Aligarh Movement, 111, 117, 119, 123, 124, 145, 195, 197, 198, 205, 234 Ali Im am , Sir, 80, 81, 137, 183, 189 Ali Muhammad K han D ehlavi, Sir, 364 AlrJatniat,A6A Al-Jizyah, 121 Al-Kalam, 121 A llah Bakhsh, K han B ahadur, 315, 316 Allana, G., 341, 342 A ll-India Muslim E ducational Con­ ference, 25, 64. 82, 93, 95, 99. 182 A ll-India Muslim Students F ed era­ tion 239, 263, 264 Al-M am un, 120 ff. Altaf Husain, 290, 429 Amanullah K han, 155 Ambala, 417 America, 42, 415, 458 Ameer Ali, Syed, 33, 90, 92, 93, 103, 110, 183, 184, 272, 312, 478, 479 Amils, 3 Amin-ud-Din. Nawab, 20 Amrit, 382 Amrita Bazar Patrika, 88 A m ritsar, 136, 164, 202, 205, 261, 381, 391, 392. 393, 395, 401, 408, 410 Amroha, 78. 99. 109 A cand Math, 162 Anderson, Sir George, 215 Anglo-Turkish Peace, 185

Angora R epublic, 142. 184 A njum an-i-H im ayat-i-Islam , 161, 162. 165, 197, 198', 199. 214, 263 A njum an-i-Islam ia, 195 fif.j 206, 207 ADjuman-UMutaUb Mu&da-i-Punjab, 201 A njum an-i-Punjab, 202 A njum an-i-Taraqqi-i-U rdu, 78 Ankara, 183, 184 Annals and Antiquities o f Rajasthan, 476 Announcement, The, 151 Apology for Mohammed and the Koran, An, 32 Ansari, D r M.A., 93, 143, 152, 155, 174, 223,281, 360 aql, 242 Aqeeqa, 341 Arabia, 10, 17, 62, 66, 153, 154 A rab Revolt, 154 A rabs, 3, 60, 154, 284 A rabian Sea, 341 Archbold, 79, 80,103, 104 Arnold, Sir Tbonsas, 37. 78, 120, 161 A rya Sam aj, 4, 209, 211, 349 Asar-ul-Sanadid, 20, 27, 35 Asbiq H usain B atalvi, Dr, 240, 241, 243, 245, 246, 247, 248, 250, 253, 254, 255, 257, 269 A sbraf Ali Tbanw i. Maulana, 108 A sbraf-ud-D in A hm ad Chow dhry, 281, 288, 294, 296 Asbutosb Mookerjee, Sir, 278 Asia, 156, 169, 425 Asia Minor, 156 As It Happened, 375 Asoka M ehta, 16, 43 Assam, 113, 193, 273, 274, 279, 281, 287, 289, 303, 315, 371, 384 Atbeneutn, 32 Attlee. 374 £f., 393,433 Attock, 233 Auchinleck, 376. 420 Aurangzeb, 2, 8, 9, 10, 323

Aurobindo, Sri, 475 Ayub, President, 10, 388, 438, 439 Azad, 290 Azad, Abnl Kalam , 39. 54, 126, 1271 129, 132, 134 fi., 157, 160, 165, 166, 175, 205, 2C6, 266, 340, 344, 376, 426, 479 Azad, M uhammad H usain, 59, 60, 65, 200,202,203 Azamgarh, 118, 119, 128 al-Azhar, 145

B adayuni, 7 Badr-nd-Din, Maulvi, 108 B adshahi Mysque. 9, 195, 205. 249, 359 Baghdad, 4, 163 B ahadur Shah, 2 B ahadur Y ar Jang, Nawab, 269 Babaw alpur, 115, 118 B aiakot, 10 B a lb a n ,4 B ild ev Singh, 377, 3^3, 393, 403 Baldwin, Stanley, 353 B alliagbata, 309 B alkan Powers, 151 B alkans, 114 . B alkan W ar, 152 B aluchistan. 169, 171. 172. 222, 312. 325, 414. 424 Bande M atram, 162 Bang-i‘D ara, 173 Bankim Chander Chatterjee, 98, 162,476 Bans Bareli, 116 B aqi B illah, Khwaja, 5, 6, 64 Baqiyat-i-Shibli, 124 B arisal, 96, 278, 291 B arkat Ali, K han B ahadur, 195 ff., 214, 234, 252, 272 B ark at Ali, Malik, 239, 247, 248, 251 ff., 264 B arkat Ali, Mian, 262

B ark at Ali Mohammadan H all, 197 BarkatuD ah, Professor, 114 B aroda, 150 B ashir Ahmad, Mian, 258, 263, 264, 266, 267 Basu, J.K ., 298 B atala, 205 Beadon, Cecil, 24, 25 Beaverbrook, 184, 185 Beck, Theodore, 37, 43 £f., 49, 72, 100

Begowal, 252 Begum Kizami, 266 Begum Shah Nawaz, 208 belchas, 426 Belsan, 396 Benares, 30, 35, 44, 99, 475 Bengal, 13, 14, 16, 39, 63, iiS 94, fi„ 105, 106, 114, 115, 135, 141, 192, 193, 194, 200, 208, 215, 221, 224, 227,228, 229, 240, 244, 271 fi , 278, 282, 283, 285 fif., .291, 294, 298, 300, 302, 305, 307, 308, 310, 315, 323, 347, 360, 366, 369 fi., 378, 397, 398, 414, 437, 460. 463, 476 ; partition of, 96, 106, 136, 149, 151, 152, 273, 277, 439 Bengalee, The, 151 Bengal Hindu-Muslim P act, 283 Bengal K hilafat Committee, 281 Bengal Muslim Conlerence, 280,285, 297 Bengal Muslim P a rty , 284 Bengal Muslim Political Conference, 281 Begal N ational Chamber of Labour, 296 Bengal P act, 211 Bengal Provincial Muslim League, 300, 303 Betrayal in India, 411 Bey rut, 189 Bhagwan Singh, 6 B hakti movement, 477

Bhalla, 211 B harat, 460 B h a ra t Bank, 212 B h arat Insurance Co., 211, 212 Bhopal, 36, 114, 124. 130, 283 Bible, 63 B ihar, 75, 190, 401,402 Bijnore, 21, 22, 27 Bijnori, 65 Birbal, 6 Birkenhead, Lord, 185 Birth of Pakistan, The, 1 al-Biruni, 1 Bleeding Punjab Warns, 396, 408 Bogra, 95, 272, 294, 228 Bokhari, A.S., 391 Bolitho, H ector, 429, 431, 434 Bolshevism, 177 Bom bay, 45, 75, 80, 134, 136, 182, 186, 193, 194, 215, 223, 231, 238, 311, 314, 315, 340 fi., 349, 359, 360, 362, 366, 372, 455, 469 Bombay Chronicle, The, 366 Bombay Provincial Congress Com­ m ittee, 346 Boodhee Bullubh. 478 B oota Singh, S ardar, 359 Boundary Commission, 306, 307, 405 B radlaugh H all, 252 Brahm anabad Settlem ent, 3 Brahmo Samaj, 4, 209 B rajoshw ar P rasad, 481 Bray Committee, 318 B ray, Sir Denys, 317 Brecher, 325, 406, 414 Brelvi organisations, 117 B ritish, 1, 23, 26, 41, 46, 47, 50, 55, 98,104, 105, 111 S., 117, 138, 149, 154, 174, 187, 188, 193, 195, 21?, 219, 226, 231, 233, 3 ll, 320, 342, 361, 363, 393, 405 fi., 425, 432, 434,464, 478 B ritish Broadcasting Corporation, 430

British E m pire, 169 British India Association, 28, 30, 41 B ritish Museum, 33 British Policy and the Muslims in Bengal, 85 Buddhists, 69 Bukhara, 113. 145, 196 Bunde AH K han Talpur, Mir, 316 Burd,wan, 86 Burke, 22, 39 Burma, 113 Burrows, Sir Frederick, 397, 398 B u x ar, 9

Cabinet Mission, 173, 307, 371; Plan, 269, 371 ff„ 377, 378, 388, 432, 435, 439 C alcutta, 12, 15, 18, 25, 30, 88. 92, 96. 106, 135, 136, 137, 151, 159. 196. 241, 242. 252. 257. 272. 273, 277, 280, 288, 290. 291, 294. 296, 2S9, 302 S , 312. 342, 350. 351, 353, 361, 373, 374. 398 ff., 429. 439. 459, 461 Calcutta K hilafat Conference. 297 Calcutta Madrasa, 11, 90. 296. 478 Calcutta U niversity. 92, 201. 202, 210, 276. 278 282, 29!. 295 Caliphate. 132. 142, 184, 156. 157. 183. 184 Cambridge, 32, 35, 37. 169 ff , 213, 287 Canada, 437 Carlyle, 32, 33 Carlton Club, 185 Carmichael H ostel, 277 Carne, Sir Olaf, 324 Cassandras, 472 Catholics, 284 Causes o f the Indian Revolt, The, 22, 25, 28, 41. 50 Cawnpore, 109, 152, 313 Central Africa, 253

Central Asia, 4, 284 Central N ational M uhammadan As­ sociation. 92. 93, 275, 312 ff. Central Muslim U niversity, 183 Certain Aspects o f Islam, 163 Chaitaniya, 4, 5 Chakur, 291 Chamberlain, Sir Austen, 50 Cham an Lai, Dewan, 352, 353 Chanab, 156 Chandpur. 27 Chelmsford, 345 C hhatari, 76, 174, 230, 4S4, 455 Chhotu Ram , 220, 238, 255 chilla. 111 Chinese Muslims, 284 Chinese Turkistan, 113 Chiragh Din, Munshi, 199 Chiragh-i-Delhi, H azrat, 64 Chirol, Sir V alentine, 274 Chittagong, 12, 86, 89. 91 Chittagong Armoury Raid, 281 "Choice of T urks," 152 Christian Missionaries, 29 Christians, 16, 34, 454 Chundrigar, 1.1., 412 Churchill, W inston. 183 Civil Disobedience, 242. 353, 359, 379, 380 Clive, 85, 86 C oatm an, 186, 218 Cocanada Congress. 211 Coleridge, 161 Colvin. Sir Auckland, 25 Communal Award, 187, 220, 223, 282, 297, 319. 322, 354. 360 Communalism, 361 Com munalist H indus, 309 Communal Triangle in India, The, 16, 57 Communism, 117 Communist Revolution, 115 Comrade, The, 106,136, 150,151, 132.,

Consequences o f Pakistan, 212 Conservative P arty , 354 Consefvatives, 184 Constantinople, 134, 183, 185 Corbet, Sir Geofiery, 169 CouplaDd, 231, 256, 315, 357, 358 Cowper, 161 Cow-Protection Societies, 46 Craik, Sir H „ 286 Crimean W ar, 201 Cripps, Sir Stafford, 369, 371, 375, 376: proposals, 433 C roft,'Frederick Leigh, 342 Curzon, L otd, 94, 182, 186. 317

D Dacca. 87, 89, 94, 95, 150, 183, 228, 271, 274, 278, 288, 291, 30j, 307, 470, 479 Dacca M adrasah, 295 Dacca University, 96, 287 D adu, 4 ‘ Dagh, 163 D aily Gazette, The, 428 D ar, Abdul Ghani, 396 D ara Shukob, 8 Darjeeling, 276 Dars-i-Hizam ia, 8 D ar-ul-H arb, 90, 155 D ar-ul-Islam , 188 Dar-ul-Musannifin, 118, 128, 130, 131 : see also Academy of Authors Dar-ul-Uloom, 118. 125 Das, C.R., 211, 280, 283, 284, 296, 347 D aultaoa, Ahmad Y ar Khan* 238, 2 4 8 ,2 6 0 ,3 5 9 D aultana, Mian Mumtaz, 248, 258, 260, 267, 269 D. A.V. College, 210, 211. 219 D avenport, John, 32, 33 Dawn, 269, 290, 428, 464; 480, 481 D ayal Singh, Sardar, 196, 211, .212

D ayal Singh College, 196, 211, 212 D ayal Singh L ibrary, 196, 212 Day of Deliverance, 364 Deccan, 9 Deccan Review, 206 Delhi, 4, 5, 9, 11, 18 £f„ 26, 27, 59, 70, 98,105,109, 111, 114, 115, 117, 151, 153, 162, 163, 173, 186, 193, 200, 203, 223, 233, 257, 279, 298, 299. 308, 320. 323, 324, 349, 352, 370, 387 fif„ 392, 394, 396, 400, 403, 407, 408, 413, 415, 416, 426, 454, 456, 461 ; fall of, 26 D fl hi College, 112 D elhi D urbar, 136 Delhi Sultanate, 3 D em ocratic P arty , 455 Deoband, 111 ff, D eobandi-Brelvi controversy, 116 Deoband Seminary, founders of, 113 de Tassy, M. Garcin, 21, 203 Development o f Metaphysics in Persia, 162 D hanbari, 272, 276 D hanw antri, 396, 408, 410 D irect Action D ay, 308, 315, 372, 424, 432 Divide and Quit, 393, 434 Doorbeen, 276 Duchess of W indsor, 188 Dudu Mian, 91 Dufferin, Lord, 93, 312, 313 Dunlop-Smith, Colonel, 79 Dussehra, 213 Dutch Settlem ent, 92 D utt, R.C., 78

Early Heroes o f Islam, 278 E ast Bengal, 194, 273 ff., 299, 302 ff., 384. 399, 439, 459, 473 E ast India Company, 9, 18, 24, 85 fif. E ast Pakistan, 12, 276, 278, 279, 281,

294, 305. 311, 437 fi.,462, 470 E ast Punjab, ]05, 390 fi., 405, 406, 413, 417 «E , 429, 453, 473 Eden Girls College, 291 Eden, Sir Ashley, 477 Education o f Musalmans in the Punjab. The. 207 Edw ard V III, 188 E gypt, 120, 145, 188, 189, 278 E lphinston, 30 Emerson, 348 England, 13, 25, 32 ff.. 37, 39, 49. 55, 78, 92, 93, 103, 120, ISO. 162, 169 fi., 206. 207, 225, 236, 252. 283 ff., 295, 296, 341, 342, 343, 352, 354. 356, 357, 453, 458 Epics, 88 Essays on the L ife o f Mohammed, 33 Etawah, 73, 83 Europe, 120. 121. 145. 153, 154. 162, 164 350, 352, 370 European Commerica i Community, 302, 303 Europeans, 193, 224, 357 Eustace, 392 Evolution o f the Northwest Frontier Province, The, 317 Exeter College, 453 Experiment 'vith Freedom, 302 Eye- Witnesses o f History, 238

Faizi. 6 Faraizis, 281 F arangi Mahal, 8, 108 F aridkot S tate, 199 Farid pur, 90, 280, 281 Farid, Shaikh, 5 Farid-ud-Din, Khwaja, 18 F arigh Bukhari, 229 Farooqi, Nawab K.G.M., 228, 282, 287 Fatawa-i-Alamgiri, 10

F atehpur Sikri, 6, 48 Fate o f M uslims in India, The, 105 F atim a Begum, 263 Fatefls, 132. 153. 155 Fazal Muqeem K han, 471 FazM -Husain. 167 fi., 173, 174, 191, 193, 205, 207 fi., 213 fi., 232, 233, 238.247, 249. 251, 280, 282, 288, 322, 347, 360 Fazlul H aq, A.K., 91, 96, 192, 228, 230, 237, 240, 277, 278, 279 ff., 288, 289, 292, 294, 296, 305, 310, 343, 368 Fazl-ul-Haq College, 291 Fazl-ul-H aq Muslim H all, 291 Fazl-ul-K arim , K han B ahadur, 288 Fazlur R ahm an, 294, 299, 301, 303, 308 Feroze Shah Mehta, 425 Ferozewala, 205 Feroz K han Noon, 379 Ferozpur, 261, 395 F irst Sikh W ar, 233 F irst W orld W ar, 114, 152, 166, 236, 277 F itzP atrick, 193 France, 357 Fraser, Sir Lovat, 439 Frederick, Sir, 398 Free Press Journal, 469 French Revolution and Napoleon, 99 F rontier Gandhi, 322; see also Abdul Ghafiar Khan Fuller, Major, 201, 274, 275 Fuller, Sir Bam pfyde, 273, 278 G Gadgil. N.V., 385, 386. 461, 462 Gandhi, Manuben, 417 G andhi. M.K., 69. 75, 143, 158, 166. 167, 174. 187. 231, 280. 300. 301. 303,

416, 417,

144, 153, 221. 223. 308, 310,

324, 344, 346, 353, 363, 366. 369, 371, 374, 375, 377, 379, 381, 392, 394 ff., 407, 417, 418. 426, 434 GaDga Ram , Sir, 212 G anpati Festivals, 45 Ganba, K .L ., 212 George V, 74 George V I, 433 George, Lloyd, 142, 154, 156. 184 fi. Germany, 162 Gbalib, 20, 35, 59. 65, 70. 193 Ghazali, 121. 123, 135 G hazanfar AH K han, Raja, 238, 253, 260,318 Ghazipur, 29, 30 Ghaznavi, Sir A.K., 282. 285 Ghazni, 3 Ghubar-i-Khaiir, 144, 145. 147 Ghulam Ali K han Talpur, Mir, 316 Ghulam Ali N aqshbandi, Shah, 17, 20 Ghulam Bari, K han B ahadur Maulvi, 318 Ghulam Bhik Nairang, 214, 251 Ghulam Farid, Maulvi, 199 Ghulam H usain H idayatullah, Sir, 304, 315, 316 Ghulam Jilani, Mian, 236 Ghulam Mohy-ud-Din, 134 Ghulam Mustafa, 290 Ghulam Rasool. K halifa. 199, 246, 253, 255 Ghulam Rasul K han. 241, 248 Ghulam XJllah, K halifa. 199 Ghulam Ullah Qasnri, Maulvi, 199 Ghulam-us-Saqlain, K hwaja. 64 Giaui K arta r Singh, 394, 396 G ib b o n .122 G itarahasya, 476 Gladstone, 55, 98 Glancy, Sir B ertrand, 403, 404. 408 Godbole, Yeshw entrao, 385 Gojra, 205

Gokhale, 68, 78, 82, 342, 343, 344, 425 Golden Mosque, 195 Gondal Slate, 340 Government from Inside, 308, 416 G raham . 25, 26, 28, 29, 40 G ranada, 163 Great B ritain, 184, 460 G reat Revolt, 141 G reat W ar. 157, 168 Greece. 55. 121 Greeks, 156 Green Book, 150 Green. K.M.. 472 Grey, Sir E dw ard. 127 Grigg, Sir Jam es, 363 Grunebaum. 468 Guilty Men of India's Partition, 436 G ujarat, 386 Gujranwala, 205, 218. 391 Gulshan R ai. Professor, 219 Gunga D att Punt. 478 Gupta. 313 Gurdaspur, 197, 202 Gurgaon, 261 Gurmukh Nihal Singh. 40, 408 G urunath Bewoor, Sir, 386 H H abibullah, Amir, 114 H abibullah. Nawab, 228, 288 H abib-ur-R ahm an, Maulana, 204, 396 H adith, 112, 115 Hafiz, 166, 476 H ailey. Sir Malcolm, 219, 220 H akum at-i-Ilahiya, 147, 148, 464 Hali, Altaf Husain, 30. 35, 36, 38. 45. 46, 48, 56, 59 ft.. 77, 83, 90, 119, 124, 131. 135, 193, 201 H alide Edib, 169 H ali’s Poetry— A Study, 71 Halqa-i-Nizam-ul-M ashaikh, 117 Hamdaid, 151, 158

Hameed Nizami, 262 S. Hameed-ud-DiD, K halifa, 199 Hameed-ul-Haq Choudhry, 299, 308 H am id Ahmad K han, 205 Ham id Ali K han, M aulana, 205 Hamid M ahmud, 267 H ans Raj, M ahatm a, 211 haqq-i-mulkiyat, 130 H arappa, 416 H are, 274 H ari Singh Gaur, Sir, 318 H arkishaa Lai, 167, 211 H arnam Singh, Sir, 235 H arun-ul-R ashid, 123 H arvard U niversity, 189 H asan Ali Effendi, Khan Bahadur, 311 H asan Ali, Nawabzada, 228, 313 H asan Nizami, K hw aja, 117, 162, 166 H asan Suhrawardy, Sir, 91, 278, 295 H ashim Ali K han, K han B ahadur, 288 H asrat Mohani, 114. 160. 350 H astings, W arren, 18 H atim A. Alavi, 229 Hayat-i-Afghani, 236 Ilayat-i-Sikandar, 235 Heart Has Its Reasons, The, 188 Hejaz, 10, 114, 158 Heroes and Hero-Worship, 32 Heroes o f Islam, 120 Heroes o f the 'Nations, 120 H ew ett, Sir John, 102 H id ayatullah, Lady, 379 H ifzur R ehm an, M aulana, 146 H ijrat, 132, 155, 347 H ijrat Movement, 166 H im alayas, 16 Hindu, The, 472 H indu Amils, 311 H indu Bengal, 438

H indu Communalism, 211 H indu In d ia . 170, 432, 438 Hinduism. 153, 168, 417, 438 H indu M ahasabha, 280, 293, 299, 300, 361 Hindu-Muslim conflict, 210, 211 Hindu-Muslim co-operation, 298, 358 Hindu-Muslim cultural co-operation, 76 Hindu-Muslim Pact, 344 Hindu-Muslim relations, 44. 141, 296 Hindu Muslim struggle, 272, 318 Hindu-Muslim unity, 68, 158, 210. 222, 343, 344, 347, 348, 351, 352, 428, 455, 475 Hindu press, 250, 254, 255 Hindus, 1, 2, 4. 5, 6, 7, 8, 15, 16. 30, 31, 41, 45, 46, 68. 69, 70, 82. 87, 88, 93, 94. 104, 106, 107, H I, 141, 146. 153. 164, 168, 170, 174, 187, 192, 209 ff„ 219. 274, 281 289, 290, 293, 296. 297, 300 ff., 313 fE„ 320. 322, 344, 348, 351, 352, 354, 356, 361, 366, 367. 373, 380, 382, 394, 396. 401 ff., 403, 416, 425, 428, 429, 435, 439, 454, 462, 475, 477 Hindu-Sikh N ationalist P arty , 319 H industan, 88, 302, 435 Hindustan Times, The, 381, 383, 385, 401 Hira, 62 History of Congress, 350 History of India, 30 History of Persia, 30 History of the Indigenotis Educaiion in the Punjab, 203 Hitavada, 469 Hizb-u]-Ahnaf, 117 Hoare, Sir Samuel, 354 Holroyd, 201, 203 Home Front, 225

Home Rule League, 344 fi. Hong Kong, 342 H oshiarpur, 195, 197, 207 Hugli, 89, 92, 351 H agli College, 89, 90 H um ayun K abir, 147, 228, 288, 294 Hume, Allan O ctavian, 25, 39, 40, 42.43 H unter, William, Dr. 13 S., 36, 37, 51. 57. 82, 91 H usain Ahmad M adani, M aulana. 132, 148 H usain Shaheed Suhrawardi, 192, 228, 272, 278, 281, 283, 286. 289. 293 303 ff.. 370, 398, 399. 438, 439 H yde, Percy, 312 H yderabad. 36,73, 78. 80, 100, 119, 124. 125, 211, 311. 408. 424, 458 H yder Ali, 9

Ib n B adrun, 163 Ib n Taim iyya, 177 Ibrahim Lodi, Sultan. 320 Id-ul-Azha, 273 Iftik har Husain K han, Nawab, 260. 380, 382 Ihsan, 267 IjMia, 178 Ijtihad, 175, 176. 178. 179 Ikhwan, 188 Ilahi Bakhsh, P ir, 316 Ilb ert Bill, 39, 41 Ilm uddin Salik, M aulana. 262 Ilm -ul-Kalam, 121 Iltutm ash, 3. 4 Im aduddin, K han B ahadur K halifa, 199 Imad-nl-Mulk. Naw ab, 80. 234 Im am Din. Maulvi, 12, 91 Im d ad U llah, H aji, 113 In a y a t Ali, Maulvi. 12. 91 Inayatullah K han, 170

ladepeadenoe P arty . 347, 357 Independence, The, 278 India, 4,13 ff., 19, 21, 22, 25 ff„ 33, 37 ff„ 55, 57, 67, 75, 82, 87, 90, 92, 93, 95, 104,105,110, H I . 114, 115. 120, 121. 127. 130. 131. 134, 137. 141, 143, 144, 147, 150, 152, 155, 157, 158, 161 fi., 183 fi„ 203, 214, 217, 220 fi., 231, 242, 252,258, 275, 284 fi . 300, 301, 306, 307, 311 fi., 317, 318, 322, 324, 325.342, 344, 345. 348, 353, 356, 358, 363, 367, 368, 370, 371, 373 fi., 377, 378, 380. 383. 384, 387 fi. 391, 393, 395, 396, 398. 411 fi . 423, 424,426, 429, 433 fi., 454, 458 fi., 469, 471, 473, 477, 480, 481 India I Knew, The. 186 Indian Annual Register, The, 221, 252, 300, 301 In d ian Association, 196 Indian Chaos, The, 224 to d iao Civil Service agitation, 4I Indian Diary, 345 Indian Mussulmans, The 13. 36, 143 Indian Muslims, 18. 38, 50, 54 fi., 66 fi.. 73, 75, 81. 82, 98. 99. 104, 123, 126. 138. 140. 142, 144, 146, 149. 152 fi, 156, 158, 163, 166, 168 fi.. 175, 176. 183, 186, 190, 227, 232. 242, 249, 284, 313, 356, 359, 369, 390, 459 Indian N ational Congress. 25, 28, 38, 39, 42, 44, 47. 55, 68, 75. 106. 113, 137, 142, fi.. 154. 158, 159, 179, 205. 210, 215, 230. 231, 242, 245, 250, 257, 265, 279, 280, 281. 284, 300, 314, 322, 324, 342 fi.. 349, 350, 360, 36i 369 fi., 376, 377, 379, 383, 404, 439, 457 Indian Quarterly Register, The, 221 Indian States, 125, 150 India Office, 32, 33

India Fights for Freedom, 362 India Wins Freedom, 147, 376 Influence o f Islam on European Civiliiation, 163 Inonu, Ism at Pasha, 189 Inqilab, 172, 261. 264 Inshaullah K han, Maulvi, 205 Inter-Collegiate Muslim B ro th er­ hood, 262 Iqbal, 54, 63. 68, 70, 71, 93, 131, 132, 148, 160 fe., 172 fi.. 191, 207, 213. 214, 231, 240 ff„ 246, 247, 251 fi„ 257, 265 £f., 340, 355, 356, 359, 468 Iq b a l A hm ad, Maulvi, 64 Iq b al D ay, 262 Iqbal Key Akhri Do Sal, 240, 241 Iq b al L iterary Association, 171, 356 Iran , 121, 153, 179, 18« Irwin, Lord, 223, 224, 353 Ishaq, M aulaaa, 321 ishq, 242 Islam , 1 ,4 ,1 0 ,1 1 , 16, 51 S., 57,60 ff.. 74. 75, 91, 92, 108. 114, 116, 121, 123, 137, 140, 143. 153, 156, 157, 159, 162, 169, 177, 178, 200, 209, 210, 242, 244, 249, 312, 340, 466, 467 Islam in Danger, 129 “ Islam and H um an In te lle c t," 163 Islam ia College, Peshaw ar, 138, 166. 214. 217, 261, 265, 280, 291. 295, 320, 321 Islam ia College Union, 262 Islam ic Academy, 301 Islam ic Caliphate, 138 Islam ic Tas^wwuf, 163 Ism aili H indus, 141 Ism aili Khojas, 182, 340 Ism aili P ir, 341 Ism ail Shaheed, Shah, 11, 19, 116 Ism ail, Sir Mirza, 427 Ism ay, Lord, 306, 307, 405, 406, 426 Ispahani, H asan, 86, 227, 230, 237 ff..

244, 248, 288, 293, 298 ff., 303 3., 398 Italy , 151 Ittehad-i-M illat, 252

Jaggat Seths, 85 Jahangir, 7. 21 Jahangir K han, Dr, 171 Jai Kishen Dass, R aja, 30, 49 J airam das D aulatram , 349 Jallianw ala Bagh, 280, 346 Jam aat-i-Islam i, 147, 269, 464, 465, 467 Jam ia Millia, 114, 154 Jami-at-Tawarikh, 90 Jam iat-ul-A nsar, 114 Jam ia-tul-U lam a-i-H ind, 129, 142. 143, 186, 187, 352, 360, 361, 367 Jam i Masjid, 19 Jam shed Nusserwanji, 352.429 Ja n a Sangh, 293. 417 Jasim -ud-D in, 290 Jaunpur, 12 J awab-i-Shikwa, 165 Jay ak ar, 347, 351, 355 Jazirat-ul-A rab, 153 Jenkins, Sir Evan, 382, 392. 402, 404 ff., 420. 437, 460 Jews, 34 Jihad, 11, 12, 91, 128, 269 Jini (fort), 9 Jinnahbhai Poonja, 340 ff. Jinnah, Quaid i-Azam Muhammad All, 39, 132, 158, 159. 169, 180. 184, 186, 187, 212, 221 ff , 229, 231, 239, 241, 244, 246, 252, 285, 299, 300, 307, 311, 313, 318. 340, 343 ff., 350 ff., 358, 359, 362 ff., 376, 377, 383, 384, 389, 390. 408, 425, 427, 429, 431. 454, 456. 481 ; -Fazl-i-Husain talks, 231 Jinnah People’s Memorial H all, 346 Jizyah, 5, 6, 8

Jnanadeva, 477 JohQson. Campbell, 3K5, 387, 389, 394,408, 426 Judgm ent, Day of, 60 Jugto F ront, 294 Jallunder, 261,408 Junagarh, 422 Justice P arty, 360

K K abir, 4 Kabul, 114, 132, 135 ICalat, 312, 424 K amal A taturk (Mustafa), 131, 132, 142, 156, 157, 176 ff.. 183 ff. Ivanji Dwarkadas, 362, 414 K apurthala. 235, 236, 382 K arachi, 83, 155, 182, 183, 188, 208, 286, 311 ff., 341. 3+2. 352, 384, 399, 407, 408, 425 , 428, 436, 456, 461, 469, 473, 480, 481 ; separation of, 424 K aram at Ali, Maulvi, 12, 90, 91 K aram K han, Sardar, 233 K arnal, 259, 453, 454 Karnamah, 213 K ashm ir, 95, 146, 160, 171, 262, 269, 387,419.430. 436,463. 471 : agita­ tion, 173 ; dispute, 43 7; Muslims, 423 K athiaw ar, 340. 341 Kazim-ud-Din, Maulvi, 95 Kenne-way. 218 K hairpur, 312, 313 K haksars, 426 K haliqdina H all, 420 Khaliquz-Zaman Chowdhry, 57, 230, 237, 248, 264, 299, 308, 432 IChalsistan, 395 lih a n Brothers, 229 K han, N.M., 293 K han Sahib, Dr, 319, 320. 323 K harak Singh, B aba, 257

Khatm-i-KhwajgaD, 145 khila-at. 198 K hilafat, 154,155 K hilafat Committee, 142, 175, 281, 296, 322 K hilafat Conference, 154, 186, 280, 349, 352 K hilafat-i-Pakistan, 262 K hilafat Movement, 131, 142, 155. 166, 167, 183, 186. 206, 221. 280, 282 296. 321, 347 K hizr Cabinet. 381 K hizr H ay at K han. 251, 258, 259, 266, 270, 271, 379 ff.. 402 fl. K hizr-Jinnah talks, 259 K hosla, 401 K hudai K hidm atgars, 229, 321 K hujista A khtar B aau Beguna, 295 Khuro, M .A . 225, 314, 315 Khurshid Alam. 262 K hurshid T alaat Begum, 278 K hyber, 320 K hyber University. 320 K ifayat-ullah, 148 Koh-i-Noor, 234 K ot F ateh K han, 247 K risto Dass Paul, 39 K rishak Proja Sam ity, 228, 279, 282, 288, 289. 294 K utub K hana-i-Sikandriya, 121

Labour P a rty , 370, 375 L ady Abdul Qadir, 263 L adyB raborne (Girls) College, 291 Lady Dufferih Fund, 197 Lady H idayatullah. 379 Lahore, 3, 9. 59, 80, 106, 124, 160. 161, 166, 171, 172,176, 195 fit., 201, 203 £E., 210, 214, 217, 221, 222, 225 f f . 230, 231, 234, 241. 243, 248, 251, 253, 258, 259, 261, 26>, 295. . 322, 348, 349, 350, 367, 379, 381,

391. 392, 400, 401, 405. 408, 413. 415, 417. 420 ff., 454, 464 Lahore A r\a Samaj, 210 L ahore Electric Supply Company, 212

Lahore Resolution, 170, 192, 239, 265,310 315,367.370, 371 . L ajpat Rai, Lala. 206, 210. 211, 2.15, 219, 347 I.akhirajdass, 86 Lakshm i Insurance Company, 212 Landmarks in Indian ConstHuational and National Development, 40 Lari, Z.H , 250 Last Days o f the British Raj, 373, 397 Lawrence, Lord, 32 League-Krishak Proja P a rty Coali­ tion, 289 League-Unionist conflict, 259, 269 ff. Leitner, Dr, 198, 199. 201 ff. Letters o f Iqbal to Jinnah, 238, 244L iaqat Ali K han. 230. 231, 239. 243. 258, 268, 376, 377, 383, 401i 407, 408, 412, 417, 418, 422, 453 ff. 468 ff. Life o f Mahomet, The, 32 Light on League-Unionist Conflict, 240, 245 Lilientha), David E , 472 Lockhart, Sir R obert, 324 Loharu, 20 Lohia, D r Ram Manohar, 436, 437, 439 London, 21, .J5, 110, 159', 163, 170. 183, 186, 187, 201, 206, 207. 223, 225, 296, 375i 383, 387, 389. 405, 406, 420, 426, 460, 470. 472 Lothian, Lord, 172 Loyal Mohammedans of India, The, 29 Lucknow, 18, 59, 70, 71, 76, 80, 81, 90, 100, 103, 109, no, 117, 118, 125, 146, 213, 219, 220, 238 ff.,

248, 255, 262, 279, 344, 349, 356, 365 Lucknow Formula, 255 Lucknow P act, 167, 190, 192, 204, 208, 211, 217, 218, 224, 275, 279, 282, 297, 344, 348, 358, 433 Ludhiana, 396 Lutf Ali, Nawab. 76 L yallpur, 264, 265, 295, 296 L ytto o , Lord, 36, 38, 39

M M a'arif, 131 MacDonael, Sir Antony, 75 ff., 100, 102, 125, 379, 410 Maclagan, Sir Edw ard, 216, 219 M alan Mohan M alaviya, P andit, 168 . 318 M adhuji Sindhia, 9 Madras, 146, 158, 193, 194, 283, 318, 349, 363, 472 M adrasah, 111, 112, 117, 119, 124, 126, 145, 289, 313 M adrasah-i-Rahim iya. 112, 115 M adrasa-tul-Islam , 313 Madrasa-tul-Muslimin, 200 Mahasan'i-Kalam-i-Ghalib, 71 Mahatma Gandhi, the Last Phase, 401 passim Mahbub Alam, Munshi, 205. 272 Mahbub Murshid, iJyed, 278 M ahenJra P artab , R aja, 114 Mahmud-ibad, R aja of, 366 Mahmud AH Qasuri, 267 Mahmud K haa, H akim , 20 Mahmud K han, Nawab, 22 Mahmud. Syed. 32. 37. 54, 64, 72, 73, 76, 77, 92, 98, 101, 127, 143, 204, 364 Mahmud-ul-Hasan, Maulana, 114, 115 Mahmud Yusuf, Nawab, 230 Majid Malik, 172

Majumdar, R.C., 87, 88, 187,372, 375 £f. Makatib-i-Bahadur Yar Jang, 268 Makaiib-i-Shibli, 135 Mokhxan, 135.161, 203, 214 M aking o f Pakistan, 472 M aktubat, 8 M aktubat-i-Sir S y e d .ll M alabar, 348 Malcolm, 30 Malda, 91 Maliks, 422 Malik, D r. A.R., 85,86 M alta, 114M amdot, 259, 262, 266. 267, 269, 471 Mamlook-AH, Manlana, 112 Al-Manar, 53 Manchester Guardian, 458 M ani,A .D ., 469 M aniktolaj 309 Matiki Sharif, P ir Sahib of. 324 Manno Jan K hanum , 89 Manohar Lai, Sir, 361 M ansehra, 321 Man Singh, 6 M any Worlds, 453 M A 0 . College, 287. 312 M aqalat-iSM bli, 124 M arathas, 360. 476, 478 M ardan, 324 M arfati, 290 M argalia Pass. 233 Marx, k a il, 22 Mashriqi, Alluma Inayatullah, 132, 166,170. 172,175, 224,278, 281 M athura, 5, 6 Maududi, Maulana Abul Ala, 132, 147, 148, 269,464, 465, 469 ■■Maulood Sharif,” 273 Mayo, L ord, 13 M azha.rJan-i-Janan, Mirza, 9 Mazhar-ul-Haq, 343 McLeod, Sir Donald,, 193, 2o2

Mecca, 114, 115, 125, 134, 154, 158, 163,311 Meccans. 62 Medical Mission, 152 M edina, 311 “ Meem Sheen,” 266 Meerut, 22, 24, 26,112 Mehar, Maulana Ghalam Rasul, 65 Mehdi AH, Maulvi, 73, 16; see also Mohsin-ul-Mulk Mehr Ghand K hanna, 323 “ Memoirs,” 303, 389 Menon, V.P., 369, 374, 385, 386, ?88, 389, 391, 394, 405, 419, 434. 435, 439.453 M idnapur, 293. 296 Mill, 22, 30, 39 Minto, 79, 94, 110, 183,187, 206,207, 273, 274, 283 Minto-Morley Reform s, 120, 192, 208, 215.279, 316 Minto-Morley Scheme, 205 Miran M uhammad, Sycd, 314 Miran Sadr Ja h an , 5 Miri Shah, Mian, 205 Mir M uttaqi, 17 Mirs, 311 Mir Sahib (of K hairpur), 312 Mithi Bai, 340, 341 Moazzam H usain Chaudhri (Lai Mian), 281 M ohammadan Anglo-Oriental College, 35. 453 M ohammadan Anglo-'Oriental De­ fence A ssociation, 100 Mohammadan Defence Association. 46 M ohammadan E ducational Confer­ ence, 37, 38, 56.75, 78, 83,120, 195 fi., 204, 207, 234,. 272. 276, 283, 285, 313, 321 Mohammad Osman, 305, 398 £f. Mohan Bagan, 290

Mohenjo Daro, 416 Mohain-ul-Mulk, Nawab, 31, 38, 51, 72, 74 ff., 83, 94, 98 ff., 107, 109, 110, 113, 124, 125, 127, 149, 150, 182. 183, 186, 198, 273. 274 Montagn-Chelmsford Reforms, 132, 187, 215, m , 275, 277, 317, 346, 347 Montagu, Edwin, 314, 345, 353 Montford Reforms, 270 Montgomery, 248, 389, 395, 405 Moonje, Dr, 349 Moon, Penderel, 392, 393, 397, 400, 403,404,409 M oradabad, 26, 99 M oradabad School, 2 Morley, John, 78, 110 Morley-Minto Reforms, 193 M orning News, The, 288, 290. 470 MorrisoD, Theodore, 150 Morrison, Ian, 396 Moscow, 115 Mosley, Leonard, 373 ff., 385, 392, 393, 397, 398, 407, 414 Mosque Protection Bill, 257 M ountbdtteo, L ord, 300,'306, 311, 376, 377, 383 fi . 392, 394. 398. 405. 407. 408, 414, 406, 460 M ountbatten Plan, 190, 324 Mudie, Sir Francis. 395. 471 Mughal Empire, 9, 209 Mughals, 5. 55, 218 Mughal school of painting. 48 Muhajireen, 155 Muhammad Abid, H aii. I l l , 112 Muhammad Ali, 114. 128. 131, 150 ff., 272, 341, 342 Muhammad Ali (Bogra), 294, 299, 301 M uhammad Ali, Chaudhri. 95, 304, 305. 310, 376 Muhammad Ali, Maulana, 47, 102, 136, 138, 142, 149, 159. 160, 221,

340, 343, 350 if., 357 M uhammad Amin. Sir, 254 M uhammadan L iterary Society, 90, 92 Muhammadan Observer, The, 276 Muhammadan Political Association, 80 M uhammadan Sporting Club, 290 Muhammad Aslam K han, 170 M uhammad Azim Dehlavi, Syed, 204 M uhammad B aqir, Agha, 202 Bluhammad B aqir, D r, 263 M uhammad B arkat Ali K han, K han B ahadur, 195 M uhammad bin Qasim, 3 M uhammad Faiuq, M aulana, 119 M uhammad Ghauri, 3 M uhammad H asan K halifa. 195 Muhammad H ay a t K han, S ardar, 195 fi., 233 ff., 272 M uhammad Husain Chaudhri, 265 Muhammadi, 290 M uhammad Jam al B hutta, Dr. 265 ]\luhammad Latif. K han Bahadur, Syed, 204 M uhammad Mohsin, H aji, 89, 478 M uhammad Nawaz K han, Sardar, 247 M uhammad Qasim, Maulana, 112, 113 M uhammad Saadullah K han, Sir, 240 M uhammad Sadiq, 170, 263 M uhammad Sbafi, Sir, 81, 159, 186, 187, 205, 206. 208. 214, 216, 251, 262, 263, 272, 347, 350. 355. 454 M uhammad Yaqub, Maulana. 112, 350,455 Muhammad Zafarullah K han, Sir, 164. 223.380,427 Muir, Sir W illiam, 32, 48, 49, 52 M ujaddid AU Sani, H azrat, 6, 8,11.

17,173 Mukerian, 195 Mnkerjee, Shyam aprasad, Dr, 293, 300, 461,462 Mulla W ahidi, 117 Mul R aj, R ai B ahadur, 210 M ultan, 142,168, 236, 248, 348, 408 Munir, Professor, 262 Muniruzzaman Islam abad!, Maulvi, 272 Murree, 201, 410 M urshidabad, 13, 85 Murshidi, 290 Musaddas, 36, 48, 60 £E., 67, 69, 70, 119, 131 Musharraf H usain, Mir, 273 M asbtaq Ahmad G urm ani, Nawab, 265 M ushtaq H usain, 99 Muslim Bengal, 12, 282, 289. 310, 437 Muslim Cambridge, 33 M uslim Chronicle, T il M uslim Community of Indo-Pakistan Subcontinent,\1 M uslim Hitaishi, 273 Muilim India, 6, 10, 13, 36. 63, 67. 69, 71, 81, 95. 98, 119, 126 fi., 136, 141, 147. 149, 151, 152, 155 ff., 172, 173, 184, 186, 221, 222, 237, 239, 242, 249, 259. 366, 368. 455, 460, 476 Muslini Institute, 280 Muslim League. 38, 82. 93,95, 96.110, 127, 143. 147, 150 if , 15;9, 165.169, 172, 173, 180, 183, 186. 187, 190. 192, 207, 208, 214, 220.fi , 226 ff.. 237 fi , 245 ff , 263', 266, 267, 269 273. 275, 279, 284, 288 f f , 294, 297, 298, 301, 305, 308, 310, 314 f i, 323.324, 343, 344. 346, 348 fi , 357 fi., 370 fi., 375 fi , 399 fi., 409, 411, 426, 429, 430, 432, 434, 454. 464, 465 : com parative League of

Fazl-i-Husain, 207 Muslim mass contact movement, 238, 361 Muslim N ational Guards, 379 Muslim Punjab, 198 Muslim Rajputs. 153, 213 Muslims, Musalmans, Mohammadans, 1 f f , 8, 10. 14 fi , 20, 29. ff , 33 ff.. 41 ff . 51. ff., 78 fi„ 93 ft , 99, 100. 104, 106 f i . I l l , 116, 121, 123 fi., 13i, 137, 1.’9, 140, 143 ff., 167 ff., 174, 175, 178. 180. 184, 187, 190 fi., 209, 216 ff., 224 ff., 237, 238, 240 ff„ 249, 250. 270 ff., 279 ff., 289 fi., 298 fi , 313. 319 ff , 343. 344, 348 ff., 354, 378 ff , 388, 390. 392, 394 fi., 405, 409, 410, 415, 417 fi., 425, 429 a , 439. 455 ff., 459. 4 62,466fi . 476,478,479 Muslim University, 106,109.146,152, 165, 208 Muslim world, 55. I l l , 137, 168, 188. 189 Mussulmans and the Money-lenders, 194, 235 Mussalmanon ki Giizashta Talim, 120 Mustafa K han, Nawab, 20, 59 M utazilites, 53 M uthi b h ara tta, 200 M y Impressions of the Frontier Sittiation, 322 Mymensingh,-272, 274 Muzaffarnagar, 454 Muzammalullah K han, 77

N N adir, 9 Nadva-tul-Ulama, 117, 118, 125, 126, 128.129,130,135, 282 Nagpur, 347 N am adeva, 477 N anakC hand, Pandit, 359 Nanak, Guru, 4

K ankana Sahib, 395 Naoroji, Daiiabhoy, 342, 425 Napoleon, 145 N aqshbandiya, 5 N arendranatb, Raja, 227, 256, 361 Naseem Hijazi, 268 N asrullah, R ana, 260,263 National A griculturist P a rty , 230, 455 National Convention (1928), 159 N ational Muslim U niversity (Jam ia Millia Islam ia, q.v.), 154 N ational Defence Council, 240, 250 N ational Guards, 426 N ational P act, 211 N ationalist Conference, 281 N ationalist Muslims, 191, 350 .N ausher AH, 228 Nausheerwan, 453 Navin Cbander Roy, Babu, 209 Nawab Ali Cbowdhry, Syed, 271 ff. Nawa-i-Waqt, 264 S., *'Naya Shiw ala," 162 Nazim-ud-Din, K hwaja, 96, 225, 228, 230, 231, 286, 287, 289, 293 fi , 299, 301 ff., 374, 470 N azir A hm an,D r. 31, 201 N azir Ahmad Maulvi, 272 Nazis, 401 Narul, Kazij 290 Nehru Committee, 350 Nehru, P an d it Jaw ahar Lai, 104,146, 174, 176, 299, 300, 318, 323, 325, 360, 361 371, 374 ff , 383, 386, 387. 389, 392, 394, 405. 407,409, 413, 417, 418, 433, 436, 440, 458. 461. 481 ; -Liaqat P act, 461, 462 Nehru, P andit Motilal, 159, 280 Nehru R eport, 159, 281, 285, 297, 351, 455 Neogy, K C„ 461 Netrakona, 274 Neve Zurcher Zeilung, 480

New Delhi, 481 New Times, 253 New York Times, 400 Nicholson, Dr. 174. 233, 234 Nicholson. John, ‘106 Nizam, 77, 211 N 'zam -i-Islam P arty, 281 Nizam-ud-Din, Mulla, 8 Nizam-ul-MashsJiaikh. 117 Noakhali, 12, 91, 274, 373, 398, 401, 402, 417 Nnman, 239 Non-Co-operation M ovement, 114. 154.155, 166, 281 Noor Ahmad, Sufi, 12 Noor-ud-Din, Khwaja, 288, 290 Noor-un-Ndbi, A F , 277 N orth Africa, 188 N orthbrook Lord, 37 N orthern India, 22,41, 169, 206, 272, 30S N orth-W est Indian MasHm State, 169 Notv or Never, Nur Ahmad, Syed, 229, 238 N u rE la h i, Malik, 267 Nur M uhammad, Sufi, 91 Nur-uI-Amin, K han Bahadur, 299 Nurullah, Mian, 260 N ur Qutb-i-A!am, 64 Nusher Ali, Syed, 288 N.W .F.P., 113, 155, 158, 169, 171, 193, 220 £f, 229, 262, 316 f f , 356. 360, 370, 371, 384, 391

O O bhrai, R ai B ahadur, 317 Observer, The, 110, 205. 214, 251.470, 472 Ochterlony, 40 O’Donnell, 92 O’Dwyer, Sir Michael, 215, 216 O ’K inealy, Jam es, 85

Oriental College, 265 Oriental Defence Association, 43 Orient News Agency, 265 Orissa, 16 0 -iy a,4 7 7 O ttaw a Pact, 357 O ttom an Caliphate, 131 O ttom an Em oire, 311 O ttom an Turkey, 205 Oudb, 9 Oxford, 150, 356, 453 Oxford University, 150, 296

;P Paisa Akhbar, 110, 205 P akhtunistan, 324 Pakistan, battle for. 270 : dem and for. 1, 307, 308 ; Movement, 171, 184. 230. 266, 286,291; Resolution, 192, 368 : scheme, 169, 356 Pakistan, 396 Pakistan In stitu te of International Afiairs, 188 Pakistan N ational Congress, l71 Palestine. 153. 242, 243 Paneli, 340, 341 Pan-Tslam. 137, 138^ 154. 157, 158. 167 . P an-Islam ic Society, 296 P anipat, 59 Panjabi, K .L , 146 P an nikar, 57. 85 P artition Movement, 291 Partition of the Punjab, 396 P atel, Sardar V allabhbhai, 146. 299, 30D. 302. 306. 307. 360 ff,. 369, 374. 376, 383 fi.,40'8, 409, 413 ff., 428, 435, 439 •' P athaokot, 464 P athans, 320, 321, 410i 465 P athan S tate, 324 P atiala, 36, 68. 381, 404, 410 P atna. 12. 80, 91, 265 . .

P attab h i Sitaram aya, 350 Payam-i-Mashriq, 173 Peace Conference. 156. 166, 346 People’s ^ge. 345 Persia, 18 66. 90. 281- ; eee also Ira n Peshawar, 222. 229, 234, 321. 324 Pethick-Lawrence, Law, 371, 426 Philanthropist, 204 Phillips-Price, M orsan, 1 Pioneer, The. 40, 106. 146, 224 P ir B akhsh K han, K han, 229 Pirs, 117, 135, 314 ' Plassev, 9, 12, 85, 192 PoHticinns and the Press, 184 Poona, 46 P rabodh Chand, 396 Principle o f Movement in the Structure o f Islam, 6 3 . Principles o f Muhammadan Ju ris­ prudence, 283 PRODA,471 Progressive Coalition P arty , 293 Progressive W riters Association, 177 P rophet (of Islam ). 16, 32, 33, 60, 61, 62, 66. I l l , 116.129, 130, 195, 210, 273.349, 435 P ro test Conference, 291 P rotest Movement. 291 P rotestants, 284 P unjab, 27, 36, 39, 41, 68.113, 116, 117, 132, 136.139,153 ff„ 161, 167, 169, 172, 173, 180,191,1^)3.195, 196.198, 200 fi., 207 fi., 215, 216, 220 fE, 234 fE, H 2 , 244, 246 ff.. ■254 fi., 259, 262 ff., 274, 282, 286, 288, 300,302,307, S h , 314, 317, 320 ff , 346, 348, 349, 358 ff., 366 ff., 378 ff., 391 ff., 397, 398, 400 ff., 418 ff., 422, 437, 453;' 460. 463, 470. 476 . ' “Punjabee,” 204 P unjab Hindus, 220 ' ' Punjab Medical Council, 322'

P unjab Muslims, 167. 192, 214, 296 Punjab Muslim Students F ederation, 258,261,264, 265 ' P unjab Musltni N ationalist Confer­ ence, 252c P unjab N ational Bank, 210 fi. Punjab Observer, 2Q4 Punjab Provincial Muslinj League, 240, 241, 24J, 251, 253, 255, 260, 261 : . Punjab Reforms Committee, 236 Punjab under the British, 193 Piinjab Unionists, 425 Punjab University, 39, 50. 167, 210 Punjab University College, 198, 202 P uranas, 88 Pyarelal, 300, 301, 309, 310, 363, 398, 399, 401, 417 '

Q

Q adianis, lOB ' Qadianisirii 175 Quaed-e-Azdm.As t Knew Him, IV l Quaid-i-Azam, 115, .182, 188, 224, 226, 241. 245, 259, 263, 266 fi., 280, 290, 303, 302, 307 £f„ 313, 316, 324, 358, 370, 381. 388, 390, 391, 407. 408,414, 418. 419, 422 S'. 431, 435, 457, 458, 463, 470, ,480; see o^sojinnah Quetta, 425 Quit India Movement, 245, 369 Qulich K hanj 5 , . Qur’an, 6, 11, 48, 52. 53, 56. 69, 74, 87, 139, 142, 143, 178. 464, 466. 467 Qureshi, Abdul W ahid, 403 Qureshi, D r I.U ., 10, 12, 191. 240. 372 . ' ,. Qureshi, Miss M , 243 Quwwat-ul-Islam Mosque, 256 R Radclifie Award, 391, 392, 422, 460

Raghib Ahsan, Maulana, 303 R ahm at Ali, Chaudhri, 169 ff„ 191 R ajendra Hal M itra, Rai, 82 Raj karega K halsa baqi rahe na koi, 400 . R jm abal, 91 R ajuarain Bose, 475 R ajshahi, 89 Raleigh, Sir W alter; 37, 50 Ram Gopal, 80, 91.’ 170, 280, 295 Ram Mohan Roy, Rajai, 475, 476 Ram pur, 134, 150 Ranchi, 141 Ran jit Singh, 9 Ranke, 122, 123 R ajputs, 476 Rashid Ahmad Gangohi, Maulana, 113 116 R ashtriya Sewak Sangh, 382 R atanpur, 228 Raw alpandi, 201, 202, 233, 264. 293. 408 fi. Razm ak, 422 Reading, Lord, 174, 185, 186 Reconstruction of Islamic Jurispru­ dence, 178 Reconstruction o f Religious Thought in Islam, 176 ti. Red S uirts. 322, 323. 325 Reed, Sir Stanley, 186 Rees. 392 Reform s E nquiry Committee, 280 Reid. Sir Robert, 277, 287 Religious Relorm P arty , 178 Research Society of P akistan, 297 Reserve Bank of India. 418 R iazatullah, 276 Ripon, Lord. 38. 44, 93 Roberts, Owen, 220 R ohilkhand, 116 Roman Catholics, 55 Ronaldshay, Lord, 286 Roose-Keppel, Sir George, 321

Round, Table Conference, 159,169 fE, 187, 208, 220, 223, 225, 282, 285, 297, 319, 352 £E., 427, 433 Kow latt Act, 141 R ow latt Committee, 114 Row latt, Justice, 45 Royal Amnesty, 141 Royal Asiatic Society, 21 Royal H otel, 184 Roy, Sir P.C., 291 Rumi, Maulana, 121 R u ral P arty , 218 Rushbrook-W illiams, 347, 390 Russell, Wilfid, 415 Russia, 177 Russian Revolution, 115 S Sachar, Bbim Sen, 400 Sachin Sen, Dr, 1, 435, 481 Sa'd-ud-Din Khan, K han B ahadur, 322 Sa'dullah K han, K han B ahadur, 318 Sa'dullah, Sir, 289 Sahih Bukhari, 145 Said Halim Pasha, 178 Saiyid, M.H., 358 Sajjad H yder, Syed, ISO Sajjad Zaheer, 240, 245, 246 Salar Jang, Sir, 73 Salik Syed A , 278 Salimullah, Nawab, 94 ff„ 183, 271 fi., 287 Salt Satyagraha, 281 Samiullah K han, Maulvi, 73, 99,100, 101,107 Sampuran Singh, Sardar, 359 Samuel, Lord, 388, 390 Sangla Hill, 265 Sangthan Movement, 142, 168, 348 Sapru, Sir Tej B ahadur, 351, 353 S ira t C handra Bose, 300, 301, 303, 437 ^

Sardul Singh Caveeshar, S ardar, 366 Sargodha, 248 Saroda Charan M itter, 439 Sarojini Kaidu, 174, 431 "Sarzam in-i-be-aain," 321 Satans of E urope, 1’8 S atiya M. Rai, Mrs, 3% , 412 Satyapal, Dr, 265 Satyarth Prakask, 210 Saudi Arabia, 464, 468 Sayani, R.M ,2 8 Sayings o f M uhammad, 295 Sayyid Ahmad Brelvi, Maulana, 91 Scientific Society, 2,28, 30 ff., 99 Second Sikh W ar, 233 Second W orld W ar, 369 Secrets o f the Self, 166 Shabbir Ahmad Usmani, M aulana, 115, 468 Shabbir Husain, Dr, 265 Shadi Lai, Sir, 168. 219, 317 S hafaat Ahmad K han, Sir, 223 Shahab-ud-Din, Chaudhri Sir, 206, 214; 227 Shahab-ud-Din, K hw aja, 96, 294 Shah Din. 80, 81, 195, 199, 206 fi.. 214, 216. 251, 263, 272 Shaheed Ganj, 242, 243, 256, 257, 356 Shahi Bagh, 229 Shahi jirga, 325 Shah Jahan, 19, 233, 476 S hahjahanpur, 56,195, 197, 204 Shah Nawaz B hutto, Sir, 314 Shah Nawaz K han, Sir, 259, 262 Shah Nawaz of Mamdot, Nawab, 238 243,247,248,257 ^ Shah W aliullah, 10 f i , 64, 91, 112, 115 fi., 173, 177 . Shaista Ikram ullah, Begum, 91, 285 Shakespeare (m agistrate), 21, 27, 30, 31 "S ham a-o-S hair,” 165

Shamsabad, 254 Shamsuddin Ahmad, 228, 288 Shamsul H uda, Sir, 272, 276, 277, 288 Shardhanand, SWami, 153, 168 Shariat, 178, 464 Shariatullah, H aji, 91 S h a rif Bibian, 205 Sharif H nsain, 154 Sharma; M.S.M , 428 fi. S haukat Ali, Maulana, 102, 107, 114, 128, 131, 149/' 158, 183, 187, 297, 350 Shaukat H ay a t K han, Sardar, 248, 258 ff. Sheikh Ahmad (of Sirhind), 17 Sheikhupura, 259, 391, 395 Shia College, 109 Shias, 108,109, 184 Shibii, 38, 41, 50. 55, 64, 74,118 fif., 138,149,160,166, 175, 272 Shikarpur, 315 Shiksha Sabha, 196, 234 Shikwa, 165 Shikwa-i-Hind, 67 Shi'r-ul-Ajam, 121 Shiv Parshad, Babu, 31 Short History o f the Saracens, A, 92 Short, Major, 393 Shuddhi, 142, 348 Shujaa-ud-Din, D r K halifa, 19?, 214, 251, 233 Shyam B ehari I,al, 54 Sialkot, 6, 114, 160, 213, 214, 261, 391 Siberia, 16 Sicily, 163 Sikandar H ayat K han, Sir, 174,195, 227, 230, 231, 233, 236 ff., 248 ff., 254, 257 ff., 263, 266, 271, 289, 361, 366 S ikandar-Jinnah P act, 238, 244, 247, 248, 254. 255 Sikh Gurus, 4

Sikh-Muslim relations, 209 Sikh Plan, 391, 395, 397, 400, 408 Sikh rule, 140. 193,195, 209 Sikhs, 76, 91,170, 187, 193, 209, 233. 320, 358, 378, 380 ff., 391 ff., 400 ff., 437,454, 476,478 Sikh W ar, 195 ■ Silk letter conspiracy, 114 Silsilah-i-Farman Raivayan-i-Islam, 121 Sim la, 79, 83. 93, 110, 198, 369, 383 Sim la D eputation, 79, 81,82,94,104, n o . 183, 207, 274; 275, 283, 352 Sim on CommissioD, 159. 186, 187, 208, 220. 252. 282, 285, 288* ^95. 297, 298, 314, 318, 350, 353, 375, 454 Simpson, Mrs, 188 Sind, 169, 171, 172, 192, 222, 225, 262, 307, 311 ff., 341. 367, 370,378. 379, 384. 414. 415. 424; separation of, 220, 314, 315. 349. 356 ; Amirs of. 90 Sindhis. 425 Sind M adrasah, 312, 314, 341 Sind Mohammedan Association, 314 Sind Muslim College, 313 Sind Muslims. 314 Sind Provincial Muslim League Con­ ference, 192, 316 Sirajganj, 284 Siraj-ud-Din Ahmad. H unshi, 205. 206 Sirhind. 6. 173 Sivaswami Aiyer, Sir, 317 Smith. Jam es DunlOp. 273, 274 Smith. W ilfred Cantwell, 166 Smyrna, 185 Society for the Educational Progress of Indian Muslims, 35 “ Some Strictures on th e Government E ducational Policy,” 49i South Africa, 153, 209, 345 South-East Asia, 369.,

Speeches and Statements o f Iqbal, 174 Speeches and Statements o f Quaid-iM illat Liaqai AH Khan, 455 Speeches a n i Writings o f Mr. Jinnah, 456 Speeches as Governor-General of Pakistan. 431 sp irit o f Islam, 33, 92, 352 Srinivas lyeugar, 1S8. 349, 3 '0 S tate B ank of Pakistan; 424 Statesman, The, 290. 388 Stephens, Ian. 131. 396, 413 Story o f the Pakistan Army, The, 471 Straqhey, Sir jo h n , 36 Streifi. Eric, 480 Struggle for Pakistan, 146, 212, 284, 290, 368, 422 : S£ X avfer College, 296 St X avier’s Collegiate School, 272 Subh-i-Ummeed, 124 Sudhakar,T16 Suhraw ardy, A bdullah al-Mamun, 272.283,284,295,2961 Suleman TIadvi, Syed, 125, 126, 130, 166, 175, 176 Sundarbans, 16 Sunnis, 3. 179, 184 . Surat, 344 S urendranath B anerjea, Sir, 41, 275, 342, 347 Sutherland, Col., 218 Swadeshi Movement, 275 Sw arajist P arty, 283, 284, 296, 318 Sw arajists; 142, 276, 280, 296 Switzerland, .357, 480 Syed Ahmad Brelvi. 11,12,320 Syed A hmad K han, 2, 13, 16 f f , 25 . fi.. 40. 42, 44, 455,47 ff.. 92. 93. 98 ff , 113, 117,119, 120. 122, 124,125, : 127 f i, 131, 137, 138, 140, 142, 146, 148, 149, 160, 175. 182, 195, 197, 198, 204, 207, 231,232, 234, 249, 295, 365, 459, 475,, 477

Syed Brothers, 9 Syed H abib, 172 Syed H usain. 116, 178 Syed Muhammad, Naw ab, 92, 279, 435 Syed M urtaza B ahadur, Matilvi, 318 Sylhet, 281, 307, 384 ' Symonds, Richard, 472 Syria. 153 Syrians, 62 ,:T • :

.

Tafazzal AH, 294 Tagore, D w arkanath, 88 Tagorij R abindranath, 275, 475, 476 Tahzib-ul-Akhlaq, 33.ff., 53, 54. 64, 74 Tairsee, 366 Taj Mahal. 476 , Taj-ud-D in, Pir, 214 T ara Singh, M aster, 381, 393 ff., 400 ff , 407, 408, 410 Tarikhi FAsia, 403 Tarjuman-ul-Quran, 142,147, 464 Tayler, 86 Tazkirah, 132 Temple-wood, Lord, 354 T hanesar, 6 Thim ayya, 411 Thorburn, 194 Tilak, 44. 64, 98, 476 Times o f India, The, Tiwes, TAe, 119, 363, 396 Tinker, Hugh, 302, 306, 403 Tipu. 9 Toynbee, A rnold, 422 Transfer o f Power in India, 405 Translation Society, 29 Tribune, The, 151, 196, 212, 219, 254, 262 T rinity H all, 287 Tripoli, 114, 152 Tufail Atimad, Syed, 56 Tuker, Sir Francis, 302, 303, 309

Turkey, 54, 55, 109, 115, 127, 132, 136, 137, 151 q., 157,166.168, 176 ft., 183 ff., 188, 201, 205, 311, 346, 472 Turkish Caliph, 55, 142, 153 Turkish Em pire, 156 Turkish N ationalists, 178 Turks, 55, 154. 186. 284 Two-Man Boundary Force, 308 Two-Nation Theory, 284 T yabji, 75 Tyler, 109 U UbaiduUah Sindhi, M aulaca, 109, 113, 114 UbaiduUah TJbaidi Suhrawardy, Mualana, 295 U jjal Singh, S ardar, 359 Umar, H azrat, 122 U m ar H a y a t K han Tiwana, Sir, 171, 223, 251 Undivided Bengal Scheme, 303 Unionist-Congress coalition, 310 Unionist P arty , 218 ff., 225, 227, 231, 233, 2)6 a . 249, 252. 254, 255, 257, 259, 260, 267, 270, 271, 402 ; see also R ural P a rty Unionists, 173, 180, 360, 368, 378 United Kingdom, 206 U nited Muslim P arty , 228, 229, 288, 298 United Nations, 437, 473 U nited Provinces, 73, 75, 99, 113, 149, 190. 194, 217, 230, 360, 362, 405, 406, 417, 453, 454, 477, 478 U pper In d ia Muslim Conference, 172 U rdu, 1, 2. 11, 20, 30 fif,,42, 49, SO. 53, 56, 60. 65, 70, 75 f f , 90, 100, 121, 122, 126, 129, 130, 137, 151. 161, 164, 176, 201, 203, 209. 223. 271, 273. 278, 285, 313, 403, 408, 409, 410, 475. 477 ff.

Urdu Defence Asso.ciatipn, 76 U rdu Press, 20? U S.A.., 437. 438, 470, 473 U S.S R.. 423. 460

V a k il.u e , 20$ Vatan, 110, 205 Vedilal, 386 Victoria, Queen, 28. Viqar-ul-Mulk, 73. 77 ff., 82, 83. 98, 99, 101 ff., 119, 124, 127. 128, 138, 140, 149 £f., 365 V ivekananda. 476 W W ahabis, 51, 52, 91, 478 Wahdat-ul-Shuhud, 1 ■Waheed-ul-Zaman, 320 W ali Muhammad, 313, 314 W aqf al-Aulad, 343 Waqiat-i-Hind, 209 W asti, Dr, 274 W avell, Lord, 369, 373, 374, 376, 433, 434 W azir H assan, Syed, 152 W azir, Nawab. 9, 359 W aziristan, 422 Wellesly, Lord, 18 W est Bengal. 303. 399, 437, 461 W estern Powers, 127 W est P akistan. 113, 117, 391. 397, 419, 437, 438 W est Punjab, 160, 384, 391, 394. 395, 408, 413, 418, 420. 465 W illingdon. 232. 319, 345, 346, 427 Wilson, F.W . . 224 W ordsw orth. 161

Yad-i-Ayyam, 454 Y akki Gate (Lahore), 253 Y aqub Beg, D r M itza, 322

Y aqub H asan, 364 Years o f Change ; Bengal and Assam, 287 Yemen, 468 YouDghusband, Sir Francis, 177 Young Men M uhammadan Associa­ tion, 206 Young, Sir M ackworth, 235 Yusuf AH Chowdhury (Mohan Mian), 288 Zabur-i-Ajam, 177 Z afar AU K han, 114, 128, 131, 136, 151, 160, 205, 206, 262, 281, 321

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Zahid Suhraw ardy (Zubad K ahim Zahid),29S Zahur Alam Shaheed, 264 Zain-ul-Abidin, 252 290 Zakir H usain, D r, 143, 155 Zatnana, 290 Zamindar, 106, 110, 151, 205, 206, 222, 301 Zamindara League, 267 Zetland, 284; 286 Ziarat. 424 Zia-ud-Din Barani, 21.151, 221 Zulfiqar AU K han, Sir, 295

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