Mixed Styles in Spoken Arabic in Egypt: Somewhere Between Order and Chaos 9004149864, 9789004149861, 9789047408987

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MIXED STYLES IN SPOKEN ARABIC IN EGYPT

STUDIES IN SEMITIC LANGUAGES AND LINGUISTICS EDITED BY

T. MURAOKA AND C.H.M. VERSTEEGH

VOLUME XLVIII MIXED STYLES IN SPOKEN ARABIC IN EGYPT

MIXED STYLES IN SPOKEN ARABIC IN EGYPT Somewhere between Order and Chaos BY

GUNVOR MEJDELL

LEIDEN • BOSTON 2006

This book is printed on acid-free paper.

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Mejdell, Gunvor. Mixed styles in spoken Arabic in Egypt : somewhere between order and chaos / by Gunvor Mejdell. p.cm. — (Studies in Semitic languages and linguistics, ISSN 0081-8461 ; 48) Includes bibliographical references. ISBN-13: 978-90-04-14986-1 ISBN-10: 90-04-14986-4 (hardback : alk. paper) 1. Arabic language—Dialects—Research—Egypt. 2. Diglossia (Linguistics) —Egypt—Case studies. 3. Arabic language—Standardization. I. Title. II. Series. PJ6773.M45 2006 492.7’70962—dc22 2006044018

ISSN 0081-8461 ISBN-13: 978-90-04-14986-1 ISBN-10: 90-04-14986-4

© Copyright 2006 by Koninklijke Brill NV, Leiden, The Netherlands. Koninklijke Brill NV incorporates the imprints Brill, Hotei Publishing, IDC Publishers, Martinus Nijhoff Publishers and VSP. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, translated, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without prior written permission from the publisher. Authorization to photocopy items for internal or personal use is granted by Koninklijke Brill provided that the appropriate fees are paid directly to The Copyright Clearance Center, 222 Rosewood Drive, Suite 910 Danvers , MA 01923, USA. Fees are subject to change. printed in the netherlands

CONTENTS

Preface .........................................................................................

xi

Chapter One: Arabic and the Issue of Standard Language ....... Arabic and the ‘diglossic continuum’ ...................................... Standard language/variety—concepts of status, norms, and functions ....................................................................... The emergence of fu as a modern ‘standard’ ..................... Selection and codication ................................................... Elaboration of function ....................................................... The role of the Academy ................................................ Acceptance by the community ............................................ Language issues in the printed media ............................. Some problems of codication and norm .......................... The oral standard and formal spoken Arabic ................. Trends in other ‘diglossic’ communities .............................. A ‘standard’ with restricted ‘polyfunctionality’ ...................

1 1

Chapter Two: Intermediate Forms—‘Mixed Styles’ ................... Dening ‘levels’ of the continuum .......................................... Empirical studies on the linguistic properties of ‘mixed style’ The Educated Spoken Arabic of Mitchell and the Leeds project ................................................................... A quantitative approach: Schulz 1981 ................................ Badawi’s (1973) continuum-cum-levels ............................... Features which characterize mmiyyat al-muaqqafn ......... The lexical basis of variation—the ‘lexical hypothesis’ ...... Notes on the analytical status of ‘hybrids’ .......................... The LS ~ MPP distinction .............................................. Restrictions/constraints on mixing ......................................... Word-internal mixing—the asymmetry of the varieties ..... Syntactic restrictions/constraints ........................................ The scope of my investigation ................................................ Data and speakers ............................................................... Notions of genre, register, and style .................................... Selection of items for analysis .............................................

5 7 7 11 15 19 21 25 32 37 42 45 45 47 49 51 51 53 55 58 61 62 62 66 68 68 71 74

vi

CONTENTS

System of transcription and presentation of data .................. Phoneme inventory and symbols for transcription ............. Notes on system of transcription ........................................ Word boundaries and morphological information ............. Notes on grammatical notation .......................................... Abbreviations of grammatical terms ..................................

77 78 79 84 87 88

Chapter Three: Variants of Complementizers ........................... Forms and distribution of the SA complementizers ...............   amr al- an, or the pronominal ‘dummy’ ........................... Forms and distribution of EA complementizer inn ................ Obligatory vs. optional uses of inn- .................................... Bloch’s analysis of Damascene nno clauses .................... The interpretation of innu .................................................. Formal and functional categories of COMP .......................... COMP in the current data ..................................................... COMP in AUC1 ................................................................. COMP in AUC2 ................................................................. COMP in AUC3 ................................................................. COMP in AUC4 ................................................................. COMP in NA1 .................................................................... COMP in NA2 .................................................................... COMP in NA3 .................................................................... Discussion and summary of COMP ....................................... Distribution of variants ....................................................... Syntactic functions of COMP clauses ................................ Attributive/epexegetic clauses ........................................ Multifunctionality of inn- ............................................... The expression of factuality vs. non-factuality in COMP clauses ................................................................ Constraints of asyndetic verb complement clauses ............ Principles of coreference/the ‘identity principle’ ........... Semantic or lexical conditioning ..................................... The triplet yumkin/mumkin/yimkin .................................... Constraints of linguistic environment ................................. The status of innu ...............................................................

90 91 95 97 100 104 108 109 111 112 118 126 135 140 145 156 159 159 160 162 164

Chapter Four: Demonstratives .................................................... Demonstratives in Standard Arabic ........................................ The basic sets in SA ............................................................

175 175 175

165 167 167 167 169 170 171

CONTENTS

vii

Pronominal and attributive functions ................................. Deictic functions and anaphora .......................................... Demonstratives in Egyptian Arabic ........................................ The basic sets in EA ............................................................ Pronominal and attributive functions ................................. SA and EA chart ................................................................. DEM in the current data ........................................................ DEM in AUC1 .................................................................... DEM in AUC2 .................................................................... DEM in AUC3 .................................................................... DEM in AUC4 .................................................................... DEM in NA1 ....................................................................... DEM in NA2 ....................................................................... DEM in NA3 ....................................................................... Discussion and summary of DEM .......................................... Deixis and anaphoric reference .......................................... Patterns of distribution of SA and EA variants .................. Ratios of SA and EA variants across speakers ................ Pronominal vs. attributive distribution ............................ Patterns of use of kida and a:lika .................................... A note on // ~ /z/ realization ..................................... Cooccurrence patterns ........................................................

176 177 180 180 184 185 186 188 192 200 206 210 215 223 227 227 227 227 229 230 231 231

Chapter Five: The Expression of Negation ................................ Negation in SA ........................................................................ l .......................................................................................... lam ....................................................................................... lan ........................................................................................ m ........................................................................................ laysa ...................................................................................... Negation in EA ....................................................................... ma- ...................................................................................... mu /mi ................................................................................ Eid’s restrictions on switching ................................................. NEG in the current data ......................................................... NEG in AUC1 .................................................................... NEG in AUC2 .................................................................... NEG in AUC3 .................................................................... NEG in AUC4 .................................................................... NEG in NA1 .......................................................................

233 233 234 235 236 236 238 240 241 242 243 244 245 247 253 258 262

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CONTENTS

NEG in NA2 ....................................................................... NEG in NA3 ....................................................................... Discussion and summary of NEG .......................................... Patterns of distribution ....................................................... NEG and tense ................................................................ Notes on the use of laysa ................................................. Adversative constructions ................................................ A note on mi a:rif and ma-(a)raf ................................... Constraints on cooccurrence ..............................................

265 268 271 271 272 273 275 278 279

Chapter Six: The Relative Phrase ............................................... Forms of SA and EA REL ...................................................... Functions of REL ................................................................... Attribution to denite/indenite heads .............................. Restrictiveness of relative clauses ........................................ The ‘resumptive’ pronoun and subject NPrel ..................... Pronominal use of REL ...................................................... Eid and constraints on switching ........................................ REL in the current data .......................................................... REL in AUC1 ..................................................................... REL in AUC2 ..................................................................... REL in AUC3 ..................................................................... REL in AUC4 ..................................................................... REL in NA1 ........................................................................ REL in NA2 ........................................................................ REL in NA3 ........................................................................ Discussion and summary of REL ........................................... Total distribution SA:EA ..................................................... Distribution of REL and functions for NPrel ..................... Distribution of REL and predicative types ......................... The linguistic environment and constraints ........................ Subject pronouns and the issue of restrictiveness ............... REL with indenite heads ..................................................

281 281 282 282 283 286 289 290 291 293 297 303 311 316 319 328 333 333 334 334 334 336 338

Chapter Seven: Pronoun Sufxation .......................................... Forms of SA and EA clitic pronouns ...................................... Morphophonological rules (phonotactics) of pronoun sufxation ........................................................................ Notes on native speakers’ perception of pronoun sufxation ............................................................................

341 341 341 344

CONTENTS

ix

PRON SUFF in the current data ............................................ PRON SUFF in AUC1 ....................................................... PRON SUFF in AUC2 ....................................................... PRON SUFF in AUC3 ....................................................... PRON SUFF in AUC4 ....................................................... PRON SUFF in NA1 .......................................................... PRON SUFF in NA2 .......................................................... PRON SUFF in NA3 .......................................................... Discussion and summary of PRON SUFF ............................. Distribution of SA and EA variants across speakers ........... Lexical and structural constraints .......................................

347 350 352 355 358 359 363 370 372 372 374

Chapter Eight: Results, Interpretation, and Conclusions ........... Distribution of SA:EA variants across speakers and features ................................................................................ Interspeaker ranking ........................................................... Contextual factors: topic and audience ............................... Ranking of features ................................................................. Style markers and ‘saliency’ ................................................ Structural factors: equivalence, cohesion, and complexity ....................................................................... Constraints on mixing ............................................................. A sequential presentation ........................................................ Concluding remarks ................................................................

374 374 376 378 382 383 387 390 393 395

Appendix 1: Sequential presentation of variants ........................ Appendix 2: Transcribed text ..................................................... Appendix 3: Translation of text ..................................................

399 405 434

Bibliography ................................................................................

468

Index ...........................................................................................

480

PREFACE

This is a case study of language use in context. It is a study of spoken academic discourse in Egypt, more precisely the selection by some highly educated Egyptians of certain linguistic means from their verbal repertoires in response to a specic situation and genre: ‘the panel presentation at a public seminar’. The question I raise is a quite open one: How do they (‘my speakers’) do this? And do they do the same things—are their linguistic choices, their patterns of selection similar? different? very different? In which respects, to what degree? Although the core and the main focus of this study represents descriptive (and contrastive) linguistics, the contextual framework and the interpretation of the data involved several interrelated sociolinguistic elds and approaches. First of all—how to situate this kind of spoken discourse in the larger setting of the linguistic and sociocultural situation in Egypt—specically with regard to questions of standard language, standardization and (changing) language norms. It involves issues of ‘diglossia revisited’—the representation of linguistic variation as a ‘diglossic’ dichotomy (H:L varieties), or as multilayered varieties, or as a sociolinguistic continuum. It draws on insights from spoken/written approaches, on issues of genres and styles, and on research conducted in the eld of language contact and code interaction—the Arabic case (‘diglossic’ in the ‘narrow’ sense) presenting similarities to bilingual situations in some respects and to standard-with-dialects situations in other. Language norms, linguistic choice, and the concept of ‘style’ have been central to my attention all the way, as well as a strong commitment to real data, i.e. an empirical orientation. Growing up in a country where linguistic issues have always been lively debated, leading to controversies that sometimes include arguments about national treason, I have been particularly attracted to and sensitive to the dilemmas and political underpinnings of linguistic issues also in the eld of Arabic studies. At large, ofcial Norwegian language policies represent the extreme contrast to the ofcial Arabic position: language reforms in Norway have aimed at narrowing the gap between the standard norms and the spoken varieties, with the standard norms

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allowing for a variety of alternative morphophonological forms accommodating to spoken usage. The ofcial purism of Egyptian (and Arab) language policies prescribes a language norm which shuns vernacular forms and which very few Egyptians feel at ease with for spoken functions. The use of verbal strategies which result in a kind of ‘mixed’ discourse, taking its linguistic means partly from the ‘standard’ and partly from the vernacular, has, however, long been acknowledged both by outside scholars and by language users themselves as an (unofcial) appropriate way of coping with more formal spoken settings. This study, then, is a contribution to the study of such language practice—aiming at a thorough investigation of a set of grammatical features as they occurred in the panel presentations I have recorded and used for this study. I hope my study will shed new, or at least additional, light on the properties of ‘mixed styles’ in Egyptian Arabic, that the discussion of the features be found useful, and that the date be welcomed as an addition to the sparse transcribed oral data available. I also hope it will be considered a tribute to and appreciation of linguistic creativity and the rich linguistic resources of the entire repertoire of modern Arabic. The investigation is organized into the following parts: Chapter One is an overview of the Egyptian language situation and the development of the status and functions of its language varieties—in the perspective of standard language typology, leading up to the phenomenon of intermediate spoken forms of the language. Chapter Two discusses some important former contributions to the issue of intermediate forms or ‘mixed’ styles, introduces the data under investigation, the research questions posed and the analytical procedures to be followed. Chapters Three to Seven treat separately the features selected for investigation. They follow the same structure: rst, the feature is described in its two basic variants, Standard Arabic [SA] and Egyptian Arabic [EA]—based on descriptions in general grammars and more specialized studies, which are critically discussed and related to each other. Secondly, the occurrences of the feature with each single speaker are listed and commented. Thirdly, the occurrences of the feature are compared across speakers, patterns of usage established or discussed. Chapter Eight compares and discusses my ndings on patterns of use of the various features. In Appendix 1 is found a table listing the occurrences of the variants as they enfold in the speakers’ discourse, in Appendix 2 the transcribed data is to be found, followed by a rough translation of the data in Appendix 3.

PREFACE

xiii

Many persons have contributed with inspiration and help in the long process behind this book. I am deeply grateful to Professor Elsaid Badawi of the American University of Cairo, whose reections on Egyptian language issues, and help with sources and contacts, has meant much to me academically and personally. I am similarly indebted to Professor Madiha Doss of Cairo University, who went through my tapes and transcriptions, and who always showed interest and care as a scholar and as a friend. Thanks to ‘my speakers’ Radwa Ashour, Sabry Hafez, Idwar al-Kharrat, Hamdi Sakkut, and Fuad Abu Hatab, who kindly shared their time with me to discuss their language use. I also thank my former supervisor, Professor Heikki Palva of Helsinki University, who rst guided me in the terrain of ‘mixed discourse’, and who has since been a model of accurate linguistic description and careful comment. At my home university, Professor Inger Moen at the Linguistics Department provided continuous encouragement and readiness to read and comment. Professor Even Hovdhaugen was a constructive reader of early drafts, and Professor Mike Carter supplied keen observations and comments along the way. Thanks to the Department of East European and Oriental studies, to Forskningsrådet and Nansenfondet for various kinds of support, and to other colleagues who assisted in various ways (morally, scholarly, and technically). For the nal stage (from dissertation to book), Professors Kees Versteegh of Nijmegen university and Jérôme Lentin of INALCO, Paris, provided invaluable support and suggestions. And nally—loving thanks go to my family for endurance and care in repeatedly hectic periods.

CHAPTER ONE

ARABIC AND THE ISSUE OF STANDARD LANGUAGE

Arabic and the ‘diglossic continuum’ The most characteristic feature of the Arabic language situation is that the language community has as its written standard norm/variety a language form—al-arabiyya al-fu (“most eloquent Arabic”)—which is not based on the ordinary/natural spoken variety of any segment of the population, and which is genetically related to, but highly divergent from, the spoken varieties. I believe these two features of the standard variety to be the essential, key features in the original (‘narrow’ or ‘classical’) concept of diglossia (as outlined in Ferguson 1959), when it comes to understanding linguistic practice and development in diglossic language communities.1 The Arabic case can be taken to represent a prototypical case of diglossia—as, in distinction to two of the other three cases Ferguson used to establish the diglossic type of situation, i.e. Swiss German and Haitian Creole, the High variety (H) in Arabic has no native speakers even outside the local speech community,2 and in distinction to Greek, the written domain is 1 ‘Functional differentiation’ of varieties, another dening criterium of diglossia, may be equally characteristic of other kinds of variety congurations—‘standard-withdialect’-kind of styles and registers; bi- and multilingual code interaction. Cf. Fishman 1967 for a notion of diglossia based on this criterium. Hudson (1994:294) calls diglossia “a dramatic instance of the apparently universal opposition between formal and informal language use.” A thorough discussion of the signicance of various criteria used in the literature to distinguish ‘diglossia’ from other sociolinguistic situations is found in the special issue on diglossia of the International Journal of the Sociology of Language, 157 (2002). Cf. Hudson 2002a and 2002b. 2 Standard German (Hochsprache) is the normal (conversational) spoken variety of segments of the population in Germany; standard (acrolect) French likewise has native speakers in France, cf. Valdman (1968:313): “[. . .] the local variety of Standard French—which shows few divergences from the prestige Parisian variety”. In the following section (pp. 313–14), it appears that a certain segment of Haitian society also uses French for informal and private situations, which makes the Haitian case less prototypical diglossic than the Swiss German case. On the other hand, Valdman points to the fact that approx. 90% of the population are absolutely monolingual, have no access to the High variety, French. ‘Diglossic’ individuals, then, constitute a small minority—whereas the Swiss Germans, with their elevated level of education, more or less all participate in diglossia. In this (demographic) perspective, Swiss German would be rated as more diglossic than Arabic language communities with lower literacy rates.

2

CHAPTER ONE

(with minor modications) exclusively the domain of H.3 The Arabic H is a pure ‘superposed variety’4—with only the Low variety (L) having native speakers in the sense of being a naturally acquired ‘mother tongue’.5 H has a long tradition of representing the sole codied orthoepic norm.6 This orthoepic standard variety represents a prescriptive norm for writing and reading (written production and oral text reproduction), and as such it is ofcially sanctioned and generally accepted and uncontested (though not necessarily abided by, see below) in the language community. Real and potential users of the H variety have highly variable competence in both the theoretical (knowledge of the grammar) and practical (prociency) aspects of it, largely as a function of level and kind of education users have had access to, but also depending on users’ attitudes and motivation. It is generally accepted in (socio)linguistics that all speakers have in their verbal repertoire a certain range of stylistic variation, that certain aspects of language use of groups and individuals are inuenced by contextual factors and communicative functions. The crude, oversimplied (but hard-to-kill) version of diglossia has it that in diglossic language communities, speakers have two discrete varieties (H and L), and that the use of either one matches certain contextual and/or communicative functions according to society/sociocultural norms. Ferguson’s model was, admittedly, largely dichotomous in essence, but he signicantly mentioned the use of “unstable intermediate forms of the language” to resolve “communicative tensions which arise in the diglossia situation” (1959:332). And in his 1996 [1991] article “Diglossia revisited” he favours a stronger weight on register variation within and across H and L , which are to be seen as the two poles of a continuum with ‘mixed’ or ‘in-between’ varieties—as is also reected in the metalinguistic labels of 3 Dhimotiki, the Greek L (low variety), has long been used for literary purposes, and today has even taken over the written domain as the dominant and ofcial standard. The Greek case thus can be said to have entered into a ‘post-diglossic’ situation (Drettas 1981; Hawkins 1983; Frangoudaki 2002). 4 Keeping in mind that “[t]otal superposition does not imply that every member of a diglossic community knows H and uses H, but merely that there is no portion of the community which actually knows H and uses H without also knowing L and using L [as everyday idiom]” (Britto, cited in Hudson 2002a:6). 5 To repeat this crucial point: “In diglossia no one speaks the H variety as a mother tongue, only the L variety. In the standard with dialects situation, some speakers speak H as a mother tongue, while others speak L varieties as a mother tongue and acquire H as a second system” (Schiffman, cited in Hudson 2002a:7). 6 For a recent survey of the early process of codication and the ‘Forschungsstand’ on this issue, see Versteegh 1997, chap. 5–6 and bibliography.

ARABIC AND THE ISSUE OF STANDARD LANGUAGE

3

native language users: (al-arabiyya) al-fu vs. al-mmiyya7 (or al-drija)8 and (al-lua) al-wus (“the medium/intermediate/middle (language)”).9 The concept of the Arabic ‘language continuum’ is approved by the near-totality of Arabists as reecting the linguistic realities of Arabic language communities today. There have been proposed, however, various models of the continuum—most of them operating with a hierarchy of ‘levels’ which are structurally and functionally dened. The overarching functional dimension is generally taken to be the degree of formality of the situation/context—a continuum from informal to formal largely corresponding structurally to a continuum from predominantly mmiyya (L) to increasingly fu (H) features. Linguistically inter mediate ‘varieties’ or ‘levels’ are characterized by the presence of more or less H and L features: Blanc (1960): 5 levels (Blanc’s model comprises interdialectal ‘leveling’ as well); Badawi (1973) 5 levels—each level sliding into the next as “the colors of the rainbow”; Meiseles (1980) 4 levels; Youssi (1983): 3 levels—with the notion ‘triglossia’, which has been adopted by several researchers and expanded to ‘multiglossia’ (Hary 1996) (or better) ‘pluriglossia’ (Kaye 1993; Dichy 1994).10 In this matter of concepts and notions, however, I strongly agree with the view expressed by Ferguson 1996 [1991]:59—that ‘diglossia’ is still the most appropriate label since “the analyst nds two poles in terms of which the intermediate varieties can be described; there is no third pole”.11 It should be

7 In Cairo people would also refer to il-di, “the usual, normal” for al-mmiyya—and il-fa or in-naawi for al-fu—the masc. forms due to the (mostly) elided head noun il-arabi “Arabic [language]”. Cf. Parkinson 1991 for the use of ‘fu’—which to many of his native informants meant ‘high classical rhetorical style Arabic’—to the exclusion of ordinary, plain SA. His article is discussed below. 8 The term used in the Levant and in the Maghrib. 9 Also, confusingly, sometimes used for ‘modernised’, ‘journalistic’ form of SA. 10 I shall return to some of these contributions in the following chapter, concerning what they say about the middle ranges of the continuum. For general critical surveys of the works mentioned I refer to Hary 1992, 1996; Walters 1996, Owens 2001, Van Mol 2003. 11 This does not exclude, as Haeri (1996 and 1996b) seems to claim, that variable features which are not dichotomous in terms of H vs. L, but run across the continuum (or certain ranges of it) also be accounted for and be assigned social (or stylistic) meaning. This applies for the phonological features Haeri gives as examples: palatalization (which Haeri is to be credited for having brought to our attention)—a variable feature originating in the L range and affecting oral production even at very high levels of the continuum (cf. Skogseth 2000), nal gemination, and voice assimilation—I would add examples as (non-)assimilation of ‘sun letters’ and (non-)elision of hamzat al-wal, both variable features appearing in middle and higher ranges of the continuum (cf. transcription of data in the appendix).

4

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stressed that ‘diglossia’ applies to the dimension of linguistic variation correlating with occasions of use—not ‘dialect’ variation correlation with the (geographical or social) ‘place’ of the language users (ibid.:56). If the totality of Arabic speech communities are taken into account, however, and the perspective includes contacts across regional Ls, as in Blanc (1960) and Dichy (1994)—not to speak of bilingual contacts with linguistic minorities and major foreign languages—then ‘pluriglossia’ might be a relevant term. Suggestions to apply the (post)creole continuum model based on Jamaican data (Bickerton 1975) with its terminology of basilect—mesolect—acrolect to the current situation in Arabic (e.g. Hary 1996), are not, in my view, well founded. The creole continuum model presupposes that individual vernacular ‘idiolects’ are distributed along the whole range of the continuum, with the variants of variable features ordered in a systematic way (the implicational hierarchy). Whereas the vernacular ‘idiolects’ in Arabic will all cluster around the low (‘basilect’) end of the continuum. The model has been rejected for other creole cases (Lefebvre 1976 for Martinique) and nally left bleeding by Bickerton himself.12 My preferred term to designate the situation in Arabic speech communities, in a comparative sociolinguistic (typological) framework, then, is the ‘diglossic continuum’. The linguistic properties of this continuum—a product of the interaction of the basic varieties—may be correlated with dimensions of context and style—the informal-formal cline, the casual-careful cline; unplanned vs. planned discourse, and of mode/medium, i.e. spoken vs. written. The ‘diglossic variables’, i.e. those features with binary (or more) variants contrasting H and L, are potential markers of stylistic and functional differentiation and variation—although they are not the only socially signicant features, as Haeri reminds us (cf. n. 11). In what respect are the distinguishing features of diglossia, i.e. that the H variety has no native speakers and that the varieties H and L are genetically related, but highly divergent, essential for the understanding of linguistic practice and development in diglossic communities—as I claimed in the opening of this chapter? I shall address the rst feature by discussing the status and functions of the Arabic H, al-fu, in the framework of standard language theory/typology—in order to argue more precisely in what sense and to what degree the distinction between 12 Personal communication when in Oslo lecturing on the bio-programme in late 1980’s.

ARABIC AND THE ISSUE OF STANDARD LANGUAGE

5

‘diglossia’ and the ‘standard-with-dialects’ situation is relevant and even essential. The structural ‘relatedness’ feature is implied in that discussion, i.e. compared to standard-with-dialects, and underlies the analysis and further discussions as well as, without being explicitly compared to the bilingual situation, with coexistence of non-related varieties—which I believe involves a different dynamic signicant for the sociocultural perceptions of and evolving relationship between varieties.13

Standard language/variety—concepts of status, norms, and functions The literature on standard languages and standardization does not reect a unied eld of research. It appears to be a particular specialization of Central and East European linguistics14—due, maybe, to the highly complex nature and distribution of linguistic varieties and national and minority issues in these regions. And also, maybe, to the practical relevance of language planning policies in the context of strongly centralized and authoritarian state apparatuses typical of some of these countries until recently. While ‘continental’ scholars have had much data (languages and dialects) in their own back yard, North American (socio)linguists interested in standard language issues have been (mostly) comparative and oriented towards language typology (E. Haugen, Ch. Ferguson, P. Garvin—a mediator of Czech linguistic tradition), or treated language standardization as a case of development studies, often with focus on ‘third world’ countries where several indigenous varieties compete—or simply coexist—with each other and most often also with a superposed foreign language, usually a former colonial language, in various functional domains (represented e.g. by works of J. Gumperz and J. Fishman). The concept and denitions of ‘standard language/variety’15 typically 13 This issue is discussed in various contributions to the IJSL special issue (2002) on diglossia, cf. note 1 above—most poignantly, perhaps, by Haas 2002:111. 14 The denominations (more or less) equivalent to ‘standard variety’ varies somewhat in these traditions—Jedlika (1982:40–41) lists ‘Literatursprache’, ‘Schriftsprache’, ‘Gemeinsprache’, ‘Standardsprache’. 15 ‘Language’ and ‘variety’ are used without distinction in much of the literature. Some, however, reserve ‘standard variety’ for the language form itself, while ‘standard language’ covers the standard variety + its adjacent/subordinated dialects, i.e. like ‘a language’ in ordinary use, only that it is explicitly implied (!) that the language includes a standard variety . . . For the development of the concepts ‘language’ and ‘dialect’ since Greek antiquity and their uses in various modern contexts, cf. Haugen 1966.

6

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contain reference to social status, acceptance, codication and domains of use. Ferguson applies the following status-oriented denition of ‘language standardization’: “the process of one variety of a language becoming widely accepted throughout the speech community as a supradialectal norm—the ‘best’ form of the language—rated above regional and social dialects, although these may be felt to be appropriate in some domains” (1996:69 [1966:31]). Garvin (with Madeleine Mathiot) “tentatively dened” a standard language as “a codied form of a language, accepted by, and serving as a model to, a larger speech community” (1964:522). 30 years later his focus is more function-oriented and culturally restricted: “One can dene standard language as a codied variety of a language that serves the multiple and complex communicative needs of a speech community that has either achieved modernization or has the desire of achieving it” (Garvin1993:41, my italics), and “it is through standardization of its language that a speech community can achieve [. . .] the extension of the use of one’s own language to all social and cultural domains” (ibid.). Similarly, Jedlika (1982:54): “Als Literatursprache16 wird die kultivierte Form der Nationalsprache bezeichnet, die sowohl in geschriebener als auch in gesprochener Form verwendet wird und polyfunktional ist.” The linguistic dictionary of Hartmann and Stork (1976 [1972]) denes a standard language/dialect17 as “[t]he socially favoured variety of a language, often based on the speech of the educated population in and around the cultural and/or political centre of the language community. Such standard dialects are imitated and used as auxiliary language by speakers of other regional and social dialects for the purpose of formal discourse and writing as well as for teaching the language to foreigners.” The inclusion of a reference to the social base of a standard variety (the variety of a social or educational elite), as in this last denition, is common in subsequent denitions in linguistic dictionaries and handbooks. Most scholars agree that standardization of a language or variety is a matter of degree (the Prague school—as reected and adopted by both Jedlika (1982) and Garvin (1964 and 1993); Ferguson (1996 [1966]);

16 Jedlika uses ‘Literatursprache’ as (near)synonymous to ‘Standardsprache’ (pp. 40–41). 17 “In dialectology [. . .] dialects are in most cases traditionally understood to be varieties that are 1) non-standardized and 2) regionally restricted” (Ammon 1987:330) and that is how I shall use the term. ‘Standard dialect’ is then a contradiction in term—but I am aware of other uses of the term, as reected here…

ARABIC AND THE ISSUE OF STANDARD LANGUAGE

7

Haugen (1966); Ammon (1987 and 1989); Bartsch (1987 and 1989). Several criteria have been developed in terms of which the degree of standardization of a language or variety can be discussed. They involve processes of codication and elaboration; properties and functions of language and language attitudes; they imply notions of norm and validity. I shall return to some of these criteria and notions to discuss ‘critical’ issues of Arabic in this framework. But rst, I shall recapitulate shortly the historical emergence (process of selection and development) of fu as ‘standard’ variety in the Egyptian speech community in the modern period.

The emergence of fu as a modern ‘standard’ Haugen (1966:110) provided a list of ‘processes’ which a typical standard language will have passed through: selection of norm, codication of form, elaboration of function, and acceptance by the community. Selection and codication As reected in most denitions cited above, the ‘normal’ case—as happened in modern Europe and as expected to happen in ‘modernizing’ societies—is that a prestigious spoken variety becomes elevated to the status of written standard, that its use is extended from everyday communicative use to ever more complex domains. This happened even where there existed a literary language (itself a product of an earlier process of standardization), but which was felt not to fulll the needs of communication: In Europe the language of learning lost its status only with the advent of the Renaissance when the exclusiveness of scholarship was undermined by the spirit of enlightenment and the willingness of the intellectual élites to write in the vernaculars which were thus given a rm basis to compete with the prestige of Latin. For the rst time ever universal literacy became a socially accepted goal, which was to be achieved by means of the native language of the majority or, at least a variety not too distant from it, rather than a foreign language. As a consequence, the European standard languages developed a variety of styles and emerged as written languages for all purposes. [. . . ] The political notions of national language and general education which are peculiar to European modernity supplied the ideological underpinning for [this process . . .] This situation is taken for granted in a European setting, however it must not be forgotten that

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the functionally unrestricted standard language is a modern phenomenon and that at present, too, only a small fraction of all languages belong to this category. (Coulmas 1989:220–21)

In several respects, the Egyptian (Arab) 19th century cultural renaissance al-nah a, which incited the renewal of Arabic as an intellectual medium, was a ‘modern’ phenomena, too. The major impetus and motivation behind it was practical and secular-oriented—the need for technical and scientic development to withstand foreign domination. Ideologically it was inspired by the European enlightenment, with educational reforms and, gradually, nationalist claims on the agenda.18 However, the literate élite’s concept of learning and enlightenment was rmly attached/intimately linked to the historical consciousness of former intellectual (and political) capacity and splendour—to the tur (“cultural heritage”) of the Arabic-Islamic Golden Age—and to its linguistic medium, al-arabiyya al-fu—which also happened to be (to the large majority of Egyptians) the linguistic medium of God and the nal Revelation.19 Above all, al-arabiyya al-fu had, in fact, an unbroken traditional status as the Arabic written norm, however distant it was from the spoken varieties of the community. Al-arabiyya had been codied in the late 8th–9th century—thoroughly described and analyzed in all of its structural parts by the great linguist genius Sbawaihi (d. about 796), based on the written and oral texts of the Qurn, on the oral tradition of high poetry, and on spoken evidence elicited from bedouin ‘informants’ (whether or not this evidence represented the actual vernacular of the bedouin or elevated style for artistic purposes is still a point of contention). Sbawaihi’s Kitb (“Book” of grammar) remained an uncontested authority and standard reference for later grammarians.20 During the last centuries the Arab lands had experienced a political and cultural decline and under the Ottomans al-arabiyya had lost

18 Cf. Suleiman 1996b for a discussion of the language issue in relation to Egyptian nationalism, and Holt 1996 for a stimulating essay on material and ideological underpinnings of the choice of fu. 19 Apparently, there was allegiance of the Copts to the same linguistic ideal, the fu, as a national uniting bond. h usayn (Muslim background) commented on the poor fu of “the Arabic translations of the Bible among the Copts [which] falls far below the standard required for upholding the sanctity and dignity of this holy text” and “offered to help the Christian Churches in Egypt to rewrite their badly written liturgies so that their followers would have the opportunity to pray in good Arabic.” (Suleiman 1996:34) 20 For this early process of standardization and codication I refer to Versteegh 1997 (with references); Bohas, Guillaume, Kouloughli 1990, and Carter 2004.

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domains to Turkish21—more precisely to this hybrid language form used in the administration of the Ottoman empire called ‘Osmanli’ (or ‘Ottoman Turkish’)—the product of ‘Muslim’ language contact involving Turkish, Arabic and Persian, to the extent that Michel (1996:162) labels it “une langue composite”. According to Chejne (1969:101–2) Arabic had to contend with Turkish as an ofcial language, besides Arabic, until the middle of the 19th century, and “as late as 1870 Arabic was not the predominant language and was still taught together with German, English, Turkish and Ethiopic [sic] in the military schools and in the schools of medicine, pharmacy, and others.” While Turkish gradually was receding in inuence, French was gaining a strong foothold in the ‘cultured’ upper classes with contacts outside and visions beyond Egypt—to the extent that distinguished families might prefer and encourage the use of French as the medium of family conversation. Education in French was offered by catholic missions and attended not only by (non-Muslim) minorities, but also by ‘modernizing’ families of the middle and upper classes of Egyptian society.22 English certainly became the leading foreign language as a result of the British occupation of Egypt (1882), but took some years to ‘settle’ and never—or, rather, not until today—gained the social prestige of French. As the language of the Qurn and Islamic tradition, Arabic of course never had lost hold of the religious domain. Arabic was the medium23 and the goal of teaching in the mosques and at the town and village kuttb (elementary religious schools). ‘The Arabic linguistic tradition’ was preserved in manuscripts and in oral traditions of the religious centers

21

Cf. Chejne 1969:83–84. Cf. Gérard 1996. 23 We do not know, of course, what the spoken medium of instruction in class really sounded like. There probably were competent teachers able to speak fu (after all, traditional instruction was limited in scope and subject matter, and teaching methods centered around recitation and rote learning) as well as less competent teachers able to speak fu less well… From the 1920’s there is Nagb Maf ’s piece of testimony of an Arabic-teacher who speaks dialect in class (in Gamal n: Nagb Maf yata akkar, Cairo: Axbr al-yawm, 1987:80: f l-uslb, f l-kalm illi ma add yi dar yifham-u “see that style, see those words/way of speaking that nobody can understand”—said very approvingly about young Nagb’s composition…) From my own informal requests, the following is very typical: ma-add - biyitkallim fua, er riga:l id-dn, il-azhariyyn,  l-gawa: mi. (u- bet-hum?) la, il-a:di  bet-hum, ataqid. (wil-mudarrisn  l-madrasa?) la, a a:n ilawla:d, it-tala:miza ma-yifhamu:- il-fua (“nobody speaks fu, only men of religion, the people with al-Azhar background, in the mosques. (and at home?) no, ordinary speech at home, I think. (and teachers in school?) no, because of the kids, the pupils don’t understand fu”. 22

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of learning. To most Egyptians outside the religiously learned circles, however, it apparently felt stied and archaic, yet at the same time with an esoteric beauty—unattainable in its perfection. As Chejne (1969:84) remarks, “[t]he situation was ripe for an Arab Dante or Cervantes to immortalize a particular dialect with a literary masterpiece. This did not happen. In fact, an opposite trend took place in the nineteenth century when the Arabs began to realize the profound state of decline in which they found themselves. They set out to revive the language of their forefathers and the precious treasures it contained.” The modernizing elite, starting with the enlightened rule of Muammad Al and armed with an Arabic printing press left behind by the French occupiers (forced to retreat in 1801), seem to have understood the signicance of language for social and educational progress—and eventually for national strength. Arabic was to become—to some extent—disconnected with Islam and developed for secular purposes as well. Institutions like Dr al-alsun (“School of languages” est. 1837)24 and Dr al-ulm (“School of knowledges/sciences” est. 1932) were established as alternatives to the strictly religious institution al-Azhar for the study of Arabic language and literature. From a ‘modern’ point of view, the ‘normal’ might have been for the national reformist élite to adopt a prestigious vernacular—for instance the spoken variety of the urban educated—as a medium for promoting education and cultural activities for the state, to codify it as a written norm, to expand its lexical and other resources to function in the new social and cultural domains of modern society, with the end product a living, polyvalent (unrestricted) and stylistically differentiated, Egyptian standard language for all purposes. Something close to this was in fact propagated by the British colonial administration (following the British occupation of 1882) and other foreigners as the solution to the country’s ‘backwardness’:25 the introduction of English for scientic disciplines in

24 Chejne 1969:101, 128; Suleiman 1996:27; Hamzaoui 1975. All sources stress the importance of this institution for translation into Arabic, elaborations of modern terminology, and as an institution of training a modern elite. 25 The problem of diglossia was indeed magnied out of proportion by British irrigation engineer and amateur language planner, Mr. Willcocks: “Their [the Egyptian population] mental energies are consumed in eternally translating to themselves what they read in literary Arabic into familiar Egyptian, and then, with the aid of the familiar Egyptian, realizing what they have read, and then translating it back again into literary Arabic before they can put their thoughts on paper. It is a kind of mental corvée” (cited from Gully 1997:91, n. 41)!

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higher education on the one hand, on the other hand proposals to codify the mmiyya for written purposes, and even use the Latin alphabet.26 These proposals were, in fact, supported by some cultured Egyptians, to whom fu seemed antiquated and who claimed that educational reform and democratization required the promotion of the spoken language of the people as medium of science and culture (Delanoue 1998?:48–50; Diem 1974:130–133; Gully 1997:87–95). Such linguistic initiatives or interventions were largely, however, vehemently contested on what may be called ‘nativist’27 grounds: they were considered attempts to weaken the resistance to occupation by loosening people’s ties with Islam and with the other Arabs—and a way for the foreigners to strengthen their grip on the population, by having easier access to their language . . . Elaboration of function Instead of the bottom > upwards standardization process, the language form/variety which was selected by the large majority of the native elite to be the written medium for the modernizing Egyptian society was the existing, although archaic, literary norm, with no ‘native speakers’. The challenge was to make this functionally rather restricted language form functional for new domains—by letting go its elaborate stylistic conventions, by expanding its vocabulary, by diversifying its syntactic and phraseological means.28 The decisive role of the printing press in the elaboration of a modern standard can probably not be overestimated: ofcial and private newspapers and periodicals offered arenas for the production of written Arabic for a plethora of new genres and literary forms.29 The ofcial gazette Al-waqi al-miriyya appeared in 1828, rst written partly in Turkish and partly in Arabic, then exclusively in Arabic. Considered more important was the establishment of adqat al-Axbr (Beirut 1857) and al-Jawib (by the Syrian Fris al-Sidyq, Istanbul 1860)—and then,

26 The issue of script reform proposals will not be taken up here—they are extensively treated in Meynet 1971, and also in Hamzaoui 1975. 27 A discussion of ‘nativism’ and linguistic purism in diglossic settings is found in De Silva 1976, chapter 6. 28 For studies on the principles behind and practice of the coining of new vocabulary and syntactic/stylistic patterns, I refer to Stetkevych 1970, Monteil 1960, Hamzaoui 1975, and Blau 1981. 29 Hamzaoui 1975, Holt 1996, Chejne 1969:102.

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back in Egypt the leading newspapers al-Ahrm (1875), founded by the Syrian immigrant brothers Taql, al-Muqtaaf (1885), al-Hill (1892) and al-Manr (1897). Hamzaoui (1975:35) offers an additional list of journals and magazines covering not only religious, scientic and cultural themes, but audacious political and satirical journals, womens’ magazines, technical magazines, juridical, nancial, sociological and agricultural journals, and illustrated humour and entertainment magazines. This process of ‘elaboration of function’, which Garvin (1993) calls ‘intellectualization’,30 this extension of functional domains for the written language, was not a regulated process, not orchestrated by a central norm-binding agency, but rather the accomplishment of individual men-of letters: writers, translators, journalists, scientists, educators, who put the language to work in new domains—some more conservative/ traditional and rhetorical in style, others straightforward and practical, fearlessly innovative in the coining of new vocabulary for new concepts. (As for terminology and concepts in the natural sciences, Pascal Crozet31 remarks that one may have underestimated the extent and role of the corpus representing Arab scientic tradition, which was kept and partly still in use at al-Azhar in the 19th century, and which the translators of science texts must have had access to. Nevertheless—this concerned only restricted technical and scientic domains, and scientic advancement was constantly in need of new terminology.) It appears that the early language reformers, who were simply language users, were not as obsessed as the later ofcial guardians of the language (the Academy) regarding intrusions of colloquial and foreign words and expressions in writing, but felt free to incorporate elements they found useful. Some writers, like al-Nadm,32 wrote both in close-tonormative style and in the colloquial variety, depending on the intended audience (audience in fact, the illiterate would be read aloud to). This relaxed attitude concerning linguistic purity, may be considered a continuation of trends observed before the nah a. The last decade has brought forth new empirical research on the actual language use in

30 “Intellectualization means the capacity of a language to develop increasingly more accurate and detailed means of expression, especially in the domains of modern life, that is to say in the spheres of science and technology, of government and politics, of higher education, of contemporary culture, etc.” (Garvin 1993:43). 31 Pascal Crozet: “Les mutations de la langue écrite au XIXe siècle: le cas des manuels scientiques et techniques”, Les Langues en Egypte, Egypte/Monde arabe, 27–28 (1996):185–211. 32 Doss 1997.

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written texts from the 17th-early19th century in Egypt (Davies 2000, Doss 1995, 1996) and in the Levant (Lentin 1997) which are highly marked by colloquial/dialectal inuences—to the degree that one may classify them as linguistically ‘mixed’/‘mélangés’. Such inuences have generally been taken as evidence of the writers’ lack of full competence of the fu. In many instances, that may well be the case. Delanoue (1998?) speculates vividly around the process of writing, when “la formation classique n’est pas assez solide, ce qui est presque toujours le cas” (p. 43). At rst, he says, the person will simply throw down his ideas on paper as they come to him, in a mixed language form, which may represent something like slightly ameliorated vernacular, or a sloppy literary Arabic imbued with dialect features (like what is found in recorded traditional folk literature). This text will naturally be decient in the eyes of the literati—and quite often the writer himself will be aware of this, so he will start over correcting what he has written, or leave it to someone more competent to do this for him. It is not, comments Delanoue, that these corrections really change the language of the text, but they may sufce to “donner meilleure mine” to the text! This procedure, says Delanoue, may lie behind the texts of a Abd al-Ramn al-Gabart (famous Egyptian historian d. 1825) as well as many contemporary texts . . . (p. 44) No doubt, texts written by non-experts would and will contain many grammatical mistakes, and it is well known even today, that the printed press, with qualied journalists, keep a signicant staff to correct the language of the journalists according to the rules of grammatical correctness (and not just for an occasional misprint or faulty orthography). Even literary authors may have difculties in observing all the sophisticated rules of Classical Arabic grammar, and—as Fischer (1991:433) points out, “some writers record their writing without keeping an eye on its grammatical correctness at rst. Afterwards they revise the text and correct it raising the text to the high standard of the literary language.”33

33 Fischer (ibid.) gives the example of the famous treaty Mujam al-buldn by Yq t (“an author who knew the rules of Classical Arabic grammar very well”)—whose rst part shows “a pure Classical Arabic style, but the author did not nish his work of proofreading, and therefore, the second part of the manuscript contains expressions and forms deviating from the Classical norms.” Similarly, Humphrey T. Davies reports on manuscripts from 17th century Egypt, that “the use of literary reexes in colloquial passages decreases the further one gets into the book, implying that scribal resistance to colloquial forms was worn down by the frequency of their occurrence” (Davies 2000:67).

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On the other hand, there are reasons to believe that not every text produced has the orthoepic norm as target. The written mode admittedly in general demands a kind of fu-oriented linguistic form. However, the diglossic continuum represents linguistic resources for a range of stylistic differentiation, and certain texts may be intended by their writers to have a more lively, colloquial ‘avour’, and are produced with a substandard, ‘mixed’ style in mind. When the ‘oral literature’ of the folktales were put into written form, it was not necessarily, even hardly probable, that the scribes aimed at a pure fu form of the language— although they obviously were to some extent ‘corrected’ in the direction of fu. Speaking of pre-modern storytelling texts, Versteegh (1997:119) claims that “[i]n the [printed] form in which we have them, they [the manuscripts] have undergone a literary adaptation, and the colloquial elements represent a conscious attempt to enliven the narrative”.34 Lentin (1997) provides evidence that some writers (in his case Syrians in the Ottoman period) would produce texts of varying ‘styles’—of varying degrees of fu or vernacular orientation. Rather than assuming that these writers would sometimes ‘miss the target’—it seems more reasonable, says Lentin, to assume that they would use different ‘styles’ according to what they considered appropriate in each case. Doss (1996) makes a distinction between “écriture populaire” and “écriture dialectale” on the basis of the social context and “vocation” of the text producers—i.e. whether the dialect features in the text are due to the unprofessionality (or lack of prociency) of the writer, who still has the fu as “référence linguistique”, or they are deliberate, intended by the writer to reect spoken usage. In some cases we know—as when the intention is professed by the writer—often we can only speculate. Without knowing the circumstances of production in each case, then, it is impossible to tell what motivates the actual linguistic forms in each text—lack of sufcient competence in SA, or negligence of ‘correct’ forms due to haste in the writing process or due to lack of concern for them because of the stylistic level deemed appropriate for the intended audience—or intended, deliberate, use of non-classical forms and features for various pragmatic effects.35

34 Versteegh refers to the critical edition of 1001 nights by Musin Mahd in 1984, which is based on the non-corrected manuscripts, for appreciation of their style and linguistic form. 35 The deliberate use of miyya in modern literary prose, mostly in direct speech/ dialogues—for aesthetic (‘avour’) purposes and/or for the purpose of ‘realism’ in

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The role of the Academy ‘The language problem’ was experienced by many individual users and raised as an issue for serious concern by leading men of culture, who felt that the development was getting out of control. According to Hamzaoui, the call for some kind of central regulating body, an Institute for the Arabic language, was aired for the rst time by Sidyq in his journal in the 1860’s. It was taken up repeatedly in the 1880’s and 90’s, and in the following years several groups and clubs were formed who took upon themselves to purify the language and coin new terminology for the modern age in accordance with the arabiyya (1975:42–45). Delanoue (1998?) claims that the issue of closing the ranks around the fu was urgently felt from the 1890’s onward, and that a major impetus was the double threat felt coming from the colonial administration mentioned above. It was not, however, until 1932 that the Egyptian authorities established ‘The Royal Academy for the Arabic language’ (majma al-lua al-arabiyya al-malak ) to overlook, coordinate and authorize the various developments taking place in the use of Arabic. Hamzaoui (1975) offers a comprehensive account of the Academy’s activities from its beginning until the mid-1960’s. It is a story of an institution ridden by internal cultural-ideological conicts between two main tendencies amongst its members: the reformist, ‘modernist’ writers and academics (often bilingual in education) vs. the ‘conservatives’ (mostly with an azhari connection)—with “l’orientation puriste” nearly always getting the upper hand. This was not because of the conservatives’ numerical strength (they were in fact fewer than the modernists), but more likely because of a certain malaise among most academicians when confronted with charges of undermining the fu, which made them recede on more radical issues. It is thus a story of much creativity and innovative efforts which end up as abortive projects, “enterrés dans une commission”. The task of the Academy was indeed “la sauvegarde de l’intégrité de la langue et son adaptation aux besoins de la vie actuelle” (Hamzaoui 1975:57) and the language in question was from the outset dened as faa and arfa (“pure” and “noble”). “Ce choix puriste”, says Hamzaoui, “était un veu des érudits du 19 siècle et constitue aujourd’hui une

character portrayal—is well known and explored (by e.g. Diem 1974, Hamzaoui 1975, Somekh 1991, Cachia 1990, Rosenbaum (several contributions, e.g. 2000). Its use has been approved and contested, causing at times erce debates. The issue appears not to be very hot at the time of writing, but nor is it settled.

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option unanimement admise [. . .] Il découle de la conviction profonde selon laquelle la langue arabe est capable d’exprimer et d’assimiler, comme par le passé, toutes les notions techniques et scientiques moderne. Une littérature abondante et signicative ne cesse de souligner, de nos jours encore, ces aptitudes et de dénoncer les études qui analysent ses difcultés, et que l’on qualie souvent de malveillantes à cause des ns obscures qu’on leur prête” (ibid.:121–2). Hamzaoui offers a great number of interesting excerpts of debates from the annals and journals of the Academy. I shall just cite two typical comments from two prominent opponents on the issue of whether or not to allow words of non-fu provenance. First Fris Nimr, a journalist and ‘modernist’: Cette décision [to reject mmiyya words] ne tient pas compte de l’usage de termes usités par le peuple dans des circonstances particulières, car nous lisons dans les journaux des azjl 36 qui se distinguent par une éloquence remarquable. Nous pourrions trouver également dans le dialectal des termes qui expriment un sens particulier que l’Arabe correct ne peut pas render (ibid.:288).

While the conservative shaykh al-Iskandari is of the opinion that [s]on intégration [le dialectal] dans la langue correcte (comme font certain extrémistes modernes dans les journaux et les pièces de théâtre), constitue une altération de la langue [. . .] Nous devons en tant qu’État et en tant que sujets nous révolter pour combattre ce éau qui ravage la langue et les lettres. Telle est la décision de l’Académie, adoptée à la première session pour protéger la langue des termes étrangers et dialectaux (ibid.).

Critical as he may be of its “orientation puriste” and the impotence of the Academy to make other than minor and supercial reforms,37 Hamzaoui does concede that it is “une grande dame qui a soulevé beaucoup de problèmes” (ibid.:53), and that “[l]e caractère inhérent à une Académie l’amène à remuer beaucoup de problèmes sans les résoudre, comme celle du Caire a fait avec la diglossie” (ibid.:313). The failure to keep pace with the ever increasing inux of foreign terminology in science and technology (and to a certain extent also in cultural products, but in this eld the vernacular tends to respond quickly by borrowing 36 The zajal (pl. azjl) is a popular poetic genre, composed in vernacular or close-tovernacular form. 37 Similar assessments of the accomplishments and lack of accomplishments of the Egyptian Language Academy are found in Chejne 1969:106–7, Diem 1974:138, and Holes 1995:251–55.

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or linguistic creativity)—and produce Arabic equivalents (by arabization or semantic extensions or calques) makes the goal of arabization of these important domains appear impossible to achieve. “The sheer volume of technical terminology for which Arabic equivalents needed to be coined, as well as the long lead time taken to coin new terms by committee and to disseminate them, has meant that ‘leading edge’ science is conducted in the Arab World, as elsewhere, in English, with the Arabic neologisms nding their way only later, if at all, into institutionally-produced undergraduate textbooks” (Holes 1995:251).38 The coordinating efforts of the Arab Language Academies have been less than successful—apart from problems mentioned by Holes, is the fact that the decisions they (may) arrive at have no real authoritative force, but may be challenged or ignored at will.39 Ibrahim (1998) acknowledges that English today has become the world language number one, unique in its hegemony/dominance as ‘language véhiculaire’ for global culture, science and technology. Even Arabic communities where French used to dominate and sections of the population were francophone, have become “violemment exposés à l’anglais” (p. 6). In spite of what Arab rhetorics and propaganda claims, says Ibrahim, Arabic “n’est plus depuis longtemps un véhicule de créativité scientique et technique” [. . .] “L’ouverture globale au monde est donc objectivement nettement mieux assurée par le français que par l’arabe ou le chinois”: while one may still achieve complete knowledge and all kinds of practical and theoretical competence (apart from the most recent developments in specialised elds of scientic research) by sole exposure to a language like French, Arabic is in no such position, and in this respect even is “loin derrière d’autres langues parfois de très faible diffusion” (ibid.:7). 38 Creating new and adequate technical vocabulary in national standard languages represents a problem in most countries outside the English-speaking world. In my language we have the advantage of being linguistically closely related to English, as well as being familiar with Graeco-Latin stems and afxes traditionally used to coin learned vocabulary—so transfer of English terminology into a Norwegian shape is in general not so complicated, although one gets a lot of compound terms and expressions with a distinctly anglicized ‘avour’ . . . For languages like Arabic and Chinese we must respectfully acknowledge the huge problems involved. 39 One illustrative example, taken from browsing through an issue (vol. 19, 2 1982) of Lisn al-arab (the journal of the Bureau of Arabization, established by the Arab League in 1961). The journal mainly consists of lists with recommended proposals for new terminology in various elds. This issue also contains a list of pedagogical terminology which proposes changes and corrections to a list published in vol. 16… (I do not know the status of the various lists and the persons behind the proposals, as far as I could see, however, the alternatives did not rest on any principled methodological differences, but rather on personal preferences.)

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It must be concluded, that Hamzaoui’s ‘grand lady’ has not succeeded in shaping the direction of a standard Arabic, and has been (mostly) unwilling to authorize the actual direction taken by users of the language. Consequently, her activities must appear futile and irrelevant to her subjects, as a commentary, or rather a scathing report, on the 60th annual conference of the Academy gives vent to: “Recommendations of the Immortals/Eternals (al-xlidn) and the rejection of the contemporaries” by the signature M..,40 lists the issues raised and the recommendations passed by the conference: – the necessity of arabization of higher education as a social, national, linguistic and scientic demand, in order to restore to the Arab nation its former scientic glory [majd ] by way of its contemporary scholars; – urging the ministers of education in the Arab and Muslim countries to pass on the studies of the language academies to the universities in order that they study them seriously, so that decisions of arabization be made—with no harm, of course, being done to the students’ familiarity with international scientic vocabulary, but rather raising their level of competence in foreign languages [!], – the setting up of a major institution for translation of scientic material, as well as a training center for translators, The members also conrmed their recommendations from earlier conferences, notably: – the need to make teachers use al-fu; – the use of al-fu in the media—specially in the TV serials; – the danger to the language represented by the tendency in business circles to use, in writing, other languages than Arabic, as well as writing foreign names with Arabic characters—and demanding that legal measures be taken to prevent this. “As we can observe”, says M.., “the activities and recommendations from the Academy have not changed in the 60 years since its establishment. All of its annual conferences have recommended arabization, all have recommended the establishment of an institution for translation, as well as the other recommendations of this year. There emanates from the

40 “Tawiyt al-xlidn wa-ju d al-muirn”, in Adab wa-naqd (leftist cultural journal) 105, May 1994:129–30.

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Academy only a sort of whispering that nobody in language, education, and culture pays attention to. This has prompted the Immortals to issue a new recommendation this year—the establishment of a permanent committee to ensure that the activities and recommendations of the Academy nd their way into public life . . .”. Acceptance by the community Al-arabiyya al-fu is the ofcial national language of Egypt and is accepted by the totality of Egyptians as the standard variety of the community. Ideologically fu has a very strong symbolic force among most people. However, it is a transnational standard—or rather a trans-local/ regional national variety, which is perceived as a unifying force for the Arab nation, not the local (Egyptian) state—rather emphasizing the Arab character of the people and state. To many people it is additionally a symbol for the even wider Muslim community (umma) of believers, for whom Arabic ( fu) is a holy language, the language of Revelation. Thus, for ideological reasons, pan-Arab nationalism, cultural pride and a strong sense of Muslim identity, the validity of fu as such is not challenged—in Renate Bartsch’s terms it has ‘validity’ for the (near) totality of the population domain. And it does not matter that a majority of the population is not competent to use it: “the practice (or existence) domain of the standard variety is much smaller than its validity domain, this means that there are less people who in fact use the standard than there are people for whom the standard is valid” (Bartsch 1989:201). Diem (1974), however, points to a striking paradox—which seems to have the same—if not even more acute—actuality some 30 years later: After all what has been said about the high value of prestige of SA in relation to the dialect, one would expect the pupil to learn high language with enthusiasm. However, what happens is the opposite: Pupils and students have, generally speaking, no interest in their literature nor in the language itself. They leave school even loathing al-arabiyya, and all those who have to do with it. [. . .] This attitude is imbued with a contradiction which h usayn drew attention to: whenever the student hears a lecture on Arabic and its literature, he is lled with pride, admiration and zeal, and still there is nothing he hates as much as the teaching of Arabic in school. One of the reasons for this rejection must surely be the inhibiting scholastic way of teaching. Just as important, however, is another, more complex, reason, which can only be hinted to here: By all appearances, Arabs are convinced of the inferiority of contemporary Arabic civilization and the superiority of Western civilization [. . .] this difference in prestige is

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transferred to the domain of languages [. . .] One piece of evidence for this transfer is the great number of Arabs who prefer to let their children learn a European language rather than High Arabic […] The exaggerated respect for High Arabic is a kind of compensating mechanism, and represents a kind of counterprestige… (Diem 1974:12, my translation).41

This ‘inferiority complex’-based explanation may seem extremely ‘orientalist’ and reductionist.42 One could make the argument less offensive, by arguing that people who feel threatened—politically, economically and/or culturally, will respond in a self-asserting defensive way (often referred to as ‘nativism’), and hold their symbols up high—while, at the same time, having to care for their children’s future, behave rationally and realize that access to prosperity and upwards social mobility goes through access to the global market—which today presupposes English. This is also reected in Diem’s further comments: Probably the most important reason for the generally low degree of prociency in H is the fact that there exists no really vital motivation to learn this language. Since all speakers in the Arabic speech community speak the same or similar primary varieties, the dialects, and since the dialect represents the normal everyday language, to whose use no loss of prestige is attached—he has no problems of comprehension, nor is he forced by prestige to use the H language for everyday communication. In the end, what it all comes down to, is the fact that there exists no group of speakers who speak H as a native language, and thereby use it also in everyday informal situations (ibid.:15).

The argument is supported by the general claim by Einar Haugen that “[m]astery of the standard language will naturally have a higher value if it admits one to the councils of the mighty. If it does not, the inducement to learn it, except, perhaps passively, may be very low; if social status is xed by other criteria, it is conceivable that centuries could pass without a population’s adopting it” (Haugen 1966:110, with reference to Gumperz). A well-known study by Ibrahim (1986), followed up by Abd-el-Jawad (1987), is also relevant to, and supports the social interpretation of, the paradox relating to the prestige of fu. Responding to a claim that The same arguments are found in Abou 1972, who also cites h usayn in full (pp. 834–5). 42 In a moving personal account of growing up in a well-to-do bilingual family in the pre-Nasser era, Leila Ahmed reects on (among many cultural dilemmas) how she came to regard (anything) English as ‘superior’ and Arabic ‘inferior’—as a form of ‘internalized’ colonization (Ahmed 1999:23ff.). 41

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women in the Arab world do not behave linguistically in the same general pattern as their sisters elsewhere in the world—namely, by using more prestigious standard features than men in the same community, these studies argue that the issue lies not in deviant behaviour from Arab women, but in the unwarranted equation ‘prestige features = standard features’. They convincingly claim that we have to do with competing prestige varieties in (most of) the Arab world. To the ( Jordanian/Palestinian) village women studied, the urban vernacular, associated with a modern, sophisticated life style, was the prestige variety accommodated to—even when it meant using certain (phonological) features of the urban variety which differed from the standard ( fu) whereas the same features in their village dialect were congruent with the standard. I.e. they would choose variants that were [+ urban / – standard] in preference to variants that were [+ local (rural) / + standard]. The interpretation is that the modern urban speakers (and the social values associated with them) were more important as norm models to these women than the social group and social values represented by fu. Ofcial language policies (as represented by ministries, educational and cultural institutions and authorities) have the proclaimed goal that fu substitute the vernacular for all domains—including informal everyday communication. This is claimed to be achieved through mass education and through motivating (educated) parents to speak fu to their children, which eventually should make it the mother tongue of all citizens. One suspects that the proclaiming authorities themselves realize that this goal is unrealistic—especially as a broadening of educational opportunities among the population the last 40 years appears to have no such effect (and they themselves hardly nd it natural or feasible to speak fu to their own children . . .).43 Language issues in the printed media The debates on language use and status which are up from time to time in the Egyptian media, continue to reect concern for the status of fu as against foreign languages on the one hand, and against the ‘corruption’ from vernacular inuence on the other. Ideological overtones are generally strong. However, there also appear contributions which 43 “In government circles responsible for setting education policies, the dialect is ofcially nonexistent although in reality the dialect is [t]he predominant medium of instruction on all levels and for all subjects to the extent that MSA classes are taught in the dialect.” (Abdelfattah 1990:143)

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reect a concern that language policies are unrealistic, that authorities refuse to admit reality, including the status of the vernacular, and that proclaimed language policies therefore are doomed to fail. That the cultural establishment today is deeply concerned about the status of the Arabic standard is (re)conrmed by the attention given to it in later years in fora that do not usually occupy themselves with linguistic matters: The cultural committee of the Majlis al- ab (the Parliament) devoted an extraordinary session in May 1998 to discuss the degradation (imtihn) of SA in the country and the threat it represents to Arab identity—some attributing it to the decline of Arab nationalism after the death of president Nasser, others to the economic liberalization (int) and privatisation subsequently taking place, allowing for the inux of foreign company names and logos. It was called for a “Front for the protection of Arabic”.44 A roundtable panel with prominent participants gathered at al-Ahrm in June, 199745 discussed the situation for al-arabiyya in Egypt—focussing on “the challenges and dangers” this language is being exposed to, from the outside and the inside. The external challenges come from attempts to claim that it is not up to the demands of the modern world. The internal challenges come from its losing interest and prestige in society; from not developing it; and from stagnation in the methods of teaching it.46 “There is a rush to use foreign languages, and it is considered a shame to speak them [foreign languages] incorrectly—while the person who uses al-arabiyya is made fun of, and one takes pride in not pronouncing its sounds and expressions correctly.” Attention is also drawn to the effect of the foreign language schools, at all levels of education, where all subjects are taught in the foreign language (reference is made to advanced countries like France and Japan, where all teaching is conducted in the national language). The panel represents most positions:

44

Al-Usb, 11.5.98:10. Reported in al-Ahrm 13.6.97:5. 46 The conservatism and rigidity of the Arabic teaching tradition is well known and documented. A critical survey of Arab contributions to simplifying grammar and, especially, its teaching methods, is Suleiman 1996. The lack of competence of teachers, lack of resources and the overwhelming number of students in the classrooms of government schools, are also recognized problems. Moreover, I was told, when in Cairo in November 1997, that it had recently been decided to reduce the relative weight and time given to teaching Arabic. Going through the CEDEJ le on language issues in the Egyptian press 2000–2002, conrmed that the very same issues are of steady concern. 45

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– the ‘conservative religious’ position, maintaining the ‘selected tongue for the selected people’ argument (Arabic as God’s selected, superior, language for His Revelation); – the ‘secular’ (Marxist) claim that the degraded status of Arabic reects the degraded social and economical situation of the country, and should be analyzed in the framework of developing the nation; – the ‘traditional reformist’ position—deploring the lack of competence and use of fu even with university professors, and demanding systematic language planning and change of attitude, so that the standard language may in the future become the living language for communication both locally and for the Arab scene; – but also a ‘modernist-realistic’ position that the vernacular is naturally interfering with the standard norm, and that the ‘language of the media’ is the natural, exible and living base that should be accepted and adopted instead of the classical fu. This last position is represented in a more radical version in an 1997 article by Fat Imbba: Tarr al-lua: tarr lil-aql wa-idat manhajiyyatih (“the liberation of language: liberation and restoration of the critical mind”).47 Imbba claims that the issue today is not to have to choose between the fu and the vernaculars, as there has developed, through the effect of education and the media, a contemporary language form (lua ariyya) which already is liberated from the shackles of the norms of the medieval grammarians, that is, in its spoken (manq) use—it still remains, he says, to be liberated also in its written (maktb) use, where editing routines intervene with the text and adjust it to the old norm.48 Which linguistic forms and features the writer has in mind, are not specied, this is the case with so many contributions to the debate—which are general and political rather than linguistic in scope and argument. Imbba is, however, also a creative writer, who tries to embody the principles of the lua ariyya in his writing. More explicit with regard to which features he wishes to promote as part of a new written standard,

47 In Luatun al-arabiyya f marakat al-a ra—“our Arabic language in the cultural struggle”—special issue of Qa y kriyya 17/18 (1997):277–96—a leftist-liberal journal, edited by the well-known intellectual Mam d Amn al-lim. 48 This is a similar, but still somewhat different position from Badawi 1973, who like Imbba claims that luat al-muaqqafn/level 3 represents the spoken face/version of luat al-ar, “contemporary/modern language”, but rather maintains that modern fu ( fu al-ar/level 2) represents (and should represent, as I understand him), its written face/version.

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is Uthmn abr, in the introduction to his novel Bayt/Be:t Sirr (1981).49 Similar traces of ‘linguistic disobedience’ to the exclusivity of fu for written purposes is found in journalistic prose—commonly in ‘petit’ columns with a personal touch and in feature articles with a popular, informal subject matter. When the weekly paper al-Dustr began introducing mmiyya phrases even in the headlines of political reporting, vehement protests arouse against what many readers obviously felt was not only an act of deance, but an act close to indecency . . .50 An even more daring position is taken by another contributor to the issue of Qa y Fikriyya referred to above, Khall Kilt.51 He considers the modern dialects to be the product of the natural development of the Arabic language, and proposes that they receive the label of ‘the Arabic language’ (al-lua al-arabiyya—formerly reserved for fu), without further qualications, and that the fu, as an earlier level of Arabic, be labelled ‘the traditional Arabic language’ or ‘the mu ar or the qura  Arabic language’ (with reference to the ancient Muar tribes or the Prophet Muammad’s Quray tribe)—and consequently, the modern standard Arabic as ‘the modern mu ar language’. His position, however, is rarely encountered in the press. The most recent articles, comments and interviews in Egyptian papers that I have gone through,52 generally reiterate the same deep concerns about the deplorable state of al-fu, and the same remedies are proposed, i.e. to strengthen the teaching of Arabic at all levels (some say “from kindergarden through universities”); make the learning of grammar more attractive; impose language control of the media; provide Arabic terms for new terminology, and strongly contest the use of anglicisms in trade marks, signs and commercial posters. Discussing the status and future of fu informally with educated people in Egypt, one gets the same range of attitudes as registered above, and similarly related to attitudes on other social and cultural matters. However, it appears to me—on an impressionistic base—that people are more relaxed about language issues, at least less ideologically committed to the purity of fu than before—but I may be wrong . . .53 49

Doss, in Addendum to Mejdell 2000:23–24. The weekly was closed by the Egyptian authorities in the Spring of 1998. 51 hirat al-izdiwj al-luaw f al-lam al-arab, (“The phenomenon of diglossia in the Arab world”) Qa y kriyya 17/18 (1997):113–129. 52 Articles on the language use in the press archives of CEDEJ, Cairo, for 2000– 2002. 53 One typical instance, and in which I took notes, was sitting in a café among some young and middle aged writers and journalists in central Cairo—and I introduced the issue. 50

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Some problems of codication and norm Alan Kaye has repeatedly called attention to one of the implications of the fact that standard Arabic has no native speakers: “[. . .] I do not think present-day MSA [Modern Standard Arabic] has native users with their own “native-speaker” intuitions because this latter notion is, of necessity, intertwined with the overwhelmingly crucial fact that it is their native colloquial dialects to which their respective native-speaker intuitions are, on the whole, related and on which they are dependant” (Kaye 1994:51). For Kaye, this means that “MSA is an ill-dened system”, and consequently—as people will differ in their judgments—one cannot decide what constitutes MSA—not to speak of constructing a grammar of the variety. Georgine Ayoub (1981:12) also raises this issue: “[I]l n’existe point actuellement de personnes dont la langue maternelle soit l’Arabe Standard. Si les productions de langage sont intuitivement (et non du fait de connaissances scolaires) inégales entre elles [les grammaires du dialecte et AS ?] pour un arabophone, elles le sont [. . .] par la projection des intuitions de son ‘dialecte’ et, du fait même, brouillées par ce dernier.” For Ayoub, writing on Arabic syntax in a TG-framework, which relies for its analysis on the intuitive grammatical competence of the individual, this poses a problem, as the basic foundation of the analysis does not exist: “Comment établir les jugements de grammaticalité? Quels sont les informateurs ‘compétents’?”54 Apart from the notion of ‘homogeneity’ of a linguistic system which appears to be implied in both Kaye’s and Ayoub’s approaches, and which is contested in most (socio)linguistic lines of thought today— admitting ‘internal diversity’ and ‘inherent variability’ as typical of language use whatever the kind of variety involved—there is a point to

x:

the fu is being weakened, being very much weakened. It used to have the respect as religious language, now the society has become less religious, and people don’t care about the fu any more y: but it is the common language of the Arabs z: it is normal what happens, like it happened in Europe with Latin and French and Spanish gm: I saw al-Dustr writing a reportage containing a:miyya x: yes they do that—why not, it is the language we are using, it’s development . . . 54 George Bohas, in a similar vein, draws attention to the problematic status of standard Arabic ‘data’ in linguistic research (1994, 1998), and criticizes ‘native speaker’ linguists who draw on their ‘prétendue intuition’ for judgments of grammaticality. He comments sarcastically: “Malheureusement, cette intuition leur donne souvent des jugements qui sont contraires à toute la tradition grammaticale arabe, mais qui ont l’avantage certain de permettre le bon développement théorique souhaité” (1998:298).

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their ‘complaints’. I would claim, however, that there are ‘competent’ users of SA, but their competence (here in a general sense) may not (generally does not) equal their competence in their vernacular variety, their ‘mother tongue’. They may be sufciently competent to make judgments of acceptability concerning large parts of the language structure—judgments based on grammatical knowledge learnt in education, as well as on extensive reading and other SA input, which have been gradually internalised and automatized (entrenched). In extension of this ‘core’ knowledge/competence of educated persons, there are ‘fuzzy’ areas which are not equally well known or entrenched in users’ mind, in their linguistic repertoire. In these areas judgments will be uncertain, variable and sometimes contradictory from person to person. In ‘standard-withdialects’ cases, there is, as opposed to diglossia, a signicant group of people with native speaker intuition regarding the standard55—while to most users of a standard variety which does not overlap with their natural spoken norm, their version of the standard will also be to some extent ‘ill-dened’, with speakers having internalized competence with regard to certain ‘core’ structures and lexicon (liable to ‘intuition’), but with hesitance and uctuating views as to ‘correct’ form and appropriateness at the periphery. (I would like to add, that it is possible to be uncertain about whether a certain structure or sentence is acceptable or not even in one’s own native tongue. And the issue has been raised, whether any two persons of the ‘same language’ have identical grammars . . .) That there exists a wide variety of native speaker judgments concerning what forms/variants are acceptable as fu has been documented by Parkinson in studies from Cairo (Parkinson 1991). Parkinson’s Egyptian informants differed widely in their perceptions of what fu is/should be and in their attitudes towards it: to some, the concept of fu not only implied grammatically correct language, but also high-own, elaborate (rhetorical) style—the classical literary ideal. (In this group, there are some who favour this language form, while some prefer less elaborate written style, although not fu). To others, fu meant grammatical correct language, whether classical or modern in style, as opposed to the vernacular, mmiyya (s. 53).56 55 “[. . .] a comparison with European languages is not suitable since, generally speaking, cultured persons of these languages use them accurately, whereas cultured native speakers of Arabic do not.” asan al-Banna Muaf Izz al-Dn/Hassan El-Banna Mustafa Ezz El-Din (unpublished thesis: Language levels in Ysuf Idrs’s writings, American University in Cairo, n.d.:15–16. 56 Documentation on Egyptian speakers’ attitudes to fu and mmiyya is also found in Haeri 1996, chapter six, and in Haeri 2003.

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When tested for judgments concerning identifying fu and mmiyya (or neutral) items in a newspaper text, there was also signicant variation among informants, and between linguistically trained ‘experts’ on the one hand and untrained informants on the other. In one judgment test conducted by Parkinson, informants were presented with different oral versions of a written text—the versions differed with regard to the oral representation of the following variables: a few segmental phonological variants (/g/ or /j/ for the grapheme ; // or /s/ for the grapheme ; diphtongization vs. monophtongization of fu diphtongs); correct or incorrect or missing realization of irb vowels and hamzat al-wal; fu vs. vernacular forms of the numerals. The variants were variously combined in seven versions ascending from most correct to least correct on these variables—the last version also included a few colloquial markers. Parkinson’s informants graded the versions with respect to their degree of fu-ness largely according to what we would expect in terms of the variables involved—with one interesting exception (version 4), which appears to indicate that segmental features (in this case the // vs. /s/) may be more salient style markers than juncture features (here involving pausal phenomena).57 That the same version (4) also was rated as representing the “smartest” reader (p. 59), seems to me an indication that the variants realized in this version represent an oral norm with validity and prestige—and deemed the most appropriate style for this particular kind of text or communicative act. 75% of the informants labeled even the ‘least correct’ version, i.e. with most L features, as fu, which is not very surprising, but confers evidence for the wide range of tolerance and exibility of modern fu—“that most subjects have room in their notion of fu for all of these various styles, even though they are clearly able to distinguish between the styles” (p. 58). Renate Bartsch (1987:259ff.) proposes an attractive (normtheoretical) approach58 to these issues—namely to account for the fact that people 57 In Parkinson’s terms: “It is clear from the rankings that the phonological variable far outweighs the other variables” (p. 57), which I think is a less accurate interpretation. For a full discussion of the results and interpretations, cf. his article. I am a bit puzzled that he does not comment on the ranking of version 7 above both versions 6 and 5 (table 5, p. 57). 58 Bartsch (1989:198–202) offers a most welcome principled ‘solution’ in norm-theoretical terms also to the constant confusion and futile contention over the borderlines between ‘language’ and ‘dialect’: related varieties are to be considered varieties/dialects of a language when their speakers recognize the validity of the norms of a single standard variety—the concept ‘language’ covers both the standard variety and the related substandard varieties/dialects superseded by it. Related varieties do not belong to the

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have varying conceptions about, and tolerance as to, what is standard. She distinguishes between the ‘normative’ (prescriptive or codied) standard and the ‘empirical’ standard. When asked about what constitutes correct language (standard), people will generally refer to a model (language user) whom they consider closer to the standard norm than themselves, claims Bartsch. These appointed models will again refer to other models that they consider closer to the standard norm. Thus—the empirical standard represents a range [of linguistic norms] centered on the normative standard—the range constituting a hierarchy of normative strength. “The prescriptive standard has an empirical reality as far as it plays a role as the ultimate model towards which the submodels for the standard linguistic usage are oriented” (ibid.:258), which is illustrated in the simple model below (ibid.:261): ( .. ( .. ( .. ( … ) .. ) .. ) .. ) > > > < < < where the inner parentheses contain the normative standard, assumed to be “the point of orientation of correct behaviour” (ibid.:262) with the range of ever more divergent empirical standard centered around it. I will modify the model slightly, by having the othoepic standard norm at one end (here left-hand side), and the expanding empirical norms expanding in one direction, i.e. in direction of L (EA): […] ..] ..].. ] I should like to illustrate with a couple of examples (all are attested forms): [ [ [

[raaytu-hu ] rae:tu-hu ] rae:t-u] 1 ] 2 ] 3 ]

( see/perf/1s-him >“I saw him”)

same ‘language’ if they do not belong to the same validity domain of a standard norm. Thus—various related ‘Low German’ dialects are ‘German’, others are ‘Dutch’—as they fall under the validity of German standard and Dutch standard respectively. The same applies to closely related varieties in Scandinavia, which are superseded by different national standards, and therefore are to be considered different ‘languages’. Arabic is a language, with the validity domain of the standard Arabic variety covering the regional (and local) substandard varieties of the Mariq and the Marib. Maltese—linguistically a Maribi type variety with heavy Romance (basically Italian) lexical inuence—is to be considered a separate language, as it is not covered by, or belongs to, the validity domain of standard Arabic, but has developed its own standard based on the spoken variety (standard Maltese).

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1 is the limited range of the orthoepic/prescriptive standard; 2 is an extended empirical norm, allowing some closer-to-vernacular features (ay > e:) in addition to the orthoepic form; 3 represents an even more extended empirical norm, admitting as fu an additional form besides the two former ones, which is still lexically SA, but with EA inection and EA pronominal sufxation. These forms reect different degrees of acceptability, and while 3 may be rejected by some as ‘incorrect’ and outside the range of fu, others will accept it (and use it) as standard—as opposed to the vernacular uft-u, where the lexical item has another variant. [a:liun] a:li] a:lis, sa:lis] (third/INDEF contextual form > “third”) [ 1 ] [ 2 ] [ 3 ] Again, 1 represents the prescriptive norm, with case ending and INDEF marker; 2 includes the omission of case/INDEF marking (= pausal form); 3 admits sibilant variants for interdentals—all contrast with vernacular ta:lit. As individual forms on a word level, as here, the acceptance or rejection of the item as fu probably depends on at least some standard feature, or some non-EA feature perceived as SA, to be present or not. That is also true for items above word level, i.e. phrases and clauses and texts, although it is not a prerequisite that every word be recognized as adapted towards SA (where variables are involved—many items and features are neutral/ambiguous/shared between SA and EA) for the passage to be perceived/accepted as SA. Obviously, not all features appear to be equally socially or stylistically marked (as most studies have remarked)—and, I would add, variants of a (binary) feature are not necessarily symmetrically balanced as to degree of style marking:59 I.e. the use of L variant of feature x may pass unnoticed (even in SA context), while the use of H variant of the same feature may have a strong force, be salient, as marker (of elevated speech). This issue of sociostylistic salience and markedness will be further addressed in this investigation. This state of affairs means that we may have to recognize several norms of the written standard: the strictly orthoepic classical codied norm and wider, more exible, ‘empirical’ norms. These norms may 59 As also pointed out with reference to Norwegian standard: dialect variation by Brit Mæhlum (1986:171).

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have validity with different people—conservative purists vs. modernists; religiously educated vs. ‘foreign institution’ educated; they may also have validity for different functional domains and genres—for instance religious texts vs. newsreporting, they will then be considered ‘registers’ or ‘functional styles’. What constitutes the ‘ofcial’ standard norm, is up to ofcial norm authorities60 to decide. The ideal, and one of the characteristics of a successful standard variety, says Garvin (1993), is ‘exible stability’—a concept proposed by the Prague School in the 1930’s. “Flexible stability means that a standard language in order to serve its functions has to be stabilized by an appropriate codication process and that the norms established by this codication have to be sufciently exible so as to accommodate the modications required by the cultural changes and the developments that occur in the speech community” (Garvin 1993:43). Jedlika discusses this ‘elastische Stabilität’ ( Jedlika 1982:58–60) in terms of the Prague school’s distinction between ‘norm’ and ‘codication’ (cf. Bartsch’s empirical norm vs. prescriptive norm). While the codied norm is static—it is codied at a certain moment of time—the actual norm of the standard is constantly developed by its users. In the course of time there will build up conict between the valid codex and the actual norm (“Widersprüche zwischen der gültigen Kodikation und der realen Norm”). ‘Flexible stability’ is an ideal property of the standard which allows for gradual adaptation and extension of the codied norm to encompass and absorb innovation in the actual norm. The relative homogeneity (“Einheitlichkeit”) of the codied standard norm—as opposed to the heterogeneity of spoken dialects, is balanced with “das Prinzip der Varianz der literatursprachlichen Norm” ( Jedlika 1982:61). I interpret the ‘variance principle’ as a radical reformist (non-purist) attitude/policy, a justication for new variants (of every level—phonology, morphology, syntax and lexicon, as well as the totality of levels referred to as ‘variety’)61 entering the norm. The Prague linguists even called for including the everyday colloquial variety (“die Alltagssprache”) as a level of the literary standard, thereby extending 60 It is interesting to note, that the most widespread language of the world, English, together with a number of other languages, notably German, is not regulated by any ofcial institution (like an Academy)—“their role was partly adopted by individuals of great authority (Samuel Johnson in England, Noah Webster in USA, Konrad Duden for Germany) [. . .] the work of these individuals was hardly ever commissioned by the state; only later did their work nd ofcial recognition” (Ammon 1987:329). 61 For a discussion of the linguistic notion of ‘variant’, see Auburger 1989.

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“das Repertoire der kodizierten sprachlichen Mittel” (ibid.)—a policy which met with rm opposition from the Czech purists. Ammon (1987:328) helps us clarify the implications of this view of the Prague School: [. . .] that the linguistic extension of a standard variety is not simply identical with the codex (the language patterns found there). On the one hand parts of the codex may have become obsolete and are—as revealed in the case of a conict—no longer valid [. . .] on the other hand, the codex may be incomplete. Above all colloquial standard (“Konversationssprache”, Czech hovorovy jazyk [. . .]) is a part of the standard variety that is often not codied [. . .] It appears to us that the language patterns (language forms) belonging to the standard variety can be adequately dened according to the normtheoretical criterion: their prescription by norm-authorities must be valid and this validity must be supported by the society as a whole or its organizational framework, i.e. the state. [. . .] Otherwise they are not an integral part of the current standard variety even if they are contained in the codex; or if they are valid as specied they are an integral part of the standard variety even if they are not contained in the codex.

The ideal position of ‘exible stability’ of the standard norm is far from the policies of Egyptian ofcial language authorities (ministries, educational institutions, the language academy), who insist on the sole validity of the classical codied norm (which makes it a prescriptive norm). In practice, however, the written language form is constantly taking on new lexical and phraseological items, and even professional writers make use of syntactic structures which have no base in the codied norm (but reect structures of the spoken colloquial variety and/or European languages).62 The stability of the standard written norm may perhaps be said to lie in morphology—it is rare to observe deviations from the morphological patterns of fu in texts written by more or less professional writers (unless intentional and stylistically marked as colloquial, non-standard insertions). With respect to less professional writers, i.e. producers of a written text without sufcient competence in SA, morphophonological interference from their L variety tends to affect the written product less than one might expect. This is due to the ‘decient’ Arabic script—which is ‘decient’ in the sense that it does not (normally) use short vowel markers/graphemes. Consequently, potential deviations from the codied 62 Examples are ‘double-headed i fa’, constructions of indirect questions, confusion of transitive/intransitive verbs, use of prepositions, extension of the adverbial word class.

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norm, in the mind of the writer, which only affect short vowel variants, will be ‘concealed’ in the written text.63 In other words, the ‘deciency’ of the script makes it apt to represent different—correct as well as incorrect—underlying ‘mental’ morphophonological forms, and provides a helpful, veiling vagueness to the not so procient writing person… (The non-marking of short vowel distinctions, on the other hand, contributes heavily to the lack of enforcement/entrenchment of correct standard forms through reading64—as experienced by both native and non-native learners.) The purism of the ofcial norm authorities, then, preserves the codied othoepic ‘classical’ written standard, as taught in the educational system. A more exible ‘empirical standard’ imposes itself by its users, with validity according to variable ‘notions of correctness’ in the language community.65 The oral standard and formal spoken Arabic In this section, I shall make a distinction between norms for the oral representation, i.e. pronunciation, of an underlying written (SA) text on

63 A large number of morphophonological contrasts between SA and EA consist in different vowelling patterns. 64 Mejdell 1997 is a case study of informants reading aloud the same newspaper texts with very variable realization of morphological forms—especially verbal forms. 65 “Educated Egyptians […] appear to be clearly aware that their modern formal language differs in many respects from the classical language, but they differ about whether this is a good or bad thing, and about whether they have a right to use the term fu to refer to the modern form” (Parkinson 1991:35). An interesting instance of the recognition of deviating norms is a publication by and for teachers of Arabic to foreign learners at the AUC [American University of Cairo]: “It is supposed that the foreign student has to reach the level of the native writer and the native writer usually deviates, to some extent, from the established rules in writing the seven items” (these include forms of the dual, external plural, nunated accusative, verbal declension in jussive and subjunctive, defective nouns). It is recommended that the teacher tolerate errors students make in these categories, and then “the result will be approximately equal to the level of the native writer where he writes some instances of each class correctly and the others incorrectly”. Similar recommendations are given with respect to oral reproduction. (Unfortunately, I do not have the full document nor its author(s), date (probably around 1980) and title, only Chapter IV (Recommendations), pp. 61–72.) A less liberal attitude is reected in an article reviewing Arab satellite coverage of the “War on Iraq” in 2003 by another AUC teacher, Al-Tonsi, who writes: “The quick war tempo and difculty of prior preparation revealed incredible weakness in Arabic language mastery on the part of correspondents, some TV announcers and presenters. The best was Al Jazeera, followed by Abu Dhabi, in terms of verbal and structural mastery of language. This served also to reveal the poor language of Gulf ofcials, who made basic mistakes in grammar (the Saudi foreign minister persisted on screen in making the word harb (“war”) masculine rather than feminine).” (www.tbsjournal.com.tonsi.html)

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the one hand, and norms for formal spoken language on the other. As for the phonetics of fu, the xed stability of the orthoepic norm, which is the only ofcially valid one, i.e. as taught in schools, contrasts with extensive variability in observed usage. As we saw above (p. 26f.), from Parkinson’s investigation of perceptions of fu, native Egyptian speakers were ready to accept a wide variability of certain phonological features as fu—though not equally ‘correct’, and speakers were not equally permissive. In order to establish what constitutes the phonological norms of the modern SA—besides the codied orthoepic norm, which still has validity, but not any more exclusive validity—we should observe the linguistic behaviour of models of correct pronunciation, people whose position gives them normative force in linguistic matters (cf. Bartsch). In Egypt, as elsewhere in the modern world, public broadcasting is a means for linguistic education. Reecting liberal practice, a wide range of styles of spoken language appear on radio and TV, across the ‘diglossic continuum’, according to function and social context. The orthoepic norm is represented in readings of classical poems and texts, in Koranic recitiation,66 and in some dramatized performances based on the classical heritage. ‘Street’, or ‘market’, or ‘rural’ language is heard in popular entertainment shows and serials, urban educated speech in talk shows and interviews and reportage, ‘elevated’ educated speech in formal discussions/interviews on serious topics, some form of SA in formal lectures (largely based on written manuscripts). The continuum is also represented in commercials.67 As in many language communities, however, the one domain of oral media language production which is linguistically supervised and controlled to a large extent, and where prescribed standard norms are expected to be adhered to, even required, is news broadcasts. They stand out as the ofcial voice, the voice of authority (of state authority in politically strict societies, of ‘objective’ authority in more open societies)—and are intended to have normative force, be models of standard language, to the community at large. Newsreaders go through a special training programme to read ‘correctly’. Skogseth (2000:21–25) provides an account of the kind of training the Egyptian newsreaders receive. Phonological features like ‘emphasis’ (velarization, tafxm), interdentals, rules 66 There exist specic, additional conventions for Koranic recitation (tajwd), different from the norms of other genres as poetry recital and oratory prose (xib). 67 Cf. Gully 1996/97. Also demonstrated by Elsaid Badawi, lecture presented at the University of Oslo in the early 90’ies.

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concerning juncture with hamzat al-wal involved, and the full realization of (also unstressed) long vowels typically are focused in the training process. Apparently the norm of the traditional fu is the target—with one exception: Egyptian reex /g/ for classical /j/ (affricate) is not corrected. This pronunciation is a unique feature of Egyptian (Cairene) dialect with a symbolic function as identity marker—and this is not only accepted, but appreciated as a (minimal) device for tamr al-lua “egyptianization of the language”,68 a specic sign of the Egyptian version of the standard variety, like intonational patterns, or ‘accents’, distinguishing different regional versions of standard varieties elsewhere.69 A few studies have been devoted to the language of Egyptian news broadcasts, with respect to a comparison with the fu of the grammarians: Harrell 1960, Skogseth 2000,70 and Badawi 1973—which to some extent has Egyptian news broadcasts as underlying data for the level of fu al-ar (“contemporary fu”). They all observe the same linguistic tendencies—although Skogseth’s newsreaders are in general more ‘norm consistent’ than Harrell’s on the features compared,71 and all readers appear to adhere to a more norm-consistent style than Badawi’s level admits, or, rather, represent a high version of his fu al-ar. If the linguistic performance of the newsreaders, as models with normative authority, are to be considered as constituting a new oral norm of the standard (in competition with, or complementary to, the orthoepic classical norm), we must conclude, that it contains some variability— due to the tension between the externally adopted orthoepic norm and the suprasegmental phonological habits of the naturally acquired and dominant vernacular. Most importantly, total or partial shortening of long vowels, reecting EA suprasegmental phonological rules;72 exibility with regard to the use of ‘contextual’ vs. ‘pausal’ forms (alternatively:

68 Term coined by Luf al-Sayyid—admittedly, for a process of approaching Egyptian vernacular and Arabic fu in a much more radical manner! Cf. Suleiman 1996b:29–30. 69 For a discussion of ‘accent varieties’ of standard languages, see Coetsem 1992. He refers to claims that “lexical unication between national varieties of English grows” (under lexical expansion from the US), while “the difference in pronunciation norms seem rather to increase”, resulting in ‘accent varieties’ of modern English (p. 27). 70 Limiting himself to (morpho)phonological features and comparing with Harrell 1960. 71 Skogseth’s study has the additional merit of demonstrating variation in the data both on an interpersonal and intrapersonal level. 72 Harrell 1960:24–25; Skogseth 2000:62–64; Badawi 1973:138.

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optional use of irb markers in certain positions);73 generalization of -an for classical -a: in pausal position.74 More on the borderline between what may be considered consistent with ‘notions of correctness’ concerning modern fu, and what is considered ‘incorrect’ interference from the vernacular, are features like variation of SA and EA variants /ay/ and /e:/ (to a lesser degree of /aw/ and /o:/),75 likewise sibilant pronunciation of interdentals—which is of rare occurrence in the news broadcasts, but quite frequent elsewhere in oral representation of written texts.76 Obviously, we are contronted with a conict of norms here: the prescriptive oral norm on the one hand—which supplies the essence of newsreaders’ training, and insists on ‘correct’ use of juncture/irb/ pausal-contextual features and the realization of all long vowels (but admits the Egyptian reex /g/). On the other hand a norm inducted from, or based on, actual usage by assumed norm models, a more exible and variable ‘empirical’ norm, whose ‘notions of correctness’ do not exclude certain features deviating from the prescriptive norm. When we turn from oral realization of underlying written text to the spoken mode of formal language, more precisely to ‘on-line’ oral language production in formal settings, the picture is much more complicated: a scene characterized by conicting, competing—or, perhaps lacking—norms. Ideologically, and institutionally, fu as the ‘standard’ variety still may represent ‘the point of orientation of correct behaviour’ in formal settings. Actually, however, very few in the speech community acquire this variety to the extent that they are able to use it uently in extemporaneous speech. And those who do are generally not regarded as models for imitation among most people. (I believe it is a social fact, and, judging from various sources, it appears to have been so throughout the ages, that speakers of ‘correct’ fu—in other than recognized rhetorical genres and highly formal contexts—have been, and are, regarded as pontical and pompous, more often than not an object of ridicule.) As was mentioned earlier, the socio-economic elite of Egyptian society do not send their offspring to overpopulated government 73

Harrell 1960:33–36; Skogseth 2000:42–49; Badawi 1973:143–44. Harrell 1960:31–32; Skogseth 2000:44–45 and 90—some of Skogseth’s readers have occasional occurrences of /-a/ (for /-a:/). 75 Harrell 1960:21–23; Skogseth 2000:61. According to Harrell, the variants occur in free variation, while Skogseth nds (lexically) restricted use of /e:/ and only one single occurrence of /o:/. Badawi 1973 introduces this feature only at the lower levels (starting from mmiyyat al-muaqqafn). 76 Harrell 1960:16; Skogseth 2000:60–61; Badawi 1973:136. 74

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schools, but to private schools,77 where instruction is conducted mostly in English (or French), where Arabic is taught as a discipline, but where higher competence is achieved in reading and writing and speaking the foreign language than the national ‘standard’, the H variety, i.e. fu.78 In the ‘standard-with-dialects’ situation the spoken standard of the community is (usually) based on the everyday spoken variety of a prestigious social group, a variety which is then codied and intellectualized (mainly through lexical elaboration) to function in extended domains, and for formal and ofcial purposes it becomes the only valid variety. The speakers of this variety are ‘models of language use’ for the rest of the community, at least for formal settings.79 The H variety selected as ‘standard variety’ in diglossia is, per denition, not based on the natural spoken variety of any segment of the population. So what happens when, as in the Egyptian case, lack of active prociency (and motivation) among most educated people, including the educated socioeconomic and socio-cultural elite—the H variety is hardly used, as other standards would, for formal spoken functions, in other than restricted, traditional functions performed by specialists trained in the traditional language?80 Egyptian society appears to accept the use of educated urban (Cairene) EA for most spoken domains—elaborating speech with means, primarily—but not exclusively—lexical means, from the SA written variety to achieve more formal registers. In many ways this represents a parallel development to the process of standardization which took place in modernizing European societies during the last centuries—only that the spoken variety of the educated urban elite in Egypt is not (as yet?) extended to cover written domains. Rather it has (re)asserted its validity as an appropriate language form in a range of spoken contexts for which the proponents of fu (in effect the entire cultural and

77 See Haeri 1996:160–68 for the motivation and effect of education in private ‘language schools’. 78 While there do exist arenas for relaxed conversation in English rather than mmiyya, or as is vastly the case, for extensive bilingual codeswitching—this is socially very restricted and English represents no challenge to spoken vernacular (L) Arabic. 79 They will develop various levels, or registers, of the spoken standard, according to formality of situation. 80 Badawi, stating that ‘contemporary fu is for written purposes, laconically adds: “a minority of people may try, and sometimes with some success, to improvise/deliver off hand speech like the written (form) with regard to linguistic level and grammatical rules” (1973:127). He also adds, that in general terms women are less apt to realize the ‘ideal’ (al-mil al-fa) than men in similar circumstances (ibid.:134).

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educational establishment, the ofcial norm authorities) have claimed exclusive validity.81 The situation is thus diffuse for formal spoken Arabic—one can certainly claim that there exists no established normative system covering language use in domains above informal conversational speech. This situation results in the use of what is variously referred to in the literature as ‘middle ranges of the continuum’, ‘mixed varieties’ or ‘intermediate forms of the language’—drawing on the linguistic resources of both basic varieties, to “solve the communicative tensions” which arise in functionally overlapping situations—according to Ferguson. His 1959 prediction that the sociolinguistic development in the Arab world would be in the direction of local, or regional, standards, based on central vernaculars, appears to be partly supported by trends observable in Egypt, with some kind of L taking over domains and functions from H. This spread of domains for the educated urban L may reect an ongoing standardization process (Ferguson 1997 [1988]). Trends in other ‘diglossic’ communities In the Germany-German setting, semi-formal and formal spoken functions are expressed by the ‘common Umgangssprache’, in Bartsch’ terms a cluster of regional varieties (‘regional Umgangssprachen’) “oriented towards the correctness notions of the standard” (Hochdeutsch), and “to some degree neutralized with respect to local or even regional features”, which “serves as a means of communication in the whole domain of validity of the standard language and is superregionally accepted as spoken Hochdeutsch” and which “is considered to be sufciently conform to the standard to be accepted as measure of correctness in schools and in other ofcial situations. It is, in fact, a collection of regionally modied versions of the spoken standard language as it is codied in ofcial manuals of pronunciation, vocabulary and grammar” (my italics).82 While Hochdeutsch

81

Cf. Badawi’s (1973) claim, that the levels fu al-ar (“contemporary fu”) and mmiyyat al-muaqqafn (“the mmiyya of the cultured/highly educated”) represent ‘the two faces of luat al-ar’ (“contemporary language”)—for written and spoken modes respectively. 82 Bartsch 1989:199. Another competent attempt to characterize the concept of ‘Umgangssprache’—which is “far from being well-dened”, is provided by Leuvensteijn and Berns (1992:13): “An Umgangssprache is an unofcial norm for civilised oral communication and related written usage; it is valid for an area which may consist of different dialect areas. An Umgangssprache is the result of spontaneous dialect mixing, which

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remains the only fully codied written standard norm, the ‘spoken standard’ is represented by somewhat variable versions of it—and these versions also have ‘native speakers’, i.e. are used by a certain group of socially prestigious and educationally privileged members of the German speech community as their medium of everyday conversation. As a typical spoken ‘standard’ it is, in other words, polyfunctional, i.e. it may be used for all domains—although for large portions of the population, local or regional dialects will be used for informal domains.83 In German-speaking Switzerland, however, one of Ferguson’s dening cases of ‘diglossia’, linguists observe a situation, or development, regarding the functional distribution of standard German and the dialects of Swiss German, which is similar to what we claimed for Egyptian society above: “Kloss [. . .] emphasizes a further feature of the Swiss German dialects on the basis of which he calls them ‘Ausbaudialekte’. They are used in some situations that elsewhere, e.g. in the other German-speaking countries, are reserved for the standard variety” (Ammon 1987:331). The extension of use of the L variety, Schwyzertüütsch in its varied local dialects, for oral domains formerly (and elsewhere) served by the H variety, represented by Standard German, Hochdeutsch, is documented in Ris (1979), Keller (1982), Pap (1990), and Haas (1992)—who claim there is equality in prestige between the H and L varieties in the Swiss case. One might say, that ‘nativism’ in this case plays in favour of the L varieties, as expression of Swiss identity and political distancing from the German, with whom the German, or Alemannic, speaking Swiss share the written language.84 As Schwyzertüütsch expands into schools, into public speeches and sermons, as well as into radio and TV programmes, only the written domain seems to be reserved for H—a occurs especially in large towns as a result of urbanisation, or, more recently in some areas also the result of interaction with a standard language.” Van Coetsem (1992:209) prefers the term ‘regiolects’—resulting from a “language contact situation in which the dialect speaker while acquiring the standard (in the process of interlanguage) produces a variety which is neither the dialect nor the normative standard, but rather a more or less settled compromise product of the two”. 83 In Norway, the reported tendency in linguistic development is ‘regional levelling’—which implies both levelling between neighbouring dialects and/or between these dialects and a regional urban dialect, and levelling between dialects and the spoken standard variety. (Unn Røyneland, Communication at Oslo University, 20.02.04). 84 Pap (1990:129) reports, that after World War II, in the 1950’s, “the desire to sound different from Germans even when using Hochdeutsch in formal speaking situations led to the codication of a Swiss version of standard German pronounciation”. Werlen (1988:96) even claims “that there is a strong aversion to SHG [Standard High German], especially in its northern (i.e. ‘German’) form”.

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situation characterized as ‘medial diglossia’—a functional distribution according to medium, written vs. spoken (Haas 1992:315). The Swiss are apparently happy with this state of affairs—the promotion of an L-based written standard seems not to be seriously on the agenda. Two main factors seem to prevent this: 1) considerable dialect diversity, and the rivalry between main urban centers make a choice of L-base for the new standard difcult; 2) the Swiss consider the German Schriftsprache as their own literary medium, and also that they have signicantly contributed to its literature. Concerning the ‘intermediate’ or ‘mixed’ varieties reported for Arabic (as well as for Greek)85 diglossic communities, my sources differ as to this issue in Swiss German. According to Ris and Haas, the native, vernacular L is kept sharply apart from the ‘foreign’ German H, functionally as well as grammatically.86 Keller and Pap, however, report considerable ‘encroachment’ from the standard language on the vernacular L, as a consequence of the latter’s spread into domains of the former. In Pap’s view this inuence is felt “not so much in pronunciation and grammar, but rather in lexicon and phraseology”, as the local idiom, by its nature “a medium for the home and for emotional life”, has vocabulary which is “inadequate for abstract and analytical expression” (1990:132). (In our ‘standard language theory’ terms, this is evidence of an early stage of a process of elaboration of L with lexical means from the H.) Werlen (1988:100) describes some instances of “shifting to variants close to SHG [Standard High German]”, which are either attributed to phonetic raising of dialectal expressions or to non-dialect expressions “appearing in dialectal pronunciation”. The latter, a lexical borrowing kind of shift, involving technical and professional vocabulary, seems more representative of the variation going on in Werlen’s limited data, and there are only a few reported examples there of syntactic features from SHG. Keller reports (complains about) the lack of a norm for Schwyzertüütsch, which with an ongoing process of dialect contact creates linguistic confusion and exposes the vernacular to subtle interference from the written standard—not only in the lexicon but also in its grammatical structure: “Grammatical categories which are encountered in the ‘High’ variety 85 Since 1976 Greek ‘diglossia’ is ofcially cancelled, with a common modern Greek, based on the ‘L variety’, dhimotiki, proclaimed the national language. Drettas 1981 and Alexiou 1982 stress the uncodied, unstable nature of both katharevousa and dhimotiki, with innitely variable intermediate forms. 86 Haas 1992:320 refers to the “Doktrin der zwei Reinheiten” as a guiding pedagogical principle with communal support.

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but are absent in the ‘Low’ variety are suddenly found to be needed as one’s level of education and experience expands”. As the L is not taught or cultivated in school, “[p]eople are not aware and are never made aware of the complete sufciency of the alternative means of the ‘Low’ variety” (1982:85). Keller mentions the Standard German future tense as well as its present participle, which are “increasingly being introduced into the dialects” (ibid.:86). And—far from the ‘double discontinuity’ between the varieties reported by Ris, according to Keller “[i]nnumerable cases of clashes [between function and situation] occur in modern society” resulting in “a mishmash of both language forms, in other words there is a breakdown of diglossia” (1982:88). Haas admits to extensive borrowing of modern lexical items from Standard German, as well as instances of syntactic inuence on the spoken dialects as they are used in more expanded functions, but regards them as marginal. Haas does not deplore the lack of codication/standardization of the dialect varieties—he observes tendencies towards ‘levelling’ among the spoken dialects—but is fascinated by the fact that a modern society can function so well without a spoken ‘standard’ interposed between the local vernaculars and the superposed written variety.87 The situation in modern Czech provides an interesting parallel to the Egyptian situation. The Czech adopted as their standard language a conservative literary variety reecting former ‘high’ culture,88 considerably (but apparently less than in the Arabic case) different from the spoken (vernacular) varieties in phonology and morphology. The latter were—until recently—mainly described by foreign linguists, and they still lack formal codication. Czech linguists refer to their situation as ‘close to diglossia’—the main points they infer89 as differing from the diglossic situation dened by Ferguson 1959, are precisely the same points which need modication also with respect to the Arabic situation: rstly, the distribution of functions of H and L, where Ferguson overestimates the use of H in several domains, and secondly, the discreteness of the codes, where the Czech linguists refer to frequent code-switching on both clause and word level (similar to the ‘intermediate forms of the

87 I enjoy his comment, that “Einheitlichkeit und Standardisierung sind unabdingbar für Computertrennprogramme; eine intelligentere Maschine, wie der Mensch z.B., ist zu sehr weitgehender Normentoleranz fähig” (Haas 1992:329). 88 In the context of a national consciousness movement aiming at reducing the inuence of German as a cultural language. Cf. Gammelgaard 1996. 89 Cf. the discussion in Sgall et al. 1992:215ff.

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language’ mentioned by Ferguson 1959, and subsequently explored in studies of Arabic). Sgall et al. (1992:7) claim that the following language ‘forms’, or ‘varieties’, are found in the stratication of most languages: – the literary language, “by which we refer to the norm characterized by an overall observance of codied rules” (equivalent to the ‘prescriptive standard’ of Bartsch 1985); – the standard speech, “which is generally used in semi-formal colloquial [sic—oral?] situations and differs from the literary norm in some lexical phenomena [. . .] as well as in specic grammatical items (“colloquialisms”)” (equivalent to the ‘empirical standard’ of Bartsch 1987); – the substandard speech; – the locally restricted dialects. They then argue, that in language communities with an old literary tradition (in our terms: which have not adopted an educated spoken variety as the base for the (modern) standard language—which neither Czech nor Arabic90 have done), the code used for the purposes of ‘standard speech’ above tends to have a ‘non-literary’ base: “In such languages the non-standard code has a higher prestige than is usual in other languages”. Rather, a central vernacular code spoken by educated speakers (Common Czech and luat al-muaqqafn)—as opposed to local dialects, assumes many of the oral functions performed by the standard in those ‘modern standard’ communities. Thus, what is called ‘standard discourse’ may be realized with linguistic means from the standard (literary) code as well as from the central vernacular. The ‘progressive’ Czech linguists call for a recognition of this vital role—the ‘structural superiority’—of Common Czech, and its status as belonging to the ‘core of the national language’, in opposition to the language purists. “Concerning the future of the Czech standard language”, comments Gammelgaard (1996:33), “some linguists foresee the end of the opposition between the standard and the vernacular, due to the vernacular taking over more and more functions served by the standard.”91 Thus, we apparently witness, in diverse societies with ‘diglossic’ characteristics, a 90

With the notable exception of Maltese, but that is another story. It would be unfair to forgo Gammelgaard’s concluding remark in this respect: “Before welcoming this simplication, one should however be aware that this would deprive Czech language users of important stylistic means” (ibid.). 91

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common sociolinguistic ‘drift’ towards the spread of the use of L variety in domains previously, or perhaps, rather en principe, claimed for H.92 A ‘standard’ with restricted ‘polyfunctionality’ We have, then, in Arabic a highly codied, archaic, norm for the grammar of fu, and also grand classical dictionaries, collections of words and their meanings and attested use. This normative, prescriptive variety has been lexically elaborated to cover new functional domains and satisfy new communicative needs of the speech community. Some syntactic and phraseological innovations have also found their way into the actual norms of the written language—some by ‘free enterprise’ i.e. introduced by individual writers and translators and adopted by consistent use by other users of the language, some also sanctioned by the Academy, the formal norm authority. Al-fu thus largely fullls the role of a modern standard variety in that it is “possible to use the selected variety in all the functions associated with central government and with writing, for example in parliament and law courts, in bureaucratic, educational and scientic documents of all kinds, and of course in various forms of literature” (Hudson 1980:33). It plays a mediating role between the achievements of advanced societies and native (Egyptian) ground, as medium of translation and dissemination of these achievements (cultural and scientic) to the public—thus lling the ‘participatory function’ of Garvin (1993:47).93 Literature written in Arabic enjoys the privilege of a major standard language-based literature of being translatable into other languages (as there will be in most communities some natives with competence in this major standard language.) Arabic has also been accorded status as a United Nations ofcial language (since 1974). Its users have developed it into a exible written variety with stylistic differentiation.

92 Another case appears to be the situation of Sinhala, also commonly taken to represent a case of diglossia. According to Paolillo 1997 (with reference to Gair 1968, 1986), a ‘Formal Spoken’ variety of Sinhalese L, “characterized by a mixture of Literary (H) and Spoken (L) features”, is attested to be used in some formal spoken contexts where Ferguson 1959 predicted the use of H. “Whether a distinctness model works for Sinhala depends on the nature of this “Formal Spoken” variety: is it a version of Spoken Sinhala, or of Literary, or does it have its own unique properties?” (pp. 272–3). 93 The participatory function “is the function of the standard language to allow a speech community to use its own language in order to participate in the cultural, scientic and other developments of the modern world” (Garvin 1993:47).

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However, the ‘polyfunctionality’ (“Polyfunktionalität” Jedlika 1982) of fu is not really ‘poly’—although theoretically it might be (and ideologically it should be) used for a range of everyday purposes as well. Its actual use as a spoken medium in Egyptian society is in fact very restricted94—to highly formal, mostly religious or high-culture purposes, performed by specialists. Ferguson’s (1959:329) table on functional uses of H was hardly realistic at the time, overstating the spoken use of H in education, in parliament, in other public performances—where attested usage rather represents an elevated form of L. And in spite of optimism expressed by some that the new pan-Arab satellite channels are effective in spreading ‘good language’ to the general public, there is no evidence that H is gaining ground as a spoken medium since then. Besides the arguments presented on p. 35ff. above to account for the weak position of H for the spoken mode, I would add another argument in terms of standard language theory, namely Haugen’s claim that a codication may be so rigid as to prevent the use of a language for other than formal purposes: “Instead of being appropriate for ‘all purposes for which the language is used’, the standard tends to become only one of several styles within a speech community” (1966:108). The general line of purism adopted by the language Academy involves a paradox which also Wexler (1971:342–3) has pointed out: On the one hand, “purism contributes to the maintenance of diglossia by protecting the written norm from encroachments from the dialects”. On the other hand, “purism assists in the resolution of diglossia by enabling the spoken norm to displace the previous written norm from its functions.” While the H variety “is not ofcially receptive to enrichment from spoken dialects” (although Wexler acknowledges that in practice there may be some dialectal interference, “since the written norm lacks a hinterland of native speakers who can protect its norms from erosion”)—the spoken norms “are generally not closed to inuences from the written language”. This supports our argument above—for Arabic, as well as for Greek, Swiss German, and Czech—that the spoken L can be elaborated by H means—above all vocabulary—to perform functions that previously belonged to, and ideally still belongs to, the domain of H.

94

A fact recognized by many native speakers, as in the following statement:

          !  "# $ % &'( )$' “Contemporary

Arabic is a written language in the grand majority [of cases]. And even its spoken forms depend on a written form”. Muammad asan Abd al-Azz: Min uwar al-taawwur f al-lua al-arabiyya al-muira.

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In fact, the marginalization of H may also be seen to reect “the modern, world-wide tendency towards less formal registers, towards a preference for oral styles—maybe even a certain loss of importance of written communication for wide sectors of the population” (Haas 1992:321, my translation). Haas’ last suggestion reects intellectuals’ concerns in most modernized (or modernizing) literate societies, including Egypt, that commercial TV, video, in short: that a new and shallow audio-visual popular culture is displacing the written word, the medium of reection, the cultural heritage. The observed tendency towards less formal registers, on the other hand—at least partly, I believe—reects ongoing social processes of lessening of authority, breaking up of rigid social hierarchy (at the very least a sociocultural trend outwardly espousing such values). ‘Modern man’ poses as democratic, accommodating, equal in status to his fellow man. In language use as social interaction, this is expressed through less formal registers, registers that signal equality, not distance. While fu is as prototypical a High variety as you get in diglossia (with modied claims on discreteness of codes and functions), we conclude that it may hardly be considered typical as a ‘standard’ variety: although it shares certain properties and functions with a typical standard, most Arabic language users tend increasingly to shun it for other than written functions.

CHAPTER TWO

INTERMEDIATE FORMS—‘MIXED STYLES’

Native Arabic speakers do recognize and have a concept of language use which is neither (high) formal fu nor everyday spoken mmiya—generally labeled ‘lua wus’ “middle/medium language”. Apart from its ‘in-between’, ‘mixed’, quality, native speakers express rather vague ideas about the linguistic properties of lua wus. This is also true of most native linguists—although they do recognize its diversity and uctuating character. Amr Helmy Ibrahim considers that “la possibilité pour un locuteur de passer consciemment d’un système à l’autre à l’intérieur d’un même discours voire d’un même énoncé—à l’intérieur de certaines limites que personne n’a jusqu’ici décrites—sans pour autant heurter le sentiment linguistique de ses interlocuteurs, fait partie intégrante de la compétence linguistique des locuteurs natifs scolarisés” (Ibrahim 1978:14). And “[c]’est aujourd’hui l’aptitude à produire et évidemment à comprendre cette ‘mélasse’ qui caractérise la compétence linguistique d’un Egyptien et, par delà, fonde le plus spéciquement son identité culturelle” (ibid.:11). In the following, I shall rst discuss some selected issues raised, directly or indirectly, in research literature on the intermediate ranges of the Arabic ‘diglossic continuum’. (General surveys on this literature are referred to in note 10 above.) In the second part, I shall present my own approach and data, as well as the issues and research questions this investigation intends to focus on.

Dening ‘levels’ of the continuum As mentioned in 1.1, several scholars have presented models of Arabic language variation as a hierarchy of ‘levels’ or ‘varieties’ between the poles of ‘pure’ H and L. These models no doubt represent an advance on the crude dichotomous version of diglossia, and the contributions provide important insights into the complexities of code interaction in Arabic, linguistically and functionally. However, working with natural spoken data, one feels that the data only rarely, or only partially, t into

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the levels as dened—so they should be (explicitly) presented as theoretical, abstract categories. As Clive Holes comments, “[t]he descriptive difculty is that the language levels which constitute much of this speech continuum (however one denes ‘level’ and however many levels one proposes) are probabilistic, not absolute: in other words, the levels are constructs, produced by the patterns of simultaneous choices which speakers in a community make, in a consistent and predictable way, on many linguistic variables. But there are few variables where one of the variants which constitute it always occurs in one level and never in the adjacent one: the way most work is that the likelihood of one variant rather than its rival occurring gradually increases in a given range of contexts in more or less the same proportions for all speakers” (1995:280, my italics). All models operate with labels and classications for their ‘levels’ that imply that a speech level somehow either is ‘basically/underlying’ H or ‘basically/underlying’ L. Thus, one crucial issue is, at which point to ‘declare’ the transfer/passage from fu to mmiyya to have taken place. For example Dichy—for all his detailed classication of various combinations of varieties—does not solve the transition problem between the glosses MO1 and MO2 [l’arabe moyen de type 1/2] by simply stating that the former is the product of regional L syntagms being inserted into sentences “dont la syntaxe relève globalement de l’arabe littéraire moderne”, while MO2 is characterized by the insertion of SA syntagms into sentences “dont la syntaxe relève globalement du parler régional du locuteur” (Dichy 1994:28–29). An acute observer of linguistic practice in Egyptian society, Madiha Doss, hesitates between the labels ‘l’arabe littéraire parlé’ and ‘le dialecte élevé’ for “une production orale spontanée constituée de traits du dialecte et de la langue littéraire” (Doss 1987:63, n. 1). She comments on the distinction made by Salib (1979) between ‘Spoken Literary Arabic’ and ‘Educated Cairene Arabic’: “La distinction serait difcile à faire sur un plan linguistique, d’autant que dans un même énoncé une personne peut passer d’un niveau à un autre” (ibid.:72). Doss gives a few samples of oral texts on TV that testify to the great variability of this kind of speech, and mentions a few traits (/q/ ~ // alternation; lexical borrowing from SA; hybrid forms with EA indicative marker bi- + SA verbal forms).1 1 Forms for which Meiseles 1981 coined the term ‘symbiotic’ rather than ‘hybrid’—as they represent a coexistence of elements from SA and EA—not a new hybridized form. In another contribution Doss notes her observations that in such intermediate speech,

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She does not hesitate to call it—however labelled—a distinct variety, but “une variété linguistique hétérogène” and “un parler qui présente de nombreuses variantes” (1985:2). “Sans aller jusqu’à penser que cette variété deviendra la langue écrite, on constatera qu’elle offre un moyen d’expression souple et d’une grande richesse à tous. Parce que pratiquée oralement, cette variété évolue et nit par constituer des règles qui lui sont propres, sans appartenir à l’un ou l’autre niveau” (1987:73–4). (For an additional assessment of the important status of such mixed form(s) of the language—see Badawi on p. 51ff.). Recent attempts to construct models (like Dichy above) tend to be awed by lack of, or only minimal, empirical support, and turn out to be difcult to apply to natural data. Hary 1996 in my view also represents such a case: after listing the well-known “possible” sociolinguistic variables affecting levels of speech, he suggests that “a hierarchical weight structure of these sociolinguistic variables (in addition to pure linguistic considerations) could be examined, where each of the factors involved would be assigned a relative weight. Then the degree of ‘Colloquialness’ (or ‘standardness’) characterized by the sum total of ‘points’ accumulated, say for a particular sample, would determine the sample’s assignment to a location on the continuum.” Hary does, however, admit to possible weaknesses in the approach, as he adds: “This proposal is advanced in full cognizance of the difculties involved. For example, within a specic sample, the linguistic elements can shift on the continuum, making the classication of the entire sample difcult, if not impossible. This may occur in an example where some sort of code switching renders classication of the entire sample difcult” (1996:76–77). To assign ‘hierarchical weight’ represents, of course, enormous problems by itself, and as different linguistic elements typically shift with regard to position on the continuum, a summing up of weight numbers would hardly give any information at all in terms of linguistic structure.

Empirical studies on the linguistic properties of ‘mixed style’ I now turn to the literature which concerns itself with natural data and go beyond impressionistic observations and general statements (on more especially with intellectuals, and especially noted in the media, /bi-/ may be used also for linguistic functions for which the common dialect uses ‘bare’ forms (Doss 1987b:93). The eventual spread of the bi-IPF will be interesting to follow.

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or less H or L features as we move up and down the formality cline) to ask: how are ‘the intermediate forms of the language’ constituted. Ferguson gave a loose characterization of “a kind of spoken Arabic much used in certain semiformal or cross-dialectal situations [which] has a highly classical vocabulary with few or no inectional endings, with certain features of classical syntax, but with a fundamentally colloquial base in morphology and syntax, and a generous admixture of colloquial vocabulary” (1959:332)—maybe referring to the empirical data published under Ferguson’s auspices by Haim Blanc the following year—to which the characterization ts nicely. Blanc’s by now ‘classic’ contribution (Blanc 1960), and Palva 1969 are both empirically based and thoughtfully commented; although from other dialect areas than Egyptian they will be referred to for comparison when I subsequently discuss how ‘my’ selected features are used. Diem’s 1974 study on Hochsprache und Dialekt im Arabischen has been referred to in Chapter One. Besides its valuable sections on language policies and attitudes, and its concise survey of contrastive points of grammar, it contains sample radio texts of various styles from Egypt, Syria and Lebanon in transcription. These are classied as predominantly ‘Hocharabisch’ or ‘Dialekt’ with varying degrees and kinds of ‘interference’—some texts containing passages where the amalgation (“Verquickung”) is so tight, “dass nicht entschieden werden kann, welche der beide Sprachen zugrundeliegt, und welche Interferenz ausübt” (p. 71), these are labeled ‘Mischsprache’.2 One might object (as do Owens and Bani Yasin 1991:18), that ‘interference’—which normally is used for the processes by which (structural) features from L1 affects, interferes with, the production of L23—may not be the felicitous term for the presence of high variety elements in vernacular speech, as the H variety is nobody’s L1 (while interference from the vernacular into the superposed variety is a likely process).4 However, and on the other hand, Owens and Bani Yasin raise a further, most crucial—and often 2 In modern code-switching terms, this is the issue of dening the ‘matrix’ variety as SA or EA—or perhaps a ‘composite’ matrix? 3 Johanson (2003), analyzing language contact involving Turkish, avoids the term ‘interference’ altogether, but distinguishes between two types of inuence: inuence from a language B on speakers’ language A—the result of which he calls ‘adoption’, and on the other hand, inuence from language A on A speakers’ version of B—which he calls ‘imposition’. In terms of the discussion above, ‘interference’ is understood as ‘imposition’. (In fact, in the general literature on bilingualism, interference/Interferenz is often used for both types of inuence. Cf. Romaine 1995:51ff.) 4 Admittedly, ‘interference’ is variously dened and used, cf. Romaine 1995:51ff.

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unheeded—issue in this connection, namely “the question what variety it is, when educated Arabs speak, that they are trying to speak. If the target is SA, then interference is indeed a correct term. If not, however, and many scholars [. . .] assume that it is not the target, then before the term interference is used, one must rst dene what it is that is being interfered with” (ibid.).5 We have seen this issue raised with regard to the language form(s) of pre-modern texts—cf. our discussion in on p. 14 above—and it is of course of foremost concern to this investigation. The ‘Educated Spoken Arabic’ of Mitchell and the Leeds project One of the problems when discussing the observations and results of different studies of ‘intermediate’ or ‘(semi-)formal’ spoken language is the highly variable kind of data they are based on, and a tendency among many contributors to generalize occurrences (or non-occurrences) of a feature to a much wider variety/level/style than their set of data validates. One of the most powerful concepts (in terms of becoming accepted) that have been launched is ‘Educated Spoken Arabic’ (ESA) by the ‘Leeds project’ under the direction of T.F. Mitchell in the late 70’s and early 80’s.6 ESA represents the language use of educated speakers, characterized by “the interplay in everyday speech between MSA [Modern Standard Arabic] and vernacular [. . .] the “literary”-cum-vernacular forms of the language that are in fact its commonest manifestation” (Mitchell 1975:70–71, my italics). Mitchell calls for the study of ESA in all its regional variants, for the exploration of “the limits of tolerable variation—phonetic, phonological, morphological, syntactic, lexical

5 All too often, studies simply assume that a failed attempt to reach a target SA is involved. A recent example of this is Haeri 1997:9: “There are at times, issue centered programs in which several experts debate a particular issue or topic. Here, participants sometimes attempt to speak in the classical language. But even in this context where the topic of discussion is “formal”, the matrix language remains EA, at times with lexical borrowings, and less frequently with brief switches to what the speaker believes is Classical Arabic” (my italics). 6 The Leeds project is based on a comprehensive corpus oral data recorded 1976, which “comprises unscripted, unprepared conversations and discussions based on a wide range of inter-personal relationships” (El-Hassan 1977:120). Mitchell and El-Hassan (1994:1–2) stress that they deal with “a form of conversational Arabic” and “informal educated speech”—while ESA as a prolic term has been adopted and used also for data reecting elevated styles. Cf also the next note. Publications from the Leeds project include Mitchell 1975, 1978, 1980, 1986; El-Hassan 1977, 1978; and most recently, Mitchell and El-Hassan 1994. For a critical discussion of the Leeds project, see Van Mol 2003:56–70.

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[which] remain to be specied” (1975:73). As an object of study, ESA is indeed an appropriate entity—when conceived as a variety, which was increasingly the case, it is most problematic, as evidenced by conicting claims as to what linguistic properties are to be considered in the range of ESA—even by members of the Leeds project themselves.7 It appears problematic to exclude certain items and features which actually occur in the data as too ‘high own’ (SA) or ‘stigmatized’ (dialect) to belong to the variety which the data are supposed to represent, while other SA and dialect items and features are accepted (and given values for degree of formality)—without accounting for their presence, for instance as due to borrowing from SA or vulgar (uneducated?) speech, or—in quantitative terms assigning them marginal status. In his 1980 and 1986 contributions, Mitchell proceeds to make a stylistic differentiation in ESA between linguistic forms marked +Formal (+F) and -Formal (–F). +F are forms that conform to the orthoepic SA form, those which do not are –F. The –F category is divided into ‘Careful style’ (–Fa) and ‘Casual style’ (–Fb) in cases where there are more than just two variants (typically involving the series interdental-sibilantdental realizations, but also some other morphophonological series, mostly involving verbal forms). Above and below these categories are the ‘high own’ and ‘stigmatized’ forms mentioned above. The problem is that Mitchell denes ‘style’ on the basis of linguistic form alone, i.e. based on single variants of a stylistic variable—without reference to the “common frame or purpose” (Hymes 1974:59) or ‘style’ as the link between function and form. While the assumption is that ‘collocational constraints’ operate on these variables, collocational constraints operate only on some parts of the system, so code variants of different variable features often do not covary in a certain stretch of speech, i.e. will often not belong to the same ‘stylistic’ category. Consequently, Mitchell ends up with extensive ‘style shifting’ within sentence, clause, phrase, and even word level (1986:20).8 As I shall elaborate below, a ‘style’ is better

7 Typical candidates for contention are the linguistic feature írb (SA case and mood markers) and the SA system of negation. El-Hassan 1978 appears to include these SA forms in ESA, while Mitchell (1980 and 1986) excludes them as too “high own”. 8 Admittedly, the data is complex, but Mitchell’s constant ‘styleshifting’ rather complicates the issue, than helps make sense of it. Several ad hoc explanations and inconsistent classications adds to the confusion, e.g.: arbuhum ilwalad is classied as both –F and F-style 5 lines apart (1986:22)—and the famous sentence from Meiseles ma : andi a:ga u ifha ila ma(:)qa:lahu l-ginira:l has been overcharged with sociolinguistic meaning and its interpretation . . . (1980:102–3; 1986:24–25).

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dened with reference to both function and linguistic form—the alternative to Mitchell’s analysis would thus be to consider the cooccurrence of (specic) variants from SA and others from the spoken dialect as a feature of the ‘style’ used by the speaker for a certain purpose. A quantitative approach: Schulz 1981 The 1981 dissertation of David E. Schulz: Diglossia and Variation in Formal Spoken Arabic in Egypt is based on a large amount of data recorded from Egyptian radio broadcasts. The investigation comprises many ‘diglossic’ variables—and Schulz’ procedure is to count the occurrences of SA and EA variants with each speaker and present their comparable ratios. Interesting tendencies become visible in the speakers’ proles—not least the signicant differences between them. The degree of planning behind each speaker’s performance, however, is not controlled, so we do not know e.g. to what extent the speaker uses an underlying written text.9 Another problem, or rather weakness, is that the presentation of occurrences as percentages—although showing the speakers’ overall use of a feature/variant—hides the pattern of distribution of these variants. Is the 25% rate of occurrence of EA variant with speaker X evenly distributed throughout the discourse, or are occurrences clustered in special parts of the discourse? And if so, how do they pattern with other features? In all fairness, Schulz does discuss some of these issues, and gives samples of mixed usage as well as valuable suggestions on constraints and correlations—I shall return to his data and comments for comparison with my ndings. Badawi’s continuum-cum-levels Badawi’s by now ‘classic’ 1973 contribution operates with a continuum ranging from ‘pure’ fu to ‘plain’ mmiyya, with elements shading into each other “like the colours of the rainbow”. Social and pragmatic variables like education and ‘setting’ are linked to linguistic variables, providing a scale of language use, broadly divided into 5 recognizable (but 9 The full text of only two speakers are rendered; the uency, i.e. lack of false starts and hesitation of speaker 5 (the most SA-oriented text in the data, according to Schulz) suggests that he may have been reading from an underlying written text, while 11 (the least SA-oriented text) most certainly was not—a decisive difference in ‘setting’.

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not discrete) levels.10 What exactly are the linguistic elements that are perceived to affect the change of level? Badawi is mostly quite vague with regard to this; it seems to be the sum total of fu and mmiyya elements respectively that are conducive to the shift.11 But he does give us a few clues to features that may matter more than others. On pp. 11 ff. he discusses the various renderings which may be heard of the following sentence:

*+,-' .$ / !0 12 34 “this is a topic which interests/concerns all parents and educators”

The sentence is rendered in three different variants—to exemplify the gradual shifting of elements decreasing its fu-ness and increasing its mmiyya-ness moving down the scale.12 1) ha: a: maw u:un yuhimmu kulla l-a:ba:i wal-murabbi:n

This rst variant reects the orthoepic classical norm established by the philologists. 2) ha:za(:) maw u: yahumm(u)13 kulli l-a:ba: wal-murabbi:n

This variant is affected by the shift of interdental // to /z/, to pausal drop of short vowel endings even in context (walan). The verb has a form with a SA MPP, but does not have a correct vocalization ( aba) according to Badawi (FORM I for IV, according to Wehr, however, both can be used with the same meaning “worry, preoccupy, concern”). General consensus/usage today (al-urf al-luawi al-muttaq alay-hi f l-waqt al- ir), says Badawi, recognizes the sentence as being inside the range of fu. The signicant (salient) feature here seems to be that the verb has a form which is in accordance with SA morphology, although it is not the correct form in this context/meaning. 3) ha:za(:) maw u: yihimm kulli l-a:ba: wal-murabbi:n

10 A presentation of Badawi’s levels is included in most recent books and articles that treat the subject of variation in Arabic. Cf. Holes 1995; Versteegh 1997; and the introduction to BH Egyptian Dictionary. 11 Similarly, Versteegh (1997:194): “Since language choice takes place on a continuum, these changes [in topic or setting] do not take the form of code-switching from one variety to another, but manifest themselves in a larger percentage of features from the opposite variety”. 12 Badawi marks the different versions by adding Arabic short vowel graphemes and sukn (marking lack of vowel); the examples are rendered here in my transliteration. 13 The verb is written with a amma in the text (p. 11), but the comments (p. 12) say that the verb is pronounced with taskn, i.e. without a nal vowel.

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With the third sentence we are moved from the domain of fu into the domain of mmiyya. “The degree of difference between sentence 1) and 3) has increased so that it is no longer possible to consider them (being) of one kind (min naw wid).” The only shift here compared to 2) is the shift in the verbal morphology to unequivocally EA. And that seems to be the decisive point here: “This goes back to the degree of transformation/change which has affected the verb yuhimm”. Although it was changed in 2) from yuhimm to yahumm, the change was not considered a sufcient deviation from the fu norm. However, the shift to yihimm is “a change that leads to the placing of the two sentences at two distant degrees/steps on the ‘linguistic ladder’, so they end up on a different level from each other”. The force, or the stylistic value, of the verbal form seems to override the presence of SA demonstrative and otherwise neutral, or shared, lexical items. Features which characterize mmiyyat al-muaqqafn This is the level in which the decline of the traditional fu features reaches a point where it becomes impossible [to consider] that it stays within the boundaries, or among the degrees, of al-arabiyya al-fu. Actually, if we compare examples from the lowest steps of fu al-ar and corresponding examples from the highest level of mmiyyat al-muaqqafn, or the point in which the two levels meet—if we were to proceed to such a comparison we would nd that the difference between them at this point only involves a restricted number of features, going back either to the fu level or to the mmiyya level. On the basis of one of these rather than the other would be dened whether the sample in question belongs to fu or to mmiyya. (1973:148)

Badawi refers here to examples given by Tawfq al-akm when discussing what the famous writer called “the existence/formation of a ‘third language’ [lua lia]”:

5  6 78$ 09 ! :;  6 ?8+$ @9 ! A3B “He [T] says that the distinguishing element which places the rst [sentence] in the domain of mmiyya, is the use of /d/ instead of // in :; and placing it [the demonstrative] after [the noun] muna a, there are restrictions on the direction of replacement, i.e. not mina a > *minaq a—and these restrictions are conditioned by the asymmetry of status between two lexicons, and, further, varieties. Haeri’s second item ilaqti is a better case for phoneme replacement: BH lists ila:a and ila:qa (as opposed to SA alqa “connection, relationship”; ilqa “a strap and the like, for suspending s.th.” (Wehr)), and the /q/ here is most likely interpreted as a phoneme substitution—probably producing a stylistically more elevated form.20 Several observers, lay native speakers as well as linguists (including Haeri) have remarked 20 But note, as Haeri herself comments: “The more the number and use of qaf lexical items increases, the higher the likelihood that their status as highly formal terms will change. Frequency of usage along with an expansion in the kinds of contexts, and the people who use them, will probably lessen their formality. Already, there are some which have become part of the everyday vocabulary of many educated speakers.” (1996:139).

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on the increasing frequency of /q/—whether as a result of SA loans not being ‘colloquialized’ with regard to this feature, or as a restitution, as Haeri appears to claim. The third of Haeri’s examples cited above, is again best considered a lexical borrowing from SA (the current EA equivalent being aa:b). It is not as integrated in EA phonotactics as Haeri suggests, however, as the ending -a:’ is not reduced to -a as is the case in normal EA reexes. The LS ~ MPP distinction My investigation is not centered on these issues per se—however they are relevant to the extent that I discuss the linguistic context and collocations where my selected features are involved. I have found descriptively useful the terms introduced by Mazraani (1997)—distinguishing the ‘Lexico-semantic status’ (LS) of an item from its ‘Morphophonological shape’ (MPP). The LS on the one hand and the MPP on the other can be classied as SA or EA or ‘shared’, i.e. common to the two basic varieties SA and EA. However, I use the terms somewhat differently from Mazraani21—basing it on more formal criteria and distinguishing stems on the one hand and grammatical morphemes and suprasegmental phonology on the other. An item classied as having EA LS, means that it represents the stem in a lexical entry belonging to EA vocabulary. An item with shared LS has a stem which formally and semantically are the same in both EA and SA. For instance, the PF of the verb meaning “celebrate” will have ‘shared LS’: itafal based on sameness of semantic meaning and form of the stem, while the corresponding IPF forms will not: ya-tal vs. yi-til. These last two forms are distinguished both with regard to LS (same meaning but different form of stem) and MPP (IPF prex ya- vs. yi-). The IPF of another verb, “ask”, has shared LS and different MPP: yalub vs. yulub. In such cases the MPP determines whether the item is considered EA or SA. With respect to yatal vs. yitil LS and MPP coopt to signal variety. ‘Hybrid’ forms will appear if the LS of one variety joins the MPP of the other to produce yital or yatil—forms not part of either variety. And in these terms, the example of munaq a above will be considered as having the properties of SA with regard to

21 Mazraani’s explicit denition of lexico-semantic status (pp. 33–34) is, in my view, inconsistent and confusing. Mixing form and function (use) as she does is certainly relevant, but very difcult to handle, especially when she includes the triradical elements.

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Lexico-semantic Status (muna:qa a vs. EA mina a) and of EA with regard to MPP (phonological rules of vowel elision and shortening). Admittedly, these distinctions do not solve all classicatory problems, and there will be borderline cases. For instance, as integration is a gradual process: at what point does a lexical item with provenance in SA, like munaq a, become integrated in EA (by frequency of use) to such a degree that it should be considered as having lost its SA Lexical Status and become ‘shared’. Also, the MPP of an item may in some instances itself have features of both SA and EA, for instance SA IPF prex and EA plural sufx or aspectual prex.22 I shall try to make my assumptions explicit as I proceed in my analysis, and do not believe that it, i.e. the analysis, will seriously depend on (mis)judgments of this nature.

Restrictions/constraints on mixing Much attention has been directed towards discovering systematicity in the way items and features from the two basic varieties combine. The ‘lexical hypothesis’ is part of these endeavours, so is the attempt to cope with mixed forms through the LS ~ MPP distinction. I shall end this selective survey of ‘the state of the art’ with a short review of what I consider to be essential contributions focusing on linguistic constraints/ restrictions Word-internal mixing—the asymmetry of the varieties I return to Haeri’s ‘hybrid’ forms above, which I estimate as only partly presenting counterevidence to Holes’ ‘lexical hypothesis’. If the process involved was one of phoneme replacement, one would expect the reverse process (/q/ > //) to potentially, at least, produce forms like *muna:a a and *ala:ati, or *minaq a which, however, never occur. These examples conrm a basic ‘asymmetry’ of the codes/varieties involved, and will eventually take us to the ‘dominant language hypothesis’ formulated by Petersen (1988:486)—which I will extend to cover not only the grammatical morphemes of the ‘dominant’ language, but its phonotactics (morphophonology and suprasegmental phonology) as well:

22

Such complex MPP structure especially occurs with verbal forms.

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The dominant-language hypothesis states that in word-internal codeswitching, grammatical morphemes of the DOMINANT language may cooccur with lexical morphemes of either the dominant or the nondominant language. However, grammatical morphemes of the NONDOMINANT language may cooccur only with lexical morphemes of the nondominant language.

This formula23 seems to subsume the general constraints observed for Arabic code interaction, where EA (and the other Arabic vernaculars) must by denition be considered the dominant variety—in the sense of the most deeply entrenched, usually rst (naturally) acquired language/variety. Returning to our ‘mixed’, ‘hybrid’ form above, it would be accounted for in this framework (*= does not occur, or is judged ungrammatical): muna:qa a mina a munaq a *mina:a a

SA lexical item + SA (Form III) syllable structure EA lexical item + EA syll. struct. SA lexical item + EA syll. struct. (vowel deletion and shortening) EA lexical item + SA (Form III) syll. struct.

The asymmetry observed by Palva 1969 (referred to above) with the differential treatment of lexical and grammatical items in his data with regard to ‘correction’ from monophthong to diphthong, can also be handled in this framework: his speakers choose the SA variant of the lexical item (with /ay/ or /aw/), which is then integrated into the dialectal grammatical structure with dialectal grammatical morphemes (/e:/). This was illustrated by Schmidt in his 1974 study on “Sociostylistic variation in spoken Egyptian Arabic”. Schmidt, basing himself on Labov-inspired techniques of elicitation and interview for his Egyptian data,24 presented the variability as processes of ‘colloquialization’ of features from a SA base item (while the reverse process, the stylistic ‘classicization’ from the vernacular base, as in Blanc and Palva, is a much more psycholinguistically credible process). Nevertheless, Schmidt’s contribution was 1) to demonstrate interdependency relations that seem 23 Petersen’s formulation is based on her data from bilingual children’s grammar. Similar constraints have been observed in the Swedish-English bilingual data of Hasselmo (1972); and in Bentahila and Davis 1992. ‘Dominant’ language is NOT the same as ‘matrix’ language (as used by Myers-Scotton, for instance)—the distinction is discussed in Bentahila and Davies 1992, and in Mejdell 1999. 24 For critical remarks on the applicability or usefulness of the Labovian technique for elicitation in the Egyptian diglossic setting, cf. Schulz 1981:8–10.

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to hold between the variable phonemes in terms of an implicational ordering of phonemic ‘colloquialization’ on word level;25 and 2) to demonstrate constraints on combinations of stems and sufxes, where the stem (the lexical item) could not be ‘colloquialized’ unless the sufx (the grammatical item) had undergone ‘colloquialization’:26 stem “eye” ayn in ayn *in

+ + + + + +

sufx DUAL ayn e:n e:n ayn

“two eyes” (SA+SA) (EA+EA) (SA+EA) (*EA+SA)

stem “said” qa:l a:l qa:l *a:l

+ + + + + +

sufx PF/3sf at it it at

“she said” (SA+SA) (EA+EA) (SA+EA) (*EA+SA)

It seems to me that Schmidt’s constraints on mixing between stems and sufxes can be restated as a constraint on mixing between lexical items and grammatical morphemes—and thus subsumed under the ‘dominant-language hypothesis’. The same applies to Palva’s observation (p. 56 above) on the inequality concerning ‘restoration’ affecting lexical and grammatical items.27 The ultimate motivation behind this hypothesis is reasonably the unequal status of the primary, ‘dominant’, vernacular and the secondary language or variety. The essence of his hypothesis, or ‘principle’, is reected and lent support, I believe, in various statements, or typologies, of patterns of interaction between different language systems, as inducted from various empirical data, in diachronic as well as synchronic studies. I am referring to e.g. the distinction by Thomason and Kaufman (1988) between ‘borrowers’ and ‘shifters’ in historical cases of contact-induced language change—representing two different processes, borrowing and adstratum interference resp., assumed (or shown) to variously affect the lexical and the structural properties of a language (variety). The general tendency appears to be that borrowing of features from a non-native 25 Schmidt also suggests that certain lexical items may be ‘blocked’ for the application of ‘colloquialization’ rules (pp. 155 and 159), thus corroborating the ‘lexical hypothesis’. 26 Schmidt 1974 conducted acceptability tests on strings of hypothetical combinations of Classical (standard) Arabic and Egyptian Colloquial in order to establish implicational relationships between various features—an interesting and challenging study, but I tend to disagree with his perspective of ‘colloquialization’ of phonological features as the underlying process, since colloquial forms produced by speakers are primarily acquired, and not derived from the secondarily acquired standard norm. 27 Also noted by Holes (1995:297) on ‘asymmetrical selectional restrictions’: “a lexical item [. . .] marked as dialectal rules out non-dialectal choices” while an item marked as MSA [Modern Standard Arabic] “can be combined with dialectal grammatical morphemes”.

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language/variety in contact with the native language/variety involves rstly, and most strongly, the lexicon; only secondly, and moderately, phonological and syntactical features; while interference from morphology and morphosyntax is typically weak. (The authors refer to Weinreich (1953) for the “importance of functional congruence in facilitating morphological interference in particular”—they remain only cautiously supportive of this generalization, however, based on the evidence they have collected (ibid.:52–54).) On the other hand, when shifting to a nonnative target language/variety, interference from the native variety typically affects the phonology and morphosyntax of the non-native target most strongly, while recourse to native vocabulary is typically moderate in extent, they claim (pp. 38–40). In a similar vein, van Coetsem (1992:27–36, cf. also discussion in Guy 1990) distinguishes ‘borrowing’ (or ‘receiving (target) language agentivity’) from ‘imposition’ (or ‘source language agentivity’) with regard to the different psycholinguistic processes involved in the interaction between a standard variety and dialect. In the process of acquisition of a standard language, “the dialect speaker’s attention primarily will be directed towards the contentive part of the standard’s vocabulary”, i.e. borrowing (“above the level of consciousness”, with reference to Labov). In the case where the standard and the dialect are genetically closely related, the dialect speaker may apply ‘correspondence rules’ between the varieties to convert to the standard. Nevertheless, in the acquisition process, the speaker will be “imposing parts or elements of his dialect, the sl [source language] upon the standard, the rl [receiving language]. Such parts include primarily the most stable domains or subdomains of the dialect, for example, the phonology, specically articulatory habits. [. . .] Also, the morphology is a very stable domain, and is not transferred in its entirety to the rl or target language. [. . .] more stable elements of the vocabulary, such as functors, especially prepositions, which indicate grammatical relations, are also often maintained and imposed upon the standard language”. Finally, the same principle is reected in Maik Gibson’s interpretation of Peter Auer’s (1997) cooccurrence restrictions between standard and dialect features on word level (based on data from various European language communities). In Auer’s formulation a ‘phonological dialectism’ [Gibson: = ‘phonological form of the lexical item’] in a word will imply a ‘morphological dialectism’ [Gibson: = ‘bound morpheme’]—while a ‘standard morphological form’ will imply a ‘standard phonological form’. The constraint predicts that “an intermediate variety will have dialectal bound morphemes alongside standard lexical

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forms. Standard morphology alongside non-standard lexical forms is what we do not expect to nd in such cases.”28 Syntactic restrictions/constraints Schmidt’s ordering rules and constraints on mixing do not work syntagmatically, i.e. hold across words at phrase, clause, and sentence level. However, the alternation (switching) and mixing of sentence constituents or stretches of speech from the two basic codes, or varieties, also appear to be subject to certain restrictions. One feature singled out by Palva 1969 as representing an incongruity between SA and the Palestinian dialectal system—“a structural gap hard to cross”—is the modal system in the imperfect: “Since this difference is substantially structural, it is natural that the departure from the dialectal system is extremely difcult; it implies a transition into the classical modal system which cannot be attained through easy lexical borrowings or slight phonemic modications. To be sure, the non-dialectal imperfect forms are very rare in the present texts” (1969:34). This suggests a restriction on combining imperfect verbal forms from the two codes in one semantic-syntactic unit (a sentence)—a suggestion which has not, to my knowledge, been followed up by later research. Mitchell (1980, 1986) proposes the constraint that “an object NP agrees stylistically with a preceding transitive verb” (1980:100), only to modify it by making the constraint conditioned by the verb being SA (are:t il qai:da vs. *qarat il-ai:da “I read the poem”). In other words, if the verbal form is SA, the object noun phrase following it must also be SA—but not the other way around. The asymmetrical status of the varieties also becomes apparent in the contributions of Mushira Eid (1982, 1988) on ‘the principles of code-switching between standard and Egyptian Arabic’. She examined occurrences of switching in her data29 in four syntactic constructions: relative clause structures, subordinate clauses, tense and verb construc-

28

Maik Gibson’s unpublished PhD thesis, chapter 2.4. ”[. . .] recordings of interviews and panel discussions aired over Cairo radio and television” (1982:55). I cannot resist pointing to the intriguing fact that Eid, as a trained linguist, marks the word bayn-u in the clause bass lam takun bayn-i wa bayn-u adqa as SA (1982:57, 1988:58)—and not ‘hybrid’ or ‘symbiotic’ (Meiseles): SA stem bayn- and EA pronominal sufx /-u/. It conrms my ‘suspicion’ that pronoun sufxation is a non-salient feature in mixed discourse (to be developed below). 29

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tions, and negative and verb constructions. The constituents that mark each of these structures were called ‘focal points’, and Eid examined which combinations of SA and EA elements actually occurred (or were accepted on elicitation by native speakers) in the slots immediately preceding and following the (SA and EA) variants of these ‘focal points’. The pattern which emerged across the features examined was that the variant (SA or EA) of the word preceding the ‘focal point’ was ‘free’, i.e. was not bound to the variant (SA or EA) of the ‘focal point’—whereas “if the focal point [was] from SA, the element immediately following that focal point must also be from SA” (1988:61). If, however, the focal point was from EA, “switching was found to be permitted after all focal points except after the negative” (ibid.). This was explained by the incongruity of the tense + negative markings between the two grammatical systems. I shall return to this issue in my discussion of NEGATION—but we apparently have here another case of ‘a structural gap hard to cross’. The general pattern of asymmetric conditioning, which Eid called ‘the directionality constraint’, “may be related to the manner of acquisition of each variety: which variety was natively, and which was non-natively learned”. Eid suggests similar principles being applicable in bilingual (Arabic-English) code-switching as well (1988:75, n. 17)—and I believe we again may be linking up with the ‘dominant-language hypothesis’. Myers-Scotton (1986, 1993) hypothesized that ‘code-switching [between the varieties] as an overall unmarked choice’, i.e. as the normally expected and preferred mode of speaking in a type of communicative interaction in a given situation, would not occur in ‘narrow’ diglossic communities—because she assumed—on the basis of the ‘crude’ version of diglossia presenting the varieties as functionally discrete— that “domain complementarity is categorical in such communities” (1986:411). It should be clear by now, however, that for many contexts, some kind of code-switching (which for Myers-Scotton is a cover term for all kinds of inter- and intrasentential combinations of codes) indeed will be the unmarked choice for educated Arab speakers. It seems to me, that much of the notional apparatus and the principles elaborated by Myers-Scotton into her MLF-model, which is based on bilingual data,30 but explicitly claimed to have validity for all kinds of code-switching, may be harmonized/reconciled with the restrictions and constraints referred to above.

30

Applied to Arabic/English in Myers-Scotton 1996.

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The scope of my investigation I have situated my investigation in a framework of function and status of language varieties on the one hand, and of the linguistic structure of mixed varieties on the other. Chapter One concluded that Standard Arabic as a prescriptive norm does not normally ll the functions of a spoken standard variety in the Egyptian language community. My investigation is intended as a contribution to the exploration of speakers’ linguistic choices, their verbal strategies, in response to a communicative event which typically would invite the use of spoken standard in other, ‘standard-with-dialects’ types of language communities. It does not claim to describe and interpret linguistic practice across the intermediate ranges of the ‘diglossic continuum’, but is a detailed case study of features of oral texts representing a particular genre of spoken language: the extemporaneous monologue on an academic issue as a panel presentation to a public audience. It is structural properties of speakers’ language choice I shall focus on, not their lexical choices (‘content words’), as I take for granted that SA plays a major role as ‘lexier source’ in the kind of communicative events here explored. Data and speakers The data consists of recordings made by me on two occasions: one public seminar on problems of higher education in Egypt, organized at the American University in Cairo (on 19.11.91), with four panel presentations—in the following referred to as speakers AUC 1–4. The other was a literary seminar (nadwa adabiyya) on a newly published short story collection, organized at the Tagammu party31 premises in Cairo (17.03.88), with two panel presentations, referred to as speakers NA 1–2, + an ‘ex auditorio’ contribution—referred to as NA 3. My cassette recorder was on both occasions placed on the table in front of the speakers by someone from the audience, and among other recorders—and I believe the recording itself and my presence in the audience did not affect the situation. Both occasions lasted for approximately one hour. The full transcripts are given in the appendix. The amount of data thus is not great, but is considered sufcient for the purpose of my investigation, which concentrates on variable grammatical features of high frequency in any text, and which aims at 31

The party has a leftist/Nasserite orientation.

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in-depth discussion of the occurrences in context. I believe such a context-bound explorative and interpretative treatment of data is dearly needed at the present stage of research on ‘intermediate’ or ‘mixed’ varieties, to promote understanding of the kind of linguistic production we are dealing with beyond purely statistical counts and/or correlations. I subsequently had the opportunity to meet and talk to 5 of my 7 speakers about their educational background, their linguistic preferences and assessment of the kind of social setting I had recorded them in. (I thank them for their kindness to use of their busy time schedules to discuss these matters with me.) These were not formal, systematic interviews, but comments spurred by the ‘informants’ listening slightly to the tapes (to remind them of the occasion) and answers to my questions. I shall return to their comments in the concluding discussion of interspeaker differences, but wish to disclose at this point that all expressed as their main concern the need to communicate with, be understood by, and not to alienate, their audience. Most mention the spontaneity, uency and naturalness of this mode of speaking, which they recognize as some kind of compromise, while fu would sound pedantic and ‘articial’ in the context of all-Egyptian listeners. One of the literary seminar speakers (NA 1) expressed aesthetic pleasure derived from using fu, while admitting that it would be too “bookish” for use in an oral setting like the seminar. None of the speakers had an underlying written paper they were reading from, however, two speakers (AUC 4 and NA 1) occasionally took a glance at a piece of paper where they apparently had noted some points. However, I assume the talk was to some extent mentally prepared by all speakers—and may be labelled ‘extemporaneous’ in Lehtonen’s terms (1982:40): [. . .] a speech may be impromptu, i.e. delivered spontaneously without prior preparation, it may be extemporaneous, i.e. planned in advance but presented freely, it may be memorized, i.e. carefully prepared, committed to memory, and read by rote, or it may be a manuscript delivery, i.e. a speech read from a written manuscript [. . .] An impromptu talk takes place entirely on the spur of the moment. If the speaker is informed in advance of the speech situation, of the subject, and of the interactants or the audience, his performance is not any more impromptu but extemporaneous. Even if he does not make any notes for the speaking situation, he however subconsciously analyses the situation, makes strategies, collects data, activates vocabulary, and formulates his thought and opinions.

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Accordingly, the form of speaking which is traditionally called extemporaneous is extemporaneous only at some rather low level of processing the linguistic form and at actual delivery, but “pretemporaneous” or created prior to the time of delivery on the higher form and content levels.

Both occasions were assumed to typically represent a situational context where community norms require a mode of speaking that is more formal, stylistically more ‘elevated’, than language use in ordinary, unplanned32 conversation. This ‘mode of speaking’ was assumed to involve the use of features from SA as well as EA. All the speakers are known to perform regularly in this kind of situation, and so were assumed to have developed some kind of ‘verbal strategy’ for performing in it. The regularity of this kind of academic encounter, or performance, was expected to generate not only an overall increase in the amount of SA items and features as compared to ordinary conversation, but also some shared patterns in the use of items and features from both basic codes. I have no data to check to what extent the individual speaker’s mode of speaking in the recorded event differs from his/her ordinary conversational speech—and that is not the issue here. The issue is how speakers respond linguistically—with regard to the use of diglossic variables—to a given situation, and to what extent their responses, their linguistic choices, are shared or differ with regard to the selected structural items. If choices turn out to be to a high degree consistent and shared on interspeaker level, we may infer that some kind of common norm for language use in this kind of setting has emerged/is emerging. Since my speakers belong to what we may call an academic ‘discourse community’33 and have social positions that make them role models for academic talk, these patterns may be taken to be representative of the (potential) emerging norm. On the one hand, the mere quantity and frequency of such formal speech production would make us expect some kind of ‘focusing’, or ‘conventionalization’, to take place within the discourse repertoire of the individual speaker, that s/he would develop an appropriate ‘style’ for this context, and similarly, that some kind of focusing, or ‘convergence’, would take place across individual speakers as a result of long-range

32 ‘Planned’ and ‘unplanned’ should be seen as poles of a continuum, as reected in the literature on characteristics of spoken/oral vs. written/literary language, e.g. Ochs 1979, Chafe 1984, Chafe and Danielewicz 1987, Tannen 1982, Biber 1988, Vagle 1991, Halliday 1989. 33 For ‘discourse community’ (‘diskursfellesskap’) cf. e.g. Ledin 1996.

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accommodation to the speech styles of colleagues and co-participants in these kind of situations. Notions of genre, register, and style The concept of ‘genre’ invoked above is here intended as a socio-culturally dened construct/category which entails conventions, norms, or social expectations, for how texts (written or spoken) are to be formed for a certain communicative situation (Ledin 1996:15ff.), and for the social evaluation of a text as well-formed (or not). With changes in the sociocultural context of a speech community, existing genres may change, or become obsolete and fade out, and new genres may emerge for new communicative needs. “The reason for the emergence of a genre is that a situation is perceived as recurrent and thereby produces/invites (ger opphav til) similar rhetorical strategies” (ibid.:17, my translation) for “the achievement of goals” (ibid.:18).34 Kress, according to Ledin (ibid.:33), suggests that linguistic features become ‘generic’ by their regular appearance in texts that regularly recur as a social process in society—they are then seen as typical of the process, and become conventions of it. “It is not the event or state of affairs being talked about that determines the choice, but the convention that a certain kind of language is appropriate to a certain use” (Halliday 1968:150). This certain ‘use’, if recurrent, constitutes a ‘genre’, and the conventionalization of a certain kind of language for this genre, produces a ‘style’. Style is, in other words, a link between context and linguistic form. A ‘classic’ contribution to the theory of genre formation is Bakhtin 1986. He states that while “[l]anguage is realized in the form of individual concrete utterances (oral and written) by participants in the various areas of human activity [. . .] each sphere in which language is used develops its own relatively stable types of these utterances. These we may call speech genres” (p. 60). Speech genres are, according to Bakhtin, determined by the specic conditions and goals of each such sphere, and are reected in the ‘thematic content’, ‘linguistic style’—dened as “the selection of the lexical, phraseological, and grammatical resources of the language”—and the ‘compositional structure’ of the utterance. Concrete, individual utterances then group with other similar types of 34 Ferguson’s (1994) denition of genre: “A message type that recurs regularly in a community (in terms of semantic content, participants, occasions of use, and so on) will tend over time to develop an identifying internal structure, differentiated from other message types in the repertoire of the community.”

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utterances into categories and subcategories: ‘speech genres’. While every utterance is an individual act (and different genres variously leave space for ‘individual styles’—typically more in creative literature than in business contracts), the underpinning of Bakhtin’s communicative theory is connected with man as responding to his social and cultural and linguistic environment: Any speaker is himself a respondent to a greater or lesser degree. He is not, after all, the rst speaker, the one who disturbs the eternal silence of the universe. And he presupposes not only the existence of the language system he is using, but also the existence of preceding utterances—his own and others’—with which his given utterances enters into some kind of relation or another [. . .] Any utterance is a link in a very complexly organized chain of other utterances (ibid.:69).

The genre, according to Bakhtin, has normative force, it governs—or rather inuences—the organization, or structure, of the text, and its style, i.e. the lexical and grammatical features. This combined theoretical perspective on individual utterances as (to various degrees) generically conditioned by preceding utterances in similar communicative situations/ spheres of activities and for similar functions, as well as leaving room for individual stylistic choice provides a general psycho-social framework for understanding ‘what goes on’. And the following statement on the relationship between style and grammar is felt to be particularly pertinent to our case, with so many binary grammatical features open for linguistic/stylistic choice: One might say that grammar and stylistics converge and diverge in any concrete language phenomenon. If considered only in the language system, it is a grammatical phenomenon, but if considered in the whole of the individual utterance or in a speech genre, it is a stylistic phenomenon. And this is because the speaker’s very selection of a particular grammatical form is a stylistic act (ibid.:66).

The extemporaneous, academic monologue in front of a public represents a genre, with further subcategories, subgenres, dened by for instance topic (literary vs. educational), channel (media or not). I nd Bakhtin’s distinction between genre and (linguistic) style very useful: to a certain genre corresponds a certain range of linguistic styles. As Berge points out, a norm [including ‘text norms’, as genre] “may only have its existence in behaviour [adferd]. Norms are not ideas independent of behaviour—the norm is a dynamic system, whose only existence is in behaviour and which is constituted of and in behaviour.

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Behaviour is therefore to be conceived—simultaneously—both as the observable consequences of a norm, as what creates the norm, and what upholds it, as well as the meetingplace/point of encounter for the norm and new situations” (Berge 1990:42, my translation). In my interpretation and application, the speaker’s use of language reects a norm, but at the same time (re)produces it and strengthens its validity; the speaker’s linguistic response to a new situation will reect and inuence the way the situation is to be dened, i.e. whether, or to what extent, the situation is perceived to belong to the domain governed by a certain norm. As Berge also points out, however, speakers’ behaviour may exceed, or overstep, the norm, willingly—if the norm no longer appears adequate, or unwillingly—the speaker may miss the intended target. My investigation, then, intends to explore the linguistic behaviour of speakers in a recurrent situational context which typically would develop its speech genre(s)—ranging from the broad genre of ‘extemporaneous academic discourse’, to the less general ‘panel presentations’, or even more specic subgenres, e.g. the ‘literary seminar’. My analytical focus is on linguistic features of the assumed genre, selected linguistic components that contribute to marking the ‘styles’ of speakers when in the genre ‘panel presentation’. Just as there is no consensus in the sociolinguistic literature on the denition of ‘genre’—which is used—in addition to the sense adapted here—for what is more often labelled ‘register’ (see e.g. the discussion in Biber 1994), or for very specic kinds of register,35 ‘register’ and ‘style’ are used more or less synomously by some, according to preferences. I shall use ‘style’ for the kind of register/style variation which is associated with relative formality, “typically arranged along a standard-vernacular continuum” (Schilling-Estes 2002:376). A style in this sense is characterized by ‘usage levels’ for particular lexical, phonological and morphosyntactic features, i.e. the relative distribution of such features that are conventionally associated with formal vs. informal varieties. Linguistically, a certain ‘style’ is generally assumed to manifest itself—across all levels of linguistic structure/description—as “tendencies rather than strict co-occurrence constraints [. . .] thus to be characterized as a distinctive set of preferences in ‘form’ ” (Levinson 1988:162). 35 Cf. Schilling-Estes (2002:375) denition of genres as “highly ritualized, routinized varieties, often associated with performance or artistic display of some kind”.

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“A style may be said to be characterized by a pattern of recurrent selections from the inventory of optional features of a language” says Winter (1969:3). “Various types of selection can be found: complete exclusion of an optional element, obligatory inclusion of a feature optional elsewhere, varying degrees of inclusion of a specic variant without complete elimination of competing features” (ibid., my italics). Whereas all languages appear to have alternative forms and constructions that may be used for stylistic differentiation, Arabic and similar diglossic speech communities have at their disposal alternative sets of most morphophonological features of the language, represented by the H and the L varieties. In our case, then, we have speakers acting/performing in a recurrent situation with characteristics of formality for which norms in the speech community expect/require a certain behaviour/mode of speaking above everyday colloquial style, i.e., a mode of speaking oriented towards features of the standard norm. This investigation, assuming that the context of speaking, the external factors, are as constant as possible, intends to explore the speech behaviour of 7 speakers with regard to some grammatical features which differ in the vernacular and the standard realization of them. I do not assume that the full target norm is the standard SA—in fact, I expect to nd that SA and EA features are used together, and that alternation and mixing of the variants of the basic codes is part of the verbal strategy and reects the linguistic norm(s) for the particular situation and genre. The main research question, then, is whether, to what extent, or for what items, speakers converge in their use of the alternate forms under investigation. Does their language use provide evidence that there is a(n emerging) norm regulating the genre (however broadly dened)? To what extent the ‘mixed styles’ are undergoing ‘conventionalization’ (as processes whereby members of a language community come to share patterns of language structure and use),36 or ‘focusing’, as reduction of variability, are thus key issues here. Selection of items for analysis It is structural properties of the ‘mixed styles’ produced by my speakers that I want to focus on in this investigation. I have selected grammatical items with high frequency and with distinct contrastive variants in

36

Cf. Ferguson 1994:15.

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the basic varieties. Some are grammatical/function words, some grammatical bound morphemes/clitics; some involve structural incongruency, others not. The presence or absence of case and mood endings (irb)—although “identied by Arab speakers as the most distinctive feature of Classical Arabic”,37 is not considered: dropping these endings in speech is generally not perceived as bringing the language form out of SA, but is accepted as a less formal style of SA. Forms without irb are, also formally, variants to be used ‘in pause’, i.e. when the word is not in close juncture with the following word. Using them in accordance with orthoepic norms, then, is considered elevated style (‘hyperstyle’) SA. The selected features, treated in separate chapters, are: – Complementizers (COMP): SA an and anna vs. EA inn- (innu) or zero (asyndetic verb constructions) – Demonstratives (DEM): SA series ha: a and variants vs. EA da and variants – Negative particles (NEG): SA la(:), lam, lan, laysa, ma(:) vs. EA ma-

and mi

– Relative phrases (REL): SA alla i(:) and variants vs. EA illi – Pronoun sufxation (PRON SUFF) on verbs and nouns (including EA phonotactic rules for sufxation) For each feature the procedure I shall adopt is to 1) establish the properties of the variants, i.e. linguistic form and function (syntactic, semantic), in the basic codes—based on grammars, studies and textbooks on SA and EA. With regard to the SA variants, of which there exist extensive descriptions and analyses,38 the value of such a presentation lies in bringing together perspectives from various sources with different approaches, and focusing on critical discussion. As for EA, although a privileged variety among Arabic dialects when it comes to being studied, the literature is less informative and comprehensive, so collecting and discussing information from various sources was indeed required for several of the features. I believe these surveys (and the references) will be useful for students of the language as well as 37 Meiseles 1977:176, his article is devoted to this feature in oral media, in a variety he labels as ‘Oral Literary Arabic’. Cf. also Parkinson 1994. 38 Modern Written Arabic: A Comprehensive grammar by Badawi, Carter, and Gully (2004) was published only as I was revising the text of this investigation. I have included references to it when and where I found it solves or claries some issue of SA variants, but as an additional, nor primary reference work—as it might otherwise have been. It is mostly, in the following, referred to as BCG.

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for the general linguist. The presentations also provide, for the reader, record of my assumptions about and understanding of the properties of the features I discuss. 2) register, for each speaker, all occurrences of the variants in their ‘immediate linguistic context’. I use intentionally this vague notion, as the linguistic context deemed necessary for the analysis of meaning and function as well as cooccurrence phenomena may vary between the different features. An additional problem is the nature of this on-line produced spoken data, which sometimes (although not to the extent as is usual in ‘impromptu’ conversational data) exhibit ‘typical’ spoken features, such as false starts, hesitation, anacoluthon, chain syntax—fuzzy areas making it difcult to delimit clause borders, or even semantic units. The reader may consult the full text in the appendix, for broader context of the occurrences. The number following each registered occurrence points to the line number in the appended text where the variant is found. The occurrences in context are given a grammatical annotation as well as a translation. I opted for this time- and space-consuming procedure to clarify my interpretation of each case, and also to provide data for the non-arabist linguist, who may be interested in using it for comparative purposes.39 I also felt that the general nature of the data would be more highlighted when presented this way.40 As this investigation is data-driven to the extent it actually is, I found it fair to present the reader with the full evidence of the foundation for my evaluations. (On the other hand, laying bare all my interpretation in this way— rather than carefully selecting only delicately clear and unambiguous samples—makes me vulnerable to objections on many (minor, I hope) points of translation.) When initially opting for this procedure, which is generally adopted for ‘qualitative’ studies, involving more limited data sets, I underestimated the sheer amount of occurrences for some features. In these 39 Too often, in general typological literature drawing on many different language sets, one comes across samples that are seriously awed, because of lack of linguistic competence of the informants providing the data, or negligence of the linguist with regard to checking it. 40 Of course, laying forth every single occurrence in immediate context involves the problem that the reader may nd it tedious with all these lists (and so will turn against me), and also that I expose myself to objections concerning the interpretation of every single sample. Had I simply listed the occurrences in an appendix, or just referred the critical reader to the full text—I might have selected only the undisputable and clearest samples for comment, and left the dirty work of digging up the counterevidence to the reader.

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few cases I decided to just register them without the usual technical apparatus—for economy of time and space, and not to overduly bore my reader. In those cases, only examples highlighted for discussion and illustration are provided with annotation and translation. 3) count frequencies of the variants—as expression of their relative ‘usage level’ and indication of over-all style with each speaker 4) look for patterns—constraints and preferences—in the distribution of variants in context with regard to both lexical conditioning and possible differentiation/specialization of function for SA and EA variants—what I nd to be the relevant and interesting issues will be specied for each feature in the subsequent chapters. 5) compare and discuss patterns and tendencies across speakers 6) nally, list the variants sequentially as they occur in the texts (line by line in the transcribed texts). This will present speakers’ proles, with regard to patterns of distribution of code variants, and indicate sequences of mixing and/or alternation. The nal chapter will 1) summarize the ndings of the analysis chapters, with focus on the relative distribution of the various features explored, and constraints on mixing observed. To what extent are the various items equally represented with regard to occurrences of code variants—on intraspeaker and interspeaker levels? How can we account for the differential usage levels? 2) conclusions will be drawn, as far as possible, concerning whether, how and to what extent the ndings support the assumption of an emerging norm, of focusing and conventionalization. Do speakers’ ‘mixed styles’ provide evidence for the formation of a ‘mixed variety’, which educated speakers use as a spoken standard—or are there only highly variable ‘mixed lects’, which individual speakers create ad hoc with the resources available from EA and SA.

System of transcription and presentation of data The system of transcription followed is a broad phonemic one—including the phonemes of both basic codes as well as intermediary variants and deviant features in the spoken texts in one framework. This implies that the transcription will sometimes reect forms that violate the established (prescriptive and/or descriptive) phonological norms of SA and EA. The transcription is further intended to give some morphological information, explained below.

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Phoneme inventory and symbols for transcription The following symbols are used:41  b t  j g   x d

r z s

      f q k l m n w y

unvoiced glottal plosive (glottal stop) voiced bilabial plosive unvoiced dental plosive unvoiced interdental fricative voiced palato-alveolar affricative voiced postpalatal or velar plosive voiced palato-alveolar fricative (marginal) unvoiced pharyngal fricative unvoiced velar fricative voiced dental plosive voiced interdental fricative voiced dental vibrant voiced dental sibilant unvoiced dental sibilant unvoiced palato-alveolar sibilant unvoiced velarized (‘emphatic’) sibilant voiced velarized (‘emphatic’) dental plosive unvoiced velarized (‘emphatic’) dental plosive voiced velarized (‘emphatic’) interdental fricative voiced velarized (‘emphatic’) sibilant voiced pharyngeal fricative voiced velar fricative unvoiced labio-dental fricative unvoiced uvular plosive unvoiced postvelar plosive voiced dental lateral voiced bilabial nasal voiced dental nasal bilabial semi-vowel/glide palatal semi-vowel/glide

41 There is no single system of phonemic transcription agreed upon among Arabic language researchers, but certain traditions have imposed themselves. I follow the symbols in Fischer and Jastrow 1980, except for the sound and letter ayn, /1/ for which I use //, and vocalic length which I mark with /:/. The feature descriptions of the consonant phonemes are adopted from the same work. There are some different evaluations of the point of articulation of certain phonemes in the literature, especially concerning the continuum velar-uvular. For exposition and discussion of allophones of EA, see Harrell 1957; for SA (and EA) see Watson 2002.

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vowels: a i u e o (short) and a: i: u: e: o: (long)—(:) marks that the vowel is perceived as between short and long, often a result of length reduction in an unstressed syllable, and/or partly accommodation to EA phonotactics. diphthongs: ay aw stress: a dash on stressed vowel—à, ì etc. pause is marked with a stroke: /; a longer pause with two strokes: // inaudible stretches are marked by [. . .]; square brackets are also used, though rarely, for elements not heard on the tape, but added by me in order that the item be grammatical, e.g. []ulla:b—means that the item in this position must be denite. Notes on system of transcription – hamz The phoneme // may reect either the hamz (the Arab grammarians’ term for the glottal stop) common to both SA and EA, or the EA reex of SA /q/. In the latter function, // is a stable phoneme. As a root consonant and as part of a grammatical morpheme, the hamz generally speaking has a reduced position in EA as compared to SA, as a contrast of cognate words would show,42 and in spoken texts the dropping or restitution of hamz in these positions may have a stylistic function. In initial position, however, and not as part of a lexical root, the hamz is freqently elided. Rules of elision of initial hamz are in principle clear and unambiguous when it comes to normative SA, somewhat less clearly stated in grammars of EA.43 The realization or non-realization of hamz, then, is a categorical feature in orthoepic SA, a gradient feature in EA—and in my data appears to be very variable: sometimes hamz is hypercorrectly applied in environments where it would be elided according to SA as 42 Ex. Of cognate words: qara vs. ara “he read”; qaratu vs. are:t “I read”; bir vs. bi:r “(a) well”; bina: vs. buna “building”: umala: vs. umala “agents”; na:im vs. na:yim “sleeping”. 43 Mitchell 1962:35: hamz is “frequently”, “very often”, “variously” elided, and: “Generally speaking, elision is more frequent in the speech of less educated people” (31). Abdel-Massih et al. 1979:103–4 state that the elidible glottal stop is deleted in such and such environments, “especially in fast speech” (103) and “when an EA word is heard to begin with a vowel this means that the initial glottal stop has been elided”; and add some restrictions on elision which are of a pragmatic nature—avoidance of ambiguity, lending emphasis (104).

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well as EA rules (in close transition, especially with the denite article: l-iqtia:d); sometimes missing when one or both basic codes (normally) would require it.44 In some instances in my texts I nd it difcult to discern whether or not an initial hamz is realized. (Putting a few tests to native Arab friends’ judgment revealed less, but not lack of, hesitation.) In the transcription, I have noted the hamz whenever observed, but I may have missed several occurrences. – ‘emphasis’ (tafxi:m) It is commonly recognized that the domain of ‘emphasis’ (pharyngealization or velarization) is not restricted to the consonantal segments conventionally marked for this feature (the so-called ‘primary emphatics’ //, //, // and // or / /), but minimally extends to consonant + vowel or the syllable containing the ‘emphatic’ consonant, maximally to the whole word unit, and should rather be considered a suprasegmental or prosodic feature.45 Emphasis as a feature typically occurs in environments containing one of the ‘primary emphatics’, in EA also frequently with /r/, /m/ and /b/ and occasionally with /l/. Harrell 1957 posited a sufcient amount of minimal pairs involving /r/ as +/– emphatic to establish emphatic /r/ as a separate phoneme in EA, while he found few and/or doubtful cases of minimal pairs involving /m/ and /b/. I have, as a matter of convenience, and since it is not central to my concerns here, decided only to note emphasis with the ‘primary emphatics’. – nal geminates (long or doubled nal consonants) Harrell 1957 and 1960 rejects the ‘nal geminate’, or rather, the ‘prepausal geminate’ as impossible to establish phonetically, but admits (1957:85) that it may be convenient for practical purposes to write nal stressed—VC as VCC.46 I have not noted the eventual short pronoun44 This is also attested in Harrell 1960:23–24: // is retained in slow speech, but frequently dropped in rapid speech. 45 See the discussion in Harrell 1957:69ff., Harrell 1960:26ff., and in Fischer and Jastrow 1980:56–57. See also Skogseth 2000 for this feature in Radio News broadcasting. 46 Harrell 1957:30–31 and 84–85. Harrell 1960:19. Mitchell 1962:20 simply states that “[d]oubled consonants are usually pronounced shorter when nal”. It is interesting to note, that Hassanein and Kamel 1990 writes a shadda on the nal /l/ in / “to eat (p. 33) and /d/ in C “to take” (49)—treating it as double, or geminate, nal, as in  abb “to like, love.” (Morphophonologically there is only one nal consonant here: kal <akal and xad <axad.) A simple mistake—or conscious analysis of actual pronunciation by native speakers?

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ciation of morphologically nal long (geminate or ‘double’) consonants. They are therefore transcribed as geminate whenever the (underlying) morphological pattern of the word form requires it—regardless of their actual phonetic realization, which I found difcult to judge accurately. – pronominal nal /h/ The EA 3ms clitic pronoun 3. is -u (or -uh—“often pronounced with a weak nal h before a pause” (Mitchell 1962:53 n. 1), while postvocalically it is marked by lenghtening the preceding vowel with or without a nal /h/: “in the speech of many, nal h is not pronounced but the vowel is still long and prominent” (ibid.:53). I have written nal /-h/ when observed; when in doubt, I have added it in brackets. – assimilation of denite article I have consistently noted assimilation of the denite article when it occurs. The high frequency of non-assimilated cases, where assimilation would be expected in terms of both SA and EA rules of assimilation, reects the actual usage in these texts, and is not (normally) due to lack of attention on my part. – short vowel inventory47 The phonemic status of Egyptian short vowels /e/ and, especially, /o/ has been disputed in the literature.48 Leaving the principled discussion aside, and opting for an inclusive approach, I have simply registered

Al-Ani 1970, based on spectrographic analysis of SA pronounced by himself and other Iraqi speakers, gives measurements for nally geminated consonants that are only slightly below the measurements for medially geminated (pp. 75–77). These measurements are based not on longer stretches of speech (or reading), but on the pronunciation of segments, minimal pairs and short phrases and sentences, and one may suspect that the informants are performing hyper-correctly. 47 For a detailed analysis of the vowels and their allophones in EA, I refer to Harrell 1957. 48 Discussion in Harrell 1957:55–56 and 60–2—concluding that /e o/ as “macrophonemes” are only epenthetic vowels with no lexical function; Mitchell 1962:24–25 includes both short phonemes, but states that they are sometimes difcult to distinguish from /i/ and /u/ respectively; Prasse 1971:XI does not include them, maintaining that the distinction between /i:/ and /e:/, /u:/ and /o:/ is neutralized when shortened— and instead operates idiosyncratically “for reasons of clarity” with a notation where vowels are written as long, whether shortened or not. Abdel-Massih 1975 includes them with the same reservations as Mitchell 1962, adding (with a sigh of relief ?): “Fortunately, the occurrence of short /e o/ is not common in Egypt” (p. 21). Badawi and Hinds 1986 simply include them, remarking that they occur “usually as a contracted form [of their long counterparts] in a closed syllable” (pp. XVIIf.).

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occurrences of these vowels whenever I heard them as such—though restricted to cases that reect morphophonologically conditioned shortening of corresponding long vowels /e:/ and /o:/. [I am aware of the option of marking a distinction between a more fronted /a/ and a back or emphatic variant (occurring in connection with the feature of emphasis and with other back articulated consonants).49 I do not, however, see any reason—except as a guidance for pronunciation—for treating /a/ differently from the other vowels, and in line with my careful conservatism with regard to marking emphasis, this distinction is not applied here.] – anaptyctic and neutralized vowels I have resorted to the symbol // when an unstressed short vowel, including the anaptyctic vowel,50 has a neutralized pronunciation. I must admit that discerning the quality of short, unstressed vowels was not always an obvious matter, and for some items on my tapes, I changed the vowel marking several times, eventually, in these cases settling on //. In some cases of close transition, where the second word begins with the article/l-/ (and assimilated /n-/), and where the phonology of both SA and EA would require a vowel, I was not able to discern any vowel element at all—which leads me to speculate whether /l-/ (and /n/?) is not in itself sufciently sonorous to carry the syllable, and that proclaimed rules of syllable structure and anaptyxis do not necessarily apply to these cases. I have not added the structurally required anaptyctic vowel in these cases. I admit that without a more careful phonetic registration and analysis, the range of realizations of ‘weak’ vowel—neutralized vowel—no vowel represents a fuzzy auditory area, and I do not make a claim to accuracy of representation in this area. In many presentations of EA, the high, front anaptyctic vowel is distinguished from morphemic nal /-i/by being written in superscript or connected with a hyphen.51 In texts where SA and EA forms cooccur,

49 This distinction is applied in Mitchell 1962 and in Badawi and Hinds 1986. AbdelMassih 1975 does not make the distinction in transcription. 50 “The vowel glide inserted after words ending in a consonant group when necessary to avoid groups of more than two consonants” Prasse 1979: VII; “the helping vowel I”, as distinguished from the “vowel i” in Abdel-Massih 1975:49–50; “the “extra” or anaptyctic vowel” in Mitchell 1962. 51 Abdel-Massih 1975:28 and, more explicitly Abdel-Massih et al. 1979:322, claim a difference in pronunciation between the anaptyctic and the phonemic /i/: the anaptyctic /i/ “is pronounced as a shorter and more lax sound” than other nal /-i/.

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like in my data, a nal short vowel /-i/ in certain contexts is structurally ambiguous: it may be interpreted as SA genitive ending or as EA anaptyctic vowel (or even, the /i-/ of a following EA denite article). I have not tried to mask this ambiguity. For anaptyxis and word boundaries, see p. 86. – vowel length I have tried to mark consistently the distinction between long and short vowels in my texts, as this, in many instances, may provide a clue as to what degree words are integrated into the EA phonological system with its stress- and syllable-conditioned rules of vowel shortening. Even in words of unambiguously SA morphological shape, however, unstressed long vowels tend to be (at least somewhat) shortened, especially in wordnal position,52 and my transcription intends to reect this tendency. Actually, vowel length appears to be a gradient feature, and in instances where it may be relevant to my discussion, I have marked intermediate length with (:), as in muna(:)q a. For the most part, however, I must admit I have adopted the option closest to my impression of it. When I render Arabic words from a written source, i.e. not from my (or others) spoken data, I use the usual transliteration convention for long vowels: , , . – stress In both varieties stress assignment is essentially (though not exclusively) dependent on or conditioned by syllable structure.53 In my transcription, stress will be marked only when not predictable or shared by the two codes, and in mixed forms where stress placement may deviate from the rules of either code (ex.: ga:mìi “which pertains to university”).

52

Harrell 1960, writing about oral production in a (reading) style approximating SA, reports numerous examples of shortening of prestress long vowels” (p. 24) and “. . . it is only marginally that Egyptian radio announcers attempt to distinguish between long and short nal vowels” (p. 25). Al-Ani 1970:75 based on acoustic measuring of SA pronounced by Iraqi speakers, measures “the difference between short and long vowels [as] approximately double or more”; and stating that “vowel length can only operate medially and nally”, he simply concludes that it “is more common medially”. 53 For exposition of stress in EA, see Harrell 1957, Mitchell 1962 and Abdel-Massih 1975. For Egyptian Radio Arabic (approximating SA) see Harrell 1960:9–13.

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Word boundaries and morphological information – words, particles and afxes I have chosen to let the transcription reect conventionally recognized word boundaries. The proclitic article, preverbal aspect and tense clitics, and most other monosyllabic particles, conjunctions and prepositions are connected to the main (host) word by means of a hyphen—unless there is a pause, which is not quite uncommon in my data, often characterized by hesitation and a staccato, word-by-word mode of speaking. The conjunctions wa- (and its variants) and fa-, the prepositions bi-, li-, ka-, short form - (for :) as well as short form mi- (for min) and a- (for ala) are written with a following denite article /-l-/ (and its ‘assimilated’ variants) without any hyphen: wal-, lil- etc. Inectional afxes on nouns and verbs are written attached to their stem without a hyphen in the transcription—only occasionally, in order to illustrate a certain point in the analysis, will they be written separated from their stem by a hyphen. – pronoun clitics – with anaptyctic vowels Pronoun clitics are separated from the host word by a hyphen. In some cases, there might arise ambiguity as to morpheme boundaries—as with the anaptyctic vowels that occur with EA sufxes in order to prevent a sequence of more than two consonants: andìna, andàha etc. “with us, with her” etc. Although part of general EA phonotactics, I follow Woidich (1980:215) in that these (anaptyctic) vowel elements should rather be considered part of the pronoun sufxes: “Da die Vokalqualität hier jedoch von der morphologischen Kategorie abhängig ist, erscheint es angebrachter, diese Vokale zum Morphem des jeweiligen Sufxes zu rechnen” and consequently reected in the transcription as and-ìna and and-àha. This has implications for the representation of potentially ambiguous cases with regard to code assignment as well; for instance, a word like a artaha may be interpreted as: SA 2ms a arta + pron.suff. -ha : a arta-ha “you attended it”

or alternatively: EA 1s/2ms a art + pron.suff. variant -aha : a art-àha “I/you attended it”.

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The transcription thus reects my interpretation of each case. The clue to which interpretation should be favoured in such cases will normally be provided by stress: in EA the rst /a/ in the sufx would receive at least a secondary stress, while in (normative) SA the stress would be placed on the closed syllable of the verb: SA a àrta-ha vs. EA a art-àha. – and vowel lengthening One could argue, in the same vein, with regard to the EA feature Vowel Lengthening before sufxation—that the lengthening should be considered part of the pronoun, as in EA katabu “they wrote” + -ha “it” represented as katabu-:ha as distinct from SA katabu:-ha(:) “they wrote it”, and EA daa-:ha vs. SA daa:-ha(:) “he invited her”, and EA xalli-:na vs. SA xalli:-na(:) “leave us (alone)”.

I have decided, however, against this procedure, for several reasons: Aesthetically, it does not look good to separate the vowel and the lengthening feature, and it would have awkward consequences for the representation of other cases of Vowel Lengthening as well. This suprasegmental feature, involving pronoun clitics as well as other items, will therefore be represented as a feature of the vowel of the host word, i.e.: ufna:-ha “we saw her”, and no interpretation of ambiguous code assignment as in the ones exemplied above, will be reected in the transcription. – and consonant doubling The lengthening (‘doubling’) of nal /n/ of prepositions min and an with EA pronoun clitics -i, -ak, -ik and -u is marked on the preposition: minn-u, ann-ak. – in innu and annu The nal /u/ of EA innu and of hybrid form annu is in principle interpreted as the pronoun clitic 3ms -u and thus mostly transcribed inn-u and ann-u. (I shall return to a discussion of the status of these items in Chapter Three.) – :(h) As mentioned above, when sufxed to words with a nal vowel, EA pronoun clitic 3ms is represented by lengthening + optionally /-h/:

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katabu:(-h) “they wrote it”, :(-h) “in-it”. A distinction between this last prepositional phrase (which, with /-h/, may also be SA pausal form with /-h/) and the homophonic high frequency EA ‘existential’ particle :(h) “there is” (a lexicalization and grammaticalization of the same unit) will only be reected in the transcription when the optional element /-h/ is included. Considerations of semantic reference/anaphora, and to some extent syntactic structure, underly my interpretation of each case. – ambiguous word boundaries With regard to marking boundaries between words in close transition, in some cases the question arises whether a short vowel segment morphologically should, in the transcription, be assigned to the preceding or to the following word: – anaptyxis, case marker, or vowel of the article This typically affects collocations where the second member has the denite article, e.g. SA: min al-qa:hira or mina l-qa:hira “from Cairo” and EA sitt il-be:t or sitti l-be:t “housewife”. The rst option in each pair signals that the vowel is interpreted as part of the article, while the second option reects its status as an anaptyctic vowel. (According to the established phonological rules for both SA and EA, the second option would be preferable.) However, in a transcription and analysis of mixed styles, involving both basic codes, in addition to deviations in usage from both—especially with regard to lack of liaison with a following article, the issue has wider implications. For instance, whether I transcribe daras al-kimya or darasa l-kimya “he studied chemistry”, would seem to reect different interpretations of code assignment: The rst, daras, would be considered a neutral verb form (shared by EA and pausal form SA); the second, darasa a SA full form. I have opted for writing these functionally ambiguous cases of short vowels /a/ and /i/54 as if belonging to the following article—but without inferences as to interpretation (whereas /u/ unambiguously belongs to the preceding noun or verb form and is written accordingly). The different treatment of, for instance, ka:n(a) in: ka:n al-walad “was the-boy”

54 Unambiguous cases, where the nal /-a/ or /-i/ does belong to the preceding word are, of course, many function words, e.g. atta, illa, ha:za, alla i,  and nisba-endings -iall having a long vowel in orthoepic SA (as reected in writing).

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and ka:na walad “was (a) boy”, may appear inconsistent, but seems to me to be the lesser evil (the greater evil would be to have to make (dubious) interpretations at every point in the transcription). Notes on grammatical notation – grammatical markers on verbs Finite verbs are either ‘perfect’ (PF) or ‘imperfect’ (IPF )—for grammatical abbreviations see below. The PF conjugation is characterized by grammatical sufxes for person, gender and number—and is often referred to in the literature as the ‘sufx set’ (e.g. Beeston 1970; Holes 1995). The IPF conjugation is characterized by grammatical prexes (+ for some categories sufxes), and is, correspondingly, referred to as the ‘prex set’. In my notation the PF verb is rendered with its lexical meaning preceding person, gender, number, while the IPF verb is rendered with person, gender, number preceding lexical meaning. Preclitic morphemes of future tense and modality/aspect, as well as dependent pronoun clitics are attached with a hyphen (as they are in the transcription itself ). SA inectional endings marking mood or case, are rendered with capital letters (SUBjunctive, ACCusative)—thus: ma: yanbai an nurakkiza ale:-h what 3ms/be appropriate that 1pl/concentrate/SUB on-it “what we should concentrate on”

bi-yi taal IND-3ms/work “he is working”

inta a-tuud tidwi -ni you FUT-2ms/go on 2ms/bother-me “are you going to keep on bothering me”

– SA forms and ‘full forms’ Short vowel inectional endings for case and mood (ira:b) are not a requirement for verbal and nominal forms in the data to be classied by me as SA. Such endings, when they occur, certainly are markers of SA, but their absence is not necessarily a marker, nor an indicator, of EA (which has no inectional case and mood endings). While the orthoepic norm of SA requires the realization of these short vowel endings on words in close transition (‘context form’), dropping them is the norm before pause. Resorting to ‘pausal forms’ comes very naturally to

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extemporaneous speech approximating SA, since they do not violate the system, and have come to be widely tolerated as SA forms even in the context of reading aloud from a written text.55 SA words with short vowel inectional endings are referred to as SA ‘full forms’. Frequently, speakers will make short pauses between words, which adds to their speech a typical staccato mode—distinct from both orthoepic SA and conversational EA. If no pause is observed, using ‘pausal forms’ which form consonant clusters (of more than two consonants) in combination with the following word in close transition, require phonological adaptation in order not to violate phonotactic rules of syllable structure in both varieties. For most speakers, this consists in following EA phonotactics, using EA anaptyctic vowels. When the following word is a noun with the denite article, the use of post-pausal (or initial) SA article al-, with or without initial hamz (‘glottal stop’), often is preferred to the EA il- (the /i/ of which may be variously interpreted as either anaptyctic vowel or unelided vowel of the full form article). Abbreviations of grammatical terms PF IPF IMP IND JUS SUB FUT

perfect (form of the verb) imperfect form imperative form indicative (modus) jussive (modus) subjunctive (modus—mood) futurum

NOM ACC GEN AP PaP PASS

nominative (casus) accusative (casus) genitive (casus) active participle passive participle passive (form of the verb)

55 For the use of ‘pausal forms’ in context in radio news broadcasts, cf. Harrell 1960 and Skogseth 2000. Meiseles (1977:178) calls it a “tendency [in Oral Literary Arabic] towards a speech-dynamic preferring hiatus between words”. This ‘speech-dynamic’ may be due to oral, on-line production in a language form one is not totally at ease with, combined with some hesitation in order to select the appropriate term in a more demanding intellectual setting.

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1, 2, 3 m, f s, pl dual PRON PRON SUFF DEM COMP REL NEG

rst, second, third grammatical person masculine, feminine grammatical gender singular, plural dualis pronoun pronoun sufxation demonstrative complementizer relative phrase negative particle

S, SUBJ P, PRED O, OBJ V, VP N, NP ADV PP CP Q

subject predicate object verb, verbal predicate noun, nominal predicate adverb prepositional phrase complement of preposition question/interrogative marker

ID st.constr.

i fa, the ‘genitive construct’ ‘status constructus’ (refers to the form of the rst member of an i fa)

LS MPP

lexico-semantic (status) morphophonological (shape)

CHAPTER THREE

VARIANTS OF COMPLEMENTIZERS WITH THE EMBEDDING OF NOUN CLAUSES (“THAT”-CLAUSES)

This feature is part of ‘diglossic grammar’ where there is only partial congruence/equivalence in form and function between SA and EA. In both basic varieties embedded noun clauses introduced by complementizers (COMP) inna, anna, an (SA) and inn (EA) “that”1 may ll the nominal slots/syntactic functions of objects, subjects, nominal predicates, attributives,2 as well as being complements of prepositions3 and the qualifying second member of an i fa (genitive construction). I shall rst present an overview of formal and functional categories of these complementizers based on general grammars and special studies of SA and EA respectively. For SA, the focus will be on the distribution of the COMP variants, the semantic and syntactic restrictions with regard to their use and interpretation, and the issue of the ‘dummy pronoun’. For EA the main issues will be the use vs. deletion of the complementizer in interverbal position, semantic and morphosyntactic features relevant to the interpretation of modality, and the syntactic interpretation of innu. After a comparative evaluation of the systems as presented in the literature, I shall then proceed to discuss the registered occurrences in my 1 These particles are variously termed in the literature “subordinate particles” (Cantarino 1975 III:105ff.); “conjunctions” (Reckendorf, Bloch 1965, Badawi and Hinds 1986, Krahl and Reuschel 1987); “complementizers” (BCG:588; Gary and Gamal-Eldin 1982:16; Wise 1975:60ff.); and ‘nominalizers’ (Abdel-Massih 1979:149ff.)—derived from their property of introducing clauses which function syntactically as nominals—in accordance with the Arab grammarians’ position on an and anna (M. Carter, pers. comm.). I prefer ‘complementizer’ as it seems to be the most established term in current linguistic literature on complement clauses—dened as ‘a grammatical formative which serves to mark a complement clause’, and a “a word, particle, clitic or afx whose function it is to identify the entity as a complement” (Noonan 1987:44). ‘Complementizers’ as a class are not restricted to our particles, but neither are ‘nominalizers’. 2 Reckendorf (1921:398) refers to attributive an-clauses “mit kausaler und naler Gebrauch” as the Arab grammariens’ an al-mufassira, and also to “epexegetisch” attributive clause with anna and an (ibid.:403). 3 Under certain circumstances, prepositions that are part of a verbal or nominal collocation may be deleted before COMP in both SA (Wright II:193; Blachère and Gaudefroy-Demombynes: 436–7, Fischer 1972:189, anm. 1) and EA (see below)— which causes some problems for syntactic classication of the COMP clause. These issues will be discussed at various points in the analysis.

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data and how they relate, in the text of each speaker and in the data as a whole, to these categories—with focus on preferences and constraints with regard to the use of SA and EA variants.

Forms and distribution of the SA complementizers SA has three variants of the complementizer (“that”): inna, anna and an. The use of inna as complementizer 4 “that” is restricted to embedding a clause governed by the lexical item qa:l “say”:5 qla inna . . . “he said that . . .” Otherwise, anna or an introduce the embedded clause. (There are also other ‘complement types’ expressing the same, or similar, notions as the clauses introduced by COMP—such as the use of madars (“verbal nouns/innitives”) and kawn (madar of kna “to be”) or m “the fact that” (cf. Fischer 1972:188–89)—these are not considered in the present study.) anna (and inna)6 normally require the embedded clause they introduce to have an initial noun (in the accusative) or (enclitic) pronoun7 (i.e. to be a ‘nominal clause’ in Arab grammatical terms)—this noun/ pronoun is regarded as the grammatical subject, although it may be a topicalized or fronted noun/pronoun which is not necessarily the logical subject of the clause. (For the amr al- an or ‘dummy’ pronoun, see below p. 95f.) The typical exception to the requirement that anna (and ‘sisters’) be followed by a noun/pronoun (in the accusative), is when the subject of the clause to be embedded is indenite, and its predicate is a prepositional phrase—such a structure normally has inverted word order, with the indenite subject posited after its predicate: 4 The other function of inna as a particle introducing a main clause—“Satzeinleitungspartikel [. . .] lenkt die Aufmerksamkeit auf die folgende Aussage” (Fischer 1972:158); SA particle with an “emphasizing function” (Bloch 1986:133), occurs only marginally in my data (with speakers NA2 and NA3 + 1ex. AUC2:160). Bloch nds reexes of inna in modern Beduin dialect of (original, he claims) presentative as well as emphatic use. Also attested for EA in BH: besides the function as conjunction, inn- is a particle “used to emphasize a following statement”: amma inn-ak umr bi-a, translated as “you are really a complete ass”! This emphatic use does not occur in my data. 5 BCG:10.15.3.1: “Occasionally qla is found with anna, again in a context where the exact words of the speaker are nor used or reported.” 6 They belong to a class of particles, the so-called ‘sisters of inna’, which involve the same morphosyntactic constraint on the subject of the following clause—but otherwise introduce different kinds of clauses. 7 Or, a syntactic equivalent of noun/pronoun: demonstratives and relative pronouns, noun clauses etc. For examples, see Cantarino III:118–19.

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al-waladu f l-bayti

f l-bayti

the-boy/NOM (subject) in the-house

in the-house boy/NOM (subject)

waladun

wajada anna f l-bayti waladan nd/3ms that in the-house boy/ACC (subject)

The following literary example is from h usayn, quoted in Cantarino (III:117, my transcription): kna ya uru bi-anna la-hu bayna h  l-adadi - axmi mina - abbi be/3ms 3ms/feel youngsters

wal-afli

that

maknan

for-him

among

this

the-number the-huge of the-

xan

and-the-children place/ACC special/ACC (subject) “he used to feel that he had a special place among this large number of youngsters and children”

an syntactically requires a following verb, most frequently in the imperfect subjunctive (SUB) form,8 for past time reference also the perfect form occurs. When the embedded clause does not contain a nite verb, only the construction with anna (or variant inna) may be used—consequently, only with a clause containing a verb is there, under certain circumstances, a choice between alternative COMPs. Whether in these cases it is the syntactic structure of the embedded clause, i.e. the choice of the speaker to start the clause with a (pro)noun or with verb, that should be seen to determine the form of the complementizer—or, whether it is the choice of COMP variant that conditions the syntax of the embedded clause—may seem to be a hen-and-egg kind of question. The literature, however, seems largely to agree that “[t]he choice between the two structures depends on the context provided by the main proposition into which the clause is tted” (Beeston 1970:56). The an + imperfect (or ‘prex-set’) verb “envisages the proposition embodied in the clause as a mere notion, and represents approximately ‘the idea that . . .’; the two others [anna + (pro)noun (‘entity term’) or

8

For the classical language, according to Wright II:25–6, “after verbs which express inclination or disclination, order or prohibition, duty, effect, effort, fear, necessity, permission, etc.” After verbs that do not “indicate any wish, effect, expectation, or the like, and the verb which is governed by D*E has the meaning of the perfect or the present, the perfect or the indicative imperfect is used” (the an al-muxaffafa of the Arab grammariens). “After verbs of thinking, supposing, and doubting, when they refer to the future, D*E may govern the indicative of the imperfect [. . .] or the subjunctive”. In modern SA SUB appears to be more or less generalized in this function—but due to lack of nal short vowel realization both in script and in much speech, the distinctions only show in some, not all, inected forms.

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prepositional phrase and an + perfect (‘sufx-set’) verb] envisage ‘the fact that . . .’” (ibid.). Cantarino (III:107) supports this interpretation: “ F*E [anna] always implies a statement of fact”, and “after verbs that present their objects as something striven for or simply as a possibility or capability of a future action, only D*E [an] will be used”. Holes (1995:226), however, sets the focus on the content of the embedded clause: The distinction between the two complementizers is that the governed clauses they introduce differ from the point of view of their factuality and aspect. If the action/state described is in the realm of the factual, whether complete (i.e. perfective) or incomplete (i.e. habitual, ongoing), anna + S(V)COMP9 is the norm, though an + VSCOMP is possible, provided that V is an s-stem [perfect form] (i.e. denotes a factual, completed action). If, on the other hand, the action/state described is in the future relative to the main verb, or is non-factual (and by denition incomplete), it is expressed by an + VS(COMP) where V is p-stem [imperfect form] a-set, that is, subjunctive.

Fischer (1978) interprets the development of the semantic functions of the respective particles, from pre-classical to modern SA, as a gradual shift from a contrast involving “Hervorhebung” (anna) vs. “ohne Hervorhebung” (an) to one of “realisiert” vs. “nicht realisiert”.10 Fischer concludes that the choice of construction has come to depend on the semantics of the main clause: In modern SA “wird G* [anna] gewählt, wenn der übergeordnete Satz eine Wahrnehmung, Darlegung oder Ähnliches ankündigt, wogegen D*E [an] gewählt wird, wenn der DassSatz von Ausdrucken des Wünschens, Könnens, der Zustimmung u.dgl. mehr abhängig ist.11 Die Wahl zwischen F*E und D*E ist also von der semantischen Struktur des übergeordneten Satzes abhängig” (p. 31).12 He offers the following illustration: 9

COMP here stands for ‘complement’. A critical view of Fischer, and an alternative view on the diachrony of an based on evidence from Pre-Classical Arabic is found in Ferrer i Serra 2000. Another recent contribution to the pre-history of these particles is Testen 1999. 11 In their Lehrbuch, Krahl and Reuschel specify the distinction even further: “Welcher dieser beide Strukturen man sich bedient, hängt von der Semantik des *E vorangehenden Verb ab.[. . .] F*E steht nach verben der Mitteilung, Äusserungen [. . .] des Wissens oder Glaubens [. . .] der (sinnlichen) Wahrnehmungen”; while “ D*E steht nach den Modalverben [. . .] sowie nach den Verben des Forderns, Befehlens, Vorschlagens, Wünschens, Hoffens, des Zweifels, der Befürchtung, der Vermutung, der Gemütsbewegung u.a.” (1987:324–5). See also BCG:588ff. for semantic categories and verb classes that typically require the use of an resp. anna. 12 Similarly, Blachère and Gaudefroy-Demombynes (1975:433): “Cela depend de la valeur sémantique de la principale: la proposition introduite par D*E exprime l’intention annoncée en principale [. . .]: celle introduite par F*E note une constatation, un fait tenu pour réalisé. [. . .] Cette distinction ne paraît pas avoir été absolue à une époque ancienne.” 10

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mina l-mumkini an yaqla lika of the-possible that 3ms/say/SUB that “it is possible that he will say that”

with an + subjunctive verb to express something “nicht realisiert”, but: mina l-mar anna-hu yaqlu lika of the-known that-he 3ms/say/IND that “it is (well) known that he says that”

with anna + pronoun + indicative verb to state a fact, something “realisiert”. A couple of samples from Fischer (1972:188) may further illustrate: alamu

anna-hu

yanmu

1s/know that-he 3ms/sleep/IND “I know that he is sleeping”

establishing something as real, as a fact, vs. yanba

an

ta ara

min . . .

3ms/be appropriate that 2ms/take-care/SUB from “you better watch yourself for . . .”

Fischer further claims that for a past tense statement, the perfect form of the verb after an has become restricted to certain collocations, primarily with compound subjunctions: bada an “after [that]”, mun u an “since [that]” and ila an “until [that]”—otherwise the construction with anna + noun or inserted pronoun before the perfect verb is preferred (1978:30). From a different, but likewise semantico-syntactic, angle, Khan (1988:40) suggests that the distribution of the two structures anna + nominal + verb vs. an + verb + nominal is connected with differences in ‘autonomy’ of the two proposition types vis-à-vis the main clause. “[. . .] the sequence an + verb + nominal is generally used when the realisation of the action or state expressed by the verb is dependent upon the preceding main verb” (ibid.), while the anna-clause “expresses an action or state the realisation of which is not dependent on the action or state expressed in the main verb” (ibid.).13

13 In Khan’s view this reects an underlying tendency of the (Classical) language, in that nominal + verb sentence order introduces something new (cf. topicalization and extraposition), i.e. functions as a ‘boundary marker’, while verb+nominal order signals continuity.

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Whether the choice of construction is motivated by the embedding or the embedded clause will in most cases not represent an issue, as there will naturally be interaction between the semantics of the governing proposition and the proposition that follows.14 In the following (constructed) examples, however, the COMP structure alone provides the clue to the interpretation of modality: yusidu-n anna-ka tastamirru f dirsati l-r “it makes me happy that you are-continuing/IND your study of antiquities”

yusidu-n an tastamirra f dirsati l-r “it would make me happy that you continue /SUB . . .”

ahamm min lika anna-ka ta habu hunka “more important is (the fact) that-you are-going/IND there

ahamm min lika an ta haba hunka “it is (would be) more important that you go/SUB there”

amr al-an, or the pronominal ‘dummy’ As mentioned above, the particles inna and anna (as well as the other particles in the same category, the ‘sisters of inna’) syntactically require to be followed by a noun or pronoun in the accusative case (with certain reservations noted above). If the clause to be embedded in this structure does not contain an overt (pro)noun subject, a pronoun sufx is added to the complementizer to represent the subject: yanmu 3ms/sleep “(he) is sleeping”

> alamu

anna-hu

yanmu

1s/know that-PRON/3ms 3ms/sleep “I know that he is sleeping”.

However, also in cases where the clause to be embedded does contain an overt subject, but the writer/speaker chooses the word order VS, an enclitic pronoun is attached to the complementizer: 14 In a study that came to my attention only after having written this chapter, Maria Persson (2002) presents a classication of complement clauses in modern literary Arabic—including nominalized complements (madars and participles) as well as what traditionally is regarded as adverbial (l ) clauses and accusative participles to sentential objects—and a detailed classication of ‘complement-taking predicates’ (i.e. verbs in the main clause) according to their semantic meaning in terms of ‘manipulative’, ‘cognitive’ and ‘utterance’, focusing on the relation, or ‘binding’ between the subject of the main clause verb and the subject of the complement clause. Although presenting a wider scope, and an alternative approach, her results do not challenge or change the positions referred above with regard to the use of n and anna.

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bi-anna-hu

knat

tat-him

rusulu-hum15 [subject]

as-that-PRON/3ms be/3fs 3fs/come-them messengers-their “because their messengers used to come to them”

anna-hu

lam

tabqa

sawatun [subject]

that-PRON3ms NEG 3fs/remain wrong-doing “that there remained no evil deed”

From modern literary usage:16 ala anna-hu

zra-n

f l-yawmi -n

adbun [subject]

despite that-PRON3ms visit-3ms-me on the-day the-second cultured

mina l-udabi among the-cultured/pl. “but on the next day a certain learned man visited me”

a anna-hu

na aa

bayna-n uaru [subject]

true that-PRON/3ms grow-up/3ms among-us poets “it is true that poets have arisen among us”

The nature of this pronoun, the amr al- an (‘pronoun of the matter or fact’, ‘Pronomen des Sachverhalts’) of the Arab grammarians, ‘pronoun of general reference’ (Cantarino iii:106), or ‘dummy pronoun’ (Bloch 1990), is disputed. Some analysts have sought to assign semantic function to this pronoun. Wright (I:285 and 293) for the classical SA states that “[t]he sufx H in this case often represents and anticipates a whole subsequent clause”; Reckendorf (1921:375–76 and 1895:802ff.) similarly sees its function as “Vorwegnahme” (anticipation) of a word in the following clause, or of the clause itself. Reckendorf, however, also observes that the subject of the clause in these cases often is indenite (1921:375). Cantarino (ii:431) mentions that the pronoun “does not refer to a particular noun still to be introduced, but rather to a following situation”. Bloch, however, convincingly argues that the ‘dummy’ pronoun has no referential meaning or function, only a purely grammatical function. And there seems to be consensus in most of the literature, that the prime motivation for its occurrence is syntactic—to avoid the otherwise unacceptable sequence of one of these particles + verb (1990:32). Bloch also mentions other conditions for the use of the “dummy” pronoun: the circumvention of “inadmissible direct sequence of any of the mentioned particles and a negation” and restrictions on governing of “certain complex sentences” (introduced by law/i /lamma) (ibid.), 15 16

Bloch 1990:30, cited from Reckendorf 1921:376, adapted transcription. Cantarino II:431, my transcription.

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or the sequence of the particle and an independent pronoun (p. 34). Gully (1993:30–43) largely follows Bloch’s interpretation, and provides some interesting examples of apparent inconsistencies in the use of this pronoun in modern journalistic prose, which may reect conicting semantic-syntactic principles of SA (pp. 34–36). Gully claims that the increasing use of the ‘dummy’ pronoun in his journalistic data may reect the need for a “syntactic device offering a vast amount of exibility” in handling complex sentences and adopting new journalese forms of expression (p. 32). Reckendorf states that “das vorwegnehmende Pronomen ist in Nominalsätzen nicht gebraüchlich” (1895:803), but reports one instance: inna-hu

amatu [subject]

llhi hibatun17

“verily-PRON/3ms (the) handmaiden (of) God (is) departing”

Cantarino (ii:431) gives as a sample (not attested?)

!I 09 JFKE L E ataqid anna-hu zaydun [subject] qimun “I believe that-PRON/3ms Zayd (is) coming”,

and gives two attested references, not involving the complementizer, but its syntactic “sister”, la:kinna “but, however” + -hu + noun subject + verb: . . . *> " MN> > J wa-lkinna-hu l-kitbu [subject] stawjaba minn an . . . “but-PRON/3ms

the book

forced

me

to . . .”

and

K =  L> O0 P> J wa-lkinna-hu l-ubbu [subject] yamlau l-qalba ramatan wa-annan “but-PRON/3ms the-love lls

the-heart with compassion and tenderness”.

Forms and distribution of EA complementizer inn EA has one major reex of SA variants of complementizer “that”, namely inn- (and possibly innu as I shall discuss). (Other complement 17

Reckendorf 1895:806; Wright II:81.

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types—with ko:n and ma18 as well as madars—will not be considered for EA, either.) The forms and functions of inn- have, to my knowledge, not been thoroughly investigated for EA. Mitchell 1962 simply states that “[t]he nominal clause introduced by inn that occurs most frequently as a subordinate object-clause following one of a series of verbs including simi, yisma to hear [etc.]” and “after a few impersonal verbs such as yihar” (“it seems”) and that it is “possible for the particle to occur without a preceding verbal form”19 (pp. 105–6).The most comprehensive treatment I have found is in Abdel-Massih et al. (1979), in which samples are given of the various syntactic functions the embedded clause with inn- may have: “for example, as subject of a sentence, object of a verb, object of a preposition, or second term of a noun construct” (pp. 143–4). To this should be added predicate of a nominal (or verbless) clause—and, a more diffuse category which I classify as ‘attributive’, e.g. il-walad sai:d giddan inn-u [. . .] “the child is very happy that he [. . .]” and mabsu: awi inn-u [. . .] “[he is] very content that [. . .]”20 and agab-ni l-kr inn-u [. . .] “I liked the idea that [. . .]”. These constructions appear to derive from/be related to alternative constructions with prepositions: sai:d bi- and mabsu: min (and il-kr ?)—as we shall see below, prepositions may be deleted before COMP in both EA and SA. Abdel-Massih et al. are the only ones to comment on constraints with regard to the position of the complement clauses. In their terms, “a nominalized subject is often transposed to the position which follows the predicate” (1979:144): inn almanya tallit mar mi ai: > mi ai: inn almanya tallit mar “that Germany occupied Egypt is not true > it is not true that . . .”

Such postposition of complement clause “is the norm when the predicate is short and verbless, it is frequent when the predicate is a verb or a 18 “In initial position koon (+ bound pronoun), the verbal noun of kaan ‘be’ occurs in place of in” (Gary and Gamal-Eldin 1982:16); Abdel-Massih et al. (1979:151–2) present further contexts where “koon is used interchangeably with inn”: when the “nominalized expression is verbless” or “contains a verb denoting a fact”. Cf. p. 91 above for SA kawn. BH has no mention of grammaticalized ko:n, which is only listed as verbal noun of ka:n. There is no occurrence of kawn/ko:n in my data. “ma occurs after certain prepositions and nouns, and inn occurs elsewhere”, “ma may be followed immediately by a verb form”: rigit bad ma (huwwa) rigi “I returned after he did”, and further examples, where /preposition + noun + ma/ mostly “corresponds to an English conjunction” (Abdel-Massih et al. 1979:152–3). This ma sometimes corresponds to SA an, sometimes to SA m. 19 I.e. that the main clause has a nominal predicate. 20 Biber 1988:231 refers to a similar construction in English as “adjective complement”.

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99

short expression containing a verb, and it is infrequent otherwise” they claim (ibid.). In my data there is no occurrence of a “that”-clause, with either SA or EA COMP, in initial position. With regard to syntactic restrictions on following items, Abdel-Massih et al. (1979:152) write that “inn is usually followed by a noun or a pronoun functioning as a subject” and may not, in contrast with ma, “be followed immediately by a verb form”. Mitchell states that, where appropriate, “inn is followed [. . .] by the pronominal sufxes, not by the independent pronouns” (1962:105). Gary and Gamal-Eldin similarly claim, that “the bound pronoun is obligatory after the complementizer in. This is always the case when the subject of the complement is the same as that of the main clause. If the lower clause has a different independent NP subject, the bound pronoun is not manifested.” (1982:16). While, according to Salib (1982:304), “either a pronominal sufx or an independent pronoun may be used after inn, with general preference for the former: simit-innak kunt e -msaar or simit-inn-inta kunt e -msaar “I heard that you were away (on a journey)”. Salib’s version is corroborated by many instances of ‘full form’, or ‘independent’, pronouns— especially with pronouns of 1s and 1pl reference—which are attested in the literature21 (and in my data, as will be demonstrated below): ana a:rif

inn ana

b-axa:f

mi-ira:r

i-uayyar (Brustad 1991:107)

I AP/know that I [full form] IND-1s/be-afraid from-the-crickets the-small “I know that I am afraid of small crickets”

nastai:

inn

ina

niktib (Schulz 1981:106 )

1pl/be able to that we [full form] 1pl-write “we are able to write”

la

budd

inn-ina

naqif/nuaf (Salib 1979:97–98)

NEG way-out that-we [fullform] 1pl/stand(up) “we must stand (up)”

Crucial issues with regard to the use of inn-—in comparison with the use of the SA variants—are a) constraints that operate on the presence or absence (deletion) of the complementizer after verbs and quasi-verbs in the main clause b) semantic and morphosyntactic features of embedding and embedded clauses relevant to the interpretation of modality c) the status and alternative interpretations of occurrences of inn-u. Looking into these issues, I shall use as a parallel reference the study 21 The same feature is reported from medieval Palestinian Middle Arabic texts (i.e. texts with heavy dialect interference), both Jewish and Christian. Cf. Blau 1965:186 and 1966:513; for Egyptian Middle Arabic cf. Rasmussen 1980 and Hary 1992:307.

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by Ariel Bloch on the form and function of  nno in Damascus Arabic (in Bloch 1965)—which contains useful classications of potential relevance for our data. Obligatory vs. optional use of inn- as complementizer for embedded object clauses In SA asyndetic verb sequences frequently occur in connection with embedded circumstantial (l ) clauses (qma yaql “he stood up saying/to say”), and, by extension, in connection with a restricted number of verbs denoting tense and aspectual features (kna, abaa, ibtad, m zla, kda “be, become, begin, continue, almost be” etc.)—functioning more or less as auxiliaries. Embedded object clauses with initial verbs normally22 require the complementizer an—alternatively anna + pronoun sufx (cf. 3.1). EA syntax differs notably in that it may have several verbs in direct succession (‘verb sequences’, ‘verb strings’, ‘multi-verb sequences’),23 and in the case of a verb-initial object clause, it may be asyndetically embedded. So we have a contrast between SA: yastai:u an

yaqraa

and

3ms/be-able-to COMP 3ms/read “he can read”

EA:

yidir

yira

3ms/be-able-to 3ms/read

This syntactical difference is, however, only partial—as there are verbs which seem to be subcategorized for obligatory use of the complementizer also in EA (see below), while many verbs seem to occur both with and without COMP. The constraints regulating the use or deletion of COMP in EA are apparently complex, involving syntactic and semantic features of both matrix and embedded clause, as well as stylistic choices 22

According to Fischer 1972:195, Anm. 1, the use of asyndetic construction in SA may extend beyond the verbs denoting tense and aspect noted above, and “dehnt sich auf viele bedeutungsverwandte Verben aus, die mit einem an-Satz verbunden werden, so dass dann beide Konstruktionen nebeneinander mglich sind”. He offers the following pair: ard an yaqtul-hu [syndetic] ard yaqtulna-hu [asyndetic] want/3mpl that 3mpl/kill/SUB-him want/3mpl 3mpl/kill/IND-him both meaning “they wanted to kill him”. Rasmussen (1980:49) gives some examples of asyndetic construction with ara:da, but refers to them as ‘colloquial elements’ in a Middle Arabic text. The construction, with full form SA IPF, is—at best—marginal in modern literary Arabic with other than the tense/aspect-related verbs. It is not registered in BCG. 23 See Mitchell 1962:95–96; Abdel-Massih et al. 1979:269–275; Mitchell and alHassan 1994:37.

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and, it seems, a high degree of personal preferences. The textbooks and grammars of EA that I have consulted reect this, by being rather vague in their comments and instructions of use. A study specically devoted to the syntax of EA only lists a few verbs which take ‘object noun clauses’—which “may be introduced by the particle /in/ [sic]” and then “[b]ut inn may be deleted and the object noun clause follows the verb without a conjunctive” (Gamal-Eldin 1967:99). Wise (1975:65) explicitly recognizes that speakers often have different preferences with regard to the use of this feature, and leaves us with just a few clues, such as the following observation: “It seems that deletion is always possible when there is identity between the subject or object of the matrix and the subject of the embedded clause”. She gives the following examples:24 ana a:wiz

(inni)

arawwa

I AP/want (that-PRON/1s) 1s/go-home “I want to go home”

dae:t-u

(innu)

yifu:t

andi-na25

invite/1s-him (that-PRON/3ms) 3ms/pass by-us “I invited him to drop in”

ragge:t-u

(innu)

yisma-li

implore/1s-him (that-PRON/3ms) 3ms/permit-me “I begged him to forgive [sic] me”

Why she does not nd ‘the identity condition’ satised by the following two sentences I do not know, where the subject in the embedded clause is represented in the matrix as (admittedly) indirect, not direct, object: ana awza:-k tim i I APf/want-you 2sm/go “I want you to go”

aibb-ak tita

a and-ina kulli yo:m 1s/like-you 2ms/dine with-us every day “I’d like you to dine with us every day”

While it does not account for the following sentence: ammimna yuud maa:-na decide/1pl 3ms/stay with-us “We decided he should stay with us” 24 The examples given by Wise are adjusted to my system of transcription and the grammatical annotations are added by me, while the translations are those given by Wise. (inni/u) denotes optional retention/deletion of the complementizer. 25 An Egyptian informant rejects the idiomaticity of this example.

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In the next paragraph (p. 66), however, Wise gives an example of “optional deletion of a preposition before an inn-clause”, which interestingly links on to the preceding example (as I shall return to below, although Wise does not make such a link, as her ‘condition of identity’ is observed, and her concern here is of another nature): wat

ala

inni

aru:

agreed/1s on that-PRON/1s 1s/go

wat inni aru: wat aru: “I agreed to go”

We nd the same kind of optional deletion of 1) preposition and 2) preposition + complementizer + PRON commented on in Abdel-Massih et al. (1979:149–51). In the rst set, there is subject identity between matrix and embedded clause, in the second there is no such correspondence. Observe that the lexical item happens to be the same as in Wise’s ‘unresolved’ case above: ali ammim

ala

inn-u

yi:gi

Ali be-determined/3ms on that-PRON/3ms 3ms/come

ali ammim inn-u yi:gi ali ammim yi:gi

“Ali was determined to come”

ali ammim ala inn-ina nzu:r-u Ali be-determined/3ms on that-PRON/1pl 1pl/visit-him

ali ammim inn-ina ali ammim nzu:r-u

nzu:r-u

“Ali was determined to have us visit him”

Salib (1982:304–5) also mentions the optional deletion of the preposition before inn, and adds that “the use of inn is obligatory when the inn clause is an object of preposition”. This appears to be the only stated categorical syntactic restriction on inn deletion in EA. Whether an asyndetic sequence (inn- omitted) between verbs with different subject references is restricted to embedding verbs with an alternative, or underlying, prepositional object construction, as the example above (ammim ala)— or whether it depends on semantic and pragmatic, rather than syntactic motives—can only be raised as an issue, for lack of more evidence. Interestingly, I nd in Woidich’s Texte aus Kairo,26 three sentences recorded 26

Texts kindly provided me by the researcher.

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from one speaker, which involve the same lexical verb as above, but in participle form, m(u)ammim (my translation and underlining): w-ana kutt mammim inn humma27 yisbitu l-a:la ala a:n (050) “I was determined/sure that they (would) conrm the case, because”

a:wiz . . . muammim inn huwwa

lli

ywaalni (069)

“he wants . . . he is determined that he (is the one) who shall bring me”

lamma laa:ni inni ana muammim ala inn ana am i  ssikka (070) “when he found-me that I (was) determined on that I would go in the direction”

In the rst, there is not identical subject reference in the matrix and the embedded clause, in the other two the subject is identical—but there is no COMP deletion. Only the last sentence is constructed with the preposition. As for linking the probability of inn deletion to the semantic nature of the proposition, Salib claims that “[c]lauses expressed as possibilities, wishes, requests, suggestions, intentions, attempts, and the like, which include unmarked28 [= ‘bare’] imperfect verbs [. . .], may be used without the conjunction inn” (1982:304–5). “This is particularly true when the clause falls after impersonal expressions (e.g. mumkin, mutamal, yustasan, etc.) or when the subject of the ‘bare’ imperfect verb within the clause is identical with the subject or object of the verb, etc., which precedes the clause” [ibid.], i.e. the coreference constraint as suggested above. Mitchell and El-Hassan (1994) give several instances of the use of EA inn (pp. 8–10, 22–23, 38), but their comments are tentative and ad hoc: “In some cases, it is obligatory, for example where the subject of matrix simi/yisma “to hear” indirectly hears of a forthcoming event”, e.g. (p. 38): simit inni ali (a)yiwal bukra “I hear (lit. heard) that Ali is arriving tomorrow”.

In their appendix B (on ‘catenation’) they list classes of verbs according to whether they syntactically require an embedder—obligatory vs. optional vs. zero embedder. The ‘optional’ group is by far the largest,

27

By the way, this example is evidence that Woidich and Heinen-Nasr’s claim (2000:218) that the pronoun is attached as sufx to inn- is not always the case. 28 ‘Unmarked’ here for ‘bare’ form y-IPF (without bi- prex) is morphologically dened. Semantically/functionally it is the bi-IPF which is unmarked—as the most common, ‘indicative’ form, while the y-IPF is marked for semantic (modal subjunctive) or syntactic (dependent) meaning.

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the ‘zero’ group by far the smallest, comprising almost only aspectual verbs: ibtada/bada “begin”, baal “stop”, a:r “become, be able to”, all “continue, keep on”,  il (same), istamarr “continue”, aad “be in the process of ”. Obligatory embedder is found e.g. with itaraf “admit, confess”, fara “suppose”, alaf “swear”, aris ala “be careful”, raga “hope”, ra:a “observe, take into account”. The grouping of these verbs largely corresponds to the classication found in Eisele (1992).29 Eisele provides an indication of semantic constraints on verbs and quasi-verbs in the main clause with regard to their propensity for embedding their complement clause with COMP (in his study of more or less ‘core’ or ‘prototypical’ auxiliaries of EA as ‘lexical classes’, with subcategorization for complementizer being one of the relevant features (pp. 163–5))—‘aspectualizers’ being listed as subcategorized for -COMP. Eisele lists as obligatory +COMP the following verbs: a:l “to say”,30 /sadda “believe”, akkid “verify”, nisi “forget”,31 irif “know” (but with the meaning “know how” the verb is -COMP)— while most of his verbs are +/–, e.g. optional, for this feature, e.g. iftakar “think”. This study will only concern itself with asyndetic verb sequences where an alternative with COMP would be an option—in EA or in the SA equivalent—thus it excludes the typical ‘aspectualizers’, but includes the frequent modal expression la:zim (where “the normal practice [is] not to use inn” Salib 1982:305), as it contrasts with the SA equivalent with COMP, i.e. yagib an. Bloch’s analysis of Damascus Arabic nno- clauses Bloch (1965:44–68) contains a detailed treatment of the use of Damascus dialect (DA) complementizer  nno,32 which takes into account both semantic features of the subordinating (matrix) clause and the syntax of the subordinated (embedded) clause. He distinguishes between 29 Mitchell and al-Hassan have ibtada and baal as zero, Eisele lists both as +/– (in my data no occurrence of COMP after bada or ibtada). 30 Pace Salib who claims that clauses without inn are common after the verb a:l (1982:305). 31 Woidich 2000:219, claims that nisi is followed by inn when the complement clause expresses a fact, as in nist inn Mar andaha madir tanya kamn “I forgot [the fact] that Egypt has other sources as well”, but with propositions that are not realized, the verb is followed by asyndetic clause: nist asallim aléhum “I forgot to great them”—thus contradicting Eisele’s claim. 32  nno as it occurs in the following samples may be rendered as “that” or “thatPRON3ms”, the second option is chosen if the /-o/ seems to have referential meaning. See further p. 108f.

VARIANTS OF COMPLEMENTIZERS

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a) ‘qualizierten’ embedded clauses, which follow expressions in the subordinating clause with some kind of modal notion, typically verbs or quasi-verbs that express the notions of will, may, can, must, should. They have the structure: +/–  nno + y-imperfect (i.e. imperfect verbs with no tense or aspect markers, considered non-indicative forms). According to Bloch, the ‘qualifying’ expressions govern (‘regieren’) the y-imperfect in the embedded clause. b) ‘konstatierend’ clauses, which follow expressions of a declarative nature33 (but have no governing effect on the form of the embedded clause). They have the structure: +/–  nno + other elements than ‘bare’ y-imperfect (i.e. verbs with tense or aspect markers, perfect verbs, noun subjects, adverbials). Bloch claims that the general rule in DA for both types of clauses is that the use of complementizer is optional (‘fakultativ’)—while in some cases the use of syndetic construction is obligatory. With type a) (‘qualizierten’, modal notion involved), when the subjects in the two clauses have the same referent (‘Subjektsgleichkeit’),  nno is optional (p. 52): abbna  nno n nfod ala falan (syndetic) want/1pl that 1pl/depart for Palestine “wir wollten nach Palästina ausreissen”

abbna n nzel n shar b l-ahwe and-o (asyndetic) want/1pl 1pl/go down 1pl/spend-the evening at-the-coffeeshop of-his “wir wollten den Abend in seinem Café zubringen”

With different subject referents (‘Subjektsverschiedenheit’) there must be some kind of ‘Verbindung’ between the two clauses: the subject of the embedded clause may for instance be represented in the main clause as the direct or indirect object of the verb, and  nno is optional (p. 54): b-y lbu min  mm-ha taki la-ab-ha (asyndetic) IND-3pl/ask of mother-her 3fs/talk to-father-her “sie bitten ihre Mutter, mit ihrem Vater zu sprechen”

b-y lob m nn-on  nn-on y u (syndetic) IND-3ms/ask of-them that-PRON3pl 3pl/come “er bittet sie zu kommen” 33 These are dened as “Ausdrücke, die eine sinnliche Wahrnehmung oder geistige Tätigkeit bezeichnen, Ausdrücke des Mitteilens und des Feststellens u.ä.” (p. 49).

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If there is no such connection,  nno is obligatory (p. 54): b-y lbu

ahl

l-ars  nno

yr  tim rl

IND-3mpl/ask family the-bridegroom that-PRON3ms 3ms/be meeting men “die Anhörigen des Braütigams bitten, dass ein Zusammentreffen der Männer zustande komme”

b-rd

 nn-ak

tkn arf w-dami

IND-1s/want that-PRON2ms 2ms/be and human “ich will, dass du edelmütig und menschlich bist”

For type b),  nno is only obligatory in clauses following the subcategory of expressions of ‘Mitteilungen’ (p. 62). Otherwise, the use of  nno is optional. Following impersonal expressions, however, asyndetic constructions have a far higher frequency, while syndetic constructions seem to be preferred when the embedded sentence is separated from the subordinating clause by other interpolated clauses, questions, etc. A special case is embedding after the high-frequency ‘Mitteilung’ verb a:l “to say”. For DA, claims Bloch, the use of  nno after this verb introducing indirect speech, is optional (p. 63). When we apply Bloch’s classications based on Damascus Arabic to the scant samples adduced above from the literature on EA, the semantic-functional opposition between a) ‘qualied’ clauses formally expressed by +/– COMP + y-imperfect on the one hand, and b) ‘declarative’ clauses formally expressed by +/– COMP + some other form than y-imperfect, generally seems to make sense for EA as well. It seems reasonable to assume that the lack of marking for the distinction qualied vs. declarative (or modal vs. factual etc.) on the complementizer (as in SA an vs. anna) is compensated for in the spoken varieties by formal features expressed in the embedded clause itself. On the other hand, to make the distinction governed or motivated by the semantic content of the constituent in the subordinating/matrix clause alone, appears less obvious—an interrelationship between modal meaning of embedding and embedded verb seems involved in the following pair of sentences from Mitchell and El-Hassan (1994:21), while formally the distinction is expressed by the form of the embedded verb, which lends its modal interpretation to the main verb: yisidni nnu(h) byi:gi kul(l) yo:m [with b- IND marker] “I am pleased (It pleases me) that he comes every day” (= indicative, factual)

yisidni nnu(h) yi:gi kul(l) yo:m “I would be pleased if [that] he would come every day” (= subjunctive, nonfactual)

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and likewise (ibid.:112): yi arrafni inni ba taal maa:ki [with b-] “I am honoured that I am working with you”

vs.

yi arrafni inni a taal maa:ki “I will be honoured to work with you”

While the association of bare form y-imperfect (y-IPF) with modal function generally encompasses both epistemic and deontic modality, an interesting contrast is observed in Cuvalay (1994:240), who distinguishes between deontic and epistemic modality, both possible functions in the case of high-frequent ‘modal particle’ la:zim “(being) necessary”. The distinction is carried formally by the verbal form in the embedded clause: la:zim yi taal kiti:r [y-IPF] “he must work a lot” = “he is obliged to work a lot” (deontic)

la:zim bi-yi taal kiti:r [bi-IPF] “he must work a lot” = “it must be [a fact] that he works a lot” (epistemic)

Eisele (1999:162) similarly opposes la:zim yiru: and la:zim yiza:kir “he must go/must study”, on the one hand, and la:zim ra: (PF) “he must have gone” and lzim biyzkir “he must be studying”, on the other. Badawi and Hinds also distinguish between functions of la:zim as ‘modal of necessity’ and ‘modal of probability’—as examples of the last (epistemic) function they give: la:zim rawwait “she must have gone home” and illi xad ir-radyu la:zim yiku:n axu:-k “it must be your brother who took the radio”—where the verb, however, is y-IPF (and thus a simple contrast between IPF forms is not the whole issue).34 Anyway, a more complex web than I can produce here of interdependent relationships between semantic values of lexical and grammatical items in both embedding and embedded clauses, and even of wider context has to be woven, in order to grasp the subtleties and complexities of modal shades and distinctions. With regard to the overall constraints on use/deletion of the complementizer, it appears from the lists supplied by Mitchell and El-Hassan (1994) and Eisele (1992), that EA may have a wider semantic category for obligatory use of inn-(u) than Bloch claims for DA  nno. This is

34

I just suspect it may have something to do with the special status of ka:n/yiku:n . . .

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not conrmed by the study of Rosenhouse (1976)35—who reports the use of syndetic constructions in Syria and Lebanon “for cases that are elsewhere asyndetic (e.g. the volitional and modal verbs)” (p. 20). However, she cites Cantineau to the effect that the constructions with enn(o) “appartiennent plus ou moins au langage recherché et affecté et il est possible qu’elles se soient développées sous l’inuence de la langue écrite” (ibid.). This is in line with the perspective of style and language level mentioned by Mitchell and El-Hassan: “if its [inn-] occurrence is optional, its use is as a rule an indicator of more formal speech” (1994:38)—also supported by Holes (1995:228–9). Finally, the case of inn- clauses as second member of i fa (‘genitive construction’) is attested in Wise (1975:72): krit

inn ilbint tisa:r li wadaha mi kwayyis

“the idea/thought that the girl should travel alone is not good” (my translation)

idda:li

furit

inni

a u:f

irrai:s

“he gave-me the opportunity that-I (might) see the president” (my translation)

The interpretation of innu According to Bloch, the complementizer in Damascus Arabic comprises three variants/forms of occurrence (‘Erscheinungsformen’, 1965:45– 46):  nno—a fossilized reex of originally  nn- + ‘dummy pronoun’ -o (originally PRON/3ms) with no referential meaning (cfr. the discussion of SA ‘dummy pronoun’ -hu above)  nn- + pronoun sufx as subject  nn- with no sufx (in DA possibly restricted to certain sociolects)

It appears that  nno may occur in free variation with  nn- + subject pronoun in the same syntactic function, so that the speaker may say: f kri

 nnon

by tau

or

f kri  nno by tau

idea-my that-PRON/3pl FUT-3pl/veil that-PRON/3ms “ich meine, sie werden sich verschleiern” 35 Rosenhouse 1976:22 presents a chart based on grammars of different dialect varieties and SA as to occurrence of syndetical and asyndetical object clause complementation of various semantic categories of verbs. As most categories may have both kinds of COMP the classication is not very informative; however she discusses some more tendencies in the text of the article. The main points are in line with stipulations found elsewhere: ‘factual’ verbs usually govern syndetic complement clauses (SA anna; dialectal varieties of enn(o)/inn(-)—while volitional and modal verbs usually govern asyndetic complement clauses in the dialects, mostly syndetic ones with an in SA.

VARIANTS OF COMPLEMENTIZERS

109

and the variants should be considered two parallel forms representing different stages in the development of the language. After  nno a full pronoun subject may even follow, as in the following case (p. 46): byar fni

 nno

ana r l eb yl

IND-3ms/know-me that-PRON/3ms I man having “er wusste, dass ich ein Mann mit Familie war”

family

Mitchell and El-Hassan (p. 62, n. 3) claim that innu(h) ( nno), “comprising the complementizer inn and a 3s.m.pronoun sufx, regularly occurs in the Levant, but not in Egypt, without (pro)nominal reference” [my italics]. However, in an Egyptian context, this form has been reported: il-ai:a

innu ana sai:d awi

the-truth that-PRON/3ms I happy very “In fact I am very happy”

which Schulz (1981:111) comments on as “a kind of frozen form innu [. . .] followed by a noun or a pronoun which in turn is the subject of the embedded sentence reminds one of a rare [sic] classical construction using the so-called amr a - an”. If more occurrences of this construction can be found, in free variation with inn- + subject pronoun, or in some kind of functional contrast (semantic or syntactic) with it, we may claim the existence of a (free or constrained) variant innu for inn in Egyptian as well.

Formal and functional categories of COMP There appears to be a parallel type of functional distinction in the two basic systems SA and EA between what has been conceptualized in the literature as realisiert konstatierend constatation factual

vs. unrealisiert vs. qualiziert vs. intention vs. notional/modal

and which I choose to subsume under the appellation/concept factual

vs. non-factual (modal or intentional)

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Formally, this distinction is expressed by in SA anna +(pro)noun an

+ IPF (IND) verb, or + PF verb, or + nominal predicate + PF verb

vs. an + IPF (SUB) verb

in EA inn- + (pro)noun

+ bi-IPF, or + PF verb, or + nominal predicate

vs. inn + (pro)noun + y-IPF, inn deletion + y-IPF

Reformulating the scheme, and leaving out the nominal COMP clauses as well as clauses with PF verb (which beg a factual interpretation in both SA and EA), a basic opposition becomes apparent: SA modality distinctions are signalled in the COMP, in EA, in the form of the verb: SA EA

an [+ modal] asyndetic/inn-u

SA EA

anna [+ factual] inn-

+ IPF VERB + y-IPF VERB [+ modal] + B-IPF VERB [+ factual] + (PRO)NOUN + IPF VERB + (PRO)NOUN + y-IPF VERB [+ modal] + (PRO)NOUN + B-IPF VERB [+ factual]

As mentioned above, the restructuring of the EA verbal system has led to what is best interpreted as an opposition between bi-imperfect as the unmarked indicative, and the ‘bare’ y-imperfect as a marked subjunctive form (syntactically dependent and/or with modal meaning).36 With regard to the marking of SA verbs for mood (IND vs. SUB) through inectional endings, we have observed the widespread acceptance (apparently) in spoken usage of verb forms without these endings, so that these may be considered markers of high style SA. If mixing the codes were unrestricted, we would expect – both SA and EA (and shared) verbal forms to occur after an (IPF for modal/intentional meaning bars EA preverb bi-) – asyndetic ‘that’-clauses, or an deletion, resulting in asyndetic variants involving SA verb forms 36 With further reference to observations in H. Davies’ doctoral thesis, Doss suggests that ‘bare’ IPF-forms and IPF forms with bi- “sont à placer sur un continuum, les formes b- étant plus proches de l’actuel et les formes zéro plus proches du continent et du virtuel” (1985–86:136).

VARIANTS OF COMPLEMENTIZERS

111

– anna and inn in free variation for ‘factual’ statements, followed by (pro)noun. In the cases where anna and inn are followed by (pro)noun and PF verb or nominal predicate, the meaning would not be affected by a shift of complementizer. In the case of a verbal predicate in IPF, there would, however, arise a structural tension between the SA interpretation of factuality and the EA interpretation of modality/ intentionality. The functional distinction, if not signalled by complementizer variant, might then be carried by the MPP of the verb: SA MPP would produce the ‘factual’ meaning, whereas EA MPP would produce a modal/intentional meaning—unless modied by INDmarker bi-. Such tensions need not, however, be solved and are not uncommon in natural languages. They often reect different stages of grammaticalization of a certain feature which coexist in the language—context generally providing the clue to the interpretation (norsk: han vil synge “he wants to sing” or “he is going to/will sing [future tense]”). On this basis I will address my data—in order to approach my general question about the degree of congruence or divergence/separateness of the codes in the discourse of my speakers, and about general tendencies, as well as individual speaker preferences, reected in the way the occurrences may be patterned—with the following questions: a) do(es) there seem to be patterned choices with regard to use of COMP variant related to different syntactic functions of the embedded clause b) how do the occurrences of COMP variants and structure of the embedded clause t in with the scheme of factual vs. modal/intentional meaning above? c) can we establish cooccurrence constraints in the linguistic context— lexico-semantic and/or grammatical?

COMP in the current data All speakers in my data have the full range of ‘that’-complementizer variants (SA and EA) discussed above, represented in their discourse. Combinations of COMP with li- and ka- have—after much hesitation—not been included in the analysis, as I consider them (li-anna and ka-anna) lexicalized (and grammaticalized) as subjunctions “because” and “as if ” resp.—functions which are variously expressed in EA. The

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same holds for illa anna as concessive particle (“however”, in 2.9, 5.16, 5.52, 5.144), and maa inn “however, although” (3.101, 3.169). The lack of correspondence between an in bada an “after”, qabla an “before”, and mun u an “since” and either inn- or asyndesis, also led me to omit the few occurrences of these compounds in my data from the analysis.37 inna is considered a ‘hybrid’ form (< SA anna + EA inn-) when it is not grammatically correct as COMP variant of anna following a form of qa:la. ‘Hybrid’ inna is registered but not included in the tables at the end of the chapter. Occurrences of each variant are listed separately, with grammatical annotation and translation; then commented on with regard to a) syntactic function of the complement clause; b) its modality (factual ~ modal/intentional/nonfactual meaning); c) cooccurrence with other SA and EA items in the linguistic environment; and d) for variant inn-u, is raised the issue of the status of innu as variant of inn-. References to the full text in the appendix are given by the line number where the COMP variant occurs. COMP in AUC1 (total 153 lines) an (10 occurrences) The 9 cases of an + imperfect verb, + 1 an + perfect verb (1.32), all occur in the range of lines 1–75: yusìdu-na

an yaku:n maa-na [. . .] l-asa:ti a (1.1)

3ms/make-happy-us that 3ms/be with-us [. . .] the-professors “we are pleased to have with us [to-night] professors [so and so]”

ma:

yanbai an nurakkiza ale:-h (1.14)

what 3ms/be appropriate that 1pl/concentrate/SUB on-it “what we should concentrate on”

qarraru an

yazi:du38 nisbit l-maqbuli:n (1.29)

decide/3mpl that 3mpl/increase rate the-accepted/p “they decided to increase the entrance rate” 37 bada an + IPF occurs only twice (2.67 and 2.68); bada an + PF only once (3.196). qabla an + SA IPF occurs in 6.9, 6.38, 6.123, 6.203 (which corresponds in EA to ablima + EA y-IPF verb—found three times in my data: 1.136, 3.31 and 3.73); mun u an + PF occurs in 2.251 (muzzu an) and twice in 6.113. The variant mun u without an occurs once (2.3). 38 yazi:du has SA MPP pf the stem and prex, however the pl-ending /-u/ may be alternatively interpreted as SA 3pl ending marked for SUB (with the currently nal long vowel shortening) or EA 3pl ending.

VARIANTS OF COMPLEMENTIZERS

113

wa-taa: af an a art (1.32) and-occur-by-chance/3ms that be present/1s “I happened to be present”

amara-ni siya:dat ar-rai:s an natawassa (1.38) order/3ms-me the president that 1pl/expand “the president ordered me that we should expand”

ari: ala an taku:n mua(:)fzìt-u (1.54) eager about that 3fs/be governorate-his “eager that his governorate should be [having]”

yuri:d an yaku:n ind-u gama (1.58) want/3ms that 3ms/be with-him university “he wants to have a university”

la:

yahummu-ni

huna illa an uwa i nuqa (1.69)

not 3ms/be-of-importance-to-me here except that 1s/make-clear point “my only concern here is to make clear one point”

man yastaiqqu:na an yu:fadu (1.71) who 3mpl/deserve that 3mpl/be sent “those who deserve to be sent [abroad]”

izda:da tiya:gù-na li-an nu:d an-na:s ila l-xa:rig/likay yadrusu/(1.75) increase/3ms need-our for-that 1pl/send people to the-abroad /so that 3mpl/ study “our need to send people abroad for studying increases [quasi-conditional PF]”

a) The an -embedded clauses function as subject to ‘impersonal’ verb (1.1, 1.14, 1.32, 1.69 (exceptive clause)), or object (1.29, 1.38, 1.58, 1.71) or complement of preposition (1.54, 1.75).39 b) All instances of an + IPF may be interpreted as having a non-factual function—possibly with the exception of (1.1), which nevertheless may be interpreted in the direction of “it makes us happy that we should have the opportunity to have with us here”? The one occurrence of an + PF (1.32) is factual. c) All verb forms preceding and following an, i.e. embedding and embedded verbs, have an SA or shared lexical unit and an SA MPP. The complements of the embedded verb, however, do not always follow the MPP level of the verb—consider 1.14 , where the verb has overt marking for SUB (-a) while the following prepositional phrase ale:-h is phonologically adapted to EA; and 1.29 and 1.54, where the verbs are followed by a shared lexical item with EA MPP of the construct 39 I have not distinguished in the classication between complements of prepositions that function as prepositional objects and other complements of prepositions.

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form fem. ending -it; and 1.58 where the verbal collocation yuri:d an yaku:n is followed by EA MPP of the predicative (ind-u) and subject ( gama). asyndetic complementation (5 occurrences) The asyndetic verbal sequences40 all fall in the range of lines 1.78–146. (As we shall return to below, this is an indication that for the feature syndetic/asyndetic verbal collocations, AUC1 keeps the variants apart, an indication of code-switching in his discourse. There is a shift from SA to EA with regard to this feature, or in the environment of which this feature is a part in this text.) nid r niu:l (1.78) 1pl/can 1pl/say “we may say”

lait inn-uhum rafa u

yaxdu il-walad illi (1.92)

notice/1s. that-they refuse/3pl 3pl/take the-boy who “I noticed that they refused to take the boy who”

a:wiz a u:f bi-yimil e:h il-walad dà (1.114)41 want/AP 1s/see IND-3ms/do what the-boy DEM “I wanted to see what the boy was doing”

wa: adar a:xud quwwa:t  -ari: (1.138) and-1s/can 1s/take forces on the-way “and I can take some troops on my way”

fal-walad min is-sinn i-ai:ra dì/bi-yidar yarif l-mara:gi (1.143) and-the-boy from the-age—the-small DEM/IND-3ms/can 3ms/know thereferences “and from that early age the boy is able to know the references”

a) Syntactic function of embedded verbal clause: object. All occurrences satisfy the proposed constraint on COMP-deletion (asyndesis) in that there is subject coreference between the embedding and the embedded verb. b) All embedded y-IPF verbs may be classied as modal/intentional or non-factual in meaning. 3 occurrences involve high-frequency EA modal verb idir “may, can” followed by EA y-IPF verb. 40 7 cases of bada, ibtada will (as mentioned above) not be considered, as both SA and EA use these verbs as aspectual auxiliary without complementizer—although Eisele (1992) above classies these verbs as +/– COMP. I have no occurrence in my data of +COMP with these verbs. 41 The verbal sequence a u:f bi-yimil e:h is not an instance of embedded ‘that’ COMP in our terms, but embedded interrogative object clause.

VARIANTS OF COMPLEMENTIZERS

115

c) The verbal sequences involve EA (or shared) items—apart from 1.143, where the second, embedded, verb has SA MPP (maybe due to the collocation with the high culture lexical item mara:gi “references”). anna (5 occurrences) The anna clauses all occur in the rst part of the text, lines 1.14–71— (EA inn- taking over from there) corroborating the supposition that this speaker is making a major stylistic shift at a certain point in his discourse. Cf. the distribution of an with this speaker): ataqid anna ma:

yanbai an

nurakkiza ale:-h (1.14)

1s/believe that what 3ms/be proper (or necessary) that 1pl/concentrate on-it “I believe that what we should concentrate on”

ataqid anna law42 badana [. . .] fa-sa-nagid (1.18) 1s/believe that if start/1pl so-FUT-1pl/nd “I believe that if we start [. . .] then we will nd”

fa-sa-nagid anna at-tali:m al-ga:mìi yua:ni asa:san min (1.20) so-FUT-1pl/nd that the-education the-university- 3ms/suffer basically from “then we will nd that university education basically suffers from”

ataqid anna arisa hiya l-kalima al-munàsba huna (1.28) 1s/believe that evil it the-word the-betting here “I believe that evil (it) is the right word here”

wa-hiyya anna/man yastaiqqu:na an yu:fadu (1.71) and-it that/those 3mpl/deserve that 3mpl/be sent “and it (is) that those who deserve to be sent (on student mission)”

a) 4 clauses function as objects of high-frequency verbs of ‘Wissens oder Glaubens [. . .] der (sinnlichen) Wahrnehmungen’: 3 following ataqid “I believe”, 1 sa-nagid “we shall nd”; 1 clause is predicate of a nominal sentence (1.71). b) The embedded clauses following anna bid a factual interpretation. c) Lexical items preceding and following anna are SA or shared. AUC1 once produces the hybrid form ann-u (< SA anna + EA pronoun sufx -u, or < EA inn-u partly raised towards anna(-hu)?): al-mu kila ann-u aban i:na [. . .] badana (1.50) “the problem (is) that-it of course when . . . we started . . .” 42 With subjunction law introducing a plain condition, which is not correct SA, but reects EA usage. According to Bloch (1990:34), the interpolation of a conditional clause will in SA normally require a ‘dummy’ pronoun after anna, not observed here.

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[The form ann-u appears to be a common form in the compound subjunction li-ann-u as found in textbooks of EA (Abdel-Massih 1978; Linguaphone 1961; but not included in BH), and we may have here a higher/educated spoken style variant, intermediate between the basic SA and EA forms. In most cases, the /-u/ in ann-u has no referential value.] Classied as a hybrid is inna in the following example, as it is not proper SA variant in this context: ataqid inna ha:zi ka:nit bida:yit (1.47) 1s/believe that this be/3fs beginning “I believe that this was the beginning of ”

inn(-) (10 occurrences) All occurrences of inn(-) occur in lines 1.86-149: ana/ idd maqu:lit inn al-baasa:t tuxaa faqa (1.86) I/against saying that the-grants 3sf/be specialized only “I am against the argument/saying that the grants should only be reserved for” (OR “I am against the argument/saying that the grants are only reserved for”)

lait inn-uhum rafa u yaxdu (1.92) notice/1s that-they refuse/3pl 3pl/take “I noticed that they refused to take”

ra:gi u-mabsu: awi inn-u stalam (1.96) return/AP and-happy very that-he receive/3ms “he returns and is very happy that-he received”

il-walad bi-yiba sai:d giddan inn-u yani [clause not completed] (1.99) the-boy IND-3ms/become happy very that-he well “the boy is/becomes very happy that (he), well”

ma: yataqid inn-u huw(w)a xamas sitt kutub (1.100) that which 3ms/think that-it it ve six books “what he thought (that it) was ve, six books”

lait inn-u huw(w)a b-yira (1.115) notice/1s that-he he IND-3ms/read “I noticed that he was reading”

mumkin awi inn-u yul-lu (1.117) possible very that-he 3ms/say to-him “it is very possible that he would say to him”

wa-yua:lib inn-u yru: (1.120) and-3ms/ask that-he 3ms/go “and he would ask to go”

VARIANTS OF COMPLEMENTIZERS

kunt

antahiz

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furit inn il-gunu:d bitu:-u muntairi:n (1.135)

be/1s 1s/take-advantage-of opportunity that the-soldiers belonging-him victorious “I would have taken advantage of the opportunity that his soldiers had been victorious”

masalat inn-u bi-yiddi:-lu maluma:t (1.149) issue that-he IND-3ms/give information “the issue/point that he was giving him information”

a) The clauses introduced by inn(-) function as objects of verbs (1.92, 1.100, 1.115, 1.120), subject (1.117), and second terms of the i fa (1.86, 1.135, 1.149). In 1.96 and 1.99 the clauses have a kind of ‘attributive’ function, expanding on the predicate. Alternatively, these could be interpreted as instances of deletion of preposition before COMP-clauses—as discussed in 3.2.1. In the present cases it would be the prepositions of ‘underlying’ mabsu: min “content with/for/ because of ” and sai:d bi- “happy for/because of ” that are omitted. b) The distribution of factual vs. modal/intentional function of inn + following item ts well into our scheme: factual: inn- + pronoun + PF verb (1.92 and 1.96); + pronoun + bi-IPF verb (1.115, 1.149); + pronoun + nominal predicate (1.100) modal/intentional: inn- + pronoun and y-IPF (1.117 and 1.120)

inn followed by a noun + SA IPF verb in 1.86, however, begs comment. It has been interpreted as having a modal meaning (“should be granted”), the most reasonable interpretation in context. This goes well with the EA system of ‘bare’ y-IPF as modal. Since the MPP of the verb is SA, as well as the immediate linguistic context, i.e. the SA shape of the denite article al- on the preceding noun and the SA lexical status of the following adverb faqa, it should be ‘tried’ according to the SA system as well. The correct complementizer after any form of the lexical item qa:la, here maqu:lit (with EA MPP of status constructus fem. ending), is inna—and the option an + IPF/SUB for modal meaning is blocked—leaving the SA IPF verb open to both factual and modal/intentional meaning (I speculate). c) In contrast with SA an and anna and EA asyndetic construction, which have been shown to cooccur with other features of the basic codes they belong to to a large degree, inn(-u) appears to have a more independent distribution, cf. 1.120, 1.149, 1.100, where the inn- clause follows lexical items with SA MPP, and 1.86 with a SA following clause.

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d) inn-u + full pronoun in 1.100 and 1.115 may be interpreted as variant innu + subject huwwa, or alternatively as inn- + subject pronoun sufx + emphatic use of additional full pronoun. As there is nothing in the intonation or stress pattern to support the emphatic function, these cases are candidates for the rst alternative. COMP in AUC2 (total 258 lines) This speaker has a much more even distribution of the variants of the complementizer throughout his speech than our former speaker—which may indicate a pattern of constant codeshifting or mixing. an (13 occurrences) We note the relatively high number of subjunctive (SUB) marker /-a/, in addition to the plural ending /-u/, which is ambiguous as to SA subjunctive and EA unmarked plural. (NB there is not a single occurrence in my data of the use of subjunctive marker on ‘3rd weak’ verbs, like yantahiya for yantahi.) We observe the high rate of occurrences involving high frequency impersonal expressions like yumkin an “it is possible that, can” and yagib an “it is necessary that, must”, and the SA lexical item istaa:a “be able to”—these alone count for 10 of the 13 occurrences: yumkin an yaku:n/nata:ig-uh/mu:da lil-gami: (2.22) 3ms/be possible that 3ms/be/results-his useful to-all “its results may be useful to everybody”

yagibu an yaku:na aqqan lil-gami: (2.34) 3ms/necessary/IND that 3ms/be/SUB right/ACC for-all “it must be a right for all”

kayfa yumkin an/yataaqqaqa  a:lamin igtima:i [. . .] (2.36) how 3ms/be-possible that/3ms/be-realized/SUB in world social “how can it be realized in a social world [which . . .]”

yagib an tu: a  l-itiba:r (2.40) 3ms/be necessary that 3fs/be put in-the-consideration “it must be taken into consideration”

yagib an yaku:n li-ka(:)ffat il-muwa:ini:n (2.42) 3ms/be necessary that 3ms/be for-totality the citizens “it must be for all citizens”

yagib an yabda/bis-sinn is-sa:disa (2.55) 3ms/be necessary that 3ms/begin/at-the-age the-sixth “he must start when he is ve years old”

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yuibbu [. . .] an yutqina-h (2.89) 3ms/like [. . .] that 3ms/master/SUB-it “He [God] wants (him) to master it”

nuri:du-hu an yaku:na muiddan li-muwa:in (2.128) 1pl/want-it that 3ms/be/SUB prepared/ACC for-citizen “[which] we want to be be ready for a citizen . . .”

wa ay an yaku:nu qa:diran ala an/yastagi:b (2.133) and-also 3ms/be able/ACC to that/respond “and also that he is able to respond to . . .”

mumkin giddan yastai: an yanqil l-xibra (2.165) possible very 3ms/be-able-to that transfer the-knowledge “it is very possible that he can transfer his knowledge”

bi-imkaniyya:t madu:da nastai: an nastamir/(2.207) with-possibilities limited 1pl/be-able-to that 1pl/prot “with limited possibilities we are able to prot”

tastai: [. . .] an tastamira af al istisma:r/(2.209) 2ms/be-able-to [. . .] that 2ms/prot/SUB best proting “you are able [. . .] to prot very well”

li-annu la: nastai: an nataawwar/inn il-aba: (2.217) because not 1pl/be-able-to that 1pl/imagine/that the-fathers “because we can not imagine that the fathers . . .”

a) The syntactic functions of the an- embedded clause are subject (with impersonal modal verbs) (2.22, 2.34, 2.36, 2.40, 2.42, 2.55), object (of verbs “to like”, “to wish”, and “can/be able to”) (2.89, 2.128, 2.165, 2.207, 2.209, 2.217), and complement of prepositional phrase (2.133). b) All fall in line with the scheme of modal/intentional meaning, expressed by the head word in the embedding sentence as well as the IPF (SUB) after an. c) As with AUC1, the linguistic context of an is decidedly SA, both in terms of lexical status and MPP of the preceding and following word. asyndetic complementation (6 occurrences) li-annu mumkin yiku:n l-ihtima:m/ihtima:m/mahàri (2.20) because possible 3ms/be the-interest/interest/external “because maybe the interest is only apparent”

ma-add-i yidar yiu:l (2.43) NEG-someone-NEG 3ms/can 3ms/say “no one can say”

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mi mumkin yatakarrar na a:-u (2.164) not possible 3ms/repeat activity-his “he cannot possibly repeat his activity”

mumkin giddan bi-imkaniyya:t madu:da/nastai: (2.206) possible very with-possibilities limited/1pl/be-able-to “it is very possible that we will be able to, with limited possibilities”

a-nagid law abbe:na nidris (2.224) FUT-1pl/nd if want/1pl 1pl/study “we will nd if we want to study”

y rif yila:i ul la-na (2.245) 3ms/know 3ms/nd work for-us “it [education] knows (how) to nd work for us”

a) The syntactic functions are either subject (of impersonal modal mumkin), or object. The suggested constraints (for EA inn deletion) of either subject coreference, or of embedded verb following an impersonal expression, are satised. b) All occurrences have modal/intentional meaning. c) In asyndetic verb + verb constructions, both verbs are EA. Modal particle mumkin is followed by EA verbal form in 2.20, by SA verbs in 2.164 and 2.206. anna (15 occurrences) ala ram min anna-hu usta:zun (2.7)43 in spite of that-he professor “in spite of his being a professor”

wa-law anna t-tali:m bi - a:t min al-masa:il llati (2.24) and-if that the-education by-the-self of the-issues which “even if (that) education in itself is among the issues which . . .”

la: ragata anna-hu/yagib an yaku:n li-ka:ffat il-muwa:ini:n (2.42) no return/ACC that-it/3ms/is necessary that 3ms/be for-totality the citizens “there is no doubt that it must be for all the citizens”

masalit anna-na taga(:)wazna maralit (2.53) issue that-we surpass/1pl stage “the issue that we have surpassed the stage”

43 This is a typical instance where modern SA and EA has the alternative use of kawn (ko:n): ala r-ram min kawni-hi/ko:n-u usta:z (“in spite of his being a professor”).

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fa-hwa tali:mun mustamirrun bi-mana anna-hu laysa krit t-tali:m (2.70) for-it education continuous in meaning that-it not idea the-education “for it is a continuous education in the sense that it is not the idea of education” >

krit t-tali:m

il-mustamirr allati a:at

/anna-hu tali:mun mustamirr

idea the-education the-continuous REL be-spread/3fs/that-it education continuous

min nuqit in-niha:ya (2.71) from point the-ending “[not] the usual idea of education, that it is a continuous education from the end point of view”

al-aqi:qa [. . .] anna-na nuallim likay /yaxrug (2.76) the-reality [. . .] that-we 1pl/teach so that/3ms/go out “the reality [. . .] is that we teach so that will graduate”

yazkur l-adi: [. . .] anna lla:ha yuibbu (2.89) 3ms/remember the-saying [. . .] that God/ACC 3ms/love “remembers the saying [. . .] that God loves”

bir-ram min anna-ha kra ami:qatu l-guzu:r  saqafìt-na (2.91) in spite of that-it idea deep the-roots in culture-ours “in spite of that it is an idea with deep roots in our culture”

tuakkid anna-na nuallim lil-itqa:n (2.94) 3fs/conrm that-we 1pl/teach for-the-skill “conrms that we teach for skill”

tarattàbit/an/anna-na  l-aqi:qa/l-manu:ma lli uddam-na (2.148) (anacoluthon) derive-from/3fs/ from/that-we in the-reality/the system REL infront-of-us “results from that-we in reality/the system in front of us”

sababu-ha anna ha:za t-tali:m bil-l/la: yuallim (2.180) reason-its that this the-education in-the-fact/not 3ms/teach “its reason being that this education actually/does not teach”

allati ara(:) anna-ha awla bir-ria:ya wa (2.192) REL 1s/see that-it worthy of-the-taking-care and “which I consider that it is worthy of being kept and”

il-ibda:  gawhar-u/anna-ka tastai: (2.208) the-creativity in essence-its/that-you 2ms/be-able-to “it is in the essence of creativity that you are able to

ala anna-hu mugarrad/tali:m lit-tali:m (2.215) on that-it only/education for the-education “[based] on that it is only education for education[’s sake]”

a) The uses of anna are quite complex with this speaker, who employs with ease a variety of subordinate constructions/clauses, with a wide

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range of particles and prepositions combined with COMP (2.7, 2.24, 2.91, 2.148, 2.215 )—in addition to the ‘simpler’ use of embedded nominal clauses as object (2.94, 2.192); nominal predicate (2.42, 2.76, 2.180, 2.208); attributive (2.71, 2.89)44 and second term of i fa (the ‘genitive construct’) (2.53, 2.70). b) All occurrences have factual meaning c) Lexical items preceding and following anna are here, as with AUC1, SA or shared. However, a few items preceding COMP have partly EA MPP, i.e. the fem. ending -it for SA -at in the noun masalit (2.53) and in the verb tarattabit (2.148). EA pronoun sufgation occurs on the noun preceding an in 2.208—although with a short pause between the words. inn(-) (23 occurrences) aka:du aqu:l inn/maw u: it-tali:m/yaka:du yataka:fa (2.12) 1s/almost do 1s/say that/topic the-education/3ms/almost do 3ms/be equal “I would almost say that/the topic of education/is almost on a par with”

mu kilit it-tali:m [. . .] inn-u/lam tataaddad [. . .] u:ra wa: ia (2.29) problem the-education [. . .] that-it/not 3fs/be-dened [. . .] picture clear “the problem of education is that no clear picture has been set up”

ma-:-

akk

inn ma-add-i

yidar

yiu:l (2.43)

NEG-there-is-NEG doubt that NEG-someone-NEG 3ms/can 3ms/say “there is no doubt that nobody can say”

ma-add-i yidar yiu:l inn-u l-awda ila a bi-za:ti-ha tastamtiu bit-tali:m (2.43b) [anacoluthon] nobody 3ms/can 3ms/say that-it the return to group by-self-its 3fs/enjoy of-theeducation “no one can say that going back to a special group (only) that enjoys education”

taga(:)wazna maralit inn-u li-ha:za t-tali:m [. . .] bida:ya (2.54) surpass/1pl stage that-it for-this the-education [. . .] beginning “we have surpassed the stage where this education has [. . .] a start”

wa-xa:atan inn ina bi-naftari /inn-u (2.64) and-especially that we IND-1pl/assume/that-he/the-person “and especially as we assume that . . .”

bi-naftari /inn-u l-insa:n lamma b-yudxul l-madrasa la yabda (2.64b) IND-1pl/assume/that-he/the-person when IND-3ms/enter the-school not 3ms/ begin “we assume that a person when he enters school does not start”

44

Or, again, deletion of preposition (< l-adi: bi-anna).

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iza ftara na inn-u t-tali:m luh niha:ya (2.68) if assume/1pl that-it the-education for-it end “if we assume that education has an end”

bi-ab bi-niftari inn it-tali:m mustamirr bad-àha (2.69) of-course IND-1pl/assume that the-education continuous after-it “of course we assume that education continues after-it”

yataga(:)waz-ha l-kr t-tarbawi l-mua:ir /inn-ina/nanu nuallim li-ara: il-itqa:n (2.86) 3ms/supersede-it the-thinking the pedagogical the-contemporary/that-we/we 1pl/teach for-aims the-skill “contemporary pedagogical thinking has superseded it, (in) that we teach/should teach with the aim of skill”

wa-laysa li-mugarrad inn n xarrag/nui xirri:g (2.96) and-not for-only that 1pl/graduate/semi candidate “and not only to graduate semi (professional) candidate(s)”

nalam gami:an/inn-u n-nasaq is-sa:id laday-na/il-muba:laa (2.110) 1pl/know all/ACC/that-it the-method the-dominant with-us/the-transmission “we all know/that the dominating method with us/is transmission”

il-ai:a lli adas inn-ìna rakkizna (2.119) the-reality REL happen/3ms that-we concentrated “what really happened is that we concentrated on”

wa-xa:atan ma yattail bi-inn it-tali:m qa:ir ala (2.139) and-especially that which 3ms/be connected with-that the-education restricted to “and especially what concerns (the fact ) that education is restricted to”

ila ga:nib inn-u bi-yaffa (2.152) in addition to that-he IND-3ms/make-remember “besides that he makes [them] memorize”

a-ydarrab -i ala inn-u yitallim l-ka f (2.154) FUT-3ms/train the-child to that-it learns the-discovering “he will train the child to learn to discover”

ha-yallim-u inn-u yasluk sulu:k igtima:i ra:qi (2.155) FUT-3ms/teach-him that-he 3ms/behave behaviour social ne “he will teach him to behave socially nice”

ha-yallim-u inn-u yatamassak bi-qìyam /axlaqiyya (2.156) FUT-3ms/teach-him that-he 3ms/keep oneself to-values/moral “he will teach him to hold moral values”

llati yastai:/ayyi ax [. . .] inn-u yidarrab ale:-ha ayyi abiy y (2.162) REL 3ms/be-able-to/any person [. . .] that-he train for-it any young man “which any person is able [. . .] to train any young man for”

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lan yastai:/inn-u yidd ha:zihi l-ulu:l l-ga:hiza/muqaddiman (2.177) not 3ms/be able to/that-he prepare these solutions ready/before “he will never be able/to prepare these ready solutions/beforehand”

ma-:- akk/inni ayyi iwa:r awla t-tali:m [. . .] qa iyya (2.214) there-is-no doubt/that any dialogue around the-education [. . .] matter “there is no doubt (about) that any talk about education [. . .] is a matter”

an nataawwar/inn il-aba: w l-ummaha:t/yursilu:na (2.217) that 1pl/imagine/that the-fathers and-the-mothers/3pl/send “[we can not] imagine that fathers and mothers should send”

wu i ala asa:s inn-u bi-yaddim mahara:t (2.248) lay-down/3ms/PASS on principle that-it IND-presents skills “it was based on the principle that it provides skills of ”

kull-ina nalam inni la: za:l it-tali:m l-asa:si [. . .] tali:m taqli:di naari (2.250) all-us1pl/know that continue/3ms the-education l-the basic education traditional theoretical “we all know that basic education still is [. . .] traditional theoretical education”

Classiable as a hybrid is the following inna for SA anna or EA inn: ahamm-àha inna ha: a t-tali:m (2.41) “the most important (is) that this education”

Observe two occurrences of inn- with following verb without subject pronoun (2.96)45 or expected ‘dummy’ pronoun (2.250). In 2.64 inn is followed by full pronoun subject. a) inn(-u) introduces clauses with various kinds of syntactic function: object (2.12, 2.43b. 2.64b, 2.68, 2.69, 2.110, 2.155, 2.156, 2.162, 2.177, 2.217, 2.250); predicate (2.29, 2.119); 2. term of i fa (2.54, 2.96, 2.248); complement of preposition (2.139, 2.152, 2.154); attributive (or with deleted preposition) 2.43,46 2.86,47 2.214. 2.64 does not t into any of these categories—but is rather related to clauses following compound modiers,48 here xa:atan inn (anna) with adverbial function.

45 This case might reect phonetic contraction of 1pl. pronoun sufx -na with following 1.pl. pre3.—anyway, no audible trace of it on the tape. 46 Abdel-Massih et al. (1979:149) has ma :  akk f-inn ali waani “there is no question that Ali is patriotic” (with preposition ). 47 Lexical items related to kr are attested as being transitive with the prepositions  or bi-. 48 Cf. the kind of clauses mentioned in BCG:7.5.2.9. and 7.5.2.11.

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b) With respect to our scheme of factual vs. modal/intentional meaning, the factual interpretations of inn- clauses with past verbs (2.29; 2.119; 2.250) and with a nominal predicate (2.54, 2.68; 2.110; 2.139, 2.214) pose no problem, as I see them. 2.43b has anacoluthon, and may not be considered in this respect. We also have two instances of bi-IPF with unquestionable factual meaning (2.152 and 2.248). 2.12 has inn + noun subject + SA IPF verb (SA MPP)—we notice its similarity to the case in 1.86 (discussed on p. 117 above) following the lexical item qa:la. Modality here is expressed by the SA modal auxiliary verb yaka:du “almost be”. 2.64 begs a factual interpretation of the SA IPF verb (following an interpolated temporal clause with EA bi-IPF), while 2.86 is ambiguous: “the idea that we do teach” or “that we should teach”? Note the full pronoun of inn-ina (cf. p. 99), with repair to SA nanu. 2.43, 2.96, 2.154, 2.162 and 2.177 are modal/intentional with EA y-IPF. However, both clauses of 2.155, as well as 2.217, likewise beg a modal/intentional meaning, although the IPF verbs of the embedded clauses have SA MPP. What these occurrences suggest, is that when inn(-u) is complementizer, the SA IPF verb may be functionally framed according to either system, the EA or the SA—the context mostly providing the clue to the interpretation, sometimes giving raise to ambiguity. c) The ample use of inn(-u) with preceding and/or following items with SA MPP as well as EA MPP attests to the exibility of use of this COMP variant. d) the status of innu AUC2 has some occurrences of innu with no apparent pronominal reference. In some of these, /-u/ may be considered ‘dummy’ pronoun (followed by V + S or prepositional phrase + S constituent order): 2.29, 2.54; the others appear to be variants of inn: 2.43b, 2.64; 2.68; and 2.110). This indicates that innu is a variant of inn for this speaker. (In 2.96 and 2.250 inn(i) + verb is heard without pronoun. 2.96 may be a contraction of 1pl.pron, but not audible on the tape.) AUC2 has several instances of li-ann-u “because” involving the same pronominal dummy/frozen form, introducing both EA (2.20) and SA (the rest) clauses: li-ann-u mumkin yiku:n l-ihtima:m ihtima:m mahari (2.20) li-ann-u la: yaka:du aad (2.25)] li-ann-u la: nastai: an nataawwar (2.216–7) li-ann-u ma da:m al-imtiha:n [. . .] fa-yumkin (2.170)]

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and 2 instances of li-ann + EA subject noun/pronoun: li-ann il-muallim (2.201) li-ann-ina rakkizna (2.158)

but also SA full forms: li-anna l-ar lan yaqbal (2.97) li-anna-hu yataa:mal (2.174)

Enjoy 2.216–7 in context, with its delightful combination of variants in succession: li-ann-u la: nastai: an nataawwar inn il-aba: w l-ummaha:t yursilu:na abna:a-hum because we can not imagine that fathers and mothers (will/would) send their children[. . .]

COMP in AUC3 (total 224 lines) an (12 occurrences) argu /an /aqtarib min/at-taw:q (3.1) 1s/hope /that/1s/come-near of/the-success “I hope I will come close to attaining”

hiya ma yumkin an nusammi:-h/at-taawwula:t/as-siya:siyya (3.42) they what 3ms/be possible that 1pl/call-it/the-transformations the-political “they are what we may call/political transformations”

fa-la budda wa-an natazakkar anna-hu/nia:m (3.54) and-no getting-away and-that 1pl/remember that-it/system” “we have to remember that it is a system”

la budda wa-an yatbaa-hu bi - aru:ra/tayi:r (3.57) no getting-away and-that 3ms/follow/SUB-it by-necessity change “it must necessarily be followed by a change”

fa-dà la budda wa-an yamal/irtiba:k (3.117) and-DEM no getting-away and-that 3ms-make/confusion “and that must create/confusion”

fa-yiba min al-xuu:ra bi-maka:n/an tuallaq al-mai:ra [. . .] bi-rayi wa:id (3.131) and-3ms/become of the-serious indeed/that 3fs/be-connected the-future [. . .] toopinion one “so it becomes indeed serious/that the future should be be tied to the opinion of one person”

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ay an tagi:/nati:ga/li- (3.143) that-is that 3fs/come/result/of “that is, that it should come as a result of ”

il-mafru: [. . .] an tua: al-fura (3.169) the-right thing/the-assumed [. . .] that 3fs/be given the-opportunity “one would suppose [. . .] that the opportunity would be given (to)”

al-fura li-ha:zihi t-tagriba/an taktamil (3.169) the-opportunity to-DEM the-experiment/that 3fs/be-completed “the opportunity for this experiment to be completed”

fa-la budda wa-an yaduq ale:-ha /inni e:h (3.185) and-no getting-away and-that 3ms/apply to-it/that eh “then it would have to apply to it that eh”

fa-la budda wa-an yaku:n huna:k/tansi:q (3.190) and-no getting-away and-that 3ms/be there/organizing “then there would have to be/order”

anna-ha aharat/bada an tammat al-xia l-qawmiyya (3.196) that-it appear/3fs/after that happen/3fs the-plan the-national “that it appeared after the national plan was ended”

a) To be noted is the predilection of this speaker for the SA collocation la budda wa-an (for the normative l budda (min) an49—the use of wa- here is a feature which may be observed very frequently in modern literature, but which tends to be critized by purists).50 I shall consider the COMP clause in these cases (3.54, 3.57, 3.117, 3.185, 3.190) as predicates (i.e. disregarding any syntactic meaning of wa-). Other functions are as subjects (3.42, 3.131), objects (3.1), predicative (3.169), and attributive clause (3.143, 3.169b). b) All instances are followed by SA IPF verb with modal/intentional meaning—apart from 3.196, followed by SA PF verb with factual meaning. c) The MPP of the following verb is SA in all instances. Again, most are ‘pausal’ forms, with deletion of short vowel ending—one occurrence has overt marking of SUB with following pronoun sufx (3.56), but typically not on the ‘3. weak’ verb (3.42). The items immediately preceding an are also SA (or shared), with the typical exception of

49 50

The an-clause regarded as predicate according to Reckendorf 1895–570. E.g. Y suf Nimr iyb: F dirat al-naqd al-luaw, Baghdad 1988:75–76.

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the numeral51 preceding the COMP (but left out in the example) of 3.169. asyndetic complementation (15 occurrences) u-ka:n la budd il-wa:id yisal nafs-u (3.32) and-be/3ms no escape the-one 3ms/ask self-his “and one had to ask oneself ”

awilt ar d/ba il-/ mua

ira:t 52 (3.35) try/1s 1s/observe some the-factors “I tried to observe some factors”

yiba la:zim bara:mig it-tali:m  mar titayyar (3.59) 3ms/become necessary (that) programme the-education 3fs/change “it became necessary for the educational programme in Egypt to change”

ma-[a]dar- aayyar id-dustu:r (3.106) NEG-1s/can-NEG 1s/change the-constitution “I can’t change the constitution”

illi a(:)yz yidaxxal ibn-u l-madrasa (3.110) REL want/APm 3ms/make enter son-his the school “the one who wants to have his son enter school”

la:zim yidfa (3.112) necessary (that) 3ms/pay “he must pay”

mi a:dir yu:l (3.113) not can/AP 3ms/say “he can’t say”

bi-inn-ina a(:)yzi:n it-tali:m/yattagih ila l-bula kaza (3.116) that-we want/APpl (that) the-education/3ms/head to the-direction such—OR that-we want/APpl the education (that) (it)3ms/head to (etc.) “that we want education to move in such a direction”

fa-a:l/mumkin nixalli:-ha zayyi-ma hiya/mumkin nixalli:-ha tamanya/u-mumkin nixalli:-ha tisa/(3.162–3) so-3ms/say/possible 1pl/leave-it as it/possible 1pl/leave-it eight / and-possible 1pl/leave-it nine “so he said we may leave it as it is, we may leave it at eight [years], we may leave it at nine”

51 As widely attested, numerals tend to have EA variants in oral production almost regardless of style level. 52 This speaker has a tendency to pronounce // as //.

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yani l-mafru: nistanna sanat tisi:n (3.171) that is (well), the-assumed (is)(that) 1pl/wait year ninety “that is, we better wait for (19)90”

wa-mumkin l-wa:id yataawwar/inn itrasamit il-xia (3.199) and-possible the-one 3ms/imagine/that conceive/draw up/3fs the-plan “and maybe one imagines, that the plan was (actually) drawn up”

fa-mumkin bad al-xua l-qawmiyya l-a:mma/yua:lib kulli maga:l (3.202) and-possible after the-plan the-national the-general/3ms/claim every eld “and after the general national plan, every eld claims/may claim”

b-aibb u i:r ile:-ha (3.208) IND-1s/like 1s/refer to-it “[which] I want to refer to”

a) All instances involve frequent EA verbs (many impersonal modal verbs) or modal expressions (la budd, la:zim, mumkin), as the governing item. Strictly speaking, in 3.32, 3.59, 3.116, and 3.199 we do not have verb sequences, as a noun occurs before the embedded verb. This noun might, actually, belong to either clause—as a subject of the COMP clause (most likely in 3.32, 3.59 and 3.99, where the clause itself is subject to the impersonal modal expression), while in 3.116—according to our proposed restriction of coreference between clauses in asyndetic constructions (cf. p. 10)—the noun ittali:m is best considered as the object of the embedding clause, with the following (embedded) having reference to it, as shown in the verbal inection, and in this case supported by a pause after it-tali:m. (A test with insertion of inn-/inn-u would possibly indicate how these constituents are perceived by speakers/listeners.) b) All but 3.199 are interpreted as having modal/intentional meaning. In 3.199, the context clearly begs a non-intentional interpretation, and the modal particle mumkin “it is possible” must have an epistemic value: “it may be so, that one (in fact) thinks/imagines that the plan was drawn up”—the whole sequence in fact depending on the last PF verb for its modality. The verb yataawwar has SA MPP—and is open for both modal and non-modal interpretation. An EA indicative marker, bi-, would have made the non-modal interpretation clearer—we have seen several combinations of this kind. c) The linguistic environment is largely EA: All embedding verbs and expressions are EA (or shared), while the second (embedded) member of the asyndetic sequence may have SA MPP: b-aibb u i:r ile:-ha (3.208) and wa-mumkin l-wa:id yataawwar (3.199).

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anna (3 occurrences) fa-la budda wa-an natazakkar anna-hu/nia:m (3.54) and-no getting-away and-that 1pl/remember that-it/system” “we have to remember that it is a system”

mana za:lik anna kulli taawwul [. . .] la budda wa-an yatbaa-hu (3.56) meaning DEM that every change [. . .] no getting-away and-that 3ms-follow/ SUB-it “the meaning of that is that every attempt [. . .] must be followed by”

kunna nanur ila t-tali:m ala anna-hu manu:ma fariyya (3.184) be/1pl 1pl/look at the-education on that-it system partial “we used to regard education as (that it is) a subsystem”

AUC3 has surprisingly few instances of the variant anna. a) The syntactic functions of the anna clauses are as object (3.54), predicate (3.56), and complement of preposition (3.184). b) The three instances have factual meaning (3.56 stating as a fact that “the meaning of it is”). c) The linguistic context of anna is SA or shared. inn(-) (19 occurrences) wal-ari:b inni kulli xuwa badi kida/bi-tabda bi- (3.22) and-the-strange that every step after that/IND-3fs/begin with “the strange thing is that every step after that/begins with”

ana ataakkad/inn-ana a:yi  sanat (3.29) I 1s/ be certain/that-I live/AP in year “I am certain that I live in the year”

fa-a:wil inn-ak(a) tayyar bar u  manu:ma (3.68) [?] so 2s/IMP/try that-you change also in system “so try to make changes also in the organization/system [?]

wa-yasa kullu fari:q ila inn-u yisayyid/il- is-saqa:fa illi huwa tallim (3.82) and-3ms/strive every group towards that-it 3ms/make rule/the- the-culture/education REL it learn/3ms “and every group wants to make predominant the culture/education that it learnt”

b-anur lit-tali:m ala inn-u/amaliyya tan(:)ziyya (3.85) IND-1s/look at-the-education on that-it/process administrative “I regard teaching/education as a practical/administrative process”

fa-tagid/na/ ahi:r/ d-dustu:r/bi-inn id-dawla tatawalla at-tali:m (3.98) and-2ms/nd/text /well-known/in the-constitution/by-that the-state 3fs/take care of the-education “you (can) nd a well-known provision in the constitution (stating) that the state should take care of education”

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[na bi-]/inn-u maga:ni  gami: maraìl-u // (3.99) [text by ]/that-it free in all level-its, “[provision]/that it [education] is free (of charge) on all levels”

wa-li-za:lik tagid inn il-qiya:da:t at-tali:miyya mitkattìfa (3.105) and-for-that 2ms/nd that the-leadership the-educational tied-up “and therefore you will nd that the educational leaderships are tied up”

:-h ila:n bi-inn-ìna ayzi:n it-tali:m (3.116) there-is declaration by-that-we wish/AP/pl the-education “there is a declaration (stating) that we want education”

u-da illi bi-yxalli baa inni inda-ma tatawalla/yatawalla [. . .] masu:l [. . .] bi-yui:d ta ki:l t-tali:m (3.136) and-this which IND-3ms/let then that when 3fs/take over/3ms/take over [. . .] responsible [. . .] IND-3ms/restore the-education “that is what permits that when a responsible (person) [. . .] takes over [. . .] he restores the form of education”

in-na illi yiu:l/inni dì maga:lis/isti a(:)riyya (3.147) the-text which 3ms/say/that these councils/advisory “the provision that says/that those are advisory councils”

nu:l e:h inn-u mu mulzim (3.149) 1pl/say what that-it not obligatory “what should we say (that) it is not obligatory”

fa-la budda/wa-an yaduq ale:-ha inni e:h [anacoluthon] (3.186) and-no escape/and-that 3ms/be true of-it that e:h “then it must be true of it that eh”

la ansa/inn/xuat it-tali:m [. . .]itamalit (3.192) not 1s/forget/that/plan the-education [. . .] be-made/3fs “I do not forget that the educational policy [. . .] was made”

wal-mafru: dayman inn il-xia l-qawmiyya l-mma tiku:n mabni:ya (3.197) and-the-assumed always that the general national plan 3fs/be built “and it is always assumed that the general national policy (should) be built”

wa-mumkin il-wa:id yataawwar inn itrasamit il-xia (3.200) and-possible the-one 3ms/imagine that be-drawn up/3fs the-plan “maybe one thinks53 that the plan/policy was made out”

summa ulqiya l-amr ila kulli maga:l bi- baa inn-u/yitarraf (3.201) then be-given/3ms the-order to every section then that-it/3ms/behave “then the order was given to every section (stating) that/it should take action

yua:lib kulli maga:l bi-inn-u/yi taal (3.203) 3ms/demand every section with-that-it/3ms/work “demand (from?) every section that it work”

53

Cf. discussion on p. 129, b above.

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wi-nu:l bar u/inn :h far (3.215) and-1pl/say also/that there-is difference “and we may also say/that there is a difference”

We observe that 3.29 and 3.116 show use of independent form of subject pronoun (1s and 1pl) following inn. And in 3.200 we nd a rare construction with inn + PF verb (EA MPP) with no subject pronoun. a) This speaker has an overwhelming preference for EA complementizer inn, mostly in syntactic function as object. In 3.22 and 3.197, I consider the inn- clause to be predicates of denite al-ari:b and almafru: (alternatively reversed subjects). Observe three instances of inn- clauses following the preposition bigiving the content of a noun signifying some kind of declaration: na “text, provision” (3.98), ila:n “declaration” (3.116), and amr “order” (3.201). All three nouns might be considered verbal nouns of their respective verbs, of which, however, only the last is in that case lexically bound with bi- (+ prepositional object) according to Wehr. Reckendorf (1921:410–11) reports ‘ mit Dass-satz’ functioning as (“synonym mit”) object clauses, subject clauses, copula clauses, and as appositions54— our cases here typically would belong to the latter category. Cantarino (II:304–5) refers to a more general use of bi- to “introduce the direct object of a verb [which] gives the idea of a less immediate relationship” with examples involving verbs “to hear, talk, know, say/profess”. Lentin (1997:415) also refers to a very frequent use of bi + * in his substandard Syrian Ottoman texts following verbs of saying, writing, informing, knowing and thinking.55 On the other hand, in 3.29 we have a case of (optional) deletion of preposition min following ataakkad. b) As for the formal expression of factual vs. non-factual/modal/intentional meaning, the occurrences largely fall in line with our scheme of factual meaning expressed by nominal predicate, PF verb or biIPF in the embedded clause, and non-factual/modal/intentional meaning expressed by ‘bare’ y-IPF. In two cases, EA IND-marker bi- occurs with SA MPP verb: bi-tabda (3.22) and bi-yui:d (3.136).

54 The bi- here regarded by the Arab grammarians as zida, i.e. redundant (ibid.: 410, n. 2). 55 This construction “introduit ou spécie un propos, un contenu, une requête etc., et peut être considérée comme équivalente à des locutions comme ‘à savoir’, ‘comme quoi’, ‘ce qui suit’, ou aux deux points (:) de la ponctuation orthographique” (ibid.).

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In 3.98 the SA IPF tatawalla has been given a non-factual/modal/intentional meaning, as would an EA y-IPF, so one understanding of it would be to see it as a SA lexical item slotted into an EA syntactic frame. It was alternatively suggested above that SA IPF following a noun might be expected to beg a factual interpretation, following the SA anna + noun + IPF construction (as opposed to non-factual construction an + IPF (+ noun)). On closer consideration, however, if we substitute SA anna for inn and treat the embedded clause as SA: bi-anna d-dawla(ta) tatawalla (a)t-tali:ma, in this context, expressing the content of the provision/text, the SA IPF would still beg a non-factual/modal/intentional meaning. anna would simply imply the fact that the stipulation/text is as is referred in the following embedded clause, while that meaning is modal/intentional: “(that) the state should take care of education”. This contextually determined modal meaning of SA ‘indicative’ (unmarked) imperfect is rarely exposed in the general literature. Blachère and Gaudefroy-Demombynes (1975:251) does contain a vague reference to this issue (for Classical Arabic) by mentioning “nuances ajoutées par le contexte” and “cette localisation de l’inacc. indic. [imperfect indicative] dans le futur paraît parfois s’accompagner de nuances secondaires, d’ailleurs assez fuyantes [sic]” and provides the following example: kayfa taqlu lika “comment dis-tu cela, comment peux-tu dire cela”

Even in a recent monograph on tense, mood and aspect in the Arabic verb, Cuvalay-Haak 1997, this is not mentioned (apart from the clear case involving preposed ‘modal’ particle qad cf. discussion p. 54 above). Fassi Fehri 1993 also restricts his treatment of modality in SA to the grammaticalized categories of mood and modal particles, like qad— apart from mentioning the special case of yaku:n, “the present form of the copula has also ‘pure; modal uses, as in the following construction: aku:nu sai:dan bi-liqa:i-ka 1s/be happy/ACC of-meeting-you “I would be happy to meet you” vs.

ana sai:dun bi-liqa:i-ka I happy of-meeting-you “I am happy to meet you”56

56 Fassi Fehri 1993:205, note 9. BCG:403–4 explicitly mentions the use of IPF of ka:na to express modality, with and without the particle qad.

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Beeston 1970:79 was the most explicit reference I found to the use of ‘the prex set’ (= imperfect) to convey “a notional concept such as may have to be rendered in English by the the use of of an auxiliary like ‘may’, ‘might’, ‘would’, ‘could’, etc.”—until Badawi, Carter, Gully follow up (2004:364) with “[t]he unmarked imperf. is capable of a wide range of nuances, according to context, hence translation may often be subjective”, and give examples of modal interpretations, expressed in translation with auxiliaries, e.g. “may” and “shall” and “would”. (This apparent negligence in most textbooks and grammars of modern Arabic is all the more remarkable, as any translation of modern Arabic texts into European languages constantly involves the choice of modal interpretation of the imperfect verbs.) So—whereas most expressions of both epistemic and deontic modality will be reected in the embedding clause as well as in the form of the embedded clause, my suggestion, then, is that reported modal propositions, as in our case above, preserve their modal meaning when embedded, with no syntactic marking. In this, they behave like embedded sentences following the lexical item qa:l “say”, in which there (in principle) exists no choice of complement other than inna—i.e. no an + SUB verb whatever the kind of modality involved in the embedded clause.57 c) The linguistic environments of inn encompass various combinations of EA, SA, and shared verbs and other items, preceding and following the complementizer. SA preceding inn and EA following it is found in 3.29, 3.82, 3.192, 3.199, 3.201. Shared form of embedding clause + inn followed by shared subject noun and SA MPP verbal form is found in 3.98, EA embedding clause followed by interpolated SA temporal clause in 3.136. d) the status of innu In all instances of inn-u with this speaker, the /-u/ may be seen to have referential function as subject pronoun.

57 Persson (2002:133), Cantarino (II:129), and BCG (p. 712) refer to a different case of qa:la used in the sense of “instruct, order”, followed by COMP an + SUB, e.g.: a-lam aqul la-ka an tublia al- ura “didn’t I tell you to inform the police” (Persson ibid.).

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COMP in AUC4 (total 165 lines) an (3 occurrences) iqtara yu:nisku an yusamma (4.12) propose/3ms Unesco that 3ms/be called “Unesco proposed that it be called”

nastai: an naddài (4.20) 1pl/be-able-to that 1pl/claim “we are able to claim”

nuri:d an nataqaddam (4.65) 1pl/want that 1pl/progress “we want to progress”

The few instances of an with this speaker a) all introduce object clauses, b) have modal/intentional meaning, and c) SA lexical items preceding and following COMP. asyndetic complementation (17 occurrences) aa:wil aku:n muxtaar (4.2) 1s/try 1s/be brief “I shall try to be brief ”

bi-sura adi:da giddan a:yiz au:l (4.18) with-haste strong very want/AP 1s/say “very quickly (I) want to say”

yumkin b-nata arraf bi-inn-ina l-arbaa min-ha (4.23) 3ms/be possible IND.1pl/honour oneself with-that-we the-four of-it “we can (in fact) honour ourselves with (the fact ) that the four of us are part of it”

mi a:rif yimkin ma-ninsa:- (4.58) not know/AP 3ms/be-possible NEG-1pl/forget-NEG “(I) don’t know, maybe we should not forget”

bi-ndawwar ayzi:n nimil gama ahliyya (4.60) IND-1pl/go-in-circle want/AP/pl 1pl/make university private “we are going in a circle—(we) want to make a private (non-government) university”

a a:n adar aqawwim l-gama aw adar amil “evaluation” (4.69) (2 ex) so-that 1s/can 1s/assess the-university or 1s/can 1s/make evaluation “so that I can assess the university or make an evaluation”

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la:zim nisal nafs-ìna ma: hiya ahda:f/al-tali:m l-a:li (4.70) necessary 1s/ask self-ours what they goals/the-education the-higher “we must ask ourselves what are the goals/of higher education”

ma-nidar- niu-u da:xil ayyi ia:r/madu:d/(4.73) NEG-1pl/can-NEG 1pl/put-it inside any frame/denite “we cannot put it in any specic frame”

wa-au:l il-gama yimkin ma-aul- il-maa:hid l-ulya (4.74) and-1s/say the-university 3ms/be possible NEG-1s/say-NEG the-institutes thehigher “I will say university maybe I should not say higher institutions”

in-na:s hum [. . .] w-illi b-yidaru ysa(:)ndu:-(h) (4.81) the-people they [. . .] and-REL IND-3mpl/can 3mpl/support-it “the people [. . .] and those who can support it”

ma-nidar- na a-u (4.82) NEG-1pl/can-NEG 1pl/put-it “we cannot put it”

la:kin :h ahda:f mumkin nisammi:-ha ahda:f/ala ari:it il-tarbiya (4.82b) but there-is goals possible 1pl/call-them goals/on method the-education “but there are goals which we may call goals for educational methods”

ina ayzi:n nallam alaba wi-nxarràg-hum (4.88) we want/AP/pl 1pl/teach students and-1pl/graduate-them “we want to teach students and graduate them”

mumkin yiku:n “very local community” (4.101) possible 3ms/be very local community “it may be a very local community”

mumkin nul q ale:-hum a a: hayat at-tadri:s (4.117) possible 1pl/call (on)-them members community teaching “we may call them members of the teaching community”

da yimkin yim i  l-ibtida:i (4.124) DEM 3ms/be-possible 3ms/go in the-elementary “that may pass in elementary school”

ma-rift-i axùd-ha lia:yit dilwati (4.159) NEG-know-how/1s-NEG 1s/take-it until now “I didn’t know how to get it till now”58

a a:n nisyu yiktibu martabt i - araf (4.161) because forget/3pl 3pl/write degree the-honor “because they forgot to write honors degree”

58 A case of irif meaning “know how”, with no COMP (cf. Eisele’s distinction above, p. 104).

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a) These sequences involve EA verbs and expressions, predominately modal verbs/quasi verbs (variants of a:yiz; a:rif, mumkin/yimkin, yidar, la:zim) as rst verb, and overwhelmingly EA MPP of the following verb clause as either object, or subject (of impersonal verb/ expression). b) With one exception (4.23), the second verb has y-IPF for modal function. 4.23 has SA form of the modal verb yumkin, followed by a (symbiotic)59 verbal form b-nata arraf, with EA preverbal IND-marker + verb with SA MPP. This is the only occurrence in my data of yumkin + verb without COMP an. I have given this a ‘factual’ interpretation, in accordance with the function of bi-IPF—as can be seen from the translation. c) The linguistic environment, as well as the verbs involved, are largely EA, as mentioned. In 4.117, however, mumkin is followed by a verb with SA MPP, similar to the case in 3.199 (wa-mumkin l-wa:id yataawwar, discussed on p. 129 above), these being the only two cases in my data. (Elsewhere, mumkin appears followed by an EA IPF.) I return to discuss variants of yumkin towards the end of this chapter. In 4.69 the EA modal verb is followed by the hybrid form aqawwim (SA uqawwim, EA aawwim). In this case, the semantic elds of the verb form in SA and EA respectively—the notion of “reform, evaluate” being attributed only to SA—make it most likely to consider aqawwim an SA verb with interference from EA MPP regarding the prex vowel, rather than a phonological substitution of SA /q/ for // in the EA verb. anna (3 occurrences) As with an, AUC4 has very few occurrences of SA COMP anna (inna): nastai: an naddai/wa-bi-kulli faxr/anna adam ga:mia:t  l-a:lam (4.21) 1pl/be-able-to that 1pl/claim/and-with-all pride/that oldest universities in theworld “we can claim/and with great pride/that the oldest universities in the world”

59

The term ‘symbiotic verb’ was coined by Meiseles 1981 to distinguish between mixing of SA and vernacular forms that have produced mixed morphemes (mostly stems) that are different from those in either basic system—which are termed ‘hybrid’, and mixed forms which are combinations of two (or more) morphemes which exist independently in the two systems—most explicitly in the combination of vernacular modal/aspectual afxes and SA lexical verbal form.

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di ga(:)ma bi-yuqa:l inna aao:n ka:n aad tala(:)mzìt-ha (4.25) DEM university IND-3ms/be-said that Platon be/3ms one students-its “this is a university (of which) it is said that Platon was one of its pupils”

nagid anna ma: za:l tustaxdam l-wasa:il il-bida:iyya giddan (4.157) 1pl/nd that still60 3fs/be-used the-means the-primitive very “we nd that very primitive methods are still being used”

a) All are object clauses of verbs (of ‘Darlegung’ or ‘Wahrnehmung’ cf. p. 93). b) All occurrences t into the factual category. c) With regard to linguistic environment, this speaker appears to be less restricted than any other of my speakers. In 4.21 anna is followed by a noun with EA MPP (in this case with // for /q/, in spite of the prevalence of /q/ in shared lexical items). In 4.25, (bi-)yuqa:l inna seems inserted as a collocation into an otherwise EA-dominant context, the SA passive verbal form even prexed by EA indicative marker bi-. inn- (10 occurrences) bir-ram inn hiya gama (4.44) in-spite-of that it university “in spite of that/although it is a university”

w-yimkin ka:nit mu kilit/inn ma-ind-ina:- /xirri:g [. . .](4.55) and-3ms/possible be/3fs problem/that NEG-with-us-NEG/graduate “maybe was the problem/that we did not have/graduates [. . .]”

di l-a:ga l-ari:ba giddan/inn-ina nnaharda bi-ndawwar (4.59) DEM the-thing the-strange very/that-we today IND-1pl/turn-back “this/that is the strange thing/(namely), that-we today turn back”

la:kin bi-nu:l inn-ìna/lamma bi-nsi:b b-natamassak bi-kra ga:mida (4.67) but IND-1pl/say that-we/when IND-1pl/leave IND-1pl/hold-on to-idea xed “but we (use to?) say that-we/when we let go we stick to a xed idea”

:h hadaf mm [. . .] inn il-gama dayman (4.73) there-is goal general [. . .] that the-university always “there is a general aim [. . .] (namely) that the university always/[clause not concluded]”

badait kra gadi:da tahar wa hiya/inn il-ga:mìa hiya l-ai:a maka:n (4.95) begin/3fs idea new 3fs/appear and it/that the-university it the-reality place “a new idea came up and it (was)/that the university it (is) really a place” 60 ma: za:l is either used adverbially here, or the expected grammatical ending -at or -it is not audible . . .

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illi dafa [. . .]/inn huwa atta  l-gama an au manib (4.107) which push/3ms/that it even in the-university establish/3pl position “which pushed [. . .] (so) that even in the university they established a position” (or anacoluthon?)

la budd inni huna:k usus (4.113) no-escape that there foundations “there must be (it is inevitable that there is) basic principles”

bi-nla:i inn-u qanu:n tani:m l-ga:mia:t [. . .] yatba al-ar (4.139) IND-1pl/nd that-it law organizing the-universities [. . .] 3ms/follow the-age “we nd that the university regulations [. . .] follow the (modern) age”

d-dukto:r . a:l inn il-gama hiyya ma akìl-ha/ l-adàd il-kibi:ra (4.148) Dr.  said that the-university it its-problems/in the-number the-great “Dr. . said that the university’s problems/(were) in its (great) numbers”

We note the full pronouns in 4.44, 4.67 and 4.107. a) The syntactic functions lled by the inn- clauses are object (4.67, 4.139), predicate (4.55, 4.95, 4.113), attributive (4.59, 4.73), and complement of preposition (4.44—alternatively, the inn- forms are part of a compound subjunction). In 4.107 there seems to be a case of (optional) deletion of preposition ila or li-, or there is anacoluthon. b) All instances have factual meaning, formally expressed by nominal predicate (4.44, 4.55, 4.95, 4.113), PF verb (4.107), bi-IPF (4.59; 4.67 verb lexically and MPP SA), and noun subject + SA IPF (4.139) in the inn clause. c) Most occurrences of inn- with this speaker have EA context; mixed context in 4.113 (preceding shared embedding collocation, inn followed by SA adverb, and 4.139 (preceding EA verbal embedder, inn followed by shared or SA clause—the verb has SA MPP). d) the status of inn-u The one instance of inn-u (4.139) is followed by a noun subject, and is consequently to be analyzed as inn- + ‘dummy’ pronoun, or variant innu for inn. All in all, speaker AUC4 appears to have strong preference for EA variants of COMP. The total number of SA variants is only 6, and they occur interspersed through the discourse, and mostly as parts of SA frequent collocations (verbal routines). He is denitely the most EA—oriented of the AUC four on this feature—whether that is because of his individual style in such contexts, or because he is the last speaker, and the participants (speakers and audience) have established contact and the situation is “warmed up”.

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COMP in NA1 (total 155 lines) an ( 9 occurrences) hiya talub an taltaqi bi-h/wa-an taglis maa-hu (5.5) she 3fs/ask that 3fs/meet with-him/and-that 3fs/sit with-him “she asks to meet him/and to sit with him

wa-an tataaddas maa-hu (5.6) and-that 3fs/talk with-him “and to talk with him”

at-tana:qu bayna an yaku:n lil-a ya: mana (5.28) the-contradiction between that 3ms/be for-the-things meaning “the contradiction between that things should have a meaning”

wa-an yantami al-insa:n/lil-a:lam (5.28) and-that 3ms/belong/have connection the-person to-the-world “and that man should feel connection with this world”

aw an ya ur al-insa:n anna-hu muqtala (5.29) or that 3ms/feel the-person that-he uprooted “or that man should feel that he is uprooted”

uri:d an afham hal (5.32) 1s/want that 1s/understand whether “I want to understand whether”

hal tastai: an tusa:id-ni ala fahm ha: a l-a:lam (5.32) whether 2ms/be-able-to that 2ms/help-ni about understanding this the-world “can you help me to understand this world”

ra:iban : an yaall/mustamirran : muwa:gaha:t al-aya: (5.54) wish/AP/ACC in that 3ms/remain/persist/AP/ACC in confrontation the-life “wishing to remain persistent in confronting life”

All instances of an occur in the rst 54 lines of NA1’s talk. a) The syntactic functions are as objects, or complements of a preposition (5.28–29, 5.54). b) I have interpreted all occurrences as having a non-factual meaning, in accordance with an + IPF. c) All occur in SA environment. However, no occurrences have SA SUB marker -a.

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asyndetic complementation (1 occurrence) It is a feature of this speaker that she seems to avoid the typical EA verbal sequences. All verbs in her speech have SA MPP—the only exception being in the following sentence, which involves an impersonal modal + EA MPP verb sequence with modal meaning, and which functions as a side remark: mumkin  n-niqa: nitkallim bi-stifa: a aktar an il-ala:m wa-kaza (5.92) “maybe in the discussion we could talk more in detail about the dreams and such”

anna (18 occurrences) ram/ma yabdu min anna ila:qat al-ana bil-a:xar/hiya ila:qa(t) tana:qu (5.15) in-spite-of/that-which 3ms/appear of that relation the-I with-the-other it relation incompatibility “in spite of the apparent relation of the self and the other/as a relationship of incompatibility”

ma yabdu anna-hu tana:qu bayna al-ana wal-a:xar (5.25) what 3ms/appear that-it incompatibility between the-I and-the other “what appears to be an incompatibility between the self and the other”

ya ur al-insa:n anna-hu muqtala wa-mum[n]batt (5.29) 3ms/feel the-person that-he up-rooted and cut-off “man feels that he is up-rooted and cut off ”

wa-anna/ha: a l-a:lam/a:lam abai (5.30) and-that/this the-world/world absurd “and that/this world/is an absurd world”

ya ur u:l/iwa:l al-waqt anna-hu ayr qa:dir ala l-fahm (5.31) 3ms/feel all/throughout the-time that-he not capable of the-understanding “he feels throughout /all the time that he is incapable of understanding”

wa-ya ur iwa:l al-waqt anna-hu e:r qa:dir ala fahm (5.33) and-3ms/feel throughout the-time that-he not able of understanding “and he feels all the time that he is incapable of understanding”

anna-hu tai:s/anna-hu tai:b/anna-hu azi:n (5.34) (3.e3.) that-he miserable/that-he is tired/that-he sad “that he is miserable/that he is tired/that he is sad”

al-mara talum/anna - a:bb/yati ilay-ha (5.35) the-woman 3fs/dream that the-young man/3ms/come to-her “the woman dreams that the young man/comes to her”

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wa-anna-hu yanqur zuga:g na: ati-ha (5.36) and-that-he 3ms/peck glass window-her “and that he pecks on her window pane”

wa-anna-ha tax a-h aw e: min ha: a l-qabi:l (5.37) and-that-she 3fs/fear-him or thing of this the-kind “and that she is afraid of him or something like that”

al-fata:/tusallim  l-laa/anna-ha ayr qa:dira ala (5.40) [deletion of bi- ?] the-girl/3fs/concede in-the-moment/that-she not capable of “the young girl concedes at that moment/that (is) she is incapable of ”

allati takta if :-ha anna-ha/ayr qa:dira ala (5.42) REL 3fs/discover in it that-she/not capable of “in which she discovers that she/is incapable of ”

i:na yarif anna/al-fata: intaarat (5.45) when 3ms/know that/the-girl commit-suicide/3fs “when he nds out that/the young girl has committed suicide”

“l-aqi:qa anna-ni akrahu-k” (5.96) and (5.97) (2 ex) the-truth that-I 1s/hate-you “the truth (is) that I hate you”

“ataqid anna-hu la budd min al-muwa:gaha” (5.98) 1s/believe that-it no escape from the-confrontation “I believe that there is no way out of a confrontation”

Apart from the two last instances, which are direct citations from the book under discussion, NA1 uses anna in the rst part of her talk (as with an above), namely lines 5.15–45. a) Syntactic functions of the COMP clauses are mostly as objects of verbs of “feeling”, “dreaming” “believing”, “conceding”, “knowing” and “discovering”, i.e. the categories of “sinnliche Wahrnehmung”. The 2 identical occurrences in 5.96 and 5.97 have predicative function, in 5.25 I see the clause as subject, and in 5.15 as complement of preposition. b) All occurrences beg a factual interpretation. c) anna occurs in full SA context (but SA forms devoid of inectional endings). inn- (14 occurrences) aqu:l inn-u ram/ma yabdu min anna [. . .] illa anna (5.14) 1s/say that in-spite-of/what 3ms/appear of that [. . .] rather “I (would) say that in spite of/what appears that [. . .] rather”

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wa-ya ur inn-u xafqat/al-ganaay(n)/hiya ay gami:l giddan (5.48) and-3ms/feel that utter/the-wings/DU/GEN/it thing lovely very “and he feels that the uttering/of the wings/is a very lovely thing”

fa- i:n/inni hiya tarfa ra:yat (5.50) and-in-moment/that she 3fs/raise banner “and when/she raises the banner”

taqu:l inn-u/il-qia/:-ha ha: ihi/il- [anacoluthon] (5.55) 3ms/say that/the-story/in-it this/the“you may say that/the story/has this/the”

il-aqq inn-u B. ./biy- (5.59) [anacoluthon] the-truth that-? B.T. “the truth is that B.T.”

 qawl in-na [. . .] inn-u n-nafs il-ba ariyya [. . .] qad taku:n mubhama (5.90) in saying the-text [. . .] that the-soul the-human [. . .] may 3fs/be obscure “the text says [. . .] that the human soul [. . .] may be obscure”

ataqid inn-u mumkin  n-niqa: nitkallim bi-stifa: a aktar an (5.92) 1/s-believe that- possible in the-discussion 1pl/talk with-elaboration more about “I think that maybe in the discussion we can talk more in detail about”

huna:k/tawa:zi/bayna/fati war-ra:wi/inn-u kila:-huma: ya ur bi-urba fazia giddan (5.112) there/parallel/between Fati and the-narrator/that-both-of-them 3ms/feel61 alienation scared very “there is a parallel between Fati and the narrator, (namely) that both feel terribly alienated”

b-ataqid inn-u bi-ha: a n-na bi-yadxul (5.123) IND-1s/believe that-he with-this the text IND-3ms/enter “I believe that with this text he enters”

ataqid inn-u ha: ihi l-qia (5.132) [anacoluthon] 1s/believe that- this the-story “I believe that this story”

ha: ihi l-qia allati ataqid inn-aha62 ahamm qia  l-magmu:a (5.133) this the-story which 1s/believe that-it most-important story in the-collection “this story which I believe (that it) is the most important story in the collection”

ataqid inn-u/ s-sanawa:t al-qa:dima sawfa naqra (5.137) 1s/believe that-/the-years the-coming FUT 1pl/read “I believe that/in the years to come we will be reading”

61 Correct SA grammar would have dual ending -a:n(i) on the verb following the dual subject form; in EA the dual is not expressed in the verbal forms—but there should rather be a plural marker -u—the singular form here is strange. 62 innaha may alternatively be considered a hybrid of SA anna-ha and EA inn-aha.

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 itiqa:d-i/inn-u/is-sanawa:t/al-qa:dima/sa-tui:-na nuu: (5.145) in belief-my/that- the-years the-coming/FUT-3fs/give-us texts “it is in my belief that the next years/will give us texts”

wa-: ray-i inn-u la budd/sawfa/yanakis (5.153) and-in opinion-my that- no escape/FUT/3ms/reect “and in my opinion (that) it will necessarily reect”

Apart from the rst instance (5.14), the rest of variant inn- occur in the talk after the speaker has stopped using an and anna. This may, again, be indicative of some kind of a shift of discourse style at this point. a) Most of the occurrences function as objects—there is a number of instances following lexical items “to say” and “to think, believe”. In 5.59 and 5.90 the inn- clauses function as predicate, and in 5.146 and 5.153 as subject. 5.50 represents, strictly speaking, an inn clause in a genitive construction (i fa) with temporal noun i:n. 5.112 is interpreted as attributive clause. b) Factual meanings are expressed with nominal predicates (5.48, 5.133) and verbs with EA bi-IPF (5.123) or with SA future marker (5.137, 5.146, 5.153). The one occurrence that lends itself to a non-factual interpretation (of the embedded clause) is 5.90—with the SA construction qad + IPF verb: inn-u n-nafs il-ba ariyya [. . .] qad taku:n mubhama. In SA, the particle qad does not govern the subjunctive mood, but it lends the IPF verb the mode of “einen möglicherweise oder wahrscheinlich eintretenden Vorgang: ‘manchmal, vielleicht geschieht . . .’, ‘es könnte sein, dass geschieht’” (Fischer 1972:95). In Cantarino’s wording, one of its functions is to “emphasize the verbal action as being incomplete and consequently, uncertain. This, in turn, leads to its use as a denite expression of uncertainty”.63 xaara l anna l-qdima qad yaknu lian “it occurred to me that the man approaching could be a thief ”

and: xfa m qad yaknu bil-r “he was afraid of what might be in the cave”

63 Cantarino I:70. Original underlining and translation, my transcription of Arabic examples.

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The use of anna in the rst sample above, lends support to the view that it is the force of the embedding verb, here: “it occurred to me”), which determines the complementizer variant in SA, rather than the semantic feature of uncertainty or possibility of the embedded verbal construction. Besides this speaker, only AUC2 uses the qad+IPF construction in my data:64 wal-muna:qa a qad tuni:ru l-maw u: (2.49) “and the discussion may (perhaps) throw light on the issue”

qad yatana:sab li-ma taallamu aw la yatana:sab (2.220) “it may be in accordance with what they have learned or it may not”

d) innu With this speaker, the use of inn-u with -u having no pronominal reference is so pervasive that one suspects it is the variant which replaces inn. Only in 5.123 may -u be seen to have pronominal 3ms reference. COMP in NA2 (total 276 lines) an (25 occurrences) inna-ni uri:du an ult an-naar/ila qiat (6.6) indeed-I1s/want/IND that 1s/turn the-eye/to story “I want to turn our attention to the story”

aw allati tu: ik an tuqaddim aya:t ha:za l-baal (6.8) or which 3fs/be-close-to that 3fs/present life this hero “or which comes close to presenting the life of this hero”

ha:zihi al-kra l-’asasiyya/tu: ik an taku:n/maru:a  kull qia (6.18) this the-idea the-fundamental/3fs/be-close-to 3fs/be/raised in every story “this fundamental idea is almost being raised in every story”

s-sabab  inn sundus nagait  an tabi:a/ma: ba:at (6.42) the-reason for that Sundus succeeded in that 3fs/sell/SUB what sell/3fs “the reason that Sundus succeeded in selling what she sold”

sa-ua:wil an u i:r ila ha:zihi al-/maa:wir (6.49) FUT-1s/try that 1s/point to these/central points “I shall try to pay attention to these central issues”

64 The use of qad + PF verb—with the function of marking completed aspect, generally has a far higher frequency and occurs with most speakers in my data.

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kulla min-huma:/yu: ik an yaku:n/mutarib/ a:lami(-h) (6.62) each of-the-two/3ms/be-close-to that 3ms/be/alienated/in world-his “each of them are close to being alienated in his world”

li-anna-ha turi:d an tataniq mabda al-qiddi:s (6.66) because-she 3fs/want that 3fs/adopt principle the-saint “because she wants to adopt the principle of Saint (Frans of Assisi)”

allati uri:du an u i:r ilay-ha (6.78) which 1s/want/IND that 1s/point to-it “which I want to pay attention to”

allati tu: ik an taku:n/tanwi: a:xar ala (6.86) which 3fs/be-close-to 3fs/be variation other of “which are almost another variation of ”

i:nama yuri:d an yaxuz a-u:ra (6.90) when 3ms/want that 3ms/take the-picture “when he wants to take the picture”

wa  kulli-ma qalat-(h)u/tu: ik an taku:n/ idd ha: ihi al-afka:r a-a:bita (6.104) and in all-which say/3fs-it/3fs/be-close-to that 3fs/be/against these xed ideas “and in everything she says she tends to be opposed to these xed ideas”

bi-turi:d atta/an tui(-h) nafsa-ha (6.124) IND-3fs/want even/that 3fs/give(-him) self-her “she even wants/to give (him) herself ”

anna-ha/aqi:qatan/qarrarat/an tantair (6.128) that-she/really/decide/3fs/that 3fs/commit-suicide “that she really had decided to commit suicide”

al-xala: alla i yuqaddimu-hu kama:l/bi-an yatabir anna-hu yai: (6.137) the-solution which 3ms/present-it Kama:l/in-that 3ms/consider that-he 3ms/ live “the-solution presented by Kamal (consisting of ) that he will consider that he lives [. . .]”

ha:zihi l-yad al-mamdu:da allati turi:d an tumsika (6.141) this the-hand the-stretched which 3fs/want that 3fs/hold/SUB “this stretched-out hand which wants to hold”

 a:lam tu: ik an taku:n/kulli laaa:t at-tawa:ul :(h) mutaqaia (6.154) in world 3fs/be-close-to 3fs/be/every moment contact in-it cut-off “in a world in which every moment of contact is almost cut off ”

yuha:wil :-ha taqri:ban kullin min baalay-ha an yubarrira/nafsa-hu (6.165) 3ms/try in-it nearly every of hero/DUAL-its that 3ms/justifySUB/self-his “in which in a way both its [the story’s] heros try to justify himself ”

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wa an yubarrira sulu:ka aya:ti-hi (6.165b) and that 3ms/justify/SUB ways life-his “and to justify the ways of his life”

bi-yadu an/yadfa ar-ragul al-agu:z/aya:ta-hu/amanan li-ha: a (6.168) IND-3ms/happen that/3ms/pay the-man the-old/life-his/priceACC for-this “It happens that the old man pays (with) his life the price for this”

ka:n yua:wil bi-ayyi ari:q an yaul min-hu ala ha:zihi l-nuqu:d (6.176) be/3ms 3ms/try by-any way that 3ms/get from-it/him? (at) this the-money “he wanted by all means to get this money”

ulu:lan [. . .] yumkin an yuqaddìm-ha al-/arb lil- arq (6.196) solutions/ACC [. . .] 3ms/be-possible that 3ms/present-them the/west to the east “solutions [. . .] which the West might present to the East”

allazi yuri:d atta an yabi: al-fata:/ila/ayyi/xa:ib (6.243) who 3ms/want even that 3ms/sell the-girl/to/any/suitor “who even wants to sell the girl to any suitor”

kull man yua:wil an yahtamm rubbama ihtima:man aqiqiyyan (6.248) every who 3ms/try that 3ms/take-interest perhaps interest/ACC real/ACC “everyone who tries to take maybe real interest”

wa-la:kinna-hu istaa:a ala l-aqall/an yu-/wafra (6.255) and-but-he be-able/3ms at the-least/that 3ms/a -/chieve/SUB “but he is at least able to achieve”

wa-nargu an/nu i:r ila ba uxra min ha: ihi l-qa a:ya (6.275) and-1pl/hope that/1pl/point to some other of these the-issues “and we hope to pay attention to some other of these issues”

a) NA2 has a very high number and proportion of occurrences of SA COMP an. 6 follow the SA lexical item ara:da “want”, 5 a:wala “try”, as object clauses; 6 follow aw aka “almost be” as predicative. 6.168 and 6.195 are subject clauses to impersonal verbs. In 6.41 and 6.42 the an- clause is complement of prepositions, so also in 6.137 where it is complement of the preposition bi-, which in similar instances—when omitted—results in what I have called attributive clauses. b) The occurrences overall pattern according to our scheme of factual (PF-verb: 6.41, + 6.113 and 6.209) vs. non-factual/intentional with IPF. However, in 6.168, the embedding verb bi-yadu (EA biIND+ SA MPP) signals a factual meaning, here followed by an + y-IPF—without the usual non-factual interpretation making sense. The pause between the COMP and the verb may indicate a false start, i.e. no connection between an and the following sentence.

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c) As for linguistic context, nearly all verbs preceding and following an are SA or shared in LS-status, and SA in MPP—some even supplied with ‘SA extra markers’ for mood (three SUB-endings hypercorrectly realized before pause). The partial exceptions are: the verb nagait “she succeeded” in 6.42—which is both embedded verb after  inn and embedding verb for the following clause introduced by  an— and which has a shared stem with the EA 3fs ending -it; and the two ‘symbiotic’ forms in 6.124 and 6.168, involving the EA IND marker bi- + SA verbal form preceding the complementizer. asyndetic complementation I have only found two occurrences, in a repeated clause, following EA modal particle la:zim “it is necessary, must”: anna-ha la:zim tiwaddi:-ha (6.45 and 6.46) that-she necessary 3fs/take-her “that she must take her”

anna (60 occurrences) If the proportion of an was high with this speaker, the use of the other SA complementizer, anna, is overwhelming: xa:atan wa-anna-ni agid (6.4) specially and-that-I 1s/nd “especially as/since (that) I nd”

agid anna huna:k ala:qa (6.4) 1s/nd that there relationship “I nd that there is a relationship”

allati ataqid anna-ha tatawi (6.7) which 1s/believe that-it 3fs/contain “which I believe contains”

fa-sa-nagid anna ha:zihi al-kra l-asasiyya/tu: ik an taku:n (6.18) and-FUT-1pl/nd that this the-idea the-basic 3fs/be-close-to that 3fs/be “and we are going to nd that this basic idea is almost”

tarif anna-ha sa-ti rab i - a:y (6.38) 3fs/know that-she FUT-3fs/drink the-tea “she knows that she will be drinking tea”

wa-anna-ha sa-tufur wa-anna-ha sa-tabi: wa-anna-ha sa-taf al (6.39) and-that-she FUT-3fs-have breakfast and-that-she FUT-3fs/sell and-that -she FUT-3fs/do “and that she will have breakfast and that she will be selling and that she will be doing”

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bi-tu:l la-ha anna-ha la:zim tiwaddi:-ha li/il-abi:b (6.45) IND-3fs/say to-her that-she necessary take-her to/the-doctor “she tells her that she must take her to the doctor”

bi-nagid ay an/anna al- (6.58) [anacoluthon] IND-1pl/nd also/that the“we also nd that”

bi-nagid anna kulla min-huma/yu: ik an yaku:n /mutarib (6.61) IND-1pl/nd that each of-the-two/3ms/be-close-to that 3ms/be/alienated “we nd that each of them are close to being alienated”

wa-i:nama taqu:lu la-hu “anna-ni  l-aqi:qa akrahu-k” (6.70) and-when 3fs/say to-him “that I in the-reality 1s/hate-you” “and when she says to him: ‘I really hate you’ ”

narifu anna-hu/qad taxalla an baladi-hi (6.73) 1pl/know that-he/indeed left from country-his “we know that he did leave his country”

la-ha afka:r sa:bita [. . .] an mar/wa anna  mir yugidu:na sir (6.87) for-her ideas xed [. . .] about Egypt/and that in Egypt 3pl/make/IND magic she has xed ideas about Egypt and (about?) that in Egypt they do magic

wa-anna-ha tataawwar anna ha:za r-ra:gul [. . .] qad saara (6.88) and-that-she 3fs/imagine that this the-man [. . .] indeed 3ms/do-a-spell “and that she imagines that this man in fact cast a spell”

wa-hiya taqu:l la-h [. . .] “anna-ni afhamu-ka” (6.90) and-she 3fs/say to-him [. . .] “that-I 1s/understand-you” and she says to-him “I understand you”

bi-tuakkid anna-ha la tafhamu-hu ala l-ila:q (6.91) IND-3fs/conrm that-she not 3fs/understand-him at all “she conrms that she does not understand him at all”

tuakkid anna huna:k masala asasiyya (6.91b) 3fs/conrm that there issue fundamental “she conrms that there is a fundamental issue”

allazi yataaddas an anna huna:ka kahraba  ha:za l-mana:x (6.95) who 3ms/talk about that there electricity in this the-climate “who talks about there being electricity in the climate”

wa-anna ha:zihi l-kahraba tuair ala aqu:l in-na:s (6.96) and-that this electicity 3fs/inuence on mind the-people “and that this electicity affects people’s minds”

bi-nagid anna-ha/bi-ram anna al-fata:t [. . .] tu: ik an taku:n (6.103) IND/1pl-nd that-she/in-spite of that the-girl [. . .] 3fs/be-close-to that 3fs/be “we nd that she/in spite of that the girl [. . .] almost is”

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wa-hiya b-tataawwar/ay an/[. . .] anna-hu la-hu qu:wa iga:biyya (6.109) and-she IND-3fs/imagine/also/[. . .] that-he to-him power positive “and she also imagines [. . .] that he has positive power”

mu kìlt-u l-asasiyya huwa anna-hu taqri:ban qad allaqa/al-l (6.112) problem-his the-fundamental it that-he sort-of indeed set-free/3ms/the-action “his fundamental problem is that he sort of in fact let go of any action”

wa-anna fuqda:n-u huwa lil-ihtima:m /[. . .] huwa sabab/urbat-u (6.116) and-that loss-his he of-the-interest [. . .] it reason/alienation-his “and-that his losing interest/concern [. . .] is the reason for his alienation”

la yara al-masa: [. . .] bi-anna fuqda:n al-ihtima:m ha: a/sa-yui:l-u (6.121) not 3ms/see the-tragedy [. . .] by-that loss the-interest this/FUT-3ms/changehim “he does not see the tragedy [. . .] (consisting) in that this loss of concern is going to change him”

bi-narif anna-ha/aqi:qatan/qarrarat/an tantair (6.128) IND-1pl/know/that-she really/decide/3fs/that 3fs/commit-suicide “we know/that-she really had decided to commit suicide”

yatabir anna-hu yai:  arà (6.138) 3ms/consider that-he 3ms/live in desert “he considers that he lives in a desert”

wa-anna aqqat-u hiya xaymat-u (6.138b) and-that appartment-his it tent-his “and that his appartment is his tent”

tauss anna-hu mugassid  l-urfa (6.142) 3fs/feel that-he materializing in the-room “she feels that he is concretely present in the room”

allati ataqid anna-ha la-ha ala:qa wai:qa/li-qiit (6.146) which 1s/believe that-it for-it relationship strong/to story “which I think has a strong relation to the story”

bi-nagid/anna lait/al-tawa:ul al-insa:ni al-aqiqiyya al-wai:da (6.147) IND-1pl/nd/that moment/the-contact the-human the-real the-only “we nd that the only real moment of human contact”

wa-anna al-gami: anna-hu yatagassas/alay-hum65 (6.156) and-3ms/think the-all that-he 3ms/spy/on-them “and everyone thought that he was spying on them”

aw anna-hu sabab ma a(:)kìl-hum (6.156b) or that-he reason problems-their “or that he was the reason for their problems”

65

Hybrid form of SA alay-him and EA ale:-hum.

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nuiss  ha:zihi l-qia ay an/anna huna:ka ha:zihi al-/luba (6.157) 1pl/feel in this the-story also that there this the-/play “we also feel in this story that there is this/play”

[nuiss] anna ha:zihi l-kra al-a:bita [. . .] hiya (6.158) [we feel] that this the-idea the-xed [. . .] it “[we feel] that this xed idea is”

wa-yadus ay an/anna-hu nati:git li-/su: al-fahm (6.166) [anacoluthon ?] and-3ms/happen also/that-it result of/bad the-understanding “and it also happens/that it is a result of misunderstanding”

nagid anna ha:za l-/ukm allazi [. . .] mabni/ay an ala (6.173) 1pl/nd that this the-/judgment which [. . .] built/also on “we nd that this judgment, which [. . .] also was built on”

wa-anna ha:za l-ragul lam yataawwal (6.174) and-that this the-man not 3ms/change “and that this man has not changed”

bi-nagid anna ha:zihi/al-kra/turi (6.183) IND-1pl/nd that this the-idea 3fs/enrich “we nd that this idea enriches”

bi-nuiss huna anna al-marala allati ka:na al- arqu :-ha (6.187) IND-1pl/feel here that the-period which was the-east in-it “we feel here that the period/stage in which the East used to”

yataawwar anna l-arb/laday-h all/qad intahat (6.188) 3ms/believe that the-west/with-it solution/indeed end/3fs “believe that the West had the solution, is over”

wa anna l-masala abaat al-a:n (6.189) and that the-issue become/3fs now “and that the issue now has become” >

anna kullu maralit al-inbiha:r bil-arb ay an qad intahat (6.190) that every stage the-infatuation with-the-west also indeed end/3fs “and that every stage of infatuation with the west also has come to an end” >

wa-anna maralat al-/ akk (6.191) [anacoluthon] and-that stage the-/doubt “and that the stage of doubt”

yaunnu:n [. . .] min qabl/anna huna:ka ulu:lan (6.195) 3mpl/think/IND [. . .] before/that there solutions/ACC “before, they used to think that there were solutions”

“anna al-ba u anna-ha nukta” (6.206) (2u) think/3ms the-some that-it joke “some thought that it was a joke”

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ari:b ila daragit anna ba an-na:s annu anna-ha nukta (6.208–9) strange to-degree that some the-people think/3pl that-it joke “so strange that some people thought it was a joke”

wa-bi-nagid anna/ha:za al-tanwi: il-muxtalif (6.217) and-1pl/nd that/this the version the-different “and we nd that this different version” >

wa-anna l-ba rafa istila:m-u (217) that the-some refuse/3ms accepting-it “that some refused to accept it” >

anna l-ba qa:l anna-ha l ba saxi:fa (6.218) that the-some say/3ms that-it game silly “that some said that it was a silly game”

bi-yadus anna ha:za l-a:lam kull-u/yataka:taf [. . .] idd (6.227) IND-3ms/happen that this the-world all-it/3ms/stand-shoulder-to-shoulder [. . .] against “it happens that this whole world stands together against”

li-ha: a l-ab il[li] bi-nagid anna-hu ana:ni (6.244) of-this the-father who IND-1pl/nd that-he egoistic of this father who we nd that he is an egoist

wa-kayfa anna/iza:it ha:za l-ab aw mawt-u sa-tuaddi ila (6.245) and-how that/removal this the-father or death-his FUT-3fs/lead to “and how (it is that) the removal of this father or his death will lead to”

wa bi-nagid anna l- a:bb al-mahmu:m aqi:qatan [. . .] huwa ragul (6.246) and IND-1pl/nd that the-young-man the-concerned really [. . .] he man “and we nd that the young man who is really concerned [. . .] is a man

yagid anna ha:za al-a:lam al-mawgu:d ala sa [. . .] yubitu-hu (6.250) 3ms/nd that this the-world the-existing on surface [. . .] 3ms/despise-him “he nd that this supercial world [. . .] despises him”

allazi narifu ay an anna-hu lam yakun aban a:lian (6.254) who 1pl/know also that-he not 3ms/be father/ACC good/ACC “whom we also know that he was not a good father”

a) The anna clauses are typically objects of verbs “to think, nd, believe, say, imagine, feel and know” (of ‘Wahrnehmung’ and ‘Mitteilung’), which are abundantly represented in this speaker’s talk. His apparent predilection for this variant of COMP makes it show up also in the position following forms of the verb qa:la “to say”—strangely, in reporting direct speech (6.70 and 6.90),—less remarkably in 6.45 and 6.218, where the clause represents more indirect reporting66 (for 66 Cf. BCG:10.15.3.1: “Occasionally qla is found with anna, again in a context where the exact words of the speaker are nor used or reported.”

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use of inna for anna see below). But also as subject and predicate of nominal clauses, as second member of i fa, and as complement of preposition—in 6.121 the CP follows bi- with an attributive function similar to the many attributive clauses we have mentioned. 6.4 represents a case of the anna-clause as circumstantial l clause introduced by subjunction wa-, in this context meaning “as, since”.67 b) I interpret all the clauses with anna as having a factual meaning— whether expressed by nominal predicate, PF verb or IPF verb (including the explicit future tense with prex sa- “is in fact going to be”). c) Whereas we have observed that anna generally, with the other speakers, occurs in a SA linguistic context, NA2 appears more at ease with using anna also with hybrid and EA items and features—in 6.45 anna is both preceded and followed by unmodied EA. In several cases anna-clauses are preceded by ‘symbiotic’ verbs with SA MPP and EA IND- marker bi-. In some cases EA variant of 3fs inectional ending -it occurs on the items adjacent to anna. inna It was mentioned above that NA2 in some cases used anna for inna “that” following qa:l. NA2 is also the speaker in my data who stands out for his frequent use of inna. I have decided to gather these latter occurrences separately,68 and add my interpretation of them as emphatic particle (emphasis), “that” after qa:la (inna) and “that” for anna (anna): bal inna-ni uri:du an ult an-na ar (6.6) emphasis inna-hu riba:/al-mutawallid (6.16) emphasis taqu:l la-hu inna “yumriu -ni ha:a l-a:lam”69 (6.63) inna inna kulla min al-a:lamayn mali: bi-uku:k (6.78) inna bi-yu:l la-ha inna-hu/lam yàra-ha illa i (6.124) inna wa-bi-nagid inna-hu bi-yamu:t taqri:ban  l-la a/al-ta:liya (6.171) anna wa-la:kin  l-wa:qi inna-ha laysat nukta (6.209) emphasis “wa-qa:lu inna-ha laba saxi:fa” (6.213) inna

67 This use seems to be a syntactic innovation in SA and is quite frequently met with in modern prose, although not accounted for in the grammars. Cantarino (III:277), however, has one reference to this construction, and with a similar, almost identical, collocation, found three times in Nagb Mahf  Zuqq al-midaqq: xuan wa-anna-hu yalamu anna “especially as we [sic] know that” 68 The few occurrences of inna elsewhere have been treated and counted with anna when seen as grammatically correct variant after forms of the verb qa:la—or not counted when treated as emphatic particle or as hybrid form of SA anna and EA inn-. 69 Sequences between quotation marks are direct quotations from the literary text.

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I shall not count the occurrences of inna as emphatic particle; inna following forms of qa:la will be counted as variants of anna (4 occurrences); inna for anna will be treated as hybrid form (of EA inn- and SA anna) and not counted. This case (6.171) is an interesting example of a ‘mixed’ clause—with SA MPP of verbs, conjunction, and pronoun sufgation, but with EA IND marker and interference from EA COMP. inn- (15 occurrences) be:n al-kra s-sabta/an inn sundus ha:zihi/hiya l-alabiyya (6.36) between the-idea the-xed/about that Sundus this/she the-gypsy-woman “between the xed idea (consisting) of that this Sundus, she (is) the gypsy woman”

ka:nit rubbama hiya s-sabab  inn sundus nagait (6.42) be/3fs perhaps she the-reason for that Sundus succeeded “it was perhaps the reason (for) that Sundus succeeded”

bi-tu:l [. . .] inni bint-àha ma-hiya:- yani gami:la (6.43) IND-3fs/say [. . .] that daughter-her NEG-she-NEG well pretty “she says [. . .] that her daughter she (is) not, well, pretty”

wa-inn-àha zayyi u:d id-durra na: if (6.44) and-that-she like stalk the-corn dry “and that she (is) like dry corn stalk”

wa-inn-àha la:zim tiwaddi:-ha (6.45) and-that-she necessary 3fs/take-her “and that she must take her”

bi-niss bi-inn-u huna:k/tafai:l kai:ra/bi-tu i:r ila (6.55) IND-1pl/feel of-that- there/details many/IND-3fs-point to “we feel that there are many details pointing to”

bir-ram inn-aha bi-tagid (6.101) in spite of that-she IND-3fs/nd “in spite of that/although she nds”

wa-bi-tu:l-lu inn hiya fahimat (6.127) and-IND-3fs/say-to-him that she understand/3fs “and she says to him that she has understood (understands)”

bi-niss min al-awwil inn-ìna bi-nwa:gih e: ari:b (6.207) IND-1pl/feel from the-rst that-we IND-1pl/face thing strange “we feel from the start that we are facing something strange”

wa inn ha:za - e: l-ari:b/ari:b ila daragit anna (6.208) and that this the-thing the-strange/strange to degree that “and that this strange thing is so strange that”

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bi-niss hina inn-ìna  a:lam (6.214) IND-1pl/feel here that-we in world “we feel here that we are in a world”

wa-bi-niss inni kull ha:zihi l-ma a:kil mawgu:da (6.216) and-IND-1pl/feel that every these the-problems present “and we feel that all these problems are present”

bi-nagid/inn/ qiit [. . .] huna:k/ab badi:l (6.241) IND-1pl/nd/that/in story [. . .] there/father substitute “we nd that in the story [. . .] there is a substitute father”

wa-dì n-nua lli abbe:t inn-ana u i:r ile:-ha (6.260) and-this the-point which like/1s that-I 1s/point to-it “and that (was) the point which I wanted to (that I) point to”

[wa-dì n-nua ] inn/kullin min al-qia al-arba(a) [. . .] bi-y akkìlu (6.260b) [and-that the-point] that/every of the-stories the-four [. . .] IND-3pl-form “[and that is the point] (namely) that every one of the the four stories [. . .] form”

Note full form of pronouns following inn in 6.127, 6.207 and 6.260. a) Most clauses function as objects. bir-ram inn- “in spite of that” (6.101) might rather be considered a compound subjunction. 2 cases of complement of preposition (6.36, 6.42) with attributive function, and one clause dened as attributive COMP clause (6.260b). b) Following verbs of ‘Wahrnehmung’ and ‘Darlegung’, the inn clauses have factual meaning—expressed by nominal predicate (6.36, 6.43, 6.44, 6.45, 6.214, 6.216, 6.241); bi-IPF (6.101, 6.207, 6.260b), or PF (6.127). One occurrence of non-factual meaning after verb of ‘Wünschen’ (6.260) expressed by y-IPF with SA MPP. c) The environment of inn- is largely EA. However, in 6.55, 6.127 (and 6.260),70 it is preceded by EA verbal embedder and followed by SA clause; in 6.42 the embedding clause is close-to-SA; SA DEM modify nouns in the COMP clause (6.36, 6.208, 6.216). d) innu: only one occurrence of inn-u (6.55) -u has no referential meaning, but may be seen as ‘dummy’ pronoun in a nominal COMP clause with predicate huna:k + indenite subject.

70 In 6.260, the verbal predicate u i:r ile:-ha is formally SA, but so frequent collocation, that the clause is not really to be considered SA.

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COMP in NA3 (total 86 lines) an (6 occurrences) al-lua [. . .] war-ruya allati/t a:wil an taku:n mugarradatan (7.24) the-language [. . .] and-the-vision which/3fs/try that 3fs/be bare/ACC “the language [. . .] and the vision which tries to be bare/stripped (of )”

tua:wil an yabtaid il-ka:tib [. . .] an inn-u yatadaxxal (7.25) 3fs/try that 3ms/keep-away the-writer [. . .] from that-he 3ms/interfere “it tries to [have it so that] the writer should keep away [. . .] from interfering”71

tua:wil an tara al-a:lam muba: àratan (7.26) 3fs/try that 3fs/see the-world directly/ACC “it tries to se the world directly”

alla i/yumkin an nusammi:-hi [. . .] al-tikni:k al-iya:di (7.42) which/3ms/be-possible that 3pl/call-it [. . .] the objective technique “which we can call [. . .] the objective technique”

ha: a kull-hu/ka:n yumkin an yusamma huwa (7.44) this all-it/be/3ms 3ms/be-possible that 3ms/be called it “all of this could be called”

wa ma yumkin an yusamma magmu:at il-muaqqa:n (7.65) and what 3ms/be-possible that 3ms/be-called group the-intellectuals “and what may be called the group of intellectuals”

a) 3 occurrences as object of the verb “try to”; 3 occurrences as subject of impersonal modal expression “(it)is possible” > “may”. b) All have non-factual, modal/intentional meaning. c) Environment is SA (but no SUB inection on verb following an). asyndetic complementation ( 5 occurrences) aban/ana mi a:yiz afil be:n il-agte:n (7.18) of-course/I NEG want/AP 1s/separate between the-things/DUAL “of course/I do not want to distinguish (between) the two”

bi-xtia:r/a:yiz au:l inn-àha (7.23) in-short/want/AP 1s/say that-it “in short, (I) want to say that it”

illi ayiz au:l-u (7.35) REL want/AP 1s/say-it “what (I) want to say” 71 Unusual with the COMP clause after forms of a:wala to have different subject referent from the main verb. Could it be a case of false start?

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w -lli ana mumkin asammi:-(h) (7.38) and-what I possible 1s/call-it “and-what I may call”

hiya/risa:la mumkin nataammaq :-ha (7.56) it/message possible 1pl/go-deeply in-it “it (is ) a message which we may go more deeply into”

a) 3 clauses object of EA a:yiz “want(s)” and 2 clauses subjecs of shared modal mumkin “it is possible”; b) all second verbs are + y-IPF with non-factual meaning. c) Environment EA, except 7.56, which has shared items preceding mumkin, but following verb has SA MPP. anna (2 occurrences) yabdu ka-anna-hu [. . .] wa-anna ha: ihi al-i:la [. . .] hiya al-i:la (7.53) 3ms/appear as-if-he [. . .] and-that this the-device [. . .] it the-device it seems as if he [. . .] and that this device [. . .] is the device”

[muttaq]/anna huna:ka bil-l duxu:l il-ka:tib (7.67) [agree/AP]/that there in-the-fact entering the-writer “[I agree] that there is in fact the writer’s intervention”

a) The syntactic functions are not obvious—the syntax of the speaker is somewhat diffuse/elliptic in these passages. In 7.53 the clause is probably continuing the ka-anna phrase (as subject of impersonal yabdu). In 7.67, the clause is governed from a certain distance by the expression muttaq ()—either by deletion of PREP or as ATTR/ appositive, epexegetive. b) Both clauses may be classied as having factual meaning, expressed by nominal predicates. c) Environment is SA. inn- (12 occurrences)72 muttaq maa [. . .]  inn-u “bil-ams . . .” bi-tumayyiz/bi-tatamayyaz (7.7) agree/AP with [. . .] in that- “bil-ams . . .” IND-3fs/distinguish/IND-3fs/bedistinguished “I agree with [. . .] that “bil-ams [. . .]” distinguishes/is distinguished”

72 In 7.62 there is inn-a-ha which I have not registered, as it is ambiguous as to function, i.e. whether COMP or emphatic introductory particle, as well as to form, i.e. SA inna-ha or EA inn-aha.

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bi-tatamayyaz bi-inn-a-ha nuqla aqi:qatan (7.8) IND-3fs/be-distinguished by-that-it departure really “it distinguishes itself by being really a departure”

aw ma yani inn-u l-tikni:k  l-maall it-ta:ni (7.16) or what 3ms/mean that- the-technique in the-place the-second “or what means that the technique (comes) in the second place”

wa-inn-u ir-ruya/hiya lli  l-maall il-awwal (7.17) and-that-the-vision/it what in the-place the-rst “and-that the vision is what (comes) in the rst place”

ana ba/mu:la bi-inn-i ana asammi:-h (7.20) I IND-/inclined to that I 1s/call-it “I [false start) (I am) inclined to call it”

a:yiz au:l inn-àha al-lua (7.23) want/AP 1s/say that-it the-language “I want to say that it (is) the language (style)”

an yabtaid il-ka:tib [. . .] an inn-u yatadaxxal (7.26) that 3ms/keep-away the-writer [. . .] from that-he 3ms/interfere “that the writer should keep away [. . .] from interfering”

illi ayiz au:l-u [. . .] inn-u ha: a l-tayya:r kull-u ada:i bil-taki:d (7.35) what want/AP 1s/say [. . .] that-this tendency all-it modern denitely “what I want to say [. . .] is that this whole tendency is denitely modern”

huwa inn-u/bil-aks/inn-u ha: a l-tikni:k/wa ha: ihi al-lua [. . .] af al ma taku:n (7.49) it that-/on-the-contrary/that- this-technique/and this the-language [. . .] efcient as can be “it (is) that/on the contrary/that this technique/and this style [. . .] (is) most efcient”

ataqid inn-u B../amal (7.61) 1s/believe that- B. ./bring/3ms “I believe that B.T (has) brought”

ana muttaq maa [. . .]  inn-u // tawarru wa-uhu:r/ha: a t-takwi:n (7.64) I agree/AP with [. . .] in that- // getting-into and manifestation/this formation [or anacoluthon?] “I agree with [. . .] in that it (is) // the getting into and manifestation of this formation”

ataqid inn-u badan min [. . .] ibtada B.. yaxla (7.70) 1s/believe that- beginning/ACC from [. . .] begin/3ms B. . 3ms/take off “I believe that beginning with [. . .] BT began to take off ”

a) The syntactic functions of the inn- clauses are as objects, predicates, and after prepositions in collocations muttaq  (7.7, 7.64), mu:la bi (7.20) and yabtaid an (7.25) (where deletion of the preposition would be an option).

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b) The occurrences pattern with factual meaning expressed by bi-IPF (7.7), nominal predicates (7.16, 7.17, 7.23, 7.35, 7.49, 7.64), and PF verb forms (7.61, 7.70)—non-factual meaning by y-IPF (7.20, 7.26). c) The linguistic environment of inn-(u) is again not restricted to EA or shared items and features. It combines with both EA and SA lexical items and MPP shapes preceding and/or following COMP. 7.8 has a highly SA-oriented environment—one suspects that bi-inn-aha might just as well be analyzed as bi-inna-ha—with inna as hybrid of anna and inn-. d) status of innu This speaker seems to have innu as COMP variant. In 7.26, inn-u occurring before the verb, and in 7.64 before a nominal predicate, may be said to contain pronominal reference—otherwise, inn-u appears for inn in all cases where COMP is followed by an overt noun subject (7.7, 7.16, 7.17, 7.35, 7.61). 7.70 is a classic case of ‘dummy’ pronoun (according to SA use): before an interpolated adverbial and with a subject following the verb.

Discussion and summary of COMP Distribution of variants Distribution of COMP variants across speakers AUC1 AUC2 AUC3 AUC4 NA1 NA2 an 10 13 11 3 9 25 asynd. 5 6 15 17 1 2 anna 5 15 3 3 18 64** inn 10(0)* 23 (4) 19 (0) 10 (1) 14 (6–10) 15 (0) SA:EA 15:15 28:29 14:34 6:27 27:15 89:17

NA3 6 5 2 12 (6) 8:17

total 77 51 110 103

* Numbers in parenthesis refer to innu as possibly variant of inn ** Including 4 occurrences of inna as COMP after forms of qa:la

It is not the exact number of occurrences that interests us here, rather the relative distribution: the table tells us something about the relative preferences of the speakers with regard to this feature, which again is one indication of differences regarding the overall style of the speakers. It shows that speakers vary substantially in their use of variants of COMP: AUC3 and AUC4, as well as NA3, have markedly lower usage

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levels of SA variants than the others—AUC4 lowest of all speakers. With AUC1 and 2, the ratios of SA to EA are rather equal. Both panel presentations in the literary seminar (NA) have higher usage levels of SA variants than in the AUC seminar, with NA2 having the highest ratio of all speakers—and a markedly higher frequency of COMP clauses than the others. The ‘total’ count, and thus the overall ratio of the variants, are in fact ‘spoiled’ by the unusual high frequency of constructions with anna with speaker NA2. I believe, that if we leave out this one speaker with his idiosyncratic style from the count, the numbers would be more representative—with the following distribution of the COMP variants: an: 52; asyndesis: 49; anna: 46; inn(-): 88.

Whatever the exact numbers taken into account, the count shows that EA inn- has a high usage level with all speakers, also with those who seem to avoid EA asyndetic verb sequences and have a high ratio of anconstructions: AUC2, NA1, and NA2. What such a count does not reveal, however, is the internal distribution of the variants in each speaker’s text. As has been mentioned in the analysis, AUC1 and NA1 change from using SA variants in the rst part of their talk to using mostly EA variants in the second part. With AUC1 this is most abrupt, and represents a change of style and formality—from ‘detached’ and ‘ideational’ to ‘involved’ and ‘interpersonal’ in functional discourse terms, as he passes to talk about personal family experiences. NA1, on the other hand, does not change the functional meaning of her talk, but simply seems to relax in her effort (?) to keep up SA forms. The other speakers with high frequency of both SA and EA variants do not show this kind of textual development, but use the variants more evenly back-and-forth in their speech production, as may be seen from the listing of their individual occurrences. In the following, we shall take a look at possible constraints—functional and lexical—that may operate on the choice of COMP. Syntactic functions of COMP clauses Below are listed the syntactic functions attested by the variants of COMP clause. (+) means that the variant occurs only once in this function— while + stands for a representation of two or more occurrences.

VARIANTS OF COMPLEMENTIZERS

an AUC 1 AUC 2 AUC 3 AUC 4 NA 1 NA 2 NA 3 asyndetic AUC 1 AUC 2 AUC 3 AUC 4 NA1 NA 2 NA 3 anna AUC 1 AUC 2 AUC 3 AUC 4 NA1 NA 2 NA 3 innAUC 1 AUC 2 AUC 3 AUC 4 NA1 NA 2 NA 3

SUBJ + + +

+ + SUBJ + + + (+) + + SUBJ

OBJ + + (+) + + +74 + OBJ + + + +

OBJ + + + + +

SUBJ (+)

OBJ + + + + + + +

+

CP + (+)

+73

ATTR

I

+

+ + PRED

CP

ATTR

I

CP

ATTR

I

+ (+)

+

+

+75

+

(+) (+) + (+)

(+)

PRED

161

PRED (+) + + + +

(+) + (+)

PRED

CP

+ + + + + +

+ + (+) + +

(+) ATTR + +

I + +

+ (+) +

(+) (+)

73 Following the collocation la budda wa- and il-mafru: —which as denite I interpret as SUBJ. 74 Including here some occurrences as predicative following the verb aw aka “be on the point of ”. 75 Following la budd and following l-mafru: —as above.

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The EA asyndetically embedded verb as COMP clause typically is found in two syntactic categories: 1) as an object of a verb (or AP with verbal force in EA) or 2) as the subject of an impersonal verb or quasiverbal expression. (They are naturally excluded from syntactic functions that imply a non-verbal head/embedder !) COMP clauses with SA an mostly ll the same functions. We also nd an-clauses as complements of prepositions, mostly as part of xed collocations of verbs and verbal adjectives/nouns and prepositions. NA2 has one instance of bi- + an-clause in attributive meaning: al-xala: [. . .] bi-an “the solution [. . .] (consisting) of that” (6.137). Clauses with anna are used by nearly all speakers in the syntactic functions of object and predicate, but also other functions are represented, most varied usage by AUC2 and NA2. In the category of CP, NA2 again has bi- + COMP with attributive meaning (6.121). COMP clauses with inn- are represented in all syntactic functions, though only marginally (4 occurrences) as subject. In fact, inn- can be found in the same syntactic positions as any of the other COMP variants—as will be demonstrated below. It dominates as COMP variant for complements of prepositions. Attributive/epexegetic clauses We have observed a number of COMP clauses which we have classied as ‘attributive’ clauses.76 As these are rarely mentioned in the general grammatical literature,77 I return to Reckendorf, who mentions this use as a category of ‘that-clauses (cf. note 2 above). He gives some examples of ‘epexegetische Attributssätze’ (1921:403), e.g.: lam yalam kayfa kna l-amru anna Yazda halaka “sie wussten nicht, wie die Sache stand, dass nämlich Y. tot war” taifu alsinatu-hum al-ka iba anna la-hum al-usn “ihre Zungen schildern Lügenhaftes, dass ihnen (nämlich) das Schöne zuteil werde” atn kitbuka anna-ka turu “dein Schreiben ist an mich gelangt, du habest Schamützel mit . . .”

Bloch (1965:47–48) also refers to a special function ‘epexegetische Sätze’ in Damascus Arabic, in which the COMP clause refers attributively to

76 The occurrences I have registered are found in: 1.96, 1.99, 2.43, 2.71, 2.86, 2.89, 3.143, 3.169b, 4,59, 4.73, 5.112, 6.260b. 77 Noonan in his chapter on Complementation explicitly only considers complement clauses such clauses that are “arguments of verbs”, and consequently function either as subject or object (1987:43).

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its head word (‘Beziehungswort’)—not as a subject to its predicate (and vice versa) nor as an object to its verb.78 I take the following example as epexegetic: au xabar inno a fa je “sie machten die Mittelung, dass das Dorf leer sei” (ibid.:47, 49)

And Blau (1960:232) refers to ‘Attributsatz’ twice in the data from Br Zt: alabu minne ajbe in yili ilhim nqa (2.1) “forderten sie von ihm ein Wunder. Er sollte ihnen eine Kamelin hervorbringen”79 and ana laqa il-chabar innha l-balad (17.1) “man hinterbrachte mir, dass sie im Dorfe war”

From these examples, and from the attributive COMP clauses registered with my speakers, we observe that they 1) refer to nominal embedders (nouns and adjectives), and 2) semantically are associated with mental state and/or of informing or reporting, e.g.: mabu:t/sai:d inn-u “content/happy that he” (1.96, 1.99) krit t-tali:m [. . .] anna-hu “the idea of education [. . .] namely, that it” (2.71) di l-a:ga l-ari:ba/inn-ina “that is the strange thing [. . .] namely, that” (4.59) huna:k tawa:zi [. . .] inn-u kila:hima “there is a parallel [. . .] (in) that both of them” (5.112) wa-dì n-nua [. . .] inn/kullin min al-qia (6.260b) “and that is the point [that I wanted to raise] (namely) that each of the stories”

Sometimes clauses embedded by prepositions (classied as CP) have similar attributive functions: On p. 132 above, we discussed the use of bi + inn- clause following a “noun signifying some kind of declaration”: na “text, provision” (3.98), ila:n “declaration” (3.116), and amr “order” (3.201). Similar cases with SA COMP are al-xala: [. . .] bi-an (6.137) and al-masa bi-anna (6.121). We can here only suggest that the attributive COMP clauses have a variant as CP—e.g. mabsu: awi inn-u (1.96) corresponding to mabsu: awi min innu, and krit t-tali:m/anna-hu (2.71) corresponding to krit ttali:m bi-anna-hu, and that the clauses without a preposition may reect 78 Bloch refrains from splitting the categories of  nno clauses too categorically, as the classication often depends on the ‘Sprachgefühl’ of the analyst. Admittedly, I sometimes had to consider the classication of COMP twice, and also sometimes let ‘tradition’ decide, as with assigning la budda status as subject—and the following COMP clause as predicate. 79 This and the next are found in Schmidt und Kahle 1917—the numbers refer to the number of the story and paragraph of the occurrence.

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a lower style, since EA inn- is the COMP variant typical of attributive clauses in my data. Multifunctionality of innAs a syntactically multi-functional COMP we nd inn- as variant for all COMP markers: 1) as variant of both an and asyndetic construction,80 e.g. (with identical embedded verb): asyndetic: b-aibb u i:r ile:-ha/hiya masalit il-/(3.208) “(which) I want to refer to”

with an:

sa-ua:wil an/u i:r ila/ha:zihi al-/maa:wir (6.49) “I shall try to pay attention to these central issues”

allati uri:du an u i:r ilay-ha (6.78) “which I want to pay attention to” wa-nargu an/nu i:r ila ba uxra min ha: ihi al-qa a:ya (6.275) “and we hope to pay attention to some other of these issues”

with inn- + pronoun: wa dì n-nua illi/abbe:t inn-ana u i:r ile:-ha/(6.260) “and that was the point which I wanted to point to”>

– following identical, ‘shared’ modal embedder (l-mafru: ), e.g.: asyndetic: yani l-mafru: nistanna sanat tisi:n (3.171) “that is, we better/were supposed to wait for (19)90”

with an: il-mafru: [. . .] an tua: al-fura (3.169) “one would suppose [. . .] that the opportunity would be given (to)”

with inn: wal-mafru: dayman inn il-xia [. . .] tiku:n mabniya (3.197) “and it is always assumed that the policy [. . .] be built”

80 “In many cases even the use of this all-purpose conjunction may be regarded as a classicism, instead of the usual asyndetic construction” Mitchell?

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– following verb with shared LS status, but variable MPP, e.g.: asyndetic: aa:wil aku:n muxtaar (4.2) “I shall try to be brief ” [EA MPP)

with an: allati tua:wil an taku:n (7.24) “which tries to be” (SA MPP)

with inn-: fa-a:wil inn-ak(a) tayyar (3.68) “so try to make changes” (‘shared’ MPP)

2) inn- as variant of anna (with identical SA verb), e.g.: with anna: anna-ha tataawwar anna (6.88) “that she imagines that” yataawwar anna (6.188) “he imagines that”

with inn-: nataawwar inn il-a:ba: wil-ummaha:t/yursilu:na (2.217) “[we cannot] imagine that the fathers and the mothers would send”

mumkin il-wa:id yataawwar inn itrasamit il-xia (3.200) “maybe one thinks that the plan/policy was made out”

The large majority of occurrences of inn- variant, though, with all speakers, correspond to the function of anna in SA. I have found roughly 74 occurrences as corresponding to anna, 16 to inna (following a form of lexical qa:la), 13 to an (and 1 ambiguous case). The expression of factuality vs. non-factuality in COMP clauses The analysis has demonstrated that the constraints on the expression of modality which were proposed on p. 110 above, can be observed in the discourse of my speakers. COMP + (PRO)NOUN + nominal predicate as well as COMP + PF verb beg factual interpretations, whatever the COMP variant. With regard to COMP clauses involving IPF verbs, a potential conict of modal vs. factual was posited if the two basic systems were mixed—that is, if an was substituted for inn-u with a bi-IPF verb: SA EA

an [+ modal] asyndetic/inn-u

+ IPF VERB + y-IPF VERB [+ modal] + B-IPF VERB [+ factual]

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However, an is never followed by a b-IPF verb in my data—which may be posited as a constraint on mixing between mutually exclusive markers of modality. On the other hand, with regard to the cases where COMP is followed by pronoun + IPF verb, as in: SA EA

anna [+ factual] inn-

+ (PRO)NOUN + IPF VERB + (PRO)NOUN + IPF VERB [+ modal] + (PRO)NOUN + B-IPF VERB [+ factual]

a conict of interpretation in fact has been observed, when COMP is inn and the verb has SA MPP (and is not ‘adjusted’ with bi-prex), as to whether the modality/factuality is to be understood according to the SA or EA system: ana/ idd maqu:lit inn il-baasa:t tuxaa faqa (1.86) “I am against the saying that the missions are only reserved/should only be reserved [for science people]”

il-kr [. . .] inn-ina/nanu nuallim li-ara: il-itqa:n (2.86) “the idea [. . .] that we teach/should teach to achieve skill/high competence”

fa-tagid/na/ ahi:r/d-dustu:r/bi-inn id-dawla tatawalla at-tali:m (3.98) “you will nd a well-known provision in the constitution that the state takes care/ should take care of education”

If, however, we substitute anna for inn in these clauses, we actually get the same ambiguity, and this ambiguity must be attributed to the function(s) of SA IPF, which in certain contexts may have a modal/notional value.81 Consequently, the factuality conveyed by anna does not apply primarily to the embedded proposition, but to the relation between the head word and the embedded clause—here between maqu:lit, il-kr, and na which in fact say/think/stipulate that (what is reported in the embedded sentence). Further examples are: la: nastai: an nataawwar/inn il-a:ba: w l-ummaha:t/yursilu:na abna:a-hum lil-mada:ris/likay (2.217–8) “we can not imagine that the mothers and fathers (should) send their children to schools for”

innama ila ga:nib ha:za/a-ydarrab -i ala inn-u yitallim l-ka f/wattaqai wal-/bas/wa-ha-yallim-u inn-u yasluk sulu:k igtima:i ra:qi/waha-yallim-u inn-u yatamassak bi-qìyam/axlaqiyya (2.153–5)

81

Cf. p. 133.

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“but besides this/he will train the child to (that he shall) learn how to discover (things)/and inquire and/study/and he will teach him to (that he shall) behave in a rened social way/and he will teach him to (that he shall) take on ethical values”

In this last case we have parallel constructions, where the rst embedded verbal form is EA yitallim, while the following two verbs have SA MPP yasluk, yatamassak, and all are naturally interpreted as modal/intentional—corresponding to a construction with an +IPF. In the following, however, a reasonable interpretation depends on that the SA IPF rather expresses factuality: bi-nla:i inn-u qanu:n tani:m l-ga:mia:t [. . .] yatba al-ar (4.139) “we nd that the regulation(s) for the universities [. . .] follow(s) the [modern] age

This also indicates that EA inn may substitute for both an and anna without any syntactic and/or semantic clash, which adds to this COMP variant being multifunctional and exible in use. Constraints on asyndetic verb complement clauses In the literature referred to above, some restrictions on inn- deletion were proposed: a) what I shall call the ‘identity principle’: deletion is possible “when there is identity between the subject or object of the matrix and the subject of the embedded clause” (Wise 1975 and Salib 1982, Bloch 1965 for Damascus Arabic); and b) semantic (or lexical?) restrictions (Eisele 1992, Mitchell and El-Hassan 1994, Salib 1982). Principles of coreference/ the ‘identity principle’ Where the asyndetic COMP clause has an object function, my data show agreement with the proposed ‘identity principle’. Mostly there is subject coreference between embedding and embedded verb, and one instance has been interpreted as embedded verb representing coreference with the object in the embedding clause (cf. p. 129: 3.116). Semantic or lexical conditioning Some of the constraints proposed in the literature involve verbs and quasi-verbs functioning more or less as (aspectual) auxiliaries. Such items which have no alternative/equivalent with COMP in either SA or EA, were not listed in my analysis. Of the remaining, largely modal verbs or quasi-verbs, or verbs (and APs) expressing wishing and intention, some only occur in EA context and always asyndetically in my data: idiryidar “can”, la:zim “(it is) necessary” > “must”, a:yiz-ayza-ayzi:n “want

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(AP m, f, pl)”. These forms, which are EA both with regard to LS and MPP, thus never combine with COMP variant. A few verbs with shared LS occur in my data both with and without COMP—apparently conditioned by the MPP of the verb.82 *-w-l, Form III: SA MPP + an: ka:n yua:wil an “he tried to”; sa-uawil an u i:r “I shall try to refer”, ka:n yua:wil an, “he was trying to”, allati tua:wil an taku:n “which tries to” EA MPP—asyndetic: aa:wil aku:n muxtaar “I shall try to be brief ” ‘shared’ ( imperative): a:wil inn-ak(a) “try that you” > “try to”

*-b-b Form I/IV: SA MPP + an: anna lla:ha yuibbu [. . .] an yuqina-h (Quranic reference) “God wants [for sm.] to be competent” EA MPP—asyndetic: b-aibb u i:r ile:-ha “[which] I want to refer to”

Some frequent verbs with SA MPP in my data combine with both SA and EA COMP. First among these is yataqid, commonly used in 1s ataqid “I believe, think”, which is used by four speakers: AUC1 combines the verb with anna 3 times, with inn- twice. NA1 uses it with anna once, with inn- 5 times; NA2 uses it twice with anna; NA 3 twice with inn-. Similarly, yagid “nd”, commonly found in 1pl nagid or (as hybrid) with EA IND-marker: bi-nagid “we nd”, is mostly followed by anna, but also occurs with inn-. The same applies to the verb yataawwar “imagine, conceive”—mostly with anna, but also n/yataawwar inn (2.217, 3.200) yastai: “is able to, can” is directly followed by an-, apart from 2 occurrences where COMP inn- follows an interpolated clause(2.161) or a pause (2.177). No case of asyndetic embedding, though, with this verb— then EA verb  with the same meaning is used (as we saw above, no instances of COMP following forms of yidar). It appears that the same applies to yagib “it is necessary, must”—either you choose yagib + an or you choose the modal particle la:zim with asyndetic embedding. mafru: “assumed” is one of the modal particles which Eisele for EA classies as having optional COMP. In my data there are only three occurrences of it, all with speaker AUC3—who uses three different COMP variants: an, inn and asyndesis:

82 Which shows in the IPF-prex. as SA /-u/ vs. EA /-u/ or /-i/ (no occurrence of the latter).

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il-mafru: [. . .] an tua: al-fura (3.169) “one would suppose [. . .] that the opportunity would be given (to)”

yani l-mafru: nistanna sanat tisi:n (3.171) “that is, we better/are supposed to wait for (19)90”

wal-mafru: dayman inn il-xia l-qawmiyya l-mma tiku:n mabniya (3.197) “and it is always assumed that the general national policy (should) be built”

An investigation of a larger set of data would reveal more lexical/semantic and idiomatic connections between specic verbs and variants of COMP along the lines suggested here. The triplet yumkin/mumkin/yimkin An interesting distribution of variants SA yumkin, EA yimkin,83 and shared mumkin84 revealed itself in the data: yumkin (14 occurrences) is followed either by COMP an, e.g. ma yumkin an nusammi:-ha (3.42) “which is possible that we-call it > which we can call”, kayfa yumkin an yataaqqaqa (2.36) “how can it be realized”, or a madar (verbal noun—another complement type), e.g. yumkin tasmiyat-u (3.126) “it is possible calling-it > one can call it”, la: yumkin iga:b ale:-h (7.5) “[which] is not possible to answer”. Only once does yumkin occur with asyndetic embedding, in 4.23: yumkin b-nata arraf bi- (expressing something like “we may/can in fact take pride in”).85 It is always combined with a verb (or verbal noun) with SA MPP, but we saw the EA indicative marker b- combining with the SA verb in the sample just given. mumkin (17 occurrences) is never in my data followed by an (as it would in the SA collocation mina l-mumkin an, which, however, does not occur in my data); once it is followed by inn(-u) (1.117)—but otherwise it is followed asyndetically by an imperfect verb, whether with SA MPP e.g. mumkin nul q ale:-hum (4.117), mumkin nataammaq :-ha (7.56), mi

mumkin yatakarrar na a:-u (2.164)—most often with EA MPP, e.g. mumkin nixalli:-ha (3.162), mumkin nisammi:-ha (4.82).

83 yimkin is listed in BH as 1) transitive verb “it is possible for”, as in yimkin-ni ana:m “is it possible for me to sleep?”; 2) intransitive verb “it is possible” as in huwwa yimkin taba:n “perhaps he’s sick”. 84 BH lists mumkin as ‘active verbal adjective’ of amkan-yimkin; as ‘adjective’ “possible”, and as ‘modal of possibility’ as in mi mumkin ti:gi n-nahar-da “she cannot come today”. 85 Discussed on p. 137 above.

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yimkin (11 occurrences—2 with AUC1, 8 with AUC4, and 1 with NA2) It appears to function only marginally as a modal verb—but rather lexicalised as an adverbial modier “maybe, perhaps, possibly”, mostly modifying non-verbal constituents, e.g.: wa-hiya yimkin mabna madrasi (1.63) “and it is maybe a school building”; ana yimkin mi tarbawi (4.83) “I am perhaps not an educator”; u-yimkin  s-sittina:t (4.94) “and possibly in the sixties”; w-yimkin da illi (4.106) “and perhaps that [is] what”; kullu wa:id yimkin luh aba aw itne:n (6.226) “perhaps everybody had a girlfriend or two”. Only with speaker AUC4—the speaker with the lowest overall use of SA variants, do we nd yimkin followed by a verb: dà yimkin yim i  l-ibtida:i la:kin ma-yim i:-  l-gama (4.124) “that may (perhaps) work in the elementary (level), but it doesn’t work in the university”, yimkin ma-aul- l-maa:hid (4.74) “maybe I shouldn’t say the institutes”, and yimkin ma ninsa:- (4.58) “maybe we should not forget”— which I have treated as cases of asyndetic COMP, but in which yimkin might be considered adverbial modier to the whole clause. yumkin + verbal noun (madar) 6 yumkin + an + SA verb 7 yumkin + asyndetic + bi- + SA verb 1 mumkin + SA verb/7 mumkin + EA verb/+ 8 mumkin + innu + EA verb 1 yimkin + nominal constituent 6 yimkin + EA verb 4

While SA yumkin is restricted to SA construction with an, ‘shared’ mumkin is almost exclusively used asyndetically, but combines equally with SA and EA verbal forms. EA yimkin is only used with EA forms—and, unlike the other variants, is freely used in adverbial function. (A possible semantic distinction in EA between mumkin and yimkin was raised in discussing a sample from my data with a native speaker, to the effect of yimkin being used rather as a modal of probability and mumkin as a modal of possibility. This epistemic vs. deontic distinction makes some sense in light of BH’s denition and of my data, but the evidence is not clear-cut.) Constraints of linguistic environment As for linguistic environment, we have observed that for all speakers restrictions are strong concerning an, with only SA forms preceding and

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following the complementizer. Conversely, asyndetic COMP constructions are largely restricted to EA environment, with a few exceptions involving SA verbal form as second verb. With anna the environment is generally SA, but the MPP shape of the preceding element may be EA: masalit anna-na taga(:)wazna (2.53) il-ibda: : gawhar-u anna-ka tastai: (2.208)

With speaker NA2, who has an extraordinary high frequence of anna, restrictions seem to fall: bi-tu:l la-ha anna-ha la:zim tiwaddi:-ha (6.45) wa-anna fuqda:n-u huwa lid-do:r (6.116) wa-anna aqqat-u hiya xaymat-u (6.138) bi-nagid anna lait al-tawa:ul (6.147)

inn-, on the other hand, occurs with EA (naturally) and SA forms indiscriminately—it is indeed ‘multilevel’ (to use Holes’ term). With clitic pronouns, it takes EA variants (or shared)—we observed, however, that with 1 person reference, inn- is consistently followed by full pronouns: inn-ana, inn-ina. Clitic pronouns on anna have SA variants (or shared). The status of innu The issue to be discussed here is whether the non-referential pronoun sufx in inn-u appears to have functions similar to the syntactic functions of SA ‘dummy’ pronoun. If such functions are not found, the case for interpreting innu as a variant of inn (as Bloch did for DA  nno) will be strengthened. Naturally, extemporaneous ‘on-line’ speech production such as my data represents often involves ‘messy’ syntax, as compared to written texts, such as anacoluthon and ‘chain syntax’, so caution demands that conclusions be suggestive, rather than categorical. The relevant functions of the ‘dummy’ pronoun (as discussed with reference to SA above, p. 96ff.) would be to prevent the verbal predicate to follow immediately on COMP (all grammars of EA concur that inn is followed by a subject noun or pronoun) if the subject noun for some reason is delayed; or prevent a negation or adverbial clause to be interpolated between the COMP and its subject.86 In addition, Reckendorf ’s 86 There are few instances of ‘dummy’ pronoun with anna in my data—one is found with NA2 in a clause with ‘absolute negation’ (cf. Bloch 1990:32; Gully 1993:37–38):

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observation (for SA) that the subject in these cases tends to be indenite, will also be considered. In 2.250, we nd COMP inn- (with epenthetic vowel -i-, as I hear it) followed by a negation, we would expect inn-u (with ‘dummy’): innama kull-ìna nalam inni la: za:l it-tali:m l-asa:si [. . .] tali:m taqli:di

The occurrences of inn-u with speaker AUC3 have been interpreted as having pronominal reference, while AUC1, besides having inn-u with pronominal reference, in two cases had inn-u + huwwa, which I tended to see as COMP variant innu + subject pronoun (p. 118). Since, however, this is the only occurrence of innu + independent pronoun subject in the whole data, an alternative interpretation should be sought. I suggest that the -u in inn-u in these two cases is epenthetic vowel before huwwa (as in innu-hum). AUC4 has one occurrence with no pronominal reference (4.139), which does not satisfy the conditions for ‘dummy’ function either. AUC2 was noted to have several cases of non-referential use of inn-u. One occurrence clearly conforms to syntactic conditions for the use of a ‘dummy’ (as dened for SA): mu kilit it-tali:m qabl al-ga:mìi/inn-u/lam tataaddad  taawwùri la-hu/u:ra wa: ia (2.29)

where COMP is followed by a negated verb (which is fully SA MPP in both NEG and verbal form). In the next case, COMP is followed by predicate + indenite subject with natural reversed word order—a structure which does not by itself require a ‘dummy’ according to SA rules, but may be conducive to its use: taga(:)wàzna maralit innu li-ha:za t-tali:m umu:man/bida:ya muaddada (2.54)

In the following case, the structure is the same as above, although with fronting (topicalization) of the noun reected by pronoun reference in the prepositional phrase: iza ftara na inn-u t-tali:m luh niha:ya (2.68)

ataqid anna-hu la budd min al-muwa:gaha (5.98) “I believe there is no escape from confrontation”. In 1.18 anna is followed by a conditional clause without any ‘dummy’ as should be expected according to Bloch’s analysis (ibid.; Gully ibid.:43): ana ataqid anna/law badana min at-tali:m al-ga:mìi/wa-nazalna ila t-tali:m qabla l-ga(:)mìi/fa-sa-nagid [. . .] “I believe that if we start from the university (level) education and descend to the pre-university education, we will nd [. . .]”

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The other innu occurrences (2.43b, 2.64, 2.68, and 2.110) may have no claim to ‘dummy pronoun’ status.87 With speaker NA1, I noted pervasive use of inn-u with no pronominal reference. In three cases (5.14, 5.92, 5.137) we might claim a ‘dummy’ status of the /-u/—as it appears before parenthetical adverbial clauses88 or adverbial phrase + verbal predicates. In six cases inn-u is followed by a noun subject, which suggests that for this speaker innu is a variant of COMP, e.g.: wa ya ur inn-u xafqat/al-ganaay/hiya/ ay/gami:l giddan (5.48)  itiqa:d-i/inn-u/is-sanawa:t al-qa:dima/sa-tui:-na nuu: (5.145)

With speaker NA2, there is no occurrence of inn-u at all, while NA3 has one occurrence of inn-u with probable ‘dummy’ status of the /-u/ (7.70), and six occurrences of inn-u followed by a noun subject—again suggesting innu as variant of COMP (inn variant used with pronominal subjects), e.g.: aw ma: yani inn-u l-tikni:k  l-maalli t-ta:ni/wa-inn-u ir-ruya/hiya lli  lmaall il-awwal (7.16–17)

There are no occurrences in my data of innu + independent subject pronouns89 (as reported by Schulz, cf. p. 109), nor of innu followed by verbal predicate inected for other than 3ms (as reported for Damascus Arabic by Bloch, cf. p. 109). With both clitic and independent pronoun subjects, inn is the variant. There are some instances in which inn-u lends itself to being analyzed as COMP + ‘dummy’ pronoun. Finally, with some of my speakers, innu appears to be a variant of COMP. Used as such, its syntactic function is always equivalent to SA anna. Consequently, it may be suggested that innu represents a stylistically intermediate variant between anna and inn for these speakers. A comparison with relaxed conversational EA data90 supports this suggestion: I found no occurrence of innu followed by noun subject, only two occurrences with non-referential pronoun, interpretable as ‘dummy’ function followed by a) interpolated conditional clause:

87 Possibly the structure in 2.64, with a fronted noun subject from the following adverbial clause, make it a degree closer to preferring a ‘dummy’. . .? 88 Cf. the role of the ‘dummy’ pronoun in such constructions in media Arabic reported by Gully (1993:42). 89 Now that inn-u in 1.100 and 1.115 is interpreted as inn + epenthetic vowel. 90 A selection of natural telephone conversations (CALLHOME) for EA produced by the Linguistic Data Consortium.

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liinn ana arfa innu law agi:b siri:r gidi:d agi:b-u . . .91 “because I know that if I get a new bed I will get it . . .”

or b) followed by negated prepositional phrase predicate + indenite noun subject: il-wa:id ass innu malu: add kida92 “one feels that one doesn’t have anyone”

and from Woidich’s texts: yiba lamdu lilla:h innu maaal i yani ma a:kil kiti:r awi (III:060) “thank God that not happened /there was not very many problems”

91 92

In text 4283, adapted to my transcription, my translation. In text 4774, same treatment as above.

CHAPTER FOUR

DEMONSTRATIVES

Demonstratives in Standard Arabic The basic sets in SA There are two basic sets of DEM in SA—one associated with neardeixis, hā!ā “this” and its variants, and one associated with far-deixis, !ālika “that” and its variants: sing. hā!ā (m), hā!ihi (f ) dual. hā!āni (m), hātāni (f ) plur. hā"ulā"i (m, f )

!ālika (m), tilka (f ) !ānika (m), tānika (f) (both rare) "ulā"ika (m, f )

Other common, although much less used, demonstratives are hā and !ā1 for near-deixis, !āka for far-deixis. Comprehensive grammars of the classical language offer more complete expositions of the great variety of DEM forms attested (cf. for instance Wright I:264–68, and also Fleisch 1968:39–48). Fleisch, however, comments that “[i]l est bien évident que tous ces démonstratifs et d’autres plus rares que nous négligeons dans cet exposé, n’étaient pas en usage chez tous les Arabes.” Or as Anghelescu (1970:378) puts it: “Les textes classiques sont beaucoup moins riches en démonstratifs que les grammaires.” The various forms of DEM are, evidently, related to other deictics of the language. They are made up of radicals typically associated with deictic functions in Arabic and other languages of Semitic: /h/, / / and /l/ and /k/2—in this they interestingly parallel the connections referred For independent uses of hā and !ā cf. Reckendorf 1895:408–409, Cantarino II:30–33. For the combined use of hā and !ā (as a discontinuous morpheme with presentative function) with personal morphemes, see Reckendorf 1895:410; its frequent use in modern SA is attested in Cantarino II:36 and Anghelescu 1970:381: hā huwa !ā “this is the one who, here it is”. 2 Fleisch 1968:39–48 discusses these various elements. Inter alia, he refers to the /h/ element as it appears in the Hebrew definite article ha- and to /k/ as related to demonstrative elements in biblical Aramaic and in Hebrew, as well as to Arabic ka- and kayfa. The Arabic grammarians’ interpretation ($arf al-xi%āb) and the Qur!anic gender/ 1

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DEMONSTRATIVES

to by Lyons (1977:646–7) for the equivalent forms in Germanic and Romance languages. The deictics also share the semantic feature [+ definite]—thus the feature which typically distinguishes the demonstratives from the other deictics is the distinction of proximity vs. non-proximity. This distinction applies both to spatial and temporal dimensions. It appears, however, to be less clear-cut in Egyptian Arabic than in Standard Arabic, as will be demonstrated below. Other (derived) functions than indicating proximity vs. distance in space and time will be shown to be important. While Lyons claims that for English, it is the near-deictic demonstrative ‘this’ which is marked, and far-deictic ‘that’ which is unmarked3— it seems to be, if anything, the other way around for Arabic. Killean (1980:178 note10), for instance, claims that “[i]n the Arabic use of deixis, the proximate demonstratives cover a much larger semantic field than do the distal demonstratives.” Pronominal and attributive functions SA DEM have both pronominal and attributive (or adnominal) syntactic functions: hā!ā kitābun

hā!ā l-kitābu

“this [is] a book”

“this (the-)book”

!ālika kitābu-hu

!ālika l-kitābu

“that [is] his book”

“that (the-)book” 4

As an attributive modifier SA DEM normally precedes its noun, which is marked as definite by the definite article. It follows the head noun

number variants of !ālika based on the forms of 2.p. pronouns (also presented as such in Wright I:266), Fleisch claims is a reinterpretation of -ka (p. 141, note 1.) For a recent discussion of the Semitic deictic elements and the morphological development of deictics—demonstratives and relatives—in ‘classical’ Arabic, see Roman 1998. 3 With reference to that “there are many syntactic positions in which ‘that’ occurs in English and which is neutral with respect to proximity or any other distinctions based on deixis (Lyons 1975:647). 4 An alternative, and the original Arab, view is that DEM should rather be considered the head of a DEM + NOUN constituent/phrase. The Arab grammarians treat DEM as a ‘noun of indication’ ("ism al-"išāra) with the following noun in apposition. Cf. Fischer 1959:49. Beeston (1970:43) also regards the demonstrative in this structure to “be amplified by an explicit substantive [which] corresponds to the English adjectival use of a demonstrative [. . .] but the manner in which the Arabic demonstrative is used precludes us from regarding it as an adjective: it and the substantive has a parity of

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when this is defined not by the article, but by a genitive noun or pronoun (in an "i&āfa/genitive construction), or the noun is ‘naturally’ defined, as a proper noun: kitābu-hu hā!ā

zaydun hā!ā

book-his this “this book of his”

Zayd this “this Zayd”

DEM may also follow its head noun for emphasis, this is however, of rare occurrence: "al-akl hā!ā the-food this “this food [not that]”5

Deictic functions and anaphora Derived functions of the basic (at least, mostly considered so) deictic proximal—distal distinction with reference to space and time, which DEM typically serve, are observed in the literature on Arabic. Reckendorf (for classical usage) notes a slight modification: “Es handelt sich nicht um die relative Grösse der räumlichen oder zeitlichen Entfernung, sondern um die Art und Weise, wie man dem Gegenstand, auf den hingewiesen wird, seine Aufmerksamheit zuwendet. Auf das, womit sich der redende räumlich oder in seiner Fantasie in einer und derselben Situazion fühlt deutet er mit hā, !ā, hā!ā; auf das, was sich ausserhalb dieser Situazion befindet, mit !āka, !ālika” (1895:407–8). Cantarino (for modern SA usage) observes that the demonstratives appear to be “frequently used with psychological approach rather than merely with a local [or temporal] meaning [. . .] hā!ā is used for things that are considered more important or more closely related to the person speaking, while !ālika and !āka express a more remote attitude” (Cantarino II:30). Anghelescu (1970) claims that in modern SA the two sets of demonstratives have acquired other, more prominent, values than indicating proximity vs. distance in space [and time]. She ascribes this to the fact

status reflected in the fact that it sometimes precedes and sometimes follows the entity term which explains it.” Cf. also BCG:127. 5 Holes 1996:152. For some examples of pragmatic use of pre- or postposition of DEM cf. BCG:128.

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that SA is essentially a written language. As writing generally involves making more explicit reference to situation and circumstances, the purely spatial or temporal deictic functions of DEM—which are so important in spoken discourse—decrease in importance. “Cet affaiblissement de la valeur déictique des démonstratifs entraine l’effacement de l’opposition des deux séries de démonstratifs, pour “proximité” et “éloignement”. Cette opposition ne marque plus la distance dans l’espace, mais tend à recevoir d’autres nuances, surtout stylistiques” (p. 379). Above all, she points to the anaphoric value, which is shared by both sets of DEM, although the near-deixis set is much more frequently used. Anaphoric DEM normally refers not to a preceding noun in the text, she claims, but rather to the idea (question, proposition) which has been posed. In this function DEM may appear adnominally: hā!ā l-qawl “this saying/ what has been said”, or pronominally: fa-hā!ā "amrun qad yakūnu la-hu mā yubarriru-hu “this is a matter/case which may have something to justify it”, mā ma(nā hā!ā “what does this/that mean?” (p. 380).6 From this use follows the use of (invariably masculine) hā!ā, wa . . . (something like “ceci dit” or “when that is said, it [also is the case that]”) as a discourse cohesive device linking paragraphs, highly frequent in journalistic prose.7 Holes 1996 labels this “demonstratives of ‘vague reference’: “In spoken MSA, particularly of news bulletins, the phrase ha:!a:, wa . . . ‘this, and . . .’ is frequently used post-pausally as a means of connecting two sections of a report [. . .] referring back to the whole of

6 Many linguists refer to this usage as ‘discourse deictic’. The relationship between deixis and anaphora in personal pronouns and demonstratives is thoroughly discussed in Lyons 1977:657ff. In what he calls ‘textual deixis’, “the link between the deictic and anaphoric function of pronouns is seen [. . .] Demonstrative pronouns and other deictic expressions may be used to refer to linguistic entities of various kinds (forms, parts of forms, lexemes, expressions, text-sentences, and so on) in the co-text of the utterance.” (p. 667). Fossestøl (1980) uses the terms ‘textual deixis’ or ‘metalinguistic anaphora’ [tekstdeiksis, metaspråklig anafori] for this, and suggests that this is more typical of written than spoken language (pp. 190–91). Lord and Dahlgren (1997), discussing anaphoric reference in English newspaper articles, demonstrate the frequent use of DEM to refer to “discourse events”, “the contents of a sequence of clauses”, which are referred to as “abstract antecedents” (pp. 330–31). For a thorough cross-language discussion of pragmatic functions of demonstratives, see Diessel 1999:93ff. Biber refers to observations by Chafe, that demonstratives (in English) without nominal referents are “typically found in speech due to faster production and the lack of editing” (in Biber 1988:226) and by Ochs who “notes that demonstratives are preferred to articles in unplanned discourse” (ibid.: 241). 7 Anghelescu 1970:380. For illustrative examples of this hā!ā wa see Dickens and Watson 1998:78; BCG:728.

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what has just been reported, and signalling that something more, but different, is about to be said about the same topic” (p. 155).8 In anaphoric reference to a preceding statement, according to Cantarino, hā!ā refers to something which [has] just been mentioned, and !ālika to something not present or with past time reference:9 hā!ā ya(nī "anna [. . .]10

kullu !ālika li-"anna [. . .]11

“this means that [. . .]”

“all that [happened] because [. . .]”

kāna !ālika wa-"ana [. . .]12 be-3ms that while-I “this happened while I [. . .]”

In correlative, or contrastive, constructions, “when two demonstrative pronouns are used, the same form of the pronoun may be used in both parts [. . .] usually, however, different forms will be used; in this case, hā!ā precedes the other forms, and [in cases where there are more than two referents] !āka precedes !ālika” (Cantarino II:41): hā!ā $alālun wa- hā!ā $arāmun13 “this is permitted and this/that is forbidden”

lā hā!ā wa-lā !āka

li-"aqwāli hā"ulā"i wa-"ulā"ika

not this and-not that “neither one”

to-sayings these and-those “to the words of both [these and those]”

Blau attributes the “marked tendency [in Modern Standard Arabic] to use this-deixis and that-deixis in opposition” when referring to different objects, to the influence of European languages on modern Arabic, claiming that we do not find the distinction in neither CA (Classical Arabic), MA (Middle Arabic) nor the modern dialects (Blau 1976:174). Reckendorf (1895:143) cites the following sample of CA usage:

8 A parallel appears to be the English use of proximal DEM to “signal[s] the beginning of a new discourse segment”, for instance “[beginning] a new segment providing background information related to the topic” (Lord and Dahlgren 1997:341). 9 Lord and Dahlgren (1997:343) refer to a similar distinction in their English newspaper texts as a function of topical (related to the main topic of the text) vs. peripheral reference, with proximal DEM used with the former and distal DEM for the latter— being “at a metaphorical distance from the writer’s and reader’s attention”. 10 Cantarino II:33. 11 Ibid.:38. 12 Ibid.:30. 13 Cantarino II:41, my translation.

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DEMONSTRATIVES

hā!ā yaqūlu "ana qataltu-hu wa-hā!ā yaqūlu "ana qataltu-hu14 “Dieser sagte ‘Ich habe ihn getötet’, und Jener sagte ‘Ich habe ihn getötet’”

as an example of hā!ā . . . hā!ā which he says often (häufig) occurs instead of hā!ā . . . !ālika, thus implying that the latter construction is also regularly found. With anaphoric reference to two different antecedents Cantarino observes that “[g]enerally in such constructions hā!ā will refer to the first part mentioned, and thus be translated by the “former”.” However, hā!ā “may refer to the noun which is closer to it, and thus to the second part of the correlative construction. In this case, hā!ā must be translated by “the latter”: kullu mā yūjadu mina l-farqi bayna s-sā$iri wa*-*ūfī huwa "anna hā!ā yatta*ilu bil-malā"ika wa-!ālika yatta*ilu biš-šayā%īn “The only difference between a sorcerer and a sufi is that the latter (hā ā) is in contact with angels while the former ( ālika) with demons.”

SA DEM may thus have spatial and temporal (and psychological) deictic functions, as well as being used for anaphoric/discourse deictic reference (as a related function).

Demonstratives in Egyptian Arabic The basic sets of EA The basic set of DEM in Egyptian Arabic is: da (m), di (f ) and do:l (pl)15

These are frequently—in textbooks of Egyptian (Cairene) Arabic—contrasted with the set dukha, (m), dikha (f ) and dukham (pl)

Both sets have (local/regional) variants.16 14

Reckendorf 1895:414. The element /d/ being EA reflex of SA / /. Fischer 1959:63 notes an alternative pausal variant with final /h/: dah, which I have not registered in my data. 16 For comprehensive lists see BH (under da and da:k)—of which the most frequent in use in EA appears to be fem diyya(t) as variant of di, and perhaps also da:k and di:k for dukha and dikha; Fischer 1959:213; and for variants of dukha the dialect maps in Behnstedt and Woidich (1985, 2: maps 164–169). 15

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The distinctions between the sets are variously presented in the literature. Some early textbooks of Egyptian Arabic give practical information on the matter: Gairdner (1926:14, note 2) states that “da is often used where we should say in English “that”, as dukha is reserved for cases where the object is really remote, or where it is being expressly contrasted with a nearer object.” The Manual of Egyptian Arabic by Phillott and Powell (1926) renders DEM da etc. as “this or that” and are precise as to the use of the dukha set: “If there are two or more objects, the remote one may be indicated by dikhā or dukhā” (Phillott and Powell 1926:73). Fischer, in his monograph on the demonstrative forms of the neoArabic dialects (Fischer 1959), claims in the introduction that “[d]ie modernen arabischen Dialekte haben wie die alten semitischen Sprachen nur zwei deiktischen Reihen ausgebildet, nämlich eine, die zum Hinweis auf das “Naheliegende, Gegenwärtige” dient, und eine andere, die auf das “Fernliegende, Vergangene” hinweist” (p. 35). He thus treats the EA da set under “dieser” (pp. 63–64), and the dukha set under “jener” (pp. 95–96), i.e. as a proximal ~ distal deictic contrast. However, while he claims that the latter “ist zum gewöhnlichen Demonstrativum für das Fernliegende geworden”, he subsequently admits that “[a]llerdings kommen auch diese erweiterten Formen im kairiner Dialekt nur äusserst selten vor, meist tritt dā, dī, dōl “dieser” auch in der Funktion eines Demonstrativums auf, das auf das Fernliegende hinweist” (p. 95).17 Similarly, Woidich (1980:217–18) labels the first set as ‘Demonstrativpronomen der Nahdeixis’ and the second as the corresponding set for ‘Ferndeixis’, while he sparingly adds that “[d]ie Formen der Ferndeixis werden hauptsächlich anaphorisch im Text verwendet”. Doss (1979:349) with a diachronic focus in her paper, simply states for the present situation that ‘the demonstrative adjectives’ da, di, dol are used for ‘close reference’ and dokha, dikha, dokhom for ‘distant reference’. BH lists the da set (with variants)—as demonstrative pronouns and adjectives18—with the lexical meaning “this, this one, that, that one”—

17 One might speculate, that the absence of the element ha- from EA DEM (“ha:- is a ‘proximal’ marker”—Holes (1996:151) on SA DEM forms—he calls the same element in the dialectal forms ‘presentative’ (ibid.)) makes it ‘neutral’ as to marking near vs. far deixis—in contrast with other dialects which do have forms with ha- and do have a distinction. On the other hand, dialects of Coptic did have it (Einar Thomassen, pers. comm.). 18 BH also list a variety of other functions, mostly ‘excplamatory’, which fall outside the scope considered here—among them what Fischer (1959:181–2) refers to as

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DEMONSTRATIVES

i.e. comprising both near- and far-deixis. The variants of da:k, including dukha, which are labeled ‘demonstrative pronouns’,19 are rendered by “that (other), that (other) one”. Tomiche (1964:198) is vague on this point—the da-set is rendered “celui-ci” etc. (but one example with da translated as “ce[t individu-] là”), and the dukha-set as ‘démonstratif plus lointain’: “celui-là” etc. Brustad (2000:114) for Egyptian lists the da set as ‘proximal’ and the da:k/dukha-set as ‘distal’, noting that “it is primarily the distal forms that are used to signal contrastive reference” (p. 113). Somewhat confusing is the presentation in Abdel-Massih (1975), who first lists da etc. as “this, that” (p. 58), and later (p. 177) gives the same set as DEM “for proximity ‘this’” and the dukha-set “for remoteness ‘that, those’” (p. 177). The illustrative sentences, however, reveal the contrastive distinction: kutubak do:l? la", kutubi dukhum, ilxu&r illi hna:k “Are those your books? No, my books are those green ones over there” (my italics)

This is explicitly captured by Mitchell (1962:56): “da/di/dool [rendered ‘this/that, these/those’] is much commoner than dukha/dikha/dukham. The use of the latter series is usually pronominal and largely confined to cases of specific contrast, as muš dà lakin dukha not this but that or iš-šana di atal min dikha this bag is heavier than that.”

The variant diyya(t) for di, listed as frequent (“häufig”) by Woidich (above), “are comparatively rare” according to Mitchell (p. 56). BH includes za:lik—adopted from SA !ālika above—as part of EA lexicon, and leaves it unmarked for elevated style (elevated style being indicated in this dictionary by an upward arrow), which means it is

‘Satzeinleitungspartikeln’; “heute [. . .] meist nur in Verbalsätzen gebraucht und nur selten in Nominalsätzen” (p. 181, note 1), and Salib (1982:289) as “assertive use of the Demonstratives”. 19 BH lists adjectival use of this set with nouns denoting time: diik il-leela “that night, the other night”; diik in-nahaar—“ #in-nahaar and #il-yoom are qualified irregularly by the feminine form”. Fischer 1959:95, n. 3 also mentions such forms resulting from “genuslosses !āk and !īk”. (This may also be reflected in the lexicalised time adverbial dilwa"ti “now”—although Fischer explains it as an elision of /a/ in da before the article il- (1959:63)). For interesting parallels to Moroccan use of dīk with masc. forms of temporal nouns (and some others), cf. Brustad 2000:127, and to Syrian in Cowell 1964:557. The only instances of adjectival/attributive use of EA dukha-set I have come across are the two examples given (self-elicitation?) in Gary and Gamal-Eldin 1982:86: (il-walad dukha (azka “the other boy is smarter” and (il-banaat dukham (aš%ar “the other girls are more clever”.

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considered integrated in EA. However, it is only listed as demonstrative pronoun (not adjective), and only in its masc. form (not fem. tilka). Furthermore, the contexts in which it is cited are following prepositions as sentence adverbials (ma(a za:lik “despite that”, li-za:lik “therefore”, ka-za: lik “thus, similarly, likewise”) and otherwise one idiomatic expression— so it may appear to be mainly restricted to lexicalized phrases. Neither are included in the other textbooks consulted. Phillott and Powell (1926:73) mention the use of ‘classical’ za:k and za:lik “in a few phrases chiefly expressing time”. BH also lists ha:za, ha:zihi—variants with sibilant variant /z/ for SA ha:!a and ha:!ihi (but not the plural form) as demonstrative pronoun and adjective marked for elevated style—with one expression explicitedly cited as unelevated usage. The inclusion in BH indicates that these forms occur frequently in style raising in EA context, but they will be treated by me as SA. Not normally mentioned among the EA demonstrative pronouns is kida. However, BH, besides classifying it as an adverb (with various meanings), also classifies it as ‘demonstrative pronoun’ rendered “this, that”, and gives clauses in which it is interpreted syntactically as a pronominal20 object: "al-lak kida “did he tell you this?”, mi:n (amal kida “who did this?” (BH:738). The only other reference I have found to this in the literature, is Killean (1980:169 and 177) who mentions “the special [EA] demonstrative kida after prepositions”. Whereas anaphoric function of DEM was accounted for in descriptions of SA, the literature on EA does not pay attention to this functional aspect—apart from the remark of Woidich (1980) cited above concerning the anaphoric use of the distal forms of DEM. Brustad (2000) discusses anaphoric uses of DEM at length for Moroccan, Kuwaiti, and Syrian dialects, but has nothing to say about Egyptian, which also is included in her syntactical study—presumably because EA DEM do not have the distinctive forms (demonstrative articles vs. pronouns, or short forms vs. full forms) which she claims have bearings on the deictic-

20 I can see reasons why kida is not normally associated with pronominal function— the most important being that it is probably related to/derived from SA ka!ā—also represented in EA lexicon as adapted kaza, denoting something unspecified (of number, thing or action), and sharing with kida some semantic and syntactic features, as in the clause: (amalt i kaza w-kaza “I did such-and-such”, coming quite close to kida in mi:n (amal kida “who did this?” above. Gary and Gamal-Eldin (1982:86) render a similar kida as “thus”, “in this way”: humma illi (ayziin kida “it is they who want it this way”.

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anaphoric dimension. There is no reason to believe, however, that EA DEM do not cover both deictic and anaphoric functions, as with SA and the various dialects. A careful reading of a few randomly selected pages of text in Abdel-Massih and Bahig (1978:77–92) revealed that the great majority, if not all, occurrences of DEM were classifiable as anaphoric, and the same impression follows from reading some of the colloquial narratives in Adventures and Opinions of Hadji Darwiš and Ummu Sma(īl (transcriptions by Karl-G. Prasse, ca. 1980). Pronominal and attributive functions As mentioned above, EA DEM da, di, do:l function syntactically both pronominally and adnominally—as was also the case for SA DEM. In attributive function, da etc. follows the (definite) head noun,21 and may even be suffixed to it as a clitic: ik-kita:b da OR ik-kitáb-da

is-sana di OR is-sana:-di

the-book this/that “this/that book”

the-year this/that “this/that year”

When the noun is qualified by an adjective, DEM may either follow the noun or the adjective: il-$a:ga di il-kuwayyìsa or

il-$a:ga il-kuwayyìsa di (Mitchell p. 56)

the-thing this the-nice the-thing the-nice this “this nice thing”

This also seems to apply to (restrictive) attributive relative clause qualification, according to Wise (1975:96), both following structures are to be found:

21

According to Fischer (1959:63–4) the attributive demonstrative preceding the noun rarely occurs; he cites some attested samples, then admits that “[i]n neuerer Zeit hat sich offenbar in Ägypten die Tendenz durchgesetzt, da (m.), di (f.) ausschliesslich postponiert zu gebrauchen”—cf. note 262 above. And Doss claims that prepositioning of DEM in current EA only occurs “in a limited set of constructions in the language”, or “fixed expressions” like ya de-l$ekāya “what a story!” (> the ‘exclamatory particle’ of BH)—besides being a feature of dialect poetry—usually implying “a negative feeling” (Doss 1979:350–53). Both, however, suggest that prepositioning of DEM was a frequent feature of older stages of the dialect—thus more in line with other Arabic dialects. Cf. Doss 1979 for the distribution and function of DEM in 17–18th century (semi-) colloquial prose text.

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il-$ika:ya illi simi(taha di

185

il-$ika:ya di illi simi(taha

the-story REL hear/1s-it DEM the-story DEM REL hear/1s-it “that story that I heard”

Wise (ibid.) suggests that the position of DEM before or after the relative clause “appears to be dependent on the length and complexity of the clause”. From my own data, I have recorded the following two samples: il-qarya "illi ganb-ìna dì (AUC1:108) the-village REL besides-us this “this/the village next to us”

"it-tall il-kibi:r min at-taqa:ri:r illi "udda:m-i dà (AUC3:27) the-pile the-big of-the-resolutions REL in-front-of-me this “this big pile of resolutions in front of me”

SA and EA chart Summing up the forms and syntactic functions of the commonly used variants of DEM, we arrive at the following comparative sets: proximal “this” distal “that”

SA pron. hā!ā etc.

EA da, di [diyyat], do:l kida (object?; after PREP)

attr.

da, di [diyyat], do:l (postposed)

hā!ā etc. (preposed)

pron. !ālika etc. !āk attr.

da, di [diyyat], do:l dukha etc. (contrastive) kida (object ?; after PREP)

!ālika etc. (preposed) da, di [diyyat], do:l (postposed);

The distinction related to near- and far-deixis is in EA only formally expressed in contrastive constructions, involving dukha, otherwise the da-set covers the semantics and pragmatics of both. EA being typically a spoken variety, the face-to-face communication will have other deictic signs available, extra-linguistic signs like pointing and nodding, and also the immediate context gives implicit deictic information not available in writing, and to a lesser degree also in spoken language of a more abstract, less immediate and less context-bound kind of discourse—as in the current data. One might therefore expect that SA variants—besides their stylistic value—sometimes be preferred to mark this distinction (which may be one reason why ha:za and za:lik occur so frequently in EA discourse as to be included by BH).

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DEMONSTRATIVES

On the other hand, the syntactic differences between SA and EA— concerning word order of DEM and NOUN in a NP—might be expected to complicate the substitution of one set for another in the unfolding of extemporaneous disourse.

DEM in the current data In the following sections are listed in context all occurrences of DEM (pronominal and adnominal/attributive) with each speaker in my data. Due to the quantity of occurrences, and for reasons of space and time (!), I have decided to provide grammatical annotation and translation only for the first two speakers, AUC1 and AUC2. Thus, the non-arabist reader will have access to a set of fully annotated samples, and thus a general idea of the structures. Selected examples for discussion will, however, be annotated and translated for all speakers. Admittedly, a more extensive context than that given here is often required to appreciate an anaphoric/discourse (textual) deictic function of the individual occurrence of DEM—and, again, line numbers refer to the full texts in the appendix. The occurrences of SA and EA sets of variants for each speaker are then discussed according to my interpretations of their – syntactic distribution as pronominal (PRON) or attributive (ADJ) – whether there is code correlation with other elements in the environment22 – whether the DEM occurs with deictic or anaphoric23 function24 – what syntactic slots DEM pronouns fill: subject (S), object (O), in prepositional phrase (PP), member of (i&āfa (I$) (predicative function

22 I.e. whether SA/EA DEM co-occur with other items of same or shared LS (lexical status) and MPP (morphohonological shape). ‘Local’ environment refers to the DEM + N or N + DEM phrase (and to PREP + pronominal DEM in PP). 23 I do not here make a distinction between anaphoric and discourse, or textual, deictic function—cf. note 6; both are included under the label anaphoric—as ‘back reference’ whether to a specific noun phrase or to a proposition. 24 This distinction is not always clear-cut, rather like a cline, and depends on interpretation—dubious cases are marked with? in my matrix, and several more cases are admittedly open to discussion. Consequently, conclusions drawn on such impressionistic basis will not be announced with authoritative voice . . .

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is not included in the matrix, as it occurs only once—laysa ha:!a faqa% (7.41) and then will be included under O). Some general remarks: – All speakers have the following variants of DEM in their discourse: SA ha:!a(:) or ha:za(:); ha:!ihi or ha:zihi; !a:lik(a) or za:lik(a)25 and EA da, di and kida – SA !a:k in the form za:k occurs only twice, with speaker AUC3 in correlative (contrastive) constructions: fi ha:za l-balad aw za:k “in this country or that” (3.89); bayna ha:za wa-za:k “between this and that” (3.125). It will be listed as variant of !a:lika. – SA dual forms do not occur; plurals occur a few times: SA ha:"ula:" twice with speaker AUC2; EA do:l twice with AUC3, once with AUC4, and once with a dual noun26 with AUC1 (il-kilmite:n do:l “these/those two words”) – EA dukha in any variant does not occur. – The EA form diyyat occurs only twice (in ‘deflected agreement’),27 with speaker AUC4: lil-"ahda:f diyyat “[look] at these/those goals” (4.112) and mil-nu"a% diyyat “of these/those points” (4.114)—listed as variant of da. In 3.4, patterns of occurrences will be discussed, and for relevant points compared with findings in other studies related to DEM variation (Killean 1980, El-Hassan 1978 and Schulz 1980).

25 I do not include with any speaker the lexicalized sentence adverbials ka-za:lik “thus, likewise” and li-za:lik “therefore”. 26 Whereas inanimate plural nouns most often have ‘deflected’ agreement (for this term see the following note), dual noun heads “require strict agreement [= plural] in Cairene, as well as most, if no all, dialects of Arabic where the true dual survives” (Belnap 1993:111). 27 A term used for ‘feature mismatch’ between head and modifier—in this case the common use in Arabic (SA and EA) of fem. sing. agreement with plural (mostly) inanimate nouns. For ‘deflected’ vs. ‘strict’ agreement with various types of head words in EA, see Belnap 1993. Among his examples are both: (8) il-(ašara gine: diyyit, and (10) fa-t-tis(a gine: di (pp. 105–6).

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DEMONSTRATIVES

DEM in AUC1 ha: a set (14 occurrences) yus(ìdu-na / "an yaku:n mà(a-na / li-ha:ihi l-layla / ",l-"asa:ti!a (1.1) 3ms/make-happy-us that 3ms/be with-us / for-DEM the-evening the-professors “we are pleased to have with us to-night professors [so and so]”

ma: yanbaġi "an nurakkiz (ale:-h ha:ihi l-layla / huwwa / "al-gawa:nib (1.15) what 3ms/be appropriate that 1pl/concentrate/SUB on-it DEM the-evening / it / the-aspects “what we should concentrate on this evening is the aspects”

ha:ihi fi ra"y-i "al-qa&iyya "al-"asa:siyya "al-"u:la (1.21) DEM in opinion-my the-issue the-fundamental the-first “this is in my view the first and basic issue”

fi: (adad il-maqbu:li:n fil-ǧa(:)mi(a:t ha:a l-(a:m (1.39) in number the-accepted in-the-universities DEM the-year “in the number of accepted to the universities this year”

"ana *u(iqt $i:na sami(t ha:a la aktùm-kum wa-ta(aggabt ya(ni (1.40) I be-shocked/1s when hear/1s DEM not hide-you and-be-surprised/1s, that is “I was shocked when I heard this, I admit, and suprised, that is”

wa-"a(taqid "inna ha:zi ka:nit / bida:yit "al-"in$ida:r wat-tadahwur (1.48) and-1s/believe that DEM was beginning the-decline and-the-going down “and I believe that this was the beginning of decline and degradation”

"axa!at ha:ihi tu*bi$ sunna (1.49) start/3fs DEM3fs/become rule “this started to be the normal thing”

"ibtida"na ha:zihi l-ga:mi(a:t fi ba(& il-"a$ya:n (1.59) begin/1pl DEM the-universities in some the-times “we began these universities sometimes . . .”

li-ma:!a / li-"anna ha:ula in-na:s / fi:(h) ka/i:r min-hum (1.73) why / because DEM the-people / there is many of them “why? because these people, there are many of them”

ha:za l-"usta:z huwa lla!i na$ta:g "ila / "i:fa:d-u lil-xa:rig (1.85) DEM the-professor he the-one 1pl/need / to send-him to-abroad “this professor is the one we need to send abroad”

ma(a ha:za l-kala:m / "illi huwwa bi-yraġġàb-u giddan fil-"ira:ya (1.101) with DEM the-talk / that which it IND-3ms/make-want-him very in-the-reading “this being said, what (used to) make(s) him like very much to read, . . .”

la:kin mugarrad "inn il-walad fi ha:ihi s-sinn / $ida:šar "aw itna:šar sana (1.120) but only that the-boy in DEM the-age / eleven or twelve year “but just that the boy at this age, eleven or twelve years . . .”

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fa-yibtidu l-(iya:l yis"alu ya(ni / ha:za l-"uslu:b fi taw*i:l l-ma(lu(:)ma:t (1.140) so-3pl/begin the-children well / DEM the-style in getting-through theinformation “so the kids start asking, well, this way of communicating information . . .”

yiru:$ yiktib ba$s (an kaza u-huwwa fi ha:zihi s-sinni bta:( $ida:šar wi-tna:šar sana ya(ni (1.145) 3ms/go 3ms/write study on such and-he in DEM the-age of eleven and twelve years, that is “he will go and write a study about such a thing, while still only eleven or twelve years old”

– DEM is pronominal in 4 occurrences—in subject function (1.21,1.48, 1.49) and object (1.40), of these I find all to have anaphoric/discourse deictic function. – DEM is attributive/adnominal in 10 occurrences. Of these, I also find most functioning to connect the constituent they modify to former propositions. This is evident in 1.59, 1.73, 1.85, 1.101, 1.120, 1.140, 1.145. With nominal heads referring to time, however, it is less evident: 1.39 (ha:!a l-(a:m “this year”) is classified as discourse deictic/ anaphoric, because the year has been mentioned earlier; while ha:!ihi l-layla “this evening” in 1.1 and 1.15 defend a status as deictic (of time), as having reference to something “anchored in the speech situation” (Diessel 1999:94). – all nouns modified by SA DEM are SA (no case markers) or shared. On clause and sentence level, the environment may contain EA features to various degrees. The most EA linguistic environment is found in 1.145. a:lika/za:lik set (3 occurrences) wa-ta*a:daf "an $a&art "ila l-qa:hira fi: *ayfi a:lika l-(a:m / tne:n u-sitti:n (1.33) and happen/3ms that be-present/1s to-Cairo in summer DEM the-year, sixtytwo “I happened to be in/come to Cairo in the summer of that year, sixty-two”

"aw ma: "ila a:lik (1.63) or what to DEM “or what’s more”

dà / fi ra"y-i / "al-bida:ya // ba(da a:lik / $adasit xu%wa / sayyi"a giddan (1.64) DEM / in opinion-my / the-beginning // after DEM / happen/3fs step bad very “that, in my opinion, was the beginning, after that there was a very bad step”

190

DEMONSTRATIVES

– 2 pronominal, both in prepositional phrase (1.63, 1.64), both with anaphoric reference—ma: "ila !a:lik is a fixed expression, anaphoric in nature, so to speak. – 1 adnominal/attributive (1.33),28 the function anaphoric/discourse deictic (the year first mentioned in 1.24). – ‘local’ environment is SA; in 1.33 the DEM phrase has an apposite numeral, which is normally realized as EA, as here; in 1.64, preceding clause and following clause have EA features. da set (9 occurrences) [. . .]29 dà / fi ra"y-i / "al-bida:ya (1.64) “[. . .] that, in my opinion, was the beginning”

dà l-$a"i:"a fi:-h 0ulm kiti:r li-wa&( it-ta(li:m / fi: ma*r (1. 87) DEM really in-it harm much to-situation the-education / in Egypt “that really does much harm to the situation of education in Egypt”

dà bin-nisba lit-ta(li:m l-ga:mì(i / wa-"ana ya(ni muqayyadi:n "i$na bil-wa"t (1.88) DEM with-the-relation to-the-education the-university- / and I well bound we by-the-time “that (is) with regard to university education, and I well we are bound by time”

"il-qarya "illi ganb-ìna dì zahab "ile:-ha l-walad (1.108) the-village which beside-us DEM go/3ms to-it the-boy “this village (which is) next to us, the boy went there”

(a:wiz "ašu:f bi-yi(mil "e:h "il-walad dà / fa-la$i0t "inn-u (1.115) want/AP 1s/see IND-3ms/do what the-boy DEM / and-observe/1s that-he “I wanted to see what’s he doing, that boy, and I observed that . . .”

il-"usta:z %ab(an fil-madrasa kan mumkin "awi "inn-u y"ul-lu "il-kilmite:n do:l (1.117) the-teacher naturally in-the-school be/3ms possible very that-he 3ms/say thewords/DUAL DEM “the-teacher of course in school could very well have said those two words to him”

w-yis$ab margi( u-yifta$ u-yi"ra / dà ka:nit / nu"%a muhimma (1.121) and-3ms/take out reference-his and-3ms/open and 3ms/read / DEM be/3fs point important “[he was asked to go sit in the library,] pull out his reference work and open and read, that was an important point”

"illi huwwa ka:n malik bri%a:nya fil-wa"ti dà (1.129)

28 29

The head noun is typically a temporal noun, and the context past tense. [. . .] is a short inaudible stretch.

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who he be/3ms king Britain in-the-time DEM “who was king of Britain at that time”

fal-walad min is-sinn i*-*aġi:ra dì / bi-yi"dar ya(rif l-mara:gi( (1.143) and-the-boy from the-age the-young DEM / IND-3ms/can 3ms/know thereferences “and the boy from that early age is able to know reference works”

– 4 pronominal da, di, all are anaphoric subjects (1.64, 1.87, 1.88, 1.121); – 5 attributive/adnominal occurrences. They all appear to connect their head noun with former reference in their talk, i.e. they have anaphoric/discourse deixis; – the adnominal EA DEM have EA head nouns, and the non-local environment is also mostly EA. In 1.108, DEM is followed by zahab "ile:-ha—an SA verbal collocation (< SA !ahaba "ilay-ha), with EA phonological adaptation. Pronominal subject da in 1.64 and 1.88 are followed by ‘shared’ forms. It is not, however, in every case clear, whether EA da-set corresponds to SA ha:!a or !a:lika (or whether they should be rendered by English “this” or “that”).30 Past tense vs. present tense context will, however, mostly provide a clue. We note that in 1.143, DEM modifies head noun + adjective; in 1.108 the modified head noun is expanded with a relative clause, followed by DEM. kida (3 occurrences) it-tagriba t-tanya ka:nit / fi-ngiltira ba(di kida (1.106) the-experience the-second be/3fs / in-England after that “the second experience was in England after that”

%ab le: ya-"ibn-i y,"ul-li kida / "il-"usta:z %a:lib kaza (1.111) but why VOC-son-my 3m/say-to-me DEM / the-teacher ask/AP DEM “but why, son, he tells me that/so , the teacher asked (for) that”

30

“The conditions which govern the selection of [English] ‘this’ or ‘that’ with reference to events immediately preceding and immediately following the utterance, or the part of the utterance in which ‘this’ and ‘that’ occur, are quite complex. They include a number of subjective factors (such as the speaker’s dissociation of himself from the event he is referring to), which are intuitively relatable to the deictic notion of proximity/non-proximity, but are difficult to specify precisely” (Lyons 1977:668).

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DEMONSTRATIVES

“Harold” bi-yfakkar zayy-ak kida31 u-(aša:n kida nhazam (1.140) Harold IND-3ms/think like-you DEM and-because DEM be-defeated/3ms “Harold was thinking that just like you and because of that he was defeated”

– all pronominal function, two in prepositional phrase (1.106, 1.140), one as object (1.111). All have anaphoric reference; – environment is all EA. Summary of DEM in AUC1 AUC1 has, in quantitative terms, a rather equal distribution of SA and EA variants of DEM in both PRON and ATTR function. To a certain extent, we observe for feature DEM the same shift from SA dominance to EA dominance in the course of speaking as we did for feature COMP. Until line 1.87, SA variants are dominant (ha:!a, !a:lika), thereafter EA variants (da, kida) take over (suggesting a shift in code or, at least, style). Code correlation seems strict in ‘local’ environment, i.e. a constraint appears to require that DEM + N in a noun phrase be from the same code. This constraint does not, however, operate strictly on clause level as there are occurrences of attributive SA DEM ha:!a, ha:za in a largely EA (partly mixed) context (1.101, 1.120, 1.140 and, most clearly, 1.145). We note that pronominal da only is used as (anaphoric) subject, while kida occurs as object and in a prepositional phrase. DEM in AUC2 ha: a set (40 occurrences) wa-ha:za fi za:ti-hi ma(lam min ma(a:lim i*-*i$$a (2.17) and-DEM in self-it indicator of indicators the-health “and this in itself is an indicator of health”

fi:(h) ta&a:rub fil- / ra"y / $awla ha:za l-"amr (2.33) there is conflict in-the / opinion / around DEM the-issue “there are conflicting opinions about this issue”

yagibu "an yaku:na $aqqan lil-gami:( / ha:zihi qa&i:ya / igtima:(ìyya wa-falsafiyya ha:mma giddan (2.35) 3ms/be-necessary that 3ms/be right for-the-all / DEM issue social and-philosophical important very “it must be a right for all, this is a very important social and philosophical issue” 31 This kida is not counted, as I interpret it not as DEM pron., but rather as adverbial particle.

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"innama ha:za l-$aqq / "iza[n] kayfa yumkin "an / yata$aqqaqa (2.36) however DEM the-right / then how 3ms/be-possible that / 3ms/be-realized “however, this right, then how can it be realized”

"ahamm-àha / "inna ha:a t-ta(li:m / la: faka:ka / wa-la: rag(ata "anna-hu (2.41) most-important-them / that DEM the-education / no doubt and no going back that-it/ “the most important of them is that that there is no doubt nor going back on that it . . .”

wa-yaku:nu $aqqu-ha / faqa% / ha:za l-"amr taga:waza-hu l- / (a*ru bi-falsafa: ti-hi (2.45) and-3ms/be right-its /only / this issue surpass/3ms-it the / contemporary time by philosophy-its “and (that it) be only its right, this is something the contemporary age has overcome”

innama ha:za l-$aqq / $i:nama na&a(-u maw&i( l-muma:rasa (2.47) however DEM right / when 1pl/put-it position the-application “however, this right, when we put it into application, . . .”

taga(:)wàzna mar$alit "innu li-ha:za t-ta(li:m (umu:man/bida:ya mu$addada (2.54) surpass/1pl stage that for-DEM the-education generally / beginning definite “we have passed the stage where this education in general has a definite beginnning”

faqad $aqq-u fit-ta(li:m / ha:zihi mas"ala "ay&an ta$ta:g li-muna(:)qša (2.59) lose/3ms right-his to-the education / DEM question also 3fs/need discussion “he lost his right to education, this is also a question which needs to be discussed”

fal-ta(li:m / bi-ha:za l-ma(na / "a*ba$a / ni0a:man maftu:$an (2.62) for-the-education / in DEM sense / become/3ms / systemACC openACC “for education in this sense has become an open system . . .”

ha:ihi n-niha:ya l-i(tiba:%iyya / bi%-%ab( bi-niftari& "inn it-ta(li:m mustamirr ba(d-àha (2.68) DEM the-ending the-arbitrary / of course IND-1pl/assume that the-education continue/AP after-it “this arbitrary ending, of course we assume that education continues after it”

mun!u l-wila:da / bi-ha:a l- / ma(na l-(a:m (2.73) since the-birth / in-DEM the / meaning the-general “ever since birth, in this general sense”

mustawa l-(a:di / wa-ha:a l-mustawa l-mutawassi% "ay&an b-yata$addad (2.79) level the-ordinary / and DEM the-level the-medium also IND-3ms/be defined “the level of the ordinary, and this medium level also is defined . . .”

"il-$a"i:"a ha:zihi l-fikra "ay&an b-yataga(:)waz-ha l-fikr ,t-tarbawi l-mu(a:*ir (2.85)

194

DEMONSTRATIVES really DEM the-idea also IND-3ms/surpass-it the-idea the-educational the-contemporary “in fact, this idea is also surpassed by contemporary educational thinking”

ha:zihi l-fikra / bir-raġm min "anna-ha fikra (ami:qatu l-guzu:r (2.91) DEM the-idea / in-spite of that-it idea deep the-roots “this idea, in spite of being a deep-seated idea . . .”

li-"anna l-(a*r lan yaqbal ha:ula: (2.98) because the-age not 3ms/accept these “because the age will never accept these”

wat-ta%awwur / "il-$a"i:"a lan yaqbal ha:ula: (2.99) and-the-development / in fact not 3ms/accept / these “and development will in fact never accept these”

illi $adas "inn-i$na rakkizna fi l-$a"i:"a (ala ha:za l-ga:nib il-mutadànni (2.120) what happen/3ms that-we concentrate/1pl in fact on this the-aspect the-inferior “what happened was that we concentrated in fact on this inferior aspect”

ha:zihi l-qa&a:ya l-"arba(a l-$a:kìma / li-"ayyi ta(li:m (2.127) these the-issues the-four the-dominant / for any education “these four dominant issues with regard to any education . . .”

wa-fi l-(a:lam / ha:zihi wa "ay&an yaku:nu qa:diran (ala "an (2.132) and in-the-world / DEM and also 3ms/be able/ACC to that “. . . and in the world. This, and also that he be able to . . .”

ha:za l-mawqif "ill-ì$na fi:-h illi kkallimt (ann-u dà (2.138) DEM the-attitude which-we in-it which speak/1s about-it DEM “this attitude which we are in, which I spoke about”

kull, ha:zi l-"umu:r tarattàbit / (an / "anna-na fi l-$aqi:qa (2.147) all DEM the-things result/3fs / from / that-we in-the-reality “all these things derive from the fact that we . . .”

rakkaza (ala ha:zihi l-gawa:nib wa$d-àha (2.149) the -system which in-front-of-us the-educational DEM / concentrat/3ms on DEM aspects alone- them “this educational system in front of us has concentrated on these aspects only”

law sa"alt ha:a s-su"a:l li-ayyi wa:$id min $a&aràt-kum (2.151) if ask/1s DEM question to any one of sirs-your “if I put this question to any one of you”

"ila ga:nib ha:za / $a-ydarrab ,%-%ifl (ala "inn-u yit(allim l-kašf (2.153) besides DEM / FUT-3ms/train the-child for that-he 3ms/learn the-discovery “besides this, they will train the child to learn (how) to discover”

li-šax* "a:xar wa-"illa "a*ba$a ha:za š-šax* muqallidan (2.166) to-person other except become/3ms DEM the-person imitatingACC “to another person unless this person became an imitator”

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bi%-%ab( $a-nataga:waz ha:zihi l-muškila / ka-za:lik (2.168) of course FUT-1pl/overcome DEM he-problem likewise “of course we shall overcome this problem as well”

wa-ma da:m at-ta(li:m murakkiz (ala ha:za l-ga:nib (2.170) and as long as the-education concentrate/AP on DEM the-aspect “and as long as education concentrates on this aspect . . .”

lan yasta%i:( / "inn-u y(idd ha:zihi l-$ulu:l l-ga:hiza / muqaddaman (2.177) not 3ms/be able / that-he 3ms/prepare DEM the-solutions the-ready / beforehand “he will never be able to prepare these ready-made solutions beforehand”

bi-[ y]gahhiz ha:za l-lo:n min "asali:b l-ġišš (2.178) IND-3ms/prepare DEM the-kind of types the-fraud he is preparing this kind of fraudulent methods

sababù-ha / "anna ha:za t-ta(li:m bil-fi(l / la: yu(allim (2.180) reasons-it / that DEM the-education in fact / not 3ms/teach “the reason for it being that this education in fact does not teach . . .”

liyya ra"y fi ha:zi l-mas"ala / ha:za l- / no:( min at-ta(li:m ir-ra:qi (2.184) for-me opinion about DEM the-issue / DEM the- / kind of the-education therefined “I have an opinion about this matter, this kind of refined education . . .”

likay nu(allim ha:zihi l-gawa:nib l-mutadanniya (2.190) so that 1pl/teach DEM the-aspects the-inferior “so that we teach these inferior aspects”

bi-[ti]**irif (alay-ha l-mala:yi:n li-ha:za s-sabab (2.191) IND/3fs-be spent on-it the-millions for-DEM the reason “millions are spent on it for this reason”

"inna-ma ha:ihi l-gawa:nib / "allati nad(u (2.192) but DEM aspects / which 1pl/call (for) / “but these aspects, which we are calling (for) . . .”

ha:za l-mu(allim il-fard / in-nimu:zag (2.199) DEM the-teacher the-singular / the-model “this singular ideal teacher . . .”

ha:za l-mu(allim / lam ya*rif šay"an (ala za:lik (2.202) DEM the-teacher / not 3ms/cost thingACC over that “this teacher has not cost anything above that”

ha:za l-no:( min it-ta(li:m / ha:za l-no:( min il-tansi:q il-harami (2.229) DEM the-kind of the-education / DEM the-kind of the-order the-pyramidal “this kind of education, this kind of pyramidal structure”

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DEMONSTRATIVES

– 6 occurrences32 are pronominal, they are all anaphoric. They function as subject (2.17, 2.35, 2.59), object (plural, human reference) (2.98, 2.99), complement of (compound) preposition (2.153) – 33 occurrences are adnominal/attributive. Again, the discourse/anaphoric function is dominant. A striking observation is that nearly all the head nouns are of a highly abstract nature: "amr, qa&i:ya, mas"ala “issue, case”; ma(na, fikra, mawfiq “sense, idea, attitude”, muškila “problem”, $aqq “right”, $ulu:l “solution”, ga:nib “aspect”, no:(, lo:n “kind, sort”, mustawa “level”, sabab “reason”—less abstract ta(li:m “education”, and the least abstract lexical items being šax* “person” and mu(allim “teacher”. – local environment (DEM + NP) is SA or shared.33 On clause and sentence level, environment is more variable, e.g. in 2.120, the DEM phrase is inserted into an EA environment; In 2.138 it is followed by an entirely EA attributive REL clause, which is even closed by EA DEM da—naturally as result of on-line production—and assumes a double DEM structure: ha:za + N + (modifying) REL + da. a:lika set (6 occurrences) yuzakkiru-na / bi-tilka l-"ayya:m l-$ulwa (2.5) 3ms/remind-us / of-DEM the-days the-nice “reminds us of those nice days”

"iza /"al-%a:lib / naqu*a "aw za:da "an za:lika yib"a faqad $aqq-u fit-ta(li:m (2.58) if / the-student / fail/3ms or exceed/3ms over DEM then lose/3ms right-his in-the-education “if the student fails or exceeds that, he will have lost his right to education”

wa-$atta law ka:na za:lik (ala $isa:b il-kifa:ya (2.84) and-even if be/3ms DEM on expense the-competence “and even if that was at the expence of competence/qualification”

"il-ga:nib [. . .] yad(u: "ila za:lika / wa-yušaggi(-u (alay-h (2.119) the-aspect [. . .] 3ms/call for DEM / and 3ms/encourage to-it “the aspect [. . .] calls for that, and encourages it”

u-fi:h "adilla kasi:ra (ala za:lik sawfa / [. . .] / sawfa "uši:r "ilay-h (2.126) and-there is evidence many for DEM FUT / [. . .] FUT 1s/refer to-it “and there is much evidence for that, which, I shall refer to” 32 ha:zihi in 2.132 has not been counted, as I interpret it as a ‘false start’—not as an instance of the frequent discourse marker for coherence ha:!a wa . . . 33 In shared items where the SA form has diphtongs, the MPP is here realized as EA monophtong: ha:za l-lo:n (2.178), ha:za l-no:( (2.184, 2.229).

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ha:za l-mu(allim / lam ya*rif šay"an (ala za:lik (2.203) DEM the-teacher / not 3ms/cost thingACC over that “this teacher has not cost anything above that”

– 5 occurrences are pronominal and anaphoric: 1 has subject function (with past tense verb) (2.84), 4 are complements of prepositions (2.58, 2.119, 2.126, 2.203); – 1 occurrence is attributive/adnominal34 (2.5); – the environment is largely SA—however, we note in 2.58 that the PP (an za:lik is followed by an EA clause which is the apodosis of a conditional sentence; in 2.126 the PP (ala za:lik is inserted in a EA clause. da set (15 occurrences) qad /yu*bi$ [. . .]xa:rig ni%a:q al-(a*r // da fi-ma yatta*il bil-ga:nib ,l-(a:mm (2.137) MOD 3ms/become [. . .] outside the-period / DEM in-what 3ms/relate to the general side “he may become [. . .] out of touch with the age / that’s concerning the issue in general”

%ab(an ha:za l-mawqif "ill-ì$na fi:-h illi kkallimt (ann-u dà (2.138) of course DEM the-position that-we in-it which talk/1s about-it DEM” “of course, this position which we are in and I talked about”

il-“system” illi uddam-na it-ta(li:mi dà (2.149) the-system which in-front-of-us the-educational DEM “this educational system in front of us”

"inn-u yatamassak bi-qìyam / "axlaqiyya / wa-qìyam / sulukiyya / hal di (ayza dru:s xu*u*iyya (2.157) that-he 3ms/keep oneself to-values / moral / and values /behaviour / Q DEM want/AP lessons private “[teach him] to hold moral values and good behaviour, does that need private lessons?”

li-"ann-ì$na rakkizna (ala "a$a%%i gawa:nib is-sulu:k / u-dì l-ga:nib illi mumkin35 li-šax* / yutqin mahara:t il- / $if0 (2.158) because-we concentrate/1pl on lowest aspects the-behaviour / and-DEM the aspect which possible / to-person 3ms/master skill the / memorizing “because we have concentrated on the lowest aspects of behaviour, and that is the one which possible for someone to be good at memorizing”

34 35

The head noun is typically a temporal noun, cf. note 271. Not syntactically well-formed, maybe anacoluthon is involved.

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DEMONSTRATIVES

di mahara:t llati yasta%i:( / "ayyi šax* [. . .]"inn-u ydarrab (ale:-ha (2.161) DEM practices which 3ms/be able any person [. . .] that-he 3ms/train for it “those are skills which any person is able to train [s.one] for”

id-duxu:l fi fanniyya:t il-ġišš / u-dì fanniyya:t mu(aqqada giddan (2.172) the-entering into art the-fraud / and DEM art complicated very “going into the art of fraud, and that is a very complicated art”

%ab(an dà / fi ra"y-i / "ana ra"y-i l-xa** / liyya ra"y fi ha:zi l-mas"ala (2.183) of course DEM / in opinion-my / I opinion-my the-special / to-me opinion in this the-issue “of course that, in my opinion, I have a special opinion, I have an opinion about this matter”

min muxtalif gawa:nib-u / "il-"axlaqiyya wil-igtima(iyya / dà miš mi$ta:g taklifa fi ta*awwur-i / (2.186) from different aspects-it / the-moral and-the-social / that not needing expenses in view-my “from different aspects, moral and social, that does not need expenses as I see it”

wa-daraga kabi:ra min al-"indima:g fi mihnìt-u / wal-ihtima:m bi-ha / u-dì qa&iyya "uxra / qa&ìyyit il-mu(allim (2.196) and-degree big of the-absorption in profession-his / and-the-interest in-it / andthat issue another / issue the-teacher “and a high degree of being absorbed in your work, and of interest in it, and that is another issue, the issue of the teacher”

mumkin [. . .] nasta%i:( "an nasta/mir / u-dà wagh il-"ibda:( (2.207) possible 1pl/be able to that 1pl/draw advantage / and-DEM face the-creativity “we may well be able to draw advantage and that represents creativity”

"at-ta(li:m qabl al-ga:mi(i dà / "e:h huwiyyìt-u (2.212) the-education before the-university DEM / what identity-it “this pre-university education, what is its identity (what it is like)?”

qad yatana:sab [. . .] "aw la yatana:sab / u-dà bi%-%ab( hadr "iqti*a:di wa-gtima:(i lil-qu:wa l-bašariyya (2.221) may 3ms/match [. . .] or not 3ms/match / and DEM of-course waste economic and-social of the-force the-human “it may match [. . .] or it may not, and that of course is an economic and social waste of human resources”

lam yuwaggih tawgi:h mahani // ",t-ta(li:m is-sanawi dà / "e:h huwiyyìt-u / ma-$add-iš (a:rif (2.241) not 3ms/encounter instruction vocational / the-education the-secondary DEM / what “[because] he did not encounter vocational instruction, this secondary education, what is it then, nobody knows”

aw la yagidu / la-hu maka:nan // dà / bi-"i:ga:z šadi:d / (an it-ta(li:m qabl al-ga: mi(i (2.255)

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or not 3ms/find for-him placeACC / DEM / with-cutting strong / about theeducation before the-university “or he doesn’t find a place. that, very briefly, was about pre-university education”

– 11 occurences of da/di as anaphoric subject pronouns; – the 4 attributive da occur exclusively with complex, or modified, heads: following NOUN + ADJ (2.241), or NOUN + PP (2.212) or NOUN + REL clause (2.138) and NOUN + REL clause + ADJ (2.149). In 2.138 the speaker ends up producing a double demonstrative construction (discussed above); – the local environment, i.e. the head, for adnominal/attributive DEM is EA or shared, apart from 2.212, where the complex head has SA MPP. I assume that this as technical term “pre-university education” would never appear with EA variant "abl “before”. On the other hand, da occurs with the same kind of abstract lexical items as noted for ha:!a above (“system”, mawqif, ta(li:m); – the clauses with anaphoric pronoun subjects may be EA, as in 2.157 and 2.186, or largely SA, as in e.g. 2.137, 2.161. There appears to be no restriction on having EA da refer to preceding propositions which are clearly SA, as in 2.207 and 2.221. Many of these propositions as well as the clause itself, of course, combine SA and EA features quite extensively. kida (1 occurrence) fa-tagid l-"awla:d yi%la(u yištaġlu ba(di kida "a(ma:l / mutadannìya giddan (2.233) and-2ms/find the-boys 3pl/get-up 3pl/work after that work / inferior very “and you will find the boys after that working at very low-status jobs”

This kida is pronominal, anaphoric, complement of preposition, and in EA environment. Summary of DEM in AUC2 AUC2 has a distinct preference for SA DEM in attributive function, with only a few EA attributive DEM in the complex phrases discussed above. On the other hand, the predominance of EA DEM as anaphoric subjects, with textual back-reference, is equally distinct. However, while the attributive SA DEM are predominant all through the discourse, variants of the EA da-set only occur after approximately the first half of the talk (starting in line 2.137)—the anaphoric subject functions, until this line, being performed by SA ha:!a (2.17, 2.35, 2.59, 2.127 and 2.132) and !a:lika (2.84).

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DEMONSTRATIVES

Apart from this one occurrence of !a:lika as anaphoric subject, and one occurrence as attributive DEM with temporal noun, both with explicit past time reference—the use of !a:lika and kida is restricted to prepositional phrases—neither ha:!a nor da occur in these positions. DEM in AUC3 ha: a—set (17 36 occurrences) miš bass mil-qarn il-ma:&i / dà $atta ha:zihi l-la$0a "allati "ata$addas fi:-ha (3.41) "at-ta$awwula:t / "as-siya:siyya / "al-$a:dda / fi: / ha:za l-balad (3.43) /umma mu$a:walatu l-xuru:g min ha:ihi l-man0u:ma / lil-ilti$a:q bil-man0u: ma l-"u:la (3.47) bil-"ams taku:n huna:ka / "a$&a:n wa-qubula:t / ma(a ha:ihi d-dawla wa-tilk (3.49) ha:ihi laysat mugarrad ta$awwula:t siya:siyya $a:dda (3.52) *ana(ìyyit it-ta(li:m iza *a$$a ha:za t-ta(bi:r fi mawa:qi(-u l-muxtalifa (3.69) tatafawwa" // "iza *a$$a ha:za t-ta(bi:r / "illi min fi"a:t / "al-%abaqa:t almuta(allima (3.80) waš-šara:"i$ il-musaqqafa / da:xil ha:a l-balad (3.82) "il-"idiyyu:lujíyya l-(a:mma /"al-$a:kima fi ha:za l-balad / "aw za:k (3.89) "inn-u maga:ni fi gami:( mara$ìl-u // ha:za t-tawagguh / fi&il mustamirr (3.100) lil-man0u:ma l-fikriyya / "illi b-yantami "ile:-ha ha:za n-na** (3.104) bi-ma: fi:-hi l-muwa:%in il-mi*ri / bi-yatamazzaq bayna ha:za / wa-za:k (3.125) bi-ma yattafiq wa-ha:a / "it-tawagguh / $atta "i!a ga:"a "a:xar (3.138) bi-yaltazim "iltiza:m "adabi / bi-ra"yi ha:za l-xabi:r (3.153) "an tuta:$ al-fur*a li-ha:zihi t-tagriba / "an taktamil (3.169) dà bi-ga:nib tafa(:)*i:l "uxra kasi:ra fi ha:zihi l-qa&iyya (3.177) "inn-u / yit*arraf / dà ha:za /"iza ka:nat il-xi%%a / "itrasamit (3.201) $araka (ilmiyya / &axma / lil-ġa:ya / ha:zihi nara:-ha fi: kasi:r min / "il-"a$ya:n (3.220)

36 In 3.201 the speaker corrects da to ha:za but does not complete the sentence. This occurrence is not counted.

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– 3 occurrences are pronominal, all anaphoric/discourse deictic, 2 as subjects (3.52, 3.220 (topicalized)), 1 as complement of preposition in the correlative phrase bayna ha:za wa-za:k “between this and that” (3.125). – 14 occurrences are attributive/adnominal. Only 3 occurrences are interpreted as having deictic function, specifying reference in the situation of the speaker, to time (3.41): miš bass mil-qarn il-ma:&i / dà37 $atta ha:zihi l-la$0a "allati "ata$addas fi:-ha not only from-the-century the-last / but until DEM the-moment which 1s/talk in-it “not only of the last century but until this moment in which I am talking”

or reference to place (3.43 and 3.82): "at-ta$awwula:t / "as-siya:siyya / "al-$a:dda / fi: / ha:za l-balad (3.43) the-transformations / the-political / the- sharp / in / DEM the-country “the sharp political transformations in this country”

2 occurrences represent correlative constructions: bil-"ams taku:n huna:ka / "a$&a:n wa-qubula:t / ma(a ha:ihi d-dawla wa-tilk (3.49) yesterday 3fs/be there / embraces and kisses / with DEM the-state and that “yesterday there would be embraces and kisses with this state and that”

"il-"idiyyu:lujíyya l-(a:mma /"al-$a:kima fi ha:za l-balad / "aw za:k (3.89) the-ideology the-general / the-ruling in DEM the-country / or that “the ruling ideology in this country or that”

The other 9 are considered to connect with former mention or proposition in the talk, i.e. have discourse anaphoric function, e.g.: "inn-u maga:ni fi gami:( mara$ìl-u // ha:za t-tawagguh / fi&il mustamirr (3.100) that-it free in all stages-it // DEM the-direction/orientation / remain/3ms continuing “that it (education) is free at all levels. This direction is still continuing.”

– local environment of ha:!a is SA or shared; – clause/sentence environment may be EA, as in 3.100 above; or SA , e.g. 3.169:

37 dà here is not considered a variant of DEM, but the ‘exclamatory particle’ da “but, why, really” listed in BH.

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DEMONSTRATIVES

"an tuta:$ al-fur*a li-ha:zihi t-tagriba / "an taktamil (3.169) that 3fs/be-given the-chance to-DEM the-experiment / that 3fs/be-accomplished “that this experiment be given the chance to be accomplished”

or ‘mixed’, as in 3.104: lil-man0u:ma l-fikriyya / "illi b-yantami "ile:-ha ha:za n-na** / (3.104) to-the-system the-ideological / which IND-3ms/belong to-it DEM the-text “to the ideological system which this text belongs to”

a:lika + za:k set (8 occurrences) wa-(adli yakan wazi:r il-ma(a:rif fi za:lik al-waqt (3.10) ma(a ha:!ihi d-dawla wa-tilk (3.49) wa-lin-ni0a:m is-siya:si "al-qa:"im / wa-ma(na za:lik "anna kulli ta$awwul (3.56) "il-"idiyyu:lujíyya l-(a:mma /"al-$a:kima fi ha:za l-balad / "aw za:k (3.89) "ifta$ gam(a "ahliyya / w-"ifta$ ta(li:m maftu:$ / wa-ma: "ila za:lik (3.121) bi-ma: fi:-hi l-muwa:%in il-mi*ri / bi-yatamazzaq bayna ha:za / wa-za:k (3.125) wa-ma: "ila za:lik (3.130) wa-xu%uwa:t / fil-maga:l is-saqa:fi / "ila ġayri za:lik (3.189)

– the one attributive DEM has temporal head noun and past time context: wa-(adli yakan wazi:r il-ma(a:rif fi za:lik al-waqt (3.10) and-#A.Y. minister the-knowledge in DEM the-time “and #A.Y., minister of education/cultural affairs at that time”.

– 7 occurences are pronominal, of which za:lik in 3.49, 3.89, and 3.125 constitutes the second member in a corelative/contrastive phrase, e.g.: bi-ma: fi:-hi l-muwa:%in il-mi*ri / bi-yatamazzaq bayna ha:za / wa-za:k (3.125) in-what in-it the-citizen the-Egyptian / IND-3ms/be torn between this and DEM “including the Egyptian citizen, is being torn between this and that”

In 3.56, pronominal za:lik is second member of the "i&āfa (genitive construct) in a highly frequent expression ma(na za:lik “the meaning of this/ that [is] . . . > this/that means . . .”. The rest are syntactically complements of propositions (including the DEM in correlative phrases).

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– environment is SA (with some phonetic interference from EA, and use of bi-prefix in 3.125). da set (27 38 occurrences) it-tall il-kibi:r min at-taqa:ri:r illi "udda:m-i dà (3.27) il-mu$a:wala:t dì kull-áha / lam tanga$ (3.33) ba(d sanate:n tala:ta tithadd il-wi$da dì (3.61) la:zim kull ,l-mana:hig dì / titġayyar marratan "uxra (3.62) fi fatra tanya la"/ xalli:-hum lil-(a:lam /"il-ġarbi / fatra "uxra/ la: do:l wala do: l (3.76) kull il-$aga:t dì / e:h / bi-ti(mil "axa(:)di:d / da:xil gism / "it-ta(li:m / (3.77) "ana zayy l-mi"a:wil / u-fi: “designer” / "id-dizaynar/designer dà "illi huwwa (3.87) fa-qa%(an / "il-bu*la dì / bi-titġayyar (3.92) tagid nafs-a-k / bi-la bu*la / w,-dà yib"a / min "amarr, ma yumkin (3.94) miš "a:dir y"u:l "axalli t-ta(li:m / maga:ni / li-inni hina / dì b-tantami "ila bu*la fikriyya mu(ayyàna (3.113) wa-la: "ila l-bu*la kaza / fa-dà la budda wa-"an ya(mal / "irtiba:k (3.117) lamma tantahi min at-taqri:r / wi-t"u:l / law ka:n il-kala:m da / "itnaffiz / wa-law $atta dilwa"ti (3.120) wa-law "inn-i "ana šax*iyyan ma-(a)$ibb-aha:-š / "iza ka:n dà za(i:m qawmi waza(i:m ta:ri:xi / kabi:r (3.134) u-dà ma-$a*al-ši / kasi:ran / fi maga:l /"it-ta(li:m (3.135) u-dà "illi bi-yxalli ba"a / "inni (inda-ma tatawalla (3.136) min $aysu bada"a al- / "as-sa(:)biqu:n // wi-dà "illi bi-nitkallim (ann-u / (ala" asa:s / ma: / yumkin tasmiyat-u (3.141) "in-na** "illi y"u:l / "inni dì maga:lis / "istiša(:)riyya (3.147) ma-b-taltazim-ši / bi- / "is-siya:sa al-qawmiyya l-(a:mma "illi bi-tursam di (3.156) li-"inni / "ik-kala:m dà / ka:n "abli sanat tis(a u-sab(i:n (3.160) wa-fi $a:lit dì yi$*al kaza / u-fi $a:lit dì yi$*al kaza (3.163) u-ba(de:n / nidris in-nati:ga dì / wa: / nibtidi nġayyar (3.173) dà bi-ga:nib tafa(:)*i:l "uxra kasi:ra fi ha:zihi l-qa&iyya (3.176)

38

3.201 not counted, cf. note 36.

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DEMONSTRATIVES

miš dà / wa"t-aha wa-"inna-ma (3.177) "al-qa:"im (ala ġayri / "asa:s / (ilmi // u-dà bi-yxalli:-na nitkallim (an ga:nib / "a:xar (3.180) [summa "ulqiya l-"amr "ila kulli maga:l bi- ba"a "inn-u / yit*arraf / dà ha:za /"iza ka:nat il-xi%%a (3.201)] yaku:n da:"iran fi falaki l-mu"assasa / "il- ir-rasmiyya / u-dà še" ma%lu:b wa-laysa / ġe:r ma%lu:b (3.217) dì / ba(& il-mala:mi$ l-(a:mma u-fi:(h) ġér-ha zayy-ma b-a"u:l (3.222)

– 15 occurrences are pronominal, 14 have discourse/anaphoric function, e.g.: u-dà ma-$a*al-ši / kasi:ran / fi maga:l /"it-ta(li:m (3.135) and-DEM not-happen/3ms-not / often / in field / the-education “and-that did not happen often in the field of education”

tagid nafs-a-k / bi-la bu*la / w,-dà yib"a / min "amarr, ma yumkin (3.94) 2ms/find self-your / with-no-orientation / and-DEM 3ms/be / of most-bitter what 3ms/be possible “you find yourself without any orientation, and that is of the most bitter that can be”

1 occurrence is temporal deictic: miš dà / wa"t-aha wa-"inna-ma (3.177) not DEM / time-its but rather “this is not the time for (going into) it, but . . .”

13 pronominal DEM have subject function; while 2 are in an elliptic contrastive phrase: fi fatra tanya la"/ xalli:-hum lil-(a:lam /"il-ġarbi / fatra "uxra/ la: do:l wala do:l (3.76) in period other no / leave-them to-the-world / the- western / period other /not DEM nor DEM “in another period: no, let them go to the Western world, another period neither ones”

In 3.163, the two di are second members of an "i&āfa, and form a contrastive construction with their heads: wa-fi $a:lit dì yi$*al kaza / u-fi $a:lit dì yi$*al kaza (3.163) and-in case DEM 3ms-happen so-and-so / and-in case DEM 3ms-happen soand so “and in this case (< case of this) so and so may happen, and in that case so and so may happen”

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– 12 occurrences are attributive, 1 with spacial deictic function: it-tall il-kibi:r min at-taqa:ri:r illi "udda:m-i dà (3.27) the-pile the-big of the-decrees which in-front-of-me DEM “this big pile of decrees in front of me”

The other 11 occurrences connect to former notions or propositions in the discourse, e.g.: ba(d sanate:n tala:ta tithadd il-wi$da dì (3.61) after years-DUAL three 3fs-crumble the-unity DEM “after two or three years this/that unity will be likely to crumble”

– local environment (NP + DEM) is in most cases EA or shared, but in 3.27 the head noun has SA MPP, and is followed by EA REL clause + DEM; in 3.33 the head noun has EA variant of article, but SA MPP. Possibly also 3.41 is a case of SA head noun and EA DEM, see below. We observe the same kind of complex heads as with AUC2 (cf. 4.3.2.3), with DEM following attributive REL clause (3.27, 3.156). – clause/sentence environment: mostly, structural elements are EA, but both pronominal and attributive EA DEM combines with SA, as is the case with the predicates below: il-mu$a:wala:t dì kull-áha / lam tanga$ (3.33) the-efforts DEM all-of-them NEGPF succeed “all these/those efforts did not succeed”

wa-la: "ila l-bu*la kaza / fa-dà la budda wa-"an ya(mal / "irtiba:k (3.117) and-not to the-orientation such / and-DEM no escape but that 3ms/make / confusion “and not in that orientation, that has to create confusion”

kida (1 occurrence): pronominal, anaphoric, complement of preposition: "inn, kulli xu%wa / ba(d, kida / bi-tabda" bi-ġayr i%-%ari:q / "al-mu(ta:d (3.22) that every step / after DEM / IND-3fs/begin in-not the-way / the-usual “that every step after that begins in an unusual way”

Summary of DEM in AUC3 AUC3 has a much higher proportion of EA DEM than the two former speakers. Pronominal ha:!a occurs only twice as (textual) anaphoric sub-

206

DEMONSTRATIVES

ject, as opposed to 16 da in this function. In attributive use, SA DEM has only a slightly higher occurrence than the EA variants, and they are evenly distributed throughout the discourse. Attributive ha:!a cooccurs only with SA and shared lexical head nouns, while da appears slightly less restricted, and both sets may cooccur with features of the other variety on clause level. Constructions with SA lexical heads + qualifying EA REL clause + EA DEM are found in 3.27 and 3.156. Anaphoric function is by far dominant over deictic for both sets in both syntactic functions. Pronominal za:lika, za:k and kida are, as with the former speakers, with one exception restricted to PP; za:k only occurs in correlative/contrastive phrases. Attributive za:lik occurs with temporal noun in past tense context (far deixis of time), as we also saw with the former speakers. DEM in AUC4 ha: a set (1539 occurrences) fa na0aran li-ha:zihi l-$i:ra / "iqtara$ l-yu:nìsku "an yusamma sala:s tasmiya:t (4.11) yuqa:l ha:za / wa-tu:gad mara:gi( ta(:)rixiyya (4.25) tu:gad mara:gi( ta(:)rixiyya / tusbit ha:a / ha:zihi fil-(u*u:r l-qa:dima (4.26) summa ta$awwalit ha:zihi l-mada:ris / ka:nit bi-tatba( wiza:rat il-ma(a:rif (4.47) summa t$awwalit ha:zihi l-mada:ris "ila ma(a:hid (ulya (4.49) wa-ka:n il-hadaf min ha:zihi l-ma(a:hid l-(ulya / "illi huwa l-hadaf "ill-i$na bnab$as (ann-u $a:liyyan (4.50) lil-"asaf iš-šadi:d / ta$awwàlit ha:zihi l-ma(a:hid ba(da za:lik / "ila kulliyya:t "aka:dimiyya (4.53) li-"ann-u bi-$ukm / %abi:(it ha:ula:" in-na:s hum (4.80) yušakkìlu / ya(ni /"al-nuxba / "il-fikriyya / li-ha:za / ,l-mugtama( / w-illi byi"daru ysa:ndu:-h (4.81) "il-fikra l-"u:la wit-tanya / "istamarrat yimkin $atta munta*af ha:za l-qarn (4.93)

39

The repair ha:!a > ha:zihi in 4.26 counts here as 1 occurrence.

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zayyi-ma bi-yuqa:l / wa-li-ha:za s-sabab "a*ba$ ha:za l-hadaf // hadaf / ra"i:si giddan fi: "inša:" l-gam(a:t (4.97) la:kin bi-tunša" li-ha:za l-ġara& ya(ni [m]ba"it-š il-gam(a hiya l-"aka:dimiyya l-(a0i:ma (4.101) la:kin bar&u bi-du:n ha:zihi l-"ašya:" / fi wugu:d "usta:z ha-yib"a min a*-*a(bi giddan (4.134) "ana "u&i:f "ila ha:za "ay&an qanu:n tan0i:m l-ga:mi(a:t (4.149)

– 3 occurrences of pronominal ha:!a, all with discourse/anaphoric function, 1 with subject syntactic function (4.25), 1 as object (4.26), and 1 as complement of preposition (4.149), which is one of only two cases of ha:!a in this position in my data:40 "ana "u&i:f "ila ha:za "ay&an qanu:n tan0i:m l-ga:mi(a:t (4.149) I 1s/add to DEM also law organization the-universities “I (would) add to this also the university regulations”

– 12 occurrences of attributive DEM—only one interpreted as deictic (of time): "il-fikra l-"u:la wit-tanya / "istamarrat yimkin $atta munta*af ha:za l-qarn (4.93) the-idea the-first and-the-second / last/3fs maybe until middle DEM the-century “the first and second idea lasted maybe until the middle of this century”

otherwise, they have discourse/anaphoric function, e.g.: zayyi-ma bi-yuqa:l / wa-li-ha:za s-sabab "a*ba$ ha:za l-hadaf // hadaf / ra"i:si giddan fi: "inša:" l-gam(a:t (4.97) as-what IND-3ms/be-said / and-for-DEM the-reason become/3ms DEM the aim / aim principal very in establishing the-universities “as one says, and for this reason, this aim became a very important aim for establishing the universities”

– local environment is SA or shared; – in the wider clause/sentence environment, however, although the lexical items may be largely SA (or shared), many EA grammatical features occur: e.g. verbal endings 3fs -it and bi- prefixes:

40

The other is found in 6.169.

208

DEMONSTRATIVES

summa ta$awwalit ha:zihi l-mada:ris / ka:nit bi-tatba( wiza:rat il-ma(a:rif (4.47) then change/3fs DEM the-schools / be/3fs IND-belong-to ministry theknowledge “then these schools changed, they used to belong to the ministry of education/ culture”

or, status constructus ending -it, and EA variant of conjunctions, as in: li-"ann-u bi-$ukm / %abi:(it ha:ula: in-na:s hum (4.80) because according to / nature DEM the-people they “because, according to the nature of these people, they . . .”

or, DEM + NP is modified by EA relative clauses, as in 4.50 and 4.81. a:lika set (2 occurrences) "aw ta%wi:r / tiknulu:ǧiyya:t al-(a*r / fi a:lik al-waqt (4.53) lil-"asaf iš-šadi:d / ta$awwàlit ha:zihi l-ma(a:hid ba(da za:lik / "ila kulliyya:t "aka:dimiyya (4.54)

Same restricted use: 1 attributive DEM with noun denoting time, and past reference fi !a:lik al-waqt “at that time” (4.53); 1 pronominal DEM following PREP in the collocation ba(da za:lik “after that” (4.54). Both function as discourse/anaphoric. da set (1541 occurrences) %ab mi:n huwwa s-sanawi / mi:n huwwa da (4.11) gam(at "u:n [. . .] "a*lan / di ga(:)mi(a bi-yuqa:l "inna "afla:%o:n ka:n "a$ad tala(:)mzitha (4.24) naša"at il-ga:mi(a fi ma*r ka-ga:mì(a "ahliyya / dì l-$a:ga l-ġari:ba giddan (4.59) wa-yaku:n fi:-h ga:mi(a / "ahliyya / min / di še:" ġari:b ya(ni / na(u:d "ila l-wara:" li-nataqaddam (4.66) li-"ann-u huwa dà "illi b-yursum "il-xi%%a l-fikriyya "il-(a:mma lil-balad (4.78) w-illi b-yi"daru ysa:ndu:-h / dà hadaf (a:mm / ma-ni"dar-š na&a(-u da:xil "i%a:r &ayyiq (4.81) "ahda:f "igra:"iyya / ya(ni bi-ma(na / dì ba"a ma%lu:b tanfìz-ha / u-la-ha xi%a% litanfìz-ha (4.84)

41

4.91 not counted, cf. note 43.

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wa-ma%lu:b ta%wi:r / "il-"afka:r as-sa:"ida // do:l / il-$a"i:"a / "il-fikra l-"u:la sa:dit (false start) (4.91) $a%%it ka-hadaf ta:li/ min "ahdàf-ha / w,-dà ha:mmi giddan / xidm,t il-mugtama( (4.105) w-tanmiyat il-bi:"a w-yimkin dà / "illi dafa( / mahma ka:nat il-"asba:b "allati nu"addi:-ha li:-h (4.106) w,-tanmiyit "il-bi:"a / ya(ni dà ka:n min al-"ahda:f "illi ma$%u:%a (4.111) lamma nbu**i lil-"ahda:f diyyat l-$a"i:"a la budd "inni huna:k "usus / li-ta$qì(:)qha (4.112) u-bar&u "ana b-akkallim mil-nu"a% diyyat (aša:n lamma ni:gi nanqud (4.114) wa-bit-ta:li dà min al-(amud "ar-ra"isiyya lil-ga:mi(a (4.119) l-mu(allim bi-du:n mu(allim / dà yimkin yimši fil-ibtida:"i la:kin ma-yimši:-š filgam(a (4.123) da še:" ha:mm, giddan / (4.132) ["al-"a:/a:r "ir-rahi:ba / ya(ni / "ana b-a"u:l ,r-rahi:ba di fi(lan (4.147)42 the-traces the-dreadful /that is / I IND-1s/say the-dreadful DEM in fact “the dreadful traces/marks, that is, I do say dreadful ? in fact”]

– 13 occurrences of pronominal use,43 all discourse/anaphoric, 12 subject,44 1 predicate of nominal clause (4.11); – the 2 attributive DEM (4.112 and 4.114) are both the fem. variant diyyat (= di, here modifying non-human plurals)—the only occurrences of this form in my data: lamma nbu**i lil-"ahda:f diyyat l-$a"i:"a la budd "inni huna:k "usus / li-ta$qì(:)qha (4.112) when 1pl/look to-the-aims DEM really no escape that there bases / for-realizingthem “when we look at these/those aims, really there must be some basis for realizing them”

42 DEM in 4.147 has not been included in the count, as I find the interpretation of the clause and the function of DEM uncertain. 43 4.91, where anaphoric do:l appears to be a false start rather than a belated attr. DEM, is not counted. 44 The syntactical status of DEM in 4.11 og 4.78 is not obvious to me. In 4.11 I tend to interpret da as the pronominal PRED, with huwwa acting as a kind of copula; in 4.78 as pronominal S with huw(w)a as “introductory particle emphasizing a following demonstrative” (BH:918).

210

DEMONSTRATIVES

u-bar&u "ana b-akkallim mil-nu"a% diyyat (aša:n lamma ni:gi nanqud (4.114) and-also I IND-1s/talk from the-points DEM because when 1pl/come 1pl/ criticize “I also speak from those points because when we start to criticize . . .”

– the local and sentential environments of these two attributive DEM is totally EA; – the sentential environments of pronominal da is mostly simply EA dominant, as in 4.81 and 4.123. However, clauses with pronominal subject EA DEM sometimes follow an SA clause, as 4.59, or are inserted between SA clauses, as in 4.66, and 4.106, or clauses with SA and EA features, as in 4.105. These appear to serve pragmatic functions of asides, of personal comment, or expressive highlighting. kida (2 occurrences): both pronominal, anaphoric, complement of prepositions: "abli kida “before that”; ba(di kida “after that”: %ab "e:h / t-ta(li:m "illi huwwa / illi "abli kida y"ul-lak t-ta(li:m ma: qabl al-ga: mì(i / (4.7) fi ma*r ba"a ba(di kida / min "ayya:m m,$ammad (ali bar&u tu(tabar l-$a"i:"a ma*r (4.34)

Summary of DEM in AUC4 AUC4 shows a clear preference for EA DEM in pronominal (anaphoric) function and for SA DEM in attributive function throughout his discourse. !a:lika and kida are distributed in the same pattern as the former speakers. Code correlation is strict on a local level, less so on clause level. DEM in NA1 ha: a set (41 occurrences) wa-yataqa:%a( ma(a ha:a l-mi$war al-"awwal (5.2) ya(ni / ha:ihi l-(ila:qa laysat / ba(i:da walla xa:li*a tama:man / min ha:ihi al-(ila:qa t-ta:rixiyya (5.10–11) laysa haka!a / tama:man / fi nafs ha:za l-mi$war (5.26) wa-yataqa:%a( ma(a ha:a l-mi$war a/-/a:ni mi$war /a:lis (5.26) huna:k / ha:za / "at-tana:qu& bayna "an yaku:n lil-"ašya:" ma(na (5.27) wa-"anna / ha:a l-(a:lam / (a:lam (aba/ì (5.30)

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hal tasta%i:( "an tusa:(ìd-ni (ala fahm ha:a l-(a:lam (5.33) wa ha:a laysa ba(i:d tama:man (an / šu(u:r al-mar"a (5.34) wa-"anna-ha taxšà-h "aw še:" min ha:a l-qabi:l (5.37) "anna-ha ġayr qa:dira (ala l-istimra:r fi muwa:gahat ha:ihi l-$aya: / "al-(a:bi/a "allati la tafham-ha (5.40) wa-sa-"a(u:d ila ha:ihi n-nuq%a l-la:$iqa (5.48) "aqu:l "inn-u / "il-qi**a / fi:-ha ha:ihi / "il- / "il-ma$a:wir mutada:xila (5.56) bi-$aya:t il-bašar / wa / bi-ha:ihi /"al-gawa:nib al-mustaġlaqa $atta (ala l-fahm, fi (alaqa:t al-bašar (5.57) ka-ma qult fi bida:yit kala:m-i / fi naql ha:a "al-šu(u:r / bil-iqtila:( (5.64) la: fay&a huna:k / fi ha:ihi l-madi:na š-šamaliyya (5.66) bil-nisba li-ha:za l-"insa:n / la fay&a (5.67) fa-huna:k al-"abya& al-murtabi% bi-lawn al-bašar fi ha:ihi "al-madi:na "al-ġari:ba (5.72) yaqu:l ha:a l-ġura:b "alla!i lam ya(zi "a$ad (5.81) yu(%i "iša:ra min xila:l / ha:ihi l-"a$la:m / li-ha:ihi l-gawa:nib / "al-mubhàma (5.88) bi-ha:a š-šakl il-mawqif / ya(ni yatimm taxli:*-u / min kull tafa*i:l (5.96) ha:a "it-tawa:zi / wa at-ta(a:ru& / bayna šax*iyya:t wa-bayna "a$da:/ (5.101) huwa wa l-fata: / ha:a marra "uxra "al- / "al-muwa:gaha bayna "al-ganu:b waššima:l (5.105) wa-la:kin / ha:a "at-tawa:zi / huwa / tawa:zi bi-xtila:f / laysa tawa:ziyan ka:milan (5.106) min ar-riwaya:t "allati tana:walat ha:a l-maw&u:( ta$di:da / b-a(taqid "inn-u biha:a n-na** / bi-yadxul / fi: (5.123) "allati tatana:wal ha:za l-maw&u:( (5.125) wa bi- / ha:a qawl-u fi ha:ihi l-muna:0ara (5.128) ka-"anna kullu ha:ihi l-kutub "allati tana:walat "al-(ila:qa bayna š-šarq wal-ġarb (5.129) "a(taqid "inn-u ha:ihi l-qi**a / wa-"ana "aratt / l-ha"i:"a "inn-i / ya(ni (5.132) "aktafi bil-$adi:/ (an ha:ihi l-qi**a "allati "a(taqid "inna-ha "ahamm, qi**a filmagmu:(a (5.133) "inn-u bi-haihi l-qi**a B. 1. / bi-yaftati$ // "aw bi-yafta$ al-ba:b (5.134) huna:k "adab lil-mahgar / wa-ha:ihi bidaya:t-u (5.136)

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DEMONSTRATIVES

sawfa / naqra" / li-ka/i:r min al-kitaba:t / "illi min ha:a n-naw( / ha:za l-"adab / yanbut / fi "ar&iyyat / "al-higra "al-gima(iyya / "al-mi*riyya (5.138) yuqaddim ha:a n-na** il- / "awwal / "il-muhimm (5.143) "il-na** al-"awwal bi-ha:ihi l-"ahammiyya (5.144) la:kin nu*u:* / bar&ak bi-tuntig ha:za l-wa:qi( "alla!i ya(i:š-u "al- / "al-mi*riyyu:n (5.148) but texts also IND-3fs/produce DEM the-reality REL 3ms/experience-it the Egyptians “but texts which also bring forth this/the reality which the Egyptians experience”

"ila "a:xiri(-h) / ha:a wa:qi( gidi:d / (ala "abna:" wa-bana:t mi*r (5.152)

– 5 occurrences of pronominal function, all as subjects (5.34, 5.105, 5.128, 5.136, 5.152); – 36 occurrences of attributive function. With this speaker we find that although the great majority of occurrences are clearly anaphoric, the classification of ha:!a with respect to deixis and anaphora runs into more difficulties than with the former speakers. For the couple of pronominal cases and for some more attributive cases, the ambiguity resides in the reference to the author and his short story the speaker deals with: there has been former mention of it, so anaphora is relevant, but it is also relevant to interpret the DEM as referring to the text/author’s voice “right here under scrutiny”, i.e. deictic of spatial, or psychological, proximity (e.g. 5.123b; 5.128; 5.132; 5.143). NA1 makes frequent use of the structure “this Noun which [. . .]”— which is rather cataphoric than anaphoric (e.g. 5.40; 5.81; 5.129; 5.148). Considered together with cases without modifying relative clause; (e.g. 5.27; 5.57; 5.101—and the ‘European-flavoured’ "il-na** al-"awwal biha:!ihi l-"ahammiyya “the first text of this/such an/d’une telle importance” in 5.144, gives the impression, however, of an expressive and stylistically motivated use of DEM—which serves to add involvement and cohesion to the text by drawing a certain reality closer to the listeners in both a psychological (more familiar) and a temporal (here and now) sense. The neutral, uninvolved, unmarked construction would be “the . . . which”: . . . l-wa:qi( ("a)lla!i. . . . We shall see this construction/device used repeatedly by the next speaker. One should observe another particularity with this speaker: the tendency not to elide the hamzat al-wa*l of the article on the head noun

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following SA attributive DEM (5.11, 5.64, 5.72, 5.101, 5.106).45 It may be a sign of hesitation, or carefully choosing an item word by word in the unfolding of discourse—but it sometimes appears to have the effect of an emphatic device, making the items prominent in the discourse. NA1 also appears to avoid the less elevated style-variant ha:za, ha: zihi with sibilant for interdental pronunciation: so often occurring with the speakers in the AUC setting. (The interdental / / pronunciation is generally to be considered a marker of SA, with sibilant /z/ as an unmarked variant in spoken discourse. For the use of / / vs. /z/ in DEM in my data, cf. p. 231.) – the local environment, i.e. DEM + NP, is in every case SA or shared, with the important modification mentioned above, that NA1 often does not follow rules of elision (or does not speak in ‘close transition’), and sometimes even uses the unelided EA form of the article, as, e.g. in 5.101: ha:a it-tawa:zi / wa "at-ta(a:ru& / bayna šax*iyya:t wa-bayna "a$da:/ DEM the-parallelism / and the-contradiction / between personalities andbetween events “this parallelism and contradiction between personalities and events . . .”

– concerning clause/sentential environment, ha:!a cooccurs with items that are almost exclusively SA as lexical forms, but combine with EA variants of features like pronoun suffixation, verbal prefix bi-, relative markers, and variants of complementizers, e.g.: min ar-riwaya:t "allati tana:walat ha:a l-maw&u:( ta$di:da / b-a(taqid inn-u bi-ha:a n-na**/ bi-yadxul / fi: (5.123) of the-novels which treat/3fs this the-subject exactly / IND-1s/believe that-he with-this the-text / IND-3ms/enter / into “of the novels which have specifically treated this subject, I believe that he, with this text, enters into . . .”

sawfa / naqra" / li-ka/i:r min al-kitaba:t / illi min ha:a n-naw( (5.138a) FUT / 1pl/read / for-much of the-writings / which of this the-kind “we are going to read much writing which is of this kind”

45 Also 5.56 and 5.57—but here the speaker makes a full stop/pause between DEM and the head noun.

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DEMONSTRATIVES

!a:lika set:1 occurrence, pronominal, anaphoric, complement of preposition: ha:!ihi l-$aya: / "al-(a:bi/a "allati la: tafham-ha / wa-bi-a:lik / tamu:t (5.41)

da set (2 occurrences) (ala fahm qaswat / wa ġaba:" / da bi-nafs / "al-qi**a / qaswat wa-ġaba:" al-(a:lam (5.20) on understanding cruelty and stupidity / DEM in-same / the-story / cruelty andstupidity the-world “to understand the cruelty and futility, this in the same story, cruelty and futility of the world”

da fa:ti$a lin-niqa:š ba(d, kida / ba(d id-dukto:r 2 ma46 yatakallam (5.155) that opening for-the-discussion after that / after Dr. % 3ms/talk “that was an introduction to the discussion later on, after Dr. %. will have spoken”

– both are pronominal, subjects, with discourse/anaphoric function; – environment is quite neutral, i.e. the clauses do not contain salient code distinguishing grammatical items—apart from DEM. The lexical items, however, in 5.20 belong to ‘elevated’ style with SA phonological features (/q/ and final /!/) as well as SA variant of definite article, and so has SA flavour, while 5.155, which contains kida, and ma (in EA function) as well, is rather EA oriented. kida:1 occurrence, see 5.155 cited above—complement of preposition. Summary of DEM in NA1 NA1 has generalized SA variant for attributive function—and EA variants only occur in her discourse in two cases of da as textual anaphoric pronoun subjects, and 1 occurrence of the temporal PP ba(d, kida “after that”. Code correlation is observed with ha:!a + head noun, which is lexically SA or shared. The wider, sentential, environment is, in general, largely SA with this speaker, but not without instances of EA features, e.g. pronoun suffixation (5.41, 5.128), relative marker "illi (5.138), and bi-prefix (5.134, 5.123b).

46 ma here is part of EA discontinuous ‘phrasal conjunction’ (BH)- ba(d . . . ma being a variant of ba(d, ma . . . “after . . .”

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DEM in NA2 ha: a set (127 occurrences) "aw "allati tu:šik "an tuqaddim $aya:t ha:za l-ba%al qabla "an / yuġa:dir ma*r (6.8) ha:za l-mana:x / "al-%a:rid / "allazi dafa(a-hu "ila l-xuru:g (6.9) be:n al-qi*a* / "illi bi-yarbu% / kull, qi*a* ha:zihi "al- / magmu:(a (6.14) wal-wa:qi( / "al-$aqi:qi li-ha:a "aš-še:" nafs-u (6.17) wa-sa-nagid "anna ha:zihi "al-fikra l-"asasiyya / tu:šik "an taku:n (6.18) ma%ru:$a fi kull, qi*a* / ha:ihi "al-magmu:(a (6.19) wa-be:n %abi:(it / wa // wa-$arakiyyit ha:zihi l-(ala:qa nàfsa-ha (6.22) "al-"ab ka-s-sul%a / ha:za l-mudi:r "a&-&a(i:f / ha:za l-"ab a&-&a(i:f / fi ha: zihi "al-"ida:ra (6.31) huwa "allazi (arra&a / kull "abna:-ha bi-ha:zihi l-mahana:t al- / ka/i:ra (6.32) be:n al-fikra s-sabta / (an "inn sundus ha:zihi47 / hiya l-$alabiyya (6.36) wa "allati tal(ab / bi-ha:zihi l-fikra s-sabta / "allati tastaġillu-ha hiya nafs-àha (6.40) ha:zihi il-(alaqa:t / "aw al-ma$a:wir "allati tarbu% (6.46) ka/i:r min a&-&o:" (ala ha:ihi l-qi*a* (6.48) sa-"u$a:wil "an / "uši:r "ila / ha:zihi "al- / ma$a:wir "asna: / "al-$adi:/ (6.49) "allati / tukarris / "ar-rata:ba / fi ha:ihi l-$aya:h (6.53) bi-n$iss fi / ba(da ha:zihi l-bida:ya / "illi "arit-ha-lna ad-dukto:ra R. (6.54) bi-tuši:r "ila taqa%%u( "aw*a:l / ha:za "al-(a:lam min na:$iya (6.56) wa / ha:zihi l-(ala:qa / ka-ma "aša:rat / R. / fi:-ha / tama:/ul (6.59) taqu:l la-hu "inna yumri&u-ni ha:a l-(a:lam (6.63) hiya &a:"iqa / bi-ha:za l-(a:lam "allazi ta(i:šu fi:(h) / (6.69) li-anna-hu huwa "ay&an ha:a l-ragul al-muġtarib (6.72) wa / taraka-ha / "ila ha:zihi /"al-madi:na "al-gadi:da (6.74) ha:zihi al-(ala:qa / "allati tarbu% ar-ra:wi (6.74b)

47 A sample of postposition of DEM when head is a proper noun, i.e. “this Sundus”.

216

DEMONSTRATIVES

"il-nu"%a il il-tanya / ba(da (ala:qit al-taša:buh wa (ala:qit at-tama:/ul ha:zihi48 "allati "uri:du "an "uši:r "ilay-ha (6.77) ha:zihi l-"afka:r a/-/a:bita "allati tatagassad / fi fikrit al-"umm / (6.80) tanwi(a:t / /anawiya / (ala ha:za "al-maw&u:( / (6.83) wa fi $a:dis al-maġsàla ha:za / bi-naltaqi bil-mar"a (6.85) wa-"anna-ha tata*awwar "anna ha:za r-ragul / "allazi ga:"a min ma*r (6.88) ha:ihi l-fikra s-sa:bita min ga:nib al- / "al-šarq (6.94) "anna huna:ka kahraba fi ha:za l-mana:x / wa-"anna ha:zihi l-kahraba" tu"a//ir (ala (aqu:l in-na:s "ila "a:xiri-h (6.96) "alla!i yuma//ìl-u "ar-ra:wi wa "al- / fata: / fi ha:ihi "al-qi**a (6.102) tu:šik "an taku:n / &idd ha:zihi al-"afka:r a/-/a:bita (6.104) "al-ġarb fi ha:zihi l-$a:la / "aw al-ġarb bi-ha:za š-šakl / la ya(rif / (an mi*ra "illa ha:za al- / ma:&i al-ġa:bir (6.106–7) ma:!a taf(al likay ya$dus ha:a (6.110) bi-tas"al ma:!a taf(al likay ya$dus ha:za / (6.111) hiya qu:wat ha:za al-wahm al-musay%ir / "aw ha:zihi l-fikra s-sa:bita "almusay%ira (ala ha:za / "al-(a:lam (6.115–6) bi-tagid "anna-ha rubba-ma sa-tu*bi$ *u:ra "uxra min ha:za / "al-ša:bb al-muġtarib (6.120) huwa nafs-u rubba-ma la yara "al-ma"sa: "allati ya(ìš-ha bi-ha:zihi "al- / "al-%ari:qa / bi-"anna fuqda:n il-ihtima:m ha:a / sa-yu$i:l-u "ila ha:za al-šax* / "al-ġari:b "allazi / "afza(a / ha:zihi al-fata: (6.121–23) wa-fi ha:zihi l-la$0a bi-tu&i:" in-nu:r / (6.125) wa fi ha:zihi l-la$0a bi-na(rif "anna-ha / $aqi:qatan / qarrarat / "an tanta$ir (6.127) wa tuqtulu-huma: ha:zihi / "al-gusu:r al-mutaqa%%i(a / "allati xalaqàt-ha ha:zihi al-"afka:r (6.130–1) ha:zihi al-muwàgha al-ġari:ba / ha:zihi a*-*adma / "allati / natagat (an ha: za / "al-liqa:3 / "aw ha:zihi l-muwàgha l-muba:šara (6.131–33) wa huwa yamidd yàd,-hu fi ha:za l-(a:lam "alla!i yaxtali% fi:(-h) (6.134) "al-%ari:q "ama:ma-hu taqri:ban masdu:d "illa min ha:za l-&o:" / ha:za l-ramz al- / "axi:r / wa-ha:zihi l-yad al-mamdu:da (6.140) 48 Sample of postposition of DEM when head is in "i&āfa (genitive construction), cf. p. 177. Other samples of this are to be found below in 6.85, 6.121–22, 6.153, 6.241, and 6.257.

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lan na(rif $aqi:qatan "ayna ha:za l-xala:* (6.144) wa-xa:**atan ha:zihi al-qi**a "allati "a(taqid "anna-ha (6.145) ta$awwalat "ila la(na / %a:radat ha:za l-ba%al (6.148) ha:za r-ragul ka-"ayyi muwa00af ka:n bi-yit(arra& lit-ta$"i:" (6.149) wa ta(arraf fi (ala ha:a z-zami:l ar-rafi:q (6.152) fi la$0it tawa:*ul al-mutawahhiga l-qa*i:ra *-*aġi:ra / ha:zihi / damarat $aya:t ha:za al- / ba%al (6.153–4) wa / nu$iss fi ha:zihi l-qi**a "ay&an / "anna huna:ka ha:zihi al- / lu(ba / l,(bit il-wahm bil-wa:qi( (6.157–8) "anna ha:zihi l-fikra "al-/a:bita "allati kawwan-ha al-muwa00afu:n / (6.159) fi tadmi:r "aw fi taqti:( al-waša:"ig wa tadmi:r / ha:zihi "al-(alaqa:t "al-insaniyya (6.163) u-nati:git li-(adam ha:za l- / ha:zihi l-qudra (ala "al-tawa:*ul "aw ha:zihi l-qudra (ala l-fahm (6.167–8) bi-ya$du/ "an / yadfa( ar-ragul al-(agu:z / $aya:ta-hu /amanan li- ha:a / watata$aqqaq rubba-ma / "a*ra( nubu:"a fi / ha:za l-(a:lam al-qa*a*i (6.169) "iza kunta wa*alt li-ha:za l-mustawa (6.171) nagid "anna ha:za l- / $ukm "allazi "adda $aqi:qatan "ila mo:t ha:za r-ragul / mabni / "ay&an (ala / su:" fahm (6.173) wa-"anna ha:za r-ragul lam yata$awwal "ila qawwa:d (6.174) wa lam yakun / yal(ab ma(a-hu ha:zihi l-l,(ba (6.175) "an ya$*ul min-hu (ala (ala ha:zihi l-nuqu:d "ila "a:xir-u (6.177) bi-nagid fi / (a:lam ha:zihi "al- / "aqa*i:* / ha:zihi l-qa&a:ya "il- / "asasiyya "allati "ašartu "ilay-ha / qa&iyyit kayfa / tusa:him ha:zihi l-"afka:r "allati nukawwìn-ha (an / "al-(a:lam (6.177–79) bi-nagid "anna ha:zihi / "al / fikra / tu/ri (6.183) fi ha:zihi al- / ri$la bi-nu$iss huna "anna al-mar$ala (6.187) hiya al-mar$ala / "allati / "aw hiya "al-musay%ira fi ha:zihi49 / fi ha:za %-%ar$ / "aw fi ha:zihi al-qi**a (6.193) fi ha:zihi l- / qi**a "ay&an / "aw fi ha:zihi l-magmu:(a "ay&an huna:k (6.197) rubbama bi-kull, ma sa-yadu:r / fi ha:za "al-(a:lam (6.203)

49

As a false start, with following repair, this instance is not counted.

218

DEMONSTRATIVES

"addamit lina ,d-dukto:r R. izayy bi-tadri:g bi-nidxul fi ha:za l-(a:lam (6.205) fa bi-n$iss min al-"awwil "inn-ì$na bi-nwa:gih še:" ġari:b / wa "inn ha:za š-še:" l-ġari:b / ġari:b "ila daragit "anna (6.208) wa bi-n$iss "inni kull, ha:zihi l-maša:kil mawgu:da (6.216) wa / bi-nagid "anna / ha:za "al-tanwi:( "il-muxtalif (6.217) bi-yatafatta$ / ha:za l-(a:lam / fi mu(0am ha:zihi l-"aqa*i:* (6.220) "ila "i(a:dit / "an-na0ar fi l-ka/i:r / min guz"iyya:t haza l-wa:qi( / al-kabu:si // ha:za l-wa:qi( al-ma%ru:$ fi "uddàm-na (ale:-na fi qi**it “al-na:fiza” (6.223) la:kin bi-ya$dus "anna ha:za l-(a:lam kull-u / yataka:tab bi-šaklin ġari:b giddan &idd / ha:za š-šax* (6.227–8) ma(a %ufult-u / ma(a waki:l an-niya:ba bi-ha:za l- / "al-šakl (6.230) fi ha:za l-(a:lam (ay&an / ka-ma "ašartu fil-bida:ya / mas"alit do:r "aw sul%it al-"ab al- / manfiyya (6.230) "allati / tu(add "ila $addin-ma / mas"u:la (an ha:za al-tadahwur al-mawgu:d fi / ha:zihi l-qi*a* (6.232–3) ba(& ha:zihi l-qi*a* / kutiba fi "awa:xir il-sittina:t (6.233) kutibat fi l-/amanina:t / fi ha:zihi l-fatra / "allati (a:na fi:-ha l-wa:qi( "allazi *adarat (an-hu ha:zihi l-qi*a* (6.235–6) "aw "ayyi no:( min ha:zihi al-/ "a$asi:s (6.238) bi-nagid / "inn / fi qi**it “finga:n "ahwa” ha:zihi / huna:k / "ab badi:l (6.241) al-ibn il-badi:l it-ta:ni li-ha:za l-"ab il[li] bi-nagid "anna-hu "ana:ni (6.244) wa-kayfa "anna / "iza:$it ha:za l-"ab "aw mawt-u sa-tu"addi "ila maša:kil ka/i:ra bi-nisba:-lu (6.245) "anna l-ša:bb al-mahmu:m $aqi:qatan bi-maša:kil ha:zihi l-"usra / (6.247) yagid "anna ha:za al-(a:lam al-mawgu:d (6.250) rubba-ma mu"assasit il-quwa fi / fi ha:za l-wa:qi( / yu$bi%u-hu (6.251) "illa bi-"i$sàs-na "al-murr / bi-ma"sa:t ha:za al-(a:lam / "allazi ġa:bat min-hu sul%ati / ha:za "al-"ab (6.253–4) "aw ma(qu:la bi ha:za al- / (a:lam "aw li-"usrati-hi ha:ihi (6.256–7) (ala:qa "asasiyya mawgu:da be:n-hum fi ha:zihi al-magmu:(a (6.262) "allati tarakkamat lada "al-ka:tib wa / *adarat / fi ha:zihi l-magmu:(a (6.264) bi-nu$iss bi-wugu:d ha:zihi "ar-ra:bi%a / "aw ha:zihi al-(ala:qa "allati tarbu% al-qi*a* / bi-ba(&i-ha (6.267) wa li-za:lika fa-"ana / "ad(u "ila al- / "axz ha:zihi l-qi*a* bil-i(tiba:r (6.268)

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bi-du:n za:lik lan nafham li-ma:za taraka ha:za al-ša:bbu / balada-hu / li-ma:za / "iġtaraba bi ha:za š-šakl (6.270–1) wa-nargu "an / nuši:r "ila ba(& "uxra min ha:ihi al-qa&a:ya (6.275)

– only 3 occurrences of SA DEM are pronominal: In 6.110 and 6.111 they are discourse-anaphoric subjects: ma:!a taf(al likay ya$dus ha:!/za what 2ms/do so-that 3ms/happen DEM “what do you do to make this happen?”.

In 6.169, ha:!a is complement of preposition:50 “the man pays with his life for this”. – 124 occurrences of attributive ha:!a. The most striking about NA2’s use of the ha:!a-set is the sheer amount and the density of occurrence. I interpret all the pronominal, and most of the attributive uses as discourse anaphoric, recalling and linking to previous suggestions and notions—although often vaguely so, more as recalling some shared assumptions, or prior knowledge of the texts under discussion. Diessel (1999:105ff.) draws attention to what has been called ‘recognitional demonstratives’—demonstratives used attributively (adnominally) and which “do not have a referent in the preceding discourse or the surrounding situation; rather they are used to activate specific shared knowledge [. . .] recognitional demonstratives are specifically used to mark information that is discourse new (i.e. unactivated) and hearer old (i.e. pragmatically presupposed)”.51 Several of the occurrences of attributive DEM with NA2 fit into such a subcategory of anaphoric function, e.g., in 6.31–32: "al-"ab ka-s-sul%a / ha:za l-mudi:r "a&-&a(i:f / ha:za l-"ab a&-&a(i:f / fi ha: zihi "al-"ida:ra / huwa "allazi (arra&a / kull "abna:-ha bi-ha:zihi l-ma$ana:t al- / ka/i:ra

50

6.196 is the second of only two occurrences of pronominal ha:!a in PP in my

data. 51 The information marked by ‘recognitional demonstratives’ is ‘specific’ to a group, or ‘private’ and to be distinguished from ‘general cultural information’, which is “familiar to all speakers of the speech community”: in English, the latter carries the definite articles (the President, the navy).

220

DEMONSTRATIVES the-father as-the-authority / DEM the-director the-weak / this the-father theweak / in DEM the-administration / he REL expose/3ms / all sons/it to-DEM the-afflictions the-many “the father as authority- this weak director, this weak father, in this office, he is the one who exposed all its sons for all these afflictions”

The director has not been mentioned before, nor the office, nor the afflictions. The presupposed, and shared, information in this seminar with a group of literary writers and critics would be the text, the contents of the short story collection under discussion. This speaker also has a marked preference for the construction DEM + NOUN + REL clause: “this . . . which/who . . .”, which occurs 21 times. The combination of specifying the head noun and linking it to the context in this way, appears to be a stylistic device, producing a sense both of coherence and of involvement (cf. similar comments on NA1 above). – as for local environment, the lexical items occurring with SA DEM, are all SA or shared. Shared lexical items with diphthong in SA are realized with EA monophthong reflex: ha:!a "aš-še:" (6.17 and 6.208), ha:za l-&o:" (6.140). Also other shared items may be realized with EA syllable structure, e.g. muwagha “confrontation” (6.131–3) (SA muwa: gaha). The collocation ha!ihi l-fikra /-/a:bita (SA) “this fixed idea”, is realized with all possible variants, including EA phonological shape of the adjective sabta (6.40, 6.94, 6.115, 6.159—with plur. 6.80 and 6.104); in 6.41 the same collocation occurs with EA DEM: "al-fikra "as-sabta di. In 6.241 the head noun is EA. In 6.77 SA DEM is postposed to an "i&āfa the head of which has EA stat.constr. fem. ending -it, while the second member has full-fledged SA MPP shape; also the head in 6.153 has EA -it modified by SA noun and adjectives + SA DEM. In 6.245 ha:!a + NOUN modifies (as second member of "i&āfa) an SA lexical item with EA stat.constr. ending -it. – on a sentential level, SA DEM also frequently occurs with EA features such as bi- verbal prefix, EA relative marker, complementizer and pronoun suffixation, e.g.: wa-kayfa "anna / "iza:$it ha:za l-"ab "aw mawt-u sa-tu"addi "ila maša:kil ka/i:ra bi-nisba:-lu (6.245) and how that / disappearance this the-father or death-his FUT-2fs/lead to problems many with-regard-to-him “and how the disappearance of this father, or his death, will lead to many problems for him”

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In the following sample, the whole sentence, apart from DEM + N and shared bi-tadri:g, is EA: "addamit lina ,d-dukto:r R. izzayy bi-tadri:g bi-nidxul fi ha:za l-(a:lam (6.205) presented for-us Dr. R. how by-degree IND-1pl/enter into DEM the-world “Dr. R presented for us how we gradually enter this world”

The very strong tendency also of NA2 not to elide hamzat al-wa*l following DEM, produces a staccato, word by word kind of speaking—maybe reflecting the search for the right expression, le bon mot to be the head noun. NA2 in most cases realizes SA / / with ‘intermediate’ sibilant /z/ (only 11 occurrences of / / are counted here).52 / / ~/z/ does not appear to be a stylistic variant with this speaker—the ‘more formal’ variant may occur in context which has EA features, e.g. 6.17, where the head has EA e: for ay and EA pronoun suffixation on the adverbial “itself ” (-u for SA -ihi): wal-wa:qi( / "al-$aqi:qi li-ha:!a "aš-še:" nafs-u and-the-current situation / the-real for-DEM the-thing self-it “and the current reality of this thing itself ”

and occur with the same head noun, e.g. 6.63: ha:!a l-(a:lam, and 6.69: haza l-(a:lam “this world”. a:lika (5 occurrences) ha:!ihi "al-magmu:(a / bi-ma fi a:lik / qi**at “bil-"ams $alumtu bik” (6.19) wa-di mawgu:da fi "aktar min qi**a / bi-ma: fi a:lik qi**at “bil-"ams $alumtu bik” nàfsà-ha (6.25) wa-$i:na-ma taqu:lu la-hu "anna-ni fil-$aqi:qa "akrahu-k / taqu:l la-hu a:lika li-"anna-hu (6.70) (ala:qa bayna / "al-wa:qi( "allazi / tadu:ru fi:-hi l-qi*a* "allati tadu:r fi mi*r / waa:lika al- / wa:qi( al-"a:xar / "al-"agnabi "allazi (6.258) "aw za:lik al-(a:lam al-"a:xar / "allazi tuqaddim-hu qi**at . . . (6.259)

52 Admittedly, this phonetic feature is not always clear and distinct, sometimes the realization seems to be in-between.

222

DEMONSTRATIVES

– 3 occurrences in pronominal, one as object (6.70), two as complement of preposition in identical set phrases/expressions bi-ma fi !a: lika “including” (6.19, 6.25): – 2 occurrences as attributive DEM. Both are second member of (parallel) contrastive constructions: “between the x which . . .and that (other) y . . .which . . .” da (5 occurrences) hiya qa&iyyit / ġiya:b il-"ab [. . .] wa-di mawgu:da fi "aktar min qi**a (6.25) it issue / absence the-father [. . .] and-DEM present in more than story “it is the issue of the absence of the father [. . .] and this is present in more than one story”

di (ana:*ir bi-turbu% / qi*a* / "il-magmu:(a li-ba(&i-ha (6.32) DEM elements IND-3fs/tie / stories / the-collection to-some-it “those are elements tying the stories of the collection to each other”

li-"anna / "al-fikra "as-sabta di / ka:nit rubbama hiya s-sabab fi "inn sundus naga$it (6.41) w-illi bi-y"akkid mas"alit il- / fikra di / bi-raġm, "inn-aha bi-tagid ta%wi:r (6.100) wa dì n-nu"%a "illi / $abbe:t "inn-ana "uši:r "ile:-ha (6.260)

– 3 occurrences of di53 as anaphoric subject pronoun (6.25, 6.32, 6.260); – 2 occurrences of attributive di, also with anaphoric reference (6.41, 6.100); – local environment in 6.100 is EA (shared lexical items with EA variants of fem.ending -it and article il-); in 6.41 di follows a mixed phrase consisting of head noun with shared LS and MPP, but with SA article, + adjective with shared LS and EA MPP (sabta vs. SA //sa:bita), but with SA article. – sentential environment: apart from the lexical nouns, which tend to be shared, and the SA form of the final PP in 6.32, the environment is EA (verbal MPP, bi-prefix, relative marker, complementizer). A nice illustration of the fluctuation of forms found in the text is the wider context for 6.41:

53 The fem. variant of course reflects reference to fem.sing. or inanimate plural items.

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"allati tal(ab bi-ha:zihi l-fikra s-sabta / "allati tastaġillu-ha hiya nafs-àha bi-maha: ra šadi:da / li-"anna / "al-fikra "as-sabta di / ka:nit rubbama hiya s-sabab fi "inn sundus naga$it (6.40–1) “who plays with this fixed idea (SA), which she herself exploits with great skill, because this fixed idea (EA) was perhaps the reason that Sundus succeeded”

The pragmatics of this kind of fluctuation is not the focus here, but in this case the change of style would be motivated by the EA-dominant clause serving as a lower level explanatory comment added to the main argument in the preceding SA-dominant clauses. kida occurs once, in the recurrent adverbial PP: wa /"allati nagid / la-ha mustawaya:t (adi:da / ba(da kida (6.76) and / which 1pl/find / for it levels many / after DEM “and for which we find many levels after that”

Summary of DEM in NA2 NA2 is a ‘begetter’ of SA DEM in attributive function, while his use of pronominal DEM as anaphoric subject is significantly lower than the other speakers in the data. Of 5 anaphoric subjects, 2 are SA—they occur, however, in quotations from the stories discussed, and stand at the end of an interrogative clause. The typically initial discourse anaphoric subject pronoun occurs 3 times, with EA DEM variant, which confirms the general pattern found with the other speakers. The restricted uses of !a:lika and kida are also according to the general pattern: kida (once only) in PP ba(da kida (as temporal adverb); !a:lika pronominally in PP + once as anaphoric object; as (deictic) adnominal (twice) in contrastive NPs. DEM in NA 3 ha: a set (25 occurrences) huwa su"a:l la: yumkin "iga:b (ale:-h "illa / "iza $a%%ina[-h] bi- ha:a š-šakl (7.5) w-inna "al-qi*a* illi mawgu:da fi ha:ihi l-magmu:(a "al-"uxra (7.9) huwa %ab(an / ra:"id / ha:zihi il-madrasa "aw il-luġa "aw il-tayya:r illi / "ana ba / ya(ni (7.19) wa-ma za:lit ha:zihi t-tasmiya tu/i:r maša:kil (7.22) mu$awlit ru"yit al-ašya:" / fi / ha:za &-&o" il-ba:rid (7.29) $atta bi-stixda:m ha:a l-qamu:s / bi-ya*il fi ba(& al-mawa:qi( min qi*a*-u (7.31) da %ab(an min sima:t iqtida:r ha:a l-ka:tib (7.34)

224

DEMONSTRATIVES

"illi (ayiz a"u:l-u bi-xti*a:r / "inn-u ha:a l-tayya:r kull-u $ada:/i bil-ta"ki:d (7.35) laysa ha:a faqa% / bal mim-ma: yad(um ha:a / wa yu"akkid-u (7.41) wa la:kin ha:a kullu-hu / ka:n yumkin "an yusamma huwa / "al-wa:giha (7.44) w-illi "ana mu:la( bi-tardi:d-u bi-stimra:r fi ha:ihi l-madrasa kull-aha (7.48) huwa "inn-u / bil-(aks / "inn-u ha:a l-tikni:k / wa ha:ihi l-luġa / wa ha:a l-uslu:b / u-ha:ihi r-ru"ya (7.49–50) wa bil-i$tiga:g al-ka:mil &idd ha:a l-qam( "alla!i yabdu ka-"anna-ma l-ka:tib la yu(na bi-hi (7.52) yabdu ka-"anna-hu laysa mutawarri%an54 fi-hi / wa-"anna ha:ihi "al-$i:la "alfanniyya (7.53) li-"anna / fi ha:a al-(a:lam / risa:la wa:&i$a (7.55) "i!an / fa / bi-ha:a l-ma(na huna:ka "as-sima:t "al-$ada/iyya "al-asasiyya (7.57) inna-ha bi-ta"ki:d fi mar$ala / $amal ha:ihi l-ingaza:t / /umma / "a&a:fa "ilayha bu(dan "a:xar (7.62) wa 0uhu:r / ha:a t-takwi:n / "alla!i yatta*il bi-hi / miš bass B.1. (7.64) ya(ni / ha:a t-taw*i:f kull-u muttafiq ma(a:(-h) (7.66) "ibtada B.1. / yaxla( "aw yarfa( ha:a l-qina:( (7.72) mufrada:t ta$mil dala(:)la:t min ha:za l-no:( (7.80)

– 3 occurrences of discourse anaphoric pronominal ha:!a—1 as subject (7.44) 1 as object (7.41b), and 1 (the only one in the data) as predicative of laysa (7.41a): laysa ha:a faqa% / bal mim-ma: yad(um ha:a / wa yu"akkid-u not DEM only / but of-what 3ms/supports DEM / and 3ms/confirm-it “not only this, but what supports and confirms this, . . .”

– 22 occurrences of attributive ha:!a—I interpret all of them as having discourse anaphoric function, apart from the first, in 7.5, which refers to the speaker’s position in the situation and to the following utterance (cataphoric reference):

54

With full form ACC-marker.

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huwa su"a:l la: yumkin "iga:b (ale:-h "illa / "iza $a%%ina[-h] bi-ha:a š-šakl it question not possible answering at-it unless / if put/1pl-(it) in-DEM the-form “it is a question which can only be answered if we put it this way:”

– local environment: all head nouns are SA or shared;55 – sentential environment: some are unquestionably SA-dominant/oriented, e.g.: wa bil-i$tiga:g al-ka:mil &idd ha:a l-qam( "alla!i yabdu ka-"anna-ma l-ka:tib la yu(na bi-hi (7.52) and with-the-protest the-complete against DEM the-oppression REL 3ms/appear as-if the-writer not 3ms/care about-it “and with a strong protest against this oppression which it seems the writer does not care about”

while in 7.35, the SA DEM phrase occurs in a just as EA-dominant context: "illi (ayiz a"u:l-u bi-xti*a:r / "inn-u ha:a l-tayya:r kull-u $ada:/i bil-ta"ki:d what want/AP 1s/say in-short / that DEM the-orientation all-it modern(ist) certainly “what I want to say, in short, is that this whole orientation is definitely modernist”

Typically, fem. endings and the article have EA variants -it and il- (as well as al-): mu$awlit ru"yit al-"ašya:" / fi / ha:za &-&o" il-ba:rid (7.29) attempt seeing the-things / in / DEM the-light the-cold “the attempt to see things in this cold light”

a:lika set—no occurrences da-set (5 occurrences) hal ya(ni hal šuġl, B.1. $ada:/i walla la" / da "as-su"a:l / m,š kida (7.1) Q that is Q work B.& modernist or not / DEM the-question / not so “is, well, B.&.’s work modernist or not, that’s the question, isn’t it?”

wa-fahm il-(a:lam "illi rakkiz (ale:-hum d-dukto:r 2 / da mawgu:d bit-ta"ki:d (7.15) wa-bi-tib"a fi: maw&i(-ha / da %ab(an min sima:t iqtida:r ha:!a l-ka:tib (7.34)

55 Words with SA diphthongs are realized as EA monophtongs (ha:za l-no:(, ha:za &-&o:" ) as was commented for NA2.

226

DEMONSTRATIVES

miš bass min $ay/u il- / il- / *ifit il-nasi:g di (7.75) [ma-]a(raf-ši da "iza ka:n yigi:b (ala su"a:l sa(i:d al-mufa:gi" (7.85)

– 4 occurrences of pronominal da, all with discourse anaphoric reference, and subject function—although the fragmented character of the utterance in 7.85 makes it unclear whether the da is to be considered O of the first verb or fronted S of the second verb: [ma-]a(raf-ši da "iza ka:n yigi:b (ala su"a:l sa(i:d al-mufa:gi" [. . .] walla la" 1s/know/NEG DEM if be/3ms 3ms/answer on question S. the-sudden [. . .] or not “I don’t know this whether it/whether this answered S.’s sudden question, or not”

– 1 occurrence as attributive DEM (7.75), with discourse anaphoric (possibly ‘recognitional’) function: This basically EA environment contains (min) $ay/u with marked SA MPP—this construction is often heard adapted as min $e:s in educated speech. kida (1 occurrence)56 ma-a(raf-š illi $a-yi$*al ba(d, kida (7.71) “I don’t know what’s going to happen after that”

kida is pronominal, anaphoric CP (“after that”), and in EA environment. Summary of DEM in NA3 NA3 shows a typical pattern of SA DEM in attributive function and EA DEM as anaphoric pronoun, but also uses SA DEM in pronominal function (twice in frequent collocations like “not only this, but . . .” and “but all this”).

56 Simply to illustrate: two other occurrences of kida are not included, as they are classified by me as adverbs, not pronouns: 7.1: da "as-su"a:l / m,š kida “that is the question, isn’t it [not so]?” and 7.2: bi-xti*a:r / kida “in short, then”.

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Discussion and summary of DEM Deixis and anaphoric reference With the reservation that some occurrences have not been easy to classify, this investigation shows that of functions attributed to DEM, anaphoric reference is unquestionably more prominent than plain deixis in this data—whether the DEM variant is SA or EA, pronominal or attributive. This may be attributed to the kind of discourse represented here, which is monological and rather abstract and ideational. It may also be the case that the deictic function of local and temporal reference, although semantically primary to DEM, is in fact a less dominant function than what is usually assumed in most contexts (apart from simple children’s talk and the foreign language teaching classroom-situation!). When Brustad (2002) distinguishes the two sets of (unstressed) demonstrative article and the (stressed) demonstrative pronouns (alternatively: short form and full form of DEM) in other Arabic dialects (Moroccan, Syrian and Kuwaiti, but not Egyptian) in terms of anaphoric vs. deictic discourse function, I am not convinced she does not implicitly overrate the scope of deictic functions of the latter set.57 With some speakers, and notably with NA1 and NA2, DEM appears to have an additional, pragmatic discourse function—contributing to the text a sense of cohesion and involvement. Patterns of distribution of SA and EA variants Ratios of SA and EA variants across speakers The following chart summarizes the occurrences of SA and EA variants with each speaker:

57 While she mentions that the “demonstrative pronouns” also may have anaphoric function, we are not presented with much evidence as to the other, presumably largely deictic, functions of this set. My data show that EA da-set includes the functions carried by the ‘anaphoric demonstrative articles’ in the other dialects.

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DEMONSTRATIVES

Occurrences of SA and EA variants of DEM* AUC1

AUC2

AUC3

AUC4

NA1

NA2

NA3

14 (4)

39 (6)

17 (4)

15 (3)

41 (5)

127 (3)

25 (3)

!a:lika

3 (2)

6 (5)

8 (7)

2 (1)

da set

9 (4)

15 (11)

27 (15)

15 (13)

kida

3

ha:!a set

SA:EA

17:12

1 44:16

1 26:32

2 17:18

1

5 (3)

0

2 (2)

5 (3)

5 (4)

1

1

1

42:3

132:6

25:5

* Numbers in parenthesis indicate pronominal function. kida is only used pronominally.

In quantitative terms, the table shows that there is great inter-speaker variation in the usage level, or relative amount, of SA and EA variants for this feature. The NA speakers demonstrate an almost exclusive use of SA variants—whether due to aspects of context or personal preferences. Idiolectal preferences are striking in the case of NA2. In the AUC context speakers vary considerably, with AUC2 having most SA variants and AUC3 the least—while AUC1 and 4 have a more ‘balanced’ ratio. As mentioned in connection with the study of Schulz 1981, however, a pure count is only one index of style and says little about the internal structuring of variants. For instance AUC1 uses SA variants almost consistently in the first part of his talk, and almost consistently EA variants in the second part—suggesting a code shift. AUC4 does not share this pattern. I shall return to this in the final chapter, where a sequential representation of all the features selected for this study will be discussed. The three contributions on diglossic DEM variation I referred to at the beginning of this chapter (El-Hassan 1978; Killean 1980; Schulz 1981) all attest to great inter-speaker variation on this feature—ranging from 100% to 0% use of SA DEM (and vice versa). Their texts, however, are drawn from radio programmes of a variety of genres and topics and speakers’ backgrounds. By keeping context, genre, and topic as constant as was the case with my recordings, one might expect a more equal distribution across speakers as reflecting an emerging norm for the context etc. The range of inter-speaker variation in my data is indeed narrower than that demonstrated for ‘Oral Media Arabic’, ‘Educated Spoken Arabic’, and ‘Formal Spoken Arabic’ of the previous studies. However—the use of DEM suggests that speakers in aca-

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demic monologue may choose different styles, which are all considered appropriate. Pronominal vs. attributive distribution The SA set is preferred in attributive function—all speakers have a higher occurrence of SA variants than EA variants for this syntactic function, while the EA set has higher frequency or equal to the SA variants in pronominal function. Most striking is the prevalent use of da as anaphoric subject—with reference to previous propositions in the spoken text. Actually, all but two58 instances of pronominal da, di in my data (total of 54) are anaphoric subjects, while pronominal ha:!a in this function count 18 (total of 28) and !a:lika only 1 (total of 19). This corroborates the findings in Schulz 1981, who calls it “a dramatic difference in the frequency of use of the classical versus the colloquial forms depending on this difference in function” (p. 119). His tables show an average distribution59 of 85% of ha:!a vs. 15% of da in attributive function and a 38% of ha:!a vs. 62% da in pronominal function (ibid.:240–1). He also states that the “occurrence of colloquial subject pronoun forms of the demonstrative in classical contexts is especially common” (ibid.:171). From the tables in El-Hassan (1978:41) on ESA (Educated Spoken Arabic defined as “the variety of Arabic” which is used by educated speakers) among Egyptian speakers,60 we can deduce the same tendencies regarding the distribution of pronominal vs. attributive use of DEM variants,61 although the ratio of EA variants is considerably higher than 58

The exception is a contrastive pair found in line 3.163. His speakers represent a much wider range of styles, though—the texts are recorded from different kinds of radio programmes, and speakers range from 100% SA DEM to 0%. 60 An interesting observation by El-Hassan is that Egyptians in his data had a higher ratio of ‘prestigious’ (SA) forms of DEM in speaking to other Egyptians than in speaking to non-Egyptians, when they tended to use “far more stigmatized than prestigious /+ sing + near/ demonstrative tokens” (ibid.:41–2). This would seem to be contrary to expectations in an accommodation perspective, that speakers of different dialects would accommodate to each other’s dialects and/or use features from the common High variety. El-Hassan interprets this in terms of “two main forces operating on an educated Egyptian speaker: (i) the desire to sound like an Egyptian, and (ii) the desire to sound educated” (ibid.:42). With non-Egyptians the desire to sound Egyptian (by nonaccommodation) competes with showing an educated profile, while with co-Egyptians, of course, the identity motive has less force . . . 61 The analytic distinction El-Hassan makes between ‘determiners’ and ‘adjectives’— according to pre- or postpositioning of DEM—makes no sense in the Egyptian context, where syntactic order is fixed, and only contributes to confusing his discussion. 59

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DEMONSTRATIVES

in my more formal data. There is a clear dominance of EA variants as DEM pronouns, while the DEM in attributive, modifying function is rather equally represented by SA and EA variants. While El-Hassan does not distinguish between the various syntactic functions that DEM pronouns can fill, Killean 1980, based on ‘Oral Media Arabic’ of Egyptian radio announcers, found one ‘conditioning factor’ to be operating on the use of SA (‘Literary Arabic’) or EA (‘Egyptian Colloquial Arabic’) variants: “If the use of ‘this’ or ‘that’ was the subject of a sentence, the only demonstrative used in OMA were the ECA ones da and di” (p. 168) and “the pronominal uses of LA demonstratives occurred only in non-subject positions” (p. 169)—which of course is different from ‘my’ speakers, as we saw above. El-Hassan mentions “the fairly strong tendency” to use SA ha:!a “if a preposition immediately precedes” (ibid.). This is different from my data—where ha:!a only occurs twice in PP (4.149 and 6.169). A possible reason may be that kida (being a common variant for da in this position) is not registered and taken into account by El-Hassan—at any rate, his proposition is too general.62 Patterns of use of kida and a:lika With regard to kida in pronominal function (= !a:lik(a), not adverbial = ka-!a:lik(a), itself a lexicalization of particle/preposition ka- + DEM), its use in my data is restricted to PP—with all but one occurrence ((aša:n kida “because of that”) following prepositions of time (ba(d and "abl). There is one exception registered in my data, which I interpret as OBJ: y,"ul-li kida “he (will) tell(s) me that” (in 1.111), but which may also be interpreted as adverbial “he tells me so” (= ka-!a:lik).63 In my speakers’ discourse kida is accompanied by other EA elements—with one exception, NA2 (6.76), where ba(da kida is attached to an SA clause. The !a:lika set largely cooccurs with other SA elements: locally, in a NP, cooccurrence is strict, as a pronoun its context may include some EA elements. (Had I included li-za:lik and ka-za:lik, which I consider adverbials (cf. note 25) and of high frequency in educated speech, we would have observed a considerable amount of these items in EA

62

Of the 3 examples given, 2 involves an elative + min + DEM. These collocations with kida are so frequent in EA that they may be considered lexicalized time adverbials (equivalent to “after that” > “thereafter, afterwards”), and joining the other adverbial uses with kida. 63

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context (e.g., 2.224; 3.37.)) As for syntactic distribution, pronominal !a: lika is, like kida, predominantly to be found in a PP. As an adjective, my speakers typically use it with a noun denoting time, and in a clause with past time reference. A note on /!/ ~ /z/ realization I have not made a distinction in my classification between the variants ha:!a and ha:za; ha:!ihi and ha:zihi—or even ha:zi, nor between !a:lik(a) and za:lik(a)—but treated them all as SA forms (the transcription renders the different realizations). This is not because I am unaware of the potential stylistic value of / / ~ /z/ variation. I mentioned earlier that BH have included the forms ha:za and za:lik as an elevated form in EA— and one might argue that they are ‘intermediate’, ‘neutral’ or ‘shared’ with respect to code, while forms with interdental / / are marked as SA—although that has not been the approach taken here. With regard to the present data, the realizations made by ‘my speakers’64 demonstrate much variability on both intraspeaker and interspeaker level: For ha:!a most speakers have /z/ as the predominant, and / / as the less frequent, realization—with the exception of NA1, who only has a few occurrences with /z/. The almost consistent use of the interdental variant by NA1 is one indication that she has SA as target variety for her talk. For !a:lika, AUC1 and NA1 have only / / realization, NA 2 mostly / /—whereas AUC2 and AUC3 have only /z/, and AUC4 has one occurrence of each (NA 3 has no occurrence of this item). Without going deeply into the matter, I have not detected any pattern of distinctive use related to context or to the lexical item—on the contrary, in some cases the two realizations appear with the same head noun with the same speaker: ha:!a t-ta(li:m (2.41) bi-ha:za l-ma(na (2.62) ha:zihi l-gawa:nib (2.190)

ha:za t-ta(li:m (2.54) bi-ha:!a l-ma(na (2.73) ha:!ihi l-gawa:nib (2.192)

“this education” “in this sense” “these aspects”

Cooccurrence patterns With attributive DEM modifying noun heads in a NP, there is a high degree of code consistency between DEM and N. This is as expected

64 The distinction is something blurred (along an interdental-sibilant cline), so I hesitate to give exact numbers of occurrences.

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DEMONSTRATIVES

with respect to ‘constraints on code-switching’ as formulated for bilingual code-switching: the well-known ‘equivalence constraint’, formulated by Sankoff and Poplack, hypothesized that “a language switch can take place only at boundaries common to both languages, and switching cannot occur between any two sentence elements unless they are normally ordered in the same way” (Romaine 1995:126). As we have seen, word order is not congruent between EA and SA in the case of DEM. On the other hand, the unidirectionality of the ‘dominant language’ theory—if extended beyond the single word (which it was formulated for) to the DEM + N constituent, would predict that EA da-set could occur with EA and SA head noun—but not the other way around (i.e. no SA DEM with EA head nouns). This last principle is supported by elicitation: Killean tested informants’ acceptance of the two strings ilwaqt da and ha:za l-wa"t “this time”—where “Egyptians clearly favoured [the former] over [the latter]” (Killean 1980:176). I can only speculate as to why 1) variants of ha:!a are so predominant as attributive modifiers and 2) there is such high degree of cooccurrence of SA DEM and lexical elements (or their SA MPP) in my data. The two are partly connected: speakers in academic presentations use lexical items connected with the academic sphere they are engaged in talking about, which will normally be supplied by the SA lexicon. The lexical choice will to some degree condition the choice of DEM modifier—but not categorically, as lexical items from SA may be integrated in an EA structure (but not the other way around). There must be some stylistic conditioning, as well—and ha:!a must, to native speakers, have a stylistic value to mark it as a sine qua non of formal speech. The few occurrences of attributive da variants all occur in not only local, but also clause level EA context—as a sign that speakers step out of formal speech. SA variants, on the other hand, do not require the clause level context to be SA. The SA NP (DEM + N), as well as the SA DEM as pronoun, may occur in clause level contexts that contain several EA items and features. A semantic factor may also be involved here: a preference for forms (SA) which are more clearly marked for the proximity distinction—due, maybe, to the additional influence of SAE structure on the formal language of these academics, which all have had significant exposure to and experience with English, spoken and written.

CHAPTER FIVE

THE EXPRESSION OF NEGATION

Negation represents a grammatical feature with regard to which the two basic varieties SA and EA differ substantially in their linguistic means. The feature of negation is amply described for both SA and EA in grammars, textbooks and special studies. In the following, the most common and relevant NEG particles and function words will be presented with a survey of their functions and syntactic distribution. I do not claim comprehensiveness—for details of forms and uses I refer to my sources.

Negation in SA Sentential and constituent negation in SA is mainly expressed by the negative particles l, lam, lan and m, and the negative verb laysa. (The marginal negative particle in1 and lamm “not yet”2 are not included here, neither are the grammaticalized nouns ayr, siw “other (than)” and adam “non-being, absence” which function as negative formatives to adjective and substantive constituents respectively (like un- and non- in English)). lam, lan and laysa are considered compounds of a ‘primary’ NEG l, while NEG m is considered to be derived from its function as interrogative3 (possibly via semantic extension of hypothetical question sentences, cf. Wehr 1953 and below).4 1 Same function as m (see below)—already in Classical texts “weit seltener als m” (Wehr 1953:37); for some specic uses of in in modern literary prose, cf. Cantarino I:128–9. 2 Rammuny 1978:251: “[. . .] has become rare in MLA [Modern Literary Arabic]”, its function taken over by lam . . . badu (see below). Cf. also Cantarino I:129–30; BCG:474–5. 3 “In fact, in many languages, the overet marking of negation and questions is the same (Frawley 1992:33, with reference to Lehmann 1984.)” 4 Within a ‘feature analysis’ framework, Benmamoun in a recent study also interprets lam, lan and laysa as variants of category l [laysa = “essentially l with agreement”]— “the use of which can be derived from features of tense and relation of NEG to the

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l l is the most general negative particle in terms of frequency and variety of functions:5 it is used a) to negate imperfect verbs with present and future time reference: l yaktubu “(he) doesn’t write”, l ans abadan “I shall never forget”. The verb follows in (unmarked) indicative form.6 In one collocation, which has become grammaticalized as an auxiliary verb “continue (to do/be)” (< “not cease to do/be”), l often stands for m (below) with the perfect verb: m ~ l zla.7) b) to negate imperative verbs (or ‘prohibition’): l taktub “do not write/f”. The verb is required to be in ‘jussive/apocopatus’ form. c) to negate a noun in a categorical way: l rajula f l-bayti “there is no man [whatsoever] in the house”, in the grammars often termed l of ‘absolute negation’ or ‘general denial’ (Ar.: al-nya lil-jins). The noun is required to follow in the accusative case and in ‘status determinatus’8 (i.e. without marker of (un)deniteness). Only a subject noun can be negated this way (Moutaouakil 1991:270–71), or—the other way around—the constituent containing ‘absolute negation’ is considered the subject of the sentence . . .9 The predicate of sentences with such categorical negation is found in practice to be “nearly always prepositional phrases”, claim Badawi, Carter, Gully (2004).10 d) as NEG in a sequence of negated constituents coordinated by wa“and”—whatever the variant of the rst NEG: m aribtu yan wa-l

nominal subject.” (2000:108). m, on the other hand, belongs to another category which cannot carry tense, which consequently “allows it [tense] to be spelled out on the verb” (ibid.). However, while m can be used with both imperfect and perfect, it is not used “in the context of future tense”. Benmamoun relates this to an additional ‘focus’ feature associated with m—“supported by the fact that m is considered a stronger denial [ . . .] than l. In this respect, a sentence with m is probably equivalent to a sentence with the emphatic particle qad.” [but qad + IPF is not emphatic!?] 5 For attested examples of l as sentential and constituent NEG in modern SA, cf. Cantarino I:111–118; BCG: chapter 4 on Negatives. 6 As negative particle with perfect form verbs and some other marginal uses in Classical Arabic, cf. Reckendorf 1921:43. 7 Blau (1981:149) adduces this use to Middle Arabic inuence on SA. Schulz (1981:74–5) classies it as a hypercorrection—due to an overall tendency consisting in “a certain reluctance to use maa”. Cantarino remarks that l zl is “no doubt understood as present”—l zl yafaluhu “he still does it” (I:117, n. 34). 8 For a denition of ‘status determinatus’ see Fischer 1972:77. 9 Cf. Blau 1973:224 for a short discussion of the syntactic status of such l constructions when they are used without a predicate. 10 BCG:464.

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labanan “(I) haven’t drunk tea nor milk”;11 al-islm laysa dna wahmin waxaylin wa-l huwa dnun . . . “islam is not a religion of imagination and fantasy, nor is it a religion (which) . . .”;12 lam afqidi l-amala wa-l yaistu “I did not lose or give up hope”.13 e) to negate the second member of a contrastive pair: zaydun limun l jhilun “Zayd is learned, not ignorant” (‘adversative’ l Wright II:333); hindun fariatun l aznatun “Hind is happy, not sad”;14 fa-tilka f tiqdin natjatun l sababun li-h  t-taaubi “for in our opinion, that is a result, not a cause of this fanaticism”.15 lam lam is used to negate past tense (perfect form) verbs, and requires the following verb to be in the ‘jussive/apocopatus’: lam aktub “I have not written/ I didn’t write”. It is “generally used in a punctual context” (BCG:473). Rammuny’s study of negation in modern literary prose (1978:250–1) demonstrates that lam has largely taken over the function of classical lamm (“negation of a completed event with present time reference”, resultative)—often in combination with particle/adverb badu “yet”. En principe, lam competes with m (see below) for past tense negation—however, studies of modern prose have observed that lam is spreading at the expense of m—to the point of becoming the generalized past tense negative marker.16 The motivation for this spread, and the concomitant decrease in use of m, is taken to be the close similarity (or identity) of the latter negative marker to the negative particle ma in most spoken dialects; lam thus carrying a salient stylistic value/function that is lacking in SA m.17 I tend to believe that the heavy functional load of 11

Moutaouakil (1991:272). Cantarino 1:112. 13 Ibid.: 128. 14 Moutaouakil (1991:272), who considers this use of l as ‘coordinator’. 15 Cantarino I:114. 16 Rammuny 1978; cf. also note 2. 17 Substandard (and ‘Middle Arabic’) written Arabic texts often display a generalized use of lam as negative marker—used with both perfect and imperfect verb forms, probably to signal a more prestigious style. Cf. Hary 1992:294 for Egyptian Judeo-Arabic; Doss 1995:38–39 for Egyptian substandard and even colloquial texts—lam even negating an adverb; and Lentin 1997 for Syrian Ottoman texts. Hary contains reference to SpittaBey’s Egyptian Grammar which “reports that lam was used for emphasis in the dialect toward the end of the nineteenth century” (1992:294, n. 156). Moutaouakil (1991:264, note 1) cites lam bitukum (“I did not sell you”)—“extracted from an old [Egyptian] song”. BH (1986:799) gives lam marked for low vernacular style with a following PF verb: 12

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m in SA—as a relative pronoun and as an interrogative pronoun, also contributes to its recession from being used for negative functions (which have other alternatives, taken care of by other NEG variants)—besides being motivated by dialect-related stigmatization. lan lan is restricted to use for negation of verbs in explicitly future tense, and it requires the following verb to be in the ‘subjunctive’ mood: lan yasalan “he is not going to/will never ask me”. An alternative construction with future marker sawfa + l + indicative verb is attested for modern SA,18 and Fassi Fehri (1993:173) produces sawfa l yaulu h  “this will not happen”. (There is no occurrence of sawfa la in my data, but also only 7 occurrences of sawfa altogether.) m m is apparently a exible negative particle19—which may be used with past tense (perfect-form) verbs, less commonly with imperfect verbs (and never for future reference), and also with nominal predicates: m aabba zaydun hindan “Zayd didn’t love Hind”; m xlidun qaun “Xalid (is)n’t a novelist”.20 According to Cantarino, who observes that m “is used much less frequently today than previously” (I:108), m “is rarely used

gama:l lam raat-u e:n “beauty the like of which has never been seen”—observe the verb raa—the common word for “see” in SA, in BH raa is translated “to see in a dream or vision” (ibid.:320). 18 Cf. Blau 1973:207. More generally, “[t]here is a stronger tendency [in Modern Standard Arabic] than in the earlier layers of Arabic unequivocally to mark the future by making sa/sawfa precede the prex-tense in many syntactic environments in which they do not ordinarily occur in Classical Arabic. Thus they are used in negative clauses in interrogations and conditions.” (Blau 1981:134). 20 years later, Badawi, Carter, and Gully state that lan is tending to be replaced by sa/sawfa + l for simple future negation, with lan “evidently being retained for a more emphatic negation” (BCG:475). 19 Fassi Fehri (1993:165) sees m as ‘instantiating’ a neutral category of NEG, as it combines with verbal and nominal sentences, with ‘anterior’ [PF] or with the ‘nonanterior’ [IPF] form, and thus m is not merged with inection, and that it does not have any Case marking (in his framework including tense, i.e. ‘temporal case’) or Mood marking properties. 20 Both examples from Moutaouakil (1991:266–7). A problem with Moutaouakil’s data is that it is produced by the author himself and entirely based on his own conception (‘intuition’?) of correctness (cf. the discussion above in 1.3.4). Studies based on written sources, i.e. based on attested use—as Cantarino and Rammuny, give little or no support for some of Moutaouakil’s constructions.

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to negate a nominal sentence”; “more frequently used in sentences with the nominal predicate [. . .] introduced by the preposition bi-”, e.g. m ana bi-limin “I am not dreaming” (I:108–9). Fischer (1972:152) claims that m with PF verb “bestreitet [. . .] den ganzen Tatbestand”, with IPF verb “den Vorgang oder dessen Möglichkeit”: m jutu “ich habe gar kein Hunger bekommen”; m yarka “er sieht dich gar nicht, kann dich nich sehen”, while also noting that m is preferably used after ‘Schwurpartikeln’ (cf. below) and in sentences with ill (ibid. note 1). Moutaouakil claims that m can only combine with an IPF form verb when it “constitutes a discontinuous negative morpheme with the restrictive particle ill”: m yuibbu zaydun ill hindan “Zayd does not love except Hind” (1991:267) (> “Zayd loves only Hind”). Cantarino nds this to be a frequent use of m, but also attests to modern literary uses of m with both IPF and PF verbs—“preferably in direct discourse and, thus, with the rst and second persons” (I:109–10). Badawi, Carter, and Gully observe that the use of m + PF verb “appears to be restricted to durative contexts, unlike lam + perf. [sic]”, while m with IPF “convey[s] emotional intensity”—the attested examples in fact also involve 1st person reference (2004:472–73). It is thus probably not a coincidence, that the examples cited by Fischer above also reect direct discourse, i.e. with 1st and 2nd person reference. These statements reect, or support, the earlier proposition by Wehr (1953), to the effect that the use of m (as opposed to the variants l and lam) appears to carry a connotation of affect (of ‘involvement’ in discourse analysis terms) and that the contexts of its use tend to be reported speech and/or involve 1st and 2nd person reference. m is associated with “lebhafte Rede und Gegenrede”—as opposed to the more objective (‘detached’) negation expressed by the other NEG variants.21 This tendency, claims Wehr, is statistically apparent in different text types: again, in discourse terms, the occurrence of m is signicantly lower in expository, information-oriented texts than in narratives, while in specically ‘involved’/’expressive’ contexts, such as oaths and curses and other emphatic expressions, m (or in) is used to the exclusion of lam, l, and laysa (1953:32). Wehr nds the same tendency in some modern literary texts (e.g. h usayn), but also notes the conspicuous regression of m in modern SA (ibid.:34). 21 “[. . .] Sätze mit m [. . .] einen stärkeren subjektiven, emotionalen Ausdruckswert besitzen, dass ihr Affektsgrad höher ist als die Verneinung durch l, lam und laisa, die demnach eine durchschnittlich objektivere Form der Verneinung sind” (1953:34).

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Rammuny 1978 also endeavours to establish “a distinctive meaning of negation” with m involved—rst claiming a distinction between verb constituent negation, with l and lam, and sentential negation (“the entire proposition”), with m (p. 252). This is, however, a distinction which— other than in contrastive pairs—seems quite difficult to establish for SA, and which is not clear from his examples, anyway. Secondly—and here we touch upon the same kind of observations that we found with Wehr (and others) above: while l and lam occur “without restrictions”, in Rammuny’s corpus “m occurs only with the imperfect of stative verbs whose subjects are usually in the rst person” (ibid.). It is clear from Rammuny’s raw counts as well as from his examples, that 1st person reference is quite dominant in m occurrences. The counts, however, conrm that l and lam are by far the most common NEG, and even laysa has a much higher rate of occurrence than m (ibid.:261). laysa laysa is a negative marker which inects as a perfect verb (and thus commonly is called a ‘negative verb’),22 but does not carry past tense. Its primary function is to negate sentences with a nominal PRED, it then inects with the subject and causes the predicate to be in the accusative case:23 al-waladu faqrun

laysa al-waladu faqran

ana libatun—lastu libatan

the-boy poor/NOM

is-not the-boy poor/ACC

“the boy is poor”

“the boy isn’t poor”

I student/NOM—am-not student/ ACC “I am a student”—“I’m not a student”

laysa is also found negating sentences with a verbal predicate. With following imperfect verb, according to Wright, “it expresses a strongly denied present or future”: lasta tanlu l-izza att tu illa-h “you will never attain greatness till you humble it (your spirit)” (Wright II:302). Likewise, Cantarino for modern usage claims for laysa + imperfect verb “a strong negation” (I:224). Rammuny’s study of modern literary prose (MLA) observes a similarity in use and meaning with m + IPF: in his data, both occur “almost exclusively with stative verbs” and are “most 22 Negative verbs are “forms that encode only denial, but which pattern exactly like verbs”. (Frawley 1992:397). 23 An alternative construction is laysa with the predicate introduced by preposition bi-.

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frequently used with the rst person”—besides “they both seem to be of low frequency in MLA” (1978:256). laysa may occur with a perfect verbal predicate—mostly, it appears, in (rhetorical) negative questions:24 a-laysa qad nawayta an tutiqan “hast thou not formed the intention of setting me free?” (Wright II:302), a-laysa kunta tajlisu “hast du nicht gesessen?” (Reckendorf 1921:300)— we observe that the negative verb here is uninected. The function of inected vs. uninected laysa25 is slightly commented on by Reckendorf, who claims that “das unektierte negiert starker” (ibid.:47). According to Fischer, “[n]ichtektiertes laysa negiert einzelne Satzglieder” (1972:153) and it occurs “in nichtklass. Sprachbrauch auch beim Vb: laysa naqbalu ‘wir nehmen nicht an’ ” (ibid.).26 Wright’s presentation combines the two aspects (syntactic and semantic), in that laysa is “also employed as an indeclinable negative particle, stronger than l, to deny some part of the sentence to which it is prexed” (II:302). For modern usage, Cantarino attests that laysa as “simple negative particle” may “negate any part of a sentence” (I:122–3), e.g. laysa l-na “not now”, and gives several examples of it in contrastive and/or adversative constructions: [ . . .] laysa f ati l-qari bal wara-hu “not in the palace yard but behind it”, kna yun idu l-ikmata xalfa-hu wa-laysa amma-hu “[the ancient Arabic [sic] writer] sought wisdom in the past and not in the future”, an nun ida l-muswta wa-laysa t-tafawwuqa “that we strive for equality, and not for superiority”. Were it not for an attested case of inected laysa for contrastive constituent negation—innah mafhmun wa-laisat aytan yaumiyyan (Kroptsch 1978:35) “it is merely a notion/concept and not (a fact of ?) everyday life”—it would be tempting to suggest a specic category of laysa as uninected/invariable negative marker, functionally distinct

24 In modern SA, laysa tends not to occur with PF-verb (Rammuny 1978:256–7). For one (rhetorical) use of laysa + PF, cf. Cantarino I:125: a-laysa qad qla l-mas “Didn’t Christ say . . .?) 25 The common occurrences of uninected laysa are neglected by some of the new theoretical works on Arabic syntax—who from various perspectives ‘need’ laysa to be inected for person agreement (Fassi Fehri 1993:165; Benmamoun 2000). Moutaouakil (1991:266) argues that “laysa is a categorically ‘hybrid’ word: it behaves at one like a copular (or an auxiliary) verb [expressing the aspectual and tensual features that non-verbal predicates cannot indicate by themselves] [does it? gm] and a negative morpheme”. 26 Pace Kroptsch 1978:35 (for modern newspaper texts): “[ . . .] dass laisa in Verbindung mit einem Verb (wo es also gewissermassen als Hilfsverb fungiert) kongruieren muss”. All samples in Cantarino I:124–5 are inected for agreement.

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from the (inected) negative verb. Fluctuation means it is not, at least, a categorical distinction. Uninected laysa also occurs as sentential NEG: laysa l f l-wujdi bintun bi-h  l-ismi “I have no daughter with this name” (Cantarino I:119) (< “(there is) not for me in the existence a daughter (S) with this name”);27 laysa bi-wusina l-i4batu al… (Kroptsch 1978:33) “we are not capable of answering . . .” (< “(there is) not in our capacity the answering of. . . .”). Both cases are said to express a ‘denial of existence’ of the subject, and in Kroptsch’ terms, in such cases “ist Kongruenz oder Nichtkongruenz [of laysa] möglich”, while non-agreement (or lack of inection) is much more frequent (ibid.).28 As Kroptsch alludes to, a syntactic constraint may be operative in these cases—as an adverbial or prepositional phrase is placed between the ‘negative verb’ and its grammatical subject—thus making non-agreement an acceptable, even preferred, option. NEG in Arabic does not, as it does in many languages, trigger changes in sentential word order (relative to the non-negated sentence)—the only syntactic condition I have observed is that in SA the subject constituent in status of ‘absolute negation’ occupies the rst position in the clause— which is the unmarked position of the denite, but not of the indenite, subject in a verbless sentence.: f l-bayti rajulun

laysa f l-bayti rajulun

lrajula f l-bayti

in the-house IDF/NOM

NEG in the-house man/NOM “there isn’t a man in the house”

NEG man/ACC in man/ the house “there is no man in the house”

“there is a man in the house”

Negation in EA EA has two main negative markers29—discontinuous ma- and mi

(or mu ).30 They may be considered variants of a single NEG “since 27

Similarly, a-abatu kullu-h laysa f-h la

atun “there is no pleasure in all of nature”. In laysa tata - amsi ayun bilun “there is not a vain thing under the sun” [(there is) not under the sun a vain thing”] (ibid.)—the subject is masc., so it does not show whether NEG is inected or not. Cantarino does not comment on this issue with regard to these sentences, all listed under ‘negation of general existence’ (I:119). 28 Kroptsch’ data are various texts from newspaper and journals—not literary works. 29 For a comprehensive treatment of EA negative markers, see Woidich 1968. 30 mi and mu are usually given as optional variants. In the textbooks and grammars

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the choice between them is almost completely determined by the environment” (Abdel-Massih et al. 1979:133). They have the following basic distribution: ma-

ma- negates past (PF) verbs; present tense verbs—both y-IPF (mostly modal or for prohibition) and bi-IPF (the latter can alternatively be negated by mi , see below); inverted predicates consisting of a preposition and a pronominal suffix (Abdel-Massih et al. 1979:135; Woidich 1968:34ff.)31 including the ‘existential’ constituent :(h) “there is”; independent pronouns when negation is sentential.32

I have consulted, there appears to be a gradual transition from the older books using the mu -form as most common to the more recent ones where mi is more prominent. 31 Some seem to restrict the use of ma- NEG with PP to a class of PPs involving “(being) with/at” = “to have”: and, la, maa (cf. Mitchell 1962:108; “pseudo-verbs” Brustad 2000:288). E.g. ma-andi:- lu:s “Not with-me money” > “I don’t have any money”. Woidich 1968 and Abdel-Massih et al., however, demonstrate that a more general syntactic constraint (i.e. the ‘inverted predicate’: P + S) rather is at work. E.g. if the order is S + P, the NEG is mi : il-fulu:s mi andi “The money is not with me” (AbdelMassih:137) or “I don’t have the money”. (The choice of word order might be motivated by some semantic or pragmatic factor, for instance the status of (in)deniteness of the subject, emphasis and so on.) 32 “The pronoun in question is usually one which functions as subject: ma-ntaa-

fahimni ‘you don’t understand me’” (Abdel-Massih et al. 1979:135). Salib (1982:295) claims the expressive function of ‘strong negation’ for this construction, as opposed to the ordinary “with mi” (it is not clear, but I suspect his ‘ordinary’ case refers to NEG attached to the predicate). Then his perceptions are similar to Eisele (1999:118–19), who argues, on distributional and semantic grounds, that these negative independent pronouns are to be considered a subset of NEG—“the emphatic counterpart to the simple morpheme mi ”. Eisele claims that this NEG “cannot be used with past-time predicates”. Brustad (1991:145ff. and 1999:250ff.) presents these “negative copula” as a special case of negation, whose function it is “to contradict a presupposition, by targeting the subject pronoun and emphatically negating the applicability of the predicate to the subject” (1991:148). Mitchell does not mention any special function of this construction, but his examples may in fact be interpreted as contradicting a presupposition (1962 [1970]:110). Woidich (1968:67) claims that the alternative between mu vs. ma- with the subject pronoun, only operates with rhetorical questions, otherwise the alternative is one of ma- negating the subject vs. mu negating the predicate. Eid 1983 looks at ma- 'negated independent pronouns posited between a (pro)nominal subject and nominal PRED as ‘copulas’ (with some verbal features) for negating present tense ‘equational’ sentences—“equivalent in meaning” (but maybe not in discourse) to negation with mi : il-mudarris mi lai:f vs. il-mudarris ma-huwwa:- lai:f “the teacher is not nice” (pp. 200–1). I would tend to see the latter as a case of topicalization with emphatic function?

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mi

mi negates nominal PRED, including AP (quasi-verbal) predicates;33 future tense verbs (with future marker a- ~ ha-); bi-IPF (more commonly34 with ma- , but see below); adverbs; single constituents in contrastive constructions (e.g. iddi:-ni l-ll mi il-mal35 “give me the pepper, not the salt”; a a:n huwwa l-muznib mu enta “denn er ist der Schuldige, nicht du”, tat il-musma:r mu fo:-u “unter dem Nagel, nicht darüber”.36 In adversative constructions, mi will precede the rst part e.g.: fa-yagib innina niktib ayma ta:ni mu ala asa:s il-aga:t illi yimkin nistamilha wainnama ala asa:s il-aga:t illi [. . .] “we must write another list not based on what we may be using, but based on what [. . .]” (Woidich 1968:58, my translation). Woidich gives examples of uses of mu for ma- “bei affektbetonter Rede”, e.g. mu bahazzar “ich scherze nicht”—and for emphasis, some of them involving contrast, e.g. da mu biyibbak da biyibbi nafsu “der liebt nicht dich, sondern der liebt sich selbst” (1968:57–58).37 Brustad (1991:150) suggests that mi + bi-IPF construction represents a marked environment, where the “syntactic and semantic scope of negation must be the entire predicate, and not just the verbal argument”. She interprets the EA example ana mi bau:l la “I’m not saying no” as “a denial of an assumption expressed by the speaker’s interlocutor: that the speaker is refusing a request. In contrast, the unmarked ma baul “I don’t say” does not respond to a proposition or assumption” (ibid.:151).38 This is 33 The AP in EA (as other dialects) functions as part of the verbal system, in temporal and aspectual opposition to other verbal forms. APs of most classes of verbs relate to perfect, often resultative, aspect and past tense—others, especially ‘verbs of motion’, and some ‘cognitive’ or ‘psychological’ verbs have present time reference. According to some analysts, APs are inherently perfect—the present time reference of certain APs being related to a resultative meaning of the perfect, and/or the inceptive aspect [or Aktionsart] of lexical verbs. (Cf. discussions in Eisele 1999 and Brustad 1999 who emphasize the importance of contextual and pragmatic factors for actual time reference.) 34 Salib 1982:93, note 2. Gary and Gamal-Eldin (1982:38) claim that the variants are “in free variation” with b-IPF. 35 Example from Gary and Gamal-Eldin 1982:39. 36 Woidich 1968:81. 37 Cf. Woidich 1968:57ff. for many other examples of emphatic, affective and rhetorical uses of mu —many of them seem to represent cases of ‘denial of assumption’. 38 In Brustad 1999:256 she presents examples of mi + perfect verb as well—which she suggests fall into the same discursive pattern of denial of assumption. On the other hand, and based on informants’ judgments, she suggests that the wider use of mi variant of NEG in EA than corresponding variants in other dialect areas, is part of an ongoing historical process in EA, with mi taking over functions of ma- (as has already taken place for future tense with a-IPF . . . (ibid.:225).

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supported by Wise (1975:6), who contrasts ma-ulti-lak- kida “didn’t I tell you so?” as a real question, implying “I may have forgot” with the rhetorical question mi ulti-lak kida, implying “of course I told you”. There is also the variant ma-, used in emphatic collocations—with items like umr “(not) ever” or yare:t “give that, I hope” and with “oaths” like walla:hi “by God” (Mitchell 1962:112, Woidich 1968:48–49). Syntactically restricted is the use of la as NEG in a coordinated sequence of negated constituents la—wala “neither—nor”.39

Eid’s restrictions on switching Mushira Eid (1982 and 1988) in her study of diglossic C-S, found switches involving NEG + verb to be more restricted than with other features she investigated, and to not allow the combination EA NEG + SA verbal form. She suggested (1988) that this is due to the incongruence between the two systems with regard to NEG and tense marking: SA NEG a. lam b. lan c. l

VERB nonperfect nonperfect nonperfect

NEG ma-

mi

mi /ma-

EA VERB perfect a- nonperfect bi-nonperfect

PAST FUTURE PRESENT

which I rephrase as follows: SA NEG [+ tense] + VERB [- tense] EA NEG [- tense] + VERB [+ tense]

One might have expected that resorting to SA ‘neutral’ (Fassi Fehri) NEG m would be a comfortable verbal strategy in ‘mixed’ discourse—as this variant neutralizes the tense marking of the other SA variants, and may occur with both perfect and nonperfect verbs, though admittedly not with verbs marked for future. m, similarly to EA variants, is [- tense], and tense is marked in the verb, which then is [+ tense]. SA ma: might, therefore, be thought to be a candidate for a multi-level NEG in our speakers’ discourse strategy—much as inn- appears to be for COMP. But it is not. As mentioned above, m is becoming marginal as NEG in SA (and is hardly used at all by ‘my’ speakers, see below).40 It may either

39 40

Cf. Mitchell 1962:110–11 for variants with this construction. Eid omits m (and laysa) in her 1982 study of NEG + verb constructions, “partly

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be avoided for its dialectal association, or be yielding to the l variants because of functional overload. Verbless sentences, on the other hand, are negated with (mostly) laysa in SA and mi in EA: laysa hz a(an) da mi ai: “this is not correct”

Further—as (mostly) indeclinable NEG in constituent negation, laysa has the same distribution as mi , and laysa (as well as la(:)) are used in contrastive/adversative constructions, as is mi , so there should be no a priori structural restrictions on these variants entering into mixed constituents. On the other hand, phonetically the two variants are very distant, they are words, not clitics, and are thus potentially salient as stylistic markers of SA and EA respectively. (The issue of ‘saliency’ will be discussed in the nal chapter.)

NEG in the current data In the context of our two seminars, where discourse style is dominantly expository and informational, the full range of uses of NEG (like for affective and appellative functions) are not likely to occur. There are e.g. no occurrences of negated imperative = prohibition. Further—it is not surprising that the various tenses should not be equally represented— there are very few instances of explicit (marked) future tense (5 occurrences of SA lan + IPF; only 1 with EA mi + a-IPF). There are no occurrences of NEG ma:—apart from 3 instances of ma: za:l “not cease”, a frequent collocation which may be considered lexicalized as “continue (to)”. These, as well as one instance of la: za:l and one of ma yaza:l are registered [in brackets], but not counted or considered in the discussion. Likewise, the collocation la budd is not counted when interpreted as lexicalized adverbial in EA (“necessarily”)—but I have registered it as a case of SA la: “of absolute negation” when it occurs in the SA collocation la: budda (min/wa) an. Correlative NEG la(:)—wala(:)

because they were not typically negative + verb constructions [ . . .] amd ma occurs as the rst part of the discontinuous EA negative ma- ; hence it would be partly identical in both varieties” (not a very legitimate reason), but then she adds: “Also it did not occur as much on the tapes, if at all” (1988:62, n. 10).

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“not/neither—nor” are shared in SA and EA and are not registered (also very few occurrences). I shall, in the following analysis of registered occurrences of NEG, look for how SA and EA variants of NEG are distributed in the speakers’ discourse—on intraspeaker as well as interspeaker level. More specically I shall be looking for – cooccurrence constraints on mixing NEG with lexical items and MPP of the other basic code (cf. Eid); – constraints of the linguistic environment on choice of NEG variants; – patterns of preferences for specic variants of NEG for specic functions. NEG in AUC1 SA NEG (6 occurrences) usta: ha:wi / huwa ana yani // lastu mutaxaian  l-tarbiyya (1.11) (professor) amateur / he me that is // NEG specialized/ACC in the-education “an amateur, that’s me—I am not specialized in education”

ana uiqt i:na samit ha: a la aktùm-kum wa-taaggabt yani (1.40) I be-shocked/1s when hear/1s this NEG hide-you and-be-surprised/1s, that is “I was shocked when I heard this, I admit, and surprised, that is”

ana la: adri /aban ana sa-asma min a aràt-kum mawqif (1.67) I NEG 1s/know / of-course I FUT-1s/hear from sirs-your standpoint “I do not know, of course I am going to hear from you the standpoints . . .”

ana yani la: yahummu-ni huna illa an uwa i nuqa sai:ra giddan (1.69) I that is NEG 3ms/concern-me here except that 1s/make-clear point small very “I, well the only thing which concerns me here is to make clear one very little point”

nuqa sai:ra giddan rubbama / la: taku:n wa a (1.70) point small very perhaps / NEG 3fs/be clear “one very little point (which) perhaps may not be clear”

kutub kull-àha tau:d ila l-quru:n l-ma ya / wa-laysa :-ha bai: / min / altaawwur (1.84) books all-of-them 3fs/go back to the-centuries the-past / and NEG in-them glimpse / of / the-development “books all going back to the past centuries / and there is not a glimpse of development in them”

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THE EXPRESSION OF NEGATION

Distribution: laysa (S) + nominal PRED/ACC (1.11) laysa + PP + S/indef. + PP (1.84) la + IPF (1.40, 1.67, 1.70) la + IPF + illa (1.69) The use of laysa “is not” in 1.11 vs. la taku:n in 1.70 reects a distinction between the use of these forms—with the latter expressing a modal meaning which laysa cannot have:41 laysa thus can be constrained from appearing with epistemic modals like rubbam,42 mumkin and so on (and of course all modals involving the use of an + IPF form). EA NEG (5 occurrences) fa ma-raf-i mua: damanhu:r yuri:d gama (1.57) and NEG-1s/know-NEG governor Damanhour 3ms/want the-university “I don’t know, the governor of Damanhour wants/may want to have a university”

izzayy yfaàu l-kilma wi-ruf-ha u-mu a:rif e:h (1.104) how 3mpl-explain the-word and letters-it and-NEG know/AP what “how they shall explain the word and its letters and what not”

yani l-ma: bi-titkawwin min e:h u-e:h u-mi a:rif - ams iba:ra an e:h (1.118) that is, the-water IND-3fs/consist of what and what and NEG-know/AP the-sun is of what “that is, water consists of what and, I don’t know, the sun is of what”

huwwa lissa ma-yarìf-i a:ga an il-maw u: (1.133) he yet/still NEG-3ms/know-NEG thing about the-subject “he doesn’t know anything yet about the subject”

yifatta zihn-u / wa-ma-yiba:- masalat inn-u bi-[ y]iddi-:lu / maluma:t yifa-ha (1.149) 3ms/open up mind-his / and-NEG-3ms/is-NEG issue that-he IND-3ms/give-tohim / information 3ms/memorizes-it

41 BCG:404: “Note especially that l yaknu cannot mean ‘is not’, but as the negation of yaku:nu, it means something like ‘will not be’, might not be’, would not be’ etc.”. 42 Cantarino claims that rubbam normally is followed by PF form verb “without any connotation of past experience”, but also may be used with the imperfect. The one sample given is actually with l + IPF: lkin rubbam l afhamu “but perhaps I do not understand” (II:225–26).

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“(which) opens up his mind and it is not the case that he gives him information to memorize”

Distribution: ma– + IPF (1.57, 1.133, 1.149) mi + AP (1.104, 1.118)—both frequent collocation mi a:rif “(I) don’t know” Summary of NEG in AUC1 The distribution of NEG with this speaker follows the pattern of the other items we have discussed, in that the rst part of his talk has SA NEG variants, the second part EA variants. The one exception is the inserted ma-raf- “I don’t know” in 1.57—a typical ‘ller’ with low ‘content value’. SA NEG cooccurs with SA (or shared) lexical items and in SA environment, whereas SA ‘full forms’, i.e. with inection, may or may not be observed: e.g. as NP of laysa: ‘full form’ with case ending mutaxaian in 1.11, vs. no case ending and EA MPP wa a (with elision of short vowel and subsequent shortening of long vowel—according to EA phonotactics) in 1.70 (SA: wa: iatan). EA NEG similarly cooccurs with EA or shared lexical items (ma-yarif i in 1.133 with SA MPP)43 and in EA environment. NEG in AUC2 SA NEG (32 occurrences) fa-la: yaka:du l-mar yaftau / ai:fatan aw / migallatan […] / illa yagidu / lit-tali:mi / mawqian ala nawin aw a:xar (2.14) and-NEG 3ms/almost-be the-man 3ms/open / newspaper or / journal [. . .] / except that 3ms/nd / for-the-education / a site in kind or other “and one can hardly open a newspaper or a journal without nding education being there in some way or another”

li-ann-u la: yaka:du aadun minna / illa wa-ta alu-hu qa i:yatu t-tali:m (2.25) because NEG 3ms/almost-be one of-us / except while 3ms/occupy-him issue theeducation “because hardly anyone of us is not concerned about the issue of education” 43 This verb, with shared LS status, occurs with SA prex several times in EA context (1.143, 4.114, 6.117, 6.128) as well as SA context.

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THE EXPRESSION OF NEGATION

inn-u / lam tataaddad  taawwùr-i la-h / u:ra wa: ia (2.29) that / NEG 3fs/be dened in perception-mine of-it / picture clear “that a clear picture has not been dened as I see it”

ha: a t-tali:m / la: faka:ka / wa-la: ragata anna-hu / yagib an yaku:n (2.41–2) this the-education / NEG doubt and NEG going back that-it / 3ms/is necessary that 3ms/be “this education, there is no doubt that it must be”

lamma b-yudxul l-madrasa la yabda min nuqat ifr (2.65) when IND-3ms/enter the-school NEG 3ms/begin from point zero “when he enters school he does not start from point zero”

fa-huwa tali:mun mustamirr bi-mana anna-hu laysa krit t-tali:m il-mustamirr allati a:at (2.70) for-it educationNOM continuous in-meaning that-it NEG idea the-education thecontinuous which spread/3fs “for it is a continuous education in a sense that is not the usual idea of continuous education”

tuakkid anna-na nuallim lil-itqa:n […] / wa-laysa li-mugarrad inn -na [n ]xarrag / nui xirri:g (2.96) 3fs/conrm that-we pl/teach for-the-skill [. . .] / and NEG for-just that-we 1s/ graduate / half graduate “conrms that we teach for mastery [. . .] and not just for graduating semigraduates”

li-anna l-ar lan yaqbal ha:ula:/ […] wat-taawwur / il-ai:a lan yaqbal ha:ula: (2.98-99) because the age NEG 3ms/accept these / [. . .] and the-development / really NEG 3ms/accept these “because our age will never accept these [. . .] and development in fact will never accept these”

wa-tubiu ka-anna-ha lam takun / wa: (2.105) and-3fs/become as-if-it NEG 2fs/be / and / “and it becomes as if it never was, and”

wa-aka:d aqu:l il-if i-amm / wa-lam nahtamm bil-gawa:nib il-ulya (2.121) and-1s/almost-be 1s/I say the-memorization the-deaf / and-NEG 1s/beconcerned with the higher aspects “I would almost say deaf memorization and we have not been concerned with the higher aspects”

fa-[a]addis an-ha wa-la: arag / fa-laysa la-ha maw u:un / yaka:du yuzkar (2.124) for-1s/talk about-it and-NEG embarrassment / for NEG for-it a topic/position NOM/ 3ms/almost be 3ms/be-remembered “I will talk about it without embarrassment, for it is something hardly mentioned?”

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nasa likay yaku:na muwa:inan muntigan / mustani:ran / […] wa-laysa mugarrad

ax / iba:ra an kita:b mulaq (2.134) 1pl/strive so that 3ms/beSUB citizen productive / enlightened / [. . .] and NEG only person / as book closed “we are striving so that he shall be a productive, enlightened citizen, and not only someone like a closed book”

aw gawa:nib xa:a / s-sulu:k il-insa:ni la: yatagawàz-ha wa-hiya l-ga:nib lmari l-muna (2.141) or aspects special / in the-behaviour the-human NEG 3ms/surpass-it and-it theaspect the-knowledgewise the-inferior “or special aspects concerning human behaviour (which) have not been overcome and that is the inferior aspect of knowledge”

bi-ab lan yastai: / inn-u yidd ha:zihi l-ulu:l l-ga:hiza (2.177) of course NEG 3ms/be-able-to / that-he 3ms/prepare these ready-made solutions “of course, he will never be able to prepare these ready-made solutions”

la: yuallim / illa aai gawa:nib it-tali:m / wa-la: yahtammi bil-amaliyya:t ilra:qiya / lis-sulu:k il-ba ari / wa-la: ya a-ha maw i al-itiba:r (2.181–2) NEG 3ms/teach / except most base aspects the-education / and NEG 3ms/beinterested in-the-processes the-ne / for-the-behaviour the-human / and NEG 3ms/put-it site the consideration “he only teaches the more inferior aspects of education, and is not interested in the ner processes of human behavior and and does not take them into consideration”

ha:za l-muallim / lam yarif ayan ala za:lik (2.203) this the-teacher / NEG 3ms/cost thing/ACC over that “this teacher did not cost anything extra”

li-ann-u la: nastai: an nataawwar / inn il-a:ba: wil-ummaha:t (2.216) because NEG 1pl/be-able-to 1pl/imagine / that the-fathers and-the-mothers “because we are not able to imagine that fathers and mothers”

qad yatana:sab ma-ma taallamù(-h) aw la yatana:sab (2.221) mod.part. 3ms/match with-what learn/3pl-(it) or NEG match / “it may match what they learned or it may not match”

u-dà bi-ab hadr iqtia:di wa-gtima:i / lil-quwa l-ba ariyya / la yaqbalu-hu aad (2.222) and-that of course waste economic and social / of the-strength the-human /NEG accept-it one “and that is of course an economic and social waste of human resources which no one (can) accept”

it-tali:m l-mari lam ya a nia:m / muna:sib / yatana:sab maa / nia:m ilama:la :-h (2.222b) the-education the-Egyptian NEG put system / appropriate / 3ms/go-together with / system the-labour in-it

250

THE EXPRESSION OF NEGATION “Egyptian education has not laid down an appropriate system which matches the labour system”

ha:za l-no: min at-tansi:q il-harami / lil-ama:la lam yuqa:bil-u(h) nia:m tali:mi yuna:sib-u(h) (2.231) this the-kind of the-structure the-pyramid-like / of-the-labour NEG 3ms/meet-it system educational 3ms/match-it “this pyramid-shaped structure of labour is not met by an educational system to match it”

fa-tagid l-awla:d yilau yi talu badi kida ama:l / mutadannìya giddan / aw la yagidu:na amalan ka-ma yadus l-a:n (2.234) and-2ms/nd the-children (boys) 3pl/get up 3pl/work after that works / low-level very / or NEG 3pl/nd workACC as 3ms/happen now “and you will nd the children getting work after that which is very low level, or they do not nd work as it happens now”

in-nisba […] / la taka:d / tattaq maa ayy muaddal ala ayyi nasab (2.236) the-proportion [. . .] NEG 3fs/almost / 2fs/agree with any indicator on any measure “the proportion [. . .] nearly doesn’t agree with any indicator on any measure”?

:h / xirrigi:n yaxrugu:na min-hu li-ann-u ay an lam yuwaggih tawgi:h mahani (2.240) there-are / graduates 3pl/graduate/IND from-it because also NEG 3ms/ encounter instruction vocational “there are those who graduate from it also because he did not encounter vocational instruction”

[innama kull-ìna nalam inni la: za:l it-tali:m l-asa:si / […] tali:m taqli:di naari (2.250)] however, all-us 1pl/know that NEG cease/3ms the-education the-basic [. . .] education traditional theoretical “however we all know that the basic education continues to be the traditional theoretical one”

wa-ma(:) yusamma l-magala:t l-amaliyya laysa la-hu wugu:d bil-l (2.252) and- that which 3ms/be called the-elds the-practical NEG for-it existence infact “and what is called practical elds do not exist in practice/fact”

ya imma yudxul baa  nia:m mìhani e:r nia:m taqli:di giddan / win-nasaq ilmuta:d lit-tadri:b l-mìhani / aw la yagidu / la-hu maka:nan (2.255) either 3ms/enter then in a vocational system other (than) system traditional very / and the structure the-usual for the-training the-vocational / or NEG 3ms/nd for-him a place “either he enters a vocational programme different from the very traditional, and the usual structure for vocational training, or he does not nd a place”

wil-munaq a aban a-turi l-adi:s / atta la: aa ala l-waqt / wa-a kùr-kum (2.257) and-the-discussion of course FUT-3fs/enrich the talk / so that NEG 1s/exceed the-time / and 1s/thank-you

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“and the discussion of course will ll out the talk / (just) so I do not exceed the time, I thank you”

Distribution: lam + IPF for past tense (2.29, 2.105, 2.203, 2.222, 2.231, 2.240) lan + IPF for future tense (2.98–9, 2.177)—without ‘full form’ inection for SUB S + laysa + NP (def. noun) (+ REL) (2.70) laysa + PP + NP (indef. noun) (2.124, 2.252 (+ REL)) laysa adversative( 2.96, 2.134) la(:) + IPF + illa (2.14, 2.25, 2.181) la(:) + IPF (2.65, 2.141, 2.181–2 (2 x), 2.216, 2.221, 2.222, 2.234, 2.236, 2.255, 2.257) la: + N ‘absolutus’ (2.41–2 (2 x), 2.124) [la: za:l (2.250) variant of ma: za:l] EA NEG (11 occurrences) yagib an yaku:n li-ka(:)ffat il-muwa:ini:n / ma-(:)- akk inn ma-add-i yidar / yiu:l inn-u l-awda (2.43) 3ms/be necessary that 3ms/be for-totality the-citizens / NEG-there-is-NEG that NEG-one-NEG 3ms/can / 3ms/say that the-return “it must be for all citizens / there is no doubt nobody can say that the return . . .”

fa-huwa lil-ka:ffa / wa / aqqun lil-gami: / ma-(:)- akk (2.46) for-it for-the-totality / and / rightNOM for-the-all / NEG-there-is-NEG doubt “for it is for all, and a right for all, no doubt about it”

bis-sinn is-sa:disa li-i il-ibtida:i / was-sinn mi a:rif tna: ar lil-ida:di (2.56) at-the-age the-sixth for child the-elementary / and the-age NEG know/AP twelve for the-preparatory “at the age of six for the child in elementary school, and the age, I don’t know, twelve, for preparatory school”

innama lil-mubdi atta  magala:t it-tiknulu:4i / mi mumkin yatakarrar na a:t-u (2.164) but for the-innovator even in elds the-technology / NEG possible 3ms/repeat activity-his “but for the innovator even in the eld of technology, it is not possible to repeat his activity”

da mi mita:g taklifa  taawwur-i (2.186) that NEG needing expences in-perception-mine “that is not in need of expences as I see it”

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THE EXPRESSION OF NEGATION

it-tali:m li-mugarrad tali:m / ma-(:)- akk / inni ayyi iwa:r (2.214) the-education for-only education / NEG-there-is-NEG doubt / that any dialogue “education only for education«s sake, there is no doubt, that any dialogue”

t-tali:m is-sanawi dà / e:h huwiyyìt-u / ma-add-i a:rif (2.241) the-education the-secondary this / what identity-it / NEG-one-NEG know/AP “this secondary education, what is its identity, nobody knows”

bi-yidd li-ayyi mihna / ma-add-i darya:n / it-tali:m is-sanawi l-a:mm bizza:t (2.242) IND-3ms/prepare for-which occupation / NEG-one-NEG knowing/AP / theeducation the secondary the-general exactly “what occupation exactly, nobody knows, does secondary school education prepare for”

ma-daxal- il-gama ab bi-yu:lu / a-na:xud nisba mit-tali:m il-ga:mii (2.243) NEG-enter/3ms the-university well IND-3pl/say /FUT-1pl/take portion of theuniversity education “it (he?) didn’t enter the university, well, they say: we are going to take a portion of the university education . . .”

it-tali:m is-sanawi l-a:mm yi taal ba ka:tib ma-yinfa- (2.246b) the education the-secondary the-general 3ms/work secretary NEG-3ms/be useful-NEG “the general secondary school (if) he shall work as a secretary is/will be of no use”

Distribution: ma– + IPF (2.246b) ma– + PF (2.243) ma-:- (2.43a, 2.46, 2.214) ma-add-i (2.43b, 2.241, 2.242) mi + AP (2.56, 2.164, 2.186) Summary of NEG in AUC2 AUC2 prefers SA NEG with verbal forms—or, alternatively, avoids EA NEG + verbal forms. The EA NEG variants are largely used with high frequency colloquial constructions/collocations: ma-(:-) akk “there is no doubt (about it)”, “naturally”, “of course” ma-add-i a:rif/darya:n “nobody knows”; mi a:rif “don’t know”, mi mumkin “impossible”. SA negated lexical items are SA or shared, with SA MPP—apart from in the features of pron.suff., which may follow EA MPP: la: yatagawàz-ha (2.141), lam yuqa:bìl-u(h) (2.231).

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NEG in AUC3 NEG (18 occurrences) il-mua:wala:t dì kull-áha / lam tanga / wa-hya lam tanga bi-dali:l basi: (3.33) the-attempts those all-them / NEG 3fs/succeed / and-they NEG 3fs/succeed by symptom simple “all those attempts did not sucdeed, and they did not succeed for one simple reason”?

ana a-murr ale:-ha / muru:r / a-a:ir / la: muru:r al-mutaraggil ala / ala l-ar (3.37) I FUT-1s/pass over-it / passing / the-ying / NEG passing the-walking on / on the-ground “I shall pass over it as someone ying, not as someone walking on foot on the ground”

ha: ihi laysat mugarrad taawwula:t siya:siyya a:dda (3.52) these NEG only transformations political sharp “these are not only sharp political transformations”

law naarna ila t-tali:m/ fa-la budda wa-an natazakkar anna-hu / nia:m (3.54) if look/1pl to the-education / so-no getting-away and-that 1pl-remember that-it / system” “if we look at education, we must remember that it is a system”

kulli taawwul / siya:si a:dd / la budda wa-an yatbaa-hu bi - aru:ra / tayi: r (3.56) every transformation / political sharp / NEG getting-away and-that 3ms/followit by-the-necessity / change “every sharp political transformation must necessarily be followed by change”

[/ fa-ma za:l it-tawagguh l-i tira:ki mawgu:d / (3.97)] and NEG cease/3ms the-orientation the-socialist present “and the socialist orientation was still present”

[wa-ma yaza:l / atta l-a:n (3.100)] and NEG cease/3ms / until now “and it continues until now”

a(:)yzi:n it-tali:m / yattagih ila l-bula kaza / wa-la: ila l-bula kaza (3.117) want/APpl (that) the-education / 3ms/head to the-direction such / and-NEG to the-direction such “(we) want education to move in such a direction, and not such”

fa-dà la budda wa-an yamal / irtiba:k (3.117) and-that no getting-away and-that 3ms-make / confusion “and that must create / confusion”

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THE EXPRESSION OF NEGATION

ay an tagi: / nati:ga / li- / muassàsa / la: tartabi bi- ax / bi-ayni-hi (3.144) that-is that 3fs/come / result / of / an institution / not 3fs/connected with-person / himself “that is, that it should come as a result of an institution, not connected with a particular person”

la:kin a:liban in lam yakun da:iman (3.151) but mostly if NEG 3ms/be always “but mostly, if not always”

fa-la budda / wa-an yaduq ale:-ha / inni e:h (3.185) and-no getting-away and-that 3ms/apply to-it / that eh “then it would have to apply to it that eh”

fa-la budda wa-an yaku:n huna:k / tansi:q / wa-tana:um / wa-“harmony” (3.189) and-no getting-away and-that 3ms/be there / organizing / and “then there would have to be / order and harmony”

wa-ana la: ansa / inn / xuat it-tali:m a-a:dira min wiza:rat it-tali:m (3.191) and-I NEG 1s/forget / that / plan the-education the-coming from misitry theeducation “and I do not forget that the educational plan issued by the ministry of education”

fal-tuaddiq aw la: tuaddiq / anna-ha aharat (3.195) so-let 2ms/believe or NEG 2ms/believe / that-it appear/3fs “so believe it or not, it appeared . . .”

xuat t-tali:m nafs-àha […] / lam tahar / wa-lam tatimm / illa / bada / sanat (3.204) plan the-education itself [. . .] NEG 3fs/appear / and-NEG 3fs/be completed / except after / the year “the educational plan itself [. . .] did not appear and was not completed until after the year . . .”

u-dà e malu:b wa-laysa / e:r malu:b (3.217) and-that thing asked-for and-NEG / other than asked for “and that is something we want and not unwanted”

ha:zihi nara:-ha : kasi:r min / il-aya:n / la: yustafa:d bi-ha (3.221) these 1pl/se-them in many of / the-times / NEG 3ms/be beneted from “these we often see are not useful”

Distribution: lam + IPF for past tense (3.33, 3.151, 3.204 u 2)

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S + laysa + NP indef. (3.52) laysa in adversative construction (3.217) la: + N absolutus (3.54, 3.56, 3.117, 3.185, 3.189)—all in the collocation la budda wa-an44 la(:) contrastive/adversative (3.37, 3.117, 3.144) la: + IPF (3.144, 3.191, 3.195, 3.221) EA NEG (16 occurrences) inn-ana a:yi  sanat alf u-tisumiyya / wa:id u-tisi:n / mi  sanat alf utumnumiyya / u-tamani:n / (3.30) that-I live/AP in the year 1991 / NEG in the year 1880 “that I live in 1991 and not in 1880”

[u-ka:n la budd il-wa:id yisal nafs-u (3.31)] a a:n ma-nuaf-i udda:m /it-tafi:l (3.38) so that NEG-1pl/stop-NEG in-front-of / the detail “so that we do not stop up on details”

mi bass mil-qarn il-ma: i / dà atta ha:zihi l-laa (3.40) NEG only from-the-century the-past / but until this moment “not only from the past century but until this moment . . .”

yiu:mu ta:ni yo:m yiu:lu / e:h / la: ma-na:- ayzìn-ha / (3.72) 3pl/get up next day 3pl/say / . . . / no, NEG-we-NEG want/AP/pl-it “the next day they come and say, eh, no we don’t want it”

u-saa:t abli-ma yi:gi yantahi da-na mu ayzi:n[-ha] ayzi:n / a:ga tanya uxra45 (3.74) and- hours before-that 3ms/come 3ms/nish but-we NEG want/AP/pl / want/ AP/pl / something other else “and just before he comes to nish, we don’t want it , we want something other else”

[ fatra uxra / la: do:l wala do:l (3.76)] time other / NEG those NEG those “another time: neither these nor those”

mi bi-yaa bit-tanawwu a-aqa: / wa-innama bit-tana:fur a-aqa: (3.78) NEG IND-3ms/acquire the-diversity the-cultural / but rather the-aversion thecultural “it doesn’t attain cultural diversity, only cultural aversion”

44 A frequent version in modern SA texts which some purists strongly object to, the ‘correct’ construction being la budda (min) an. 45 2 lexical variants—EA and SA—“other, else” are put on top of each other.

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THE EXPRESSION OF NEGATION

il-qiya:da:t at-tali(:)miyya mitkattìfa / ma-[a]dar- aayyar id-dustu:r (3.106) the-leadership the-educational tied up / NEG-1s/can-NEG 1s/change theconstitution “the educational leadership is tied, I can«t change the constitution”?

la:kin / mi a:dir yu:l axalli t-tali:m / maga:ni (3.113) but / NEG can/AP 3ms/say 1s/leave the-education / free “but he cannot say: I’ll leave education free (of charge)”

il-wa  il-qa:im bi-yintami ila bula kriyya uxra / u-ma-:- il-gura l-ka:ya (3.115) the situation the-current IND-3ms/belong to orientation ideological other / and NEG-there is-NEG the-courage the-sufcient “the current situation has another ideological orientation, and there is not sufcient courage”

wa-law inn-i ana axiyyan ma-(a)ibb-aha:- (3.134) although that-I I personally NEG-1s/like-it-NEG “although I personally do not like it”

u-dà ma-aal-i / kasi:ran /  maga:l /it-tali:m (3.135) and-that NEG-happen/3ms-NEG / often / in eld the-education “and that has not often happened in the eld of education”

bi-e:s / nu:l e:h inn-u mu mulzim (3.149) so that / 1pl/say what that-it NEG obligatory “so that, what shall we say it is not obligatory”

kasi:r min al-aghiza t-tanziyya / ma-b-taltazim-i / bi- / is-siya:sa alqawmiyya l-a:mma (3.155) much of the-apparatus the-executive / NEG-IND-3fs/be-obliged-NEG / by / the-politics the-national the general “much of the executive apparatus does not feel obliged by the general national politics”

dà bi-ga:nib tafa(:)i:l uxra kasi:ra  ha:zihi l-qa iyya / mi dà / wat-aha (3.177) that besides details other many in this case / NEG this / time-their “that, besides many other details in this case, which this is not the time for (going into) it”

a:xir a:ga / wifqan liz-zaman / mi wifqan li-ma yanbai an yaku:n (3.207) last thing / according to the-time / NEG according to-what 3ms/be-best that 3ms/be “one last thing, considering the time (left), not according to how it should be”

muassasa:t la: yustafa:d bi-ha / u-mu wai:qat il-ittia:l / bi-ina:at l-qara:r (3.221) institutions not 3ms/be-protably-used of-them / and-NEG reliable the-contact with making the-decision “institutions which are not useful and not reliable for having contact with decisionmaking”

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Distribution: ma– + IPF (3.38, 3.106, 3.134) ma– + b-IPF (3.155) ma– + PF (3.135) ma– with PP: ma-:- (3.115) ma– + pronoun (3.72) mi + AP PRED ( 3.74, 3.113, 3.149) mi + b-IPF (3.78 - adversative, see below) mi adversative/contrastive (3.30, 3.40, 3.78, 3.207) Interestingly, there are two parallel constructions, and with the same referents, involving a subject pronoun + AP PRED: In 3.72 it is the pronoun which is negated: ma-na:- ayzìn-ha (NEG-PRON-NEG + PRED [+clitic object pronoun]) “not-we want-it”. Shortly after, in 3.74, we have da46-na mi ayzi:n[-ha] “(but/look) we not want it”—where mi

negates the AP PRED. According to suggestions in the literature (cf. p. 241), the construction with ma– + pronoun is marked as stronger, more emphatic. However, there may be another motivation for the alternative with mi in 3.74, namely, that it occurs in an adversative context, with following ayzi:n a:ga tanya uxra “(we) want something else” (with EA followed by SA lexical variant of “else/other”.) In 3.78 we nd the only case of mi + bi-IPF in this data. Does it mark a negation of something assumed (as Brustad suggested, cf. p. 242), or rather t the function of emphasis, here involving contrast (as Woidich demonstrates, cf. ibid.)? The two kinds of motivation are, however, not mutually exclusive: ‘it is not as one would expect, but rather . . .’. Summary of NEG in AUC3 AUC3 moves back and forth between uses of SA and EA variants of NEG in his discourse. Cooccurrence constraints hold between SA NEG and SA verbal forms. There are, however, some cases of EA NEG with SA lexical items: In 3.78 mi is followed by the hybrid form bi- +SA verb yaa; in 3.155 ma– negates the hybrid form bi- +SA MPP verb taltazim. Both

46 I interpret da here as ‘exclamatory particle’, as in da-na zabayn-ak “but we’re customers of yours!” (BH:273). Also Salib 1982:291 for ‘assertive’ use of DEM.

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forms are according to the principle of admitting SA lexical items with EA grammatical morphemes.47 The use of mi vs. ma– in these two verbal cases, could be accounted for with reference to mi as marked negation for ‘denial of an assumption’—3.78 representing an adversative construction with the likely interpretation “and [these things] make him not acquire (as one would assume/intend) cultural diversity, but (rather) cultural aversion”. In 3.207 mi negates an SA adverbial—the linguistic environment is unambiguously SA—the speaker must be rhetorically motivated to use the EA NEG here, possibly an extra contrastive effect added to this contrastive construction: “(one) last thing according to the time [ left] not according to what it should be [i.e. all the things I should like to say]”. In 3.221 we nd mu in a purely SA environment. Another, opposite, case of non-correlation with linguistic environment is 3.217, where laysa is used as contrastive particle in EA environment. NEG in AUC4 SA NEG (2 occurrences) a:l sa-yataaddas t-tali:m ma qabl 48 al-ga:mii / wa-la yataaddas t-tali:m ma: bad as-sanawi (4.9) say/3ms FUT-3ms/talk about the-education that before the-university / and NEG 3ms/talk about the-education that after the-secondary “he said: he is going to talk about pre-university education, and not: he shall talk about post-secondary education”

taww ma waal usta:z laysa malu:ban min-hu ayyi e: ala l-ila:q (4.152) as soon as arrive/3ms professor NEG demanded/ACC from-him any thing at all “as soon as he gets to be professor, nothing at all is demanded of him”

[nagid ann ma: za:l 49 tustaxdam l-wasa:il l-bida:iyya giddan / : tani:m ilgama (4.157) “we nd that very primitive methods are still being used”] 47

In accordance with the ‘dominant language’ hypothesis. Badawi, Carter, and Gully treat the use of m qabla “what is before” and m bada “what is after” under the heading “idiomatic combinations of relative m with prepositionals”—as a means of “reproducing Western prexes ‘pre-’ and ‘post-’ (BCG:520). Cf ibid.: 757–8 for more examples. 49 ma: za:l is not inected (unless -it is overhead?). An indication that the collocation is in a process of grammaticalization (= EA lissa) “still”? Inected ma: za:lit occurs in 6.158 and 7.22. 48

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Distribution: la - contrastive (4.9) laysa + nominal PRED indef./ACC + S indef. EA NEG (20 occurrences) ana ma-b-akallim-i baa al-ga:mii / li-ann l-a:li ulna ayyi a:ga bad is-sànawi (4.19) I NEG-IND-1s/speak-NEG then of the-‘university-’ / because the ‘higher’ said/ 1pl any thing after the-secondary “I am not then speaking about ‘university-’, as we said ‘higher’ is anything after the secondary”

w-yimkin ka:nit mu kilit / inn ma-and-ina:- / xirri:g il-ga:mìa (4.55) and-perhaps 3fs/be problem / that NEG-with-us-NEG / graduate the university “and maybe the problem, that we don«t have (the kind of) university graduate, was” ab na it l-gama  mar baa / nafs-aha / yani mi a:rif yimkin ma-ninsa:- /

na aat il-ga:mia  mar ka-ga:mia ahliyya (4.58)

well grow-up/3fs the-university in Egypt then / itself / I mean, NEG know/AP maybe NEG-1pl-forget-NEG / grow-up/3fs the university in Egypt as-university private “well the university in Egypt itself emerged, then, I mean, I don’t know, maybe we shouldn’t forget, the university in Egypt emerged as a private university”

nau:d ila l-wara: li-nataqaddam / bi-afkàr-na mi e:b / la:kin bi-nu:l inn-ìna (4.67) 1pl/return to the-back for-1pl/advance / with-ideas-our NEG shame / but IND1pl/say that-we “we return back in order to develope our ideas (which is) not a shame, but (as ) we say, we . . .”

il-ai:a :h hadaf / a:mm / wa: / ma-nidar- niu-u da:xil ayyi ia:r / madu:d (4.73) the-truth there-is aim / general / and / NEG-1pl/can-NEG 1pl/put-it inside any frame / delimited “actually there is a general objective, and, we are not able to place it in a delimited frame”

wa-au:l il-gama yimkin ma-aul- l-maa:hid l-ulya ila a:xir-u (4.74) and 1s/say the-university maybe NEG-1s/say-NEG the-institutes the higher and so on “and I should say ‘the university’ maybe I shouldn’t say ‘the higher institutes’”

dà hadaf a:mm / ma-nidar- na a-u da:xil ia:r ayyiq (4.82) that objective general / NEG-1pl/can-NEG 1pl/place-it in a narrow frame “that is a general objective / we cannot place it in a narrow fram:

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THE EXPRESSION OF NEGATION

yani ana yimkin mi tarbàwi fal-yazuru:-ni l-ixwa t-tarbawiyyi:n (4.83) I mean I maybe NEG educational so let-3pl/reprimand-me the-brothers theeducationalists “I mean, I am maybe not in educational (profession) so let my brothers the educators rebuke me”

u-bade:n il-gama ma-bait-i faqa / lit-tali:m wa-innama mtadda ilay-ha ay an al-bas al-ilmi / (4.89) and-then the-university NEG-3fs/be-NEG only / for teaching and-rather expanded to-it also the-research the-scientic “and after that the university was not only for teaching, but scientic research extended to it”

la:kin bi-tun a li-ha:za l-ara yani [m]bait- il-gama hiya l-aka:dimiyya l-ai:ma (4.102) but IND-3fs/be build for-this the-intention that is [NEG-]become/3fs theuniversity the academy the great “but is established for this sake, that is, the university didn’t become the great academy”

lamma nbui lil-ahda:f diyyat l-ai:a la budd inni huna:k usus (4.112)] l-gama hiya l-usta:z // ma-:- usta:z / mi a-tiba gama (4.118) the-university it the-professor / NEG-there-is-NEG professor / NEG FUT-3fs/be university “the university is the professor, (if) there is no professor, there will be no university”

atta d-dira(:)sa:t al-ilmiyya / ma-:- abadan / yani / zayy -ma ka:n zama: n (4.122) even the-studies the-scientic / NEG-there-is-NEG never / that is / like-that be/3ms time “even science studies , it is not in any way, like it used to be”

yimkin yim i l-ibtida:i la:kin ma-yim i:- l-gama (4.124) maybe 3ms/go in-the-primary but NEG-3ms/go-NEG in the university “it may work in the primary school, but not at the university”

b-tagal l-insa:n n-niha:ya / yandug kriyyan mi ala tabanni kra wada / wainnama ala muwa:gaha:t / adi:da (4.128) 3fs/make the-person in-the-end / 3ms/mature intellectually NEG on embracing idea one but-rather on many encounters “it makes one in the end mature intellectually, not (based) on embracing one idea but based on a variety of encounters”

ana iha:dit l-bakaloryo:s btat-i a:it ma-rift-i axùd-ha lia:yit dilwati (4.159) I diploma the-baccalaureat belonging-to-me get-lost/3fs NEG-know/1s-NEG 1s/take-it until now “my bachelor diploma was lost, I haven«t found how to get it till this day”

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lamma ra:at l-gama u-allau:-ha mi a:rif a a:n nisyu yiktibu martabt i - araf (4.161) when go/3fs the-university and-correct/3pl NEG know/AP forget/3pl 3pl/write the honour’s degree “when it got to the university and they corrected it, I don’t know, because they had forgotten to write the honour’s degree”

xala fuqidat / mi lai:-ha aha:dit l-ma:giste:r bitat-i (4.162) nished be-lost/3fs / NEG nd/AP-it diploma the-master belong-to-me “over, it was lost, I have not found my master diploma”

u-tat risa:la mi ana lli amìl-ha (4.165) and-under thesis NEG I who do/AP-it “and under a thesis (which it was) not I who had done it”

Distribution: ma– + IPF (4.19 b-IPF, 4.58, 4.73, 4.74, 4.89, 4.82, 4.124) ma– + PF (4.89 (in adversative construction), 4.102, 4.159) ma– + PP (4.55, 4.118 (ma-:- ), 4.122 (ma-:- )) mi + future tense (a-) (4.118) mi + AP (verbal force) (4.58, 4.161, 4.162) mi + pronoun (4.165) mi + nominal PRED (4.67) mi adversative/contrastive (4.128) Summary of NEG in AUC4 There are only 2 occurrences of SA NEG with this speaker, both occur with SA verbs and in SA environment. All negated verbal forms and nominal PREDs negated by EA NEG are EA or shared (I tend to consider na a in 4.82 as shared).50 mi in adversative/contrastive construction in 4.128, however, stands out—as it occurs in a (dominantly) SA environment.

50 BH:944 lists ya a as a stylistically elevated variant of yiw a—it is very frequently heard in spoken EA. Other verbs with SA IPF prex partly or wholly integrated into normal EA speech are yagid and yagib (same morphological class as wa a ).

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NEG in NA1 SA NEG (20 occurrences)51 [ha: a l-miwar] / laysa / bai:dan tama:man / an al-miwar al-awwal (5.3) [this axis] / NEG farACC completely / from the-axis the-rst “(this axis) is not very far from the rst”

al-ila:qa huna laysat mugarrad / ila:qa / aw liqa: / bayna akar wa unsa […] wa lakinna-ha ila:qa (5.7) the relationship here NEG only / relationship / or encounter / between male and female [ . . .] but-it relationship “the relationship here is not only a relationship, or encounter, between a male and a female, but it is a relationship . . .”

ha: ihi l-ila:qa laysat / bai:da wala xa:lia tama:man / min (5.10) this the-relationship NEG / distant or free absolutely “this relationship is not very distant or free from . . .”

ila:qa / la: taxlu ay an min uu:r / a-araf al-aqwa bil-tawaggus / wal-xawf (5.13) relationship / NEG 3fs/free also from feelings / the-extremity the-strongest of the-apprehension and the-fear “a relationship which also is not devoid of extreme feelings of apprehension and fear”

illa anna / il-ila:qa laysat haka a tama:man (5.16) however / the-relationship NEG such completely “however, the relationship is not completely so”

at-tana:qu bayna - arq wal-arb / laysa / tana:qu an bi- aklin ka:mil (5.23) the-contradiction between the-east and the-west /NEG / contradication ACC in-form complete “the contradiction between the East and the West is not a total contradiction”

ma yabdu anna-hu tana:qu bayna al-ana wal-a:xar / laysa haka a / tama: man (5.25) what 3ms/appear that-it contradiction between the-I and the-other / NEG such completely “what appears to be a contradiction between the self and the other is not completely so”

wa-ha: a laysa bai:d tama:man an / uu:r al-mara (5.34) and-this NEG far completely from / feelings the-woman “and this is not very far from the feelings of the woman”

51

5 x la fay a in 5.66–68 are only counted as 2 occurrences.

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ha: ihi l-aya:(h) / al-a:bia allati la: tafham-ha (5.41) this the-life / the-absurd which NEG 3fs/understand-it “this absurd life, which she does not understand”

la: fay a52 huna:k /  ha: ihi l-madi:na - amaliyya [. . .] la: fay a / la fay a lma a:ir / la fay a l-alaqa:t / la: fay a  ayyi ay (5.66–8) NEG use here / in this the-city the-northern [. . .] NEG use / NEG use in the emotions /NEG use in the-relationships / no use in any thing “(there is) no use here, in this northern city [. . .], no use, no use in feelings, no use in relationships, no use in anything”

yaqu:l ha: a l-ura:b alla i lam yazi aad (5.82) 3ms/say this the-raven who 3ms/reproach one “he says, this raven who reproaches no one”

yani / laysa kull ay qa:bil lil-fahm (5.89) that is / NEG every thing able for-the-understanding “that is, not everything is understandable”

 qawl in-na wa-laysa  qawli(-h) (5.90) in saying the-text and-NEG in saying-its “in what the text says and what it does not say”

ataqid anna-hu la budd min al-muwa:gaha (5.98) 1s/believe that-it no-getting-away from the-confrontation “I believe there must be a confrontation”

huwa / tawa:zi bi-xtila:f // laysa tawa:ziyan ka:milan (5.107) it / parallelism by-difference / NEG parallelism complete “it is a parallelism of difference, not a complete parallelism”

al-tana:qu laysa huwa nafs-u(h) (5.110) the-contradiction NEG it self-it “the contradiction is not the same”

al-higra al-gamiiyya / al-miriyya / allati lam / ya had tari:x il-bila:d la-ha mai:lan (5.139) the-migration the-collective / the-Egyptian / which NEG / 3ms/witness history of the country for-it something like “the collective Egyptian migration, which the history of the country has never seen anything like”

sa-tui:-na nuu: / la: adri in ka:nat nuu: / muhimma aw e:r muhimma (5.146) FUT-3fs/come-to-us texts / NEG 1s/know whether 3fs/be texts important or not important “there will come to us texts, I don’t know whether they will be important texts or not”

52 fay a transcribed with although the form is listed fayda (cf. SA: faida), because the emphatic pronunciation here is so heavy.

264

THE EXPRESSION OF NEGATION

al-miriyyu:n / xa:rig mir / laysa faqa / : /  madi:na amaliyya / ka // aqu: l / la:kin ay an  madi:na amaliyya ka-aydi a:mila (5.149) the-Egyptians / outside Egypt / NEG only / in / in city northern / as / intellectual / but also in city northern as-hands working “the Egyptians outside Egypt, not only in a northern city as an intellectual, but also in a northern city as workers”

[wa-: ray-i: inn-u la budd / sawfa / yanakis bi- akli* aw bi-a:xar (5.153)] “and in my opinion it will have to be reected in one way or other”

Distribution: lam + PF (5.82, 5.139) S + laysa + nominal PRED/indef (+PP) (5.3, 5.7, 5.10, 5.23, 5.34, 5.89) S + laysa + PRON/ADV (5.16, 5.25, 5.110) laysa: contrastive/adversative (5.7, 5.90, 5.107, 5.149) la(:) + IPF (5.13, 5.41, 5.146) la(:) + N absolutus (5.66-68: 5 x la fay a,53 5.98 la budda min) EA NEG No occurrences (we may consider la budd in 5.153 as EA—but it is not counted). Summary of NEG in NA1 NA1 is the only speaker to avoid the use of EA NEG all together. On the other hand, she has a remarkably high frequency of negated clauses with laysa—of the ‘straightforward’, so to speak, construction consisting of S + laysa + PRED (noun, adjective, pronoun, adverb). The indenite predicate of laysa is sometimes fully inected: laysa bai:dan tama:man (5.3), sometimes not: laysat bai:da wala xa:lia tama:man (5.10), laysa bai:d tama: man (5.34).

53 Admittedly, la: fayda represents a borderline case between what I have elsewhere considered a xed EA expression (and not counted) derived from la + ‘absolute negation’—as la budd and la akk on the one hand, and a case of SA NEG (< SA la: fa:idata). However, this is the nature of the continuum. What made me opt for including la fayda was simply that BH list la budd and la akk as separate entries, but for fayda only the collocation ma-:- fayda.

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All SA NEG occur with SA or shared lexical items and SA MPP— with the exception of la fay a. In 5.41 the IPF-verb after la takes EA pronoun suffixation (i.e. without SA full form of the verb). NEG in NA2 SA NEG (20 occurrences)54 wa huwa / riba: la: yuli unur at-ta a:buh (6.14) and it / bond NE G 3ms/cancel element the-similarity “and it is a bond which does not cancel the element of similarity”

bi-tuakkid anna-ha la tafhamu-hu ala l-ila:q (6.91) IND-3fs/conrm that-she NEG 3fs/understand-him at all “she conrms that she does not understand him at all”

al-arb bi-ha: a - akl / la yarif / an mira illa ha:za al-/ ma: i al-a:bir (6.107) the west in-this-way / NEG 3ms/know / about Egypt except this the/ past thebygone “the West thus does not know anything of Egypt but this bygone past”

qu:wat-u l-aqi:qa / laysat qu:wa iga:biyya wa-innama qu:wa salbiyya (6.114) power-his in-the-reality / NEG power positive but-rather power negative “his power really is not a positive power, but a negative one”

huwa nafs-u rubbama la yara al-masa: allati yaì -ha (6.121) he self-him perhaps NEG 3ms/see the-tragedy which 3ms/live-it “he himself perhaps doesn’t see the tragedy he lives”

bi-yul la-ha inna-hu / lam yàra-ha illa / ia / u:l / al-waqt (6.124b) IND-3ms/say to-her that-he / NEG 3ms/see-her except / girl / throughout / the time “he tells her that he has only regarded her as a (little) girl all the time”

wa la nadri / ayna / huwa l-xala: (6.143) and NEG 1pl/know / where / it the-rescue “and we do not know where is the rescue”

lan narif aqi:qatan ayna ha: a l-xala: / illa iza udna / ila (6.144) NEG 1pl/know really where this the-rescue / except if return/1pl / to “we shall never know really where is this rescue, unless we return to . . .”

[luba / labit il-wahm bil-wa:qi / ma za:lit tadu:r (6.158)]

54

2 x lam in 6.194 counted once (repair).

266

THE EXPRESSION OF NEGATION

wa-anna ha:za r-ragul lam yataawwal ila qawwa:d (6.174) and that this the-man NEG 3ms/change to a pimp “and that this man has not changed into a pimp”

wa lam yakun / yalab maa-hu ha:zihi l-l ba (6.175) and NEG 3ms/be / 3ms/play with-him this the-game “and he has not been playing this game with him”

lam yaud 55 al-kairi:n / lam yaud al-kairu:n yaunnu:n ka-ma ka:na al-a:l min qabl / anna huna:ka ulu:lan basi:a (6.194) NEG 3ms/do again the-many / NEG 3ms/do again the-many NOM 3pl/think as be/3ms the-situation before / that there solutions easy “not many, not many think any longer as before that there are easy solutions”

anna al-ba u anna-ha nukta / izan fa-hiya lam takun nukta (6.207) think/3ms the-some that-it joke / however for-it NEG 3fs/be joke “some thought that it was a joke, but then it was not”

ba an-na:s annu anna-ha nukta / wa-la:kin  l-wa:qi inna-ha laysat nukta (6.209) some the-people think/3pl that-it joke / but in the-reality indeed-it NEG joke “some people thought it was a joke, but actually it was not”

wugu:d ab / la ariyyata la-hu / wa bit-ta:li la / qudrata la-hu ala mani (6.237) existence father / NEG legitimity for-him / and consequently NEG / ability forhim to provide “existence of a father with no legitimity, and consequently no ability to provide . . .”

allazi yubiu-hu l-gami: / wa allazi la yasma la-hu aad (6.248) who looks-down-on-him the-all / and who NEG 3ms/listen to-him one “whom everybody looks down upon, and whom nobody listens to”

wa / la / naxrug min al-qia / illa bi-isàs-na al-murr (6.252) and / NEG / 1s/go-out from the-story / except with feeling-our the-bitterness “and we do not leave the story without feeling bitterness”

al-ab / allazi narifu ay an anna-hu lam yakun aban / a:lian (6.254) the-father / who 1pl/know also that-he NEG 3ms/be fatherACC / good “the father, (of ) whom we also know that he was not a good father”

li-anna-na bi-du:n za:lik lan nafham li-ma:za taraka ha:za al- a:bbu / balada-hu (6.270) because-we without that NEG 1pl/understand why leave/3ms this young man / his country “because without that we will never understand why this young man left his country”

55 This verb (a:da) in the negative mostly functions as an auxiliary followed by an IPF verb, adding the meaning ‘no longer’.

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wa-sa-nafham ay an li-ma:za / lam / yasluk nafs -ari:q (6.274) and FUT-1pl/understand also why / NEG / 3ms/follow same the-road “and we will understand also why he did not follow the same road”

[wa ma za:l yamal  all (6.274) “still hopes for a solution”]

Distribution: lam + IPF (6.124b, 6.174, 6.175, 6.194, 6.207, 6.254, 6.274) lan + IPF (6.144, 6.270) S + laysa + nominal PRED/indef. (6.114, 6.209). In both cases in an adversative construction la + IPF (6.14, 6.91, 6.107, 6.120, 6.143, 6.248, 6.252) la + N absolutus (full form) (6.237 2x) EA NEG (2 occurrences) ma-araf-i / abtidi bi-ara no:a illi b-axtalif :-ha (6.1) NEG-1s/know-NEG / 1s/begin with raising a point which IND-1s/disagree in-it “I don’t know, I may begin with raising a point in which I disagree . . .”

inni bint-aha ma-hiya:- yani gami:la wala a:ga (6.43) that daughter-her NEG-she-NEG that is pretty or anything “that her daughter (she) is not, that is, pretty or anything”

Distribution: ma– + IPF (6.1) ma– + PRON (6.43) Summary of NEG in NA2 NA2 uses the whole register of SA NEG variants—all verbal forms are also SA. Full form of the verb with pronoun suffixation (6.91), otherwise ‘pausal’ forms with IND and SUBJ. PRED following laysa in 6.114 is not inected for ACC. The two EA NEG variants occur in EA environments.56 56 The rst appears to be an informal comment before getting into the subject, while the second appears in a mixed, but largely EA-dominant sequence (6.41ff.) where the speaker goes into trivial details of the account, returning to SA-dominant style (6.46) when he picks up the main thread of his analysis.

268

THE EXPRESSION OF NEGATION

NEG in NA3 SA NEG (9 occurrences) huwa sua:l la: yumkin iga:b ale:-h illa /iza aena[-h] bi-ha: a - akl (7.5) it question NEG is-possible answering on-it except / if put/1pl in-this the-form “it is a question one cannot answer except by putting it this way:”

NB [wa-ma za:lit ha:zihi t-tasmiya tui:r ma a:kil (7.22)] ixtiya:r al-qamu:s / alla i laysa :-hi atta nabra min gaya a:n illa na:diran (7.30) choice the-vocabulary / which NEG in-it even tone of exitement except rarely “the choice of vocabulary / in which there is only rarely a tone of excitement”

ha: a l-tayya:r kull-u ada:i bil-taki:d / laysa faqa min ayu l-mawqif (7.35) this the-trend all-it modern57 denitely / NEG only with regard to the-attitude “all of this trend is denitely modern, not only with regard to attitude”

laysa faqa min aysu / eh (7.36) NEG only with regard to / eh “not only with regard to, eh”

laysa ha: a faqa / bal mim-ma: yadum ha: a / wa yuakkid-u (7.40) NEG this only / but of-what 3ms/support this / and 3ms/conrm-it not only this, but what supports and conrms it . . .”

ha: a l-qam alla i yabdu ka-anna-ma l-ka:tib la yuna bi-hi (7.52) this the-oppression which 3ms/appear as if the-writer NEG 3ms/be-concerned about-it “this oppression which it seems as if the writer is not concerned about”

yabdu ka-anna-hu laysa mutawarrian -hi (7.53) 3ms/appear as if-he NEG involvedACC in-it “it seems as if he is not involved in it”

yu:gad ixtila:f asa:si58/ laysa faqa l-mawqif lil-a:lam / bal  t-tikni:k (7.59) 3ms/be found difference fundamental / NEG only in the-attitude to the-world / but in the technique “there is a fundamental difference, not only in attitude, but in technique”

[mufrada:t gidi:da] allati lam yakun :-ha / mufrada:t tamil dalala:t min ha:za l-no: (7.80) [new vocabulary] which NEG 3ms/be in-it / vocabulary 3fs/carry meanings of this kind “new vocabulary] which did not have vocabulary carrying meanings of this kind” 57 ada:i refers to ‘modern’ in a literary (or cultural) sense, not temporal; I might have chosen the term ‘modernistic’. 58 NA 3 has a tendency to pronounce /s/ as []—this is especially pronounced in this item, but is not reected in the transcription.

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Distribution: lam + PF (7.80) laysa + PP + S/indef. (+PP) (7.30) laysa + N/PRED/indef. /ACC (7.53) laysa contrastive/adversative (7.35, 7.36,59 7.40, 7.59) la + IPF (7.52) la + IPF + illa (7.5) Lexical items have SA MPP, the one occurrence of laysa + nominal PRED has full form inectional ending. NA 3 has a predeliction for the adversative collocation laysa (ha: a) faqa “not only (this)”. EA NEG (14 occurrences) hal ul B.. ada:i walla la / da as-sua:l / mu kida (7.1) Q. work B. . modern or not / that the-question / NEG so “is the work of B. . modern or not, that’s the question, isn’t it?”

ana aban muttaq bida:yatan / maa il-dukto:ra R. / mi maa d-dukto:r 5. (7.7) I of course agree/AP rstly / with dr. R / NEG with dr. . I agree of course to begin with, with dr. R, not with dr. .

mi bass faqa 60 min nay t il-mawqif ur-ruya wa-fahm il-a:lam (7.13) NEG only only from the point the-attitude and the-vision and understanding theworld “not only only from the point of attitude and vision and world view”

d-dukto:r 5. a:l mi muhimm al-tikni:k (7.16) dr. ·. said NEG important the-technique “dr.  said, technique is not important” aban / ana mi a:yiz afil be:n il-agte:n / mi mumkin / la:kin (7.18) of course / I NEG want/AP 1s/distinguish the-things-DUAL / NEG possible, but “of course, I don’t want to distinguish the two things, it’s not possible, but . . .”

ha: ihi t-tasmiya tui:r ma a:kil / ana mi mumainn la-ha tama:man / la:kin (7.22) this the-naming 3fs/stir up problems / I NEG comfortable with-it completely / but “this label brings up problems, I am not totally comfortable with it, but”

59 60

Neither adversative construction is completed. bass faqa is a doubling of adverb “only”—bass is EA variant, faqa is SA variant.

270

THE EXPRESSION OF NEGATION

alla i yattail bi-hi / mi bass B.. (7.65) which 3ms/be-in-contact with-it / NEG only B. . which not only B. . is in contact with”

ma-araf- illi a-yial bad kida (7.71) NEG-1s/know what FUT-3ms/happen after that “I don’t know what will happen after that”

mi bass min ayu il- / il- / it il-nasi:g di / kull-aha -l-amal / ay an min ayu istixda:m tikni:k gidi:d (7.74) NEG only with regard to the / the / nature-the texture this / all-it in-the-work / also with regard to use technique new “not only with regard to the nature of this texture, it’s all in the text, (but) also with regard to the use of a new technique”

istixda:m / mi ayz au:l bi-nbia:t / ika:yat ar-ramz / wa-innama ala l-aqall (7.78) use / NEG want/AP 1s/say simply / story the-symbol / but rather at least / “the use of, I do not want to simply say the symbol thing, but at least . . .”

wal-ara:ra ka:n bi-yaftaqid-u / mi bi - aru:ra yaftaqid-u / ka:n e:r mawgu:d (7.83) and-the-warmth be/3ms IND-3ms/lack-him / NEG by-necessity 3ms/lack-him / was not present “and the warmth/passion used to be lacking, not necessarily lacking form him, it was not there”

[ma-]araf-i da iza ka:n yigi:b ala sua:l Sai:d al-mufa:gi (7.85) [NEG]1s/know-NEG this if was 3ms/answer to question S. the sudden “I don’t know whether this answered S.’s sudden question”

illi ana mi mustaidd la-hu aban walla la (7.85) which I NEG prepared for-it of course or not “which I was not prepared for of course, or not”

Distribution: ma– : 2x ma-araf (7.71, 7.85) mi + AP PRED (7.16, 7.18, 7.22, 7.78, 7.85) mi + ADV (7.1, 7.13, 7.65, 7.74, 7.83) mi contrastive/adversative (7.7 , 7.13, (7.18, 7.22), 7.65, 7.74) Although mostly the linguistic environment is EA or shared (or mixed), there are some striking occurrences of mi in an SA environment: in 7.65 and 7.74 the speaker uses adversative mi bass “not only” in an otherwise SA linguistic context; in 7.22, the clause with mi follows a

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SA clause, but is itself neutral as to form—while in 7.78, the preceding clause is likewise SA, but mi negates an EA predicate. Summary of NEG in NA3 NA 3 shifts between clauses and phrases with SA and EA NEG. It is interesting to observe how he uses SA variant of adversative “not only” in an EA context and the EA variant of the same item in an SA context. I suspect this may be a rhetorical devise for contrastive effect. I also nd it noteworthy that all nite verbs are SA, and consequently negated with SA NEG—apart from informal, interactional use with 1p of EA ma-araf- “I don’t know”.

Discussion and summary of NEG Patterns of distribution Total distribution of NEG variants AUC1 AUC2 AUC3 AUC4 NA1 la*

50

4

17 (3)

lam

21

0

7

lan

5

0

mi

34

ma–

11 (6)

NA2

NA3

1

6(3)

9 (2)

2

4

0

2

7

1

3

0

0

0

2

0

2

3

9

8

0

0

12

33

3

8

7

12

0

2

2

total

174

11

43

34

22

20

22

23

SA:EA

107:67 6:5

32:11

17:16 2:20

20:0

20:2

9:14

* numbers in parenthesis show occurrences of la absolutus

The proportions of SA:EA NEG demonstrate a great diversity of use across speakers also for this feature. In the literary seminar presentations (NA1 and NA 2) EA NEG variants are (almost) totally absent. On the other hand, AUC4 has barely any SA variants—while in the discourse of the remaining speakers, both variants are well represented. AUC1 shifts from SA NEG to EA NEG at the same point in his talk as for other features.

272

THE EXPRESSION OF NEGATION

NEG and tense The NEG of future tense verbs is very rare in my data: lan + IPF occurs a total of 5 times (not inected for SUB) and with only two speakers, while the EA variant (mi + a-IPF) occurs only once (4.118). For past tense reference, lam + IPF is preferred—the EA variant with ma + PF +

is used once each by AUC2 and AUC3—while AUC4 has this variant 3 times and once mi + AP (4.162).61 The distribution of NEG variants for present time reference is summarized in this table: NEG with present time reference la + IPF

laysa la abs.* ma– ma-:-** ma– NP IPF PRO***

mi AP

AUC1

4

2

0

3

0

0

2

AUC2

15

3

3

1

3

3

3

AUC3

4

1

0

4

1

1

3

AUC4

0

1

0

7

2

1

2

NA1

3

9

3

0

0

0

0

NA2

7

2

2

1

0

1

0

NA3

2

2

0

2

0

0

4

* does not include la budda ** including other cases of PP with pron. *** includes indef. Pron. add.

No clear pattern, however, emerges from this table, which rather suggests idiosyncracies in preferences. NA2 seems very fond of constructions with laysa. AUC 2 prefers la + IPF and avoids EA ma–

variant—his use of the other EA variants boils down to a few highly frequent collocations: 3 x ma-:- akk “(there is) no doubt”; 3 x ma-addi —lexicalized negative pronoun “nobody”; mi a:rif “(I) don’t know”, mi mumkin “(it is) impossible”; plus one less routine, more productive use: mi mita:g “he doesn’t need”. The use of EA NEG in fact appears tied to EA verbal routines or frequent collocations also with AUC1, NA2 and NA3. Even AUC4, who almost exclusively uses EA NEG 61

The low rate of occurrences of course begs caution with regard to conclusions.

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variants, looking at the occurrences, it is striking that the negated lexical items are very ‘core’ vernacular, i.e. high frequency words, auxiliaries and the like. To some extent, this also applies to AUC3—mostly, the SA negated verbs, for instance, are more lexically specic or semantically ‘loaded’ than the EA negated verbs. These observations lend support to the ‘lexical conditioning hypothesis’: speakers select a word from the combined lexical repertoire of EA + SA, which then triggers the appropriate NEG variant. [EA ma-:- corresponds in meaning to laysa huna:ka (no occurrences)62 or la ‘absolutus’—stylistically they are at the far end from each other. There is no trace of ma-:- in the literary seminar setting, and as mentioned above, AUC2 only employs it in a xed collocation.] To these meagre results, I shall add at least one suggestion: The assumption that the EA variants are generally connected with involved speech, is supported by the high rate of 1st person reference with variants ma– (10 of 17) and mi (10 of 14)—while with la and laysa, 1. person reference is found with only 8 of 35 and 1 of 20 occurrences, respectively. The ‘exceptive’ construction with NEG + verb + illa (“not [. . .] except” > “only”), which is part of SA as well as EA,63 is in my data only represented by SA NEG + SA verb (7 la, 2 lam, 1 lan, and 1 laysa)—once with mi mumkin + SA verb + wa-illa (2.165). Notes on the use of laysa All speakers use laysa at least once, but none of them use laysa to negate a verb. The use of laysa by ‘my’ speakers is grouped around three syntactic constructions: a) S + laysa + nominal PRED S is a denite noun or a pronoun (often a clitic pronoun attached to a preceding conjunction/complementizer, a couple of times ‘contained’ in the verb/verbal inection (alternatively: ‘deleted’ according to

62

A count of non-negated SA huna:k(a) vs. EA :h “there is” gives a clear pattern of preferences (the number in brackets is including cases ambivalent as to whether the /-h/ reects pronominal reference): AUC1: 1:4 (5); AUC2: 1:3 (4); AUC3: 3:3 (4); AUC4: 1:2 (3); NA1: 17:0 (1); NA2: 16:1; NA3: 5:0(1). + 3 occurrences of yu:gad (3.209, 4.25. 7.59). 63 For EA, cf. Woidich 1968:186ff.

274

THE EXPRESSION OF NEGATION

‘PRO-drop’ rules of Arabic); laysa is inected for agreement64 with S; the nominal predicate may be a substantive or an adjective; and in all but one case (2.70) the predicate is indenite65—although it may be qualied by a following PP. I have classied as a) the occurrences in: 1.11, 2.70, 3.52, 5.3, 5.7, 5.10, 5.16, 6.114, 6.209, 7.53. There is one single occurrence of the word order laysa + S + indenite nominal PRED: laysa kull ay qa:bil lil-fahm (5.89) NEG every thing comprehensible

There is a single occurrence of laysa + indenite nominal PRED + S: taww ma waal usta:z laysa malu:ban min-hu ayyi e: ala l-ila:q (4.152) as soon as become/3ms professor NEG demanded/ACC of-him any thing at all “as soon as he has become a professor nothing is demanded of him at all”

The word order here may be accounted for by the tendency of indenite subjects and/or ‘heavy’, i.e. expanded, subject constituents to appear at the end of an utterance.66 b) laysa + PP + S In this construction S is an indenite noun (in my data mostly qualied by a PP or relative clause). laysa appears to be uninected.67 I have classied as b) the occurrences in: 1.84, 2.124, 2.252, 7.30. c) laysa in adversative/contrastive function in coordinated clauses/ phrases This is a semantic-syntactic function which in some cases overlaps with the syntactic functions above. About one third of all occurrences of laysa in my data are used in adversative constructions (see below).

64 Admittedly, where S is 3ms, there is no evidence for whether laysa is inected or not, but as laysa is inected for the 3fs S, I have assumed here that it applies in general. 65 The SA marker of indeniteness (and case) is sometimes expressed—which is a marker of elevated style—“SA extra marker”, and, of course, only occurs with SA lexical items. (For comic effect, texts are produced where EA lexical items are provided with SA grammatical endings . . .) 66 Cf. Holes 1995:203ff. 67 Very weak evidence, however, with only 1 fem. S (7.30)!

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Adversative constructions There are quite a lot of adversative constructions in ‘my’ speakers’ discourse, and I assume it is a common feature of expository, argumentative prose. Following Payne’s (1987:3) classication of types of co-ordination, ‘postsection’ refers to: ‘p and not q’, i.e. negation in second part of the construction, and ‘presection’ to negation in the rst: ‘not p and q’. The feature ‘adversative’ “species whether or not the conjuncts are to be contrasted”. (It is most frequently expressed by particles corresponding to English “but”.) The classications apply to the phrasal (constituent) level as well as to the sentential level. In my data, la(:), laysa and mi have been found in adversative function. They are distributed as follows: a) contrastive in ‘postsection’ “[so and so] (and) NEG [so and so]”. In most occurrences in this category NEG negates an item repeated from the preceding clause or phrase. la(:): a-murr ale:-ha muru:r a-a:ir la: muru:r al-mutaraggil ala l-ar (3.37) “I shall pass over it (with) the passing of someone ying not the passing of someone walking on the ground”

yattagih ila l-bula kaza wa-la: ila l-bula kaza (3.117) “(that it) turns to such a compass (direction) and not to such a compass (direction)”

mi :

inn-ana a:yi  sanat [ . . .] mi  sanat [ . . .] (3.30) “that I live in the year [ . . .] not in the year [ . . .]”

a:xir a:ga / wifqan liz-zaman / mi wifqan li-ma yanbai an yaku:n (3.207) “(one) last thing according to the time (left) not according to what it should be”

ana aban muttaq bida:yatan maa il-dukto:ra R. mi maa d-dukto:r 5 (7.7) “I of course agree to start with with dr. R. not with dr. ”

laysa: tuakkid anna-na nuallim lil-itqa:n [ . . .] wa-laysa li-mugarrad inn -na [n ]xarrag / nui xirri:g (2.96) “it conrms that we teach for mastery [ . . .] and not (for) just that we (should) graduate semi-graduate(s)”

likay yaku:na muwa:inan muntigan / mustani:ran [ . . .] wa-laysa mugarrad ax / iba:ra an kita:b mulaq (2.134) “so that he should become an insight-seeking productive citizen [ . . .] and not only a person consisting of a closed book”

u-dà e malu:b wa-laysa / e:r malu:b (3.217) “and that is something required and not un-required”

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 qawl in-na wa-laysa  qawli(-h) (5.90) “in the words of the text and not in its words”68

huwa / tawa:zi bi-xtila:f // laysa tawa:ziyan ka:milan (5.107) “it is a parallelism by difference not a complete parallelism”

b) adversative in ‘presection’: “NEG [so and so] but/rather/also) [so and so]”. Many of these are combined with adverbials to express “not only . . . but (also)”: la(:) mi :

does not occur in presection u-kulli kala:m-i mi bass mil-qarn il-ma: i / dà atta ha:zihi l-laa (3.40) “and all that I have talked about not only from the last century but until this moment”

mi bi-yaa bit-tanawwu a-aqa: / wa-innama bit-tana:fur a-aqa: (3.78) “not attaining (to) cultural diversity, but rather (to) cultural conict”

yandug kriyyan mi ala tabanni kra wada / wa-innama ala muwa:gaha:t / adi:da (4.128) “he matures intellectually not by adopting one idea but rather by many opposite positions”

[mi bass faqa min nay t il-mawqif ur-ruya wa-fahm il-a:lam (7.13)69 “not only only with regard to (his) point of view and vision and understanding of the world”]

[ana mi a:yiz afil be:n il-agte:n / mi mumkin / la:kin (7.18) “I do not want to distinguish between the two (things) it is not possible but”]

[ha: ihi t-tasmiya tui:r ma a:kil ana mi mumainn la-ha tama:man/ la:kin (7.22) “this label gives raise to problems I am not totally condent about it but”]70

[alla i yattail bi-hi / mi bass B.. / wa ma yumkin an yusamma (7.65) “which is connected to it not only B. and what may be called”]

mi bass min ayu [ . . .] ay an min ayu (7.74) “not only with regard to [ . . .] (but) also with regard to”

68

I.e. “both literally and not”. This and the following three clauses (all bracketed) are not completed. In 7.13, and even more so in 7.65, we may have to do with a simple negation of adverbial ‘only’, and not an adversative construction. 70 This is an example of fuzzy syntactical borders in rapid speech: it is unclear whether the clause starting with ana mi . . . is a relative clause to ma a:kil or just an interpolated comment. 69

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laysa: laysat mugarrad ila:qa [ . . .] wa lakinna-ha ila:qa maku:ma (5.7) “(it is) not only a relationship [ . . .] but it (is) a doomed relationship”

laysa faqa : madi:na [ . . .] ka aqu:l la:kin ay an  madi:na [. . .] ka-aydi a:mila (5.149) “not only in a city [ . . .] as intellectual but also in a city as workers”

qu:wat-u l-aqi:qa / laysat qu:wa iga:biyya wa-innama qu:wa salbiyya (6.114) “his strength really is not a positive strength but rather a negative strength”

laysa faqa min ayu (7.35–6)71 “not only with regard to”

laysa ha: a faqa bal mimma: yadum ha: a [ . . .] (7.40) “not only this (< not this only) but what supports this [ . . .]”

laysa faqa   l-mawqif lil-a:lam bal  t-tikni:k (7.59) “not only in his (the) attitude to the world but in the technique”

The SA contrastive/adversative particle la: is used only twice (3.37 and 3.117)—in postsection to negate adverbials. The competing variants, then, for this function appear to be mi and laysa, with 10 occurrences each. AUC4 uses mi ; AUC2, NA1 and NA2 use only laysa—while AUC3 and NA3 have both variants. No syntactic constraints can be detected—both variants negate ADVs, PPs and nominal PREDs. The choice of NEG seems less motivated by linguistic environment (with the collocation “not only” represented as mi bass (EA) and laysa faqa (SA) we cannot tell which part of the collocation triggers the other—and we even have NA3 producing mi bass faqa…). AUC3 produces a couple of striking contrastive use of mi and laysa in opposite code environment which may be seen to add to the contrastive effect: a:xir a:ga / wifqan liz-zaman / mi wifqan li-ma yanbai an yaku:n (3.207) “(one) last thing in accordance with the time (left) not in accordance with what it should be”

u-dà e malu:b wa-laysa / e:r malu:b (3.217) “and that is something required and not un-required”

The same contrastive effect with mi in SA environment may be involved in 4.127:

71 The two clauses in 7:35–6 with laysa faqa min ayu (l-mawqif ) “not only concerning (the standpoint)” are not completed.

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yandug kriyyan mi ala tabanni kra wada / wa-innama ala muwa:gaha:t / adi:da “he matures intellectually not by adopting one idea but rather by many opposite positions”

And again in 7.22: ha: ihi t-tasmiya tui:r ma a:kil ana mi mumainn la-ha tama:man/ la:kin “this label gives raise to problems I am not totally condent about it but”

mi in the latter clause may, however, also be motivated by the 1p reference of the pronoun—as suggested above (p. 273), EA NEGs have a higher rate of occurrence with such self-reference. EA NEG in presection sometimes is followed by SA adversative element in the postsection, as in 7.13 and 7.74. If we consider innama as an SA particle (with adversative/concessive use in modern texts = “(but) rather, however”),72 this tendency is widespread, as may be seen from several occurrences listed above. A note on mi a:rif and ma-(a)raf- In my data I have instances with the set mi a:rif (1.104; 1.118;73 2.56;4.58; 4.161) vs. ma-(a)raf- . The negated AP construction is in all 5 cases used as a discourse marker which is not part of the syntactic structure of the utterance, while the negated IPF verb in one case (1.57) serves as ‘ller’, but in two cases embed an object clause of the type ‘whether/ if’ (6.1 and 7.85). Due to the few occurrences this could be a matter of coincidence, and due to the fact that the alternative constructions with mi or ma– are used by different speakers, it could be a matter of idiosyncrasy. Interestingly, however, Brustad (2000:177ff.) raises the issue, whether there is a distinction in use and meaning between the AP and the b-IPF form of ‘stative’ verbs. She refers to Mitchell and ElHassan (1994:86–7), who “claim ‘synonymy’ between ana rif trx alarab and ana barif trx al-arab, I know Arab history”, while Brustad suspects that there are semantic/pragmatic distinctions in this and similar sets of spoken Arabic, which simply are not expressed in the English language: 72 Although this particle/conjunction undoubtedly has SA origin, it has—judging from textbooks (Abdel-Massih: “but, whereas”), and dictionaries (BH: “but, rather”)— become integrated into EA to an extent that speakers probably do not perceive it as a marker of either code, possibly, however, the collocation with wa-: wa-innama affects the perception of it (as SA). 73 AUC1 also use the SA equivalent la: adri (1.67) as a ‘ller’, while NA1 has la adri as verbal constituent with embedded clause object (5.146).

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“A possible motivation for the use of the imperfective is to imply the underlying process of learning a certain body of knowledge”, while the alternative selection of AP does not imply a body of knowledge to be learned through a process”. One can speculate whether such an aspectual distinction, if further substantiated, might underly a possible pragmatic distinction, if further substantiated, in the use of the negated variants here. Constraints on cooccurrence As we saw in the commentaries to each speaker above, there is a high degree of code coherence between NEG and the lexical item negated. In the introduction to this chapter, a model of incongruency between the two basic systems was presented—which would predict constraints on the occurrence of NEG variants with verbal forms of the other basic system: SA NEG [+ tense] + VERB [- tense] EA NEG [- tense] + VERB [+ tense]

These restrictions on mixing the systems appear to hold.74 There is only one single occurrence in my data of EA discontinuous negative particle ma– with SA MPP verbal forms and then, typically, the verb is integrated into EA tense system with EA marker bi-: ma-b-taltazim-

bi is-siya:sa al-qawmiyya l-a:mma (3.155)

NEG-IND/3fs/commit oneself-NEG to the-politics the-national the-general “|they] are not committed to general national policies”

There are no occurrences with lam and lan and la(:) followed by other verbal forms than SA or shared—while the (‘superstyle’ or ‘SA extra markers’) inectional endings are never realized following lan, and rarely realized following la(:)—mostly with a cliticized object pronoun, e.g.

74

According to Mazraani (1997:80) her “[d]ata show only a few examples of a mixed, hybrid form as in m nikkalim “we don’t talk” and m nila “we don’t go up”, where dialectal m (b-)nikkalim and m (b-)nila might have been expected. Thus we have cases of m + close-to-CA [Cairene Arabic] verb without  and cases of m + close-toMSA verb +  as in m staan.” While the latter hybrid construction complies with the general pattern of SA lexical item + EA grammatical morpheme—and is attested in my data—the former sounds conspicuous, is absent from my and other data I have seen—and from Mazraani’s Egyptian data as well (at least I could not nd any trace of it in the appendicized transcription of her data . . .).

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THE EXPRESSION OF NEGATION

la: yahummu-ni (1.69), la yaqbalu-hu (2.222) la tafhamu-hu (6.91) but also: la aktum-kum (1.40), la: yatagawaz-ha (2.141), la tafham-ha (5.41). Verbal forms following lam are all formed according to the SA MPP of ‘jussive’ inection—which, however, is only manifest as distinct in certain morphological classes, e.g. lam yakun or in some plural forms—otherwise it is not distinct from the ‘pausal’ variant (i.e. without inectional endings) of IND and SUB verbal forms mentioned above. The nominal predicate following laysa is also SA or shared—one occurrence however has EA fem. constr. ending (laysat krit t-tali:m 2.70), nominal inection for the accusative case is often, but not always, observed, e.g. with NA1 we nd laysa bai:dan tama:man an (5.3) and laysa bai:d tama:man an (5.34). However, as we have seen, samples of mixing occur with the negative particles in adversative function—typically independent of the verbal tense system.

CHAPTER SIX

THE RELATIVE PHRASE

We now turn to a grammatical feature which is commonly considered to have (largely) parallel structures in SA and EA, i.e. the formation of relative clauses—and more specically, the use of the ‘relative phrase’ (REL).1

Forms of SA and EA REL In SA, REL is inected for gender and number (in the dual also for case: IND vs. oblique)—agreement is with the head noun (the ‘antecedent’) as is the case with an attributive adjective: m.s. alla i:2 f.s. allati:

d. m. alla a:ni /alla ayni d.f. allata:ni /allatayni

m. pl. alla i:na f. pl. allawa:ti:

In EA, REL has one invariant form: illi 1 The term ‘relative phrase’ is adopted from Fabb 1994. The Arab grammarian’s term is (al-ism) al-mawl “the connection/connected (noun)”; Wright: “the connecting noun”; BCG: ‘relative noun’ (pp. 491, 497), Hartmann: “die relativische Einleitungspartikel” (1997:686). It is frequently called ‘relative pronoun’ (from Reckendorf ’s works on syntax and including modern textbooks of SA as well as EA), while Cantarino (III:162ff.) prefers the term ‘relative adjective’—as it inects as an adjective in agreement with the head noun. Drozdik 1999 simply calls REL (for EA) the ‘relative word.’ As the head noun in SA as well as in EA must be denite for REL to occur, Wise argues that REL “must be regarded as a marker of deniteness, like the denite article ‘il-’, rather than a relative pronoun” (Wise 1975:88). Similarly, Johnstone (1990:222– 23) argues that Arabic relative clauses are apposite—rather paratactically related than ‘embedded’—and that the ‘denite relative clause marker’ serves to “make them agree in deniteness with their head nouns, the way adjectives do”; and BCG that it may “be thought of as a determiner” (p. 498). Keenan’s reference (1987:150) to Arabic ‘relative pronouns’ (RPROS) is not consistent with his denition of such pronouns (ibid.:149) as representing NPrel—Arabic rather belongs to the same category as Hebrew (ibid.:146–7) in this respect, with ‘resumptive’ personal pronoun (see below). 2 REL is composed of deictic elements /l/ and // (cf. e.g. Reckendorf 1895:600ff ). Here are only given the common, most frequent, variants. For a comprehensive survey of SA REL variants as attested in Arabic texts, cf. e.g. Wright I:271. Roman (1998:239ff.) reconstructs the development of the forms of “relatifs d’()*++é” from base root /t/ or /l/—the /t/ element changing to // under the inuence of “la lénition qui a affecté la langue”. See also Bravmann 1977.

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Functions of REL Attribution to denite/indenite heads Attributive, or adjectival, relative clauses in both basic varieties are syndetically attached to the main clause with REL when the head noun qualied by the relative clause (the ‘antecedent’) is denite. SA: qa:baltu -a:liba lla i: yadrusu : badd EA: abilt i-a:lib illi b-yidris  bada:d meet/1s the-student REL 3ms/study in Baghdad “I met the student who studies in Baghdad”

It is asyndetically attached, i.e. without REL, when the head noun is indenite: SA: qa:baltu a:liban yadrusu : bada:d EA: abilt a:lib bi-yidris  bada:d meet/1s student 3ms/study in Baghdad “I met a student who studies in Baghdad”

The literature lists some exceptions to these general rules based on the distinction between denite and indenite heads: In SA, nouns dened by the “generic” article (i.e. generically dened by the denite article) often have asyndetic relative clauses.3 According to Cantarino, for modern SA this applies (only?) to non-restrictive clauses (see below), and the ‘relative adjective’ is also elsewhere missing “rather frequently after a denite noun, especially when the relative clause is nonrestrictive” (Cantarino III:151). Such cases, however, appear to border on cases with asyndetic circumstantial clauses (which are typically non-restrictive)—Hartmann 1977 even argues for including the latter as a subcategory of SA relative clauses.4 Whether also spoken dialects may lack REL when the head noun is formally dened, is not clear. Schub 1975 tends to think REL is required in EA also in ‘generic’ cases, and that such dialect use of REL is being copied into some modern SA literary writing as well.5 (Since we shall only be concerned with the actual 3 Schub 1975:270, referring to Reckendorf 1921 and 1895; Wright II:318; Cantarino III:150. 4 As in the observation by Schaade 1926/7, that ‘appositionelle’ relative clauses are frequently, in Classical Arabic, expressed by ‘asyndetic relative clauses’ to a denite head as opposed to ordinary ‘attributive’ relative clauses, while ‘anknüpfende’ relative clauses were expressed paratactically. 5 Schub ibid.:271. Wise 1975:90–92, and Drozd,k 1999:76, 78–9, point to the ambi-

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occurrences of REL variants, these issues will not be further followed up here.) On the other hand, Brustad claims that in modern dialects “an indenite, but specic noun [. . .] is often joined to its attributive clause by the (otherwise denite) particle illi”. She gives the following example for EA:6 : tamsiliyya lli ka:nu biygibu:ha t-tilivizyo:n “there’s a serial that they used to show on TV”

This syntactic construction, an indenite head linked to its relative clause with REL, is categorically rejected by Cantarino for (modern) SA.7 I think Brustad 2000 provides an interesting perspective on ‘the mirrored relationship’ of SA and the modern dialects with regard to these marked/deviant uses; namely, as “similar strategies in combining denite and indenite markings to weight partly denite, partly specic nouns in relative clauses, except that Classical Arabic marks denite non-specic while the dialects, in general, mark indenite-specic [. . .] the combination of denite and indenite marking represents a middle range of a continuum of specicity” (2000:98). Restrictiveness of relative clauses Attributive relative clauses may function semantically as restrictive (or ‘dening’) as well as non-restrictive (or ‘appositive’) modications to the guity that may arise with regard to asyndetic relative clauses and other appositive clauses to an indenite head, but seems to rule out other options than the use of REL illi when the head noun is denite. 6 Brustad 1991:166. Holes 1995:231 (+ note with references) mentions this feature “in many dialects of Lebanon, Syria, and Palestine”. I have not found any references to such use in the textbooks and grammars of EA. 7 “[. . .] while an undened noun never takes a syndetic relative qualication, a dened one may, and frequently does, take a relative clause asyndetically” (Cantarino III:148). Wright II:318. On the other hand, Reckendorf 1921:427 gives examples from classical Arabic texts where “bei Massausdrücken, die der Form nach indet. sind, dem Sinne nach aber det. scheinen, kommt wohl gelegentlich syndet. Relativsatz vor”. And Badawi, Carter, and Gully, reporting the attested written SA example:  awwali xibin lahu wa-ll alqhu f baldatihi, explain that “strictly the head is an indef. elative phrase [. . .] but when qualied by the elliptical and asyndetic rel. clause lahu ‘[which was] to him’ it acquires enough deniteness to attract the rel. noun alla  ” (BCG:503–5). And in the paragraph on deniteness, they claim that “[a] formally indef. noun becomes def. enough to function as a topic if it is further qualied, usually adjectivally or by a rel. clause”—a status “termed ‘specication’ (tax) rather than ‘deniteness’ in the Arab grammatical tradition” (ibid.:95, my italics). Tax—as “a sort of partial determination” is mentioned in Wright II:260–61 (note) in connection with the ‘inchoative’ subject.

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head noun (Cantarino III:147, Holes 1995:229). Apparently, as Brustad (2000:90) points out, Arabic lacks a (formal) distinction between the two kinds of clauses.8 According to Beeston (1970:50), “[modern SA] Arabic does sometimes use a clause marked by lla  in both these two values, but there is nevertheless a strong tendency to avoid the lla  structure when the clause is of the second, non-differentiating [non-restrictive] type, and to use instead coordination or causative subordination”.9 This view is supported by Killean (1972:151), who adds, however, that “nonrestrictive relative clauses in modern Arabic writing seem to be on the rise, due, no doubt, to the inuence on the writer’s style of his knowledge of English or French.” Sm (n.d., p. 14) makes a distinction between using alla  by itself for specication (tax) of the head word and wa-lla  when there is no such specication.10 Similarly, Badawi, Carter, and Gully (2004), while stating (p. 490) that the distinction restrictive vs. non-restrictive “originally had no structural reection”, they mention among “emerging ways of marking the distinction” the use of wa-lla  to introduce non-restrictive clauses (p. 503). For EA, Wise (1975:87) claims that restrictive vs. non-restrictive clauses is simply distinguished by “a different intonation pattern” and that “generally a pause, before and after the clause” marks a nonrestrictive function.11 If the predicate of the attributive relative clause consists of an adjective or participle, an alternative expression of the modication/qualication it entails is simple attribution of the adjective/participle to the

8

Similarly to most languages studied for this feature, cf. Keenan 1987: “It seems then the syntax of non-restrictives in a language will be largely similar to that for restrictives, modulo some small differences, plus of course the fact that non-restrictives modify fully specied, denite NPs such as proper nouns” (p. 169). Halliday (1994:227): “A non-dening relative clause, on the other hands, adds a further characterization of something that is taken to be already fully specic”. And Lehmann (1984:270–1): “der appositive RS [Relativsatz] bezieht sich auf eine vollständig determiniertes NS, das er nicht mehr restringieren kann”. 9 Beeston gives as an example the use of fa-inna-hu “for he”: “[. . .] like Ruf, for he wrote . . .” instead of a relative clause “[. . .] like R, who wrote” (ibid.) 10 “My brother who (alla  ) has gone to Bahrein is married and has a son and a daughter”—which according to Sm implies that there are more than one brother, vs. “My brother, who (wa-lla  ) has gone to Bahrein, is married” etc.—with no such implication. These examples reect the distinction restrictive: non-restrictive relative clauses. 11 Drozdík recently (1999:75) cites Wise 1975 on this feature, and otherwise states categorically that “there is no convincing evidence of the functioning and formal marking of the RRC/NRC [restr./non-restr.] distinction in Arabic”.

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(denite) head noun. Wise, who operates with ‘optional transformation’, gives e.g. the following examples:12 warra:ni i-aniyya illi ka:nit mifa a a show/3ms the-tray REL be/3fs inlaid (AP) “he showed me the tray which was inlaid” vs.:

warra:ni i-aniyya il-mifa a a show/3ms the-tray the-inlaid “he showed me the inlaid tray”

According to Holes (1995:229), “restrictive adjectival clauses containing a verb may be converted into participial phrases without any syntactic constraint”. Thus he cites for SA: ad-duwalu llati: taxu u : n-numu: the-countries which 3fs/begin in the-development,

and ad-duwalu l-a:xi a : n-numu: the-countries the-begin/AP in the-development

both meaning “the countries which are beginning to develop”. While the relative clause alternatives cited above for EA and SA may be interpreted as restrictive or non-restrictive depending on syntactic context,13 and in oral representation marked for restrictiveness by intonation and pause, the participial constructions appear to be unambiguously restrictive. On the other hand, since heads can be dened or specied (by qualication) to various degrees, one will expect there to be cases in the range between prototypical restrictive relative clauses and non-restrictive (appositive) ones. Besides the kind and degree of deniteness, or specicity, of the head noun, syntactic choices among alternative constructions, such as the ones above, may contribute to the marking of ‘degree of restrictiveness’14—which is not an absolute, nor exhaustive, distinction.15 12 13

14

Wise 1975:89. Such alternatives are, of course, not peculiar to Arabic. A non-restrictive interpretation would be possible in e.g.: qarrarat ad-duwalu allati: taxu u : n-numu: an tataa:wana : ha: a l-maja:l “the countries, which are beginning to develop, have decided to cooperate in this eld” For instance, do alternative constructions with illi and illi hiyya in attributive phrases

like 15

il-mawgu:da / illi mawgu:da / illi hiyya mawgu:da represent different degrees of restrictiveness? Cf. comments in the linguistic literature on the notorious difculty of distinctions/

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The ‘resumptive’ pronoun and subject NPrel In both SA and EA the head noun is reected in the relative clause by a personal pronoun referring to it and lling the syntactic position the noun would have lled (the NPrel).16 In Arabic (and general Semitic) studies this referential pronoun is commonly labelled the ‘resumptive’ pronoun17 (Ar.: al-id). The ‘resumptive’ pronoun may, under certain circumstances, be omitted.18 For SA, according to Cantarino (III:167), it is usually omitted “when it should function as subject” (i.e. if NPrel is the subject) “either in a verbal sentence [. . .] or in a nominal sentence”. Traditional analysis (based on the Arab grammarians) will consider a (non-explicit) subject—or rather ‘agent’—pronoun as ‘contained’, ‘implicit’ or ‘hidden’ in any verbal predicate, which is inected accordingly—so also in relative clauses with a verbal predicate. (The absence of an explicit subject pronoun with verbal predicates may alternatively be accounted for by reference to ‘pro-drop’ rules in modern linguistics.) In relative clauses with nominal, or non-verbal, predicates, the general rule is that “the subject is expressed by a separate pronoun” (Wright II:322),19 as in: udtu - ayxa lla  huwa mar un visit/1s the-old man REL he sick “I have visited the old man who is sick”

However, still according to Wright (ibid.), “[i]n nominal sentences of which the predicate is an adverb, or a preposition with its genitive, depending on the idea of being understood, the virtually existing subject of the substantive [?] verb sufces to connect the clauses, without any separate pronoun being expressed”, e.g.:

interpretation in many case, e.g. Fabb 1994. Lehmann 1984 subdivides appositive clauses into “parenthetisch” vs. “anknüpfende”, or “kontinuative”, and refers to “relativische Anschluss” as the ‘extreme form of appositive relative clauses’ (p. 274). 16 Cf. Keenan 1987 and Fabb 1994. 17 The term is employed by Lehmann 1984 and 1986. 18 Wright II:320; Cantarino III:158ff. 19 Cf. Reckendorf 1895:527: “lst das Praed. nicht verbal, so erscheint der Nominativ als freies Subjektspronomen”. Cf. also Reckendorf 1921 for use of the resumptive pronoun “im Nominativ”, i.e. as subject of asyndetic relative clauses (1921:416), and syndetic clauses (ibid.:427)—in the latter, it rarely occurs when the predicate is verbal. It is thus too categorical to state, as does Fabb in the Encyclopedia of Language and Linguistics, 7:3522, that “as Arabic demonstrates, a resumptive pronoun can be used in all grammatical positions expect as subject”.

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marartu bi-man amma pass/1s by-REL there “I passed by him who is there” (or “those who are there”)20

Reckendorf (1895:618) gives several examples of “Abfall des nominativen Rückweisepronomen in Relativsätzen mit nominalen Praedikat”, as in: il h  l-rajuli lla  bil-ijz. “to this man who is in ijz”. I cited Cantarino (III:167) above to the effect that the resumptive subject pronoun is “usually omitted” in a “nominal sentence”, all his attested sentences have prepositional phrase predicates, e.g.: ab-nlla  f s-samawt father-our REL in the-skies / “our Father, Which art in heaven”

The issue is not explicitly raised in modern textbook grammars of Egyptian Arabic. However, Spitta-Bey in his 1880 Grammatik des arabischen Vulgärdialectes von Aegypten describes how—“wie im altarabischen”—REL as SUBJ of the relative clause and with a noun for PRED, is presented by a following personal pronoun, e.g.: elbala di elli râkibhâ elli hyja dam we-lam “this mule that you’re riding which is (only) blood and meat”

but with a PP PRED there is no subjekt pronoun, e.g.: wegâb elagar elli miâh “and he took the stone which (was) with him”

While Abdel-Massih (1975:120) claims that “the relative clause is a complete sentence, i.e. it can stand by itself without the relative pronoun”, his examples show omission of subject ‘resumptive’ pronoun not only in verbal clauses, but also in clauses with PP or adverb predicates (ibid.: 121, my grammatical annotation): issitt illi min faransa safrit imba:ri

ilwalad illi hna:k da abi

the-lady REL from France left/travelled yesterday “the lady who is from France left/travelled yesterday”

the-boy REL there DEM friend-my “that boy over there is my friend”

20 Wright II:322, my grammatical annotations. All the attested examples in Wright, however are clauses where REL is substantively (for man see below), not adjectivally, used.

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Wise’s EA grammar (1975:88), speaking in transformational terms of coreference of the head noun and a noun in the embedded clause, claims that “[t]he noun in the relative clause is pronominalised, unless it is the subject of the clause, in which case it is deleted”. Similarly, Eid (1983:289) states that “a pronoun replaces the relativized NP in all positions except in subject position where the relativized NP must be absent from the relative clause”. This categorical statement presumably applies to relative clauses with verbal predicates.21 It is further mitigated by Eid’s references to ‘communicative functions’ of the use or non-use of pronouns in subject position—or the “choice between the absence and the presence of a pronoun” to signal differences in interpretation. With regard to relative clauses (and subordinate clauses), pronouns are used to “reduce referential ambiguity”, illustrated by the following sentence, in which there are two NPs with the same gender and number:22 ali kallim ilwalad illi šatam-u imba:ri Ali talked-to the-boy REL insulted-him yesterday a) “Ali talked to the boy that insulted-him (Ali) yesterday”, or b) “Ali talked to the boy that he (Ali) insulted (-him) yesterday”.

The unmarked, or ‘favoured’ (in Eid’s terms), interpretation is one where “the missing subject in the relative clause [is] interpreted as the head of the relative (ilwalad)”, and the object clitic pronoun refers back to the subject of the main clause (Ali), as in a) above. A “less-favoured” interpretation could be, according to Eid, that the missing subject refers to the subject of the main clause, and the clitic pronoun to the head noun, as in b) above.23 As an ‘anti-ambiguity device’, a subject pronoun may be inserted—if the second, ‘lessfavoured’, interpretation b) represents the intended meaning: Ali kallim ilwalad illi huwwa šatam-u imba:ri “Ali talked to the boy that he (Ali) insulted (-him) yesterday”

We observe, that in this sentence, the subject pronoun of the relative clause is not a ‘resumptive’ pronoun, since it does not replace NPrel. The categorical rules for deletion formulated by Wise and Eid above 21 Her paper is concerned with “pronominal arguments associated with the verb (p. 287). 22 Eid 1983:289–90. 23 In the rst reading, NPrel is subject and the ‘resumptive’ pronoun is ‘contained’ in the verb, or ‘omitted’/‘deleted’ by general pro-drop rules, or by rules for subject pronoun deletion in relative clauses, according to analytic taste. In the second reading, NPrel is object, and the ‘resumptive’ pronoun is expressed as clitic -u.

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thus do not apply to it. It might have been deleted according to general principles of ‘pro-drop’ of subjects with verbs or as being represented in and by the inected verb itself. It seems convincing, as Eid claims, that the subject pronoun here has a communicative function—perhaps signalling another reference for the subject than the head noun (the latter appears to be an underlying preference, a rst choice, the ‘unmarked interpretation’, if another subject is not explicitly mentioned/present). I have used some space here—on a seemingly minor point—because my data contains strikingly many occurrences of illi + pronoun, some of which are not accounted for in the literature, and for which pragmatic and functional, rather than purely syntactical and grammatical, functions may be sought—in the line of Eid’s argumentation, or tested against some of her claims, e.g. the strong claim that “the head of the relative cannot have as its coreferent the pronominal subject huwwa” (p. 290, note 4). I shall in fact suggest another pragmatic function for the subject pronoun, i.e., as contributing to the interpretation of the relative clause in terms of degree of restrictiveness. Pronominal use of REL Both SA and EA REL are also used substantively, or pronominally, meaning “the one(s) who”, “whoever”, “whatever”. SA has an additional set of substantive/pronominal REL: man (for person reference) ma (for non-person reference). The use of man is quite limited in my data: 1.71, 2.34, 5.14, 6.248, while ma(:) for non-person reference is used by all speakers.24 I have, however, decided not to include occurrences with these variants for the following reasons: First, the use of ‘relative’ ma(:) extends to many secondary functions, with a kind of gradual transition between the function as pronominal REL and functions/meanings emanating from its collocation with prepositions and other elements (to form e.g. grammaticalized adverbial conjuncts or lexicalized xed phrases)—some of which have other equivalents than REL in EA, and some of which are expressed with ma in EA as well. These fuzzy categories involving ma(:) would complicate the analysis, and, secondly, including man and ma would impair the (near) symmetry existing between alla i and illi + the phonological closeness between 24 ma occurs often in xed expressions, like wa-ma ila a:lik “and so on”, and frequently in collocations with the lexical item “to call (smth. smth)”, e.g.: ma nusammi:-h “what we (may) call”, ma yusamma “what is called”, ma yumkin tasmiyat-u “what can be called [verbal noun]”, ma summiya bi- “what was called”, ma yumkin an yusamma “what can be called”.

290

THE RELATIVE PHRASE

the two (which make them resemble more the relationship between variants of COMP than that of NEG and DEM). There is, however, another frequent construction involving pronominal use of REL—with the structure [DEM +] denite noun + PRON + REL, e.g. for EA:25 il-alam huwwa lli a:

il-walad huwwa illi na:m

the-pen it REL get-lost/3ms “it’s the pen which has been lost”

the-boy he REL sleep/3ms “it’s the boy who slept”

Mitchell comments (somewhat loosely) on this structure with regard to EA—huwwa lli, that it “would tend to be contrastive”. Abdel-Massih instructs that “huwwa is used for emphasis”. Eisele mentions this structure as a means of topicalizing the subject of a sentence with a verbal predicate, or with a quasi-verbal AP predicate (1999:113–14). These interpretations are complementary: as a topicalized subject will have some emphasis, it often will be used with some contrastive function: “it’s x which . . . (not y)”.26 Cantarino does not comment on this construction, but among the attested samples of “pronominal use of the relative adjective” (III:168) we nd: huwa lla  sa-yuayyiru min awli-hi kulla šayin he REL FUT-3ms/change of around-him every thing “he is the one who will completely change our way of life” (Cantarino transl.) > “it is he who is going to change everything around him” (one alternative)

Eid and constraints on switching In elevated, extemporaneous discourse where both basic systems SA and EA are involved, we will expect an easy transfer/substitution of one REL variant for another, due to the distributional and functional parallelism of the systems. We would also expect the uninected (and native) EA variant to easily substitute for SA variants—a preferred procedure especially with less frequently used forms (duals, fem. plurals)—similar to what has happened to SA variants of numerals above the number10, which are generally substituted by the less complex (and vernacular) EA 25 Example to the left from Mitchell 1962:103–4; the one to the right from AbdelMassih 1975:122. 26 BH, under the entry for huwwa as “emphasizing a preceding noun” (p. 918) gives examples which all reect the same structure involving REL, e.g.: ali huwwa lli xad-u “it was Ali who took it”.

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variants. On the other hand, stylistic requirements may motivate the use of SA variants, as they would be typical markers of elevated style. In her 1982 paper, Mushira Eid formulated some ‘principles for switching’, inter alia between SA and EA elements in contact with REL variants, i.e. constituents immediately preceding or following REL. Besides the ‘normal’ covariance of [SA + SA REL + SA] and [EA + EA REL + EA], she found the following combinations to be represented in her data:27 SA + EA REL + EA (S E E) EA + EA REL + SA (E E S) EA + SA REL + SA (E S S)

The remaining (unattested) combinations she tested for acceptability among native speakers, and obtained the following judgments (* means ‘not accepted’):28 *EA + SA REL + EA (*E S E) *SA + SA REL + EA (*S S E) ?SA + EA REL + SA (?S E S)

In other words—while EA REL could be followed by both EA and SA items, and possibly ? also preceded by either, SA REL could be preceded by an EA item, but not followed by EA. In view of what has been said above and normally considered to be that REL is not part of the relative clause, but is an adjectival determiner to the head noun, it may appear surprising, that the choice of REL variant seems independent of the code/variety of the head noun. On the other hand, and if Eid’s study is representative—it conrms the ‘dominant language principle’ with regard to the following item in the relative clause itself: the grammatical item of the dominant code—here represented by EA REL—will combine with lexical items of either code, whereas the grammatical feature of the non-dominant code—SA REL—will only combine with a lexical item of the non-dominant code (SA).

REL in the current data All speakers use SA and EA variants of REL. Only one speaker uses a SA dual form (alla ayni, twice in 5.77)—duals are anyway of relatively 27 28

Eid 1982:61. Ibid.

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THE RELATIVE PHRASE

low frequency in language use. However, none of the speakers use SA plural forms. The occurring variants, then, (apart from 5.77) are alla i (masc. sing. reference), allati (fem. sing. and plur. of non-animate references) and illi (all references). I treat allazi along with alla i—i.e. I do not operate with two categories depending on the pronunciation—although // ~ /z/ may have stylistic signicance (like the use of DEM ha: a vs. ha:za). Since I register actual occurrences of REL in the data, only syndetic relative clauses will be observed. This means, that I will detect potential syndetic relative clauses with indenite heads noun/antecedent—but potential asyndetic clauses with denite heads will not be registered. This also means, that my registered occurrences will contain a higher proportion of relative clauses with non-restrictive/appositive interpretation than if I had registered all relative clauses (syndetic and asyndetic)—since non-restrictive qualication normally presupposes some kind of denite head noun, whereas indenite heads, it seems, most often are followed by restrictive relative clauses. I would like to add, however, that—in addition to the notorious difculty of distinguishing restrictive from non-restrictive meaning of relative clauses in every case—unplanned, or semi-planned, discourse of the kind represented by my data, is so ‘whimsical’ and ‘unfaithful’ to formal rules of syntactic completeness, or sententential completion, that a strict analysis of the relationship between sequences is sometimes impossible. False starts and anacoluthon are quite widespread—likewise what Pilch (1990:7) labels “Flechtbandsyntax” and Halford (1990:41) “ambiguous clause attachment”—where in the case of subsequent syntagms, one syntagm may ‘belong’ either to the preceding or to the following syntagm—or to both (then we have the real “Flechtband”).29 My focus, of course, is on speakers’ choice of REL variant, and whether certain patterns of distribution emerge from their use—on an intrapersonal and interpersonal level. The occurrences will be analyzed with respect to: – proportion of SA: EA REL with each speaker and across speakers – preferences related to various positions of NPrel (syntactic functions that are relativized) 29 An illustrative example of “Flechtbandsyntax” is provided by Halford: “I hate sitting around here, because I’m in a bad mood, I want to go home” (referred to in Pilch 1990:7).

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– preferences for SA vs. EA variants with different predicate types – preferences conditioned by linguistic environment – distinctions of restrictive vs. non-restrictive/appositive meaning/ function of the relative clause – patterns related to the absence/presence of subject pronoun in REL clause – cases of REL with indenite heads In the registered occurrences below, both REL and the resumptive pronoun are rendered in bold script. REL in AUC1 allai—set (5 occurrences) bi-maqa:la:ti-h al-kai:ra / wal-gari:a [. . .] allati tahumm al-muwa:in al-miri (1.9) with-articles-his the-many / and-the-outspoken [. . .] REL 3fs/concern the-citizen the-Egyptian “with his many and outspoken articles [. . .] which concerns the Egyptian citizen”

al-usta: allai yadrus aw il-xirri:g allazi daras al-kimya (1.76–7) the-professor REL 3ms/study or the-graduate REL study/3ms the-chemistry “the-professor who studies or the graduate who has studied chemistry”

amma l-usta: / allazi darasa l-lua l-arabiyya (1.82) as for the-professor / REL study/3ms the-language the-Arabic “as for the-professor who has studied Arabic language”

ha:za l-usta:z huwa llai nata:g ila / i:fa:d-u lil-xa:rig (1.85) this professor he REL 1pl/need to / send-him abroad “this professor is the one we need to send abroad”

As with the other features investigated, AUC1 uses SA variants in the rst part of his talk, then shifts to EA variants, suggesting an overall change of style. 1 occurrence is pronominal (1.85), representing the ‘emphatic’ topicalizing/contrastive construction [(DEM) + denite noun + pronoun + REL]. – all SA REL are directly followed by a verbal predicate with SA MPP verb—and also otherwise have SA linguistic environment; – in the attributive clauses, there is coreference between head noun and subject of the relative clause (i.e. NPrel is subject);

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THE RELATIVE PHRASE

– there are no explicit subject pronouns (alternatively considered ‘deleted’ by ‘pro-drop’, or ‘contained’/‘implicit’ in the verb); – the attributive clauses in 1.76–7 and 1.82 are restrictive and syntactically embedded, while I interpret 1.9 as a non-restrictive REL clause. illi (12 occurrences) lait inn-uhum rafa u yaxdu il-walad illi and-u talat sanawa:t (1.93) notice/1s that-they refuse/3pl take/3pl the-boy REL with-him three years “I noticed that they refused to take the boy who was three years old”

il-walad illi and-u xamas sanawa:t bada yazhab ila / il- madrasa (1.93b) the-boy REL with-him ve years start/3ms 3ms/go to / the-school “the boy who was ve years old started going to school”

illi huwwa bi-yraàb-u giddan l-ira:ya / wa l-madrasa / il-barna:mig ittilizyu:ni l-mašhu:r illi huwa “sesame street” (1.101–2) REL it IND-3ms/make-like-him very in the-reading / and in-the school / the programme the-television- REL it sesame street “that which makes him like very much reading and going to school / (is) the famous television programme which( it) is Sesame street”

wi-axu:(-h) illi a:id l-be:t ara talati:n kita:b (1.105) and brother-his REL sit/AP in-the-house read/3ms thirty book “and his brother who stays at home, read thirty books”

il-qarya illi ganb-ìna dì zahab ile:-ha l-walad (1.108) the-village REL besides-us this go/3ms to it the-boy “this village which (is) besides us, the boy went there”

maktabit il-kulliyya illi ana kunti na:zil :-h[a] (1.110) ofce the-college REL I be/1s stay/AP in-it “the ofce of the college which I was staying at”

ult-ùllu ayyib / e:h illi aal (1.127) say/1s-to-him well / what REL happen/3ms “I said to him well, what is it that happened”

il-“king” walla malik “Harold” illi huwwa ka:n malik bria:nya  l-wati dà (1.128) the-king or king Harold REL he be/3ms king Britain in-the-time that “the-king or king Harold who he was king of Britain at that time”

ala n-nurwijíyyi:n illi ka:nu mhagmìn-hum fo: (1.131) against the-Norwegians REL be/3pl-them up-there “against the-Norwegians who were attacking them up there”

e:r uslu:b al-talqi:n / wal-if / illi ma:ši lil-asaf and- ìna  l-mada:ris (1.142) other than method the-instruction / and-memorization / REL go/AP for-theregret with-us in-the schools

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“different from the method of instruction and memorization which goes on unfortunately in our schools”

wal-asila bi-tuwaggah ile:-h biš-šakl illi / yifatta zihn-u (1.148) and-the-questions IND/3fs-be presented to-him in-the-form REL / 3ms/open mind-his “and the questions are presented to-him in the-way which willopen up his mind”

– 2 are pronominal (1.101 and 1.127); – the linguistic environment is largely EA; in 1.93 and 1.108 the embedded REL clause is followed by a largely SA clause; – illi connects relative clauses with verbal predicates (1.101, 1.110, 1.127, 1.128, 1.131, 1.148); with AP predicates (‘verbal force’, 1.105, 1.142); with PP predicates (1.93 2x, 1.108), and with noun predicate (1.102); – in most cases, NPrel is subject, i.e. there is coreference between the head and the subject in the relative clause. In 1.93 and in 1.110, however, NPrel is in the PP predicates (and-u, :-h[a]); – illi is followed by an independent subject pronoun in 4 cases: illi huwwa bi-yraàb-u giddan l-ira:ya / wa l-madrasa (1.101) REL he IND-3ms/make-want-him very in-the-reading / and in-the-school “the thing which makes him very much want to read and go to school”

REL is pronominally used, and the pronoun huwwa—formally the nondeleted (syntactically redundant) resumptive pronoun subject of the verbal predicate—appears to have emphatic function, ‘strenghtening’ the relative pronoun.30 il-barna:mig it-tilizyu:ni l-mašhu:r illi huwa “sesame street” (1.102) the-program the-televized the-famous REL it (is) “sesame street” “the famous television program, that is, “Sesame street”

huwa is formally the resumptive subject of a relative clause with a nominal predicate, which is in accordance with what Wright referred to for SA (above, p. 286). The clause is appositive of the “anknüpfend” or “kontinuative” kind31—corresponding to “namely”, “that is”, “i.e.”—in our terms clearly ‘non-restrictive’. maktabit il-kulliyya illi ana kunti na:zil :-h[a] (1.110) library the-college REL I be/1s going in-it “the library of the college which I stayed in” 30 Cantarino III:183 mentions similar use of a subject (resumptive) pronoun with SA pronominal REL ma and man for “emphatic effect”. 31 Lehmann’s classication cf. note 15.

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THE RELATIVE PHRASE

The pronoun following illi is the subject of the clause, but is not resumptive—as NPrel here is the pronoun of the PP. The pronoun introduces a new subject, which is not coreferent with the head. It could have been omitted, as the verbal predicate is inected for the 1s person of the subject. il-“king” walla malik “Harold” illi huwwa ka:n malik bria:nya l-wati dà (1.128) the-“king” or king Harold REL he be/3ms king Britain in-the-time that “the “king” or king Harold who was king of Britain at that time”

There is coreference between head and subject pronoun—i.e. it is ‘resumptive’—and it has a verbal predicate. If the ‘rules’ formulated by Wise and Eid above were applied, this subject pronoun should have been deleted (it has no ‘disambiguity’ function, either). However, the clause begs a non-restrictive interpretation, and my suggestion is, that the use of the pronoun supports this. The features of the illi clauses are summarized in the table below— note that: SP = Subject pronoun; SCo = Subject coreference (with head)—it implies that the pronoun is resumptive, i.e. NPrel is subject; qH = qualied head (or rather, has a certain degree of specicity); RE = restrictive meaning of the relative clause; VP = verbal predicate; AP = Active participle predicate; PP = prepositional phrase predicate; NP = noun predicate; PRO = REL has pronominal function, i.e. the clause is not attributive. AUC 1 illi-clauses SP

SCo

qH

RE

VP

1.93

–

+

–

1.101

+

+

1.102

+

+

+

–

1.105

–

+

(+)

–

1.108

–

+

–

+

1.110

+

–

–

+

+

1.127

–

+

PRO

+

1.128

+

+

(+)

–

+

1.131

–

+

–

(+)

+

1.142

–

+

+

–

1.148

–

+

–

+

AP

+ PRO

PP

NP

+ + + – +

+ +

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Of the 3 attributive clauses with + SP, the 2 clauses with + SCo (1.101 and 1.128) have non-restrictive meaning, while the one with –SCo (1.110) is considered restrictive. We note that the other two clauses listed as –RE, i.e. given a non-restrictive interpretation (1.42 and 1.105), also have a ‘qualied’—or ‘highly specic’ head. REL in AUC2 allai-set (16 occurrences) il-adi:s llai / nataša:raku :-hi l-yawm / yuzakkiru-na (2.4) “the discussion which / we take part in (it) today / reminds us”

yuzakkiru-na / bi-tilka l-ayya:m l-ulwa / allati kunna natada:wal wanatana:qaš (2.5) “reminds-us / of those sweet days / which we would exhange and discuss”

wa-law anna t-tali:m bi - a:t min al-masa:il llati tahummu l-gami: (2.25) “although education in itself (is) among the-issues which concern everybody”

tarbù-uh bi-waa:i-hi llati nasa ilay-ha / aw nasa li-taqìq-ha (2.31) “connects-it with its functions which we strive for (them) /or strive to realize (them)”

yita:g min-na li-še: / min / il-muna:q àša llati / qad udli :-ha bi-ba r-ray (2.48) “demands from-us some / of / discussion which / I may express some opinion about (it)”

bi-mana anna-hu laysa krit t-tali:m il-mustamirr allati ša:at / (2.71) “in the sense that it is not the idea of continuous education which is commonly held”

magmu:it maa:rif [. . .] min al-aql il-insa:ni / allati yastawìb-ha / aw tastawìbu-ha - a:kira l-bašariyya (2.103) “the collected knowledge [. . .] from the human reason / which contains-it [. . .] human memory”

naftaqid [. . .] aam in-nawa:tig llati nasa ilay-ha / wa-hiya (2.106) “we lack [. . .] the greatest results which we-aspire to-them / and they (are)”

bin-nisba lil-marifa / al-ga:nib / allazi yattail bi-arqa qudra:t il-insa:n (2.114) “when it comes to knowledge / the aspect / REL is connected with man’s nest capabilities”

bin-nisba lil-gawa:nib llati (anacoluthon) (2.137) “with regard to the aspects REL”

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THE RELATIVE PHRASE

tarattab ale:-h kull il-maša:kil ill-ina bi-nšuf-ha / wa-llati / e: / nai:šu-ha (2.144) “followed from-it all the problems REL-we see them and REL live them”

di mahara:t llati yastai: / ayyi šax [. . .] inn-u ydarrab ale:-ha ayyi abiyy (2.161) “those (are) skills REL is able / any person [. . .] that-he train for-it any young boy”

kull il-amra: t-tali:miyya llati natagat /  mir / wa-llati ša:at t-tali:m il-mari (2.179) “all the educational illnesses REL have resulted / in Egypt / and REL is dominant in Egyptian education”

ha: ihi l-gawa:nib / allati nadu / allati ara(:) anna-ha /awla bir-ria:ya (2.192) “these aspects / REL we call / REL I think that they / are more worthy of attention”

– all occurrences are attributive; – all SA REL have SA or shared linguistic environment, and all32 are directly followed by verbal predicates with SA MPP verb (the code coherence, however, does not necessarily extend beyond the closest constituents to REL, not even to pronoun sufxation on verbs); – some clauses have subject coreference, i.e. NPrel is subject, in others NPrel is direct or prepositional object; or governed by a preposition in a PP. In 2.5, the expected reference to NPrel—:-ha—is omitted, as is not uncommon “in clauses with time expressions as the head”;33 or in embedded (object) clause, as in 2.161: di mahara:t llati yastai: / ayyi šax [. . .] inn-u ydarrab ale:-ha ayyi abiyy those skills REL 3ms/be-able-to / any person [. . .] that-he 3ms/train for-them any youngster “those (are) skills that anyone can train any youngster for (them)”

In this sentence, REL has a formally indenite head, but as the “skills” have been mentioned before, with anaphoric (EA) DEM referring to them, the head can be said to be to some extent specic, and so this construction conforms to the construction mentioned by Brustad34 as

32 33 34

We disregard 2.137, where the clause is not completed (anacoluthon). BCG:493. On p. 283 above.

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found in dialectal Arabic, and may perhaps have status as following under tax of the Classical tradition?35 – there is no occurrence of subject pronoun, whether ‘resumptive’ or otherwise; – the relative clauses are restrictive as well as non-restrictive. In 2.144 and 2.179 the relative clauses introduced by wa allati are clearly ‘kontinuative’ (cf. Lehmanns classication, p. 286, note 15), so by implication non-restrictive. This seems related to the distinctions claimed by Sm above (p. 284, and note 10), and BCG (p. 284), that clauses introduced by wa-lla i adds to something already highly specied. illi (15 occurrences) wa-laysa li-mugarrad inn n xarrag / nui xirri:g /aw nui mutaallim / illi huwwa n-nama š- ša:i (2.97) “and not only that we should graduate / semi-graduates / or semi-educated / which it (is) the usual pattern”

il-ga:nib illi aša:r ile:-h l-usta:z d-duktu:r .S. /  tagribt-u t-tarbawiyya (2.116) “the aspect REL pointed to-it prof. .S / in his educational experience”

izan il-aia illi adas inn- ina rakkizna l-ai:a ala ha:za l-ga:nib (2.119) “then, in fact, REL happened that-we focused in fact on this aspect”

aban ha:za l-mawqif ill- ìna :-h illi kkallimt ann-u dà (2.138) “of course this standpoint REL-we in-it REL I talked about”

tarattab ale:-h kull il-ma ša:kil ill-ina bi-nšuf-ha / wa-llati / e: / nai: šu-ha (2.144) “followed from-it all the problems REL-we see them and REL live them”

anna-na l-aqi:qa / l-manu:ma lli uddam-na / il-“system” illi uddam-na it-tali:mi dà (2.148–9) “that-we in fact / the order REL in front of-us / this system of education in front of us”

u-dì l-ga:nib illi mumkin36 / li-šax / yutqin mahara:t il- / if (2.159) “and-that (is) the aspect REL possible / for a person / to master the skills of memorization”

35 36

Cf. note 7 for tax. Not syntactically well formed. Anacoluthon? Cf. p. 197, n. 35.

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THE RELATIVE PHRASE

wa-mahara:t il- / it-talqi:n / illi yudarrab l-afra:d ale:-ha (2.160) “and the skills of dictation REL are training people for it”

ha:za l- / no: min at-tali:m ir-ra:qi ll-ìna b-nadu ile:-h / illi huwa tanmiyit s-sulu:k il-bàšari (2.184–5) “this kind of ne education REL-we are calling for-it / REL it (is) development of human behaviour”

wala mita:g / imka(:)niyya:t ha:ila // ill- ìna ša:hidna:-h (2.188) “neither does it need / enormous facilities / REL-we have seen”

li-ann il-muallim / illi ibn id-duktu:r .S./ ka:na yaqtadi bi-hi (2.201) “because the teacher / REL son of dr. .S. / was guided by”

wala ta:git k-kala:m l-kiti:r illi bi-yita:l an / a:git t-tali:m l-maa:ri:f ba:hia (2.205) “and did not need all that talk REL is being said about / the need of education for enormous expences”

wi-a:lib lli b-yatasarrab minn-u / ya imma yudxul baa  nia:m mìhani (2.253) “and the student REL gets away from it / either enters a vocational programme”

– REL in 2.119 and 2.188 has pronominal function; – the linguistic environment of illi is more diversied with regard to code cooccurrence than what is the case with the SA variant. Above all, the preceding constituents need not be EA. The high amount of SA-oriented ‘cultured’ lexical items, specially nouns and adjectives, which form part of this kind of discourse, adds to the impression of illi combining freely with elements from EA as well as SA. illi may be followed by a SA verb in past tense (PF), as in 2.116 (admittedly aša:r ila “pointed to, referred to” is a very frequent lexical item in academic discourse). When SA MPP verbs in present tense (IPF) follow illi, they appear to be adopted into the EA aspectual/modal system and ‘equipped’ with the indicative marker bi- (2.184, 2.253). – illi introduces relative clauses with verbal predicate (2.116, 2.119, 2.138, 2.144, 2.160, 2.184, 2.188, 2.201, 2.205, 2.253); with PP predicate (2.138, 2.148–9), and with noun predicate (2.97, 2.185); – subject pronouns occur in 6 clauses—we note that 4 of them have a 1pl. personal reference (2.138, 2.144, 2.184, 2.188)—and all 6 introduce a new subject, i.e. not coreferent with head. In the occurrence wa-laysa li-mugarrad inn n xarrag / nui xirri:g /aw nui mutaallim /illi huwwa n-nama š- ša:i (2.97)

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and-not for-only that 1pl/graduate / semi graduate / or semi educated / REL it the-manner the-prevailing “and not merely that we should graduate semi-graduatesor semi-educated, which is the prevailing manner”

the relative clause is attributive to the preceding clause, a “Satzrelativsatz” in Lehmann’s (1984) terms. The pronoun subject refers to the content of that clause. The predicate is a noun phrase, so the subject pronoun is retained, as is normally done. The relative clause is clearly non-restrictive. ha:za l-mawqif ill- ìna :-h (2.138) this the-point-of-view REL-we in-it “this point of view that we have”

The subject pronoun here is not resumptive/coreferent with the head— NPrel is in the PP. I interpret this clause as borderline restrictive (!), the head being denite and specied by DEM, so it might have been followed by restrictive as well as appositive REL clause. kull il-maša:kil ill-ina bi-nšuf-ha (/ wa-llati / e: / nai:šu-ha) (2.144) all the-problems REL-we IND-1pl/see-them (and-REL e: /1pl/live-them) “all the problems that we see (and which we live through/experience)”

Again, the subject pronoun is not resumptive, NPrel being the direct object clitic. As the predicate is verbal and inected, the subject pronoun could have been deleted as syntactically redundant (‘pro-drop’/ implicit)—it has no ‘disambiguity’ function. We observe the shift from EA REL with EA verb to SA REL with SA verb. ha:za l- / no: min at-tali:m ir-ra:qi ll-ìna b-nadu ile:-h (2.184) this the- / kind of the-education the-ne REL-we IND-1pl/call for-it “this kind of rened education that we call for”

NPrel is prepositional object. As above, subject pronoun is syntactically ‘redundant’, as 1pl. subject is marked on the verb. Although the head noun is qualied, the phonological integration of REL suggests a restrictive interpretation of the clause. illi huwa tanmiyit s-sulu:k il-bàšari (2.185) REL it development the-behaviour the-human “namely (which is) the development of human behaviour”

The subject pronoun is coreferent with the head, which is the same as in 2.184 above, alternatively the entire utterance. The clause is nonrestrictive, marked by pause, and is typically “anknüpfend” appositive

302

THE RELATIVE PHRASE

(in Lehmann’s 1984 terms), towards the far end of non-restrictiveness (reected in my translation with “namely”). 2.188 may be variously interpreted. I consider it a case of ‘Flechtbandsyntax’ (Pilch 1990:7, cf. p. 292): the relative clause may be interpreted as attributive to the preceding (indenite) head, imka(:)niyya:t ha:ila, or as pronominal relative clause attached semantically to the following clause—or, both (the real ‘Flechtband’). With the attributive interpretation, in which case the long pause represents some kind of hesitation, the clause could be interpreted either as restrictive or non-restrictive. We may discern a pattern similar to what we found in AUC1, namely: [+SP] + [–Sco] + [+RE], and [+SP] + [+Sco] + [–RE]

AUC 2 illi clauses SP

SCo

qH

RE

VP

2.97

+

+

+

–

2.116

–

–

–

+

+

2.119

–

+

PRO

+

2.138

+

–

–

+

2.138b

–

–

+

–

+

2.144

+

–

–

+

+

2.148–9

–

+

–

+

2.159

–

+

–

+

2.160

–

–

(+)

–

+

2.184

+

–

(+)

+

+

2.185

+

+

+

–

2.188

+

–

–

?

+

2.201

–

–

–

+

+

2.205

–

+

(+)

+

+

2.253

–

+

–

+

+

AP

PP

NP +

+

+ +

+

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REL in AUC3 allai set (3 occurrences) min al-kabs az-zamani allazi / wu ina :-h (3.3) “of the time pressure REL / we are put in”

adad min/ at-taqa(:)ri:r /a - axma/allati šahida-ha ta:ri:x it-tali:m lmiri (3.5) “a number of the voluminous regulations / REL has seen-them the history of Egyptian education”

dà atta ha:zihi l-laa allati ataaddas :-ha (3.41) “(but) until this moment REL I-am talking in-it”

– all are attributive; – the linguistic environment is SA and REL is followed by an SA MPP verbal predicate; – NPrel is object (3.5) or complement of preposition (3.3, 3.41); – there is no subject pronoun; – the relative clause in 3.3 is restrictive, while 3.5 and 3.41 both may be interpreted on a cline of moderately restrictive to non-restrictive. illi (28 occurrences)37 ala daraga alìya giddan / min at-taqaddum / illi (3.19) (anacoluthon) “at a very high level / of (the) progress / REL”

bi-tabda bi-ayr i-ari:q / al-muta:d / : / an-numuw l-mari l-ilmi / illi huwa a:yim ala krit it-tara:kum (3.23) “[every step] starts in a not normal way / in the growth of scientic knowledge / REL it (that is) based on the idea of accumulation”

lamma tagammàat / it-tall il-kibi:r min at-taqa:ri:r illi udda:m-i dà / lae:t (3.27) “when was gathered / the tall heap of regulations REL in front of me this / I found”

le:h lli aal / il-mua:wala:t dì kull- áha / lam tanga (3.32) “why REL happened / all these endevours / did not succeed”

37

3.19 and 3.87 not counted, as false starts/anacoluthon.

304

THE RELATIVE PHRASE

wa-huwa / il-wa:qi l-mulim it-tali:mi ill-ìna ayši:n / :-h (3.34) “and it (is) / the deplorable educational reality REL-we are living /in-it”

awilt arud / ba il- / muaššira:t wal-mutaayyira:t illi kull wada min-ha / tata:g li-mua: ara / qa:ima bi-zàt-ha (3.36) “I have tried to observe some of the indicators and changes REL every one of them would need a lecture of its own”

b-ala:i min ahamm l-muaira:t - axma / illi arqalit masi:rit it-tawi:r (3.39) “I nd among the most important heavy inuences / REL has hindered the development”

duwal l-ittia:d /il-arabi walla sm-àha e:h / illi ka:nit mawgu:da min sanate: n (3.67) “the states of the Arab union or whatever its name / REL existed two years ago”

kulli yo:m yado:bak ala ma yxalla il-qaru:ra / aw / il-ada: illi and-u / yiu:mu ta:ni yo:m yiu:lu (3.71) “every day just as he nishes the bottle / or the tasks REL with-him, they will come the next day and say”

bi-e:s / tatafawwa 38 // iza aa ha:za t-tabi:r / illi min a:t / al-abaqa:t al-mutaallima (3.80) “so that / comes up rst / if this is the right expression / REL is from the group of educated classes”

wa-yasa kullu fari:q ila inn-u / yisayyid / il- is-saqa:fa illi huwa tallim (3.83) “and every party aspires to make dominant / the (kind of) education REL it was taught”

id-dizaynar/designer dà illi huwwa / e: (3.87)(anacoluthon) “this designer REL (+ he) /”

fa: maa l-kala:m ill- ìna ulna:-h / min šuwayya (3.92) “so in spite of the words REL-we said-them a short while ago (of what we just said)”

yantami / ila manu:ma kriyya / mua:yira / tama:man / lil-manu:ma l-kriyya / illi b-yantami ile:-ha ha:za n-na (3.104) “belongs / to an ideological system / different / completely / from the ideological system / REL belongs to-it this stipulation”

illi a-yitniil min madrasa l-madrasa yidfa addi kaza / illi / a-yiawwil min kulliyya ila kulliyya yidfa addi kaza /illi a(:)yz yidaxxal ibn-u l-madrasa / ygi:b (3.108–10)39

38 I cannot make sense of the 3fs. verbal prex here. False start, maybe—having in mind a:t as subject? 39 The clauses introduced by the 3 pronominal illi here may be seen as parts of cor-

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“REL is going to transfer from one school to another shall pay so and so much / REL is going to change from one college to another shall pay so and so much / REL wants to have his son enter a school shall bring”

u-ma-:-š il-gura l-ka:ya illi txalli /  ila:n / bi-inn-ìna / a(:)yzi:n (3.115) “there is not sufcient courage REL would allow for / in a statement / that we / want”

u-dà ma-aal-ši / kasi:ran /  maga:l /it-tali:m / u-dà illi bi-yxalli baa (3.136) “and that did not happen /often/ in the eld / of education / and that is REL allows”

wa-min huna tafsi:r ill-ìna ulna ale:-h / nabda da:iman (3.140) “and from this (follows) the explanation of REL-we have spoken against / we always begin”

bi-nabdada:iman min aysu badaa al- / as-sa(:)biqu:n // wi-dà illi bi-nitkallim ann-u / ala asa:s / ma: / yumkin tasmiyat-u / bi-ahammìyyit 40 (3.141) “we always start from where started the / those before us // and that (is) REL we are talking about / on the basis of / what (that which) / one may call / the importance . . .”

il-muškila da:iman / hiya /in-na illi yu:l /inni dì maga:lis /istiša(:)riyya (3.147) “the problem always is / the stipulation REL says / that those are councils / advisory”

is-siya:sa al-qawmiyya l-a:mma illi bi-tursam di (3.156) “the (this) policy the national the general REL is being drawn up”

bi-tu:m ala l-intiqa:/ wal-intiqa: illi huwa yadu:r  /al-falak il-xa: ay an liš-šax al-masu:l (3.157) “it is based on selection, and (the) selection REL (+it) goes on in the private space also of the person in charge”

ixta:r il-badi:l it-ta:lit fa-ga:(h) / illi bad bad bad bad-u sanat saba (3.165) “he chose the third alternative and then came / REL after [. . .]him in [198]7”

maa inn /il-badi:l il-awwala:ni / illi b-yagal muddit it-tali:m tisa sini:n (3.167) “although / the rst alternative / REL makes the period of education nine years”

relative syntactic structure (‘quasi-conditional’)—parallel to clauses in SA with man in prothesis. 40 I have cited this long passage to give only one example of the use of EA pronominal illi followed by the use of SA pronominal ma in context.

306

THE RELATIVE PHRASE

badi saba sini:n / min / is-sullam l-gidi:d illi huwa muddit-u tisa / (3.174)41 “after seven years / of / the new scale REL + it its period (is) nine”

xiit it-tali:m illi aharit sanat tamanya u-tamani:n (3.194) “the educational plan REL appeard in -88”

tiku:n mabni:ya / ala l-xia il-fariyya illi masalan xia  maga:l is-saqa:fa (3.198) “would be built / on secondary plans REL for example (is) a plan for the cultural arena”

taqu:m bi-adi:d min ad-dirasa:t / illi tagal min al-ilm t-tarbàwi wal-ilm n-nafsi / asa:s ha:mm giddan (3.212) “undertake a lot of studies / REL make of educational and psychological science a most important base”

– 9 are analyzed as pronominal42 (3.32, 3.80, 3.108–10 3x, 3.136, 3.140, 3.141,3.165). 3.19 and 3.87 have anacoluthon, and are not further considered. (In 3.19, not counted, illi started out probably to modify a formally indenite head, daraga “level”, which is qualied by aliya giddan min at-taqaddum “[at] a very high level of progressivity”—so it is not without specicity.43 As the relative clause is not completed, we cannot rule out the possibility that illi has at-taqaddum as its head, although this seems less likely.) – the linguistic environment of illi is less restricted than for the SA variant, although most occurrences have EA environment, especially in the clause following REL. In 3.80 both preceding and following sequences are (largely) SA. As illi here is pronominal with personal reference, the corresponding SA variant would be man or the masc. plur. form of alla i, which appears to be avoided in my data. In 3.104 the environment is also largely SA, but the following SA MPP verb has the EA bi- prex. In 3.36 the following verb is SA IPF without bi-, but separated by the intervening subject noun phrase which has EA MPP features (wada for SA wa:ida). – illi introduces relative clauses with verbal predicates (3.32, 3.36, 3.39, 3.67, 3.83, 3.92. 3.104, 3.108, 3.109, 3.115, 3.136, 3.140, 3.141,

41

See discussion of reference in this clause, below. AUC3 also has a high rate of pronominal REL ma. 43 It could, actually, be paraphrased using daragat at-taqaddum :-ha aliya giddan “the level/degree of progressivity/advancement of them (the thoughts)” is very high). 42

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307

3.147, 3 .156, 3.157, 3.167, 3.194, 3.212); with AP predicates (3.23, 3.34, 3.110); with PP predicates (3.27, 3.71, 3.81, 3.165, 3.198); with nominal predicate (3.174); – pronominal subjects following REL occur in 3.23, 3.34, 3.83, 3.92, 3.140, 3.157, 3.174: bi-ayr i-ari:q / al-muta:d / : / an-numuw l-mari l-ilmi / illi huwa in-other the-way / the-usual / in / the-growth the-based-on-knowledge the-scientic / REL it otherwise than the usual way in scientic growth of knowledge which is

a:yim ala krit it-tara:kum (3.23) standing on idea of the-accumulating based on the idea of accumulating (knowledge)

There is coreference between the subject pronoun and the head, and the pronoun is subject to an AP predicate, so it is as commonly, but not necessarily, retained. It has a highly qualied head, and is clearly nonrestrictive, which is also marked by pause. wa-huwa / il-wa:qi l-mulim it-tali:mi ill-ìna ayši:n / :-h (3.34) and-it / the-situation the-distressing the-educational REL-we live/AP / in-it “and it is the distressing educational situation that we experience”

No coreference between head and subject pronoun, the relative clause has AP predicate (as in 3.23), NPrel is in the PP. In spite of a heavily qualied head, the relative clause tends to be restrictive. wa-yasa kullu fari:q ila inn-u / yisayyid / il-is-saqa:fa illi huwa tallim (3.83) and-3ms/strive every faction towards that-it 3ms/make-master the-culture REL it/he learned “and every faction tries to impose the culture which they learned (themselves)”

No coreference between head and subject pronoun. No audible resumptive pronoun expresses NPrel, which is the object of the relative clause, and would normally be expressed as pronoun sufx on the verb (tallimha). As the relative clause has a verbal predicate, the subject pronoun (huwa) is redundant (and should be deleted according to the rules of Eid and Wise). The relative clause is restrictive. fa: maa l-kala:m ill-ìna ulna:-h / min šuwayya (3.92) and (so) in spite of the-words REL-we said-them / from a little “and in spite of what we said a little while ago”

308

THE RELATIVE PHRASE

In this clause, NPrel is object (clitic pronoun). As the subject pronoun has a verbal predicate, the same comment applies as above. This clause likewise is restrictive. wa-min huna tafsi:r ill-ìna ulna ale:-h / nabda da:iman (3.140) and-from here explanation REL-we speak/1pl against-it / 1pl/begin always “and hence the explanation of that which we spoke against: we always begin . . .”

This relative clause with pronominal REL is in fact second member of an i fa, the clause has a verbal predicate and the subject pronoun is syntactically redundant. We may suggest for all these clauses that the non-resumptive subject pronoun has a pragmatic function, serving to mark or introduce a new subject. bi-tu:m ala l-intiqa: / wal-intiqa: illi huwa yadu:r : / al-falak il-xa: ay an liš-šax al-masu:l (3.157) 3fs/base on the selection / and-the-selection REL it 3ms/go-on in / the-space the-private also of-the-person the responsible “it is based on selection, and the selection which goes on in the private space also of the person in charge”

This clause does not lend itself easily to an interpretation with regard to restrictiveness—in one sense it restricts the head intiqa: “(the kind of ) selection which goes on”, on the other hand it is a further, continuing qualication of a concept already introduced in the context. The syntactically redundant subject pronoun may affect the meaning in a non-restrictive sense. badi saba sini:n / min / is-sullam l-gidi:d illi huwa muddit-u tisa / yani (3.174) after seven years / of / the-ladder the-new REL it period-its nine / well “after seven years of the new [educational] ladder whose period is nine, well”

In this clause, NPrel is represented by the resumptive clitic pronoun -u in genitive position, attached to the nominal subject. However, huwa is also coreferent with the head, and a strict traditional syntactic analysis would see the independent pronoun as subject of the REL clause, and the remaining nominal clause as its predicate. If, on the other hand, the clause is analysed with regard to pragmatic function, it appears, that with huwa omitted, the relative clause will be less clearly marked as non-restrictive. This supports the case for the independent resumptive subject pronoun as a marker of non-restrictiveness. We may, along these lines, suggest the following constructions as expressing the cline of restrictiveness—from most to least restrictive:

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309

il-sullam illi muddit-u tisa il-sullam il-gidi:d illi muddit-u tisa il-sullam il-gidi:d illi huw(w)a muddit-u tisa

It is important, however, to stress that the suggested grammaticalization of illi + independent resumptive pronoun as a marker of non-restrictiveness is only tendential, not categorical. In 3.67, the REL clause begs a non-restrictive interpretation, and the REL is not followed by a pronoun: duwal l-ittia:d /il-arabi walla sm- àha e:h / illi ka:nit mawgu:da min sanate:n (3.67) states the-union / the Arabic or name-its what / REL be/3fs present from two years “the states of the Arab union or whatever its name, which existed two years ago”

Similarly, in 3.167 we nd, with no resumptive pronoun and a nonrestrictive meaning: maa inn /il-badi:l il-awwala:ni / illi b-yagal muddit it-tali:m tisa sini:n (3.167) although / the alternative the rst / REL IND-3ms/make period the-education nine years “although / the rst alternative, which makes the period of education nine years”

In the following table, SCo is marked (+) in 3.36 because the subject is semantically coreferent, but not formally syntactic (NPrel is in PP): “I have tried to observe some indexes and changes which every one of them would need a separate lecture [to talk about].” AUC 3 illi clauses SP

SCo

qH

RE

3. 23

+

+

+

–

3.27

–

+

+

(+)

3.32

–

+

3.34

+

–

+

+

3.36

–

(+)

(–)

(+)

+

3.39

–

+

(+)

+

+

3.67

–

+

+

–

+

PRO

VP

AP

PP

+ + + +

NP

310

THE RELATIVE PHRASE

AUC 3 illi clauses (cont.) SP

SCo

qH

RE

VP

3.81

–

+

3.83

+

–

–

+

+

3.92

+

–

–

+

+

3.104

–

–

(–)

+

+

3.108

–

+

PRO

+

3.109

–

+

PRO

+

3.110

–

+

PRO

3.115

–

+

3.136

–

3.140

+

3.141

–

3.147

–

3.156

AP

PRO

(–)

PP

NP

+

+

+

+

+

PRO

+

–

PRO

+

PRO

+

+

–

+

+

–

+

+

+

+

3.157

+

+

+

–

+

3.165

–

+

3.167

–

+

+

–

3.174

+

+

+

–

3.194

–

+

–

+

3.198

–

+

+

–

3.212

–

+

+

–

PRO

+ + + + + +

3.19 and 3.87 are not included as they represent anacoluthon

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REL in AUC4 allai-set (2 occurrences)  / il-xua / allati tahdif ila t-tanmiya l-iqtia:diyya (4.56) “into the projects REL aim at economic growth”

w-yimkin dà / illi dafa / mahma ka:nat il-asba:b allati nuaddi:-ha li:-h (4.106) “and-maybe that / (is) REL led to / whatever were the reasons REL we give for it”

– both attributive; – the linguistic environment is SA, and REL is followed by SA MPP verb; – both relative clauses beg a restrictive interpretation; – in 4.56 NPrel is subject, no explicit resumptive pronoun subject (‘deleted’ or ‘implicit’ in the verbal predicate); in 4.106 NPrel is object (represented by resumptive clitic pronoun). illi (24 occurrences) u-bade:n ni:gi nu:l ab e:h / t-tali:m illi huwwa / illi abli kida (4.7) “and then we come and say, well / the education REL it / REL (is) before that”

atta d-duktu:r . illi 44 m6addim d-duktu:r F. a:l (4.8) “even Dr. ., REL introducing Dr. F, said”

yani l-mustawa l-awwal illi huwa nàari / yani btida:i aw kida (4.13) “i.e. the rst level, REL is ‘general’ / i.e. elementary or so”

yani aqdam ga:mia araf-ha l-a:lam hiya gamat u:n / illi hiya dilwati ismaha en šams (4.23) “i.e. the oldest university the world has known is -n university, REL (it) now its name (= whose name now is) Ein Shams”

l-uu:r l-adi:sa / illi hiyya yani / : mutana:wal yad it-ta(:)ri:x / il-muakkad / al-azhar [. . .] tutabar (4.27) “in modern times, REL (it) is, well, within the reach of conrmed history, al-Azhar is considered”

44 This clause—meaning something like “when/as he was introducing Dr. F”—demonstrates, I think, the afnity of a non-restrictive REL clause and l (circumstantial) clauses. Cf. p. 282 above, and the fact that illi has been shown to have several secondary/extended functions (Woidich 1989).

312

THE RELATIVE PHRASE

ga:mìit l-azhar tutabar min aqdam l-ga:mia:t lan / l-a:lam / w-illi ala nasàq-ha / kai:r giddan min al-akadi:miyya:t l-urubbiyya / unšiat (4.29) “Azhar university is considered among the oldest universitites in fact / in the world / and REL on its model / very many European academies / were established”

tutabar l-ai:a mar / min aqdam il-bila:d / illi hiya lait / sabi:l lit-tali:m l-a:li (4.36) “in fact Egypt is considered / among the oldest countries / REL (it) found the way to higher education”

wi-f-nafs il-wat illi badau / a aràt-kum ar:n mašrua:t r-rayy waz-zira:a (4.40) “at the same time REL they started / as you know the projects of erigation and cultivation”

wa-ka:n il-hadaf min ha:zihi l-maa:hid l-ulya / illi huwa l-hadaf ill-ina b-nabas ann-u a:liyyan / taxri:g / a (4.50–51) “and the goal of these higher institutes / REL (it) is the goal which we are looking into(-it) now / (was) to graduate / a group”

taawwàlit ha:zihi l-maa:hid bada za:lik / ila kulliyya:t aka:dimiyya / illi hiya : al-ga:mia (4.54) “these institutes changed after that / to academic colleges / REL they (are) in the university”

inn ma-and-ina:-š / xirri:g il-ga:mìa illi huwa qa:dir ala / id-duxu:l muba: šaratan /  / il-xua / allati tahdif ila t-tanmiya l-iqtia:diyya (4.55–56) “that we don’t have / (any) university graduate REL is able to / enter directly / into / the projects / that aim at economic growth”

li-ann-u huwa dà illi b-yursum il-xia l-kriyya il-a:mma lil-balad (4.78) “because he (this one) is REL draws up the general ideational plan for the town”

hum / yušakkìlu / yani / al-nuxba / il-kriyya / li-ha:za / l-mugtama / w-illi b-yidaru ysa:ndu:-h / dà hadaf a:mm (4.81) “they / constitute / well / the elite / intellectual / for this / society / and REL they can support (-it) / that (is) the general goal”

[ il-“community colleges”] / bi-tunša maxu: aša:n tixdim / il-“community” // illi hiya mawgu:da :-ha (4.100) the “community colleges / are established especially so that they serve the community REL they exist in”

yani dà ka:n min al-ahda:f illi maxu:a (4.112) “that was among the goals REL (were) planned”

nimra wa:id il-usta:z / illi humma yani  n-niha:ya mumkin nul q ale:-hum a a:hayat it-tadri:s (4.116) “number one the professor / REL they well in the end we may call (-them) the members of the teaching staff ”

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wa-no: / min [. . .]al-muwagha:t l-kriyya wal-muna:ara:t l-kriyya illi hiya b-tagal l-insa:n  n-niha:ya / yandug kriyyan (4.127) “and some kind of intellectual encounters and controversies, REL (they) make man in the end mature intellectually”

bi-nla:i inn-u qanu:n tani:m l-ga:mia:t [. . .] yani / yatba al-ar / illi huwa nizil :(-h) (4.140) “we nd that the university regulation [. . .] well / follow the period / REL it came in (it)”

qanu:n tani:m l-ga:mia:t / laa l-usta:z l-kursi / illi kunna natana:fas ale:-h kull-ina (4.150) “the university regulation /abolished the chair professor / REL we all used to compete for”

 ill ga:miat l-ada:d l-kibi:ra illi kkallim ale:-ha d-dukto:r . (4.157) “in the shadow of the mass university (univ. of great numbers), REL Dr. . talked about”

u-tat risa:la miš ana lli amìl-ha (4.165) “and under a dissertation (which) I am not REL had done it”

– 5 (6?) occurrences are pronominal (4.29, 4.78, 4.81, 4.106, 4.116?,45 4.165); – 4.78 is considered to be of the ‘emphatic’, ‘topicalizing’ structure: li-ann-u huwa dà illi b-yursum il-xia l-kriyya il-a:mma lil-balad because he DEM REL IND-3ms/draw the-plan the-ideological the-general forthe town “because he is the one who / it’s he who draws up the general ideological plan for the town”

– the linguistic environment for EA REL is predominantly EA, but again lexical items drawn from SA often occur as heads, e.g. in 4.50, and many sequences are of a highly mixed character. In 4.29 and 4.150 illi occurs as REL with predominantly SA elements both preceding and following it; – the illi clause has verbal predicates (4.29, 4.36, 4.40, 4.51, 4.78, 4.81, 4.127, 4.140, 4.150, 4.157); AP predicates (4.8, 4.55); PP (4.7 (the rst occurrence is considered a false start), 4.27, 4.54); noun predicates (4.13, 4.23, 4.50, 4.100, 4.112); 45 I interpret this clause as a continuation, but hesitate whether to see its functions as a non-restrictive modifying clause to il-usta:z, perceived as generic and modied with plural agreement—or as an independent new unit, asyndetically attached to the former clause.

314

THE RELATIVE PHRASE

– in 12 occurrences illi is followed by pronominal subjects (4.13, 4.23, 4.27, 4.36, 4.50, 4.51, 4.54, 4.55, 4.100, 4.116, 4.127, 4.140), i.e. half of all occurrences with this speaker have this construction. I shall not repeat every occurrence this time, but point to the following features: In general, the same pattern that was suggested for the former speakers, emerges: subject pronouns which are coreferent with the head, i.e. they are resumptive, occur in relative clauses that beg a non-restrictive interpretation: 4.13, 4.23, 4.27, 4.50, 4.54, 4.127. Subject pronouns that are not coreferent with their heads occur in restrictive clauses: 4.51, 4.100, 4.140. However, this speaker also produces structures that do not t the pattern above: In 4.36, the meaning of the REL clause is clearly restricting the head, “the oldest countries”, the predicate is verbal, and still there is a resumptive subject pronoun. (Possible motivations for the use of the pronoun here may be the length of the construction in which the head appears, and the pause preceding the relative clause—features that otherwise often accompany structures with a non-restrictive clause.) In 4.55 likewise, the REL clause with illi huwa restricts the preceding head—here the motivation may be sought in the SA form of the nominal predicate—according to the SA system, the REL clause with a nominal predicate normally requires a subject. 4.116 may represent a case of anacoluthon, a shift from the category of “professor” to pronominal “those who”—normally we would expect a pragmatic particle as yani “that is” to signal the shift. This is the only instance in my data of REL referring to human plural—and the use of independent plural pronoun humma here may be to mark the plural meaning of invariant illi. Alternatively, REL + subject pronoun would be a marker of non-restrictive attributive relative clause. 4.23 also deserves some closer attention: aqdam ga:mia araf-ha l-a:lam hiya gamat u:n /illi hiya dilwati ism-aha E.Š. oldest university know/3ms-it the-world it university U:n / REL it now nameits E... “the oldest university the world has known is U:n university whose name is now E.S.”

I classied it above in the following way: a) NPrel is subject, hiya is ‘resumptive’ pronoun acting as subject of the relative clause, the nominal sentence ism-aha en šams is predicate. Alternatively (cf. the similar case in 3.174 discussed above),

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b) NPrel is in genitive position and clitic -ha is ‘resumptive’ pronoun—hiya has the pragmatic function of marking the relative clause as non-restrictive relative. (The head noun gama is strongly qualied by its name (u:n).) Constructing the following paraphrases of the sentence, may illustrate the cline: il-gama illi ism-aha en šams aqdam gama l-a:lam > restrictive “the university whose name is Ein Shams, is the oldest university in the world” vs.

il-gama illi hiyya ism-aha en šams aqdam gama l-a:lam > non-restrictive “the university, whose name is Ein Shams, is the . . .”

a variant of the rst sentence—but with the head followed by a pause— or by a qualifying item, would be positioned between the two versions on the cline of restrictiveness. In 4.54, the head noun of REL is formally indenite, but its specicity may be adduced from the identity of the “colleges” with the very specic and dened “institutes”: taawwàlit ha:zihi l-maa:hid bada za:lik / ila kulliyya:t aka:dimiyya / illi hiya : al-ga:mia (4.54) “these institutes changed after that / to academic colleges / which they (are) in the university”

AUC 4 illi clauses SP

SCo

qH

RE

VP

AP

PP

NP

4.7

–

+

–

+

4.8

–

+

+

–

4.13

+

+

+

–

+

4.23

+

+

+

–

+

4.27

+

+

+

–

4.29

–

–

+

PRO

+

4.36

+

+

–

+

+

4.40

–

–

?

+

+

4.50

+

+

+

–

4.51

+

–

–

+

+ +

+

+ +

316

THE RELATIVE PHRASE

AUC 4 illi clauses (cont.) SP

SCo

qH

4.54

+

+

+

–

4.55

+

+

–

+

4.78

–

+

PRO

+

4.81

–

+

PRO

+

4.100

+

–

4.106

–

+

4.112

–

+

4.116

+

?

4.127

+

+

+

–

+

4.140

+

–

–

+

+

4.150

–

–

–

(–)

+

4.157

–

–

+

–

+

4.165

–

+

–

RE

AP

PP

NP

+ +

(+) PRO

–

VP

+ +

+

+

PRO?

PRO

+

REL in NA1 allai-set (17 occurrences + one false start in 5.77)  muwa:gahat ha: ihi l-aya: / al-a:bia allati la: tafham-ha (5.41) “confronting this life / the absurd which she does not understand”

tamu:t / yani / l-laa allati taktašif :-ha anna-ha / ayr qa:dira ala (5.42) “she dies / then / in the moment which she discovers (in-it) that she (is)/ unable to”

awwal ma yastawqìf-na min /al-adawa:t allati yastaxdim-ha B.. /il-lua (5.62) “the rst that strikes us among the devices which uses-them B. .”

huna:k / sawa:d aš-šabbayn al-ifriqiyyayn / allaayni taltaqi bi-hima: almara / allai / allaayni yaltaqi bi-hima: al- (5.77) “there is / the blackness of the two young Africans / whom meets-them the woman / whom / whom/DUAL meets-them the-”

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al-ura:b al-aswad allai / yu  alay-hi al-ka:tib / mana gadi:d (5.81) “the black raven which / renders (on) it the writer / a new meaning”

yaqu:l ha: a l-ura:b allai lam yazi aad (5.82) “he says this raven which never blamed ? anyone”

huna:k istixda:m il-ala:m / allati an arìq-ha / yuri / il-ka:tib an-na bi(5.85) “there is the use of dreams / which by way of-them / enriches / the writer the text with”

masalan a:diat al-masala / wa al- / al-muša(:)dda allati tadu bayna almara / wa (5.103) “for instance the event at the laundry / and the / quarrel which happened between the woman / and”

wa aš-šax / allai yu akkir ar-ra:wi bi-abi:(-h) / huwa yaqif bi-galba:bi-hi (5.116) “and the person / which reminds the narrator of this-father / he stands in his gallabiyya”

narga marra uxra lin-nuqa allati / uriat  bida:yit al-kala:m (5.120) “we return once more to the point which / was raised in the beginning of the talk”

wa / siwa:-ha min ar-riwaya:t allati tana:walat ha: a l-maw u: (5.122) “and similar (other of the) novels which (have) treated this subject”

magmu:at an-nuu: / allati tatana:wal ha:za l-maw u: (5.125) “all the texts / which treat this topic”

ka-anna kullu ha: ihi l-kutub allati tana:walat al-ila:qa bayna š-šarq wal-arb (5.129) “as if all these books which have treated the relationship between the east and the west”

akta bil-adi: an ha: ihi l-qia allati ataqid inna-ha ahamm qia lmagmu:a (5.133) “I shall conne myself to speaking about this story which I believe (that it) is the most important story in the collection”

al-higra al-gimaiyya / al-miriyya / allati lam / yašhad tari:x il-bila:d la-ha mai:lan (5.139) the-migration the-collective / the Egyptian / REL not / 3ms/see history thecountry for-it likeness “the Egyptian mass migration which the history of the country never has seen anything) like”

318

THE RELATIVE PHRASE

la:kin nuu: / bar ak bi-tuntig ha:za l-wa:qi allai yai:š-u al- / al-miriyyu:n / xa:rig mir (5.148) “but texts / also (re)producing this reality which live-it the/ Egyptians / outside Egypt”

– all are attributive; – linguistic environment is SA and all REL are directly followed by SA MPP verb (in 5.85, an adverbial phrase intervenes between REL and verb), but pronominal sufxation is not always according to SA (5.41, 5.62, 5.85, 5.148). The dual (correctly oblique) form of SA REL is used twice in 5.77—the only cases of non-sing. forms in my data. – NPrel is subject (5.82, 5.103, 5.116, 5.120, 5.122, 5.125, 5.129), direct object (5.41, 5.62, 5.148), prepositional object (5.77 2x, 5.81 (indirect object)), and other complements of preposition (5.42, 5.85 (compound prep.), 5.139), and in 5.123, subject of embedded nominal clause; – no subject pronouns; – the relative clauses are interpreted as restrictive (5.120, 5.122, 5.125, 5.129 ?), and as non-restrictive (5.116, 5.123, 5.139). illi (4 occurrences) miwar / min al-maa:wir / illi mawgu:da /  n-na (5.1) “one of the axes (central themes)/ REL are present/to be found / in the text”

min il-6adawa:t illi / yastaxdim-ha B.  / bi-qtida:r / ha: a it-tawa:zi (5.101) “among the devices REL B. . uses so cleverly, is this parallelism”

bi-yadxul / : / muna:arat al-mawa:qif wil-iqnaa:t / illi bi-tukawwìn-ha / magmu:at an-nuu: (5.124) “he enters /into / the controversy of positions and beliefs / which constitute-them the all the texts / which treat this subject”

sawfa / naqra / li-kai:r min al-kitaba:t / illi min ha: a n-naw (5.138) FUT /1pl/read / many (of the) writings / REL of this the-kind” “we will be reading much writing of this kind”

– all are attributive; – the linguistic environment is predominantly SA: In 5.1, REL occurs in a larger SA sequence, but the following nominal predicate is EA/ shared—the frequent EA collocation illi mawgu:da probably functions as a unit. In 5.101, apart from minor EA features (il- for al-), the environment is SA, and illi is followed by a SA MPP verb in IPF.

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– – – –

319

In 5.124, the presection of REL is ‘mixed’, with SA forms of lexical items combined with some EA grammatical features (bi- verbal prex, COMP inn-u), and illi is followed by a ‘hybrid’ (or ‘symbiotic’) verbal predicate with bi- + SA MPP. In 5.138 illi occurs in SA environment. In 5.1 and 5.138, the predicates are nonverbal (NP and PP), while in 5.101 and 5.124, the relative clause has a verbal predicate; there are no subject pronouns; NPrel is subject (5.1, 5.138) and object (5.101, 5.124); the clauses are restrictive (5.1, 5.101, 5.138) and non-restrictive (5.124).

While the large majority of REL is SA with this speaker, and all are followed by SA verbs, illi is used twice with non-verbal predicates, once (5.124) with a ‘symbiotic’ verb as predicate (EA IND bi- + SA MPP of verb), and once (5.101) with a simple SA verb as predicate. The following pair have almost identical context, but different variant of REL: min / al-6adawa:t allati yastaxdim-ha B.. / il-lua (5.62) min il-6adawa:t illi / yastaxdim-ha B. / bi-qtida:r / ha: a it-tawa:zi (5.101) NA 1 illi clauses SP

SCo

qH

RE

VP

5.1

–

+

–

(+)

5.101

–

–

–

+

+

5.124

–

–

+

–

+

5.138

–

+

–

+

AP

PP

NP +

+

REL in NA2 The sheer quantity of REL clauses produced by this speaker has led me to make an exception from the usual procedure, and simply list all occurrences without grammatical annotation or translation (= interpretation). In the following discussion, I will provide annotation and translation for the occurrences that I select for special comment.

320

THE RELATIVE PHRASE

allai set (72 [!] occurrences) uri:du an ult an-naar / ila qiat “ n-na:za” / allati ataqid anna-ha tatawi ala al-gu u:r allati dafaat baal “bil-ams alamtu bik” nafs-uh ila lhigra / aw allati tu:šik an tuqaddim aya:t ha:za l-baal (6.7–8) ha:za l-mana:x / al-a:ri / allazi dafaa-hu ila l-xuru:g / nagid gu u:r-u (6.9) ha:za l-ab a - ai:f /  ha:zihi al-ida:ra / huwa allazi arra a / kull abna:-ha bi-ha:zihi l-mahana:t al- / kai:ra (6.32) wa-bayna u:rit sundus al-aqiqiyya al-mutaarrika il-a:rifa li-ahdàf-ha / allati tuaqqiqu bi - ab qabla an / tatruq al-ba:b (6.37) wa-anna-ha sa-tafal kulli še: / wa allati talab / bi-ha:zihi l-kra s-sabta / allati tastaillu-ha hiya nafs-àha (6.40) ha:zihi il-alaqa:t / aw al-maa:wir allati tarbu / qia / al-magmu:a bi-ba iha (6.46) wa-sa-abda / bi al-qia allati / qaddamat ad-dukto:ra R. taawwùr-ha altafi:li la-ha (6.50) wa sa-abda ay an / min al-bida:ya / allati aša:rat ilay-ha (6.51) al-lua l-ha:dia / allati / tukarris / ar-rata:ba /  ha: ihi l-aya:h (6.52) wa-bayna / al-a:lam / allazi / yai:šu :-hi / min na:iyatin uxra (6.57) wa as-safar ila afri:qa / ila bila:d-ih allati hariba / aw ila qa:rati-hi allati hariba min-ha huwa nafs-uh (6.64–65) hiya a:iqa / bi-ha:za l-a:lam allazi tai:šu :(h) (6.69) li-anna-hu yu akkìru-ha / bi-xai:bi-ha allai taxalla an-ha / allai nakaa / bi-waadi-hi (6.71) ha:zihi al-ala:qa / allati tarbu ar-ra:wi / wa xai:b al-fata: min giha / wa allati tarbu ir-ra:wi wal-fata: min giha uxra / wa / allati nagid / la-ha mustawaya:t adi:da (6.74–76) il-nua il- / il-tanya / bada ala:qit al-taša:buh wa ala:qit at-tama:ul ha:zihi allati uri:du an uši:r ilay-ha (6.77) ha:zihi l-afka:r a-a:bita allati tatagassad /  krit al-umm / wa-llati / hiya / e:h (6.80–81) bi-naltaqi bil-mara / al-agu:z allati tu:šik an taku:n / tanwi: a:xar ala umm al-fata: (6.86) anna ha:za r-ragul / allazi ga:a min mar / qad saara (6.88) mawgu:da  u:rit adi:q-u kama:l / allazi yataaddas an anna huna:ka kahraba  a:za l-mana:x (6.95)

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huna:k magmu:a min al-afka:r al-ari:ba as-sa:bita al-musayira ala / kullin min al-alamayn / wa allati tusa:him  (6.98) raf / min al-gi:l al-a:xir wal-gi:l al-ada / allai yumaìl-u ar-ra:wi wa al- / fata: (6.102) wa qad ita ana-hu a-aqr / allazi huwa / min rumu:z mar al-qadi:ma (6.106) rubba-ma la yara al-masa: allati yaìš-ha bi-ha:zihi al- / al-ari:qa (6.121) sa-yui:l-u ila ha:za al-šax / al-ari:b allazi / afzaa / hazihi al-fata: (6.122) al-gusu:r al-mutaqaia / allati xalaqàt-ha ha:zihi al-afka:r /al- / a:bita (6.131) ha:zihi a-adma / allati / natagat an ha:za / al-liqa: (6.132) aw ha:zihi l-muwàgha l-muba:šara / hiya allati /amra at-hu  an-niha:ya (6.133) wa huwa yamidd yàd -hu  ha:za l-a:lam allai yaxtali :(-h) / al-ulm / bil-aqi:qa / al-ulm / bi al-xala:allazi raayna tanwi:a uxra ale:(-h) /  / al-xala: -u: / wa  al-xala: / al-xala: allazi qaddàma-hu Fati / aw  al-xala:s allazi yuqaddimu-hu Kama:l (6.134–37) wa-ha:zihi l-yad al-mamdu:da allati turi:d an tumsika/ taqbi ala šay(6.141) wa-xa:atan ha:zihi al-qia allati ataqid anna-ha la-ha ala:qa wai:qa (6.145) ha:zihi l-kra al-a:bita allati kawwan-ha al-muwaafu:n / an / al-ra:wi (6.159) al-kra allati / kawwàna-ha / al-baal / an il / arb aw al-fata: / aw al-arb kullu-hu an iš-sarq / aw al-kra allati / a:lat du:n ayyi tawa:ul insa:ni / wa al-kra ay an allati sa:hamat /  tadmi:r aw  taqti: al-waša:ig (6.160–62) nagid anna ha:za l- / ukm allazi adda aqi:qatan ila mo:t ha:za r-ragul (6.173) ha:zihi l-qa a:ya il- / asasiyya allati ašartu ilay-ha / qa iyyit kayfa / tusa:him ha:zihi l-afka:r allati nukawwìn-ha an / al-a:lam (6.178–79) li-qa iyyit al-šarq wal- / arb allati / kataba :-ha al-kutta:b / al-miriyyi:n al-kai:r (6.184) bi-nuiss huna anna al-marala / allati ka:na al-šarqu :-ha yataawwar anna l-arb / laday(-h) all / qad intahat (6.188) hiya al-marala / allati / aw hiya al-musayira  ha:zihi /  ha:za -ar (6.192) gaww min al- al-mana:x al-qaai allazi nuiss taqri:ban :(-h) (6.202)

322

THE RELATIVE PHRASE

a:lam il-idara:t allati bayna-ha wa-bayna / ba i-ha maša:kil (6.215) idd / ha:za š-šax / rubba-ma / allai dafa samanan ba:hian / li-lait attawa:ul al- (6.228) masalit do:r aw sulit al-ab al- / manyya aw al-maliyya allati / tuadd ila addin-ma / masu:la an ha:za al-tadahwur (6.232) kutibat l-amanina:t /  ha:zihi l-fatra / allati a:na :-ha l-wa:qi allazi adarat an-hu ha:zihi l-qia (6.235–36) la / qudrata la-hu ala mani / al-a:lam allazi yai:š :(-h) al-amn (6.238) huna:k / ab badi:l / illi huwwa  šax u:rit al-amm al- / sikki:r al-xa:ib / allazi yuri:d atta an yabi: al-fata: / ila / ayyi / xa:ib (6.242) huwa ragul / huwa midat al-azar / allazi yubiu-hu l-gami: / wa allazi la yasma la-hu aad (6.247–8) yagid anna ha:za al-a:lam al-mawgu:d ala sa allai yušakkil / al-muassasa (6.250) illa bi-isàs-na al-murr / bi-masa:t ha:za al-a:lam / allazi a:bat min-hu sulati / ha:za al-ab / allazi narifu ay an anna-hu lam yakun aban / a: lian (6.253–54) izan fa-huna:ka ala:qa bayna / al-wa:qi allazi / tadu:ru :-hi l-qia allati tadu:r  mir (6.257–8) wa- a:lika al- / wa:qi al-a:xar / al-agnabi allazi aw za:lik al-a:lam al-a:xar / allazi tuqaddim-hu qiat “bil-ams alumtu bik” (6.259) hiyya aban ka-ma narif gami:an / magmu:a al-qia allati tarakkamat lada al-ka:tib (6.263) bi-nuiss bi-wugu:d ha:zihi ar-ra:bia / aw ha:zihi al-ala:qa allati tarbu alqia / bi-ba i-ha (6.267) li-ma:za taxalla an kulli afka:ri-hi allati / e: / ka:nat laday(-h) (6.272) wa-sa-nafhamu ay an li-ma:za / lam / yasluk nafs -ari:q allai salakat(h) al-fata: (6.274)

– three are considered pronominal (6.32, 6.40a, 6.133); two of these being of the ‘emphatic’ or topicalizing structure [DEM + def. noun + PRON + REL]: ha:za l-ab a - ai:f /  ha:zihi al-ida:ra / huwa allazi arra a / kull abna:-ha this the-father the-weak / in this the-administration / he REL expose/3ms all sons-her “this weak father in this department / he (was) the one who exposed all its sons” > “it was this weak father in this department who exposed” etc.

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bi-ha:zihi l-mahana:t al- / kai:ra (6.32) to-these the-humiliations the / many “to the many humilations”

ha:zihi l-muwàgha l-muba:šara / hiya allati / amra at-hu  an-niha:ya (6.133) this the-confrontation the-direct / it REL / make-sick/3fs-him in the-end “it was this direct confrontation that made him sick in the end”

– the linguistic environment is predominantly SA, i.e. lexical items preceding and following REL are SA, although some grammatical afxes are EA. With two exceptions (besides a few cases of anacoluthon, e.g. 6.81, 6.192, 6.259a), all SA REL are directly followed by a SA MPP verb as verbal predicate (sometimes with EA pronoun sufxation, e.g. 6.121, 6.159, 6.179). The two occurrences who do not fall into this pattern, are: wa qad ita ana-hu a-aqr / allazi huwa / min rumu:z mar al-qadi:ma (6.106) and ASP46 embrace/3ms-him the-falcon / REL it / of symbols Egypt theancient “and he was embraced by the falcon, which is one of ancient Egypt’s symbols”

This is the only occurrence in my data of SA REL + pronoun subject.47 The predicate is nonverbal, thus—according to the rules of SA—the resumptive subject pronoun expressing subject NPrel may (as here) or may not be retained. (We suggest, that retention strengthens the nonrestrictive character of the clause, somewhat like what appears to be the EA pattern—but see below for comments on restrictiveness.) a:lam il-idara:t allati bayna-ha wa-bayna / ba i-ha maša:kil (6.215) world the-departments REL between-them and between some-of-them problems “the world of (administrative) departments between which there are problems”

NPrel is complement of preposition—expressed by the clitic pronouns -ha. The subject of the clause is indenite and follows the PP predicate. – NPrel is subject (6.7–8 b and c, 6.46, 6.52, 6.71, 6.74–75, 6.80, 6.86, 6.88, 6.95, 6.98, 6.106, 6.122, 6.132, 6.141, 6.161, 6.162, 6.173, 6.228, 6.232, 6.242, 6.250, 6.253, 6.258, 6.263, 6.267, 6.272); direct

46 ASP stands for aspectual particle, which with PF verb strengthens the perfective aspect value. 47 + allati hiya in 6.81, which is, however, not completed (anacoluthon).

324

THE RELATIVE PHRASE

object (6.9, 6.37,48 6.102, 6.121, 6.131, 6.136, 6.137, 6.159, 6.160, 6.179, 6.247a, 6.259b, 6.274); prepositional object (6.51, 6.77, 6.178); other complement of preposition (6.50, 6.57, 6.65, 6.69, 6.76, 6.134, 6.135, 6.184, 6.188, 6.202, 6.215, 6.235, 6.236, 6.238, 6.247b, 6.258); and subject of embedded nominal clause (6.7a, 6.145, 6.254). – NA 2 has a marked predilection for the construction [DEM + def. noun + REL] over the less marked [def. noun + REL]—e.g. “this man who” for “the man who”.49 It seems to me that besides being a stylistic device—adding to the cohesiveness of the text—it adds to the degree of specicity of the head, which again tends to enjoin a less restrictive interpretation of the relative clause, although not necessarily non-restrictive. Between cases of unambiguously non-restrictive relative clauses (e.g. following the rst allati in 6.7): uri:du an ult an-naar / ila qiat “ n-na:za” / allati ataqid anna-ha 1s/want that turn the-look / to story “in the window(pane)” / REL 1s/think that-it “I would like to turn the attention to the story ‘In the window’, which I think”

tatawi ala al-gu u:r allati dafaat baal “bil-ams alamtu bik” nafs-uh ila l-higra 3fs/contain of the-roots REL pushed hero “yesterday I dreamed of you” self-him to the-migration “contains the roots which pushed/motivated the hero of ‘yesterday . . .’ himself to migrate”

and unambiguously restrictive (e.g. the second allati in 6.7 above) there thus appears to be ‘medium degree’ (non-)restrictive clauses, an effect of many heads being specied by DEM, which lends them more specicity than the simple use of the denite article. Let me repeat just a couple of examples among several: hiya a:iqa / bi-ha:za l-a:lam allazi tai:šu :(h) (6.69) she depressed / by-this the-world REL 3fs/live in(-it) “she is depressed because of this world she lives in”

48 The most likely interpretation of this clause is that the head is ahdaf-ha, and that NPrel is object of tuaqqiqu—even if it is inaudible—or omitted, contrary to normal usage: “[. . .] her goals, which she realizes precisely before she knocks at the door”. 49 Frequent use of demonstratives (‘deictic modier’) in place of the denite article is one of the features referred to in the literature as marker of ‘oral style’ or ‘unplanned spoken discourse’ in English. Cf. Ochs 1979, Tannen 1982, Biber 1988 for discussion. [On the other hand, ‘avoidance of relative clauses’ is also listed among these features. NA2 makes abundant use of both DEM and REL.]

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ha:zihi il-alaqa:t / aw al-maa:wir allati tarbu / qia / al-magmu:a bi-ba i-ha (6.46) these the-relations / or the-axes REL 3fs/tie / stories / the-collection to-someof—them “these relations or axes which tie the stories in the collection to each other”

illi (14 occurrences) abtidi bi-ar nua illi b-axtalif :-ha maa d-dukto:ra R.  tafsir-ha (6.1) “I will begin with raising a point REL I differ in-it with Dr. R. in her commentary”

il-tama:sul aw it-taša:buh be:n al-qia / illi bi-yarbu / kull qia ha:zihi al- / magmu:a (6.13) “the resemblance or similarity between the stories REL connects all the stories of this collection”

bi-ma:  a:lik qiat “bil-ams alumtu bik” nàfs-àha / illi bi-nagid :-ha u:r t il-ab bi-tilab do:r (6.26) “including the story ‘[,,,]’ itself, REL we nd in it the image of the father playing the role . . .”

u-bi-yarsimu / xalyyit il-ala:qa illi / aša:rat la-ha (ad-)dukto:r R. (6.28) “and it draws up the background of the relationship REL Dr. R. referred to (it)”

bada ha:zihi l-bida:ya / illi arit-ha-lna ad-dukto:ra R / bi-niss bi-inn-u huna:k / tafai:l kai:ra (6.54) “after this beginning REL Dr. R. read (it) for us, we feel that there are many details”

huna:k tama:ul ari:b be:n il-baal / u-be:n “anne marie” / illi hiyya l-bàala / bi-u:ra illi bi-nagid anna kulla min-huma: yu:šik an yaku:n / mutarib (6.61) “there is a strange resemblance between the hero and Anne Marie, REL she is the heroine, in the way REL we nd that both of them nearly are alienated”

li-anna-ha turi:d an / tataniq mabda al-qiddi:s franswa l-assisi illi huwa ka:n ragulan / taraka / kull maba:hig al-aya: (6.67) “because she wishes to adopt the principle of saint Francis of Assisi. REL (he) was a man who left all the pleasures of life”

// w-illi bi-yakkid masalit il- / kra di (6.100) “and what conrms the issue of this idea”

fuqda:n-u huwa lid-do:r illi bi-narif asba:b-u  qiit “al-na:za” bit-tafi:l / huwa sabab / urbat-u / illi hiyya nafs-aha bi-tara :-ha / maìr-ha (6.117–18) “his loss (he) of the role which we know the reasons (for) it in the story ‘the window’ in details / it is the reason of his alienation, which she herself sees her fate in (it)”

maa l-a:lam / wa-fahm-u / zayy -ma šufna  il-qia illi bi-tuši:r bi-šakl wa: i ila iya:b al-ab (6.240)

326

THE RELATIVE PHRASE “with the world / and understanding of it, as we saw in the story REL refers clearly to the absence of the father”

huna:k / ab badi:l / illi huwwa  šax u:rit al-amm al- / sikki:r al-xa:ib / allazi yuri:d atta an yabi: al-fata: / ila / ayyi / xa:ib (6.242) “there is a substitute father REL he in the gure of the drunkard uncle which wants to sell the girl to any proposer”

wa dì n-nua illi / abbe:t inn-ana uši:r ile:-ha (6.260) “and that/this was the point REL that I wanted to point to”

– 1 is pronominal (6.100). In 6.61b, I suspect from the structure of the clause that there may be anacoluthon following REL (bi-u:ra illi), but there are no clues, like hesitation, for this—so I have decided to list it as a relative clause; – the linguistic environment is rarely entirely EA. Mostly we nd SA lexical items at the head of the relative clause, often with EA features (il- for al-; -it for -at); – NPrel is subject (6.13, 6.61, 6.67, 6.240, 6.242), object (6.54), and prepositional object (6.1, 6.28), other complement of preposition (6.26, 6.118), and genitive (6.117); – all but 2 of the clauses have verbal predicates, with a varied distribution of verb forms: bi- + SA IPF: 6.1, 6.13, 6.26, 6.61, 6.117, 6.118, 6.240; EA and shared: 6.54, 6.67, 6.100, 6.117, 6.2.60; and SA PF (6.28). The non-verbal predicates are nominal (6.61) and a PP (6.242). – 4 clauses have subject pronouns: huna:k tama:ul ari:b be:n il-baal / u-be:n “ann marie” / illi hiyya l-baala (6.61) there symmetry strange between the-hero / and-between A.M. / REL she theheroine “there is a strange symmetry between the hero and A.M., who is the heroine”

The subject has coreference with the head, it has a nominal predicate, so it should be retained, according to SA as well as EA. The clause is non-restrictive. turi:d an / tataniq mabda al-qiddi:s franswa l-assisi illi huwa ka:n ragulan / taraka (6.67) 3fs/want that / 3fs/adopt principle the-saint F. of A. REL he be/3ms man/ACC /left [. . .] “she wants to adopt the principles of saint F. of A., who was a man who left . . .”

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Again, coreference with head, the subject has a verbal (past copula) predicate—the subject thus could have been deleted, but is retained—to mark non-restrictive meaning of the relative clause? It is interesting that the whole environment is SA, including case marking on the predicative, ragulan. huwa sabab / urbat-u / illi hiyya nafs-aha bi-tara :-ha / maìr-ha (6.118) it reason / alienation-his / REL she self-her IND-3fs/see in-it / fate-her “it was the reason for his alienation, in which she herself sees her fate”

Not a case of subject coreference, but the clause is nevertheless nonrestrictive—an alternative, or additional, function is for subject pronoun to be a ‘disambiguity device’, to mark that the pronominal reference is other than the head, as both the head urbat-u and “she” are grammatically fem.sing. huna:k / ab badi:l /illi huwwa  šax u:rit al-amm al- / sikki:r (6.242) there / father substitute / REL he in person image the-uncle the- / drunkard “there is a substitute father, (who is) in the person (of/or) the image of the drunkard uncle”

Subject coreference between REL and head, which we observe is formally indenite, but has a sufcient degree of specicity to be head of a clause with REL (i.e. not ‘any’ father). The subject has a PP predicate, and could according to the ‘rules’ be retained or deleted, but again may function to mark a non-restricted clause. NA 2 illi clauses SP

SCo

qH

RE

VP

6.1

–

–

–

+

+

6.13

–

+

+

–

+

6.26

–

–

+

–

+

6.28

–

–

–

+

+

6.54

–

–

(+)

–

+

6.61

+

+

+

–

6.61b

–

–

–

+?

+?

6.67

+

+

+

–

(+)

AP

PP

NP

+

(+)

328

THE RELATIVE PHRASE

NA 2 illi clauses (cont.) SP

SCo

6.100

–

+

6.117

–

–

6.118

+

6.240

qH

RE

VP

PRO

+

–

+

+

–

(+)

–

+

–

+

–

+

+

6.242

+

+

(+)

–

6.260

–

–

–

+

AP

PP

NP

+ +

REL in NA3 allai-set (9 occurrences) war-ruya allati / t a:wil an taku:n mugarràdatan (7.24) “and the vision REL / tries to be bare ACC”

ixtiya:r al-qamu:s / allai laysa :-hi atta nabra min gayaša:n illa na:diran (7.30) choice the-vocabulary / REL there is not in-it even tone of exitement except rarely “the choice of vocabulary / in which is only rarely a tone of excitement”

gaww il-qam al-mustatir al-mu mar / al-ša:i / allai tatašarràbu-hu kull / il-qia (7.39) “the atmosphere of concealed repression, prevailing, REL all the stories are permeated by”

bal mim-ma: yadum ha: a / wa yuakkid-u wa yubriz-u / it-tikni:k / tikni:k al- / allai / yumkin an nusammi:-hi (7.42) “but what supports this and conrms it and makes it clear is the technique, the technique of, REL we may call . . .”

bil-itiga:g al-ka:mil idd ha: a l-qam allai yabdu ka-anna-ma l-ka:tib la yuna bi-hi (7.52) “in full protest against this repression REL it appears as if the writer is not concerned about”

bi-ha: a l-mana huna:ka as-sima:t al-adaiyya al-asasiyya / allati taxtalif an a:lam / e:h / taymu:r (7.58) “in this sense there are the basic modernist characteristics REL differ from the world of, eh, Taymur”

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329

ha: a t-takwi:n / allai yattail bi-hi / miš bass B.. / wa ma yumkin an yusamma (7.64) “this formation REL adheres to it not only B.T. but what may be called”

waqt al-iya:d aw waqt il-ibtia:d / allati / asmaytu-ha kai:ran (7.69) “the attitude of neutrality or attitude of distance REL I have often called it”

mufrada:t gidi:da tama:man ala a:lam B.. / allati lam yakun :-ha / mufrada:t tamil dala(:)la:t min ha:za l-no: (7.80) “vocabulary totally new to B.T.’s world, REL (there) was not in it [which did not have] vocabulary conveying meanings of this kind”

– all are attributive; – linguistic environment is SA, and REL is followed directly by SA MPP verb (in 7.24, the prex vowel has a neutralized pronunciation, and is ambiguous) as the predicate of the clause; – NPrel is subject (7.24, 7.58); object (7.39, 7.42, 7.69); prepositional object (7.64); other complement of preposition (7.30, 7.80); in embedded nominal clause (7.52); – in 7.80, the head is formally indenite, but qualied and expanded so it has status as specied: mufrada:t gidi:da tama:man ala a:lam B.. “vocabulary—completely new to B. .’s world”; – no subject pronouns; – SA REL connects restrictive (7.24) and non-restrictive (7.30, 7.39, 7.52, 7.58, 7.64, 7.69, 7.80) clauses—a pause occurs before REL in the non-restrictive cases—apart from in 7.52. I nd 7.42 to be an ambiguous case, the relative clause may be seen to expand and explain the head—alternatively to restrict it. There is a pause before REL—but hesitation and false start obscures the structure here. illi (18 occurrences (+ one case of anacoluthon in 7.48)) bi-rami min / it-tawifa:t illi / aban a-[a]xtalif màa(-h) ala u:l (7.2) “in spite of / the-characterizations REL / of course I shall differ with-him (about) in a moment”

hal šul B.. / min il-bida:ya / huwa il-šul ill-ina nusammi:(-h) il-wa:qii: / il-taqli:di: / illi yantami lil-assa:siyya / il-adi:ma (7.3–4) “is the work of B: / from the (very) beginning / the (kind of ) work REL we call (it) realism / the traditional / REL belongs to the sensititivity / the old”

bi-tatamayyaz bi-anna-ha nuqla aqi:qatan / an šul B.. / w-inna al-qia illi mawgu:da  ha: ihi l-magmu:a al-uxra (7.9) “it is distinguished because it is a true key / to the work of B. . / and (in fact) the other stories REL are present in this collection

330

THE RELATIVE PHRASE

bi-tantami  l-ai:a li-a:lam B.. / illi arafna:(-h)  magmut-u l-u:la (7.10) “it belongs really to the world of B. . / REL we knew (it) in his rst collection”

miš bass faqa min nay t il-mawqif w r-ruya wa-fahm il-a:lam illi rakkiz ale:hum d-dukto:r 5. (7.13) “not only from the point of attitude and vision and world view REL focused onthem Dr. .”

wa-inn-u ir-ruya / hiya lli  l-maall il-awwal (7.17) “although the vision / it (is) REL (comes) in the rst place”

ha:zihi il-madrasa aw il-lua aw il-tayya:r illi / ana ba / yani / mu:la bi-inn- ana asammi:-(h) (7.20) “this school or language or tendency REL / I . . ./ well / inclined to that I call-it”

 xa al-mustaqi:m bayna l-e:n wal-maw u: / aw illi ana b-asammi:(-h) / muawlit ruyit al-ašya: (7.28) “in the straight line between the eye and the object / or REL I call it / the attempt to view the things”

illi ayiz au:l-u bi-xtia:r / inn-u ha: a l-tayya:r kull-u (7.34) “REL I want to say, in short, is that all of this trend . . .”

bi- / yanumm [. . .] la-na l-gaww illi samma:-h abri al-kabu:si (7.38) “reveals [. . .] to us the atmosphere REL . called nightmarish”

w -lli ana mumkin asammi:(-h) gaww il-qam al-mustatir al-mu mar (7.38b) “and REL I may call the atmosphere of hidden oppression”

bil-aks / illi ana b-azum-u bi-stimira:r / w-illi ana mu:la bi-tardi:d-u bistimra:r  ha: ihi l-madrasa kull-aha / illi bi / yani (7.47–8) “on the contrary, REL I continuously claim, and REL I am inclined to repeat continuously about all of this school, REL , well”

umma “mua:warat il-gabal” / ma-araf-š illi a-yial bad kida (7.71) “then ‘The mountain dialogue’, I don’t know REL will happen after that”

amaliyyit i-aqr illi bi-yahar / amaliyyit il-ulm illi bi-yatabadda / il-gaww il-kabu:si (7.81) “the technique of the falcon REL appears, of the dream REL manifests itself, the nigtmarish atmosphere”

[ma-]araf-ši da iza ka:n yigi:b ala sua:l S. al-mufa:gi illi ana miš mustaidd la-hu / aban (7.85) “I don’t know whether that answered the unexpected question from S. REL I was not prepared for, of course”

– 6 are pronominal (7.17, 7.28, 7.34, 7.47, 7.48, 7.71). 7.17 is of the emphatic structure [def. noun + PRON + REL]:

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331

wa-inn-u ir-ruya / hiya lli l-maall il-awwal / (7.17) and-that the-vision / it REL in-the-place the-rst “and that it is the vision which comes rst”

We observe that REL is frequently followed by an independent pronoun expressing the 1st person subject: illi ana b-asammi:(-h) “what I call/ claim” (7.28), illi ana b-azum-u bi-stimra:r “what I continously claim” (7.47)—also in attributive REL clause: illi ana miš mustaidd la-hu “which I was not prepared for” (7.85), huwa il-šul ill-ina nusammi:(-h) “(it) is the work which we would call” (7.3). – NPrel is subject (7.9, 7.81), object (7.10, 7.38, 7.38b), complement of preposition (7.2, 7.13, 7.85), and object of embedded clause (7.20); – 4 occurrences of subject pronoun in attributive clauses (7.3, 7.20, 7.38b, 7.85): hal šul B.. / min il-bida:ya / huwa il-šul ill-ina nusammi:(-h) il-wa:qii: (7.3) Q work B.T. / from the-beginning / it the-work REL-we 1pl/call-it the-realist “is B.T.’s work, from the beginning, the [ kind of ] work that we would call (of ) realism”

There is not coreference between head and subject pronoun—NPrel is object. The relative clause is restrictive. ra:id / ha:zihi il-madrasa aw il-lua aw il-tayya:r illi / ana ba / yani / mu:la bi-inn- ana asammi:-(h) (7.20) leader this the-school or the-language or the-tendency REL / I / well/ inclined to-that I 1s/call-it “[he is] the leader of this school or the language or the tendency which I . . . am inclined to call”

In spite of repair and hesitation I consider this a restrictive relative clause, where the pronoun subject is not coreferent with the head. w -lli ana mumkin asammi:(-h) gaww il-qam al-mustatir al-mu mar (7.38b) atmosphere [. . .] and- REL I possible1s/call-it atmosphere the-repression thehidden the-secret “the atmosphere [. . .] and which I may call the secret, hidden, restrictive atmosphere”

This relative clause is coordinated with the former restrictive relative clause, and is clearly non-restrictive (‘kontinuative’, cf. note 15).50 [ma-]araf-ši da iza ka:n yigi:b ala sua:l sai:d al-mufa:gi illi ana miš mustaidd 50

It could also be considered a pronominal clause.

332

THE RELATIVE PHRASE

la-hu / aban / wala la (7.85) 1s/know-NEG that whether be/3ms 3ms/answer to question Sai:d the-sudden REL I ready for-it / of course / or not “I don’t know whether that answered Said’s sudden question which of course I was not prepared for, or not”

The relative clause introduced by illi here is considered attributive to the preceding clause (“Satzrelativsatz”), and is by denition non-restrictive. NA 3 illi clauses SP

SCo

qH

RE

VP

7.2

–

–

–

+

+

7.3

+

–

–

+

+

7.4

–

+

+

–

+

7.9

–

+

–

+

7.10

–

–

+

–

+

7.13

–

–

+

–

+

7.17

–

+

7.20

+

–

7.28

+

–

PRO

7.34

–

–

PRO

7.38

–

–

–

+

7.38b

+

–

?

–

+

7.47

+

–

PRO

+

7.48

+

–

PRO

7.71

–

+

PRO

+

7.81

–

+

(+)

(–)

+

7.81b

–

+

(+)

(–)

+

7.85

+

–

+

–

AP

NP

+

PRO –

PP

+

+

+ + +

+

+

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333

Discussion and summary of REL Total Distribution SA:EA Distribution of SA:EA variants of REL sum AUC1

AUC2

alla i - set

124

5 (1)

16

illi

113

12 (2)

15 (2)

28 (9)

5:12

16:15

3:28

SA:EA

AUC3 3

AUC4

NA1

NA2

NA3

17

72 (3)

9

24 (6)

4

14 (1)

18 (6)

2:24

17:4

72:14

9:18

2

Numbers in parentheses show pronominal use

There are, again, great differences between the speakers with regard to the total distribution of REL variants in their discourse, although some of the same interspeaker ranking as to the proportion of either variant can be seen with this feature as for COMP, DEM and NEG. The two panel discussants in the literary seminar (NA1 and NA2) have a much higher usage level of SA variants than the others, while AUC3 and AUC4 are again the most EA-oriented. In the AUC setting, AUC2 has the highest proportion of SA variants. AUC1 has, as indicated earlier, also for this feature a distribution which appears to reect a code shift—with only SA variants in the rst part of the talk followed by EA variants in the second part. There are very few (3) occurences of SA REL alla i in pronominal use, all occur in the construction [(DEM) + [def. noun] + [PRON] + [REL]—while illi appears as pronominal REL with nearly all speakers. Since the use of SA pronominal man for personal reference also is marginal in the data (a total of 4 occurrences), there are reasons to believe that illi is preferred for these functions.51 One clear case in support of this is 3.80, where the environment is SA but illi is used as the variant for the relative pronoun with (plural) personal reference. However, the evidence is too limited to make any general claim of this sort.

51 ma(:) for non-personal reference is more widely used—however, the occurrences represent many borderline cases, where ma is ambiguous with regard to grammatical function as well as to code assignment. Due to its frequency, in BH ma is listed, among its other functions in EA, as a more elevated style variant of relative pronoun “that which”.

334

THE RELATIVE PHRASE

Distribution of REL and functions for NPrel With clauses introduced by SA as well as EA variants of REL, the large majority of NPrel represent the syntactic function of subject, followed by object and prepositional object, other prepositional complements (mostly of time and location), and a very few in genitive (‘possessive’) function. The choice of REL variant thus does not appear to be affected by this factor, and the relative clauses rather conform to the hierarchy of ‘accessibility to relativization’ established cross-linguistically by research on syntactic typology.52 Distribution of REL and predicate types Perhaps the most consistent nding in this analysis of REL, is that SA REL is used exclusively (apart from the two cases in 6.106 and 6.215)53 in clauses with verbal predicates, and is directly followed by the verb, always with SA MPP—whereas EA REL is used in clauses with various kinds of predicates. The linguistic environment and constraints On p. 290f. I referred to the constraints proposed by Eid (1982 and 1988) as to possible switches between SA and EA around what she called ‘focal points’—in this case REL. I repeat the following combinations that she found occurring in her data (the position after REL is limited to verbs in her investigation, and * refers to ‘not found’ or ‘not accepted’): SA + EA REL + EA (S E E) EA + EA REL + SA (E E S) EA + SA REL + SA (E S S)

*EA + SA REL + EA (*E S E) *SA + SA REL + EA (*S S E) ?SA + EA REL + SA (?S E S)

If we rst focus on the proposed constraints involving SA REL, which can be reduced to the principle that SA REL cannot be followed by an EA verb, but only by a SA verb, it is conrmed by the present data. To be more precise, every verb following SA REL has SA MPP—but not necessarily ‘full forms’ with inectional endings for ‘moods’, not even with SA variants of pronoun sufxation.

52 53

Cf. Keenan 1987 and Fabb 1994. Cf. p. 323.

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Eid’s constraints allow for an EA element to occur in the position preceding SA REL (= E S S above). Actually, in my data the great majority of constituents preceding SA REL consist of nouns with SA (or shared) LS and MPP. The few occurrences with EA MPP features— again disregarding items which only lack inectional endings54—are: di mahara:t (2.161); il-xua (4.56); li-ahdaf-ha (6.37);  u:rit adi:q-u kama:l (6.95); waqt il-ibtia:d (7.69). With regard to EA REL, Eid actually claims that there are no constraints on the possible combinations, apart from a questionable acceptance by native speakers of sequences where EA REL is both preceded and followed by SA constituents. As noted several times in the analysis of the individual occurrences, formal, or ‘high culture’, lexical items originating in SA, and with SA MPP, have a high frequency in academic discourse, and enter into EA as well as SA syntactic and grammatical structures. In my data, they very frequently appear as heads qualied by relative clauses with EA REL. Less frequently, however, EA REL is directly followed by an SA lexical item which is not adapted to EA grammatical and/or syntactic structures. Nearly all speakers have occurrences with illi followed by verbs with SA LS and SA MPP—but integrated into EA IPF system with the IND marker bi-, e.g.: lli b-yatasarrab minn-u “who sneaks away from it” (2.253); illi bi-tursam “which is being drawn up” (3.156—nb SA passive), illi bi-yantami ile:-ha “which belongs to it” (3.104); illi bi-tukawwin-ha “which constitute them” (5.124); illi bi-tuši:r (ila) “which refers to” (6.240); illi bi-yatabadda “which appears” (7.81). I have only found 3 cases with an SA IPF verb (in indicative, not modally marked interpretation, the latter would be ‘bare’ form in EA as well) directly following EA REL: illi tagal “which make” (3.212); illi / yastaxdim-ha B.. “which B. makes use of ” (5.101); illi yantami li“which belongs to” (7.4). In addition, a couple of SA IPF follow illi + subject pronoun: illi huwa yadu:r “which goes on” (3.157); ill-ina nusammi:(-h) “which we (may?) call” (7.3). In compound tense with ka:n we nd: illi kunna natana:fas ale:-h “which we were/used to be competing for” (4.150), and illi + subject noun phrase: illi ibn id-duktu:r .S ka: na yaqtadi bi-hi “who(m) the son of dr. .S. was guided by” (2.201). Few occurrences also of PF verbs with unadapted SA MPP, e.g. illi aša:rat

54

Eid does not specify how strictly she denes what is to be considered SA.

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la-ha [R] “which [R] referred to” (6.28); with EA inectional sufx: illi arqalit “which has hindered” (3.39). Whereas SA REL is (with the 2 exceptions mentioned above) exclusively followed by a (SA) verbal predicate, EA REL introduces clauses with various syntactic structures. Also when the predicate is nominal or prepositional, the academic vocabulary frequently provides SA items for these positions e.g. illi masalan xia  maga:l is-saqa:fa “which is for instance a plan/project in the cultural eld” (3.198). When ‘diglossic’ variables occur with such items, they are mostly, however, realized in their EA variant, e.g.: illi huwwa tanmiyit55 s-sulu:k l-bašari “which is the development of human behaviour” (2.185). In some cases, e.g. 3.212 and 5.138, EA REL is preceded by SA clauses with SA verb and the following relative clause also is made up of SA constituents, which indicates that illi can be used independently of environment, i.e. can be ‘multi-level’ (as inn(-u) was for COMP)—which SA REL denitely is not. In conclusion, there appears to be a restriction against combining SA REL with other than SA (or shared) LS and MPP verbal forms, and a reluctance against combining EA REL with verbal forms that are not consistent with the tense and modal system of EA—i.e. PF form verbs or IPF forms with bi-. A certain pattern seems to emerge, that avoids the conict inherent in the mixing of incongruent modal systems in the imperfect—cf. Palva’s (1969) “structural gap hard to cross” (p. 66 above). Subject pronouns and the issue of restrictiveness I have used much space on the issue of subject pronouns in the relative clauses, although it may not at rst sight appear to carry great relevance to the issue which concerns me here. But it occurred to me, from working with this data, that the use (or non-use) of subject pronouns was an important element in the ‘relativization strategies’ of most of my speakers, while the literature had little to say on this matter. As we have seen (p. 323 above) only 2 of a total of 124 occurrences of SA REL are followed by subject pronoun, and only one is a full clause (6.106):

55

The fem. constr. ending -it is EA (vs. SA -at).

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wa qad ita ana-hu a-aqr / allazi huwa / min rumu:z mar al-qadi:ma and ASP56 embrace/3ms-him the-falcon / REL it / of symbols Egypt theancient “and he was embraced by the falcon, which is one of ancient Egypt’s symbols”

Here the pronoun is resumptive and represents the subject of a verbless clause with a PP predicate—and, according to the grammars of SA, the pronoun in such a case may (or may not) be deleted (cf. pp. 286–7). As we have seen from the analyses of the individual speakers, and from the tables based on them, resumptive subject pronouns—registered as [+ SP] and [+ SCo]—are quite frequent in the clauses introduced by EA REL. The clauses with non-verbal predicates (APs with ‘verbal force’ are here classied with VPs) which do have an overt resumptive subject pronoun, all beg a non-restrictive interpretation (2.97, 2.185, 3.174, 4.13, 4.23, 4.27, 4.50, 4.54, 4.100, 6.61, 6.242);57 whereas the clauses without such a resumptive pronoun subject, i.e. [– SP] and [+ SCo] (1.108, 2.148–9, 3.27, 3.71, 4.7, 5.1, 5.138) are classied as restrictive—with one exception (3.198). Considering the clauses with a verbal or AP predicate, the resumptive subject pronoun is rare. When it occurs, however, it similarly tends to appear in clauses with a non-restrictive interpretation (1.128, 3.23 (AP), (4.36),58 4.127, 6.67)—an exception is 4.55 (AP). This means, the strict principle formulated by e.g. Wise and Eid, by which the resumptive pronoun is deleted when NPrel is subject (of a clause with verbal predicate), is not categorically observed. On the other hand, this principle has sufcient force to ensure that illi clauses with verbal predicates and coreferent (implied, not explicit) subjects may be non-restrictive as well as restrictive—as we have seen is the case with the clauses introduced by SA REL.

56 ASP stands for aspectual particle, which with PF verb strengthens the perfective aspect value. 57 One of two relative clauses in Abou Hagar 1998 (on relativization in ‘Educated Spoken Arabic’) which I would give a non-restrictive interpretation, is constructed with illi + independent subject pronoun: yani il-muadla el-qasya illi hiyya inn . . . “in other words he was able to satisfy [sic] the difcult equation which is . . .” (p. 9). In the other clause, REL is not followed by the pronoun, but by an inserted adverbial, which, interestingly, gives some of the same rythm . . .: kubri abul-ela il-addi al-qadm illi n-naharda b-yutabar asar min-al-asr “the old Abu Al-Ela iron bridge which is considered nowadays to be one of the monuments”. I hope Abou Hagar will present more of the 515 REL clauses she has collected than the 20 samples published here. 58 In 4.36, the relative clause does restrict the head, but the pause signals a weak ‘restrictedness’ . . .

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I do not claim that the pattern of use of resumptive subject pronoun categorically implies a non-restrictive interpretation of the relative clause. I do suggest, however, that it may function to signal a looser, less restrictive, connection of the relative clause to its head, or to the main clause.59 (Also worth following up would be the suggestion made on p. 308 above, that alternative constructions involving simple attributes and attributive clauses with nominal predicates may be seen to represent a cline of restrictiveness: for EA e.g. [il-nuu:s] il-mawgu:da ~ illi mawgu:da ~ illi hiyya mawgu:da; for SA e.g. [al-rajul ] al-mari: ~ alla i huwa mari: .) Considering the 17 clauses with subject pronouns which are not resumptive, i.e. registered as [+ SP] and [– SCo], all but two (6.118 and 7.85) were interpreted as having restrictive function. These occur with non-verbal as well as with verbal predicates, i.e. even when subject reference is expressed by the inection of the verb. Clauses with verbal predicates with ‘pro-drop’ of or ‘implicit’ non-resumptive subject pronouns, i.e. [– SP] and [– SCo], were found to be restrictive as well as non-restrictive. Other possible ways, however, to account for the distribution of non-resumptive subject pronouns include consideration of emphasis, i.e. the pronoun marks the introduction of a new agent, or expressivity—many of these occurrences involve 1st person reference. REL with indenite heads On p. 283 above I referred to observations by Brustad, that in the spoken dialects syndetic relative clauses may modify heads which are grammatically indenite, but have some degree of specicity. There are some cases of formally indenite heads followed by EA REL in my data, and I shall speculate on what grounds they can be semantically/pragmatically ‘specic’.60 taawwàlit ha:zihi l-maa:hid bada za:lik / ila kulliyya:t aka:dimiyya / illi hiya : al-ga:mia (4.54) be converted/3fs these institutes after that / into colleges academic / REL they in the university “these institutes were later converted into academic colleges, which are in the university”

59 In a separate paper I have followed up this suggestion, based on natural EA data, and found evidence in support of such a pattern (Mejdell 2005). 60 Brustad explores the properties of ‘specicity’, which is central to her treatment of several syntactic features in the dialects.

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in 4.54, the indenite head kulliyya:t is qualied by an adjective, and is also not a totally new item in the context, but a transformation of the denite l-maa:hid “institutes”; abtidi bi-ar nua illi b-axtalif :-ha maa d-dukto:ra R.  tafsir-ha (6.1) 1s/begin with-raising a point REL IND-1s/differ in-it with dr. R in commentaryher “I shall begin with raising a point in which I differ from d.R. in her commentary”

in 6.1, the point to be raised, is not any point, but a specic point the speaker has in mind;  qiit “nga:n ahwa” ha:zihi / huna:k / ab badi:l / illi huwwa  šax in story “cup of coffee” this / there / father substitute / REL he in person “in this story ‘A cup of coffee’ there is a substitute father, (who is) in the person (of/or)

u:rit al-amm al- / sikki:r (6.242) image the-uncle the- / drunkard the image of the drunkard uncle”

in 6.242, the head is qualied, it is not the general category ‘any’ father; ala daraga alìya giddan / min at-taqaddum / illi (anacoluthon) (3.19) at degree high very / of the-advancement / which “at a very high degree of development, which”

On p. 306 above I commented on 3.19, assuming that the relative clause had daraga “degree” as its head, which is qualied by aliya giddan min attaqaddum “[at] a very high level of progressivity”. Also when REL is expressed in its SA variant, I found a couple of cases where it refers to an indenite head: di mahara:t llati yastai: / ayyi šax [. . .] inn-u ydarrab ale:-ha ayyi abiyy (2.161) those skills REL 3ms/be able / any person [. . .] that-he train for-it any young boy “those are skills which any person may train any young person for”

The specicity in 2.161 can be related to the anaphoric reference expressed by the demonstrative pronoun, that they are not any skills, but those mentioned earlier. li-mufrada:t gidi:da tama:man ala a:lam B.. / allati lam yakun :-ha to-words (lexical items) new totally to world B. / REL not be/3ms in-them “to new vocabulary in B. .’s (literary) world which did not have

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mufrada:t tamil dala(:)la:t min ha:za l-no: (7.80) words [indef. no REL] 3fs/carry meanings of this kind words that carried this kind of meanings”

Again reference is not to any words, but to specic new words. These commentaries are admittedly ad hoc and should be read as an unambitious attempt to capture something of the nature of this specicity, or tax.61

61 I nd that statements on tax/specicity often tend to be circular: an indenite noun falls into the category because it is specied by a relative clause—and a relative clause with the relative marker modify heads which are indenite specic . . .

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The SA vs. EA variants of pronoun sufxes/clitics, are merely morphophonemic variants. In both varieties the ‘dependent’ clitic pronouns are sufxed to verbs (as object complements) and to nouns and prepositions (as genitive complements).

Forms of SA and EA clitic pronouns The two basic codes, SA and EA, share most pronouns in their lexical form—apart from 3ms, the lack of gender distinction in EA pl., and EA lack of specic dual form pronouns: 1s 2sm 2sf 3sm 3sf 2d 3d 1pl 2plm 2plf 3plm 3plf

SA -, -n, -ya1 -ka -ki -hu (-hi)2 -h -kum

-hum (-him) -n -kum -kunna -hum (-him) -hunna (-hinna)

EA after C-i, -ni -ak -ik -u(-h) -ha - as plural -

EA after V-ya -k -ki Ø(h) -ha

-na -kum (-ku) -kum (-ku) -hum -hum

-na -kum (-ku) -kum (-ku) -hum -hum

Morphophonological rules (phonotactics) of sufxation However, SA and EA differ with respect to morphophonological rules of sufxation. In SA, pronoun clitics are simply sufxed to the ‘full forms’

1 The distribution is - as genitive (in i fa or following prepositions); -ni as accusative (object of verbs, following anna and inna); variant -ya used for - following long vowels and dipthongs. 2 Variant -hi used following vowel or dipthong. Similarly -him, -him and -hinna.

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of the head word, including grammatical markers of case and mood, and the clitics do not affect the morphophonological structure of the word. Only stress may be affected, as nal clitics are integrated into the syllable structure of the word, on which stress assignment is based. General SA principles for ‘pausal forms’ apply to pronoun clitics: nal short vowels are deleted, e.g., -hu/-hi > -h; -ka, -ki > -k. (In Harrell’s (1960) analysis of Egyptian Radio Arabic (news broadcasts) he observed that news readers tended to use the full ‘contextual’ form -hu also in pause, while with allomorphic -hi short vowel retention occurred, but was not as common. Skogseth’s (2000) follow-up study based on similar data several decades later, conrmed extensive use of ‘full forms’ of -hu in pause for some news readers: “this is subject to individual style”, and even less use of -hi in pause than Harrell’s study indicated (pp. 52–53).) In EA, the system of pronoun sufxation is more complex, as the phonotactics of EA variously require vowel deletion and the use of anaptyctic vowels, vowel lengthening and vowel shortening—according to syllabic uctuations affected by sufxation. The most important principles at work are: 1) the EA pronoun clitics appear in two complementary (allomorphic) sets depending on whether the nal syllable of the head word ends in a consonant or a vowel (as listed above) 2) With verbal and noun forms ending in a consonant cluster, EA phonotactics require an anaptyctic vowel as a link to those clitics that begin with a consonant (to avoid a cluster of more than 2 consonants): katabt “I wrote” + -ha “it” > katabt-aha “I wrote it”

The anaptyctic vowel is -a- with -ha, -i- with -ni and -na, -u- with -hum and -kum 3) Any word form with a nal vowel will have that vowel lengthened when a clitic is sufxed to it:3 katabu “they wrote”, katabu:-ha, katabu:(-h) “they wrote it”

3 Some dialectologists will consider (most) nal vowels as phonemically long, but realized phonetically as short.

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4) As EA phonotactics allow only one long vowel in a word unit, a long vowel resulting from pronoun sufxation will lead to the shortening of a preceding long vowel:

a:lu “they removed”, alu:-ha “they removed her/it”

5) On the other hand, the sufxation of a clitic pronoun that begin with a consonant, will produce shortening of a long vowel in a nal, closed syllable: kita:b “a book” kitàb-ha “her book” There exists an EA ‘variant form’ (Abdel-Massih 1975:144) of 3ms clitic pronoun which is identical with the SA variant, -hu. This variant only occurs as a sufx on verbs (i.e. “long allomorphs of the object sufx” Woidich 1994:499), and also appears to occur only with other sufxes, like discontinuous negative formation (ibid.) or in ‘compound sufxes’ (Salib 1982:259):4 katabulha (katab+u+l+ha) ~ katabhulha5 “he wrote it to/for her” rama:h “he threw it” > ramahulha “he threw it to her” ma-rama-hu:- 6 “he did not throw it” agibhu:lik (a+agib+hu+l+ik) “I will bring it to you (fem.)”7

I have not observed any occurrence of this -hu- variant in my data. Some of the speakers occasionally use ‘compound sufxes’ with /-l-/ + clitic pronouns for indirect objects—their distribution is restricted to verbs with EA MPP. SA and more elevated style generally express this function with unsufxed preposition la- + pronoun sufx.

4 The ‘compound sufx’ consists of “the preposition li- used in association with a verb and with a pron. sufx as its object, sufxed with its object to the verb (or participle)” (Salib 1982:251). “The compound sufxes may be attached to verbs which have the third person pronominal sufxes /hum/, /ha/ and /u/ (which becomes /hu/ in this case)” (ibid.:259, my italics). 5 This and the following are “examples of variant form” from Abdel-Massih 1975:144. 6 Woidich 1994:499. Diem 1978:141, n. 1, refers to such ‘morphological doublets’ in EA (ma uftih /ma uftihu: “Du (fem.) has ihn nicht gesehen” and also ma uftik /ma uftiki:

“Ich habe dich” ( fem.) nicht gesehen))—“die offenbar verschiedene sozialen Schichten zugeordnet sind”. Diem is the only one in the literature to mention this as a social variable. 7 Salib op. cit.:255.

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Notes on native speakers’ perception of pronoun sufxation In the previous chapters, there have been several references to ‘SA lexical items with EA pronoun sufxation’. In this chapter we shall take a closer look at how the feature Pronoun Sufxation works in the mixed discourse of my speakers. I have long since had a suspicion, from listening and observing this kind of discourse, that this morphophonological feature does not carry much weight as stylistic marker, that to a lesser degree than with any of the other features discussed here, do speakers perceive and use PRON SUFF as a marker of SA or EA, and thus as a feature with stylistic value. I would hypothesize, then, that the dominant language variants of this feature, i.e. the EA variants, would occur extensively, and combine with SA lexical items even in quite SA-oriented speech. One indication of the low stylistic value of this feature, are some contributions in Arabic linguistics by native speaker scholars (I assume from the names) where this feature is not paid attention to when switching between SA forms and Arabic dialectal forms is discussed. The following example is from Mushira Eid’s 1982 article on code-switching between SA and EA (which I have referred to at several points previously in my study): (in her transcription italics = EA, bold = SA, roman = neutral) ana uft-u w rae:t-u bass lam takun bayn-i wa bayn-u sada:qa I saw-him and saw-him but NEG was between-me and between-him friendship “I saw him but there was no friendship between us”

Eid explains that the verb in rae:t-u, although a hybrid form, is perceived by speakers as SA—in contrast with EA uft-u, but she does not comment on the clitic pronoun -u. (In this case, the clitic pronoun might, in fact, be considered ambiguous as to code, since the pausal form of SA would be raaytu-h and -h is not always perceived.) In the SA clause following bass, the clitic -u is unequivocally EA (SA bayna-hu). In Eid 1988:58, the sentence above is repeated, and we also nd the following sentence:8 inta ray-ak e:h :ma yumkin an naf al-u9 you opinion-your what in-what is-possible that we-do-it “What is your opinion concerning what we can do?”

8 The SA elements are marked with capital letters this time, but I have kept the notation which was used in the previous example. 9 This sentence is also reported in Eid 1982, but there she interpreted the ending -u as an (incorrect) indicative ending.

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in which the bold (= SA) clause contains SA COMP an + SA lexical item and SA MPP in the verb + EA pronoun sufxation (the full SA form being: an nafala-h(u)). In a sociolinguistic work by another native speaker, we similarly observe that 3ms pronoun clitic -u(h) is not perceived as a hindrance for classifying an utterance as SA, e.g.: hal siya:ttak yani ka usta: tara in ha: a yani min aquh [sic] “do you sir as a professor think that this, I mean, of his rights”10

The author comments that the speaker produces “aquh instead of MSA aquh”—neglecting the point that a grammatically correct MSA form would be [min] aqqi-h(i). Likewise, on the following page, we are told that a speaker “switches to MSA” by saying  ad za:tuh “himself ”— whereas a SA form should rather be  add za:ti-h(i). Lexically, the expression may be classied as SA, but the grammatical feature of pronoun sufxation is EA. Somewhat less conspicuous is the classication of the following utterance in another dissertation:11 aaftaqidhaa “I’ll miss it”. a- is the dialectal12 marker of future tense, and the speaker is reported to switch “from that immediately into MSA for the rest of the word, the verb stem (which includes both the rst person prex, indicating the subject, and the sufx which indicates the object of the verb)” [sic]. While the clitic 3fs pronoun -ha itself is shared between SA13 and the dialects, the SA system of pronoun sufxation, however, demands a full form of the verb: aftaqidu-ha(:). I cite these examples not to insinuate that the authors are not capable analysts, but to indicate that the feature PRON SUFF seems to have a low degree of salience as code markers to native speakers—even to the linguistically trained among them. In the case of -ha above, as well as -hum, -kum, -ni and -na (shared forms of SA and EA)—when sufxed to a stem ending in one consonant, the clitic pronoun might be considered as sufxed to the ‘pausal’ form of

10

Rabie 1991:375. Comments on p. 378. Abu-Melhim 1992. Again, I presume the researcher has Arabic-speaking background. 12 In this case the dialect is reported to be a Saudi Arabic variety. 13 Again admitting as normal realization the shortening of long unstressed nal vowel in SA. 11

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the SA verb—and I suspect this is what some analysts would propose: the use of ‘pausal’ SA forms in context being a deviation from the orthoepic norm which is commonly accepted in oral production, and is not perceived as detracting from its SA-ness (although, in general, as representing a lower stylistic level than a style with full forms produced).14 Applied to aftaqid-ha(:) the interpretation SA ‘pausal form’ + (shared) pronoun, does not present a problem. It does become less attractive, however, when applied to forms like: (aw nasa: li-) taqiq-ha (2.31) < taqi:q + ha (or 1pl/strive for) implementation-it “(or we are striving to) implement it”

The options are whether to interpret taqiq-ha as: a) SA pausal form + shared PRON—leading to a closed syllable and shortening of long vowel (in accordance with phonotactics of both SA and EA)—but resulting in a hybrid form which could never have this form in normative SA, or: b) SA lexical stem + EA PRON SUFF (as a system of sufxation, involving EA vowel shortening rules). I nd option b) both more economical and more psychologically plausible, as it implies that the dominant language grammatical system is at work, and may account for all cases regardless of which pronoun is involved (the shared pronouns as well as the pronouns that differ in SA and EA). Counterexamples would be forms like *taqiq-ka and *taqiqhu (< taqi:q-ak and taqi:q-u). I hypothesize that such forms will not be found. As PRON SUFF to a large extent is suprasegmental in nature, involving phonotactics and entire systems of syllable structure—it may be that speakers and listeners perceive this feature as part of ‘local accent’. And since educated Cairene EA has both local and pan-Arab prestige, speakers are not likely to try to avoid sounding Cairene by suppressing such suprasegmental features. It appears not even to interfere with the perceived SA-ness of utterances. As Mitchell (1990:109) also points out, “[i]n fact, Classical accentuation reects vernacular usage

14 In reading style (oral reproduction of a written text) by professional readers such as newsreaders, studies have shown that verbs are generally realized as full forms (cf. Harrell 1960; Skogseth 2000:51–2).

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in a given region [. . .] Classical Arabic, and for that matter also socalled Modern Standard Arabic, is a Schriftsprache capable of as much difference of phonetic interpretation between countries as was formerly the ecclesiastical Latin of the Mass”. PRON SUFF in the current data In this section are not included instances where clitic pronouns are sufxed to COMP (anna, inna and inn-, or hybrid ann-). They were shown in Chapter Three to follow code assignment of COMP (with ann- in fact only occurring with -u). 1s pronoun clitic on nouns, -i(:) similarly is left out, as SA and EA PRON SUFF both attach the clitic to the stem, without affecting the MPP of the word, so it does not serve as a variable. Nor are included clitics to prepositions—as there is very much overlapping in this category, listing and counting yields poor results, with the large majority of occurrences being formally shared/ambiguous. There are only scattered occurrences of oppositions, e.g. maa-hu ~ maa: (-h), min-hu ~ minn-u.15 In fact, the most frequent alternates concerned la-hu ~ -l-u in verbal collocations—these, however, closely follow the MPP of the preceding verb, e.g. qa:la la-hu but al-lu “he said to him”. The prepositions ala and ila16 have distinctive variants when receiving pronoun clitics, e.g. SA alay-ha vs. EA ale:-ha. However, variants with long vowel /e:/ reecting the common feature of ‘monophtongization’ (ay > e:) will be perceived as acceptable SA in oral styles.17 On the other hand, there is no occurrence of *ale:-hi or *ale:-him—i.e. shared variant of the preposition + unambiguously SA variant of the clitic pronoun— nor of corresponding *ile:-hi or *ile:-him. In 2.191, by the way, there is a rare occurrence of EA MPP verb followed by SA variant of PREP:

15 For this pair, most forms are shared. min-hal-hum/-kum/-na “from/of her/it/ them/you (pl)/us” + with ‘EA only’ variants: minn-aha, minn-uhum, minn-ukum, minn-ina) Abdel-Massih et al. 1979:215. Mitchell 1962:54. Only the latter lists minna as EA variant besides minnina. The forms minn-ina, minn-ukum, minn-uhum do not occur in my data. 16 ila(:) is strictly speaking SA, but is frequently used in EA context in collocations drawn from SA. 17 Cf. the widespread use of ‘monophtongized’ variants in other lexical items in my data, often in SA-oriented context, as well as Schmidt’s 1974 implicational hierarchy of ‘colloquialization’, where this feature ranked low (representing “weak colloquialization”).

348

PRONOUN SUFFIXATION

bi-[ti]irif alay-ha “being spent on it”. The one occurrence of alay-hum (6.156), i.e. SA variant of preposition + EA pronoun clitic (for SA -him) would be considered a hybrid. I have, in the following, classied the occurrences in three broad categories, arranged as columns: In the left column are listed the items (nouns and verbs) with SA ‘full forms’; in the right column are listed items which may be EA or SA with regard to LS-status and MPP shape, but the pronoun clitics and the system of sufxation (including phonotactics) follow EA. The middle column consists of forms which are ‘shared’, or which may be interpreted according to either system—with certain modications. Such ambiguous forms involve: – ‘nal weak’ verb forms, whether PF or IPF, ending in -a:, -i:, or -u: in SA and in -a, -i, or -u which are lengthened when followed by sufx, in EA. (As commented in Chapter Three on COMP, the ‘subjunctive’ ending /-a/—required after certain particles in ‘correct’ SA, is not used at all by my speakers with ‘nal weak’ verbs.) PRON SUFF is ambiguous with these forms unless the clitics are SA ‘full forms’ of 3ms -hu ~ hi or SA 3mpl. variant -him (following -i:-), or expressed by mere lengthening with no perceptible -h, which is an EA variant. Forms with ambiguous PRON SUFF are listed as such (in the middle column) if the lexical items have SA MPP (prex and stem)—thus admitting for an SA lexical item to combine with grammatical morphemes (in this case PRON SUFF) from either SA or EA. If, on the other hand, the verb has EA MPP in prex and stem, it is listed in the EA PRON SUFF category, i.e. in the column to the right—following the principle that manifests itself in all non-ambiguous cases, that EA lexical items are not combined with SA grammatical morphemes (this asymmetry in treatment reecting the asymmetry inherent in the ‘dominant language hypothesis’). – 1pl. and 3pl. forms of most PF verbs converge in PRON SUFF formation (i.e. -na:+PRON, -u:+PRON) and are similarly classied in the middle category—unless, as above, the verb stem has unambiguously EA MPP. – -u(h) in ‘nominative’ function, pausal position. The forms which are most troublesome when it comes to classication, are nouns in a syntactic position which requires nominative case in SA and which have the 3ms clitic pronoun and which are followed by pause (marked in the text with a slash). E.g.: yumkin an yaku:n / nata:ig-uh / mu:da lil-gami: (2.23) may be COMP 3ms/be / results-its / useful to-the-all “(whose) results may be useful to everyone”

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nata:ig-uh may be analyzed as SA lexical item18 with SA nominative ending and pausal form of the SA 3ms clitic pronoun clitic = nata:igu-h, or as SA lexical item with no case ending and with EA 3ms pronoun clitic (with optional realization of -h) = nata:ig-uh (as is reected in my transcription). There is no way to ascertain which alternative was in the speaker’s mind as target form. Other ‘nominative’ forms with 3ms clitic, which are not registered with nal -h or (-h),19 [or are not followed by pause] are classied as EA in the column to the right. I admit, however, that this auditory feature is not always clear in my data. Therefore, these ‘nominatives’ are marked with ‘nom’ in the lists, so the reader may be aware of an alternative interpretation. – IPF verbal forms in ‘indicative’ function ending with -u(h) and with 3ms pronoun clitic, are likewise open to alternative interpretations. E.g., with the same speaker, we nd: u:ra wa: ia / tarbu-uh bi-waa:i-hi (2.30) manner obvious / 3fs/tie-it to-functions-its “an obvious manner (which) ties it to its functions”

Again, my transcription here reects the interpretation of EA PRON SUFF, as the form was followed by a phrase in close transition it will be classied thus. (It cannot, however, be ruled out that the speaker had a SA ‘indicative’ form tarbuu + pausal form of SA 3ms pronoun -h in mind.) The interpretation of forms ending in -aha and which would be assigned ‘accusative’ case with -a marker in SA, poses similar problems. Here, however, I have followed clues of accentuation, with e.g. ‘accusative’ SA nàfsa-ha vs. EA nafs-àha (“herself ”). The same applies to ‘nominative’ forms ending in -uhum. – PRON SUFF of ‘shared’ pronouns to variants of 3fs ending are classied as follows: verbal forms 3fs.: -at + -ha, -hum, -na = SA -(i )t + -ha, -hum, -na = EA

nominal forms 3fs ‘status constructus’: - at + V + -ha, hum, -na = SA - at + -ha, -hum, -na = ‘hybrid’/middle - it + -ha, -hum, -na = EA 18 19

The common EA plural form would be nata:yig, or as in 2.106 nawa:tig. Denoting that I am in doubt whether I hear a /-h/ or not.

350

PRONOUN SUFFIXATION

When not evident from context given in the list, syntactic function of nouns are marked as nom, acc, and gen, respectively—according to the morphosyntactic categories of SA, which mark these functions. The analysis shall seek to bring forth—besides overall proportions of use of SA and EA variants—the distributional patterns with regard to the use of SA and EA PRON SUFF: – constraints at work on L-S status and MPP of head noun with variants of PRON SUFF; – patterns of preference with different forms/morphosyntactic functions and categories, i.e. with verbs vs. nouns; with PF vs. IPF verbs; with ‘nominative’, ‘accusative’ and ‘genitive’ functions of head nouns. These will be shown in tables for each speaker, following a discussion of specic items. PRON SUFF in AUC1 yusidu-na (1.1) bi-maqa:la:ti-h / (1.8) (rubbama) yarif-ha (1.17) ta kuru-ni (1.22) ma yusammu:na-hu (1.26) amara-ni (1.37) 

la: aktùm-kum (1.40) èr-ha (1.52) (an taku:n) mua(:)fìt-u / (1.54) (likay taku:n)muafìt-u (1.55)  mua(:)fìt-u (1.56) (min) a aràt-kum (1.67)



la: yahummu-ni (1.69) -tiya:gu-na (1.75) 







axu:(-h) (1.105) nom



kull-àha (1.83) nom ila i(:)fa:d-u (1.85) bi-yraab-u (1.101) yallìm-hum (1.103) wi-ruf-ha (1.104) asi:b-u (1.112) yimsik-ha (1.113) y fatta-ha (1.113) b-asi:b-u (1.114) al-ùhum (1.119) nom (ibtide:t) asal-u (1.122) bi-ydarrisu:-ku (1.122)

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351

tidwi -ni (1.123) bi-ydarrisu:-ni (1.123) fat-ùhum (1.127 (ka:nu) mhagmìn-hum (1.131) bi-ntia:r-u (1.131) b-yisàl-u (1.132) i:d-u (1.134) wa-axud-hum (1.135) aqdàm-hum (1.137)acc zayy-ak (1.139) bi-yamil-hum (1.146) zihn-u (1.149)acc yifa-ha (1.150)

This speaker has shown a distributional pattern with all other features discussed in this study, using SA variants in the rst part of his talk and EA variants in the second part20—a shift occurring somewhere around line 1.85. For this feature, similarly, SA variants of pronoun sufxation occur almost exclusively in the rst part of his talk (+ilay-na in the last line where he, as chairman, passes the word to the following speaker with a formal phrase). However, we observe that the system of PRON SUFF follows EA as much as it follows SA patterns even in the rst part, although the lexical items are SA (or shared). All the verbs with SA PRON SUFF also have SA (or shared) lexical status and SA MPP—whereas EA PRON SUFF may be applied to EA verbs as well as verbal forms that are SA with regard to MPP, as yarif-ha and la: aktum-kum. With regard to the nominal forms, we observe that nouns with shared lexical status (L-S), e.g. mua:faa ~ muafa “adm. district, commune”, uru:f “letters”, intia:r “victory”, but also SA items like pl. aqda:m “feet” (EA rigle:-, rugu:l ) take EA PRON SUFF—including the syllabic restructurings which are implied in the EA system, e.g.: wi-ruf-ha “andits-letters”, aqdam-hum “their feet” (object function). In 1.54 and 1.55, the complementizer and verbs are SA, while the following subject noun has EA PRON SUFF. Also in 1.85, in an otherwise SA-oriented context, the SA verbal noun i:fa:d “send on a

20 AUC1 has several instances of ‘compound sufxes’ (cf. Salib above), not only the highly frequent variants of al-lu “he said to him”, but also rafa-lu “he raised [his hand] to him” (1.134) and bi(yi)ddi:-lu “he gives (to) him” (1.149). This colloquial feature makes the passage where they occur lively and highly informal in style.

352

PRONOUN SUFFIXATION

mission” receives EA PRON SUFF: nata:g ila i(:)fa:d-u lil-xa:rig (1.85) “we need to send him abroad”. In line 1.105, axu:-h “his brother” is an overlapping form of SA nominative and EA (all syntactic functions). We also note SA preposition ama:ma (vs. EA udda:m) > amam-hum (1.31) with EA PRON SUFF. AUC1 distribution of PRON SUFF SA verbs PF IPF SA:EA

M

1 4 5

nouns nom acc gen SA:EA

SA 1

TOTAL

7

1 2

M 1

EA EA 1

EA 2

EA 3

2

2 16

12

EA 1

EA 2 5

EA 3

1

1 10

2 1

26

EA 1: head = SA; EA 2: head = shared or hybrid; EA 3: head is EA.

PRON SUFF in AUC2

 

yuzakkìru-na (2.5)  taxaui-hi (2.8) ta alu-hu / (2.9) [nb -hu in pause]  waqti-na (2.14)  za:ti-hi (2.17) nata:ig-uh / (2.23) nom ya alu-ha (2.24) wa-ta alu-hu (2.26) ta al-u (2.28) tarbu-uh (2.30) bi-waa:i-hi (2.30) li-taqìq-ha (2.31) takumu-hu (2.37)   ahamm-àha (2.41) nom bi-za:ti-ha (2.44) aqqu-ha (2.44)21

21 The morphosyntactically correct form here would have been an accusative (PRED of ka:n).

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taga:waza-hu (2.45) bi-falsafa:ti-hi (2.45) wa-ttigaha:ti-hi ((2.45) (i:nama) na a-u (2.47) tuzi:du-hu (2.49) ayra-hu (2.51) >22 aw ayri-hi (2.51)

 

( faqad) aqq-u (2.59) taga:waz-ha (2.61) talaqqa:-ha (2.67)

ma nusammi:-hi (2.77) kullu-na (2.80) b-yataga(:)waz-ha (2.85)

 aqa:fati-na (2.87) kullu-na (2.88) “aadu-kum”23 (2.89) “an yutqina-h” (2.90) 

iltaqaa-ha (2.92)

(ami:qatu l-guzu:r)  saqafìt-na (2.92) u-awwàr-ha (2.93) u-namma:-ha (2.93)

(li-ma:) nusammi:-hi (2.102)  allati yastawib-ha (2.103) > aw tastawibu-ha (2.103) bi-mana:-h24 (2.107) wa-guziyya:ti-ha (2.113) wa-asma:-ha (2.115)  tagribt-u (2.117) (  taa:mul) ibn-u (2.118) bi-wa i-hi (2.126) nuri:du-hu (2.128) min awli-hi / (2.132)  mugtamai-hi (2.132) b-za(:)t-ha (2.140) la: yatagawàz-ha (2.141) bi-n uf-ha (2.144) nai: u-ha (2.145) wad-àha (2.150) (min) a aràt-kum (2.151) saalt-u (2.151) xalli:-h (2.153)

 

22 23 24

Immediately followed by ‘repair’ form in genitive. This and the following forms are from a quotation from a ad/ EA 3fs st.constr. form (generalized) would be manit-u.

354

PRONOUN SUFFIXATION

wa-a-yallìm-u (2.155) wa-a-yallìm-u (2.155) (yatakarrar) na a:-u (2.164) bi-haza:ri-ha (2.165) 



amilna:-ha (2.172) bi-yadu:-h (2.175) bi-yadu:-h (2.176) bi-yadu:-h (2.176)

sababù-ha (2.180)

 

abna:a-hum (2.218) aya:ti-him (2.219) la yaqbalu-hu (2.222)

wa-la: ya a-ha (2.182) (min muxtalaf) gawa:nib-u (2.186) (ill-ìna) a:hidna:-h / (2.188)25  mihnìt-u (2.196) wa-ida:d-u / (2.198) gen  gawhàr-u (2.208) (e:h) huwiyyìt-u / (2.213)

lam yuqa:bil-u(h) (2.231) yuna:sib-u(h) / (2.231) minn-u (2.238) (e:h) huwiyyìt-u / (2.241) kull-ìna (2.249) wa-a kùr-kum (2.258)

AUC2 varies between full form SA and EA PRON SUFF throughout his talk, while all the registered occurrences have SA or shared lexical status—apart from bi-n uf-ha (2.144) and a arat-kum (2.151). A few verbs have EA MPP (FUT + the IPF prex of a-yallim-u twice in 2.155 and the verbal stem in a:hidna:-h in 2.188, but see note 25). We observe, that while SA PRON SUFF only occurs with lexical items which are SA or shared, EA PRON SUFF occurs with lexical items which are EA, SA and shared. Even in a highly SA collocation as in 2.47: i:nama na a-u maw i l-muma:rasa “when we put it into application”, the clitic 3ms pronoun is EA. Some verbs with SA MPP occur with SA PRON SUFF and also with EA PRON SUFF, e.g. ta alu-hu “preoccupies him” (2.9, 2.26) and ta al-u (2.28); yataga:wazu-hu “transcends it” (2.45) and b-yataga(:)waz-ha (2.85—

This case is ambiguous—as SA Form III it should be a:hadna:-h (pausal); as EA III the rst long vowel should be shortened when PRON SUFF results in lengthening of nal /-a/. 25

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admittedly with EA IND marker bi-, see below); yastawìb-ha “contains it” and tastawìbu-ha (both 2.103—the latter as a ‘repair’ of subject gender). The few occurrences with cliticized verbs with EA aspectual marker bi- in the texts of AUC1 and AUC2 appear to trigger EA PRON SUFF (or resist SA PRON SUFF). This suggests that the ambiguous forms in 2.175–6 bi-yadu:-h should be interpreted as having EA PRON SUFF. They are, however, listed in the middle column below. With regard to nouns, AUC2 appears to have a preference for SA PRON SUFF with the structure PREP + Noun (with genitive ending), e.g.  taxaui-hi “in his eld of specialization” (2.8);  aqa:fati-na “in our culture” (2.87); bi-wa i-hi “in his position” (2.126); bi-aza:(:)ri-ha “in its totality” (2.165)—but does not exclude EA SUFF: li-taqìq-ha (2.31);  tagribt-u “in his experience” (2.117);  mihnìt-u “in his occupation” (2.196); even in a highly SA context: ami:qatu l-guzu:r  saqafìt-na “deeprooted in our culture” (2.92). It may be that the second mention of an item tends to be stylistically ‘tuned down’ (cf.  aqa:fati-na a few lines above, as well as the case of ta al referred above). AUC2 distribution of PRON SUFF SA

M

verbs PF IPF SA:EA

2 13 15

4 5*

nouns nom acc gen SA:EA

SA 5 2 17 24

M 1

TOTAL

39

EA EA 1 2 8

EA 2 1 1 15

EA 3

EA 1

EA 2 5 2 8 18

EA 3

1 1

3

1

33

EA 1: head = SA; EA 2: head = shared or hybrid; EA 3 head is EA. * 1 is imperativ (2.153); 3x bi-yadu:h (2.175–6)

PRON SUFF in AUC3

ahida-ha (3.5)

(awwil taqri:r) are:t-u (3.16) (ina) al-na (3.20) ( yisal) nafs-u (3.32)

356

PRONOUN SUFFIXATION

(di) kull-àha (3.33) nom (qa:ima) bi-zat-ha (3.36) ( an) nusammi:-h26 (3.42) (an) yatbaa-hu (3.57)







 

 

 

wa-falsaft-u (3.58) gen wa-/ahda:f-u(h) (3.58) gen (walla) sm-àha (3.67) nom ila a:xr-u (3.68)  mawa:qi-u (3.70) ayzìn-ha (3.72) er-ha (3.72) xalli:-hum (3.76) [SA-him] wi-txalli:-h (3.78)

wa-ba u-hu ( ya rabu ba an) (3.79) 





 bi-ayni-hi // (3.128) bi-ayni-hi / (3.133)

( yumkin) tasmiyat-u (3.84) (tiba) muqarrara:t-u kaza (3.91)  ila a:xir-uh (3.91) (ill-ìna)ulna:-h (3.92) (tagid) nafs-a-k (3.93) (bi-gami:) mara:ìl-u (3.99) (  gami:) mara:il-u (3.99) ( a:ga) sm-àha (3.108) ( yidaxxal) ibn-u (3.110) xalli:-na (3.118) ( yumkin) tasmiyat-u (3.126)  irtiba-ha (3.128) gen. ma-[a]ibb-aha:- (3.134) kull-u(h) (3.138) acc ( yumkin) tasmiyat-u (3.142)

bi-ayni-hi / (3.144)  muqaddimìt-ha (3.146) (mumkin) nixalli:-ha (3.162) (mumkin) nixalli:-ha (3.162) (mumkin) nixalli:-ha (3.163) (illi huwa) muddìt-u (3.175) (a:ga) muddìt-ha (3.176) lissa umr-àha (3.176) nom (mi da) wat-àha (3.178) bi-yxalli:-na (3.180) nafs-àha (3.204) nom

26 Another example of ‘third weak’ verb with SA MPP but not inected for mood (‘subjunctive’) after COMP an.

CHAPTER SEVEN



357

bi-azafìr-ha (3.204) bi-tafìl-ha (3.204) (ha:zihi) nara:-ha (3.220)  er-ha (3.223) bi-yxalli:-ni (3.224)



AUC3 in fact has few occurrences of object pronoun clitics (i.e. on verbs): 1 SA PF (3.5), 1 SA IPF (3.57—with correct ‘subjunctive’ mood); 2 EA IPF (3.16, negated in 3.134), and some ‘third weak’ IPFs with ambiguous PRON SUFF—of which 6 belong to the lexical item xalla “let, leave” and are classied as EA or ‘shared’. nara:-ha “we see it” in 3.220 has SA L–S and MPP, and nusammi:-ha “we (may) call it” has SA MPP, but both are classied as ‘shared’ according to our principles of PRON SUFF assignment. Apart from the pronominalized noun ba “some” in 3.79, occurring in an SA collocation, and apart from the ambiguous case of nafs-a-k in 3.93, as well as full form -hi in pause in the SA collocation bi-ayni-hi, PRON SUFF on nouns (‘genitive’ function) are all EA—whether the L–S and/or MPP of the lexical heads are SA or EA.

AUC3 distribution of PRON SUFF SA verbs PF IPF SA:EA

M

EA EA 1

1 1 2

nouns nom acc gen SA:EA

SA 1

TOTAL

6

3*

EA 3 2 8

10 M

EA 1 4

1 3 4

EA 2

7

EA 2 9 2 5 29

EA1: head = SA; EA 2: head = shared or hybrid; EA 3: head is EA. * 1 imperative (3.118)

39

EA 3 2

358

PRONOUN SUFFIXATION

PRON SUFF in AUC4 min imn-aha (4.17) araf-ha (4.22) ism-àha (4.23) nom (ahad) tala(:)mzìt-ha (4.25) ala nasàq-ha (4.29) bi-amidìt-ha (4.31) wa-asatzìt-ha (4.32) wa-alabìt-ha (4.32) ad-ùhum (4.39) nom (wa-ka:n) naar-hum (4.39) a aràt-kum (4.41) ila a:xir-u (4.47) nafs-àha (4.58) kull-u (4.64) nom bi-afkàr-na (4.67) (nisal) nafs-ìna (4.71) aqawwìm-ha (4.72) niu-u (4.73) ila a:xir-u (4.75) ysa:ndu:-h (4.81) (ma-nidar- ) na a-u (4.82) nisammi:-ha (4.83)



















 

 

 

















  

  





fal-yazuru:-ni (4.83b)27 (malu:b) tanfìz-ha (4.84) li-tanfìz-ha (4.84) (  l-a:lam) kull-u (4.85) wi-nxarràg-hum (4.88) (min) ahdàf-ha (4.105) nuaddi:-ha (4.107) li-taqi(:)q-ha (4.113) mua:winu:-hum (4.118)  ila a:xir-u (4.133) ma akìl-ha (4.148) kull-ìna (4.150)  ism-u (4.153) nom  axùd-ha (4.160) allau:-ha (4.161) (mu ) lai:-ha (4.162) waxid-ha (4.163) lae:t-hum (4.164)  amìl-ha [AP] (4.165)

27 This is clearly an SA (hortative) construction, although the sufxation itself strictly speaking could be ambiguous.

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AUC4 has no unambiguous case of SA PRON SUFF: In 4.107, the verb has SA MPP and in 4.161 the verbal form is shared, so both are potential, but not categorical, candidates for SA PRON SUFF. In 4.83b: fal-yazuru:-ni “may (my educationist colleagues) excuse me”, the use of the SA hortative construction with fa+l+subjunctive verb makes it very likely that the speaker also has SA pronoun sufx in mind, as part of the collocation, but structurally it is ambiguous. The same argument applies to the SA head noun in st.constr. in 4.118, which similarly is listed in the middle column. AUC4 uses more EA-dominant lexical items than the other speakers, so the overall dominance of EA variants of PRON SUFF is to be expected. But EA PRON SUFF applies to lexical items with SA L-S and MPP features, as well: ala nasàq-ha “on its pattern” (4.29); li-taþqi(:)q-ha “for its realization/to realize it” (4.113), the routine formula ila a:xir-u “and so on” (several times), in addition to the cases just mentioned. AUC4 distribution of PRON SUFF SA verbs PF IPF SA:EA

1 2

M

EA EA 1

EA 2 1 3 9

EA 3 1 4

EA 1

EA 3 5

1 1

nouns nom acc gen SA:EA

SA 1 1

EA 2 8 1 8 37

TOTAL

2

46

M 1

11

EA 1: head = SA; EA 2: head = shared or hybrid; EA 3: head is EA.

PRON SUFF in NA1 (ala) kri-ha (5.7)



(ma:)usammi:(-h) (5.27) li-adi:qi(-h) (5.31) aw zami:li-hi (5.32)   an tusa:ìd-ni (5.32) (zuga:g) na: àti-ha (5.36)

4

360

 

PRONOUN SUFFIXATION

ila a:xiri-hi / (5.38) ila a:xiri-hi / (5.39)

tax à-h (5.37)28 la tafham-ha (5.41) (tunhi) ayàt-ha (5.43) >

bi-nafsi-ha (5.43) (ram) huzni-hi (5.44) wa-taa:sati(-h) (5.44) (ram) uu:ri-hi (5.44) ( yamudd) yaday-h (5.48)

(ram) uu:r-u (5.51) >

(ram) uu:ri-hi (5.51) ( yamidd) yaday-h / (5.53) () dawafì-him (5.59) (  )afa:li-him (5.59) (min) adawa:ti-h (5.60)

ma yastawqìf-na (5.61) (allati) yastaxdìm-ha (5.62) tastawqìfu-na (5.69) yastawqìfu-na (5.69) istixda:m-u (li-uwar) (5.69) wa istixda:m-u (lil-) (5.70)  

(li-asl ) mala:bisi-h (5.79) ila a:xiri-(h) (5.83) ila a:xiri-(h) / (5.83)







(allati an) arìq-ha (5.85) bi-ifat-u (5.87) aw bi-abit-u (5.87) : nufùs-na (5.89)

(laysa ) qawli-(h) /(5.90)

“(anna-ni) akrahu-k” (5.96)

 dawa-ha (5.90) wa- sulukàt-ha (5.91) (ay an) istixda:m-u (5.93) nom ( yatimm) taxli:-u / 5.97 li-anaìr-ha (5.100) (illi) yastaxdìm-ha (5.101) nafs-u(h) / (5.111) acc

kila:-huma: (5.112) nom bi-abi:-(h) / (5.116)

28 This ‘3rd weak’ verb form would have long nal vowel in SA: tax a: and with EA PRON SUFF to SA lexical verb it would produce the same effect: lengthening of nal shortened a before sufx. The stress on /a/ reects this underling long vowel (which I hear as short on the tape). Either way, this form is ambiguous as to SA and EA system of PRON SUFF.

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bi-galba:bi-hi / (5.117) (kita:bat) nai-hi (5.121) ruata-hu29 (5.121b) (illi) bi-tukawwìn-ha (5.124) yatana:wàl-hu (5.126) min mawqii-hi (5.126) min mawqi-hi (5.126) (lahu) takwi:n-u (5.127) (ha: a) qawl-u (5.128) 

( yaqu:l) qawla-hu (5.130) ( yaqu:l) qawla-hu (5.131)  

akar-ha (tamayyuz) (5.134) (wa-ha: ihi) bidaya:t-u / (5.136) wazn-u / (5.142) nom

sa-tui:-na (5.145)  

ila a:xiri-hi (5.152) ila a:xiri-(h) / (5.152)

(mutamakkin) kuttàb-ha (5.147) (alla i) yai: -u (al-) (5.149)

First of all we observe that all lexical items listed with PRON SUFF with this speaker have SA or shared L-S, and apart from the effects of sufxation, have SA or shared MPP as well. There are no cases of PF verbal forms with clitics. Of the 14 IPF forms all have SA MPP in stem and inectional prex. Only 5.124 has EA marker of IND, bi-: illi bi-tukawwìn-ha / magmu:at an-nuu: /allati tatana:wal ha:za l-maw u: “[the conicts] which constitute them (> constituted by) all the texts which treat this subject”

7 follow the EA PRON SUFF system by having the object pronoun clitics attached to the stem (5.32, 5.41, 5.61, 5.62, 5.101, 5.124, 5.149), e.g.: ma yastawqìf-na (5.61)

allati30 yastaxdìm-ha (5.62)

that-which 3ms/stop-up-us “what catches our attention”

which 3ms/use-it “which [B. .] uses”

29 The acc. marker /-a/ should have been gen. marker /-i/, as syntactically the noun is a second member of i fa with kita:bat. 30 In 5.101, the same collocation occurs, only with the EA variant of relative marker, illi.

362

PRONOUN SUFFIXATION

Only 3 occurrences, 2 in parallel constructions, and involving the same verb as in 5.61 above, have SA ‘full form’ of the cliticized verb: t/yastawqifu-na (5.69) “catches our attention”. What would motivate the short form (EA) in 5.61 and the full form in 5.69, functionally or contextually, is not readily detectable. Speaker NA1 suggested in the subsequent interview, that, while herself uctuating between such alternate forms quite unconsciously, it might have something to do with a feeling for sentence rhythm. (The third occurrence, akrahu-k “I hate you” in 5.96, is a direct quote from the book.) 4 verbal occurrences are listed as MA, 2 because they are ‘3. weak’ verbs, whose endings are formally identical to EA equivalents (5.27, 5.145); while 2 are ‘hybrids’ of an unusual kind: yatanawàl-hu (5.126) with SA -hu cliticized to the stem31 and tax a-h (5.37) with short vowel in the stem before the clitic. The grand majority of nouns occurring with pronoun clitics have ‘genitive’ function following a preposition. Of these, 16 occur with full form genitive ending + SA (or shared) pronoun clitic, including the lexicalized phrase ila a:xiri-h(i) “etc.”, which occurs 6 times (5.38, 5.39, 2 u 5.83, 2 u 5.152). 9 cases have EA PRON SUFF: 3ms -u or ‘shared’ ha or -na attached to the stem. These trigger syllable changes in the stem when relevant , e.g. al-mubhama  nufus-na (5.89) “hidden in our souls/in ourselves” (= SA (:) nufu:si-na). In 5.59,  dawa-him is assumed to have an inaudible /-i-/ linking stem and sufx,32 and thus is listed as SA, not as ‘hybrid’. 2 full form genitive nouns are syntactically second term of i fa(5.36, 5.79). NA1 produces a few cliticized SA accusative forms: simple objects preceded by their verb, twice yaqu:l qawla-hu “he says his saying >what he has to say” (5.130 and 5.31); twice yamudd/yamidd yaday-h “he stretches his hands” (5.48 and 5.53), while in 5.121b ruyata-hu “his vision” the accusative form is incorrect from a syntactic point of view. EA PRON SUFF on nouns with accusative function in terms of SA, are represented by 5.43 tunhi ayàt-ha “she ends her life” (OBJ) and 5.111 al-tana:qu laysa huwa nafs-u(h) “the contradiction is not the same”. There is only one full form SA nominative—the SA dual construction kila:-huma: “the two of them/ both” (5.112). Rather, several nouns with

31

A non-full form of the verb, i.e. its ‘bare stem’ + -hu was rejected by informants in Hary 1992:22. 32 As any other motivation for assimilated -him is hardly thinkable.

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363

nominative function are cliticized by EA -u (5.69, 5.70, 5.93, 5.97, 5.127, 5.128, 5.136, 5.142),33 or -ha (5.134, 5.147). The regular SA opposition between ‘contextual’ and ‘pausal’ forms of 3ms -hu/-hi and -h, is not observed. Thus both forms are realized in pause, e.g.: laysa  qawli-(h)/ (5.90)

bi-galba:bi-hi / (5.117)

“not in its saying/in what it says”

“in his galabiyya”

ila a:xiri-(h) / (5.5.83)

and

ila a:xiri-hi / (5.39

NA1 distribution of PRON SUFF SA verbs PF IPF SA:EA

4 4

nouns nom acc gen SA:EA

SA 1 5 25 31

TOTAL

35

M

EA EA 1

EA 2

4

6

1 7

M

EA 1 2

EA 2 8 2 5 20

3

EA 3

EA 3

27

EA 1: head = SA; EA 2: head = shared or hybrid; EA 3:head is EA.

PRON SUFF in NA2  tafsìr-ha (6.2) nafs-uh (6.8) acc (allazi) dafaa-hu (6.9) (nagid) gu u:r-u (6.10) (nagid) tafai:l-u (6.10) kull-aha (6.10) nom

(wa-) ayri-ha (6.11)

(li-ha: a a - e) nafs-u /(6.18) nàfsa-ha /(6.22) gen

33 Only the latter two occur in pause, where one might argue for possible neutralization of distinction -uh ~ u(h)—but there is no audible /-h/, so they are interpreted as EA.

364

PRONOUN SUFFIXATION

nàfs-àha (6.26) nom kull abna:-ha (6.32) (bi-turbu […]) li-ba i-ha (6.33) li-ahdàf-ha (6.37) (allati) tastaillu-ha (6.40) (hiya) nafs-àha / (6.40) (inni) bint-àha (6.43) (la:zim) tiwaddi:-ha (6.46) bi-ba i-ha (6.47) nàfsa-ha (6.49) gen taawwùr-ha (6.50) acc ( l-waqti) nafsi-(h) / (6.54) ( l-waqti) nafsi-h / (6.60)  a:lami(-h) / (6.62) “yumri u-ni” 34 (6.63) min bilàd-ha / (6.64) (ila) bila:di-h (6.64) (ila) qa:rati-hi (6.65) (huwa) nafs-u-h/ (6.65) (min) di:ni-ha (6.65)> (kulla) iara:ti-ha / (6.68) “akrahu-k” (6.70) yu akkiru-ha (6.70) bi-xai:bi-ha (6.70) bi-waadi-hi / (6.71) wa-taraka-ha (6.71) an baladi-hi (6.72) an baladi-hi / 6.73 wa taraka-ha (6.73)

 

(min di:ni-ha) nafs-uh / (6.65)

bi-takkìd-ha (6.76) ( l-waqti) nafsi-h / (6.78)   li-fata:ti-ha (6.89) “afhamu-k” (6.90) “afhamu-ka” (6.90) la tafhamu-hu (6.91)





ila a:xiri-h / (6.97)

umm-àha (6.86) nom

(  u:rit) adi:q-u (6.95) (alla i) yumail-u (6.102)

(wa- kulli ma) qalat-hu / (6.104)  ilmi-ha / (6.105) ita ana-hu (6.105)

34

Inverted commas mark that the form occurs in direct quotation from a book.

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365

(  al-waqt) nafs-u / (6.108) (min) afkàr-ha (6.109) > bi-tasal-u / (6.110) (hiya) mu kilt-u (112) (kull ) afka:r-u(h) (6.113) qu:wat-u (l-) (6.114) (wa-anna) fuqda:n-u (6.116) fuqda:n-u (6.117) (bi-narif) asba:b-u (6.117) (sabab) urbat-u / (6.118) hiyya nafs-aha (6.118) (bi-tara :-ha) mair-ha (6.118) huwa nafs-u (6.120) (allati) yaì -ha (6.121) sa-yui:l-u (6.122) (an tuti(-h)) nàfsa-ha / (6.124) bi-yarfu -ha (6.124b)



 

lam yàra-ha (6.124b) bi-yuqtulu-huma: (6.129)35 wa-tuqtulu-huma: (6.130) xalaqat-ha (6.131) amra at-hu (6.133) wa-tarakat-hu (6.134) > ( yamidd) yàd -hu (6.134) (allazi) qaddàma-hu (6.137) (allazi) yuqaddimu-hu (6.137)

ila a:xiri(-h) (6.157) ila a:xiri(-h) / (6.157)

(wa-anna) aqqat-u (6.138) > hiya xaymat-u / (6.138) (yai: ) wad-u (6.139) (dammarat) aya:t-u (6.149) acc ma a(:)kìl-hum (6.157) (allati) kawwàn-ha (6.159) hiya nafs-àha / (6.160)

(allati) kawwana-ha (6.160) kullu-hu (6.161) min baalay-ha (6.165) (an yubarrira) nafsa-hu (6.165) acc (sulu:ka) aya:ti-hi / (6.166) (yadfa) aya:ta-hu (6.169)

35 This composite form as well as the following one, are unusual hybrids—the only in my data, I think—with vowel harmonizing of the prex following EA, + SA stem. (EA verb form yitil, SA yaqtul )

366

PRONOUN SUFFIXATION







ila a:xiri-h / (6.196)



ila a:xir-u / (6.177) (allati) nukawwìn-ha (6.179) (xuu:bit) alaqàt-na (6.180) (xuu:bit) alaqàt-na (6.180) (xuu:bit) alaqàt-na (6.181) ( yumkin an) yuqaddìm-ha (6.196) (ay an) qudrìt-u (6.199)

( l-waqti) nafsi(-h) (6.201)

(qabla an) nuwa:gih-u (6.203) istila:m-uh / (6.213) acc

(wa-bayna) ba i-ha (6.216) 



  ( l-wati )nafsi(-h) / (6.221)

 allazi yubiu-hu (6.248) yubiu-hu (6.251)

(rafa ) istila:m-u / (6.217) ila a:xir-u / (6.218)

kull-u / (6.227) acc maa ma(:) i:(-h) (6.229) maa ufult-u / (6.229) wa-ba -aha (6.234) nom wa-axìr-ha (6.234) nom wa-fahm-u /(6.239) gen ( ) alàqt-u (6.244) > bi-zamilt-u (6.244)  aw mawt-u (6.245) acc bi-isàs-na (6.253)

li-usrati-hi (6.256) 



(allazi) tuqaddim-hu (6.259) nafs-u / (6.265) gen  a:lam-u (6.265) gen humu:m-u (6.266) gen wa-htima(:)ma:t-u (6.266) gen nafs-aha / (6.267) gen

bi-ba i-ha / (6.268) nafs-aha / (6.270) acc



(taraka) balada-hu / (6.271) (an kulli) afka:ri-hi (6.272) (an kulli) tafa:uli-hi (6.273) > (wa kulli) ulmi-hi (6.273) ila a:xiri (-h) / (6.273)

The dominance of SA lexical items becomes very clear in these lists as well: only 2 cliticized heads have unambiguously EA MPP, namely the verbs in la:zim tiwaddi:-ha “she must take her” (6.46), and bi-takkìd-ha “(which) conrm it” (6.76). All other verbs have SA MPP in stem and

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367

inectional sufxes—among the 11 PF verbs, only 1 (6.159) has clitic pronoun attached to the stem, the rest are inected with -a for 3ms and -at for 3fs. In 6.159–60 the same verb appears with both variants: ha:zihi l-kra al-a:bita allati kawwan-ha al-muwaafu:n / an /al-ra:wi / hiya nafs-àha /al-kra allati / kawwàna-ha / al-baal / an il / arb aw al-fata: this the-idea the-xed which form/3ms-it the-employees / about / the-narrator / it itself / the-idea which/ form/3ms-it / the-hero / about the / west or the-girl “this xed idea which the employees made up about the narrator is the same xed idea which the hero made up about the west or the girl”

The IPF verbs show greater variation: while the majority (13 occurrences36) have full form SA endings before pronoun sufxes, 8 verbs with SA MPP have EA PRON SUFF (6.102, 6.110 (also with bi-prex), 6.121, 6.122 (with SA FUT marker sa- !), 6.124b (with bi-prex), 6.179, 6.196, 6.203). Two occurrences follow SA complementizer variant an, which in SA requires subjunctive inectional ending /-a/—a possible motivation to avoid this marked inection could be suggested, but of course the evidence is by far insufcient: yumkin an yuqaddìm-ha al-/ gharb (6.196)

qabla an nuwa:gih-u (6.203)

3ms/be possible that 3ms/present-them the /west “(which) the West may present”

before that 1pl/meet-it “before we meet it”

6.259 represents a rare hybrid in the data (the only other occurrence in 5.126 above), with SA 3ms pronoun -hu sufxed to the stem; allazi tuqaddim-hu “which presents it (the story)”. In 6.130 NA2 produces the following extraordinary hybrid form (in bold)- and even repeats it: huna bi-naltaqi bi-/ rawayni mua

abatayni / mutama:ilatayni / bi-yuqtuluhuma: adam il-fahm / wa tuqtulu-huma: ha:zihi / al-gusu:r al-mutaqaia / allati xalaqàt-ha ha:zihi al-afka:r / al- / a:bita “here we meet (with) two souls [DUAL] hurt/in pain [DUAL], resembling each other [DUAL], (which) kills them [DUAL] (= killed by) lack of understanding, and kills them [DUAL] these bridges cut off from each other, which these stereotypes have created”

As dual pronouns do not exist in the vernacular (the plural forms are used) this is a strikingly SA variant—sufxed to a fully inected (indicative) rare hybrid verbal form, with vowel assimilation of the

36

Including 4 occurrences which are quotes from the book (in 6.63, 6.70 and 6.90).

368

PRONOUN SUFFIXATION

inectional prex and and EA IND-marker bi-. This is also the only example of bi-prex occurring on the same verb as SA PRON SUFF. With nouns, the distribution is quite interesting. Lexically all nouns are SA or shared. The overwhelming majority of SA PRON SUFF occurs on heads that are in genitive case. Of the 32 occurrences, 5 are second member of an i fa (genitive construction), all but one of these (6.166) following the quantier kull “all” (6.68, 6.272, 273, 273b). (6.32 and 6.113 have kull + EA PRON SUFF). 5 occurrences are found in the xed expression l-waqti nafsi-h “at the same time” (6.54, 6.60, 6.78, 6.201, 6.221—the latter with EA variant of the lexical item wat 37)—nafs being an appositive to a complement of preposition. The 22 remaining genitive heads are complements of prepositions—the frequent ila a: xiri-h(i) “etc.” counting for 5 of them (the EA variant ila a:xir-u occurs twice (6.177, 6.218)). On the EA side, there are also many occurrences of EA PRON SUFF to heads in positions corresponding to SA genitive functions. Some of them are indeed complements of preposition (6.2, 6.37, 6.64, 6.109, 6.229, 6.244, 6.244b, 6.253) as well as the two “etc.” above. However, they also cover ‘genitive’ functions that are syntactically less obvious, less accessible, or retrievable, in the chain of speaking, than marking a genitive immediately following a preposition. The genitive construct is one such function—we saw above that SA forms in this function was mainly associated with kull, which reasonably triggers an overt (= SA) genitive form more easily than less frequent and less transparent nominal combinations. Reverting to EA PRON SUFF in such cases seems a likely strategy. The complexity and density of the sequence in 6.265–6 would be a case in point: bi-sabab no: min widit a:lam-u al- / qaai / bi-sabab / no: min ittisa:q aw / e: h // tawa:ul aw ittia:l humu:m-u wa-htima(:)ma:t-u nafs-aha by-reason kind of unity world-his the / ctional / by-reason / kind of harmony or / eh / continuity or connection worries-his and-concerns-his self-it “due to some kind of unity of his ctional world, due to some kind of harmony, or, continuity or connection in his very worries and concerns”

another would be the sequence 6.179–81:

37

The -i on wati may be interpreted as SA genitive—breaking the principle that SA gram. morphemes do not occur on EA heads—or as EA anaptyctic vowel, a more comfortable alternative. . .

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369

qa iyyit / kayfa / tusa:him ha:zihi l-afka:r allati nukawwìn-ha an / al-a:lam /  /al-add min / xuu:bit alaqàt-na38 / bil-wa:qi / xuu:bit alaqàt-na bil- / ba ar al-a:xari:n / xuu:bit alaqàt-na bil-a ya: min giha issue / how / 3fs/take-part these the-ideas which 1pl/form-them about / theworld / in / the-delimiting of / abundance relations-our / with-the-reality / abundance relations-our with humans the-others / abundance relations-our with the-things from-side “the issue of how these ideas which we form about the world , take part in dening our manyfold relations with reality, with other humans and with things, on the one hand”

The abstractness and complexity of the discourse in this part of the talk, in itself may demand the speaker’s attention to the extent that less salient morphophonological features as inectional endings with pronoun sufxes, variants of fem.stat. constr., are not heeded. Turning to the other case categories, the SA accusatives are all direct objects following its verb (6.124, 6.134, 6.165, 6.169, 6.271). We also nd EA PRON SUFF with such objects (6.117 following bi-IPF; 6.149, 6.217)—while all other accusative functions, i.e. following anna (6.116, 6.138), or circumstantial adverbial (6.139), or objects separated from its verb (6.118, 6.213), or appositives to an object (6.227, 6.270) have EA PRON SUFF. The one SA nominative head is kullu-hu in 6.161: aw al-arb kullu-hu an i - arq “or the West in its totality about the East” (appositive to the subject of elliptic clause), while 13 heads have EA PRON SUFF, as subject or appositive to the subject. A large number of these consist of nafs+pronoun, expressing “itself, himself ” etc. All in all this phrase occurs 21 times in NA2’s talk. For SA, we mentioned above the 5 occurrences of l-waqti nafsi-h “in the time itself > at the same time”. nafsa-hu was also found in the category of direct object above (6.124 and 6.165). The other appositive cases with this expression have EA PRON SUFF, whether they follow a head in genitive, nominative or accusative function, e.g. appositive of object: allati dafaat baal “bil-ams alamtu bik” nafs-uh ila l-higra (6.8) “which pushed the hero of ‘[. . .]’ himself to migrate”

or of complement of preposition: wal-wa:qi / al-aqi:qi li-ha: a a - e: nafs-u (6.18) “and the present reality of this thing itself ”, and 38 The head may formally be SA sing. stat. constr. ala:qat+na, with EA shortening rules affecting the long stem vowel; alternatively plur. alaqa:t +na with shortening rules affecting the long vowel in the plural morpheme. In the context, the plural meaning makes most sense.

370

PRONOUN SUFFIXATION

wa-min di:ni-ha nafs-uh (6.65) “and from her religion itself ”

or of subject: allati tastaillu-ha hiya nafs-àha bi-maha:ra adi:da (6.40) “which she herself exploited with great skill”

The 3 occurrences involving nafs- which were classied in the ambiguous middle column because of the stress in náfsa-ha (6.22 and 6.49) or the possible SA pausal ending in nafs-u-h (6.65), in the light of the other occurrences most probably should be interpreted as following EA, as they are appositives to a complex nominal phrase (6.22), to a complement of preposition (6.49) and to a subject (6.65). NA2 distribution of PRON SUFF SA verbs PF IPF SA:EA

10 13* 23

nouns nom acc gen SA:EA

SA 1 5 32 38

TOTAL

61

M

1

EA EA 1 1 8

EA 2

EA 3 2

11 M 1 3

EA 1 3 5 7

EA 2 10 12 57 20

EA 3

68

EA 1: head = SA; EA 2: head = shared or hybrid; EA 3: head is EA. * 4 are quotes from book (in 6.63, 6.70 and 6.90)

PRON SUFF in NA3



(llati) tata arràbu-hu (7.39) tata ai-hi (7.40)

(ill-ina) nusammi:(-h) (7.4) (illi) arafna:(-h) (7.10) >  magmut-u (7.10)  asammi:(-h) (7.20) b-asammi:(-h) (7.28) min qia-u (7.32) : maw i-ha (7.34) kull-u (7.35) nom/acc

CHAPTER SEVEN

( yumkin an) nusammi:-hi / (7.42) ha: a kullu-hu / (7.44)

371

(ma) yuakkid-u (7.41) wa-yubriz-u (7.41b) b-azum-u (7.47) bi-tardi:d-u (7.48) kull-aha (7.48) gen

(aad) ruwwa:di-hi (7.49)  

(allati) asmaytu-ha (7.69)

ila a:xir-u / (7.57) (mungaza:t) ul-u (7.61) (ha: a t-tawi:f) kull-u (7.66) bi- ax-u (7.68) bi-ma: yumail-u / (7.68)

li-yuri:-na39 (7.72) (li-usni) a-ì-na (7.72) bi-yaftaqid-u / (7.83) yaftaqid-u / (7.84)

The density of pronoun sufxes with this speaker is relatively low. 1 SA PF verb (7.69); 2 SA IPF verbs (7.39, 7.4240); in the middle category is PF arafna:(-h) “we knew it”, which is lexically shared and may be interpreted as SA pausal form of -h(u)—here used in context, or as EA with lengthening of nal vowel before pronoun sufx. Also ambiguous with regard to PRON SUFF are 2 ‘nal weak’ IPF verbs with SA MPP (7.4 and 7.7241). ‘Final weak’ verbs classied as EA 3 because of EA inectional prexes are 7.20 and 7.28 (same stem as 7.4). In 7.47 the verbal form is shared, while in 7.41, 7.41b, 7.68, 7.83 and 7.84 the verbs are SA—all with EA PRON SUFF. Complements of preposition have SA (7.40) and EA (7.10, 7.32, 7.34, 7.48, 7.57, 7.68) PRON SUFF. For genitive function in i fa there are SA (7.49) and EA (7.61) variants, while 7.72 could be either (-ì- as genitive marker or anaptyctic vowel). Finally, appositive construction with kull- “all” occurs with SA (7.44 nom) and EA (7.35 nom, 7.48 gen, 7.66 nom) all in context with SA or shared lexical nouns and SA demonstrative ha: a.

39 Still another example of nal weak SA verb which is not inected for subjunctive mood. 40 nusammi:-hi is incorrect for SA nusammiya-hu: subjunctive after complementizer an. 41 As above, if considered SA, incorrect subjunctive form following li-.

372

PRONOUN SUFFIXATION

NA3 distribution of PRON SUFF SA

M EA 1

EA 2

EA 3

1 2 3

1 2

5

2 9

2

nouns nom acc gen SA:EA

SA 1

M

EA 1

EA 3

2 3

1

EA 2 1 1 8 10

TOTAL

6

verbs PF IPF SA:EA

EA

19

EA 1: head = SA; EA 2: head = shared or hybrid; EA 3: head is EA.

Discussion and summary of PRON SUFF Distribution SA:EA variants of PRON SUFF across speakers (numbers in parenthesis represent heads with EA MPP): AUC1 verb: 5:16 (12) noun: 2:10 (3) total 7:26(15)

AUC2 15:15 (3) 24:18 (1) 39:33(4)

AUC3 2:10(10) 4:29 (2) 6:39(12)

AUC4 1:9 (5) 1:37 (9) 2:46(14)

NA1 4:7 31:20 35:27

NA2 23:11(2) 38:57 61:68(2)

NA3 3:9 (2) 3:10 6:19(2)

For comparison, I repeat the overall counts for the other features examined: COMP 15:15 REL 5:12 DEM 17:12 NEG 6:5

28:29 16:15 44:16 33:10

14:34 3:28 26:32 18:16

6:27 2:24 17:18 2:20

27:15 17:4 42:3 20:0

89:17 72:14 132:6 20:2

8:17 9:18 25:5 9:14

In purely quantitative terms, the feature PRON SUFF represents a signicantly higher usage level for EA variants than has been the case for any other feature. In fact, only AUC2 and NA1 have a higher number of SA than EA variants, while even NA2, who scores high on SA variants of other features, has a slightly higher occurrence of EA variants of PRON SUFF. For AUC3 and AUC4, the EA system is absolutely predominant.

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Lexical and structural constraints on mixing We have observed the pattern with each speaker, that while EA PRON SUFF abundantly applies to SA lexical heads, EA heads do not receive SA PRON SUFF—and we claim this pattern as evidence in support of the ‘dominant language hypothesis’. All verbs with EA IND marker bi- have an EA clitic pronoun— whatever the MPP of the verb itself, e.g. with SA verbal heads: bi-yamilhum (1.146); b-yataga(:)waz-ha (2.85); bi-tukawwin-ha (5.124); bi-yaftaqid-u (7.83); even with ‘indirect’ (prepositional) object: b-yantami li:-ha (with li for ila, 3.104, not listed). This is thus proposed as a constraint, to be further tested. It is clearly revealed—in the individual lists, as well as in the tables— that SA lexical items all in all are very strongly represented as heads. With the 3 most high-level speakers (AUC2, NA1, and NA2), there are hardly any lexical items drawing on EA L-S and MPP. Nevertheless, PRON SUFF follows the EA system in nearly 50% of the cases. We mentioned above that even trained Arab linguists tend to neglect pronoun sufxation in their analysis of standard and vernacular features of ‘mixed’ data, and that it might be an indication of low salience of this feature, reecting low awareness. The relatively high usage level of EA variants, combined with SA head, or host, words, conrms this suggestion (which will be further discussed in Chapter Eight). I am very well aware, though, that the realization of PRON SUFF with SA variant, is closely connected with the feature of irb, i.e. case and mood endings. Producing SA variants of PRON SUFF thus implies that the speaker must keep track of the syntactic relations in order to produce the correct nal vowel on the head before the clitic pronouns are added. We observed in the analysis, that the syntactic positions which favoured SA PRON SUFF were of two kinds: genitive following prepositions, and accusative as object marker on nouns immediately following verbs. In on-line speech production these will be the positions where case markers are most easily available. A (very tentative) suggestion by Schulz42 (1981:154–5) that SA variants with irb would be preferred in cases where the EA variant would result in shortening of long vowel in the stem, is not corroborated by my data.

42 Schulz’ analysis of pronoun sufxes only counts 3ms forms -hu/-hi vs. -u. His suggestion is based on selected speakers’ use of sufxes beginning with a consonant in both varieties, thus producing a closed syllable.

CHAPTER EIGHT

RESULTS, INTERPRETATION, AND CONCLUSIONS

I only distinguish between standard and dialectal language in so far as one word rather than another accurately expresses what I want to say (Yusuf Idris, cited in Kurpershoek 1981:124).

The overarching question which has been addressed in this investigation is: to what extent do speakers of extemporaneous academic monologue respond to a similar setting in a similar way, with regard to certain diglossic grammatical features. That SA and EA variants would be combined in the speakers’ talk, was clear from the outset. The aim of the investigation then, was to explore whether, to what extent, or for what items, speakers would converge in their use of the variant forms. Would their choice of variants provide evidence for a(n emerging) norm regulating speech of this kind? Would we nd signs that a process of ‘conventionalization’ is going on, whereby members of a language community come to share patterns of language structure and use for certain purposes and functions? It was hypothesized that a recurrent situation as panel presentations in an academic setting would represent a genre, and that this genre would have developed stylistic characteristics, reected in patterns of selections among variants. In this concluding chapter I shall summarize and interpret the results of the preceding chapters, by 1) comparing speakers’ behaviour across features in quantitative terms, by 2) ranking the various features, and by 3) summarizing constraints and patterns of use detected during the analysis—for each part drawing on or linking to theories in the general literature for explanatory models. In the nal part, I shall relate to the discussion on ‘mixed lects/varieties’. The distribution of SA:EA variants across speakers and features

RESULTS, INTERPRETATION, AND CONCLUSIONS

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COMPLEMENTIZERS AUC1

AUC2

AUC3

AUC4

NA1

NA2

NA3

total lines an asynd. anna inn-

153 10 5 5 10

258 13 6 15 23

224 11 15 3 19

165 3 17 3 10

155 9 1 18 14

276 25 2 64 15

86 6 5 2 12

SA:EA

15:15

28:29

14:34

6:27

27:15

89:17

8:17

DEMONSTRATIVES (numbers in parenthesis indicate pronominal function) AUC1

AUC2

AUC3

AUC4

NA1

NA2

NA3

ha: a set

a:lika da set kida

14 (4) 3 (2) 9 (4) (3)

39 (6) 6 (5) 15 (11) (1)

17 (4) 8 (7) 27 (15) (1)

15 (3) 2 (1) 15 (13) (2)

41 (5) 1 2 (2) (1)

127 (3) 5 (3) 5 (3) (1)

25 (3) 0 5 (4) (1)

SA:EA

17:12

44:16

26:32

17:18

42:3

132:6

25:5

NEGATION (la absolutus in parenthesis) AUC1

AUC2

AUC3

AUC4

NA1

NA2

NA3

la lam lan laysa mi

ma–

4 0 0 2 2 3

18 (3) 7 3 5 3 7

11 (6) 4 0 2 9 7

1 0 0 1 8 12

6 (3) 2 0 12 0 0

9 (2) 7 2 2 0 2

2 1 0 6 12 2

SA:EA

6:5

33:10

17:16

2:20

20:0

20:2

9:14

RELATIVES (numbers in parenthesis indicate pronominal function) AUC1

AUC2

AUC3

AUC4

NA1

NA2

NA3

alla /zi, allati illi

5 (1) 12 (2)

16 15 (2)

3 28 (9)

2 24 (6)

17 4

72 (3) 14 (1)

9 18 (6)

SA:EA

5:12

16:15

3:28

2:24

17:4

72:14

9:18

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PRONOUN SUFFIXATION (numbers in parenthesis indicate EA lexical items) AUC1

AUC2

AUC3

AUC4

NA1

NA2

NA3

verb+SA noun+SA verb+EA noun+EA

5 2 16 (12) 10 (3)

15 24 15 (3) 18 (1)

2 4 10 (10) 29 (2)

1 1 9 (5) 37 (9)

4 31 7 20

23 38 11 (2) 57

3 3 9 (2) 10

SA:EA

7:26

39:33

6:39

2:46

35:27

61:68

6:19

As we have seen from the preceding chapters, and as summarized above, the features show a most uneven distribution of variants across speakers. Already at this stage we must conclude that the question whether speakers would respond to a similar setting with similar styles, in terms of selection of diglossic morphophonological variables, must be answered in the negative.1 However, with the notable exception of NA1, who has no occurrence of EA NEG, and hardly any occurrences of EA DEM, all speakers make use of both SA and EA variants of all features. Compared to ordinary EA conversational style, as (re)produced in textbooks of Egyptian Arabic, and as recorded in the Call Home data,2 the more formal style(s) used in the panel presentations studied here, are characterized by the addition of SA variants. All speakers, including NA1, may be said to produce some kind of ‘mixed lect’, using both SA and EA items and features, for the genre panel presentation—thereby achieving or signalling a certain balance between the formal and the less formal as required by the genre, between the informational and the interactional functions involved in talking to an audience, and between displaying the roles of the cultured academic and the good-humoured—which is a strongly valued quality in Egyptian society.

Interspeaker ranking What does emerge from the analysis and is reected in the tables, however, is a certain ‘inter-speaker consistency’—by which I mean that the 1 Which refutes Holes’ claim referred to in Chapter Two, “that the likelihood of one variant rather than its rival occurring gradually increases in a given range of contexts in more or less the same proportions for all speakers.” (1995:280, my italics). 2 Recorded ‘live’ telephone conversations between Egyptian students and their families, produced by the Linguistic Data Consortium.

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speakers tend to rank equally high or low in their relative usage level of SA and EA variants on all features. This is an indication that they may have developed individual styles of varying degrees of formality for this genre. NA1 and NA2 are the two speakers with the highest usage level of SA variants for all features, to the extent that their discourse style may be characterized as ‘SA-oriented’. If we read the tables from the other end, so to speak, from the perspective not only of variants selected, but of variants avoided, we observe that NA1 totally avoids use of EA NEG, and hardly uses EA DEM (only 3 in pronominal function). It was noted on p. 231 above that NA1 also stands out with regard to pronouncing (orthoepic) interdental // in the DEM variants. This indicates that she has as target for the style of her presentation an approximate SA linguistic form.3 NA2 and AUC2 also display preference for SA variants on most variables—NA2 avoids EA NEG all but twice in his long talk (one instance being discourse marker ma-araf- “I don’t know”), while of NEG occurrences in AUC2, all but two are highly frequent collocations, some serving as discourse markers as well. While, at the other end of the scale, AUC4 consistently has the lowest usage level of SA variants, or, the highest ratio of EA variants, of all speakers on all features, to the extent that his style may be characterized as ‘EA oriented’. The same interspeaker distribution was found when I searched the data for some typical EA function words: AUC1 a[ la] a:n “because” bar u “also” kama:n “also” lissa dilwat “now” bita: “of, for”5 zayy “as”6

AUC2 AUC3 AUC4 NA1

1 0 1 1 not found 24 0 0 0 3 0 1 0

NA2

NA3

2 3

6 4

0 0

0 0

0 0

1 1 0 6

0 4 2 8

0 0 0 0

0 0 0 7

0 1 1 1

3 Haeri (1996b:307) claims that “studies of gender differentiation have shown that women who have equal levels of education to men, use features of Classical Arabic signicantly less than men.” This generalization (based on very few and limited studies, and confusing vernacular and elevated style) obviously does not apply to NA1, who is a literature professor and creative writer. 4 In the later, vernacular-oriented part of his talk. 5 “Genitive exponent”, particle (with different variants) found in most dialects to express genitive function (possession or close relation). 6 Including uses of preposition zayy “as”, interrogative particle izzayy “how”, and compound conjunction zayyi-ma “as”.

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AUC1, while quantitatively represented with very middle values on most features, was found to shift his style somewhere in the middle of his talk, passing from a highly SA-oriented style to the most colloquial style in the data, a shift reecting the functional shift from the relatively formal role and discourse genre of ‘panel moderator’ to the informal role and genre of ‘father interacting with son’.7 AUC3 and NA3 also have middle values in terms of distribution—in their discourse the SA and EA variants are more evenly distributed throughout.

Contextual factors If we assume, as has been done in this study, that members of the Egyptian speech community overall agree on associating SA variants with more formal style and EA with less formal style, the highly variable behaviour of our speakers with regard to selecting variants for their talks may be an indication that the situation or context itself is stylistically ambiguous, that speakers have different perceptions about the degree of formality it represents. On the other hand, the markedly higher usage levels for SA variants with speakers NA1 and NA2 suggest that the two contexts provided by the AUC and NA seminars respectively, may not be as similar as rst assumed, but that they rather represent different ‘subgenres’ of ‘academic panel presentations’. Two contextual factors present themselves as obvious candidates for inuencing the situation and causing difference in style: topic and audience. Topic One might, in fact, easily conceive of ‘literature’ and ‘literary analysis’ as a semantic eld naturally associated with high culture and SA linguistic form—based as it is on written texts, and representing a typically intellectual domain. Incidentally, however, we have access to another set of data on the style of speaker NA2—namely, a recording from Egyptian radio, transcribed and published in Schulz 1981. In this recording, ‘our’ speaker NA28 apparently takes part in a discussion9 on the works 7

For an interpretation in terms of (sub)genre, see below. In Schulz’ study referred to as speaker 11A. 9 In his talk the situation is referred to as a ‘nadwa’ (seminar)—and the title of the programme is given as nadwa al-mustamii:n “the listeners’ seminar”. 8

RESULTS, INTERPRETATION, AND CONCLUSIONS

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of another Egyptian author. The speaker’s style in this recording, when measured with regard to the use of features investigated in the present study, is strikingly different from the same speaker’s style in the NA data: SA variants occur neither in connection with COMP10 nor with REL; there is a proportion of 1:4 of SA:EA variants for the feature NEG;11 while the proportion is nearly 1:1 for the feature DEM in attributive position (I counted 15:14), whereas there is a very high presence of EA DEM in pronominal function (I counted 2:19).12 Also I did not nd in the text any occurrence of PRON SUFF that did not comply with the EA system (i.e. they were either EA or neutral). This case suggests that topic, in both cases contemporary Egyptian literature, is not the decisive factor with regard to stylistic (linguistic) choice. It further demonstrates that an educated speaker like NA2 has a range of possible ‘mixed’ styles at his disposal, that he can draw on the linguistic resources of SA and EA to form various degrees of SAoriented speech. In other words, this demonstrates that he has not formed a stable, or focused, ‘intermediate’ variety for academic discourse, but has, as part of his communicative competence, the ability to accommodate to more than one style level—according to some aspect of the context (or rather, to his perception of it and attitude to it).13 Audience The second factor, audience, may provide a better clue to our style differences. Whereas in the AUC setting, the audience seemed to represent

10 In his table of relative percentages of SA and EA variants of linguistic variables, Schulz has noted 3% of anna—which should amount to a single occurrence of this variant. In the appended text, however, I did not nd any trace of this solitary SA occurrence. 11 SA NEG restricted to SA MPP verbs: lam tuba: [sic]; la yumkin; lam yura; la yuqaddam + 1 le:sa (laysa). 12 My count resulted in slightly different numbers and kinds of tokens than noted by Schulz—which may be attributed to different interpretations of certain cases—or simply to unavoidable lapses. E.g., while Schulz has not registered any occurrence of pronominal SA variant (and counts 2 more occurrences of adjectival DEM), I registered the following cases as SA DEM in pronominal function: iza nagana  háza atawwar . . . “If we succeed in this, I imagine . . .” (p. 270, line 4) and mumkin yiba:n asar háza ay an “maybe the effect of this will also be evident” (p. 276, line 2). On page 217, he explains that he has counted DEM as pronouns only when they are subjects. 13 Cf. the observation by Kanakri (1988:230) for style shifting in Jordanian Arabic: “Participants and the social situation seem to play a more important role than topic and setting.”

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a ‘generally interested educated public’ kind of audience, of various age groups, including several students, the NA setting had attracted a smaller, probably more intellectual kind of audience, among whom I recognized a few authors (among them NA3) and some literary critics. Possibly, addressing this highly literate audience would trigger a high stylistic level, even though it seemed (from the ensuing discussion) that most of those present knew each other, which might be thought to lessen the formality of the situation. On a general level, and in a well-known contribution, Alan Bell (1984) proposes a ‘unied framework’ for and explanation of intraspeaker linguistic variation which he terms ‘audience design’. In short, Bell argues that “speakers design their style for their audience”, and that “nonpersonal contextual or situational variables, like topic and setting, can be shown to have less effect on style than the audience variables”. These other variables—including Labov’s famous ‘attention to form’variable—and their effect on style are, according to Bell, derived from audience-designed shift: “[…] the universality of a formal-informal continuum subsuming diverse factors derives from this common origin” (Bell 1984:181). He also claims that “it seems that the sharper the differences in linguistic code, the less non-audience variables inuence style shift” (ibid.:180). That NA2 designed his radio talk for the wider Egyptian public radio audience, and his talk in our context for an audience of intellectuals, may well account for the difference in style on the two occasions. The style shift noticed during the talk of AUC1, on the other hand, cannot be accounted for by ‘audience variables’, but seems, in fact, better captured by Bakhtin’s notion of complex genres, that may absorb within them ‘simple’ (or primary’) utterances/genres—like the dialogue parts in a novel, which are transformed from their function in everyday reality into literary-artistic function. Such transformation is taking place in the discourse of AUC1 when he reports his dialogue with his son: the utterance is transformed from its primary genre in real-life ‘father questioning son about school’, to ‘argument about need for educational reform’ in the secondary/complex genre ‘academic panel presentation’. The passage appears to preserve—more or less—the linguistic/stylistic features from the reported primary utterance as ‘everyday father/son dialogue’-genre, i.e. predominantly EA language form. The problems involved when trying to generalize about motivations for stylistic choices, are, however, illustrated by the crucial information obtained in the interviews—where NA1 was the only person who

RESULTS, INTERPRETATION, AND CONCLUSIONS

381

expressed a commitment towards keeping up fu as the idiom for cultural matters; and where NA2 told me that he had previously written a review on the book discussed, and may have had many of these written formulations in his mind when he gave the talk, so a high degree of planning can be said to have been involved. The third speaker in the NA setting, NA3, talking to the same audience and on the same topic, differs considerably in the proportion of SA variants in his speech—in his case, however, the different, less formal, participant role (as a discussant) and the lack of planning (answering a question from the audience) both are factors that reasonably affect the style level of this (highly SA competent) speaker. (NA3 in the interview stressed the spontaneity of the mixing going on in such interactions, without knowing exactly how, one lls in phrases of SA, but also sometimes uses EA to wake up people, just to make some variation.) Returning to the AUC setting, the overall lower usage levels of SA variants compared with the NA setting, was linked to a broader kind of audience. In fact, the two speakers interviewed, AUC1 and AUC2, both expressed the wish to communicate with the audience as a motive for not keeping a too formal, i.e. SA, style for their talk. The most ‘EA-oriented’ speaker, AUC4, is the only one with a technical (engineering/handasa) background, while AUC1 is professor of Arabic literature, AUC2 professor of (educational) psychology, AUC3 professor of education—all of these with (some) background in the Dr al-Ulm faculty (of Arabic and Islamic studies).14 There might also be some effect of discourse order on style level, in that the proportion of SA variants signalling formal style drops as the seminar “warms up”; AUC1 being less formal than the rst ‘expert speaker’ AUC2, in his function of moderator,15 while the subsequent speakers can add to the matter and to the occasion some less serious comments and permit themselves some ‘lighter’ style. In the end, however, when variously general and ad hoc factors are exhausted, there still will be a range of situationally conditioned or individual motives and preferences (and even whims) that will remain concealed to us—thanks to the complexity and creativity of the human mind. 14

Schulz (1981:183) reports that among his speakers, the one with the highest level, i.e. most SA features, was a ‘prominent professor, critic, and author’, but that so was the speaker with the lowest level of SA features… 15 Perhaps obeying similar social rules as in traditional middle class circles in my country, that the hostess is not supposed to be more nicely/formally dressed than her female guests . . .

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Ranking of features The tables also suggest an hierarchy or ranking of the various features with regard to their distribution of SA and EA variants on both interspeaker and intraspeaker level. DEM and NEG are the features with the highest proportion of SA variants across speakers—with the notable exception of AUC4 (who appears to have no strategy for choosing the SA NEG variants—or alternatively, for avoiding the EA variant. With speakers NA1 and NA2, EA NEG is practically absent from their discourse, they use nearly exclusively SA variants of DEM, but allow for higher proportions of EA variants for features REL and COMP. For our low-ranking AUC4, only DEM has a balanced proportion of SA and EA variants, while the other features are overwhelmingly EA dominant. With all speakers, the feature PRON SUFF has the highest usage level of EA variants.16 This gives the following pattern: highest value SA > > > highest value EA AUC1: DEM > NEG > REL > COMP > PRON AUC2: NEG > DEM > REL > COMP > PRON AUC3: NEG > DEM/REL > COMP > PRON AUC4: DEM > REL/COMP > NEG > PRON NA1: NEG/DEM > REL > COMP > PRON NA2: DEM/NEG > COMP > REL > PRON NA3: DEM > NEG > COMP/REL > PRON

In fact, if we separate the pronominal and attributive functions of DEM, as we have done in this study, attributive DEM is by far the highest ranking SA feature of all, while DEM in pronominal function has an SA usage level more like COMP. Is it possible, in a principled way, to account for the different values, or preferences, of variants across the selected features? I have been struggling with this issue, but end up with suggestions that regrettably do not combine to form a unied explanatory model. However, important notions called upon in the following are: perceptual ones like

16 In a pilot study of short utterances of Syrian medical doctors on TV, Tarrier 1993 compares the relative frequency of some, mostly phonological, diglossic variants. Of the two features that can be compared to my data, (attributive) ‘pronoms relatifs’ and pronoun sufxes, the dialectal variants of the latter have a clearly higher proportion than the dialectal variants of former, i.e. the same ranking as in my data (but the number of total occurrences is very limited).

RESULTS, INTERPRETATION, AND CONCLUSIONS

383

‘saliency’ and the distinction ‘indicator’: ‘marker’; and structural ones like ‘boundedness’ of grammatical morphemes.

Style markers and ‘saliency’ The distinction between ‘indicators’ and ‘markers’ goes back to Labov’s early work on stylistically (and socially) signicant linguistic variation: an ‘indicator’ is any variable which serves to mark varieties of language, but which is not perceived at a highly conscious level in the speech community. A ‘marker’ is a variable which has taken on social evaluation, and is perceived at a conscious level (Labov 1972:188). In other words: markers have stylistic value, while indicators tend not to. In our connection, variants of structural features which differ in SA and EA, are indicators of SA and EA respectively—while only variants that are signicant in speakers’ perception are markers in stylistic differentiation and variation. ‘Saliency’, as a perceptual phenomenon, reects an awareness of speakers and listeners with regard to certain features, and this awareness makes the feature amenable to manipulation, to monitoring, to conscious use, to a larger extent than features which are less salient, not at the same level of awareness—it is thus a gradual, not categorical, phenomenon. The crux of this distinction has been noted, or rather, reected, in previous studies on variation in Arabic, e.g. in Holes’ observation, that “[n]ot all variables are similarly calibrated to the demands of changing formality/informality of context […] and switches on some variables may, from the user’s point of view, be more salient and signicant than switches on others” (1995:280). Similar discernment is expressed by Owens and Bani Yasin (1991:20), interpreting the different assessments elicited from informants on the value of variants of /q/ and [fem.pl.perf.marker]: “We would hypothesize, then, that SA is not a perceptual whole, that there are certain features in it, like the pronunciation of certain sounds, which evoke associations with SA to a greater degree than do other “equally” SA traits (like agreement)”. From studies on phonological variation, the SA unvoiced interdental // appears to be highly marked for SA, even more than its voiced counterpart and other SA phonemic variants. And, although a clear indicator of EA, the modal/aspectual prex bi- appears to have little stylistic value, i.e. does not function as a marker of EA, but may cooccur with SA verbal forms and other SA features quite high on the continuum, and not distract from the style being perceived as elevated, while EA

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negative particles appear to be perceived as strong EA markers. And so on. It is important, however, to bear in mind that “the two variants of a binary variable need not necessarily be symmetrically balanced when it comes to signal code […] Whereas one variant can be an important variety marker, the other variant may be nearly unmarked” (Mæhlum (1986:171), my translation).17 The same general notions, I believe, may underlie Bell’s (1984:190–1) comments on ‘partial and imperfect’ shift in ‘referee’ designed speech: When the outgroup code is distant, attempted shift is partial and imperfect. It focuses on a few salient features in which the referee code differs from the speaker’s. This is, however, usually all that the situation demands. The aim of referee design is for your speech to put the audience in mind of a particular reference code. A few token shifts should successfully convince the immediate audience [. . .] Referee design usually takes a feature which is (semi)categorical in the target code and tries to adopt it. Because that shift is rarely complete, the speaker turns a categorical rule of the target code into a variable one.

Likewise, asymmetry of markedness of variables seems to underlie the axiom of Labov (1974:450): Whenever a subordinate dialect is in contact with a superordinate one, linguistic forms produced by a speaker of the subordinate dialect in a formal context will shift in an unsystematic manner towards the superordinate.

Recent studies on linguistic accommodation in dialect (or standard and dialect) contact situations have attempted to elaborate on this issue. Departing from the observation that certain features or structures tend to converge or assimilate more readily than others, it has been proposed that “what is perceived by the speakers as ‘salient’ in one variety is taken over more easily and faster by the other than what is perceived as ‘less salient’, and that ‘more salient’ features of the assimilating variety may be given up more readily than ‘less salient’ ones” (Auer, Barden and Grosskopf 1998:163–4). Now the challenge is whether it is possible to establish objective criteria to account for what characterizes these features and renders them perceptually salient to speakers and listeners— what makes or turns some ‘indicators’ into ‘markers’? In his study of (English) dialect interaction and accommodation, Trudgill (1986:11) suggested some such ‘factors’ which might explain 17 Mæhlum studies dialect accommodation to urban standard in a Norwegian community. She adds: “Such asymmetrical relation between the dialect variant and the standard variant appears to be characteristic for several variables in my data”.

RESULTS, INTERPRETATION, AND CONCLUSIONS

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the greater salience of some (phonological) variables as social (or stylistic) marker than others: “why exactly are speakers more aware of some variables than others?”. Of relevance for the features discussed in this study, I consider the following factors: Greater awareness attaches to forms which are overtly stigmatized in a particular community. Very often, this overt stigmatization is because there is a high-status variant of the stigmatized form and this high-status variant tallies with the orthography while the stigmatized variant does not (ibid.).

Of the features discussed, NEG18 and REL and DEM have variants in EA which do not tally with the orthography, which reects and is based on the SA variants.19 The graphemic representation of features COMP and PRON SUFF, on the other hand, may be realized as either SA or EA, i.e. both set of variants are covered by ordinary printed orthography (which does not depict short vowels, nor gemination ( adda) or ‘vowelless-ness’ of consonants (sukn)—e.g., COMP+PRON as in anna-hu and inn-u will both appear in writing as JK. A common sense explanation underlying the workings of this factor would be that such visible differences are strongly focused and mistakes corrected in school education, whereas representations of a ‘mental’ EA form which is not reected in writing, would go more unnoticed. The second of Trudgill’s factors with potential relevance to our data, is: Speakers are also more aware of variables whose variants are phonetically radically different (ibid.).

The obvious candidate for phonetically conditioned salience would be SA /q/ vs. EA dialect reex //, which ranks high in speakers’ awareness of SA features (as has been repeatedly noted).20 With regard to our

18 With the exception of certain, but marginal, uses of ma: (without - ) in EA, which coincides with SA m, also not frequent in modern written SA (cf. Chapter Five on negation). 19 Versteegh (1984:7–8), commenting on what the Middle Arabic texts do and do not provide information about: “The spoken language tends to shine through at every step in the mistakes that occur, but, on the other hand, the most patent mistakes do not appear in these texts. The authors evidently tried to avoid those forms that deviated too obviously from the Classical norm […] anything that might offend the reader’s eye.” For /q/ in spoken data, cf. e.g. Blanc 1960, Haeri 1996, Tarrier 1993. 20 The retention of /q/ in texts of ‘mixed’ character with many vernacular features, appears to have a long tradition: according to Versteegh (1984:7) with reference to Blau

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morphophonological features, this factor would similarly apply to the lack of salience of COMP and PRON SUFF compared to NEG and DEM, with REL having a medium value of salience, as the phonetic realizations of the EA and SA variants are not very distant. On the other hand, it would offend common observations to claim that an and anna are not perceived as markers of SA, and style markers of noncasual speech.21 Here the possible asymmetry of variants’ markedness must be summoned—the use of SA variants may be even strongly stylistically marked, whereas the use of EA inn(-u) may not be marked, does not bring down the style. The same may apply to EA REL, which is not avoided even by NA1, and which is frequently used, alongside SA REL, by AUC2 and NA2, the other two speakers with high usage levels of SA variants. In the interview, NA2, when I pointed out to him his frequent use of illi, commented that illi or allazi did not do anything to his discourse, while ha: a/ha:za gave it a avour of seriousness. Other features with highly variable realization in our data, also with the most ‘SA-oriented’ speakers, and where the SA and EA variants only differ in short vowel distinction, are the realization of denite article al- ~ il and fem. endings -at ~ -it. The stylistic value of these features appears to be low. Not only is the phonetic difference between the variants slight, they are also unstressed.22 AUC1 remarked that using -it may bring you closer to your audience, but that it does not mean your speech becomes less “fai:a”, while NA2—when ‘confronted’ with his plentiful use of this variant—similarly said it conveyed familiarity, while

(1965) medieval authors of Egyptian Middle Arabic texts avoided writing the hamza corresponding to the EA reex //—which may be accounted for by phonological distance between the variants lending salience to this feature, but also, to the intricacies of writing this grapheme with its various co-graphemes (the so-called ‘chair’ of hamza) . . . 21 Blanc (1960:92) claimed, for interdialectal educated conversation (no Egyptians) that the use of an is “the principal, frequent and typical (though not entirely consistent) classicizing device”. 22 Dittmar, Schlobinski and Wachs (1988:142) state under the heading “Salience of Linguistic Characteristics”: “It is certainly important whether variants turn up at the beginning or at the end of an utterance. Their interplay with the curve of intonation is also important. After all, the salience of variants depends on stress of the syllable or morpheme in which they occur. We must assume there is a typology and hierarchy of more and less salient linguistic structures. This is where natural laws of psycholinguistics intervene, laws that have apparently received little attention from sociolinguistics”. Position in the word as well as in the sentence, has also been claimed to inuence degree of salience—with post-pause vs. pre-pause and onset (initial) vs. offset (nal) positions being found to be more vs. less salient (discussed in Yaeger-Dror 1993:203–6).

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on the other hand, using -at “doesn’t help you achieve anything”, again in contrast to ha:za (see above). (I have not counted the variants of the denite article, but the variants of f.st.constr. endings with speakers in the NA setting are convincing: even NA1 has a high usage level of EA variants (SA:EA =) 16:7; NA2 7:54; NA3 3:9—and a count of ‘high level’ speaker AUC2 gives the result 4:15.) Salient features, like attributive DEM and NEG, then, are more easily taken up as SA variants and given up as EA features in the process of style raising. Less salient features or variants of features, like PRON SUFF and COMP—and non-salient features like the denite article and fem. endings—are less readily taken up as SA or given up as EA in the same process. This may contribute to the higher usage levels of SA variants of the former and the lower usage levels of the latter features in our data. However, there may be one additional clue to it, I suspect: Besides the /g/ pronunciation of SA /j/, which is not only tolerated, but adopted as the Egyptian SA variant,23 EA PRON SUFF with its concomitant changes in syllable structure of the cliticized head, serves to mark the discourse as Egyptian, with its typical ‘accent’, derived to a large extent from suprasegmental phonology working on syllable structure, lengthening and shortening, and movement of stress. With this mode of speaking, i.e. choosing some markers of elevated style, SA DEM and NEG, but not suppressing or substituting EA variants of other features, one will demonstrate to colleagues and audience a personality which is at once cultured, and modern, and a fellow Egyptian.

Structural factors: equivalence, cohesion and complexity In language contact research, the degree of structural equivalence, or typological proximity, between languages (varieties) involved, are generally assumed to facilitate borrowing/transfer between them.24 In diglossia, the two basic (related) varieties share syntactic structure to a

23

The common pronunciation even in news broadcasts (Skogseth 2000). Johansen (2003:53ff.), operating with types and degrees of ‘copying’ between languages in contact (a concept which seems to me to reect the process more properly than ‘borrowing’ does), claims that what appears to affect copying is ‘the subjective perception of equivalence’ rather than the objective structural equivalence—although the former often is based on the latter … 24

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high degree. For some features examined here, the syntactic equivalence between the two basic systems, SA and EA, is extensive, i.e. REL and PRON SUFF. For COMP, there is partial equivalence—in that the complementizers ll the same syntactic slot, but SA restricts the kind of constituent that may follow COMP, while EA may delete COMP under certain conditions. As for DEM, there is equivalence when DEM has pronominal function, but when in attributive function it lacks structural equivalence in terms of word order. NEG formation differs in terms of negated verbal construction (EA discontinuous NEG morpheme) and tense (SA lam + IPF for past time reference), but in verbless clauses as well as for some functions, e.g. contrastive constructions, variants of NEG ll similar syntactic slots, and we have seen both variants used interchangeably. Attributive DEM as well as NEG with verbs are both categories where the grammatical morpheme is tightly connected with/inseparable from its head. In Chapter Two we addressed the ‘lexical hypothesis’, i.e. the tendency for (morpho)phonological variables to be realized in accordance with the (code)status of the lexical item. We have suggested—at various points in the analysis—that lexical conditioning also may extend to grammatical morphemes beyond the level of the single word. The structural cohesion between attributive DEM and its noun thus may be expected to attract SA DEM when an SA lexical item is selected—although not categorically, as the extended ‘Dominant language hypothesis’ allows for combinations of SA lexical items with EA grammatical morphemes as well (but not the other way around). This also applies to NEG, where the selection of an SA verb attracts (rather than ‘triggers’, as the concept of triggering normally implies an automatic mental process, which is too strong here) the appropriate SA negative particle. The relative complexity of SA NEG constructions, with several NEG variants bound to different tenses, would rather lead us to expect, that the EA variant, with fewer alternants and ‘regular’ use of tense, be preferred. However, the salience of mi and ma– as EA markers, associated with colloquial style, may be a decisive factor here with most speakers for avoiding these forms. The feature COMP, on the other hand, with distinctions of function for SA variants, and modal distinctions expressed differently in SA and EA, shows greater variability in use, but a relative preference for the EA variant, which is less complex, and which appears to have weak salience as colloquial marker. PRON SUFF has strong syntactic cohesion, as it is expressed by cliticization, but has structural congruency—its low stylistic salience combined with lesser

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complexity, makes EA variants more attractive to use than SA variants, which involve active monitoring of case and mode functions. On p. 65 we referred to research on standard variety vs. dialect interaction (van Coetsem 1992), which claimed that in the process of acquisition of a standard language, “the speaker’s attention primarily will be directed towards the contentive part of the standard’s vocabulary”. Throughout the present investigation it has been demonstrated how SA is the main (but not exclusive) ‘lexier source’ in our speakers’ discourse. That grammatical features which are closely bound with the lexical word, tend to follow the lexical item in code assignment, seems a reasonable proposition to account for the relatively high usage level with all speakers for attributive SA DEM. The analysis of this feature showed that attributive SA DEM only occurred with SA or shared lexical items. At the same time, however, attributive DEM is a feature where the two basic systems diverge in syntactic structure (preposition vs. postposition), and so a shift from vernacular to high variety DEM is perceptually salient, and serves as a marker of more formal, noncasual, style. Pronominal DEM are independent constituents and occur in congruent positions in SA and EA. Phonetic distance would tend to make them candidates for saliency. We may suggest, that the preference for EA da as anaphoric subject in our data—to the extent that it seems on the way to be conventionalized in this function—might stem from the need for a clearer distinction between attributive vs. pronominal function (SA DEM + article + noun can be ambiguous, unless the syntax of the clause is complete and well-formed, which is not always the case in on-line speech), a distinction which thus is being achieved by its lexicalization. A structural feature which has not been treated separately in this study, but has surfaced repeatedly in the discussions, is the remarkably (but reported many times in similar texts) high frequency of the EA indicative marker bi- combined with SA verbs. Its representation in script violates orthography, its phonetic value is distinct—and still it appears not be a salient feature, a marker of EA (only an indicator).25 Other ‘explanations’ must be sought to attempt to account for its vigor, so to speak, or its lack of stigmatization in more elevated spoken styles. In his classic study of ‘languages in contact’, Weinreich (1974 [1953]), gives attested examples of ‘transfer; of bound morphemes from L1 to 25 I have been repeatedly told by native speakers, on raising the issue, that bi- is not very vernacular or colloquial.

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L2 “which are introduced to replace zero or phonemically less bulky forms”. He comments: “The bilingual speaker apparently feels a need to express some categories of one system no less strongly than in the other, and transfers morphemes accordingly for purposes of reinforcement” (ibid.:33). In SA, the formal expression (inections) of mood are largely redundant, inection in most cases being accompanied by other markers, particles and conjunctions. The SA system of modal distinctions is further weakened by the spoken practice of deletion of short nal vowels, which express mood distinction on most forms of the verbs. This leaves the SA IPF form to represent present tense without modal distinctions, while the EA verbal system has a distinction between formally marked, but semantically unmarked, IPF forms with bi- for indicative function, and formally unmarked, but semantically marked, IPF forms for modal/dependent function. The force of this distinction in the vernacular of speakers must account for its propensity to occur also in rather elevated spoken styles.26 I shall come back to this issue from a slightly different angle in the next paragraph. Attempting to grasp the interplay of factors of saliency and structural cohesion thus may bring us somewhat further in understanding the dynamics of the ‘mixed styles’ we have been dealing with. Constraints on mixing We have repeatedly referred to the ‘dominant language hypothesis’ (Petersen 1988) to account for constraints on the kind of (word internal) combinations of SA and EA features that occur or do not occur (and which are predicted to (likely) occur or not). The hypothesis reects the asymmetric status of vernacular and secondary languages/varieties—with the vernacular as the psycholinguistically dominant27 variety. It is important to distinguish the dominant language/variety from what is generally referred to as ‘matrix’ language/variety in code-switching research. The ‘dominant’ language is a stable psycholinguistic entity (though it may change under circumstances like migration), while the

26

A similar phenomenon is reported in Romaine (1995:160) where a modal distinction not grammaticalized in Spanish was transferred by native speakers of an Indian language in Peru into their version of Spanish (although in this case existing Spanish forms were tailored to perform the function). 27 Not socially dened, as the variety of a dominant social class (in Bourdieu’s term), taken up by Haeri 1996.

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‘matrix’ language is the basic language form thought to underly a certain stretch of text or discourse, and can change from one situation to another. I maintain, that ‘our’ speakers will have (their idiolect of ) EA as ‘dominant’ variety, but the matrix variety of their formal spoken discourse may be SA or EA, or it may shift between SA and EA in different parts of their talk, or it may even be a combination of both (‘composite matrix’)—an option which is facilitated by the relatively high degree of convergence between the diglossic basic systems. We shall recall the claims presented by the hypothesis for a last time: grammatical morphemes of the DOMINANT language may cooccur with lexical morphemes of either the dominant or the non-dominant language. However, grammatical morphemes of the NONDOMINANT language may cooccur only with lexical morphemes of the nondominant language. The present study has provided further evidence for the validity of the hypothesis—which only made claims for word internal combinations—and it has been suggested that the asymmetric constraints it proposes are valid and may be extended to constructions or units larger than the single word, i.e. SA variants are followed by words with SA (or shared) MPP shape, while EA variants, although mostly followed by EA words, also occur with SA forms (e.g., illi kunna natana:fas (4.150); di qa iyya uxra (2.196–7). The dominant language hypothesis was found to apply to the features: (attributive) DEM, COMP, and to PRON SUFF, and to account for the restrictions on cooccurrence of *SA REL + EA lexical item, and *SA NEG + EA lexical (again * = does not occur), with a slightly more complicated pattern regarding EA grammatical morpheme + SA lexical item. In both cases, the problems arise with SA IPF verbs following the EA grammatical morpheme/function word, and I believe it is related to the lack of congruence in the system of verbal modality, to what Palva (1969) called “a structural gap hard to cross” (cf. p. 66). We have encountered the problem especially in connection with COMP, where the two basic systems differ in that SA marks modality (factual ~ nonfactual) on the complementizer, while EA marks it on the verb, and to some extent in connection with REL and NEG. The favoured procedure when combining EA REL illi with a lexical choice consisting of an SA IPF verb in unmarked, indicative function, is by prexing the EA IND-morpheme bi- (cf. p. 335), thus taking the verb into the EA modality sphere. The same procedure is used to solve the tension in connection with COMP inn-u and NEG. As men-

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tioned above, bi- appears to have low stylistic value and not to interfere with the perception of the verb with SA MPP ‘as SA’, or elevated form. However, this procedure is not categorically followed, and we have observed—following EA grammatical morphemes—the use of ‘unadjusted’ SA IPF verbs in contexts where only indicative mode offers a logical interpretation. As in other spheres of life, dilemmas and conicts need not always be resolved, they may be lived with—so also the ‘structural gap’. . . In general, though, speakers will want to avoid ambiguities, and that probably accounts for the astonishing consistency in this set of data with regard to SA REL: with only two exceptions, involving nominal predicates, SA REL is directly followed by an SA MPP verb (mostly IPF). SA REL serves to disambiguate the interpretation of modality, pulling the bi-less IPF verb into the sphere of SA (which, admittedly, itself can be somewhat ambiguous, as discussed, e.g., on pp. 125 and 133). We also have found, that SA COMP an is always directly followed by an SA verb (mostly IPF), even though an EA MPP IPF without biwould have given the same non-factual meaning. an is very often part of wider constructions, of frequent SA collocations of verb + an + verb. In clauses introduced by anna indicating a factual meaning, if there is an IPF verb in the clause, it similarly never takes a bi-IPF in our data. These function words thus appear to enforce an SA context of modality. Cooccurrence constraints on SA features + lexical items do not extend beyond the verbal stem and prexes, so we found e.g.: – with EA pronoun sufgation: la aktùm-kum (1.40), la: yatagawàz-ha (2.141), tastai: an tusa:ìd-ni (5.32) yumkin an yuqaddìm-ha al-arb (6.196)

– with EA embedded noun clause as object: lan yastai: inn-u yiidd ha:zihi l-ulu:l (2.177)

– with EA fem. st.constr. ending on predicative: anna-hu laysa krit t-tali:m il-mustamirr (2.70)

ari:s ala an taku:n muafzìt-u […] muhimma (1.54)

With anna the environment was found to be generally SA, but the MPP shape of the preceding element may be EA (cf. p. 171): masalit anna-na taga(:)wazna (2.53) il-ibda: : gawhar-u anna-ka tastai: (2.207–8)

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and with speaker NA2, who has an extraordinary high frequence of anna, restrictions seem to fall (ibid.): bi-tu:l la-ha anna-ha la:zim tiwaddi:-ha (6.45) wa-anna fuqda:n-u huwa lid-do:r (6.116) wa-anna aqqat-u hiya xaymat-u (6.138) bi-nagid anna lait al-tawa:ul (6.147) etc.

A sequential presentation A quantitative count of occurrences as above—while it gives a general idea of distribution of variants across speakers—does not tell us very much about the internal structuring of the discourse. For instance, speakers AUC1 and AUC3 have comparable ratios of occurrence of variants for feature NEG, which might lead one to conclude that they are stylistically at approximately the same level or range of the continuum for this feature. But it conceals, for instance, that speaker AUC1 uses SA variants almost exclusively in the rst part of his presentation, and EA variants in the second part, while AUC3 uses the variants in constant alternation. A sequential presentation with the distribution of variants as they occur in the unfolding of discourse, illustrates the prole of each speaker with regard to the distribution of SA and EA variants, and clusters of variants of the same basic code in a sequence may serve to indicate structural cohesion. Speaker AUC1 thus appears to be using a strategy of major code switching, while AUC3 alternates between items and features of the two basic codes in a mode it seems more appropriate to label code mixing. I have registered all occurrences of SA and EA variants of the ve variables in parallel columns, with row numbers referring to the lines in the transcribed texts of each speaker. The tables are found in Appendix 1. This way it becomes very visible28 how for instance d (= DEM) runs in the SA column with all speakers, often in close vicinity of EA variants of other features, whereas p (= PRON SUFF) runs predominantly in the EA column, parallel to other SA variants. An extreme sample of this occurs in NA3, lines 48–50: 7.47

aqqan / bil-aks / illi ana b-azum-u bi-stimra:r / w-illi ana mu:la bi-

28 There certainly are more sophisticated ways of graphic representation, but not necessarily more informative or clear to interpret.

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7.48 tardi:d-u bi-stimra:r  ha: ihi l-madrasa kull-aha / illi bi / yani / baha: a:hir / 7.49 aad ruwwa:di-hi l-kuba:r / huwa inn-u / bil-aks / inn-u ha: a l-tikni:k / wa 7.50 ha: ihi l-lua / wa ha: a l-uslu:b / u-ha: ihi r-ruya / hiya afal ma taku:n /

Where there is a change of all (most) variants to the other variety, it may signal some locally meaningful code-switching (topic or discourse related)29—as it does at AUC1 at line 86, or at AUC2, l.43 and 44: 2.41 / inna ha: a t-tali:m / la: faka:ka / 2.42 wa-la: ragata anna-hu / yagib an yaku:n li-ka(:)ffat il-muwa:ini:n / 2.43 ma-:- akk inn ma-add-i yidar / yiu:l inn-u l-awda ila 2.44 a bi-za:ti-ha tastamtiu bit-tali:m / wa-yaku:nu aqqu-ha / faqa /

Where there is a clustering of variants from both basic codes, both mixing and/or switching may be suspected as the mode, as in AUC2, lines 137–39: 2.137 da -ma yattail l-ga:nib l-a:mm // bin-nisba lil-gawa:nib llati / 2.138 aban ha:za l-mawqif ill-ìna :-h illi kkallimt ann-u dà / wa-xa:atan 2.139 ma yattail bi-inn it-tali:m / qa:ir ala fatra zamaniyya muayyana /

or in AUC3, lines 3.38–344: 3.38 3.39 3.40 3.41 3.42 3.43 3.44

muru:r al-mutaraggil ala / ala l-ar / a a:n ma-nuaf- i udda:m / it-tafi:l // b-ala:i min ahamm l-muaira:t - axma / illi arqalit masi:rit it-tawi:r wal- / ila: / u-kulli kala:m-i / mi bass mil-qarn il-ma: i / da atta ha:zihi l-laa allati ataaddas :-ha / al-a:n // hiya ma yumkin an nusammi:-h / at-taawwula:t / as-siya:siyya / al-a:dda / : / ha:za l-balad // min fatra / naku:n :-ha ala sabi:l il-misa:l / munamisi:n tama:man /  l-manu:ma l-libra:liyya /

and also in NA2, l.140–48, cf. text in Appendix 1. Individual preferences30 may be located—e.g., the constant use of EA REL variant in otherwise SA context with NA2, while NA1 rather has recourse to EA COMP (besides PRON SUFF). The very high density of the grammatical words and clitics investigated which was noted for some features in the talk of NA2 also becomes very visible in the tables—in fact the NA speakers are all ‘eager consumers’ of (SA) function

29 For a discussion of the signicance of the direction of code-switching (sequential approach) in conversational data, see Auer 1995. 30 The relation (tension?) between the individual and the generic in style is receiving

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words, only matched in ‘function word consumption’ by AUC3, whose variants are largely EA. On the other hand, there is no clear evidence in the tables of speakers gradually ‘sliding’ into more and more colloquial style as their presentation goes on, presumingly due to a slackening of attention—apart from the shift in AUC1, which was rather abrupt than gradual. In AUC2, we do nd REL being represented by SA variant in the earlier part of his talk, while later on he uses both variants, back and forth. Similarly, NA1, towards the end of her talk, seems to give up on SA COMP, while she earlier uctuated between the variants. However, in general, speakers tend to both stand their course and uctuate rather evenly throughout their talk. A tendency to pass into EA features at the end of the discourse (profession of modesty?) could be tentatively suggested, but needs more substantiation.31 Concluding remarks Even in a rather controlled setting as the panel presentations I have discussed, we have witnessed a wide scope for individual variation in choice of linguistic style and in the preference for the means to express it. A pre-planned focus on content, and an unplanned form of delivery, makes sense as the general process underlying speech production in these panel presentations: with a high degree of SA lexical items (content words) combined with SA and EA structural features to various degrees. The detailed analysis of the use of some of these structures in context, has demonstrated certain patterns of usage, corroborated some general constraints claimed to have universal validity in language

more attention in recent years. We referred to Bakhtin’s formulation (not exactly recent, but recently (re)discovered in Western sociolinguistics) in Chapter Two. In Barbara Johnstone’s terms, style originates in the individual, “who selects and combines linguistic resources available in his or her environment to create a voice” ( Johnstone 1996:58). 31 ‘Beginnings’ and ‘ends’ of mixed style monologues, as subgenres, or discourse units, could be an interesting undertaking, as they tend to be more conventionalized than other parts. As just one detail of it, apart from the moderator, all AUC speakers introduced their talk with basmala, i.e. the religious phrase bi-smi lla:hi r-rama:ni r-rai:m “in God’s name, the Compassionate, the Merciful”. Judging ‘from appearance’, this surprised me at the time, and I wonder whether it was the rst speaker’s introducing the phrase that made the subsequent speakers adopt it—in other words, that not following it up, would be a socio-cultural marker they wanted to avoid. At this point this is mere speculation, but it would be interesting to follow up in discourse analysis.

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or variety contact, proposed some additional locally applied constraints and tendencies, and challenged others. On the way, more issues have been raised than I have been able to handle in this connection—I hope to follow up on some of them in the future, and I hope others will be inspired to pick up on such loose threads and elaborate on them, maybe nding it useful to start from parts of the data presented here (with its bewildering details). I have till the bitter end avoided the question: do the discourse(s) we have analyzed represent one (‘mixed’) variety or codeswitching between two varieties. I would have no problems coming up with examples in the data both of ‘alternational code-switching’, i.e. a stretch of speech belonging structurally to EA (dened as ‘matrix language’) followed by a stretch of speech belonging structurally in (approximate) SA (as ‘matrix language’)—and the other way around. I would have no problem either, of presenting cases of ‘insertional’ codeswitching, i.e. a word or phrase from SA or EA occurring in a stretch of speech structurally dened as the other variety. Also, certain stretches will combine structural features of both varieties in a way which makes it difcult to decide which variety would be the ‘matrix’ variety. I do not, however, believe that the issue should be discussed in terms of linguistic properties alone. Certainly, the present data represents modes of speaking with such internal variability and lack of stability that it precludes the appellation of a separate ‘variety’ in the normal sense, implying a certain structural cohesion, as opposed to the basic varieties of SA and EA. And certainly, there are hardly any occurrences which may not be handled and analyzed with reference to SA or EA. Peter Auer (1998b) proposes a continuum of language (or code) alternation phenomena, “which spans out between three well-documented cases (conceived as prototypes) which will be labelled code-switching (CS), language mixing (LM) and fused lects (FLs), with CS and FLs representing the polar extremes of the continuum and LM a point inbetween” (p. 1). CS is here used for cases where the alternation is ‘locally meaningful’, meaning that the alternation will be perceived and interpreted by participants as indexing either some aspects of the situation, or it can be participant-related. LM, on the other hand, is used for those cases “in which the use of two languages [or codes] is meaningful (to participants) not in a local but only in a global sense, i.e. when seen as a recurrent pattern. […] Stabilized mixed varieties will be called fused lects. The transition from LM to FL is primarily an issue for grammatical research; essential ingredients of this transition are a reduction

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of variation and an increase of rule-governed, non-variable structural regularities” (ibid.). It is clear that the discourses we have investigated as cases of verbal strategies, or responses, to the genre of performing an ‘academic panel presentation’, cannot be posited on the FL pole of Auer’s continuum, either as individual lects or as a group variety. Apart from NA1, whose discourse style comes close to monolectal SA (with simplied syntax and some adjustments), and AUC1, whose talk comes closest to representing a case of CS, our speakers produce a mixing, LM, mode of speaking, where “alternational and insertional strategies converge”, a typical feature of LM, according to Auer (ibid.:7). I nd Auer’s model attractive because it takes into account participants’ perceptions and interpretation (in addition to the linguistic properties). We referred in chapters One and Two to the awareness of native speakers of a ‘variety’, or a ‘mode of speaking’ which they refer to as lua wus (‘middle/intermediate language’) or luat al-muaqqafn (“the language of the intellectuals/cultured”). These were also the labels used by the speakers themselves in the interviews. The notion lua is interesting here, because, in spite of it usually being rendered as ‘language’ when translated into English, lua is in fact used for a range of linguistic phenomena, equivalent to notions of ‘(linguistic) usage’, ‘way of speaking’, ‘linguistic items/characteristic’, ‘variety’ and ‘language’. lua wus and luat al-muaqqafn is perceived by the language community as a mode, or ‘variety’, different from SA and EA, and with features from both. As a mixed mode its use has social signicance as reecting and for marking a social context as different from the contexts where SA or EA are appropriate. As the domains of appropriateness of spoken SA are limited (cf. discussion in Chapter One)—due to lack of sufcient prociency on the part of most language users, but also to changing orientations and linguistic values—mixed modes of speaking are generally considered appropriate for non-casual speech. I believe that our notion of ‘styles of language’, implying speakers’ selection among alternative means of expression in their linguistic repertoire, under certain constraints of a linguistic nature and under certain pressures of conventionalization (cf. Bakhtin’s ‘preceding utterances’ cited on p. 72 above), best captures the nature of these modes of speaking. The genre of ‘academic panel presentations’, as represented by my case studies, has been shown to allow for a wide range of styles, from the relatively monolectal ‘SA-oriented’ style of NA1 to the various mixed styles of the other contributors. This reects a uctuating, unfocused—but also exible and dynamic—lin-

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guistic situation. The highly variable discourse in my data does not lend itself as a base for codication and standardization of a separate ‘oral standard’ variety. That is, however, not a prerequisite for the functioning of language in the various domains of speech. The acceptance by the language community at large of the various styles covered by lua wus as appropriate, is the crucial factor. In the words of Egyptian linguist Maurice Salib, commenting on the status of the kind of mixed styles we have been concerned with, on account of its partial surface resemblance to LA [Literary Arabic], it enjoys general social acceptance as a prestigious speech which conveys an air of seriousness and respectability (Salib 1979:86).32

Let me end this exposition with the following utterance by speaker NA1, which beautifully epitomizes our investigation, as a prototypical mixed utterance, incorporating most elements discussed (italics = EA, bold = SA, plain text = shared or ambiguous): b-ataqid inn-u bi-ha:a n-na / bi-yadxul / : / muna: arat al-mawa: qif wil-iqnaa:t / illi bi-tukawwìn-ha / magmu:at an-nuu: / allati tatana:wal ha:za l-mawu: (5.124–5) (retention of /q/; SA lexical items; SA attributive DEM (ha: a and ha:za); EA COMP; bi- IND + SA MPP verb; EA PRON-sufxation; SA and EA REL; al- and il- denite article)

and which means: “I believe that with this text [s]he enters into the dispute/controversy of attitudes and convictions which constitute all the texts which treat this subject”.

32 For a style like the one of NA1 (but hardly for the rest of the speakers), I also nd the following characterization quite discerning “On the whole, SLA [Spoken Literary Arabic] represents the extent and limits of educated speakers’ general ability to use LA in spontaneaous speech without having to divert much of their attention from substance to form. SLA discourses may, accordingly, provide some insight and measurement of the relative degree of competence in, and internalization of, various aspects of LA. In a sense, SLA may also be regarded as an “unedited” version of a potential LA presentation, falling short for such a presentation on account of the instantaneous production required in conversational situations, with insufcient time for editing and improvement. As such, SLA discourses provide revealing insights into how an intended LA presentation is mentally composed before being consciously “edited” and expressed outwardly in an acceptable LA form” (ibid.:87).

APPENDIX 1 SEQUENTIAL PRESENTATION OF VARIANTS

c = comp.; d = dem.; n = neg.; p = pron., r = rel. AUC1 SA EA 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10

cdp

11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 39 40 41 42

n

AUC2 SA EA

AUC3 SA EA

AUC4 SA EA

c r r dr

d rr r

cc c np

d c

d

n

dp

p c n

c c c

cd d dr

n p r

c d

p c p p

d c d cd p p

c dn ccn

p

c n n cpr nn dp r c rp n n r n dr c

d ccd dd

c c

cd r

cp nr p

r

nr

p

d cn cr cn

dn

c n

p

c c

p c

r p

d ppp

cn c r rp

p r

p

dn c c rr cdr drp

d

np

c d p

dn r r r

dn

c

p

nr p

d n

n d

cc d

NA3 SA EA

cc rp

c p p

p r

NA2 SA EA

r c

p c d dn

NA1 SA EA

d

d p crp cd p

crp d

d

n

cn dd r d cc rp cc cd p cp p p cc p p cd d cccdn c r cp cd p pp p r cd p dnr p cr

d

d rp

cr c c

r ddd dr dp p d r c ccc rrp c

c p p d c

n cc c rp

d nr d p d drp dn ccp n cr rp np d pp crp

400

APPENDICES

AUC1 SA EA 43 44 45 46 47 48 49 50 51 52 53 54 55 56 57 58 59 60 61 62 63 64 65 66 67 68 69 70 71 72 73 74 75 76 77 78 79 80 81 82 83 84 85 86 87 88 89 90 91 92 93 94 95 96

AUC2 SA EA

AUC3 SA EA

AUC4 SA EA

cccnn d pp dpp

c

NA1 SA EA p ppp c

p

dp

c

p

c p

c drp

n (c) d d

(c)

d r

d

d

dd

d d

r r

c

p p p n

c d

c n

d d

ccn cdn cp

p d

cnp n cc

cn cr

d

d

r p

c c

d p r npp

c rp

dp d np

d p r

p d

r

d r p c d d

cc rr

d d p p ccp p cd p

p c

n

rrp d rpp dp cc ddd dnr cdn

r c

d d r n

rr

c p

cp d

p p

p dr cdppp rr pp dp cpp ddr r r dp dr cp

dr cd c

c n p pp

rp c dnr d n d n

p r c r p c

d d p

pp drp d d

c

p p

rr

dd p p

d r c d p c cp dp rp rpp c

p

r

dr

dr

c c

p p

d

d dn cnp dnn n cc pp c p p d cc np cn p

rp cp

c

n dr

c

c

n cp r r

c

c nn p cd pp c p

cc c cd

p c d d

d d

n n

r cnr

r pp c

p

d d d

dd d

cd cd r r r d dr

NA3 SA EA

cn cp dcp cc cp

p

dn c d c

NA2 SA EA

cd r p d r cc n p n r np pp dp p r

dr r

dnr rr

d p

d cr pp c cp d cc d r n n p p np cp cp d p cc n p cc p d c cr cdp cdd

p

p

np p d nn r ____

APPENDICES

AUC1 SA EA 97 98 99 100 101 102 103 104 105 106 107 108 109 110 111 112 113 114 115 116 117 118 119 120 121 122 123 124 125 126 127 128 129 130 131 132 133 134 135 136 137 138 139 140 141 142 143 144 145 146 147

AUC2 SA EA r

r d

c c rp r cp np r d

AUC3 SA EA

AUC4 SA EA

NA1 SA EA

n

d

c cn

p

d

rp

dn dn

c cpp dn d

p rp

d

cd n p c d pp p

d

r c cn

r

rp r crp

c

nr cc cnn d p

r c nn d

d d n d cn

n dd rp r d

dp d cp

d

p c p d

r d

dnp dn cdr d drr c

d

p d

r

d

c r

c np

r pp r d

d dr p p d dr d

d nr

d d p cdr

n d

cp

p r

c d d c n dd cd

rp p

d

p rp drp p

r cd d

d p

p

n

r p

r n

p

d c

rpp p dpp n c p n cp

p

dr pp

p p

d d n n

d dnr cp d

c cdn

p r r p p cr

dpp dr c

NA2 SA EA

dr ccr cdrp pp dr ddn

r

n r p

d d n

r c n

p

dr r d p pp cp cd

401

d cdnr ddr c d r p c n pp d p p

d cc

dr c p

p p p p p p p rp r ppp p p p p

c

dpp ddrp cc ddr c drp p d r pp r p r c c r pp r cc pp p ddd r c n dn c dr c p c

NA3 SA EA

402

APPENDICES

AUC1 SA EA 148 149 150 151 152 153 154 155 156 157 158 159 160 161 162 163 164 165 166 167 168 169 170 171 172 173 174 175 176 177 178 179 180 181 182 183 184 185 186 187 188 189 190 191 192 193 194 195 196 197

r cnp p

AUC2 SA EA c d

AUC3 SA EA

r dr

d

d n p

d

NA2 SA EA

dr n

d d

p

p

rp n

d c c c d d r

n dr r

d c

cc pp c dd p

cnp c d

p

dpp p

d r

cp d

NA1 SA EA

n c

––––– –––––

AUC4 SA EA

r r

d ccd

cn

cn

d d cd

r

dd –––––––––– c c c d pp cdn dr p rp p rp r d

cn p cn np p p nrp –––––

cc cpp dp cd ddp

d c

d

d

dn d rr cd nn n d

c

d

p p d r c r cn dnp

d r p dpp dn p dp

cd r c

r dn c n

d d cdrr

c r dp

cddr cdn dn c dd p dr dr p p p

n c c

cd cr c c c r dd n c cp dd

p

NA3 SA EA

APPENDICES

AUC1 SA EA 198 199 200 201 202 203 204 205 206 207 208 209 210 211 212 213 214 215 216 217 218 219 220 221 222 223 224 225 226 227 228 229 230 231 232 233 234 235 236 237 238 239 240 241 242 243 244 245 246 247

AUC2 SA EA

AUC3 SA EA

p d r

d

d dn n

c c c

r c d p

n c

d p cn c n c

r c c cd c c ppp

NA1 SA EA

NA2 SA EA

p

rp d d cc n dc cn

c c

r p c c

c

AUC4 SA EA

403

n p

d

r dp ccd c

c p p

p n nnp

d

d n

n d p c cp ––––– –––––

d p dd

cd dr d d n

p p

dd p d

dr dd

p

dr dr nn dr

n

pp

n

n dnp n n c n

d r c cd cd c dr

p r c r pp p

NA3 SA EA

404

APPENDICES

AUC1 SA EA 248 249 250 251 252 253 254 255 256 257 258 259 260 261 262 263 264 265 266 267 268 269 270 271 272 273 274 275

AUC2 SA EA

n c n

c p c

r n

d

n p ––––––––––

AUC3 SA EA

AUC4 SA EA

NA1 SA EA

NA2 SA EA c nr p cdr dp n dr cdnr c dp dr dr drr

p

cdr d r d ddr dp dn dp rp ppp nnr cd

pp pp p p

NA3 SA EA

APPENDIX 2

TRANSCRIBED TEXT

inf. 1 1.1 1.2 1.3 1.4 1.5 1.6 1.7 1.8 1.9 1.10 1.11 1.12 1.13 1.14 1.15 1.16 1.17 1.18 1.19 1.20 1.21 1.22 1.23 1.24 1.25 1.26 1.27 1.28 1.29 1.30 1.31 1.32 1.33 1.34 1.35 1.36 1.37 1.38

AUC1

yusìdu-na / an yaku:n màa-na / li-ha:ihi l-layla / l-asa:tia / ad-dukto:r / musin taw: / ami:d / mahad dira(:)sa:t al-bi:a/ wa-mudi:r / markaz / aba: wa-dira:sa:t / at-tali:m / al-a:li / wal-usta: ad-dukto:r / fua:d abu aab / usta: / ilm n-nafs +-tarbàwi / wa-rai:s qism ilm n-nafs / bi-gamit in ams / wamudi:r / markaz / al-imtia(:)na:t / wa-at-taqwi:m at-tarbàwi // wal-usta: ad-dukto:r sai:d ismai:l ali / usta: / at-tarbiyya / wa: aniyyun an it-tari:f / bi-maqa:la:ti-h al-kai:ra / wal-gari:a /  l-maga:la:t / al-muxtalifa / allati tahumm al-muwa:in al-miri / : kull / ga:nib // e: / nabda in-nadwa l-layla / bi-stira: sari: li-ba / mula:aa:t / min / usta: ha:wi / huwa ana yani // lastu mutaxaian  l-tarbiyya / wa-la:kin-ni / taallamt awwalan /  l-mara:il il-muxtalifa / wa: ana l-a:n aqu:m / bit-tali:m / : / ida l-ga:mia:t / e: / ataqid / anna ma: yanbai an nurakkiz ale:-h ha:ihi l-layla / huwwa / al-gawa:nib al-muxtalifa / litaraddi / mustawa / it-tali:m / : mir // e: / wa-ana / yani / li: wughit naar / bin-nisba lil-tali:m al-ga:mìi / e: / rubbama yarìf-ha ba / ulla:b-i wa: adiqa:-i // ana ataqid anna / law badana min at-tali:m al-ga:mìi / wa-nazalna ila t-tali:m qabla l-ga(:)mìi / fa-sa-nagid anna at-tali:m al-ga:mìi yua:ni asa:san / min mukilat / al-ada:d / a-axma / li-ulla:b // e:h / ha:ihi  ray-i al-qaiyya al-asa:siyya al-u:la // wa-lil-asaf / takùru-ni adsa adaat wa-nanu nadrus  l-xa:rig / kunna nadrus  ingiltìra /  sanat alf tisumiyya wi-tne:n u-sitti:n ala t-tadi:d / wa-ka:na l-wa -ngiltira / yani / :h taza:yud  l-iqba:l ala t-tali:m ilga(:)mìi / xuu:an min ulla:b / ma yusammu:na-hu ma(:) wara: al-bia:r / [-]ulla:b al-aga:nib / wa: badaat ingiltira amla / àrisa / ataqid anna arisa hiya l-kalima al-munàsba huna // tuidd /  sanat itne:n u-sitti:n / li-anna-hum qarràru an yazi:du nisbit l-maqbu(:)li:n  l-ga(:)mia:t / aara  l-miyya / sanat itne:n u-sabi:n / yani amàm-hum aar sanawa:t / li-kay yazi:du nisbit t-tali:m il-ga(:)mìi / aara  l-miyya / wa-taa:daf an aart ila l-qa:hira : ay a:lika l-a:m / tne:n u-sitti:n / wa-ka:nat ida l-mufa(:)gaa:t / aban -e:f kunna natal a:datan / bi-tifala:t awrat tala:ta w-iri:n yu:lyu / wa: / fu:git bi-wazi:r it-tali:m l-a:li ad-dukto:r abd l-azi:z is-sayyid / alay-hi ramatu lla:h / wa-huwa  t-tilifzyo:n yaqu:l / bura li-awliya: il-umu:r / amara-ni: siya:dat ar-rai:s / an natawassa / : adad il-maqbu:li:n  l-0a(:)mia:t

406

1.39 1.40 1.41 1.42 1.43 1.44 1.45 1.46 1.47 1.48 1.49 1.50 1.51 1.52 1.53 1.54 1.55 1.56 1.57 1.58 1.59 1.60 1.61 1.62 1.63 1.64 1.65 1.66 1.67 1.68 1.69 1.70 1.71 1.72 1.73 1.74 1.75 1.76 1.77 1.78 1.79 1.80 1.81 1.82 1.83 1.84 1.85

APPENDICES

ha:a l-a:m / wa-qad taqarrarat iz-ziya:da bi-nisbat xamsi:n  l-miah // ana uiqt i:na samit ha:a la aktùm-kum wataaggabt yani / ana gayy min asabi: min-ingiltira / wa-hum yuiddu:na l-udda li-aara  l-miyya ziya:da bada ari sanawa:t / wa-nanu huna  asabi: qali:la / be:n talata u-iri:n yulyu / u-be:n iftita: l-a:m id-dira:si  sibtambar aw uktu:bar / bi-nazi:d in-nisba b-xamsi:n  l-miyya / du:na ayyi dira:sa / wa-du:na ayyi taxi: / wa-du:na bas an il-imka:niyya:t / wala l-asatza wala l-maktaba:t wala l-maa:hid wala ayyi e: // wa-ataqid inna ha:zi ka:nit / bida:yit al-inida:r wat-tadahwur /  t-tali:m l-ga:mii / bad-àha aban / axaat ha:ihi tubi sunna / wa-sana wara:a sana / tataza:yd l-ada:d / wa: / al mukila ann-u aban i:na a:qat / al- / al-ga(:)mia:t huna  l-qa:hira / wa- l-iskandariyya wa-ér-ha / al-ga(:)mia:t al-qadi:ma / bil-ada:d al- / al-maqbu:la / badana / nanaliq ila l-aqa:li:m wa-nuni ga(:)mia:t / wa-ka-anna kullu mua: ari: ala an taku:n mua(:)f ìt-u / likay taku:n muaf ìt-u muhimma / fa-huwa yuni / ga(:)ma /  mua(:)f it-u / tama:man ka-ma ka:na yadus  ba il-aya:n  l-xali:g / fa: / fa ma-raf-i mua: damanhu:r yuri:d gama mua: / ayy mua: inda-na yuri:d an yaku:n ind-u gama / ibtidana ha:zihi l-ga:mia:t  ba il-aya:n / du:na ayyi i da:d / yani ka:nt il-masala a:datan lil-asaf tabda / b-kulliyyit tarbiyya / wa-bad-àha yani nubuk :-ha gama n-niha:ya / wa- la:da naa laf- / yafa kida yita ale:-ha gamit kaza / wa-hiya yimkin mabna madrasa sànawi aw mustafa / aw ma: ila a:lik […] dà /  ray-i / al-bida:ya // bada a:lik / adasit xuwa / sayyìa giddan a unn  s-sabiniyya:t / wa-hiya / ila: / il-baaa:t bin-nisba / lil-kulliyya:t ala l-aall al-kulliyya:t an-na ariyya / ana la: adri / aban ana sa-asma min aaràt-kum mawqif / al-kulliyya:t al-ilmiyya // bin-nisba lil-kulliyya:t an-na ariyya / u:qifat il-baaa:t / ana yani la: yahummu-ni huna illa an uwai nuqa sai:ra giddan rubbama / la: taku:n waa / lil-ba / wa-hiyya anna / man yastaiqqu:na an yu(:)fàdu : baaa:t / hum bi-aru:ra / ulla:b / aw xirri:gu al-kulliyya:t / an-naariyya / li-ma:a / li-anna ha:ula in-na:s / :(h) kai:r min-hum / wa- wal-naxuz masal / kulla-ma nazalna / : / sullam al- / taqa:li:d wat-tarbiyya t-taqli:diyya / izda:da tiya:gù-na li-an nu:d an-na:s ila l-xa:rig / likay yadrusu / yani / al-usta: allai yadrus aw il-xirri:g allazi daras al-kimya / aw il-kombyu:tar /  mamal /  gama / yani mutawassìit l-itira:m / nidr nu:l / yastati: / yani ma: yaqu:m bi-hi huna / huwa ma yadus / bi-aklinma aban aksar tawi:ran wa-tan i:man wa-tadi:san  l-xa: rig / la:kin ala l-aqall huna:k ariyya mutaraka / amma l-usta: / allazi darasa l-lua l-arabiyya / aw id-dira:sa:t l-isla:miyya / bi-asa:li:b taqli(:)diyya giddan / wa-:(h) kutub kull-àha tau:d ila l-quru:n l-maya / wa-laysa :-ha bai: / min / al-taawwur / ha:za l-usta:z huwa llai nata:g ila / i(:)fa:d-u lil-xa:rig / yani ana

APPENDICES

1.86 1.87 1.88 1.89 1.90 1.91 1.92 1.93 1.94 1.95 1.96 1.97 1.98 1.99 1.100 1.101 1.102 1.103 1.104 1.105 1.106 1.107 1.108 1.109 1.110 1.111 1.112 1.113 1.114 1.115 1.116 1.117 1.118 1.119 1.120 1.121 1.122 1.123 1.124 1.125 1.126 1.127 1.128 1.129 1.130 1.131 1.132

407

/ idd maqu:lit inn / al-baasa:t / tuxaa faqa / li-ulla:b aw li-xirri:gi: ad-dira:sa:t / al-ilmiyya / dà l-ai:a :-h ulm kiti:r li-wa it-tali:m / : mar // dà bin-nisba lit-tali:m l-ga:mìi / wa-ana yani muqayyadi:n ina bil-wat / la:kin bin-nisba lit-tali:m qabl al-ga:mii and-i / baru a:ga ayyira aalit wa- ana  l-xa:rig // kunt / marra : amri:ka / wa-ibn-i and-u tala:t sanawa:t / wa-ibn-i l-a:xar and-u xamas sanawa:t / u-bade:n lai t inn-uhum rafau yaxdu il-walad illi and-u talat sanawa:t / il-walad illi and-u xamas sanawa:t bada yazhab ila / il-madrasa / wa- kulli yo:m yau:d min al-madrasa / u- kull yome:n tari:ban ra:gi u-mabsu: awi / inn-u stalam / kita:b gidi:d / il-kita:b il-gidi:d iba:ra an / kutayyb ai:r giddan yimkin :-h arba aw xamas kilma:t / u-:-h aar xamasa:ar u:ra / la:kin l-walad bi-yiba sai:d giddan inn-u / yani kull usbue:n tala:ta bi-yuntig yku:n ara:-lu xamas sitta kutub aw ma: yataqid inn-u huwa xamas sitt kutub aban / maa ha:za l-kala:m / illi huwwa bi-yraàb-u giddan  l-ira:ya / wa  l-madrasa / il-barna:mig it-tilizyu:ni l-mahu:r illi huwa “sesame street” bi-yuud yallìm-hum izzayy yfaàu l-kilma wi-ruf-ha u-mu a:rif e:h / il-muhimm /  “term” wa:id / il-walad ara sitti:n kita:b / wi-axu:(-h) illi a:id  l-be:t ara talati:n kita:b / it-tagriba t-tanya ka:nit / -ngiltira badi kida / lamma l-walad l-kibi:r baa and-u tna:ar sana / w-ra: l-madrasa / ganb-ìna  qarya / ina kunna  “cambridge” / il-qarya illi ganb-ìna dì zahab ile:-ha l-walad / fa-fu:git bi-h kull yo:m yul-li / taa:la nru: lmaktaba / maktabit il-kulliyya illi ana kunti na:zil :-h[a] / ab le: ya-ibn-i yul-li kida / il-usta:z a:lib kaza / ayb / aru: maa:-h w-asi:b-u / fa-a:l / e:h / daxal ala / :h dayrit maa:rif lil-awla:d / yimsik-ha yuud yfatta-ha w-ydawwar wi-bita: […] ana kunt  l-awwal b-asi:b-u wi-bta: bade:n ibtade:t aba “interested” a:wiz au:f bi-yimil e:h il-walad dà / fa-lai t inn-u huwa bi-yira an il-ma: / an i-ams / an il-abi:d / e:h il-mawu: il-usta:z aban  lmadrasa kan mumkin awi inn-u yul-lu il-kilmite:n do:l / yani l-ma: bi-titkawwin min e:h u-e:h u-mi a:rif i-ams iba:ra an e:h / wil-abi:d ka:n al-ùhum e:h / la:kin mugarrad inn il-walad  ha:ihi s-sinn / ida:ar aw itna:ar sana / wa-yua:lab inn-u yru: / u-yuud  maktaba w-yisab margi u-yifta u-yira / dà ka:nit / nua muhimma / ibtide:t asal-u / bi-ydarrisu:-ku izzayy // al-li inta a-tuud tidwi-ni ana bi-ydarrisu:-ni kwayyis u-xala/ ab ul-li bass e:h / al-li yani n-naharda masalan / ka:n and-ìna it tari:x / ult-(l)lu kwayyis awi al-lak e:h baa l-usta:z bta it-tari:x / al-li al-lìna ka:nit l-maraka bita:it in-nurmandiyyi:n ufat-ùhum li-ingiltira / ult-ù(l)lu ayyib / e:h illi aal / al l-usta:z al-lìna il- / ”king” walla malik “Harold” illi huwwa ka:n malik bria:nya  l-wati dà / ka:n lamma nizlu il-nurmandiyyi:n : / ganu:b ingiltira / ka:n huwwa lissa muntair  -ima:l ala n-nurwi-jiyyi:n illi ka:nu mhagmìn-hum fo: / wi-e:h u-sai:d bi-ntia:r-u / falmudarris baa b-yisal-u / law kunt inta maka:n il-malik “Harold” /

408

APPENDICES

1.133 1.134 1.135 1.136 1.137 1.138 1.139 1.140 1.141 1.142 1.143 1.144 1.145 1.146 1.147 1.148 1.149 1.150 1.151 1.152 1.153

huwwa lissa ma-yarìf-i a:ga an il-mawu: / law kunt maka:n il-malik “Harold” timil e:h / fa-walad rafa-lu i:d-u / al-lu / kunt antahiz

furit inn il-gunu:d bitu:-i muntairi:n / wa-  axud'hum maa:-ya / wa-analiq bi-sura abli-ma btu: il- / nurmandiyyi:n yisabbìtu aqdàm-hum /  ala / ganu:b ingiltira w-yibtidu yitallu / wa: adar a:xud quwwa:t  -ari: / far-ra:gil yiul-lu fal-usta:z yiul-lu al-lu é:h al-lu ahó bi - ab / “Harold” bi-yfakkar zayy-ak kida u-aa:n kida nhazam / ab nhazam le:h / fa-yibtidu l-iya:l yisalu yani / ha:za l-uslu:b  tawi:l l-malu(:)ma:t / e:r uslu:b al-talqi:n / wal-if / illi ma:i lil-asaf and-ìna  l-mada:ris / fal-walad min is-sinn i-ai:ra dì / bi-yidar yarif l-mara:gi / ub-yukallifu b(i)-aba:s / yiru: yiktib bas an kaza u-huwwa  hazihi s-sinni bta: ida:ar wi-tna:ar sana yani / base:n tala:ta b-yamil-hum  s-sana / fa-b-yibda yrif l-maa:dir min ayna yaul ala l-malu(:)ma:t / wa- nafs il-wat / al-duru:s wal-imtia:na:t wal-asila bi-tuwaggah ile:-h bi-akl illi / yifatta zihn-u / wa-ma-yiba:- masalat inn-u bi-[y]iddi:-lu / maluma:t yifa -ha wi-yuxui bi-ha li-imtia:n wi-xala // ana l-aia a-tawaqqaf hina / wi-atruk il-maga:l / lil-zami:l il-usta:z id-dukto:r fua:d abu aab / likay yataadda ilay-na an wa it- tali:m qabla l-ga:mìi //

inf. 2 2.1

AUC2 bi-smi lla:hi r-rama:ni r-rai:m / abda / bi-tawgi:h i-ukr l-xa: wal-xa:li / li-ax-i wa-adi:q-i / l-usta:z ad-dukto:r amdi sakku:t / adi:q l-umr / wa-ra:q darb l-dira:sa munu kunna /  bria:nya nadrus maan  awa:il is-sitti(:)niyya:t / wa: / il-adi:s llai / nataa:raku :-hi l-yawm / yuzakkiru-na / bi-tilka l-ayya:m l-ulwa / allati kunna natada:wal wa-natana:qa awla l-qaa:ya l-a:mma / akar mimma(:) natada:wal awla l-qaa:ya l-xa:a // fa-ala r-ram min annahu usta:zun ba:riz  taxaui-hi ka-usta:z /  l-adab al-arabi / illa anna-hu ka-muaqqaf / taalu-hu / kama samitum humu:mu l-waan // il-aqi:qa / masalit it-tali:m l-miri umu:man / t-tali:m qabl al-ga:mìi xuu:an / masala / mali:a bil-maa:kil / wal-qaa:ya wal- / masa:il il-xila:yya / wa-aka:du aqu:l inn / mawu: it-tali:m / yaka:du yataka:fa / maa mawu: il-azma l-iqtia:diyya /  l-ihtima:mi bi-hi  waqti-na l-a:li / fa-la: yaka:du l-mar yaftau / ai:fatan aw / migallatan aw / usbuìyyatan aw ahriyyatan / aw yaqrau / aw yasmau  l-iza:at / aw yua:hidu  t-tilizyo:n / illa yagidu / lit-tali:mi / mawqian ala nawin aw a:xar / wa-ha:za  za:ti-hi malam min maa:lim i-ia / wa-malam min maa:lim il- / il-sala:ma / al-igtima:iyya / iza stuxdima istixda:man gayyidan waga(:)ddan / li-annu mumkin yiku:n l-ihtima:m / ihtima:m / ma hàri wa-muaqqat / wa-yazu:l bi-zawa:l / il- uru:f / innama l-amr iza uxiza bil-gidd il-la:zim wil-ihtima:m il- / aru:ri / yumkin an yaku:n / nata:ig-uh / mu:da lil-gami: / wa-yare:t gami: l-qaa:ya taal

2.2 2.3 2.4 2.5 2.6 2.7 2.8 2.9 2.10 2.11 2.12 2.13 2.14 2.15 2.16 2.17 2.18 2.19 2.20 2.21 2.22 2.23

APPENDICES

2.24 2.25 2.26 2.27 2.28 2.29 2.30 2.31 2.32 2.33 2.34 2.35 2.36 2.37 2.38 2.39 2.40 2.41 2.42 2.43 2.44 2.45 2.46 2.47 2.48 2.49 2.50 2.51 2.52 2.53 2.54 2.55 2.56 2.57 2.58 2.59 2.60 2.61 2.62 2.63 2.64 2.65 2.66 2.67 2.68 2.69 2.70

409

l-mugtama u-taal n-na:s / kama yaalu-ha t-tali:m / wa-law anna t-tali:m bi-a:t min al-masa:il llati tahummu l-gami: / li-annu la: yaka:du aadun min-na / illa wa-taalu-hu qai:yatu t-tali:m / imma mutaalliman / aw murabbiyan aw aban aw umman /aw yani / al-qai:ya taal-u bi-aklin aw a:xar // bin-nisba lit-tali:m qabl al-ga:mii / il-aia mukilit it-tali:m qabl al-ga:mìi / inn-u / lam tataaddad  taawwùr-i la-hu / u:ra wa:ia / tarbù-uh bi-waa:i-hi llati nasa ilay-ha / aw nasa li-taqìq-ha // hal ina  t-tali:m qabl al-ga:mìi / e:h / bi-nuidd li-aqa:fatin a:mma / aw li-aqa:fa mihaniyya / il-ai:a :(h) taa:rub  l- / ray / awla ha:za l-amr / huna:ka man yaqu:l at-tali:mu / yagibu an yaku:na aqqan lil-gami: / ha:zihi qai:ya / igtima:ìyya wa-falsayya ha:mma giddan / innama ha:za l-aqq / iza[n] kayfa yumkin an / yataaqqaqa / : a:lamin igtima:i / takùmu-hu awa:bi igtima(:)ìyya / wa-uru: igtima(:)ìyya / wa- arf igtima:i xa: // ina aban law bi-nitkallim an it-tali:m l-a:n / xuu:an it-tali:m qabl al-ga:mìi / :h muaira:t ha:mma giddan yagib an tu:a  l-i tiba:r / ahamm-àha / inna ha:a t-tali:m / la: faka:ka / wa-la: ragata anna-hu / yagib an yaku:n li-ka(:)ffat il-muwa:ini:n / ma-:- akk inn ma-add-i yidar / yiu:l inn-u l-awda ila a bi-za:ti-ha tastamtiu bit-tali:m / wa-yaku:nu aqqu-ha / faqa / ha:za l-amr taga:waza-hu l- / aru bi-falsafa:ti-hi wa-ttigaha:tihi / fa-huwa lil-ka:ffa / wa / aqqun lil-gami: / ma-:- akk / innama ha:za l-aqq / i:nama naa-u mawi l-muma:rasa / yita:g min-na li-e: / min / il-muna:qàa llati / qad udli :-ha bi-ba r-ray / wal-muna:qaa qad tuni:ru l-mawu:a / wa-tuzi:du-hu wuu:an // ayan masala uxra muhimma giddan wa-nanu nuallim / sàwa  t-tali:m qabla l-ga:mii aw / ayra-hu / aw ayri-hi min anwa: it-tali:m sàwa t-tali:m / fawqa l-mutawassi aw it-tali:m il-a:li / wa-hiya masalit anna-na taga(:)wàzna maralit inn-u li-ha:za t-tali:m umu:man / bida:ya muaddada waniha:ya muaddada // hal it-tali:m yagib an yabda / bis-sinn is-sa:disa li-i il-ibtida:i / was-sinn mi a:rif tna:ar lil-ida:di wa-rbaa:ar walla xamasa:ar lis-sànawi / w-tamana:ar lilga:mia / wa-iza / al-a:lib / naqua aw za:da an za:lika yiba faqad aqq-u t-tali:m / ha:zihi masala ayan tata:g limuna(:)qa  masalit il-bida:ya l-muaddada -a:rima lit-tali:m / wan-niha:ya l-muaddada / la-hu ayan taga:waz-ha l-ar / fal-tali:m / bi-ha:za l-mana / abaa / ni a:man maftu:an / bida:yatan wa-niha:ya / min aysu l-bida:ya wan-niha:ya / waxa:atan inn ina bi-naftari / inn-u l-insa:n lamma b-yudxul lmadrasa la yabda min nuqt ifr / wa-innama b-yabda min ai:la saqayya / wa-gtimaiyya / wa-tali(:)miyya / wa-tarbawiyya talaqqa:-ha qabla l-madrasa / wa-ayan bada an yantahi iza ftarana inn-u t-tali:m luh niha:ya / bada an yantahi / ha:ihi n-niha:ya l-itiba:iyya / bi-ab bi-niftari inn it-tali:m mustamirr bad-àha / fa-hwa tali:mun mustamirrun bi-mana anna-hu laysa

410

2.71 2.72 2.73 2.74 2.75 2.76 2.77 2.78 2.79 2.80 2.81 2.82 2.83 2.84 2.85 2.86 2.87 2.88 2.89 2.90 2.91 2.92 2.93 2.94 2.95 2.96 2.97 2.98 2.99 2.100 2.101 2.102 2.103 2.104 2.105 2.106 2.107 2.108 2.109 2.110 2.111 2.112 2.113 2.114 2.115 2.116 2.117

APPENDICES

krit t-tali:m il-mustamirr allati a:at / anna-hu tali:mun mustamirr min nuqit in-niha:ya // il-ai:a huwa tali:m mustamirr munu / munu l-wila:da / bi-ha:a l- / mana l-a:m / summa nua uxra / tattail bit-tali:m / wa-hya / hal nuallim likay nuxarrig ana:f mutaallimi:n / wa-ana:f màhara / wa-ana:f mutqini:n / l-aqi:qa l-muma(:)rsa -a:ia / anna-na nuallim / likay / yaxrug la-na afra:d / yuaqqiqu:na / ma nusammi:-hi l-add il-adna / min al-kifa:ya // il-add il-adna min al-kifa:ya  l-alab / yiku:n mustawa l-mutawassi / u-mustawa l-a:di / wa-ha:a l-mustawa l-mutawassi ayan b-yataaddad / bi-akl itiba:i / wa-kullu-na nalam ma: yadus / i:nama yumtaanu -ulla:b wa / yua:d an-na ar  n-nata:ig / likay / tubi in-nata:ig / muttaqa maa / nama:zig ia:iyya wa / nama:zig / wa-nisab / miawiyya muayyana / wa-atta law ka:na za:lik ala isa:b il-kifa:ya / il-ai:a ha:zihi l-kra ayan b-yataga(:)waz-ha l-kr t-tarbawi l-mua:ir / inn-ina / nanu nuallim li-ara: il-itqa:n / u-krit il-itqa:n / kra ami:qat al-guzu:r  aqa:fati-na l-arabiyya wal-isla:miyya // wa-kullu-na yazkur l-adi: n-nabawi -ari:f / anna lla:ha yuibbu / ia amila aadu-kum amalan / an yutqina-h / wa-bi-ab min ba:b il-amal al-taallum / wa-min ba:b il-amal / at- tali:m // ha:zihi l-kra / bir-ram min anna-ha kra ami:qatu l-guzu:r  saqafìt-na / innama min su: il-a

iltaqaa-ha l-arb / u-awwàr-ha u-namma:-ha / u-aharat na ariyya:t t-tarbi:ya / u-na ariyya:t  l-ulu:m il-insa(:)niyya / tuakkid anna-na nuallim lil-itqa:n / aw bi-luat / bil-lua l-ingliziyya / “learning / for / mastery” // wa-laysa li-mugarrad inn nxarrag / nui xirri:g / aw nui mutaallim / illi huwwa n-nama -a:i / li-anna l-ar lan yaqbal ha:ula: / wit-taawwur l-ilmi / wal-tiknulu:ji / wattaawwur / il-ai:a lan yaqbal ha:ula: // umma axi:ran hal nanu nuallim / likay yataxarrag la-na ax / e:h / yani / iza ka:n atta atqan / sawfa yutqin magmu:it maa:rif / wa: / aqa:iq /  l-alab / hiya / tantami / li-ma: nusammi:-hi l-ga:nib l- / mutadanni / min al-aql il-insa:ni / allati yastawìb-ha / aw tastawìbu-ha -a:kira l-baariyya / li-ba il-waqti / summa tazu:l / wa-yubiu / wa-tubiu ka-anna-ha lam takun / wa: / naftaqid /  bina: il-fard min xila:l it-taallum / a am in-nawa:tig llati nasa ilay-ha / wa-hiya bina:it il-insa:n / bi-mana:-h / i-a:mil / min an-na:ìya l-mariyya / wan-na:ìya l-wigda(:)niyya / wan-na(:)ìya l-igtima:iyya / wan-na(:)ìya l-axla:qiyya / un-na(:)iya l-maha:riyya wil-amaliyya // il-aia ka-ma nalam gami:an / inn-u n-nasaq is-sa:id laday-na / il-muba(:)làa wat-tarki:z ala l-ga:nib il-marì / wal-muba(:)làa wat-tarki:z ala aa il-gawa:nib il-mariyya / wa-hiya l-ga:nib il-muttail bitafa:i:l il-maa:rif / wa-guziyya:ti-ha / wat-taga:wuz / atta / bin-nisba lil-marifa / al-ga:nib / allazi yattail bi-arqa qudra:t il-insa:n wa- / wa-asma:-ha / al-ga:nib il-muttail bit-tafki:r / wattaqai wil-ba / wal-muarka / wil-ibda: / il-ga:nib illi aa:r ile:-h l-usta:z d-duktu:r amdi sakku:t /  tagribt-u t-tarbawiyya

APPENDICES

2.118 2.119 2.120 2.121 2.122 2.123 2.124 2.125 2.126 2.127 2.128 2.129 2.130 2.131 2.132 2.133 2.134 2.135 2.136 2.137 2.138 2.139 2.140 2.141 2.142 2.143 2.144 2.145 2.146 2.147 2.148 2.149 2.150 2.151 2.152 2.153 2.154 2.155 2.156 2.157 2.158 2.159 2.160 2.161 2.162 2.163 2.164

411

l-basi:a  taa:mul ibn-u maa ni a:m tali:mi / yadu: ila za:lika / wa-yuaggiu alay-h / la / izan il-aia illi adas innìna rakkizna  l-ai:a ala ha:za l-ga:nib il-mutadànni wa-huwa ga:nib il-if / wa-aka:d aqu:l il-if i-amm / wa-lam nahtamm bil-gawa:nib il-ulya ar-ra:qiya  / aql il-insa:n / umma / ayan / amma / an il-gawa:nib baa l-axlaqiyya wal-igtimaiyya wassulukiyya / fa-[a]addis an-ha wa-la: arag / fa-laysa la-ha mawu:un / yaka:du yuzkar /  ni a:m it-tali:m il-miri / bi-wai-hi r-ra:hin / u-:h adilla kasi:ra ala za:lik sawfa / iza ttasaa l-waqt lil-adi:s / aw il-muna:qàa / sawfa ui:r ilay-h // ha:zihi l-qaa:ya l-arbaa l-a:kìma / li-ayyi tali:m / nuri:du-hu an yaku:na muiddan li-muwa:in / nasa likay yaku:na muwa:inan muntigan / mustani:ran / mustagi:ba[n] li-mutaallaba:t il-ari walmustaqbal / wa:iyan / bi-ma: yadus wa-yadu:ru awli / min awli-hi /  mugtamai-hi wa- l-a:lam / ha:zihi wa ayan yaku:nu qa:diran ala an / yastagi:b li-ayyi taayyur / sawfa yadus /  ga:nib / il-marifa wal-maha:ra  l-mustaqbal / wa-laysa mugarrad ax / iba:ra an kita:b mulaq / wa: / ”sealed” yani uliqa wa-uqla / wa: / qad / yubi bad / bada biat sanawa:t / xa:rig nia:q al-ar // da -ma yattail bil-ga:nib l-a:mm // bin-nisba lil-gawa:nib llati / aban ha:za l-mawqif ill-ìna :-h illi kkallimt ann-u dà /wa-xa:atan ma yattail bi-inn it-tali:m / qa:ir ala fatra zamaniyya muayyana / qa:ir ala gawa:nib sulukiyya b-za(:)t-ha / aw gawa:nib xa:a /  s-sulu:k il-insa:ni la: yatagawàz-ha wa-hiya l-ga:nib l-mari l-muna […] aart ile:-h / e:h / yaka:d / yaku:nu mutawaqqifan inda marala muayyana / nu tali:m / nu kifa:a / nu itqa:n / tarattab ale:-h kull il-maa:kil ill-ìna bi-nuf-ha / wa-llati / e: / nai:u-ha / wa-nauru bi-ha // bi-yaksur al-adi:s an idduru:s l-xuuiyya / wa-an il-i / wa-an / fuqda:n il- / ma: yusamma maga:niyyat it-tali:m / aw aqq il-muwa:in  t-tali:m / kull ha:zi l-umu:r tarattàbit / an / anna-na  l-aqi:qa / l-man u:ma lli uddam-na / il-”system” illi uddam-na it-tali:mi dà / rakkaza ala ha:zihi l-gawa:nib wad-àha // li-ma:za d-duru:s l-xuuiyya // law saalt ha:a s-sua:l li-ayyi wa:id min aaràt-kum / aw saalt-u li-nafs-i u-li ayyi ax / law ka:n it-tali:m l-mari ila ga:nib inn-u bi-yaffa xalli:-h yiaffa / innama ila ga:nib ha:za / aydarrab -i ala inn-u yitallim l-kaf / wat-taqai wal- / bas / waha-yallim-u inn-u yasluk sulu:k igtima:i ra:qi / wa-ha- yallim-u inn-u yatamassak bi-qìyam / axlaqiyya / wa-qìyam / sulu-kiyya / hal di ayza dru:s xuuiyya // le:h id-dars l-xuu:i intaara wa-a: / li-ann-ina rakkizna ala aai gawa:nib is-sulu:k / u-dì l-ga:nib illi mumkin / li-ax / yutqin mahara:t il- / if / wa-mahara:t il- / it-talqi:n / illi yudarrab l-afra:d ale:-ha / wa-hiya mumkin [……] di mahara:t llati yastai: / ayyi ax / bi-yamal atta -amal mìhani basi: / inn-u ydarrab ale:-ha ayyi àbiyy / aw ayy / ax mubtadi  l-maha:ra / innama lil-mubdi atta  magala:t it-tiknulu:1i / mi mumkin yatakarrar naa:-u / aw

412

2.165 2.166 2.167 2.168 2.169 2.170 2.171 2.172 2.173 2.174 2.175 2.176 2.177 2.178 2.179 2.180 2.181 2.182 2.183 2.184 2.185 2.186 2.187 2.188 2.189 2.190 2.191 2.192 2.193 2.194 2.195 2.196 2.197 2.198 2.199 2.200 2.201 2.202 2.203 2.204 2.205 2.206 2.207 2.208 2.209 2.210

APPENDICES

yastai: an yanqil l-xibra bi-haza:ri-ha / li-ax a:xar wa-illa abaa ha:za -ax muqallidan // fal- / iza ka:n it-tali:m biyurakkiz al-gawa:nib il-aqliyya l-ulya / bi-ab a-nataga:waz ha:zihi l-mukila / ka-za:lik / qul ma it an il-i / al-i baru nafs il-qai:ya // li-ma:za yastari l-i wa-yai: / li-ann-u ma da:m al-imtia:n / wa-ma da:m at-tali:m murakkiz ala ha:za l-ga:nib / fa-yumkin bi-suhu:la giddan / id-duxu:l  fanniyya:t il-i / u-dì fanniyya:t muaqqada giddan /  dira:sa amilna:-ha and-ìna  l-qism an il-i / […] wa-btikara:t  l-i // le:h ibtikara:t  l-i wa-ibdaa:t :-h / li-anna-hu yataa:mal maa / aai gawa:nib is-sulu:k il-baari // -a:lib law / l-imtia:n bi-yadu:-h lil-ibda: / bi-yadu:-h / li-all il-mukila / bi-yadu:-h / lit-tafki:r / bi-ab lan yastai: / inn-u yidd ha:zihi l-ulu:l l-ga:hiza / muqaddaman / wi-yku:n / bi-[y]gahhiz ha:za l-lo:n min asali:b l-i // izan kull il-amra: t-tali:miyya llati natagat /  mir / wa-llati a:at  t-tali:m il-mari / sababù-ha / anna ha:za t-tali:m bil-l / la: yuallim / illa aai gawa:nib it-tali:m / wa-la: yahtammi bil-amaliyya:t il-ra:qiya / lis-sulu:k il-baari / wa-la: yaa-ha mawi al-itiba:r // aban dà /  ray-i / ana ray-i l-xa / liyya ray  ha:zi l-masala / ha:za l- / no: min at-tali:m ir-ra:qi ll-ìna b-nadu ile:-h / illi huwa tanmiyit s-sulu:k il-bàari / min muxtalif gawa:nib-u / il-axlaqiyya wil-igtimaiyya / dà mi mita:g taklifa  taawwur-i / wala mita:g / umla aba / wala mita:g /imka(:)niyya:t ha:ila // ill-ìna a:hidna:-h / imka:niyya:t ha:ila b-turaf / ala l-gawa:nib al-dunya min at-tali:m l-miri / bi-tuiddi wasa:il talimiyya likay nuallim ha:zihi l-gawa:nib l-mutadanniya / bi-nuidd kutub raqya giddan bi-[ti]ibi iba:a a i:ma / bi-[ti]irif alay-ha l-mala:yi:n li-ha:za s-sabab // innama ha:ihi l-gawa:nib / allati nadu / allati ara(:) anna-ha / awla bir-ria:ya wa- / awla bil-ihtima:m / iza tamm il-ihtima:m bi-ha / bi-tata:g min-na li-muallim / ala daraga kabi:ra / min al-istina:ra / wa-daraga kabi:ra min al-ihtima:m / wa-daraga kabi:ra min al-indima:g  mihnìt-u / wal-ihtima:m bi-ha / u-dì qaiyya uxra / qaìyyit il-muallim / wa-qaìyyit il- / il-mustawa l-muallim wa-ida:d-u / qaiyya uxra tata:g li- / adi:s awi:l giddan // ha:za l-muallim il-fard / in-nimu:zag / il-qudwa /  magala:t is-sulu:k l-insa:ni / wan-nimu:zag  l-ibda: il-baari / li-ann il-muallim / illi ibn id-duktu:r amdi sakku:t / ka:na yaqtadi bi-hi fa-zahaba ila l-maktaba li-yaktub basan / ha:za l-muallim / lam yarif ayan ala za:lik / il-maktaba mawgu:da u-a:lib ra: u-a:mil l-bas / wala ta:git umla aba wala ta:git li-tiknulo:1iya / mutaawwira / wala ta:git k-kala:m l-kiti:r illi bi-yita:l an / a:git t-tali:m l-maari:f ba:hi a // mumkin giddan bi-imkaniyya:t madu:da / nastai: an nastamir / u-dà wagh il-ibda: // l-ibda:  gawhar-u / anna-ka tastai: /  udu:d ma laday-ka min imkaniyya:t an tastamira afal istisma:r / wa-tabas an ulu:l e:r taqlidiyya / li-ma / anta :-h min mukila:t wa-mawa:qif //

APPENDICES

2.211 2.212 2.213 2.214 2.215 2.216 2.217 2.218 2.219 2.220 2.221 2.222 2.223 2.224 2.225 2.226 2.227 2.228 2.229 2.230 2.231 2.232 2.233 2.234 2.235 2.236 2.237 2.238 2.239 2.240 2.241 2.242 2.243 2.244 2.245 2.246 2.247 2.248 2.249 2.250 2.251 2.252 2.253 2.254 2.255

413

[intervening discussion about time left ] fa:il / diite:n fa-bi-xtia:r baa / il-qaiyya l-ha:mma baa / at-tali:m qabl al-ga:mii dà / e:h huwiyyìt-u / hal ina bi-nuidd li-mugarrad bi-nallim il-walad l-ilm / it-tali:m li-mugarrad tali:m / ma-:- akk / inni ayyi iwa:r awla t-tali:m ala anna-hu mugarrad / tali:m lit-tali:m /aw ilmi lil-ilm / qai:ya abait / xa:rig nia:q l-muna(:)qa / li-ann-u la: nastai: an nataawwar / inn il-a:ba: wil-ummaha:t / yursilu:na abna:a-hum lil-mada:ris / likay / li-mugarrad an yataallamu / wa-yaqu awqa:ta / aya:ti-him -ma bad /  -awa:ri aw  -uruqa:t / wa-i:nama tai:nu -udaf yabasu:na an ayyi amal / qad yatana:sab ma-ma taallamù(-h) aw la yatana:sab / u-dà bi-ab hadr iqtia:di wa-gtima:i lil-quwa l-baariyya / la yaqbalu-hu aad // it-tali:m l-mari lam yaa ni a:m / muna:sib / yatana:sab maa / ni a:m il-ama:la :-h // wa-li-za:lik / a-nagid law abbe:na nidris / ayyi dira:sa ia:iyya li-ma adas / ha-nagid bil-l / adam tana:suq kibi:r / be:n as-sullam t-tali:mi  mar / u-be:n haykal il-ama:la // iza ka:n haykal il-ama:la bi-yata:g li-axia:i al-mustawa l-ga:mii / b-yatana:sab maa adad mil-fanniyyi:n / wa-adad min / il-umma:l l-màhara / wa-adad a:xar mil-umma:l / ibh il-màhara /ha:za l-no: min it-tali:m / ha:za l-no: min il-tansi:q il-harami / lilama:la lam yuqa:bil-u(h) ni a:m tali:mi yuna:sib-u(h) / wil-masala matru:ka li-udaf // aya:nan yataaxxam agm it-tali:m ilga:mii / fa-tagid l-awla:d yilau yitalu badi kida ama:l / mutadannìya giddan / aw la yagidu:na amalan ka-ma yadus l-a:n / aysu nua:ni mil-bia:la / wi-tagid in-nisba bil-l / be:n it-tali:m / il-mutawassi / ul-tali:m l-ga:mii / la taka:d / tattaq maa ayy muaddal ala ayyi nasab / it-tali:m il-ga:mii mutaaxxim / t-tali:m l-a:li aalli minn-u wayya / :(h) agz adi:d giddan // u-bade:n it-tali:m l-mutawassi / :h / xirrigi:n yaxrugu:na min-hu li-ann-u ayan lam yuwaggih tawgi:h mahani // t-tali:m issanawi dà / e:h huwiyyìt-u / ma-add-i a:rif / bi-yidd li ayyi mihna / ma-add-i darya:n / it-tali:m is-sanawi l-a:mm biz-za:t / ma-daxal- gama ab bi-yu:lu / a-na:xud nisba mit-tali:m il-ga:mii min at-tali:m is-sanawi l-a:mm tixu il-gama ab wil-ba:i // iza ka:n it-tali:m -ina:i yrif yila:i ul la-na / wit-tali:m it-tugga:ri yila:i uz-zira:i yila:i ab it-tali:m is-sanawi l-a:mm yitaal baka:tib mayinfa- tali:m t-tugga:ri a2an minn-u l-mafru: / yani wa-ha(:)kàza / umma tanzil tat wayya tla:i t-tali:m l-asa:si / yani huwa / wui ala asa:s inn-u bi-yaddim mahara:t / aw ibhi mahara:t / yatazawwaq bi-ha a:lib l-amal wal-mihna / innama kull-ìna nalam inni la: za:l it-tali:m l-asa:si / wa-li-fatra awi:la fa-muzzu an quddima / a unn  awa:il -ama(:)nina:t / tali:m taqli:di na ari / wa-ma(:) yusamma l-magala:t l-amaliyya laysa la-hu wugu:d bil-l / wi-a:lib lli b-yatasarrab minn-u / ya imma yudxul baa  ni a:m mìhani e:r / ni a:m taqli:di giddan / win-nasaq il-muta:d lit-tadri:b l-mìhani / aw la yagidu / la-hu maka:nan // dà

414

APPENDICES

2.256 / bi-i:ga:z adi:d / an it-tali:m qabl al-ga:mii / wil-munaqa 2.257 aban a-turi l-adi:s / atta la: aa ala l-waqt / wa2.258 akùr-kum // inf. 3 3.1 3.2 3.3 3.4 3.5 3.6 3.7 3.8 3.9 3.10 3.11 3.12 3.13 3.14 3.15 3.16 3.17 3.18 3.19 3.20 3.21 3.22 3.23 3.24 3.25 3.26 3.27 3.28 3.29 3.30 3.31 3.32 3.33 3.34 3.35 3.36 3.37 3.38 3.39 3.40

AUC3 bi-smi lla:h ar-rama:n ar-rai:m / e:h / argu /an / aqtarib min / at-taw:q / da:xil il-gism i-ayyiq giddan / min al-kabs az-zamani allazi / wuina :-h / wa-iza ka:n huna:k taqi:r / fa-argu l-mazira / muqaddaman // munu iddat uhu:r / qali:la / kunt màa-ni bi-gam / adad min / at-taqa(:)ri:r / a-axma / allati ahida-ha ta:ri:x it-tali:m l-miri / al-adi:s / istihda:fan li-tawi:r / at-tali:m /  mir / badan min / sanat tamani:n  l-qarn il-ma:i / -ma summiya / bi-taqri:r qumisyu:n / e:h / il-maa:rif / wa-muru:ran / bitaqri:r it-tali:m al-awwali sanat sabaa:ar / wa-adli ya:kan wazi:r il-maa:rif  za:lik al-waqt / u-xamsa w-iri:n taqri:r abd il-azi:z gawi:  l-qarn il-a:li / wa-taqri(:)re:n l-amad nagi:b l-hila:li / wa: / muru:ran bi-taqri:r il-lagna l-wizariyya lil-quwa l-amla /  sitti(:)na:t min / qarn il-a:li // fa-waraqat tawi:r t-tali:m /  ahdi muafa kama:l ilmi / wa-intiha:an bi-stra:ti3iyya tawi:r it-tali:m  ahdi d-duktu:r / amad fati s-suru:r // min awwil taqri:r are:t-u / wa-yku:n fa:t ale:-h / awa:li miyya u-aara sana / min umr iz-zàman / il-wa:id yufa:ga / bi-kamm min al afka:r / wa-nawiyya min / il- il-afka:r ayan / ala daraga alìya giddan / min at-taqaddum / illi / lamma tantahi min at-taqri:r / wi-tu:l / law ka:n il-kala:m da / itnafz / wa-law atta dilwati / ina al-na / bit-taki:d a-yiba muxtalif tama:man am-ma: nanu / alay-hi // wal-ari:b / inn kulli xuwa / bad kida / bi-tabda bi-ayr i-ari:q / al-muta:d / : / an-numuw l-mari l-ilmi / illi huwa a:yim ala krit it-tara:kum // fa al-xuwa t-ta:liya tabda / min ayu ntahat il-xuwa as- sa:biqa / wa-ha(:)kàza / fa-da:iman kullu xuwa / tabda min ayu badaat / al-xuwa / as-sa:biqa / wa-li-za:lik lamma tagammàat / it-tall il-kibi:r min at-taqa:ri:r illi udda:m-i dà / lae:t / kull wayya / aai nafs-i wayya kida w-abui linnati:ga aa:n ana ataakkad / inn-ana a:yi  sanat alf utisumiyya / wa:id u-tisi:n / mi  sanat alf u-tumnumiyya / u-tamani:n / abli ma yi:gi l-itila:l il / il-bria:ni / u-ka:n la budd il-wa:id yisal nafs-u / ya: tara / yani e:h l-ikaya bi-ab // le:h lli aal / il-mua:wala:t dì kull-áha / lam tanga / wa-hya lam tanga bi-dali:l basi: / wa-huwa / il-wa:qif il-mulim it-tali:mi ill-ìna ayi:n / :-h // awilt arud / ba il- / muaira:t wal mutaayyira:t illi kull wada min-ha / tata:g li-mua:ara / qa:ima bi-zat-ha / mustaqilla / wa-li-za:lik ana a-murr ale:-ha / muru:r / a-a:ir /la: muru:r al-mutaraggil ala / ala l-ar / aa:n ma-nuaf-i udda:m / it-tafi:l // b-ala:i min ahamm l-muaira:t -axma / illi arqalit masi:rit it-tawi:r wal- / ila: / u-kulli kala:m-i / mi bass mil-qarn

APPENDICES

3.41 3.42 3.43 3.44 3.45 3.46 3.47 3.48 3.49 3.50 3.51 3.52 3.53 3.54 3.55 3.56 3.57 3.58 3.59 3.60 3.61 3.62 3.63 3.64 3.65 3.66 3.67 3.68 3.69 3.70 3.71 3.72 3.73 3.74 3.75 3.76 3.77 3.78 3.79 3.80 3.81 3.82 3.83 3.84 3.85 3.86

415

il-ma:i / da atta ha:zihi l-la a allati ataaddas :-ha / al-a:n // hiya ma yumkin an nusammi:-h / at-taawwula:t / as-siya:siyya / al-a:dda / : / ha:za l-balad // min fatra / naku:n :-ha ala sabi:l il-misa:l / munamisi:n tama:man /  l-man u:ma l-libra:liyya / al-arbiyya / ar-rasma:liyya / ila intiqa:l ila man u:ma uxra tusamma l-man u:ma al-itira:kiyya / umma mua:walatu l-xuru:g min ha:ihi l-man u:ma / lil-iltia:q bil-man u:ma l-u:la marratan uxra // wa- l-alaqa:t bayna l-aqa:r al-arabiyya // bil-ams taku:n huna:ka / aa:n wa-qubula:t / maa ha:ihi d-dawla wa-tilk / wa: / al-yawm / a-afaa:t war-rakala:t maa nafs id-dawla / wa / adan / awda marra uxra / wa-hakàa // ha:ihi laysat mugarrad taawwula:t siya:siyya a:dda / tuna / biil-alaqa:t / is-siyasìyya al-a:mma / li-anna-na law naarna ila t-tali:m / fa-la budda wa-an natazakkar anna-hu / ni a:m / ta:bi lin-ni a:m l-igtima:i / al-kabi:r / wa-lin-ni a:m is-siya:si al-qa:im / wa-mana za:lik anna kulli taawwul / siya:si a:dd / la budda waan yatbaa-hu bi-aru:ra / tayi:r : magra t-tali:m al-‘a:mm / wa: / falsàft-u / wa: / ahda:f-u(h) // fa- / naku:n  sanat tamanya wa / xamsi:n : wida / yiba la:zim bara:mig t-tali:m  mari titayyir alaa:n / tatama:al / hiya / wa-mana:hig t-tali:m  sùriya / bad sanate:n tala:ta tithadd il-wida dì / ka-ma qult / la:zim kull l-mana:hig dì / titayyar marratan uxra alaa:n tiba / ina:liyya // yabdu / yi har ala s-sa ma: summiya bi-mi(:)a:q duwal arablus / mar wa / wa-lìbya wa: / was-suda:n // fa-tial nafs i-e / tataarqal il-masala fa-rga ta:ni // tixrug s-suda:n / wi-tru: daxla sùriya / fa-awwil l-màgra / marra tanya // duwal l-ittia:d / ilarabi walla sm-àha e:h / illi ka:nit mawgu:da min sanate:n / fa-a:wil inn-a-k(a) tayyar baru  man u:ma / ila a:xr-u /qia awi:la giddan / bi-e:s / e:h / anay(i)i it-tali:m iza aa ha:za t-tabi:r  mawa:qi-u l-muxtalifa / bi-yalhau / kulli yo:m yado:bak ala ma yxalla il-qaru:ra / aw / il-ada: illi and-u / yiu:mu ta:ni yo:m yiu:lu / e:h / la: ma-na:- ayzìn-ha / hat-lì-na wada ér-ha // kulli-ma yi:gi yantahi min a:ga / la/ da-na u-saa:t abli-ma yi:gi yantahi da-na mis ayzi:n[-ha] ayzi:n / a:ga tanya uxra //  fatra yiba ibat kull il-mabuti:n ila l-muaskar l-itira:ki /  fatra tanya la / xalli:-hum lil-a:lam / il-arbi / fatra uxra / la: do:l wala do:l // kull il-aga(:)t dì / e:h / bi-timil axa(:)di:d / da:xil gism / it-tali:m / wi-txalli:-h / mi bi-ya a bit-tanawwu a-aqa: / wa-innama bit-tana:fur a-aqa: / wat-tana:fur al-fìkri / wa-bau-hu yarabu baan bi-e:s / tatafawwa // iza aa ha:za t-tabi:r / illi min a:t / al-abaqa:t al-mutaallima / wa-ara:i il-musaqqafa / da:xil ha:a l-balad / wa-yasa kullu fari:q ila inn-u / yisayyid / ilis-saqa:fa illi huwa tallim // ga:nib a:xar min al-gawa:nib ma: yumkin tasmiyat-u / bi- /il-bula l-kriyya il-a:mma / li-innana wa:id min n-na:s / b-an ur lit-tali:m ala inn-u / amaliyya / tan(:)ziyya / ina dayman zayyi-ma b-au:l baru / ana zayy

416

3.87 3.88 3.89 3.90 3.91 3.92 3.93 3.94 3.95 3.96 3.97 3.98 3.99 3.100 3.101 3.102 3.103 3.104 3.105 3.106 3.107 3.108 3.109 3.110 3.111 3.112 3.113 3.114 3.115 3.116 3.117 3.118 3.119 3.120 3.121 3.122 3.123 3.124 3.125 3.126 3.127 3.128 3.129 3.130 3.131 3.132 3.133

APPENDICES

l-mia:wil / u-: “designer” / id-dizaynar/dà illi huwwa / e: / n-na ariyya l-kriyya l-a:mma / il-idiyyu:lujiyya l-a:mma / al-a:kima  ha:za l-balad / aw za:k / bina:an ale:-h / ana b-abtidi baa au:l / wa-lla:hi yiba mara:il t-tali:m kaza / tiba muqarrara:t-u kaza / tiba ari:qat it-tali:m :-h kaza / ila a:xir-uh // fa: maa l-kala:m ill-ìna ulna:-h / min uwayya / faqa an / il-bula dì / bi-titayyar / wa-aya:nan uxra / tagid nafs-a-k / bi-la bula / w-dà yiba / min amarr ma yumkin // wa-ala sabi:l il-misa:l / nagid  dustu:r / wa:id u-sabi:n / alf u-tisumiyya wa:id u-sabi:n / li-inn-u / ka:n / yado:b-ak / muntahi:n min fatrit is-sitti(:)niyya:t / fa-ma za:l it-tawagguh l-itira:ki mawgu:d / fa tagid / na / ahi:r / d-dustu:r / bi-inn id-dawla tatawalla attali:m bi-gami: mara:ìl-u / inn-u maga:ni  gami: maraìl-u // ha:za t-tawagguh / il mustamirr / wa-ma yaza:l / atta l-a:n / maa inn il-binya l-mugtamaiyya wal-iqtia:diyya was-siya:siyya da:xil il-balad / badaat tahad tayira:t / gizriyya / tagal attawagguh :-ha / yantami / ila man u:ma kriyya / mua:yira / tama:man / lil-man u:ma l-kriyya / illi b-yantami ile:-ha ha:za n-na // wa-li-za:lik / tagid inn il-qiya:da:t at-tali(:)miyya mitkattìfa / ma-[a]dar- aayyar id-dustu:r / u-f-nafs l-wat / nu:m e:h / ayyib il-balad bi-tattagih nawa ma: yusamma bil-xaxaa yiba ifta a:ga sm-àha ba:b tabarrua:t / illi a-yitniil min madrasa l-madrasa yidfa addi kaza / illi / a-yiawwil min kulliyya ila kulliyya yidfa addi kaza / illi a(:)yz yidaxxal ibn-u l-madrasa / ygi:b ame:n kara:si / wa: / kam dastit “gateaux” walla / il-muhimm / yani / la:zim yidfa mia:t wa-mia:t i[n]-lam yàkun / ala:f // la:kin / mi a:dir yu:l axalli t-tali:m / maga:ni / li-inni hina / dì b-tantami ila bula kriyya muayyàna / wa: / il-wa il-qa:im bi-yintami ila bula kriyya uxra / u-ma-:- il-gura l-ka:ya illi txalli / :(h) iila:n / bi-inn-ìna / a(:)yzi:n it-tali:m / yattagih ila l-bula kaza / wa-la: ila l-bula kaza / fa-dà la budda wa-an yamal / irtiba:k / adi:d giddan / xalli:-na / niu:l / e: / taqsi:r eh / qasr ba:b il-qabu:l /  l-gamia:t / alaa:n il-balad bi-tua:ni min / min al-bia:la / u-f-nafs il-wat / ifta gama ahliyya / w-ifta tali:m maftu: / wa-ma: ila za:lik / ab e:h l-ika:ya bi-ab // li-inni nafs il- / il-mawu: / bi-yantami ila bula kriyya un-nuu: il-wa:rida // wal-wa:qi aba yantami / ila bula kriyya uxra / wal-muwa:in il-miri wa-gism it-tali:m / bi-ma: :-hi l-muwa:in il-miri / bi-yatamazzaq bayna ha:za / wa-za:k // a:mil a:xar min imn il-awa:mil / huwa ma: yumkin / tasmìyat-uh / bi- / argu l-mazira min asatzit l-lua l-arabiyya / axa:nìyyat / siya:sit it-tali:m / bimana / irtiba-ha / bi-fard bi-ayni-hi // aban / zayyi-ma a:l l-usta:z d-duktu:r fua:d / it-tali:m bi-yaggi l-itqa:n / wil-abqariyya wa / [t]-tafarrud / wa-ma: ila za:lik / la:kin lamma ni:gi / iza: masi:ra qawmiyya a:mma / fa-yiba min al-xuu:ra bi-maka:n / an tuallaq al-masi:ra l-qawmiyya t-talimiyya l-a:mma / bi-ray-i / wa:id bi-ayni-hi / min an-na:s / illa iza / mumkin / wa-law inn-i ana

APPENDICES

3.134 3.135 3.136 3.137 3.138 3.139 3.140 3.141 3.142 3.143 3.144 3.145 3.146 3.147 3.148 3.149 3.150 3.151 3.152 3.153 3.154 3.155 3.156 3.157 3.158 3.159 3.160 3.161 3.162 3.163 3.164 3.165 3.166 3.167 3.168 3.169 3.170 3.171 3.172 3.173 3.174 3.175 3.176 3.177 3.178 3.179 3.180

417

axiyyan ma-(a)ibb-aha:- / iza ka:n dà zai:m qawmi wa-zai:m ta:ri:xi / kabi:r / u-dà ma-aal-i / kasi:ran /  maga:l /it-tali:m / u-dà illi bi-yxalli baa / inni inda-ma tatawalla / yatawalla qiya:dat it-tali:m  mir / masu:l / la-hu tawagguh / ma: / bi-yui:d taki:l t-tali:m kull-u(h) / bi-ma yattaq wa-ha:a / it-tawagguh / atta ia ga:a a:xar / sa:ra ala darbin muxa:lif lid-darb il- / awwal / wa-min huna tafsi:r ill-ìna ulna ale:-h / bi-nabda da:iman min aysu badaa al- / as-sa(:)biqu:n // wi-dà illi bi-nitkallim ann-u / ala asa:s / ma: yumkin tasmiyat-u / bi-ahammìyyit / massàsit ina:at s-siya:sa t-talimiyya /  mir / ay an tagi: / nati:ga / li- / muassàsa / la: tartabi bi-ax / bi-ayni-hi / ay naam tu(:)gad al-a:n / il-maga:lis al-qawmiyya al-mutaxaia / wa- muqaddimìtha / il-maglis al-qawmi lit-tali:m // la:kin il-mukila da:iman / hiya / in-na illi yu:l / inni dì maga:lis / istia(:)riyya / wa-istia(:)riyya dì / b-nilab ale:-ha kti:r / bi-e:s / nu:l e:h inn-u mu mulzim / la:kin law ge:na nastani:r bi-ma yadus  l-makama / lamma l-qa:i / yalga ila xabi:r / il-ukm bi-yadur bi-smi l-qa:i lan / la:kin a:liban in lam yakun da:iman / il-qa:i / lamma bi-yi:l aad il-gawa:nib l-a:sima l-asa(:)siyya /  l-qaiyya ila xabi:r / bi-yaltazim iltiza:m adabi / bi-rayi ha:za l-xabi:r // la:kin maa l-asaf i-adi:d / kasi:r min al-aghiza ttanziyya / ma-b-taltazim-i / bi- / is-siya:sa al-qawmiyya l-a:mma illi bi-tursam di / wa iza / aal / yiu:m bi-tu:m ala l-intiqa:/ wal-intiqa: illi huwa yadu:r : / al-falak il-xa: ayan li-ax al-masu:l zayyi-ma aal / bin-nisba / li-sullam it-tali:m / u-xu:an : ma yattail bit-tali:m il-asa:si / lamma l-maglis al-qawmi lit-tali:m / ara iddat bada:il / li-inni / ik-kala:m dà / ka:n abli sanat tisa u-sabi:n / w-abli sanat wa:hid u-tamani:n / lamma ka:nit il-mudda sitt sni:n / fa-a:l / mumkin nixalli:-ha zayyi-ma hiya / mumkin nixalli:-ha tamanya / u-mumkin nixalli:-ha tisa / wa- a:lit dì yial kaza / u- a:lit dì yial kaza / fa: / il-wazi:r al-qa:im bil-amal / : / awa:xir issabina:t / ixta:r il-badi:l it-ta:lit fa-ga:(h) / illi bad bad bad bad-u sanat saba / sanat tamanya u-tamani:n / u-ra: mixta:r / il-badi:l / nimra tne:n / maa inn / il-badi:l il-awwala:ni / illi b-yagal muddit it-tali:m tisa sini:n / il-mafru: ma da:m bada sanat wa:id u-tamani:n / an tuta: al-fura li-ha:zihi t-tagriba / an taktamil / tisa ala wa:id u-tamani:n / za:id wa:id u-tamani:n / yani l-mafru: nistanna sanat tisi:n / ala l-aqall / alaa:n niu:f ya: tara // lamma muddat il-ilza:m / tisa sanawa:t / in-nati:ga / ka:nit / e:h / bi-ab / u-bade:n / nidris in-nati:ga dì / wa: / nibtidi nayyar / la:kin / badi saba sini:n / min / is-sullam l-gidi:d illi huwa muddit-u tisa / yani / u:f / [n-]na:s àkamit / ala a:ga muddìt-ha tisa / w-hiya lissa umr-àha saba sanawa:t // dà bi-ga:nib tafa(:)i:l uxra kasi:ra  ha:zihi l-qaiyya / mi dà / wat-aha wa-innama ana ba-ui:r / ila inna atta lamma b-yustaa:n / bi-rayi muassasa:t / b-yustaa:n an ari:q al-intiqa: / al-qa:im ala ayri / asa:s / ilmi // u-dà bi-yxalli:-na nitkallim an

418

3.181 3.182 3.183 3.184 3.185 3.186 3.187 3.188 3.189 3.190 3.191 3.192 3.193 3.194 3.195 3.196 3.197 3.198 3.199 3.200 3.201 3.202 3.203 3.204 3.205 3.206 3.207 3.208 3.209 3.210 3.211 3.212 3.213 3.214 3.215 3.216 3.217 3.218 3.219 3.220 3.221 3.222 3.223 3.224

APPENDICES

ga:nib / a:xar / wa-huwa qaiyyit / at-tana:um wat-tana:suq /bayna ma yatimm min ila: wa-tawi:r / : / maga:l it-tali:m / wa-ma yatimm min ila: wa-tawi:r /  magala:t / mugtamaiyya a:mma uxra /fa-iza kunna nan ur ila t-tali:m / ala anna-hu man u:ma fariyya min gism igtima:i a:mm / fa-la budda / wa-an yaduq ale:-ha / inni e:h / iza tada:a / iza taka min-hu uwun / tada:a la-hu sa:iru l-aa:i bis-sahri wal-uma / bi-mana iza ka:n :h xuuwa:t /  l-maga:l il-iqtia:di / wa-xuuwa:t  l-maga:l is-siya:si / wa-xuuwa:t /  l-maga:l is-saqa: / ila ayri za:lik / fa-la budda wa-an yaku:n huna:k / tansi:q / wa-tana:um / wa-“harmony” / bayna ma yatimm / da:xil kullu man u:ma / wal-uxra / wa-ana la: ansa / inn / xuat it-tali:m a-a:dira min wiza:rat it-tali:m / sanat saba u-tamani:n / tamanya u-tamani:n / itamalit / bad l-xia [ talk interrupted ] il-xia xiit it-tali:m illi aharit sanat tamanya u-tamani:n / e: / fal- tuaddiq aw la: tuaddiq / anna-ha aharat / bada an tammat al-xia l-qawmiyya l-a:mma // wal-mafru: dayman / inn il-xia l-qawmiyya l-a:mma / tiku:n mabni:ya / ala l-xia il-fariyya illi masalan xia  maga:l is-saqa:fa / xia  maga:l / it-tali:m / wa-mumkin (l-)wa:id yataawwar / inn itrasamit il-xia l-qawmiyya l-a:mma / summa ulqiya l-amr ila kulli maga:l bi- baa inn-u / yitarraf / dà ha:za / iza ka:nat il-xia / itrasamit / fa-mumkin bad al-xua l-qawmiyya l-a:mma / yua:lib kulli maga:l bi-inn-u / yitaal // la:kin / xuat t-tali:m nafs-àha bi-azafìr-ha / bi-tafìl-ha / lam ta har / wa-lam tatimm / illa / bada / sanat saba u-tamani:n / tamanya utamani:n / aysu ka:nat il-xua l-qawmiyya l-a:mma / qad tammat // yimkin / a:xir a:ga / wifqan liz-zaman / mi wifqan li-ma yanbai an yaku:n / b-aibb ui:r ile:-ha / hiya masalit il- / ayna yu:gad / ar-ray al-ilmi / at-tarbàwi / : / mua(:)wala:t / al-ila: / wa: / it-tawi:r / il-ai:a / rubbama  l-fatra l-axi:ra / badait ba il-mara:kiz / at-ta:bia li-wiza:rit t-tali:m / aw al-a:mila màa-ha / taqu:m bi-adi:d min ad-dirasa:t / illi tagal min al-ilm t-tarbàwi wal-ilm n-nafsi / asa:s ha:mm giddan / li-ayyi xuuwa:t /  amalìyyit il-ila: / wat-tawi:r // la:kin / bi-nirga wi-nu:l baru / inn :h far / be:n / il-kr il-ilmi / inda-ma yaku:n da:iran  falaki l-muassasa / il- ir-rasmiyya / u-dà e malu:b wa-laysa / e:r malu:b / wa-muhimmi giddan / li-inn-u yku:n qari:b / min / al-mida:n / la:kin :h / muassasa:t uxra / kasi:ra giddan / bi-tatimm :-ha araka ilmiyya / axma / lil-a:ya / ha:zihi nara:-ha : kasi:r min / il-aya:n / la: yustafa:d bi-ha / u-mu wai:qat il-ittia:l / biina:at l-qara:r / at-tarbàwi / ar-rasmi // dì / ba il-mala:mi l-a:mma u-:(h) ér-ha zayy-ma b-au:l / bass / sayf il- il muizz / bi-yxalli:-ni azkur // ukran gazi:lan //

APPENDICES

inf. 4 4.1 4.2 4.3 4.4 4.5 4.6 4.7 4.8 4.9 4.10 4.11 4.12 4.13 4.14 4.15 4.16 4.17 4.18 4.19 4.20 4.21 4.22 4.23 4.24 4.25 4.26 4.27 4.28 4.29 4.30 4.31 4.32 4.33 4.34 4.35 4.36 4.37 4.38 4.39 4.40 4.41 4.42 4.43 4.44 4.45 4.46

419

AUC4 bi-smi lla:h ir-rama:n ir-rai:m / ukran / lil-´ax il-fa:il / l-usta:z d-duktu:r amdi s-sakku:t ala d-dawa //  l-wa:qi / aa:wil aku:n muxtaar li-an katabt udda:m-i nua muaddada ha-atakallam :-ha // sa-abda bi-tari:f / t-tali:m il-a:li / e:h huwa t-tali:m il-a:li // l-ai:a tari:f it-tali:m il-a:li / bi-yuarraf b-ari:a lai:fa giddan yiul-lak / t-tali:m ma: bad a-anawi / u-bade:n ni:gi nu:l ab e:h / t-tali:m illi huwwa / illi abli kida yul-lak t-tali:m ma: qabl al-ga:mìi / yani [laughter] fa / atta d-duktu:r amdi illi maddim d-duktu:r fua:d a:l / sa-yataaddas t-tali:m ma qabl al-ga:mii / wa-lá(:) yataaddas t-tali:m ma: bad as-sanàwi // ab mi:n huwwa s-sanawi / mi:n huwwa da // fa na aran li-ha:zihi l-i:ra / iqtara l-yu:nisku an yusamma sala:s tasmiya:t / “rst level” / wa-“second level” / wa-“third” aw “tertiary level” // yani l-mustawa l-awwal illi huwa nà ari / yani btida:i aw kida / u-mustawa s-sa:ni n-naari -ànawi / u-yiba […] l-mustawa -a:lis / huwa ma bada il-ànawi / yani bi-xtia:r bada ayyi marala anawiyya / ayyi a:ga tiba bad-àha ala u:l / hiya tali:m a:li / wa-min imn-àha it- tali:m / il-gàmii // bi-sura adi:da giddan ayiz au:l / ma: huwa ta(:)ri:x it-tali:m il-a:li  mar / ana ma-b-akallim-i baa al-ga:mii / li-ann l-a:li ulna ayyi a:ga bad is-sànawi // nastai: an naddài wa-bi-kulli faxr / anna adam ga:mia:t  l-a:lam / hiya gama uqi:mat  mar // yani aqdam ga:mia araf-ha l-a:lam hiya gamat u:n / illi hiya dilwati ism-aha en ams / yumkin b-nataarraf bi-inn-ina l-arbaa min-ha / alan / di ga(:)mia bi-yuqa:l inna aa:o:n ka:n aad tala(:)mzit-ha // yuqa:l ha:za / wa-tu:gad mara:gi ta(:)rixiyya / tusbit ha:a / ha:zihi  l-uu:r l-qa:dima //  l-uu:r l-adi:sa / illi hiyya yani / : mutana:wal yad it-ta(:)ri:x / il-muakkad / il-azhar […] ga:mìit l-azhar tutabar min aqdam l-ga:mia:t lan /  l-a:lam / w-illi ala nasàq-ha / kai:r giddan min al-akadi:miyya:t l-urubbiyya / uniat / l-akadimiyya:t ar-ra:sixa // and-ìna ga:miat l-azhar / bi-amidit-ha / wa-asatzit-ha l-mutaalliqi:n / wa-alabit-ha l-mutaalliqi:n awla l-usta:z / tutabar namu:ag / wa-maal / li it-talmaza l-aqiqiyya / wad-dira:sa l-aka:dimiyya / ar-ra:sìxa //  mar baa badi kida / min ayya:m mammad ali baru tutabar l-ai:a mar / min aqdam il-bila:d / illi hiya lait / sabi:l lit-tali:m l-a:li // bada at-tali:m l-a:li bi-ma: yusamma aia luh ahda:f muayyàna / aa:n il-ge: / yani huwa awwil a:ga ka:n mammad ali w-ibrahi:m ba:a / ka:nu a d-ùhum / awwil a:ga il-ge: / wa-ka:n na ar-hum bai:d giddan / i:na-ma ntabahu ila l-ge: / wi-f-nafs il-wat illi badau / aaràt-kum ar:n marua:t r-rayy waz-zira:a / fa-badau l-handasa // fa-badait  awwal il-amr il-masa:il il-mada:ris il-askariyya ka:n yusamma mada:ris atta lia:yit dilwati / nagid / : urubba w-amri:ka masalan / “school of engineering” / bir-ram inn hiya gama la:kin bi-ismi mada:ris // fa-badait mada:ris il-arbiyya / u-mada:ris il-muhandisxa:na u-bade:n daxalna  madrasat i-ibb u-madrasat

420

4.47 4.48 4.49 4.50 4.51 4.52 4.53 4.54 4.55 4.56 4.57 4.58 4.59 4.60 4.61 4.62 4.63 4.64 4.65 4.66 4.67 4.68 4.69 4.70 4.71 4.72 4.73 4.74 4.75 4.76 4.77 4.78 4.79 4.80 4.81 4.82 4.83 4.84 4.85 4.86 4.87 4.88 4.89 4.90 4.91 4.92

APPENDICES

i-ibb l-ulya / ila a:xir-u // summa taawwalit ha:zihi l-mada:ris / ka:nit bi-tatba wiza:rat il-maa:rif / inda-ma uniat wiza:rat il-maa:rif / summa tawwalit ha:zihi l-mada:ris ila maa:hid ulya / wa-ka:n il-hadaf min ha:zihi l-maa:hid l-ulya / illi huwa l-hadaf ill-ina b-nabas ann-u a:liyyan / taxri:g / a / qa:dira ala t-taa:mul maa muaya:t al-ar / aw tawi:r / tiknulu:1iyya:t al-ar /  a:lik al-waqt // lil-asaf i-adi:d / taawwàlit ha:zihi l-maa:hid bada za:lik / ila kulliyya:t aka:dimiyya / illi hiya : al-ga:mia / w-yimkin ka:nit mukilit / inn ma-and-ina:- / xirri:g il-ga:mìa illi huwa qa:dir ala / id-duxu:l muba:aratan /  / il-xua / allati tahdif ila t-tanmiya l-iqtia:diyya / ab nait l-gama  mar baa / nafs-aha / yani mi a:rif yimkin ma-ninsa:- / naaat il-ga:mia  mar ka-ga:mìa ahliyya / dì l-a:ga l-ari:ba giddan / inn-ina nnaharda bi-ndawwar ayzi:n nimil gama ahliyya // al-ga:mia naaat  mar sanat alf u-tisumiyya w-tamanya / ga:mia ahliyya bi-tabarrua:t ahliyya / summa taawwalit a:m alf u-tisumiyya xams u-iri:n / ila ga:mia ukumiyya // innaharda / kull-u baa (u)ku:mi / wa-irna / nan ur ila l-wara:  / nuri:d an nataqaddam marra uxra / wa-yaku:n :-h ga:mia / ahliyya / min / di e: ari:b yani / nau:d ila l-wara: li-nataqaddam / bi-afkàr-na mi e:b / la:kin bi-nu:l inn-ìna / lamma bi-nsi:b bi-natamassak bi-kra ga:mida / izzayy bi-tial / maa:kil // il-aia aa:n adar aqawwim l-gama / aw adar amil “evaluation” lil-gama w-lit-tali:m l-a:li barra l-gama / la:zim nisal nafs-ìna ma: hiya ahda:f / al-tali:m l-a:li /  ayyi mugtama / aqawwìm-ha bina:an ala e:h // aia :h hadaf / a:mm / wa: / ma-nidar- niu-u da:xil ayyi ia:r / madu:d / inn il-gama dayman / wa-au:l il-gama yimkin ma-aul- l-maa:hid l-ulya ila a:xir-u / dayman hiya il-qiya:da / war-riya:da la-ha l-qiya:da war-riya:da l-kriyya  ayyi mugtama / dayman kida / yani  l-mugtamaa:t l-kabi:ra l-a i:ma / yalgau / ila al-ga:mia:t / wa-asa:tizit il-ga:mia:t wal-kr l-ga(:)mìi / li-ann-u huwa dà illi b-yursum il-xia l-kriyya il-a:mma lil-balad / li-ann-u bi ukm / abi:it haula: in-na:s hum / yuakkìlu / yani / al-nuxba / il-kriyya / li-ha:za / l-mugtama / w-illi b-yidaru ysa:ndu:-h / dà hadaf a:mm / ma-nidar- naa-u da:xil ia:r ayyiq / la:kin :h ahda:f mumkin nisammi:-ha ahda:f / ala ari:it il-tarbiya yani ana yimkin mi tarbàwi fal-yazuru:-ni l-ixwa t-tarbawiyyi:n / ahda:f igra:iyya / yani bi-mana / dì baa malu:b tanfìz-ha / u-la-ha xia li-tanfìz-ha muaddàda muayyàna // badait l-ga:mìa  l-a:lam kull-u / bi-hadaf at-tali:m / yani tali:m / a li-taxri:g xirrigi:n / summa mtaddat krit t-tali:m / li-tamal ayan l-ba l-ilmi // yani il-awwal ka:n bass ina ayzi:n nallam alaba wi-nxarràg-hum / u-bade:n il-gama ma-bait-i faqa / lit-tali:m wa-innama mtadda ilay-ha ayan al-bas al-ilmi / li-ann-u l-malu:b tawi:r it-tali:m / wa-malu:b tawi:r / il-afka:r as-sa:ida // do:l / il-ai:a / il-kra l-u:la sa:dit /  l-quru:n l-u:la li-nat il-ga:mia:t // il-kra l-u:la

APPENDICES

4.93 4.94 4.95 4.96 4.97 4.98 4.99 4.100 4.101 4.102 4.103 4.104 4.105 4.106 4.107 4.108 4.109 4.110 4.111 4.112 4.113 4.114 4.115 4.116 4.117 4.118 4.119 4.120 4.121 4.122 4.123 4.124 4.125 4.126 4.127 4.128 4.129 4.130 4.131 4.132 4.133 4.134 4.135 4.136 4.137 4.138 4.139

421

wit-tanya / istamarrat yimkin atta muntaaf ha:za l-qarn // fa-ga bad al-arb l-a:lamiyya t-tanya / u-yimkin  s-sittina:t biz-za:t / badait kra gadi:da ta har / wa-hiya / inn il-ga:mìa / hiya l-ai: a / maka:n / li-xidmit / il-mugtama / wa-tanmiyit il-bi:a / zayyi-ma bi-yuqa:l / wa-li-ha:za s-sabab aba ha:za l-hadaf // hadaf / rai:si giddan : ina: l-gama:t / atta ufna  l-wilaya:t l-muttaida l-amrikiyya / wa- l-“community colleges” / bi-tuna maxu: aa:n tixdim / il-“community” // illi hiya mawgu:da :-ha / mumkin yiku:n “very local community” // la:kin bi-tuna li-ha:za l-ara yani [m]bait- il-gama hiya l-aka:dimiyya l-a i:ma / bi-txarrag na:s zu: yaqa:t baya:/ faqa li-xidmit ahda:f ilmiyya ulya wa-ahda:f kriyya / wa-la:kin l-gama // ait ka-hadaf ta:li min ahdàf-ha / w-dà ha:mmi giddan / xidmt il-mugtama w-tanmiyat il-bi:a w-yimkin dà / illi dafa / mahma ka:nat il-asba:b allati nuaddi:-ha li:-h / inn huwa atta  l-gama anau: manib / li-na:ib sa:lis / zayy-ma  manib na:ib rai:s il-ga:mia lit-tali:m w-ulla:b / wa-na:ib a:xar lid-dirasa:t l-ulya / wal-buu:s / aba hina:k manib a:li li-na:ib / li / uu:n / xidmit il-bi:a / wa xidmit il-mugtama w-tanmiyit il-bi:a / yani dà ka:n min al-ahda:f illi maxu:a // lamma nbui lil-ahda:f diyyat l-ai:a la budd inni huna:k usus / li-taqì(:)q-ha / u-baru ana b-akkallim mil-nua diyyat aa:n lamma ni:gi nanqud / yiba narif a-nanqud e:h u- ayyi ia:r // il-usus l-ga(:)miiyya / al-ga:mia  ray-i hiya l-usta:z // nimra wa:id il-usta:z / illi humma yani n-niha:ya mumkin nulq ale:-hum aa: hayat it-tadri:s wa-mua(:)winu:-hum // l-gama hiya l-usta:z // ma-:- usta:z / mi a-tiba gama / wa-bit-ta:li dà min al-amud ar-raisiyya lil-ga:mia / sawa kunna bi-nitkallim ala id-dirasa:t al-aka:dimiyya / sawa bi-nikkallim an id-dirasa:t il-insa:niyya aw atta d-dira(:)sa:t al-ilmiyya / ma-:- abadan / yani / zayy-ma ka:n zama:n ybi:u kutub yul-lak l-muallim bi-du:n muallim / dà yimkin yimi  l-ibtida:i la:kin ma-yimi:-  l-gama / li-ann il-ga:mia hiya talmàa / ala yad / usta:z / wa-ala yad / kr / wa / wa-no: / min / il- /za[y] ma bi-nu:l al-muwagha:t l-kriyya walmuna: ara:t l-kriyya illi hiya b-tagal l-insa:n  n-niha:ya / yanug kriyyan mi ala tabanni kra wada / wa-innama ala muwa:gaha:t / adi:da // ta:ni a:ga min usus / il-ga:mia aw it-tali:m l-a:li / huwa il-tashila:t il-dira:siyya / aw zayyi-ma b-tusamma  t-tarbiyya / il-wasa:il aw wasa:i it-talimiyya / min-ha l-maktaba / da e: ha:mm giddan / min-ha l-mamal / min-ha l-kompyu:trz / min-ha ila a:xir-u / la:kin baru bi-du:n ha:zihi l-aya: /  wugu:d usta:z ha-yiba min a-abi giddan / iktima:l / il-amaliyya / il-talimiyya / il-adi:sa // ig-guz it-ta:lit l-muhimm giddan  l-gama huwa l-ida:ra / il-ida:ra l-gamaiyya // hiya l-ida:ra l-gamaiyya b-tiba murtabia / hiya bi-tuda:r l-gama izzayy / an ari: qanu:n tan i:m l-ga:mia:t masalan // lil-asaf i-idi:d bi-nla:i inn-u qanu:n tan i:m l-ga:mia:t bi - ab zayy-

422

APPENDICES

4.140 4.141 4.142 4.143 4.144 4.145 4.146 4.147 4.148 4.149 4.150 4.151 4.152 4.153 4.154 4.155 4.156 4.157 4.158 4.159 4.160 4.161 4.162 4.163 4.164 4.165

ma a:l / id-dukto:r sai:d / yani / yatba al-ar / illi huwa nizil :(-h) // itamal a:xir qanu:n li-tan i:m l-ga:mia:t sanat tne:n u-sabi:n // zayy-ma a:l id-dukto:r fua:d aa:n nqayyim / ab ha-[n]qayyim e:h // ili itne:n u-sabi:n li-amal / li-ahda:f muaddada muayyana / li-ira: / abaa muayyàna li-amal aya: innaharda marra ale:-h / innaharda-na daxalna ala tne:n u-tisi:n yani iri:n sana // wa:i giddan al-a:a:r ir-rahi:ba / yani / ana b-au:l r-rahi:ba di lan / u-yimkin d-dukto:r amdi a:l inn il-gama hiya maakìl-ha /  l-ada:d il-kibi:ra / faqa / ana ui:f ila ha:za ayan qanu:n tan i:m l-ga:mia:t / laa l-usta:z l-kursi / illi kunna natana:fas ale:-h kull-ina / wa-huwa il-mama / il-usta:z / gaal al-usta:z xala: taww ma waal usta:z laysa malu:ban min-hu ayyi e: ala l-ila:q // u-xala baa ism-u usta:z / wa-laysa malu:ban min-hu ayyi e: / abait yani maa:kil adi:da / b-tata:g lan ila / asm // il-guz il- / muhimm ayan / : il-usus l-ga:miiyya / huwa amaliyyit l-“administration” / yani l-ida:ra l-a:diyya innaharda  ill ga:miat l-ada:d l-kibi:ra illi kkallim ale:-ha d-dukto:r amdi / nagid anna ma: za:l tustaxdam l-wasa:il l-bida:iyya giddan / : tan i:m il-gama / ari:f il-gama yani / ana iha:dit l-bakaloryo:s btat-i a:it ma-rift-i axùd-ha lia:yit dilwati // ka:nu a:lu ilu :-ha / u-bade:n lamma ra:at l-gama u-allau:-ha mi a:rif aa:n nisyu yiktibu martabt i-araf walla e: xala fuqidat / mi lai:-ha aha:dit l-ma:0iste:r bitat-i baru waxid-ha mil-gama [l-]mariyya / ana alan handasa / lae:t-hum katbi(:)n-li l-ma0iste:r u-tat risa:la mi ana lli amìl-ha // [tape nished]

inf. 5 5.1 5.2 5.3 5.4 5.5 5.6 5.7 5.8 5.9 5.10 5.11 5.12 5.13 5.14 5.15 5.16 5.17 5.18 5.19

NA1 […] miwar / min al-maa:wir / illi mawgu:da / fi n-na //wa-huna:k miwar a:xar / yatada:xal / wa-yataqa:a maa ha:a l-miwar al-awwal / huwa / al-ana wal-a:xar // laysa / bai:dan tama:man / an al-miwar al-awwal // al-a:bb /al-ifri:qi al-miri / wa al-fata: al-uruppiyy /al-ana / wa / al-a:xar/ al-a:bb / yara al-fata: / wa / hiya talub an taltaqi bih / wa-an taglis maa-hu wa-an tataadda maa-hu li-anna-ha taur / anna-hu yusayir ala kri-ha bi-daragatin aw bi-uxra // al-ila:qa huna laysat mugarrad / ila:qa / aw liqa: / bayna akar wa unsa / aw bayna / imraa wa-ragul / wa lakinna-ha ila:qa / maku:ma / aw tasqu alay-ha ila:l / wa:qi / ta:ri:xi yamtadd / li / mia:t / as-sini:n // ha:a l- wa / yani / ha:ihi l-ila:qa laysat / bai:da wala xa:lia tama:man / min ha:ihi al-ila:qa t-ta:rixiyya / ila:qit sayyid / bi-masu:d / qawi:y bi-ai:f / muahi bi-muaha / abya bi-aswad/ ila:qa / la: taxlu ayan min uu:r / a-araf al-aqwa / bil-tawaggus / walxawf / mim-man yaahi / wa / bil-im / uu:r bil-im / la:kin / aqu:l inn-u ram / ma yabdu min anna ila:qat al-ana bil-a:xar / hiya ila:qa(t) tana:qu // illa anna / il-ila:qa laysat hakaa tama:man / li-anna-ha ayan / tamal / qadr min / al-taa:buh / fa al-ana wal-a:xar /  qiit baha: a:hir / mutaa:biha:n / ar-ragul wal-mara /  l-qia // yaura:ni / bil-agz / wal-iba: / wa bi-adam il-qudra / ala fahm / al-a:lam al-mui: / ala

APPENDICES

5.20 5.21 5.22 5.23 5.24 5.25 5.26 5.27 5.28 5.29 5.30 5.31 5.32 5.33 5.34 5.35 5.36 5.37 5.38 5.39 5.40 5.41 5.42 5.43 5.44 5.45 5.46 5.47 5.48 5.49 5.50 5.51 5.52 5.53 5.54 5.55 5.56 5.57 5.58 5.59 5.60 5.61 5.62 5.63 5.64 5.65

423

fahm qaswat / wa aba: / da bi-nafs / al-qia / qaswat wa-aba: al-a:lam / huma: / yaura:ni bi-ayin min al-aba / wa / bi / adam / qudra / ala at-tawa:um / wa-qubu:l / al-amr al-wa:qi / wa ka-ma anna /  l-miwar al-awwal / at-tana:qu bayna -arq wal-arb / laysa / tana:quan bi-aklin ka:mil / tana:qu / -hi ayan unur tawa:zi / fa-inna / al- / ma yabdu anna-hu tana:qu bayna al-ana wal-a:xar / laysa hakaa / tama:man /  nafs ha:za l-miwar / wa-yataqa:a maa ha:a l-miwar a-a:ni miwar a:lis // ma: usammi:(-h) ana / al-mana al-aba // huna:k / ha:za / attana:qu bayna an yaku:n lil-aya: mana / wa-an yantami al-insa:n / lil-a:lam / aw an yaur al-insa:n anna-hu muqtala wa-mum[n]batt / wa-anna / ha:a l-a:lam / a:lam abaì / ar-ra:wi / yaur u:l / iwa:l al-waqt anna-hu ayr qa:dir ala l-fahm // wa yaqu:l / li-adi:qi(-h) aw zami:li-hi  l-amal fati / uri:d an afham hal tastai: an tusa:ìd-ni ala fahm ha:a l-a:lam / wa yaur iwa:l al-waqt anna-hu ayr qa:dir ala fahm / anna-hu tai:s / anna-hu tai:b / anna-hu azi:n / wa ha:a laysa bai:d tama:man an / uu:r al-mara / wa-la:kin // al-mara talum / anna -a:bb / yati ilay-ha  u:rat / aqr / wa-anna-hu yanqur / zuga:g na:ati-ha / wa-anna-ha taxà-h aw e: min ha:a l-qabi:l / wa-tabdu mazu:ra ila a:xiri-hi / wil-aqr / yani / yuqaddam  mir ka-u:ra lil-ayawiyya wal-aya: / wa: / ila a:xiri-hi / wa-hiya wara: az-zuga:g / al- // al-fata: / tusallim  l-la a / anna-ha ayr qa:dira ala l-istimra:r  muwa:gahat ha:ihi l-aya: / al-a:bia allati la: tafham-ha / wa-bi-a:lik / tamu:t / yani /  l-la a allati taktaif :-ha anna-ha / ayr qa:dira ala / muwa(:)gahat aba al-aya:t aw il-istimra:r :-ha / tunhi ayàt-ha bi-nafsi-ha / tantair / amma -a:bb / fa-hwa / ram uzni-hi wa-taa:sati(-h) / wa ram / uu:ri-hi bi-l / agz wa-adam il-fahm / i:na yarif anna / al-fata: intaarat / yarqud mazu:ran / wa  la it ruya / bayna n-nawm was-saw / yara / ganaay a-a:ir / ganaay a-aqr / wa-rubbama ka:na al-ganaa:n / ganaay al- / al-ura:b / wa-sa-au:d li-ha:ihi n-nuqa l-la: iqa // wa-yamudd yaday-h / wa yaur inn-u xafqat / al-ganaay(n) / hiya / ay / gami:l giddan / agmal min ayyi e: d-dunya / fa-fi i:n / inni hiya / tarfa ra:yat / ir-ra:ya il-baya: / ra:yit il-istisla:m lil-aba / wa-tantair / huwa / ram / uu:r-u / ram uu:ri-hi bil-agz wal-iba: / wa / wa-adam il-fahm / wa-adam il-qudra ala t-tawa:um / illa anna-hu  n-niha:ya / tantahi l-qia wa-hwa / yamidd / yaday-h / aqi:qatan ra:iban / : an yaall / mustamirran : muwa:gahat al-aya:(h) bi-ram kulli ay / : at-taabbu / bil-aya:(h) / bi-ram kulli ay / aqu:l inn-u / il-qia / :-ha ha:ihi / il- / il-maa:wir mutada:xila / wa-mugtamia / wa-hiya maktu:ba / bi-akli yanumm an / marifa / amimiyya / bi-aya:t il-baar / wa / bi-ha:ihi / al-gawa:nib al-mustalaqa atta ala l-fahm  alaqa:t al-baar / wa- awafi-him wa-fi / afa:li-him al-yawm[iyya] / wa / il-aqq inn-u baha: a:hir bi-y- / mutamakkin giddan min adawa:ti-h / huwa / yungiz na bi-qadr kibi:r min il-iqtida:r / wa / bi-yastaxdim / yani / awwal ma yastawqìf-na min / al-adawa:t allati yastaxdim-ha baha: a:hir / il-lua / lua / salisa wa-munsa:ba / wa l-gumla / basi:a / wa: // tanga ila add / bai:d giddan /  naql / ka-ma qult  bida:yit kala:m-i /  naql ha:a al-uu:r / bil-iqtila: /  naql al- / ilaqa:t al-mumbatta wal- / wa:qi l-muqtala / wa:qi il-insa:n

424

5.66 5.67 5.68 5.69 5.70 5.71 5.72 5.73 5.74 5.75 5.76 5.77 5.78 5.79 5.80 5.81 5.82 5.83 5.84 5.85 5.86 5.87 5.88 5.89 5.90 5.91 5.92 5.93 5.94 5.95 5.96 5.97 5.98 5.99 5.100 5.101 5.102 5.103 5.104 5.105 5.106 5.107 5.108 5.109 5.110 5.111 5.112

APPENDICES

il-muqtala / gumal qai:ra / la: faya huna:k / fi ha:ihi l-madi:na -amaliyya / bil-nisba li-ha:za l-insa:n / la: faya / la faya  l-maa:ir / la faya  l-ilaqa:t / la: faya  ayyi ay´ / kulli e munqai / mutaqai / mumbatt / qa:i giddan / fa l-lua tastawqìfu-na  / an-na / yastawqìfu-na ayan / istixda:m-u li-uwar wa / al-alwa:n bi-akli gayyid / wa istixda:m-u lil- / ala:m / wa istixda:m-u lil-alwa:n wa istixda:m / yastaxdim il-lawnayn il-abya wal-aswad // fa-huna:k al-abya al-murtabi bi-lawn al-baar  ha:ihi al-madi:na al-ari:ba // al-ari:ba al-bai:da yani / a-amaliyya / al-baar bi: / al-ulu:g tau il-maka:n /  bayt il-fata: “ann marie” al- // as-sata:ir baya: / al-mafa:ri baya: / kullu ay abya / wa-ba:rid / wa-muxi:f / wa  l-muqa:bil huna:k as-sumra was-sawa:d / huna:k / sawa:d a-abbayn al-ifriqiyyayn / allaayni taltaqi bi-hima: al-mara / allai / allaayni yaltaqi bi-hima: al- / ar-ra:wi  al-masala / i:n yahab li-asl mala:bisi-h / wa-tadu muadda bayna-huma: wa-bayn / imraa min ahl il-bila:d / sayyida agu:z min ahl il-bila:d / huna:k lawn / al-ura:b al-aswad allai / yu alay-hi al-ka:tib / mana gadi:d / yaqu:l ha:a l-ura:b allai lam yazi aad / huwa da:iman  / tura: al-baari murtabi / bi il- / taayyur wat-taa:um wa i-arr ila a:xiri(-h) ila a:xiri (-h) / fa huna:k al-lawnayn / huna:k al-lawna:n / al-abya wa al-aswad / huna:k istixda:m il-ala:m / allati an arìq-ha / yuri / il-ka:tib an-na bi- / qawl aya: bi-akli imni wa-e:r muba:ir / wa-ayan / bi- / aban / al-ulm bi-ifat-u / aw bi-abit-u mufakkak / wa mubham / wa-hwa / yani / yui ia:ra min xila:l / ha:ihi l-ala:m / li-ha:ihi l-gawa:nib / al-mubhàma / : nufus-na / yani / laysa kull ay qa:bil lil-fahm /  dawa: il-insa:n /  qawl in-na wa-laysa  qawli(-h) / inn-u n-nafs il-baariyya  dawafì-ha wa- sulukàt-ha / qad taku:n mubhàma / aw mustalaqa ala fahm  ba al-aya:n // wa yani / ataqid inn-u mumkin  n-niqa: nitkallim bi-stifa:a akar an il-ala:m wa-kaza / wa-huna:k ayan / istixda:m-u il- / ilil- mutamayyiz / li / il-tagri:d / il-muwagaha:t il-mugarrada ayu yaxlu almawqif min kull ma-huwa / ànawi / wa kull ma-huwa / tafi:li / al-fata: taqu:l la-hu / “l-aqi:qa anna-ni / akrahu-k” / bi-ha:a -akl il-mawqif / yani yatimm taxli:-u / min kull tafai:l wa min kull // l-aqi:qa anna-ni akrahu-k / aw / hi- /  l-liqa: bayna-huma: / taqu:l la-hu ataqid anna-hu la budd min al-muwa:gaha / fa-yaqu:l “hal hiya l-arb” / marra uxra / tugarrad il-masa:il li-ana:ìr-ha / al-asasiyya wil-àwwaliyya // ayan / min il-masa:il / min il-adawa:t illi / yastaxdim-ha baha: a:hir / bi-qtida:r / ha:a it-tawa:zi / wa at-taa:ru / bayna axiyya:t wa-bayna ada: // yani / huwa yastaxdim / masalan a:diat al-masala / wa al- / al-mua(:)dda allati tadu bayna al-mara / wa / al- / a-abbayn / bi-e:s tuwa:zi / al-adas al-asa:si  l-qia / huwa wa l-fata: / ha:a marra uxra al- / al-muwa:gaha bayna al-ganu:b wa-ima:l / wa-la:kin / ha:a at-tawa:zi / huwa / tawa:zi bi-xtila:f / laysa tawa:ziyan ka:milan / fa / al- / mara unuriyya / wa-la / hiya agu:za / hiya imraa / agu:z / wa-hum aba:b / hum / huma: / mamlua:n bil-ayawiyya / wa-hiya imraa / mu- / mutarahhila yani / wa / la:kin / bi-nisba lil- / lil-a // lil-“ann marie” war-ra:wi / al-tana:qu laysa huwa nafsu(-h) / wa-bit-ta:li huna:k tawa:zi / bayna l-adae:n / wa-huna:k ixtila:f / huna:k / tawa:zi / bayna / fati war-ra:wi / inn-u kila:-huma: yaur bi-urba

APPENDICES

425

5.113 5.114 5.115 5.116 5.117 5.118 5.119 5.120 5.121 5.122 5.123 5.124 5.125 5.126 5.127 5.128 5.129 5.130 5.131 5.132 5.133 5.134 5.135 5.136 5.137 5.138 5.139 5.140 5.141 5.142 5.143 5.144 5.145 5.146 5.147 5.148 5.149 5.150 5.151 5.152 5.153 5.154 5.155

fazia giddan / la:kin fati yalga ila -u:yya / huna:k / yani tawa:zi wa-xtila:f / bayna // huna:k / al-ila:qa t-ta:rixiyya / bayna -arq wal-arb / mumaala /  u:rat / àbu al-fata: / ga:lisan / aw ra:kiban / gamal / ind saf al-haram / wa a-ax / allai yuakkir ar-ra:wi bi-abi: (-h) / huwa yaqif bi-galba:bi-hi / insa:n maru:q / wa nai:l / wa-yaqif / li-yasu:q / ilharam / li al-sayyid al-uruppi / wa bit-ta:li // yisu:q al-gamal / li il-sayyid al-uruppi / wa tattai il-ila:qa be:n / sayyid wa-masu:d / il // narga marra uxra lin-nuqa allati / uriat  bida:yit al-kala:m / hal baha: a:hir yui:d kita:bit il- / afu:r / aw / yui:d kita:bat nai-hi l-xa: / aw ruyata-hu l-xa:a / li-ufu:r min a-arq / wa / siwa:-ha min ar-riwaya:t allati tana:walat ha:a l-mawu: tadi:da / b-ataqid inn-u bi-ha:a n-na / bi-yadxul / : / muna: arat al-mawa:qif wil-iqnaa:t / illi bi-tukawwìn-ha / magmu:at an-nuu: / allati tatana:wal ha:za l-mawu: / wa-lakinna-hu yatana:wal-hu bi / bi / min mawqii-hi l-xa: / min mawqi-hi l-xa: / ka-muaqqaf / miri /  alf u-tusumiyya arbaa u-tamani:n / la-hu takwi:n-u a-aqa: / wal-igtima:i was-siya:si l-xa: // wa bi- / ha:a qawl-u  ha:ihi l-muna: ara / ka-anna kullu ha:ihi l-kutub allati tana:walat alila:qa bayna -arq wal-arb / kull min-ha yaqu:l qawla-hu l-xa: / wa baha: a:hir / ayan / yaqu:l qawla-hu al-mutamayyiz wal-xa: // ataqid inn-u ha:ihi l-qia / wa-ana aratt / l-hai:a inn-i / yani // akta bil-adi: an ha:ihi l-qia allati ataqid inna-ha ahamm qia  l-magmu:a / u-akar-ha tamayyuz / inn-u bi-haihi l-qia baha: a:hir / bi-yaftati // aw bi-yafta al-ba:b / li / adab / mahgar / miri / adab mahgar miri / huna:k adab lil-mahgar / wa-ha:ihi bidaya:t-u / wa-huwa yataakkal / wa-sawfa / yani / ataqid inn-u s-sanawa:t al-qa:dima / sawfa / naqra / li-kai:r min al-kitaba:t / illi min ha:a n-naw / ha:za l-adab / yanbut /  ariyyat / al-higra al-gimaiyya / al-miriyya / allati lam / yahad tari:x il-bila:d la-ha mai:lan / wa-hiya higrat kutta:b wa-mufakkiri:n / wa-higrat aydi: a:mila / wa-in ka:n baha: a:hir / qad sa:r / lil-amal  l-xa:rig / wa-li-iqa:mat bil-xa:rig / wa-huwa ka:tib / la-hu wazn-u / wa-ka:tib muqtadir / fa-huwa / yani / huwa yuqaddim il- / bidaya:t / yuqaddim ha:a n-na il- / awwal / il-muhimm / il-na al-awwal bi-ha:ihi l-ahammiyya / illa ann-u  taawwur-i: /  itiqa:d-i / inn-u / is-sanawa:t al-qa:dima / sa-tui:-na nuu: / la adri in ka:nat nuu: / muhimma aw e:r muhimma / a i:ma aw e:r a i:ma / mutamakkin kuttab-ha aw e:r mutamakkin aw e:r mutamakkini:n / la:kin nuu: / barak bi-tuntig ha:za l-wa:qi allai yai:-u al- / al-miriyyu:n / xa:rig mir / laysa faqa / fi: / fi madi:na amaliyya / ka // ka-aqu:l / la:kin ayan  madi:na amaliyya ka-aydi a:mila / ka-ba:at gara:id / : / ka-ma: yadus / masalan  vienna wa-siwa:-ha / : /  l-ira:q ka-fallai:n yaau:n al-ar / ila a:xiri-hi ila a:xiri(-h) / ha:a wa:qi gidi:d / ala abna: wa-bana:t mir / wa-: ray-i inn-u la budd / sawfa / yanakis bi-akli aw bi-a:xar  al-adab al-miri  l-tisina:t wa- l-alfe:n / wa yani / da fa:tia lin-niqa: bad kida / bad id-duktu:r abri ma yatakallam/

inf. 6 6.1 6.2

NA2 ma-araf-i / abtidi bi-ar no:a illi b-axtalif :-ha maa d-dukto:ra rawa  tafsir-ha / li “bil-ams alumtu bik” / walla atkallam an il magmu:a

426

6.3 6.4 6.5 6.6 6.7 6.8 6.9 6.10 6.11 6.12 6.13 6.14 6.15 6.16 6.17 6.18 6.19 6.20 6.21 6.22 6.23 6.24 6.25 6.26 6.27 6.28 6.29 6.30 6.31 6.32 6.33 6.34 6.35 6.36 6.37 6.38 6.39 6.40 6.41 6.42 6.43 6.44 6.45 6.46 6.47 6.48 6.49

APPENDICES

bi-akli(n) a:mm / li-inn-i atawwar law-ina rakkizna ala “bil-ams alumtu bi-ki” / sa-na lim baqiyat il-qia / kai:ra(n) / xa:atan wa-anna-ni agid anna huna:k ala:qa asasiyya be:na il-qia al-uxra / wa-bayna “bil-ams alumtu bik” / bal inna-ni uri:du an ult an-na ar / ila qiat “ n-na:za” / allati ataqid anna-ha tatawi ala al-guu:r allati dafaat baal “bil-ams alamtu bik” nafs-uh ila l-higra / aw allati tu:ik an tuqaddim aya:t ha:za l-baal qabla an / yua:dir mar / ha:za l-mana:x / al-a:rid / allazi dafaahu ila l-xuru:g / nagid guu:r-u / wa-nagid tafai:l-u // kull-aha tari:ban marsu:ma bi-akl // wa:i giddan /  qiat “an-na:a” / wa- ayri-ha min al-qia / b-aa:wil ayan / ara no: min al-riba: / il-akar taqi:dan min mugarrad il-tama:sul aw it-taa:buh be:n al-qia / illi bi-yarbu / kull qia ha:zihi al- / magmu:a / wa huwa / riba: la yuli unur at-taa:buh / wa-in ka:n bi-yanawi ale:(-h)/ wa-hwa / akbaru min-hu qali:lan / aw awsa min-hu kai:ran / inna-hu riba: / al-mutawwalid an a:liya:t / al-wahm wal-aqi:qa / al a:liya:t al-kra is-sa:bita an i-e: / wal-wa:qi / al-aqi:qi li-ha:a a-e: nafs-u / wa-sa-nagid anna ha:zihi al-kra l-asasiyya / tu:ik an taku:n / maru:a  kull qia / ha:ihi al-magmu:a / bi-ma  a:lik / qiat “bil-ams alumtu bik” / li-anna-na /  “bil-ams alumtu bik” ayan / [n-]wa:gih masalit al-ala:qa be:n krit / kulli min al-a:lamayni an al-a:xar / wa-be:n abi:it / wa // wa-arakiyyit ha:zihi l-ala:qa nàfsa-ha // huna:k / qaiyya / uxra  l-magmu:a /hiya qaiyyit / iya:b il-ab / bil-mana il-batriarki lil-kalima / iya:b / ab il-sula / il-ab il-ima:ya / al-ab al-fahm / il-ab il-ma:ni il-qudra / wa-di mawgu:da  aktar min qia / bi-ma:  a:lik qiat “bil-ams alumtu bik” nàfsà-ha / illi bi-nagid :-ha u:rt il-ab bi-tilab do:r / muhimm giddan / bi-nagid il-abe:n bi-yitwagdu / u-bi-yarsimu / xalyyit il-ala:qa illi / aa:rat la-ha (ad-)dukto:r rawa min naya / bi-nagid iya:b il-ab wa:di giddan  qia zayy “nga:n ahwa” / bi-nagid ayan iya:b il-ab wa:i ayan bi-aklin a:xar  qiit “ n-na:a” / al-ab ka-s-sula / ha:za l-mudi:r a-ai:f / ha:za l-ab a-ai:f /  ha:zihi al-ida:ra / huwa allazi arraa / kull abna:-ha bi-ha:zihi l-maana:t al- / kai:ra // di ana:ir bi-turbu / qia / il-magmu:a li-bai-ha / :(h) qia uxra / wa-hiya qiit “sundus” / hiya ayan / bi-tandarig tata al-riba: il-awwal / wa-hwa riba: a:liya:t il-ala:qa be:n al-wahm / wa al-aqi:qa be:n al-kra s-sabta / an inn sundus ha:zihi / hiya l-alabiyya / hiya l-asu:d / wa-bayna u:rit sundus al-aqiqiyya al-mutaarrika il-a:rifa li-ahdàf-ha / allati tuaqqiqu bi-ab qabla an / tatruq al-ba:b / wa-tarif anna-ha sa-tirab i-a:y / wa-anna-ha sa-tufur wa-anna-ha sa-tabi: wa-anna-ha sa-tafal kulli e:  / wa allati talab / bi-ha:zihi l-kra s-sabta / allati tastaillu-ha hiya nafs-àha bi-maha:ra adi:da / li-anna / al-kra as-sabta di / ka:nit rubbama hiya s-sabab  inn sundus nagait  an tabi:a / ma: ba:at / li- anna-ha n-niha:ya bi-tu:l lis-sitt / bi-wuu: adi:d / inni bint-aha ma-hiya:- yani gami:la wala a:ga wala tusad / wa inn-aha zayyi u:d id-durra na:if wa-inn-aha la:zim tiwaddi:-ha /  l-a:xir bi-tu:l la-ha anna-ha la:zim tiwaddi:-ha li / il-abi:b / ha:zihi il-alaqa:t / aw al-maa:wir allati tarbu / qia / al-magmu:a bi-bai-ha / muhimma  / ilqa: / kai:r min a-o: ala ha:ihi l-qia wa-nanu nataaddau an-ha / qiatan / qia / sa-ua:wil an / ui:r ila / ha:zihi al- / maa:wir asna: / al-adi: an al-qia nàfsa-ha /

APPENDICES

6.50 6.51 6.52 6.53 6.54 6.55 6.56 6.57 6.58 6.59 6.60 6.61 6.62 6.63 6.64 6.65 6.66 6.67 6.68 6.69 6.70 6.71 6.72 6.73 6.74 6.75 6.76 6.77 6.78 6.79 6.80 6.81 6.82 6.83 6.84 6.85 6.86 6.87 6.88 6.89 6.90 6.91 6.92 6.93 6.94 6.95 6.96

427

wa-sa-abda / bi al-qia allati / qaddamat ad-dukto:ra rawa taawwùr-ha al-tafi:li la-ha / wa sa-abda ayan / min al-bida:ya / allati aa:rat ilay-ha / wa hiya / al-bida:ya al-ha:dia al-luawi / al-lua l-ha:dia / allati / tukarris / ar-rata:ba /  ha:ihi l-aya:h / al-xa:liya min ayyi ia:ra / wal-xa:liya /  l-waqti nafsi(-h) / min ayyi / mana / bi-niss  / bada ha:zihi l-bida:ya / illi arit-ha-lna ad-dukto:ra rawa / bi-niss bi-inn-u huna:k / tafai:l kai:ra / bi-tui:r ila taqau awa:l / ha:za al-a:lam min na:iya / wa-ila taqau al-awa:l bayna / al-baal / wa-bayna / al-a:lam / allazi / yai:u :-hi / min na:iyatin uxra / wa / bi-nagid ayan / anna al […]  bin- / tabda al-ala:qa be:n il-/ fàta wal-fatà: / wa / ha:zihi l-ala:qa / ka-ma aa:rat / rawa / :-ha / tama:ul / wa-:-ha / ira:  l-waqti nafsi-h // huna:k tama:ul ari:b be:n il-baal / u-be:n “ann marie” / illi hiyya l-bàala / bi-u:ra illi bi-nagid anna kulla min-huma: yu:ik an yaku:n / mutarib /  a:lami(-h) / hiyya ayan taqu:l la-hu inna yumriu-ni ha:a l-a:lam / hiya ayan turi:du [l]-xuru:g min bilàd-ha / wa as-safar ila afri:qa / ila bila:di-h allati hariba / aw ila qa:rati-hi allati hariba min-ha huwa nafs-u-h / wa-min di:ni-ha nafs-uh / ila l-katu:likiyya / li-anna-ha turi:d an / tataniq mabda al-qiddi:s franswa l-assisi illi huwa ka:n ragulan / taraka / kull maba:hig al-aya: / wa-kulla iara:ti-ha / wa inalaqa li / yai: aya: faqi:ra giddan / mutaqaifa giddan / hiya a:iqa / bi-ha:za l-a:lam llazi tai:u :(-h) / wa-i:na-ma taqu:lu la-hu anna-ni  l-aqi:qa akrahu-k / taqu:l la-hu a:lika / li-anna-hu yuakkìru-ha / bi-xai:bi-ha allai taxalla an-ha / allai nakaa / bi-waadi-hi / wa-taraka-ha / wa taxalla an baladi-hi ayan // li-anna-hu huwa ayan ha:a l-ragul al-mutarib / narifu anna-hu / qad taxalla an baladi-hi / wa / taraka-ha / ila ha:zihi /al-madi:na al-gadi:da / ha:zihi al-ala:qa / allati tarbu ar-ra:wi / wa xai:b al-fata: min giha / wa allati tarbu ir-ra:wi wal-fata: min giha uxra / wa / allati nagid / la-ha mustawaya:t adi:da / bada kida / bi-takkìd-ha […]il-nua il- / il-tanya / bada ala:qit al-taa:buh wa ala:qit at-tama:ul ha:zihi allati uri:du an ui:r ilay-ha / hiya ala:qa(t) il-istira:ba  l-waqti nafsi(-h) // inna kulla min al-alamayn mali: bi-uku:k / wa mali: bil-istira(:)ba:t / wa mali: bil-afka:r a-a:bita / an al-a:lam al-a:xar / ha:zihi l-afka:r a-a:bita allati tatagassad /  krit al-umm / wa-llati / hiya / e:h / tikra:r aw huna:k aban / baha: a:hir ka-ayyi fanna:n aziq bi-ywassi / ufuq / al- / i:ma l-asasiyya / aw ufuq al-mawu: al-asa:si / min xila:l / tanwia:t / anawiyya / ala ha:za al-mawu: / fa-huna:ka / tanwi:at a:dis al-masàla / ala al-mawu: ar-rai:si / wa  a:dis al-masàla ha:za / bi-naltaqi bil-mara / al-agu:z allati tu:ik an taku:n / tanwi: a:xar ala umm al-fata: / al-fatà / umm-àha / la-ha afka:r sa:bita / tari:ban an afriqiya wa-an mar / wa-anna  mir yugidu:na sir / wa-anna-ha tataawwar anna ha:za r-ragul / allazi ga:a min mar / qad saara / li-fata:ti-ha siran min nawin-ma / wa hiya taqu:l la-h i:na-ma yuri:d an yaxuz a-u:ra / anna-ni afhamu-k / afhamu-ka tama:man / bi-tuakkid anna-ha la tafhamu-hu ala l-ila:q / tuakkid anna huna:k masala asasiyya / wa hiya masalit / adam il-fahm / adam al-qudra ala t-tawa:ul li-anna / lada kulli min al-alamayn kra / a:bita / an al-a:lam al-a:xar / ha:ihi l-kra s-sa:bita min ga:nib al- / al-arq / wa min ga:nib al-baal / mawgu:da  u:rit adi:q-u kama:l / allazi yataaddas an anna huna:ka kahraba  ha:za l-mana:x / wa-anna ha:zihi l-kahraba tuair ala

428

6.97 6.98 6.99 6.100 6.101 6.102 6.103 6.104 6.105 6.106 6.107 6.108 6.109 6.110 6.111 6.112 6.113 6.114 6.115 6.116 6.117 6.118 6.119 6.120 6.121 6.122 6.123 6.124 6.125 6.126 6.127 6.128 6.129 6.130 6.131 6.132 6.133 6.134 6.135 6.136 6.137 6.138 6.139 6.140 6.141 6.142

APPENDICES

aqu:l in-na:s ila a:xiri-h / huna:k magmu:a min al-afka:r al-ari:ba assa:bita al-musayira ala / kullin min al-alamayn / wa allati tusa:him  / tawi:q amaliyyit il-ittia:l be(:)n-hum / aw tawi:q amaliyyit al- / tawa:ul aw atta ida:rit / ayyi iwa:r / mafhu:m // w-illi bi-yakkid masalit il- / kra di / bi-ram inn-aha bi-tagid tawi:r wa tawi:r wa rubbama raf / min al-gi:l al-a:xir wal-gi:l al-ada / allai yumaìl-u ar-ra:wi wa al- / fata: /  ha:ihi al-qia / bi-nagid anna-ha / bi-ram anna al-fata:t /  kulli-ma arraat bi-hi / wa  kulli-ma qalat-hu / tu:ik an taku:n / idd ha:zihi al-afka:r a-a:bita / illa / anna // al-fàta yatagassadu  ilmi-ha / wa qad itaana-hu a-aqr / allazi huwa / min rumu:z mar al-qadi:ma // wa / al-arb  ha:zihi l-a:la / aw al-arb bi-ha:za -akl / la yarif / an mira illa ha:za al- / ma:i al-a:bir / al- / a:im / al-ari:b  al-waqt nafs-u // wa-hiya b-tataawwar / ayan / min afkàr-ha ann-u / anna-hu / la-hu qu:wa iga:biyya ala l-l / hiya bi-tasal-u / ma:a taf al likay yadus ha:a / lamma ilmit bi-hi  ilm / bi-tasal ma:a taf al likay yadus ha:za / wa-ka-anna huwa al-qu:wa alfa:ila / wa hiya mukìlt-u l-asasiyya / huwa anna-hu taqri:ban qad allaqa / al-l / munu / an taraka / mira / wa munzu an / taraka kull afka:r-u(h) al-qadi:ma // qu:wat-u  l-aqi:qa / laysat qu:wa iga:biyya wa-innama qu:wa salbiyya / hiya qu:wat ha:za al-wahm al-musayir / aw ha:zihi l-kra s-sa:bita al-musayira ala ha:za / al-a:lam / wa anna fuqda:n-u huwa lil-ihtima:m / fuqda:n-u huwa lid-do:r illi bi-narif asba:b-u  qiit “al-na:za” bit-tafi:l / huwa sabab / urbat-u / illi hiyya nafs-aha bi-tara :-ha / maìr-ha / almumtadd  l-mustabal / bi-tagid anna-ha rubbama sa-tubi u:ra uxra min ha:za / al-a:bb al-mutarib / fa tuqarrir al-intiha:r / huwa nafs-u rubbama la yara al-masa: allati yaì-ha bi-ha:zihi al- / al-ari:qa / bi-anna fuqda:n il-ihtima:m ha:a / sa-yui:l-u ila ha:za al-ax / al-ari:b allazi / afzaa / ha:zihi al-fata: / fa / yafqid / fa-tafqid il-ihtima:m / aw qabl an tafqid il-ihtima:m misl-u / bi-turi:d atta / an tui(-h) nafsa-ha / wa la(:)kinn-u bi-yarfu-ha ka-imraa / bi-yul la-ha inna-hu / lam yàra-ha illa / ia / u:l / al-waqt / wa- ha:zihi l-la a bi-tui: in-nu:r / wa-huna ayan min istima:l ar-ramziyya bi-yial ma yumkin tasmiyit la it kaf / la it ia:a / la it / fahm / wa bi-tul-lu inn hiya / fahimat / wa  ha:zihi l-la a bi-narif anna-ha / aqi:qatan / qarrarat / an tantair / huna bi-naltaqi bi-/ rawayni muaabatayni / mutama:ilatayni / bi-yuqtuluhuma: adam il-fahm / wa tuqtulu-huma: ha:zihi / al-gusu:r al-mutaqaia / allati xalaqàt-ha ha:zihi al-afka:r / al- / a:bita // il- / ha:zihi al-muwàgha al-ari:ba / ha:zihi a-adma / allati / natagat an ha:za / al-liqa: / aw ha:zihi l-muwàgha l-muba:ara / hiya allati / amraat-hu  an-niha:ya / wa tarakat-hu la-na /wa huwa yamidd yàd-hu  ha:za l-a:lam allai yaxtali :(-h) / al-ulm / bil-aqi:qa / al-ulm / bi al-xala: allazi raayna tanwi:a uxra ale:(-h) /  / al-xala: -u: / wa  al-xala: / al-xala: allazi qaddàma-hu fati / aw  al-xala: allazi yuqaddimu-hu kama:l / bi-an yatabir anna-hu yai: : ara: / wa anna aqqàt-u hiya xaymat-u / wa yastaqi:l min al-amal / wa yai: wad-u / wa yubi / al-ari:q ama:ma-hu taqri:ban masdu:d illa min ha:za l-o: / ha:za l-ramz al- / axi:r / wa-ha:zihi l-yad al-mamdu:da allati turi:d an tumsika / taqbi ala ay an tauss anna-hu mugassid  l-urfa / wa huwa e:r mawgu:d / wa lakinna-ha

APPENDICES

6.143 6.144 6.145 6.146 6.147 6.148 6.149 6.150 6.151 6.152 6.153 6.154 6.155 6.156 6.157 6.158 6.159 6.160 6.161 6.162 6.163 6.164 6.165 6.166 6.167 6.168 6.169 6.170 6.171 6.172 6.173 6.174 6.175 6.176 6.177 6.178 6.179 6.180 6.181 6.182 6.183 6.184 6.185 6.186 6.187 6.188 6.189

429

 l-wa:qi talubu / awnan / talubu xala:an / wa la nadri / ayna / huwa / al-xala: / lan narif aqi:qatan ayna ha:za l-xala: / illa iza udna / ila al-qia al-uxra  l-magmu:a / wa-xa:atan ha:zihi al-qia allati ataqid anna-ha la-ha ala:qa wai:qa / li-qiit / “bil-ams alumtu biki” / wa-hiya qiit “al-na:a” /  qiit “il-na:a” / bi-nagid / anna la it / al-tawa:ul al-insa:ni al-aqiqiyya al-wai:da / taawwalat ila lana / a:radat ha:za l-baal / wa taqri:ban / dam(m)arat / aya:t-u(h) // ha:za r-ragul ka-ayyi muwa

af ka:n bi-yitarra lit-tai: / wa-ka:n it-taqi:q min al-bida:ya ka-ma nara  al-qia / idd-u taqri:ban / atta xala waki:l an-niya:ba an-naa:ra / wa taarraf  ala ha:a z-zami:l ar-ra:q id-dira:sa al-qadi:m //  la it tawa:ul al-mutawahhiga l-qai:ra -ai:ra / ha:zihi / dam(m)arat aya:t ha:za al- / baal /  a:lam tu:ik an taku:n / kulli laaa:t at-tawa:ul :(-h) mutaqaia / wa / awwalat al-gami: ila / ada: la-hu / wa- anna al-gami: anna-hu / yatagassas alay-hum / aw anna-hu sabab maa(:)kìlhum ila a:xiri(-h) ila a:xiri(-h) / wa / nuiss  ha:zihi l-qia ayan / anna huna:ka ha:zihi al- / luba / lbit il-wahm bil-wa:qi / ma za:lit tadu:r / anna ha:zihi l-kra al-a:bita allati kawwan-ha al-muwa

afu:n / an / al-ra:wi / hiya nafs-àha / al-kra allati / kawwàna-ha / al-baal / an il / arb aw al-fata: / aw al-arb kullu-hu an i-sarq / aw al-kra allati / a:lat du:n ayyi tawa:ul insa:ni / wa al-kra ayan allati sa:hamat /  tadmi:r aw  taqti: al-waa:ig wa tadmi:r / ha:zihi al-alaqa:t al-insaniyya // bi-nagid da bi-yatakarrar / bi-aklin a:xar / fi “nai:a min a:bb a:qil” / allati / yua:wil / :-ha taqri:ban kullin min baalay-ha an yubarrira / nafsa-hu wa an yubarrira sulu:ka aya:ti-hi / wa / yadus ayan / anna-hu nati:git li- / su: al-fahm / u-nati:git li-adam ha:za l- / ha:zihi l-qudra ala al-tawa:ul aw ha:zihi l-qudra ala l-fahm / bi-yadu an / yadfa ar-ragul al-agu:z / aya:tahu amanan li-ha:a / wa-tataaqqaq rubbama / ara nubu:a  / ha:za l-a:lam al-qaai / i:na-ma yaqu:lu la-hu al-a:bb / iza kunta waalt liha:za l-mustawa fal-mawtu la-ka asan / wa bi-nagid inna-hu bi-yamu:t taqri:ban  l-la a / al-ta:liya / muba:àratan // wa i:na-ma naqra il-qia gayyidan / nagid anna ha:za l- / ukm allazi adda aqi:qatan ila mo:t ha:za r-ragul / mabni / ayan ala / su: fahm / wa-anna ha:za r-ragul lam yataawwal ila qawwa:d / wa lam yakun / yalab maa-hu ha:zihi l-lba / kull ma yuri:d huwa ba al-nuqu:d / wa-ka:n yua:wil bi-ayyi ari:q an yaul min-hu ala ala ha:zihi l-nuqu:d ila a:xir-u // bi-nagid  / a:lam ha:zihi al- / aqai: / ha:zihi l-qaa:ya il- / asasiyya allati aartu ilay-ha / qaiyyit kayfa / tusa:him ha:zihi l-afka:r allati nukawwìn-ha an / al-a:lam /  / al-add min / xuu:bit alaqàt-na / bil-wa:qi / xuu:bit alaqàt-na bil- / baar al-a:xari:n / xuu:bit alaqàt-na bil-aya: min giha / bal tusa:him ayan / fi tadmi:r / kull / gusu:r at-tawa:ul / al-maru:a / aw al-mumkina // bi-nagid anna ha:zihi / al / fikra / turi / rubbama ar baha: a:hir li-qaiyyit al-arq wal- / arb allati / kataba :-ha al-kutta:b / al-miriyyi:n al-kai:r munu / muwàghit rifa:a -ata:wi al-u:la li / al-aa:ra al-arbiyya /  “talxi: al-ibri:z” / muru:ran bi-taw:q al-aki:m wa yaya aqqi wa sulayma:n fayya: wa-a:xari:n //  ha:zihi al- / rila bi-nuiss huna anna al-marala / allati ka:na al-arqu :-ha yataawwar anna l-arb / laday(-h) all / qad intahat / taqri:ban / tama:man / wa-anna l-masala abaat al-a:n

430

6.190 6.191 6.192 6.193 6.194 6.195 6.196 6.197 6.198 6.199 6.200 6.201 6.202 6.203 6.204 6.205 6.206 6.207 6.208 6.209 6.210 6.211 6.212 6.213 6.214 6.215 6.216 6.217 6.218 6.219 6.220 6.221 6.222 6.223 6.224 6.225 6.226 6.227 6.228 6.229 6.230 6.231 6.232 6.233 6.234 6.235 6.236

APPENDICES

anna kullu maralit al-inbiha:r bil-arb ayan qad intahat taqri:ban / wa anna maralat al- / akk  kull il-musallama:t il-u:la /  kull al-/ nawa:ya / kullin min al-alamayn ittiga:h al-a:xar / hiya al-marala / allati / aw hiya al-musayira  ha:zihi /  ha:za -ar / aw  ha:zihi al-qia / wa-rubbama  al-wa:qi al- / saqa: / wal-wa:qi al-kri / lam yaud al-kairi:n / lam yaud al-kairu:n ya unnu:n ka-ma ka:na l-a:l min qabl / anna huna:ka ulu:lan / basi:a wa ga:hiza / yumkin an yuqaddìm-ha al- / arb lil-arq / ila a:xiri-h /  ha:zihi l- / qia ayan / aw  ha:zihi l-magmu:a ayan huna:k / istimala:t / baha: a:hir il- / assa:sa wal-a:iriyya lil-lua / ka-ma aa:rat l-dukto:ra rawa  al-bida:ya / wa huna:k ayan / qudrìt-u al- / a:diqa ala istixda:m / al- / gumal al-iftita:iyya /  xalq / mana:x / tari:ban qàai ka:mil / wa- xalq gaww min al-tawaqqu wa  l-waqti nafsi(-h) gaww min // gaww min al- al-mana:x al-qaai allazi nuiss taqri:ban :(-h) / rubbama bi-kull ma sa-yadu:r /  ha:za al-a:lam / qabla an / nuwa:gih-u //  qiit “bil-ams alumtu bik” addimit li-na d-dukto:r rawa izayy bi-tadri:g bi-nidxul  ha:za l-a:lam /  qia tanya / zayy “al-na:a” bi-tabda hakaa / anna al-bau anna-ha nukta / min al-bida:ya anna al-bau anna-ha nukta / izan fa-hiya lam takun nukta / fa bi-niss min al-awwil inn-ìna bi-nwa:gih e: ari:b / wa inn ha:za -e: l-ari:b / ari:b ila daragit anna ba an-na:s annu anna-ha nukta / wa-la:kin  l-wa:qi inna-ha laysat nukta / wa bit-ta:li / bi-niss min al-bida:ya / il-gumla t-tanya bada fa- -aba: /  l-bard / qabla urb i-a:y / wa sa:at ar-ruu:s al-muxtaya / da:xil uuf il-aba: / marra alay-na as-sa:i bi-manu:r ida:ri ari:b / rafaa al-ba istila:m-uh / wa-qa:lu inna-ha laba saxi:fa ala -ub / wa-ttahamu l-ida:ra al-muga:wara // bi-niss hina inn-ina fi a:lam bi-[yi]tkawwin ala u:l il-a:lam / a:lam al-muwa

a:n / a:lam il-idara:t allati bayna-ha wa-bayna / bai-ha maa:kil / wa bi-niss inni kull ha:zihi l-maa:kil mawgu:da / wa / bi-nagid anna / ha:za al-tanwi: il-muxtalif / anna l-ba rafa istila:m-u / wa-anna l-ba qa:l anna-ha lba saxi:fa ala -ub ila a:xir-u / bi-[y]txili fawran / l-mana:x munzu al- / al-gumla al / gumal al-u:la -l-qia / wa / bil-tadri:g bi-yatafatta / ha:za l-a:lam /  mu am ha:zihi l-aqai: / an kawabi:s / mubhi a / lil-nafs / wa lir-ro: da:fia wa fi l-wati nafsi(h) / ila ia:dit al-tafki:r / wa ila ia:dit al- / taammul wa ila ia:dit / an-na ar fi l-kai:r / min guziyya:t haza l-wa:qi / al-kabu:si // ha:za l-wa:qi al-maru:  uddàm-na ale:-na  qiit “al-na:za” / mugarrad muwa

a:n bi-yaksu al-bana:t min al-ibba:k / wa gami: al-muwa

a:n zayyi-ma arifna  l-qia / bi-yaksu l-bana:t / wa zayyi-ma al-lu / kullu wa:id yimkin luh aba aw itne:n / la:kin bi-yadus anna ha:za l-a:lam kull-u / yataka:taf bi-aklin ari:b giddan idd / ha:za -ax / rubbama / allai dafa samanan ba:hi an / li-la it at-tawa:ul al- / qai:ra al-insa:niyya / maa ma(:)i:(-h) / maa ufult-u / maa waki:l an-niya:ba bi-ha:za l- / al-akl //  ha:za l-a:lam ayan / ka-ma aartu  l-bida:ya / masalit do:r aw sulit al-ab al- / manyya aw al-maliyya allati / tuadd ila addin-ma / masu:la an ha:za al-tadahwur al-mawgu:d  / ha:zihi l-qia // ba ha:zihi l-qia / kutiba  awa:xir ilsittina:t / wa-ba-aha kutib s-sabina:t / wa-axìr-ha / hiya qiit “bil-ams alumtu bik” / kutibat fi l-amanina:t / fi ha:zihi l-fatra /allati a:na fi:-ha l-wa:qi allazi adarat an-hu ha:zihi l-qia / min / imma min iya:b al-ab / aw

APPENDICES

431

6.237 6.238 6.239 6.240 6.241 6.242 6.243 6.244 6.245 6.246 6.247 6.248 6.249 6.250 6.251 6.252 6.253 6.254 6.255 6.256 6.257 6.258 6.259 6.260 6.261 6.262 6.263 6.264 6.265 6.266 6.267 6.268 6.269 6.270 6.271 6.272 6.273 6.274 6.275 6.276

imma min wugu:d ab / la ariyyata la-hu / wa bit-ta:li la / qudrata la-hu ala mani / al-a:lam allazi yai: :(-h) al-amn […]aw ayyi no: min ha:zihi al-/ aasi:s / al-aru:riyya / bil-ittisa:q / maa l-a:lam / wa-fahm-u / zayy-ma ufna  il-qia illi bi-tui:r bi-akl wa:i ila iya:b al-ab /  qiit “nga:n / ahwa” / bi-nagid / inn / fi qiit “finga:n ahwa” ha:zihi / huna:k / ab badi:l / illi huwwa  ax u:rit al-amm al- / sikki:r al-xa:ib / allazi yuri:d atta an yabi: al-fata: / ila / ayyi / xa:ib / wa huna:k sami:r / al-ibn il-badi:l it-ta:ni li-ha:za l-ab il[li] bi-nagid anna-hu ana:ni / wa yufakkir fi / alaqt-u bi-zamilt-u wa-kayfa anna / iza:it ha:za l-ab aw mawt-u sa-tuaddi ila maa:kil kai:ra bi-nisba:-lu / wa bi-nagid anna l-a:bb al-mahmu:m aqi:qatan bi-maa:kil ha:zihi l-usra / huwa ragul / huwa midat al-azar / allazi yubiu-hu l-gami: / wa allazi la yasma la-hu aad // anna kull man yua:wil an yahtamm rubbama ihtima:man aqiqiyyan / bi-ayyi ayin / yagid anna ha:za al-a:lam al-mawgu:d ala sa allai yuakkil / almuassasa / rubbama muassasit il-quwa  /  ha:za l-wa:qi / yubiu-hu / wa-yataawwal / e: / idda-hu / wa / la / naxrug min al-qia / illa bi-isàsna al-murr / bi-masa:t ha:za al-a:lam / allazi a:bat min-hu sulati / ha:za al-ab / allazi narifu ayan anna-hu lam yakun aban / a:lian aw ayyi ay / wa-la:kinna-hu istaa:a ala l-aqall / an yu- / wafra / nawan mina / al-aya: / al-ha:dia / aw maqu:la bi ha:za al- / a:lam aw li-usrati-hi ha:ihi // izan fa-huna:ka ala:qa bayna / al-wa:qi allazi / tadu:ru :-hi l-qia allati tadu:r  mir / wa-a:lika al- / wa:qi al-a:xar / al-agnabi allazi aw za:lik al-a:lam al-a:xar / allazi tuqaddim-hu qiat “bil-ams alumtu bik” / wa dì n-nua illi / abbe:t inn-ana ui:r ile:-ha / inn / kullin / min / al-qia al-arbaa / al- / axi:ra / wa-qiit al-unwa:n / bi-yakkìlu  ala:qa asasiyya mawgu:da be:n-hum  ha:zihi al-magmu:a / hiyya aban ka-ma narif gami:an / magmu:a al-qia allati tarakkamat lada al-ka:tib wa / adarat /  ha:zihi l-magmu:a // la:kin / bi-sabab ihtima(:)ma:t al-ka:tib nafs-u / bi-sabab no: min widit a:lam-u al- / qaai / bi-sabab / no: min ittisa:q aw / e:h // tawa:ul aw ittia:l humu:m-u wa-htima(:)ma:t-u nafs-aha / bi-nuiss bi-wugu:d ha:zihi ar-ra:bia / aw ha:zihi al-ala:qa allati tarbu al-qia / bi-bai-ha // wa li-za:lika fa-ana / adu ila al- / axz ha:zihi l-qia bil-itiba:r / atta wa-nanu / nuna:qi / qiit “bil-ams alumtu bik” nafs-aha // li-anna-na bi-du:n za:lik lan nafham li-ma:za taraka ha:za al-a:bbu / balada-hu / li-ma:za / itaraba bi ha:za -akl / li-ma:za taxalla an kulli afka:ri-hi allati / e: / ka:nat laday(-h) / li-ma:za taxalla an kulli tafa:ulihi wa kulli ulmi-hi bit-tayi:r / ila a:xiri(-h) / wa-sa-nafhamu ayan li-ma:za / lam / yasluk nafs -ari:q allai salakat al-fata: / bil-intiha:r / wa ma za:l yamal  all /  xala: / wa-nargu an / nui:r ila ba uxra min ha:ihi al-qaa:ya wa-nanu / bi-adad al-muna:qaa //

inf. 7 7.1 7.2 7.3 7.4 7.5

NA3 hal yani hal ul baha: a:hir ada:i walla la / da as-sua:l / m kida // bi-xtia:r / kida / bi-rami min / it-tawifa:t illi / aban a-[a]xtalif màa[-h] ala u:l / yani / hal ul baha: a:hir / min il-bida:ya / huwa il-ul ill-ina nusammi:(-h) il-wa:qii: / il-taqli:di: / illi yantami lil-assa:siyya / il-adi:ma / il-malu:fa / huwa sua:l la: yumkin iga:b ale:-h illa /iza aena[-h] bi-ha:a

432

7.6 7.7 7.8 7.9 7.10 7.11 7.12 7.13 7.14 7.15 7.16 7.17 7.18 7.19 7.20 7.21 7.22 7.23 7.24 7.25 7.26 7.27 7.28 7.29 7.30 7.31 7.32 7.33 7.34 7.35 7.36 7.37 7.38 7.39 7.40 7.41 7.42 7.43 7.44 7.45 7.46 7.47 7.48 7.49 7.50 7.51 7.52

APPENDICES

-akl / e:h hiya xaa:i ul baha: a:hir / ana aban muttaq bida:yatan / maa il-dukto:ra rawa / mi maa d-dukto:r abri  inn-u “bil-ams alumtu bik” bi-tumayyiz / bi-tatamayyaz bi-inn-a-ha nuqla aqi:qatan / an ul baha: a:hir / w-inna al-qia illi mawgu:da  ha:ihi l-magmu:a al-uxra / bi-tantami  l-ai:a li-a:lam baha: a:hir / illi arafna:(-h)  magmut-u l-u:la / “il-xuu:ba” / bi-akar min ra:bia / bi-kull / yani / ifa:t il-intima: / e:h hiya / a-axtalif / yani / aw a-umayyiz be:n ul baha: a:hir / u-be:n ul il-assa:siyya il-taqli:diyya l-qadi:ma / min / mi bass faqa min nayt il-mawqif wr-ruya wa-fahm il-a:lam illi rakkiz ale:-hum d-dukto:r abri / da mawgu:d bit-taki:d / la:kin ayan / min ayu il-tikni:k / aysu l-lua / huwwa / d-dukto:r abri a:l mi muhimm al-tikni:k / aw ma: yani inn-u l-tikni:k  l-maalli t-ta:ni / wa-inn-u ir-ruya / hiya lli  l-maall il-awwal / aban / ana mi a:yiz afil be:n il-agte:n / mi mumkin / la:kin / asa:san / il-ul bita: baha: a:hir / huwa aban / ra:id / ha:zihi il-madrasa aw il-lua aw il-tayya:r illi / ana ba / yani / mu:la bi-inn- ana asammi:(-h) tasmiya bi-tui:r maa:kil kai:ra / madrasit il-tari:b wal-iya:d / wa hakaa / wa-ma za:lit ha:zihi t-tasmiya tui:r maa:kil / ana mi mumainn la-ha tama:man / la:kin / bi-xtia:r / a:yiz au:l inn-àha al-lua / ka-ma: aa:r dukto:r abri dilwati / war-ruya allati / ta:wil an taku:n mugarràdatan bi-mana / it-tanzi:h an kulli aw / tua:wil an yabtaid il-ka:tib aw o:t il-ka:tib an inn-u yatadaxxal / tua:wil an tara al-a:lam muba:àratan / zayyi-ma a:l d-dukto:r abri / bayna /  xa al-mustaqi:m bayna l-e:n wal-mawu: / aw illi ana b-asammi:(-h) / muawlit ruyit al-aya: /  / ha:za -o il-ba:rid / a-a:i: / al-ya:qi / wa / ixtiya:r al-qamu:s / allai laysa :-hi atta nabra min gayaa:n illa na:diran / li-inn-u baha: a:hir  n-niha:ya / atta bi-stixda:m ha:a l-qamu:s / bi-yail  ba al-mawa:qi min qia-u / ila no: min a-a:iriyya al-murhafa giddan / istixda:m / alfa: a:ya giddan / wa-raqi:qa giddan / wa-la:kin qali:la / wa-bi-tiba : mawi-ha / da aban min sima:t iqtida:r ha:a l-ka:tib / illi ayiz au:l-u bi-xtia:r / inn-u ha:a l-tayya:r kull-u ada:i bil-taki:d / laysa faqa min ayu l-mawqif / wa-fahm al-a:lam / wat-taa:mul màa-hu / laysa faqa min aysu / eh / inn-u / bi- / yanumm aw yai aw yabtais la-na l-gaww illi samma:-h abri al-kabu:si / w-lli ana mumkin asammi:(-h) gaww il-qam al-mustatir al-mumar / al-a:i / allai tataarràbu-hu kull / ilqia / wa-tai: tata ai-hi kull i-axiyya:t  kull il-marala l-u:la / laysa ha:a faqa / bal mim-ma: yadum ha:a / wa yuakkid-u wa yubriz-u / it-tikni:k / tikni:k al- / allai / yumkin an nusammi:-hi / lil-wahlat il-u:la / al-tikni:k al-iya:di / e:h / wal-lua al-iya:diyya / aw it-taribiyya / aw it-tayiiyya / wa la:kin ha:a kullu-hu / ka:n yumkin an yusamma huwa / al-wa:giha / hal huna:k iya:d aqqan / hal huna:ka tari:b lil-a:lam aqqan / hal huna:ka tayi: lil-axa: wa lil-mawa:qif / wa ina:l an-ha aqqan / bil-aks / illi ana b-azum-u bi-stimira:r / w-illi ana mu:la bitardi:d-u bi-stimra:r fi ha:ihi l-madrasa kull-aha / illi bi / yani / baha: a:hir / aad ruwwa:di-hi l-kuba:r / huwa inn-u / bil-aks / inn-u ha:a l-tikni:k / wa ha:ihi l-lua / wa ha:a l-uslu:b / u-ha:ihi r-ruya / hiya af al ma taku:n / wa anfa ma taku:n / : naql al-isa:s bil-aab / wa bil-sawra wa bil-itiga:g al-ka:mil idd ha:a l-qam allai yabdu ka-anna-ma l-ka:tib la yuna bi-hi /

APPENDICES

7.53 7.54 7.55 7.56 7.57 7.58 7.59 7.60 7.61 7.62 7.63 7.64 7.65 7.66 7.67 7.68 7.69 7.70 7.71 7.72 7.73 7.74 7.75 7.76 7.77 7.78 7.79 7.80 7.81 7.82 7.83 7.84 7.85 7.86

433

yabdu ka-anna-hu laysa mutawarrian -hi / wa-anna ha:ihi al-i:la al-fanniyya / wal-i:la bil-mana g-gayyid / aban / hiya al-i:la al-anfad / wal-af al wal-aqdar ala aml / risa:la / li-anna /  ha:a al-a:lam / risa:la wa:ia / e:h hiya / risa:la mumkin nataammaq :-ha wa-nadxul wa-naxtalif ila a:xir-u / e:h / ian / fa / bi-ha:a l-mana huna:ka as-sima:t al-adaiyya al-asasiyya / allati taxtalif an a:lam / e:h / taymu:r / aw / atta a:hir la:i:n / ayu / yu:gad ixtila:f asa:si / laysa faqa  l-mawqif lil-a:lam / bal  t-tikni:k al-ila:g al-fanni // bin-nisba lil-ams / “bil-ams alamtu bik” / ataqid inn-u baha: a:hir / amal kulli mungaza:t ul-u / il- /  l-marala s-sa:biqa / inn-a-ha bi-taki:d  marala / amal ha:ihi lingaza:t / umma / aa:fa ilay-ha budan a:xar / ana muttaq maa d-dukto:ra rawa  inn-u // tawarru / wa uhu:r / ha:a t-takwi:n / allai yattail bi-hi / mi bass baha: a:hir / wa ma yumkin an yusamma magmu:at il-muaqqa:n / yani / ha:a t-tawi:f kull-u muttaq maa:(-ha) / akar wuu:an / aksaru buru:za / anna huna:ka bil- l duxu:l il-ka:tib sawa bi-ax-u aw bi-ma: yumail-u / akar bi-kai:r min / waqt al-iya:d aw waqt il-ibtia:d / allati / asmaytu-ha kai:ran / ala sabi:l il-istia:ra / ittixa: al-qina: / ataqid inn-u badan min “bil ams alumtu bik” umma “mua:warat il-gabal” / ma-araf- illi a-yial bad kida / ibtada baha: a:hir / yaxla aw yarfa ha:a l-qina: / li-yuri:-na / li-usni a-ìna / gayaa:n al-qalb bil-l / wa-tawarru al-ka:tib bil-l / wa no: min gisr attawa:ul al- / al-muba:ir akar / wal-akar difan bit-ta:li / mi bass min ayu il- / il- / it il-nasi:g di / kull-aha  l-amal / ayan min ayu istixda:m tikni:k gidi:d ala baha: a:hir / giddan / nla:hi  “bil-ams alamtu bik” / :(-h) aqr yabdu / ala n-na:a / istixda:m aqrab ma yaku:n ila istixda:m / mi ayz au:l bi-bisa:a / ika:yat ar-ramz / wa-innama ala l-aqall / istixda:m istia:ri ha:mmi giddan li-mufrada:t gidi:da tama:man ala a:lam baha: a:hir / allati lam yakun :-ha / mufrada:t tamil dala(:)la:t min ha:za l-no: / il- // il- / amaliyyit i-aqr illi bi-yahar / amaliyyit il-ulm illi biyatabadda / il-gaww il-kabu:si / ka-ma: law ka:n bi-yiktasib no: min alitia:d wal-gayaa:n / wal-ara:ra ka:n bi-yaftaqid-u / mi bi-aru:ra yaftaqid-u / ka:n e:r mawgu:d /  amal baha: a:hir / al-awwala:ni / [ma-]araf-i da iza ka:n yigi:b ala sua:l sai:d al-mufa:gi illi ana mi mustaidd la-hu / aban / walla la //

APPENDIX 3

TRANSLATION OF TEXT

(Note: There may not in every case be a full word-to-word-correspondence between this translation and the translation of single occurrences in the analysis parts, although the meaning rendered should, of course, correspond. This direct translation reects most of, but not all, the oral features of hesitation, false starts, chain syntax, and the like.)

AUC1 We are fortunate [= it makes us happy] to have with us for this evening the professors dr. MT, dean of the Institute for environmental studies and director of the Center for research on higher education; professor dr. FA, professor of pedagogical [tarbawi ] psychology and head of the psychology department at Ein Shams university, and director of the Center for exams and pedagogical [tarbawi ] evaluation; professor dr. SIA, professor of pedagogy and whose many challenging articles in various magazines need no mention, articles which concern the Egyptian citizen in so many ways. We shall start the seminar this evening by a short presentation of some observations by an amateur professor, that is myself… I am not a specialist on pedagogy/education, but I have rst been a student at various levels, and I now teach in one of our universities. I believe that what we should focus on tonight are the different aspects of the decline in educational standards in Egypt. I, well, I do have an opinion with regard to university education, maybe some of my students and friends (already) know it. I believe that, if we start with university (level) education and go down to pre-university education, we will nd that university teaching/education suffers most basically from the problem of the very large number of students. This, in my opinion, is the the number one and basic issue. [1.22] Unfortunately, it reminds me of an event which happened while we were studying abroad. We were studying in England, in 1962 more precisely, and the situation in England was, that is, there was an increase in the admission to university studies, especially for what we call overseas students, foreign stu-

APPENDICES

435

dents, and England began a ferocious campaign, I think ferocious is the appropriate word here, to prepare in (19)62, because they decided to increase the number of those admitted 10% by the year (19)72, it means, they had 10 years to increase the number of students at the university by 10 %. I happened to go and stay in Cairo in the summer of that year, (19)62, and one of the surprises was, of course, in summer we used to celebrate the revolution of July 23rd, and I was taken by surprise by the minister of higher education dr. Abd al-Aziz al-Sayyid, God bless his soul, on television, saying: good news for those concerned, mr. President has given orders that we expand the number of admissions to the university this year, and the expansion has been decided at 50%. I was shocked when I heard this, I must admit, and started wondering, here I come from England a few weeks ago, and they were making preparations for a 10% increase in 10 years, while we here in only a few weeks time, between 23rd July and the opening of the semester in September or October, we shall increase the ratio by 50%, without any investigation and without any planning, without nding out about capacities, neither professors nor libraries nor institutes, nothing at all. [1.47] I believe this was the beginning of decay and decline in university education, after that, of course, this became the rule, and year after year, the numbers increase, and, the problem is that of course when the universities here in Cairo and in Alexandria and elsewhere, the old universities, when they were cramped by the numbers admitted, we began to move to the other regions and establish universities, it is as if every governor (is) eager that his governorate be, that his governorate be important, so he will establish a university in his governorate, just like what would happen sometimes in the Gulf, and, and I don’t know, the governor of Damanhur wants a university, the governor, any governor here wants to have a university. [1.59] We started these universities sometimes without any preparation, I mean, the thing usually began, with a teachers’ college, and later, well, nally we attach a university to it, and mostly we set up a sign where it is put university so and so, and it may be a secondary school building or a hospital, or something like that. [1.64] That, in my opinion, is the beginning, after that, a very bad step occurred I think in the seventies, and that was the abolition of the student missions/scholarships concerning the faculties, at least the theoretical ones, I don’t know, of course, I shall hear from you the opinion of the science faculties. Concerning the theoretical faculties the scholarships were stopped. I, well I only want to make clear one very small point which, perhaps, is not clear to some (people), and that is that those who really deserve to

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be sent out on scholarships, they are, by necessity, students of the theoretical faculties—why? because these people, and there are lots of them, and, and let’s take an example, the further down we go on the steps of tradition and of traditional education, the more we are in need of sending people abroad, so that they can study [1.76] I mean, the teacher who studies or the graduate who has studied chemistry, or computers, in a laboratory, in a university, well, let’s say of medium status, is able to, that is, what he is doing here, is what goes on, in a more advanced and organized and modern manner, of course, abroad. However, at least there is (some) common ground, while the teacher who has studied Arabic or Islamic studies in a very traditional style, and there are books all going back to the middle ages, and there isn’t even a glimpse of development, this teacher is the one we need to send abroad, I mean, I am against the argument that scholarships are/should be reserved only for science students or science graduates, that is really very harmful to the educational situation in Egypt. [1.88] So much for education at university level, and I—we are bound by time here, but concerning preuniversity education I also have one little thing which happened while I was abroad. I was once in Amerika, and my son was three years old, and my other son was ve years old, and then I discovered that they refused to take the boy who was three years old, the boy who was ve years old started going to school, and every day he would return from school, nearly every second day he would come back very happy, that he had got a new book, the new book was like a very small booklet, maybe it had four or ve words in it, [1.98] and there is ten-fteen pictures, but the kid is very happy that he, well every two or three weeks the result is that he will have read to himself ve, six books or what he considers is ve, six books, of course. This said, one thing which very much made him enjoy reading, and going to school, was the famous TV programme “Sesame street”, it would teach them how to split/segmentize the word and its letters and whatever, the important thing is, in one single term, the boy read sixty books, and his brother who was staying at home read thirty books. [1.106] The second experience was in England later on, when the oldest boy was twelve, and went to the school next to us in a village, we were in Cambridge, the boy went to this neighbouring village, and I was surprised that he every day would tell me, let’s go to the library, the library of the college were I was staying, OK, but why, my son, and he would say, the teacher has told us to, OK, so I go with him and leave him there, and he said, eh, he went to, there is a children’s encyclopedia, he grabs it, opens it wide and searches it and, I used at

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rst to leave him and, and then later I started to be “interested”, I want to se what the boy is actually doing, and I found that he was reading about water, about the sun, about slaves, what’s the topic, the teacher of course at school it was very possible that he could tell him those couple of words, I mean what does water consist of and what I don’t know the sun represents what, and what was the origin of the slaves, [1.119] but just (the fact) that the boy at that age, eleven or twelve years old, is asked to go and sit in the library and take a work of reference and open it and read, that was, a major point, I started questioning him, how do they teach you, he replied you’re just going to bother me they teach me OK and that’s it, but just tell me, he said well today, for instance, we had a history class, I said very good, what did he tell you the history teacher, he told me he told us there was this struggle of the people of Normandy and their conquest of England, I said ne, what happened, he said the teacher told us the “king” or king Harold who was the king of Britain at that time, was when the Normans went down into, southern England, he had just been victorious over the Norwegians who were attacking them up there, and he was happy about his victory, [1.132] and the teacher then asks him, if you were in king Harold’s position, he still didn’t know anything about the subject, if you were in king Harold’s position what would you do, and a boy raised his hand, and said, I would have taken advantage of [the fact] that my soldiers were victorious, and take them with me, and drive hastily away before the Normans’ people had fastened their feet, in over, the south of England and began occupying, and I am able to take armies/forces on the way. And the man will say to him, the teacher will say to him, he said to him exactly, Harold was thinking just like you and therefore he attacked, right why did he attack, and so the kids start asking questions. [1.141] This method in conveying information, different from the method of dictating, and memorization, which goes on unfortunately in our schools, for the child from such an early age, is able to know the reference works, and they assign research tasks, he will go and write a study on this or that while he is only eleven or twelve that is, and he begins to know the sources from where he can nd information, and at the same time, the lessons and exams and questions are directed to him in a way which opens up his mind, and it is not the matter of bringing him information to memorize and to keep until exams and then (it’s) nished. I shall really stop here, and leave the oor, to my colleague professor dr. FAH, so that he can speak to us about the situation of preuniversity education.

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AUC2 In the name of God the Compassionate the Merciful, I shall begin by addressing my special and sincere thanks to my brother and friend, professor dr. S, lifetime friend and study comrade ever since we were in Britain studying together in the early sixties. The discussion which we are participating in today, reminds us of those lovely days, when we used to exchange views and discuss public issues, more than we would exchange on private issues. Inspite of that he is an outstanding professor in his specialization as professor of Arabic literature, he is still as an intellectual, who is concerned about, as you (just) heard the problems of the nation. [2.10] In fact, the issue of Egyptian education in general, and pre-university education especially, is an issue full of problems and of cases (to be raised), and controversial questions, I would almost say that, the topic of education, is almost on a par with the topic of economic crisis, when it comes to the interest it raises these days. One can hardly open a newspaper or a journal, or a weekly or a monthly, or read or listen to the radio, or watch television, without nding something on education, in some way or other, and this is in itself a healthy sign, and a sign of social soundness, if it is used in a proper and serious way, because maybe the interest will be outwardly and temporary, and cease when the circumstances cease, however, if the issue is treated with the necessary seriousness and required interest, then its outcome may become useful for all. [2.23] I wish all issues would occupy society and occupy people as (much as) education does, although education itself is among the matters which interest everybody, because hardly anyone of us is not concerned about the issue of education, whether as a learner or educator, or as father or mother, or well, the issue preoccupies one in one way or other. Regarding pre-university education, in fact, the problem of pre-university education, is that no clear picture has been delimited of it, as I see it, connecting it to the functions that we seek, or seek to realize. Do we, in pre-university education, eh, prepare for a general formation [thaqa:fa], or for a professional/technical formation, in fact there are opposing views on this question, there are some who say that education must be a right for everybody, this is a very important social, and philosophical issue. However, this right, how shall it possibly be realized, in a social world, which is ruled by social rules and social circumstances, and a specic social condition. [2.39] We, of course, if we are talking about education now, especially pre-university education, there are many very important factors that must be taken into consideration,

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the most important being that there is absolutely no doubt or going back on (the principle) that it must be for all citizens. There is, no doubt, nobody who would say that the return to (a situation of ) a certain milieu only enjoying education, and for whom it is their exclusive right. That has been transcended by modern times with its philosophy and directions, and so it is for all and a right for everyone, no doubt. However, this right, when we put it into application, may require from us some kind of discussion, which I may bring some opinions on, and the discussion may perhaps throw some light on its subject, and give it some more clarity. [2.50] Another very important issue when we are teaching, whether in pre-university education or, some other, or some other kind of teaching, whether above the middle level or in higher education, and that is the issue that we have transcended the stage where (we said that) this education in general has a xed beginning and a xed end. Does teaching have to start at the age of six for the elementary school child, and at the age of I don’t know twelve for the intermediate/preparatory and fourteen or fteen for secondary school, and eighteen for university, and if, the student is less or more than that he loses his right to education, this is a question which also needs to be discussed, about the absolutely xed beginning of education, and its delimited end, it has also been transcended by the (modern) age. [2.62] So education, in this sense, has become an open system, with regard to its beginning and end, and especially that we assume that a person when he enters school does not start from point zero, but rather starts from a certain amount of cultural, social, and instructional learning which he has received before (going to) school, and also after he has nished if we assume that education has an end after he nishes. This arbitrary end, of course we assume that education continues after it, for it is a continuous education in the sense that it is not the usual idea of continuous education, that it is continuous education (even) from the point where it ends. In fact, it is a continuous education from, since birth, in this general sense, then another point, connected with education, and that is, do we teach in order to bring forth semi-learners, and semi-procient, and semi-skilled. [2.76] In fact the common practice is, that we teach, in order that, will come forth/graduate among us individuals, who realize what we call the minimum of qualications, the minimum of qualications will mostly be the middle level, and the normal level, and this middle level is also dened, in an arbitrary way, and we all know what happens, when students take exams, and results are reviewed, so that the results are in accordance with statistical models and, specic models and percentages,

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even if that happens at the expence of qualications, in fact this idea also is transcended by contemporary pedagogical thinking, that we, we (should) teach for aims of mastery, and the idea of mastery, is a deeply rooted idea in our Arabic and Islamic culture. We all remember the prophetic saying, that God likes, when one of you does a piece of work, that he does it in a procient way, and of course learning is part of work, and teaching is part of it. [2.91] This idea, although deeply rooted in our culture, unfortunately the West appropriated it, and developed it and advanced it, and pedagogical theories appeared, and theories in the humanities, which conrmed that we (should) teach for prociency, or in the English language, “learning for mastery”. And not only to turn out, semi-graduates, or half-students, which is the pattern nowadays, because this age will never accept these (people), and the scientic and technological development and advancement, in fact will never accept these. [2.99] Then, nally do we teach, so that we have graduating a person, eh, that is, even if he is very qualied, he will master a collection of (various forms of) knowledge and truths, mostly, they belong to, what we may call the base/lower part of the human mind, which human memory comprehends for some time, then it vanishes, and it becomes as if it never was. And we lack, in constructing the individual through learning, the most important results that we aim at, and that is constructing the person, in its full meaning, with regard to cognitive aspects, emotional aspects, social aspects, moral aspects, and professional and practical aspects. [2.109] In fact, as we all know, the dominant manner with us, is to exaggerate and to concentrate on the aspect of knowledge, and exaggeration and concentration on the more base aspects of knowledge, and they are aspects connected with details of knowledge, and its single parts, and to disregard, even with respect to knowledge, the aspect connected with the nest and loftiest capacities of man, the aspect which concerns thinking/reection, and thorough examination and research, and participation, and creativity, the aspect which professor dr. S referred to, in his simple pedagogical experience concerning his son’s interaction with an educational system, which invites that, and encourages him to it, no, then in fact what happened is that we have focussed, in fact, on this lower aspect which is memorization, I would almost say deaf (kind of ) memorization, and we have not been concerned with the loftier and ner aspects of the human mind, then, also [2.123] As for the moral and social aspects and what regards behaviour, I will talk about it without embarrassment, for it is something hardly mentioned in the Egyptian educational system, in its present situation,

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there is much evidence for that which, if there is time for talk or discussion, I shall refer to [2.128] These are the four decisive issues in any education, which we want to have prepared for a citizen, for whom we strive so that he shall be a productive, enlightened citizen, responsive to the demands of today and of the future, conscious about what happens and goes on around, around him, in his community and in the world, in addition to being able to respond to any change, which is going to happen, with regard to knowledge and mastery in the future, and not only a person like a closed book, and, “sealed” that is closed and locked, and who may become after, after a certain number of years, outside the contemporary range. [2.137] That is (what I wanted to say) in general terms. With respect to the aspects which, of course this situation which we are in which I just spoke of, and especially that which is connected to education being restricted to a specic period of time, restricted to certain aspects of behaviour, or special aspects in human behaviour without transcending them and they are the inferior aspect of knowledge […] I referred to, eh, is almost coming to a standstill at a certain level, semi education, semi qualications, semi prociency, (which) all the problems that we see, and that we, eh, experience, and feel are derived from it. [2.145] There is much talk about private teaching, and about cheating, and about the lack of, what is called free education, or the citizens’ right to education, all these things result from that we in fact, the system that lies in front of us, this educational “system” in front of us, has concentrated solely on these aspects. Why private lessons? If I put this question to any one of you, or I asked myself about it or anyone, if Egyptian education, besides making (a student) memorize, let it make him memorize, but besides this, is going to train the child to learn to discover, and to investigate and, to do research, and teach him to behave well socially, and teach him to hold moral values, and values of good behaviour, does this need private lessons? [2.157] Why has the private lesson spread and become common? Because we have concentrated on the lower aspects of behaviour, and these are the aspects which make it possible for the person to be good at the skills of memorizing, and the skills of dictation which people are trained for, and they may […] those are skills which, any person, working even in a simple occupation, is able to train any youngster for, or any beginner in the skill, however, for the innovator, even in the technological elds, his activity cannot possibly be repeated, or he cannot transfer his expertise in its entirety, to someone else, otherwise that person becomes an imitator. [2.166] And if education would focus on the superior intellectual aspects, then of course we

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would overcome this problem, and also, say whatever you want about cheating, cheating is the same thing. Why does cheating become worse and expand, because as long as exams, and as long as teaching focusses on this aspect, then it is very easy to go into the arts of cheating, and those are very complex arts/techniques. In a study we did in our department on cheating […] and the high standards in cheating, why these high standards in cheating and the creativity concerning it, because it interacts with the lowest aspects of human behaviour. [2.175] If the student, if the exams invited him to be creative, invited him to solve the problem, invited him to reect, then of course we would not be able to prepare these ready-made solutions beforehand, and to produce this kind of cheating practice. Thus the reason for all the educational illnesses which have resulted in Egypt, and which have spread in Egyptian education, is that teaching/education in fact, does not teach other than the lowest aspects, and that it is not concerned with the ner prosesses, of human behaviour, and does not take them into consideration. [2.183] Of course that is, in my opinion, my personal opinion, I do have an opinion about this issue, this kind of ner education that we are advocating, which is the development of human behaviour, in its various aspects, moral and social, this is not in need of expenditure as I see it, not in need of hard currency, nor in need of enormous facilities, what we have seen, enormous facilities are spent, on the base aspects of Egyptian education, preparing educational material so that we can teach these base aspects. We are preparing very ne books, printed in beautiful print, millions are spent on them for this reason. [2.192] However, the aspects, which we are calling for, which I consider more worthy of being taken care of and, more more worthy of concern, if there is concern for them, they will need from us, teachers with a high level of enlightenment, and high level of interest, and a high degree of involvement with his profession, and concern for it, and that is another issue, the issue of the teacher, the issue of the level of the teacher and his preparation/formation, another issue which needs a very long discussion. [2.199] This unique, ideal teacher, (is) the model for human behaviour, the ideal for human creativity, because the teacher, whom dr. 4’s son was guided by, so he went to the library to write a report, this teacher did not cost anything more, the library existed and the student went to do his study, it did not need hard currency or advanced technology, nor was it in need of all this talking about education in need of enormous expenditures. [2.206] It is very possible that (even) with limited means, we are able to bring results, and that is the way of creativity, the essence

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of creativity is that you are able, with the means at your disposal to achieve the best (possible) gains, and that you search for untraditional solutions to the problems and situations you are facing. […] two minutes and in short, then, the important issue then is, this pre-university education, what is its identity, are we teaching/educating only to teach the child knowledge, teaching only for (the sake of) teaching, there is no doubt, that any talk about education based on that it is only teaching for teaching’s sake, or knowledge for knowledge’s sake, has become outside the realm of discussion, because we cannot imagine, that the fathers and mothers send their children to school in order that, only so that they shall learn, and spend their lives after that, in the streets, and when the chance arrives they will search for any employment, whether it ts what they have learned or does not t with it, that is of course an economic and social waste of manpower, which nobody accepts. [2.222] Egyptian education has not set up a system which matches the system of employment. Therefore, we will nd if we want to study any statistical report on what happened, we will nd in fact, a large discrepancy, between the scale of education in Egypt, and the structure of employment. If the employment sector (structure) needs spesialists on university level which correspond to the number of techniciens and skilled workers, and another number of semi-skilled workers. This kind of education, this kind of pyramidal systematisation, of the workforce, is not met by a corresponding educational system, and the matter is left to coincidence/chance. [2.232] Sometimes the size of university education grows/becomes very conated, and you will nd the children going out to do very low-standing work, or they do not nd work at all, such as happens now, when we are suffering from unemployment. And you will in fact nd the relationship, between mid-level education, and university education, hardly agrees with any mean value on any measure, university education is crowded, higher education somewhat less, there is a very strong decit. [2.239] And then mid-level education, there are graduates coming out from it, because [?] it also offers no vocational instruction. This secondary education, what’s its identity, nobody knows, what occupation does it prepare for, nobody knows, the general secondary education exactly, he didn’t enter university, so they say, we shall take a certain percentage of university education from secondary education, they can enter university, good, and (what about) the rest. [2.245] If industrial education knows how to nd work for us, and commercial education can nd and the agricultural can nd (it), well general secondary education let him work as a clerk, there is no use (in

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it), commercial education is better than it no doubt, I mean and so on. Then you go down a bit and nd elementary education, that is, it was founded on the basis that it offers skills, or semi-skills, on which the student can get a taste of work and occupation. However, we all know that elementary education still is, and for a long time, and since it was presented, I think in the beginning of the eighties, traditional theoretical education, and what is called the practical domains do not exist in fact, and the student who comes out of it, will either get into a vocational system (which is) very untraditional and different from the usual way for vocational training, or he will not nd a place. That is, very short, about pre-university education, and the debate of course will enrich the discussion, so that I shall not exceed the (allotted) time, I thank you.

AUC3 In the name of God the Compassionate the Merciful, I wish to, accomplish (my task) within the very tight body of time which we are set in, and if there will be short-comings, I apologize, in advance. Since a few months ago, I have had with me at university, a number of thick reports, which the history of modern Egyptian education has witnessed, with the aim of developing education in Egypt. Starting from the year 80 of the last century, in what has been named, the report of the Commission, on eh, knowledge, passing by the report on elementary education in (19)17, and Adli was minister of knowledge at that time, and (19)25 the report of Abd al-Aziz Gawish in this century, and two reports by Amad Nagib al-Hilali, and passing by the report of the ministerial committee for the work force, in the sixties of, this century, and the paper Development of education in the time of Muafa Kamal ilmi, and nally the Strategy for developing education in the time of Dr. Amad Fati al-Surur. [3.15] In the rst report that I read, 110 years having passed, one is surprised, at the quantity of ideas, and of their quality as well, on a very high level, of advancement, which, when you nish the report, and you say, if those words had been put into practice, and even today, our situation, for sure would be altogether different, from what we have today. The strange thing is, that every step, after that, starts not in the normal way, in the progress of scientic knowledge, which is based on the idea of accumulation. [3.24] So that the next step begins, where the previous step ended, and so on. For every step always begins where the previous step began, and therefore, when this big heap of

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reports was piled up in front of me, I found, every now and then I wake myself up and look at the result so that I am convinced that I live in the year 1992, and not in the year 1880, before the British occupation, and every one had to ask himself, look here, what is it really all about. [3.32] Why did it happen (this way), all those efforts, did not succeed, and they did not succeed (as shown?) by one simple proof, and that is the distressing educational situation that we experience. [3.35]. I have tried to observe carefully, some of the indications and changes, each one of which would need an independent lecture by itself, and therefore I shall pass over it with the passing of a bird, not the passing of someone walking on his feet on the ground, so that we shall not stop up at details. I nd among the most important and heavy inuences, which put obstacles in the way for development and for reform, and all I am talking about, not only from last century, but until this moment of talking, now, is what we may call sharp political transformations in our country. From a period in which we are, for example, totally immersed in the capitalist, Western, liberal system, until a transfer into another system which is called the socialist system, then an effort to get out of this system, (only) to adhere to the rst system once again. [3.48] And in the relations between the Arab countries, yesterday there would be embracing and kisses, with this state and that, and today, slapping and kicking the same state, and tomorrow, once again going back, and so on. These are not only sharp political transformations, affected, by general political relations, because if we look at education, we have to remember that it is, a system, belonging to the larger social system, and to the existing political system, and that means that every sharp political transformation, must be followed by a change in the running of general education, and its philosophy, and its goals. [3.58] In (19)58 we are in a union, so the educational programs in Egypt must be changed so they match the the educational programs in Syria, after two-three years this union breaks down, as I said, all these programmes have to be changed again so they become ‘separatist’. (Then) appears, comes up on the surface what was called the Tripoli state treaty, Egypt and Libya and, and Sudan. So the same thing happens, the issue meets with obstacles and (there is) retreat again. Sudan walks out, and and Syria comes in, and the stream changes again. [3.66] The states of the Arab union, or what was it called, which existed two years ago, try again to change the system, and so on, a very long story, so that, eh, the education maker if this expression is correct in his various functions, is out of breath, every day just as he nishes the bottle, or the tasks he has, they will come the next day and say, eh, no we

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don’t want that, bring us something else. Everytime he nishes something, no, we, and ( just) hours before he nishes but we don’t want (it) we want, something else. At one time, go send all delegates to the socialist camp, a second time no, leave them to the western world, another time, neither this nor that. [3.77] All these things, eh, create ditches, inside the educational body, and make it not attain cultural diversity, only cultural diversion, and ideological diversion, and get into conict so that (those who) come out on top, if it is the right expression, are of the educated milieus, or classes, and the the cultural strata, in this country, and every faction strives to impose, the (kind of ) culture/formation which they learned (themselves). [3.83] Another aspect of what can be called, the general ideological orientation, because I am one of the people, I consider education to be an operation to be implemented, we always as I use to say, I am like a contractor, there is a “designer”, this designer who, eh, the general ideological theory the general ideology, dominant in this country or that, based on it, I start then by saying, there is then such and such levels of education, its regulations are such and such, the methods of teaching in it are such, and so on. So in spite of what we just said, about this orientation, it changes, and at other times you nd yourself without (any) orientation/direction, and that is very difcult. [3.94] For example, we nd in the constitution of 71, 1971, because, it was, we were just through with the period of the sixties, and the socialist orientation/tendency was still there, and you will nd, a famous provision, in the constitution, that the state should take care of education at all levels, that it is free of cost at all levels. This tendency continued and still does until now, although the social and economic and political structure in the country, started to witness radical changes, which makes the tendency concerning these, belong to, an ideological system, totally different from the ideological system, which the provision belongs to. [3.105] And therefore you will nd that the educational leaderships are tied up, I cannot change the constitution, and at the same time, what shall we do. OK the country is heading towards what is called privatization, open up something called the ‘gate’ of donations, the one who shall transfer from a school to another shall pay so and so much, the one, who will change from one college/faculty to another, pays so and so much, the one who wants his son to go to school, shall bring a couple of chairs, and some dozens ‘gateaux’, or, the important thing is, I mean, he must pay hundreds and hundreds, if not thousands. [3.113] But, I can’t say just leave education for free, because here, this belongs to a specic ideological orientation, and the present situation belongs to another

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ideological orientation, and there isn’t enough courage to let there be a statement, that we want education to head in that direction and not in that direction, so this necessarily creates a very strong confusion. Let’s say, eh, lessening, restricting entry to the universities, because the country is suffering from unemployment, and at the same time, open up a private university, and open ‘open education’, and things like that, so what is the issue, exactly. For the same matter belongs to one ideological orientation and the provisions mentioned, and the actual situation has come to belong to another ideological orientation, and the Egyptian citizen and the educational sector, including the Egyptian citizen, is torn between this and that. [3.125] Another factor among (the many) factors, is what we may call, I apologize to the professors of Arabic, the ‘personication’ of educational policies, in the sense of connecting it to the individual himself. Of course, as professor dr. F said, education encourages mastery, and excellence and personal uniqueness, and so on, but when we are faced with the general national progress, then it becomes extremely serious, that the general, national educational progress depends on the opinions of one person alone, except, perhaps, and even if I personally do not like it, if the one person is a great national and historical leader, and that hasn’t happened often in the eld of education. [3.136] That is what allows then, that whenever educational leadership in Egypt is taken over, by a responsible with a certain orientation, he will reshape the whole (system of) education, according to what complies with this orientation, until someone else arrives, who sets out on a different path from the one before, and hence the explanation for what we spoke against, we always start from where the people before started. [3.141] And that is what we are talking about, based on what we may call the importance of an institution of educational policy-making, in Egypt, that is, that it comes as a result of an institution, not connected to one single person, that is, yes there exists now specialized national councils, and at the forefront, the National council for education. But the problem is always the provision which says, that those are consultative councils, and this ‘consultative’, we cheat a lot, by saying eh that it is not obligatory, but if we go to be informed about what goes on in the court, when the judge consults an expert, the sentence (still) in fact is pronounced in the judge’s name, but mostly if not always, the judge, when he hands one of the decisive and fundamental aspects in the case over to an expert, he commits himself morally to the opinion of this expert. [3.154] However, and with great regret, many of the executive organs do not commit themselves to this general national

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policy which is described, and if it happens, it is based on a selection (only), and the selection which goes on in the private space also of the person in charge, as it happened with regard to the educational levels, and especially concerning elementary education, when the National council for education proposed a number of alternatives, because, that was before the year (19)79, and before (19)81, when the (teaching) time was six years, and he said, maybe we leave it as it is, maybe we let it be eight, and maybe we let it be nine, and in this case, this will happen, and in that case, so and so will happen, and, the minister in charge of the task, in the end of the seventies, chose the third alternative, and then came the one after and after and after and after him in the year seven, -eighty-eight, and began choosing alternative number two, even though the rst alternative, which puts the time at nine years. [3.168] One should, when (19)81 had begun, have given this experiment the chance to be completed, nine on eighty-one, plus eighty-one, it means we should have waited until the year (19)90, at least, in order to see whether when the period of obligatory nine years, what was the result, eh, in fact, and then we would study this result, and start to change, but, after seven years of the new scale/ladder, which was for nine years, that is, see, people passed judgment on something which was for nine years, and it had only seven years. That was besides many other details in this case, this is not the time for it, I shall only refer to that even when an opinion is sought from an institution, it is sought in a selective way, not based on scientic ground. [3.180] And that makes us talk about another aspect, which is the issue of symphony and harmony/symmetry, between the reform and development which takes place in the educational domain, and the reform and development which takes place in other general social domains, for when we look at education as a subsystem of the general social body, then it would turn out (to be true) that eh, if one collapsed, if one member should complain about him, the rest of the members would rally around him with watchfulness and concern, in the sense that if (some) steps were taken in the economic sphere, and (some) steps in the political domain, and (some) steps in the cultural domain, and so on, there would denitely be order, and symphony and “harmony” between what went on, inside one system and the others, I do not forget that the educational programme/plans which originated from the ministry of education, in the year (19)87–88, was made, after the plan […] the educational plan which came in the year (19)88, eh, believe it or not, came after the general national plan was ready. [3.197] It is always assumed that the national plan should be built, on the basis of the

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subsidiary plans, such as for instance the plan in the cultural domain, plan in the educational domain, and one can imagine, that the national plan is drafted, then the order goes to every sector to start working, this then, if the plan has been drawn up, then it is possible, after the general national plan, each sector demands to come into function [?]. However, the educational plan itself, in its totality and in details, did not appear, and was not ready, until after the year (19)87–88, when the national plan itself was nished. [3.207] Maybe, one last thing, considering time, not what it should be, which I would like to refer to, is the issue of, where you can nd, the scientic pedagogical opinion, about the efforts at reform, and, development. In fact, maybe in the latest period, some centres belonging to the ministry of education or cooperating with it, have started to do a number of studies, which make of pedagogy and psychology a very important base for any step in the reform and development process. However, we come back to saying that there is a difference, between scientic thinking when it goes on in an ofcial, institutional space, and that is something we should demand, not something unwanted, and (it is) very important, as it then will be close to the eld, but there are very many other institutions, in which there is being done extremely heavy scientic activity, we often see that these are not being beneted from, and they do not have a warrant for contact with ofcial educational decision-making. Those, then, are some of the general features, and there are others, as I say, but the sword of the Almighty reminds me, so thank you very much.

AUC4 In the name of God the Compassionate the Merciful, thanks to my distinguished brother, professor dr. S for the invitation. Now, I shall try to be short, because I have written before me some restricted points which I am going to talk about. I shall begin by dening ‘higher education’, what is ‘higher education’. Actually, the denition of ‘higher education’ is dened in a very pleasant way it tells you, ‘the education which follows the secondary (education)’, and then we say OK then what is the education which is which is before that, one tells you the education which is before university, so […] even Dr. , introducing Dr. F said, he shall talk about pre-university education, and not he shall talk about education after secondary school education, well, who is this ‘secondary’, who is he. [4.11] In view of this confusion Unesco proposed three

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designations: “rst level” and “second level” and “third” or “tertiary level”. That is, the rst level which is ‘theoretical’, it means, elementary or something like that, and the second level, secondary theoretical, and the […] the third level, which is after the secondary, that is in short, after any secondary stage, anything coming directly after it, is ‘higher’ education, including university education. Very quickly I wish to say, what is the history of higher education in Egypt, I’m not then talking about university education, because ‘higher’ we said (is) anything after secondary. [4.20] We can claim with all pride, that the oldest university in the world, is a university which was established in Egypt. The oldest university the world has known is namely the university Un, whose name now is Ein Shams, we are proud that we four all are (graduated?) from it, originally, this is a university of which it is said that Platon was one of its students. This is being said, and there are historical references which conrm this. This was in old times. In modern times, which are well within the reach of documented history, al-Azhar […] the university of Azhar is considered among the oldest universities in fact in the world, and on its model very many European academies were established, rmly established academies (indeed). [4.31] We have al-Azhar university with its pillars and its professors sitting in a circle, and its students sitting in circles around the professor, which are considered an ideal, and a model, for true learning, and for solid academic studies. In Egypt then after that, from the time of Muammad Ali also, Egypt in fact is considered to be among the oldest countries, that found the path to higher education. Higher education started with what may be called in fact it had distinct goals, for the sake of the army, that is, the rst thing Muammad Ali and Ibrahim Pasha, they were, their aim was, rst of all, the army, and their vision was very far-sighted, when they were dealing with the army, and at the same time that they started, you (certainly) know the projects of irrigation and farming, and they started the (eld of ) engineering. [4.42] So it started in the beginning, the military schools were called schools until until today, we nd, in Europe and in America for instance, “school of engineering”, in spite of it being a university but with the name of a school. So the ‘war’ schools began, and the engineering schools and then we introduced the school of medicine and the higher schools of medicine, and so on. Then these schools changed, they used to belong to the ministry of knowledge, when the ministry of knowledge was established, then these schools changed to higher institutes, and the goal for these higher institutes, which is the (same) goal which we are searching for these days, to graduate a group of people,

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able to act in accordance with the contemporary situation, or technological development, at the time. [4.53] Very unfortunately, these institutes changed after that, into academic faculties, in the university. Maybe the problem was, that we don’t have, a university graduate capable of entering directly into the programmes, which aim at economic growth. Well, the emergence of the university in Egypt then, itself, I mean, I don’t know maybe we shouldn’t forget, the university in Egypt emerged as a private university, this is the strange thing, that we today are turning around we (now) want to make a private university. [4.62] The university appeared in Egypt in 1908, a private university with private donations, then it changed in 1925 into a government university. Today it’s all governmental. And we have started to look back, we want to move forward again, and that there shall be a private university, aga . . ., this is strange, I mean, we go backwards in order to progress, with our ideas it’s not really a shame, but we are saying that when we let go, we hold on to an unchanging idea, how do problems happen. [4.69] Actually, for me to be able to evaluate the university, or be able to make “evaluation” of the university and of higher education outside the university, we must ask ourselves, what are the goals of higher education, in any community, based on what do I evaluate it. Actually there is a common/general goal, and, we cannot t it into any specic frame, that the university always, and I say ‘university’ perhaps I shouldn’t say ‘higher institutes’ and so on, is always leadership, and exploration with leadership and intellectual exploration in any society, is always such, that is, in the big and powerful societies, they resort to the universities and the university professors and university ideas, because that is what draws up the general ideological plan for the country, because, by virtue of the nature of these people, they form the intellectual elite of this society, and those who are able to support it, that’s a general goal, I can’t place it in any tight frame, but there are goals which we may call goals (according to) models of the pedagogical eld, I mean, I may not be a pedagogue so my pedagogue brothers must forgive me, goals that are applicable, in the sense of, those we must implement, and there are special, dened plans for their implementation. [4.85] The university, all over the world started with the goal of educating, that is educating a group for turning out graduates, then the idea of education was extended to comprise also scientic research. At rst it was only: we want to teach students and graduate them, and then university was not any more only for teaching, but was extended also to scientic research, because it was necessary to develop teaching, and necessary to develope the dominant ideas. [4.91]

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Those, actually, the rst idea dominated in the rst century after the university emerged, the rst and second idea continued perhaps until the middle of this century then came, after the second world war, and maybe in the sixties more specically, a new idea began to appear, which was that the university in fact is a place of service to the community and development of the environment, as one puts it, and for this reason this goal became, a very major goal in the growth of universities, such that we saw in the USA, “community colleges” being established specically to serve the “community”, which it existed in, it could even be a “very local community”. [4.101] But it was established for this purpose, that is the university was not the great academy, graduating white-collar people, only to serve higher scientic goals and intellectual goals, but the university set up as a third goal, and that is very important, community service and development of the environment and that perhaps, was what pushed, whatever the reasons which we gave for it, so that they even in the university established a third vice-position, as in the position of vice-president for teaching and student (affairs), and another vicepresident for higher studies and research, there came a third position as vice-president for affairs, for environment service and community service and development of the environment, that is, those were among the planned goals. [4.112] When we take a look at those goals actually there must be some basis to realize them, and I am also talking about these points so that when we start criticizing, we shall know what we are going to criticize, and in what framework. The basic things for a university, the university, in my opinion, is the professor. Number one is the professor, those whom we may in the end call members of the teaching staff and their assistants. The university is the professor. No professor, there is no university, and consequently that is, of the main pillars of a university, whether we are talking about academic studies, or we are talking about humanistic studies or even natural sciences, there is never, that is, as it was a while ago, they were selling books saying ‘teacher without teacher’, maybe that might work in the elementary (level), but it doesn’t work in the university, because the university is students guided by a professor, and guided by thinking, and a kind, of, as we say the intellectual meetings/confrontations and the intellectual controversies which make man in the end mature intellectually, not by adoption of one idea, but through many confrontations. [4.129] A second thing among the basics of the university or higher education, is the study facilities, or as it is called in pedagogy, the pedagogic means, such as the library, and it is very important, such as the laboratory, such as the com-

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puters, such as and so on, but also without these things, if the professor exists, then it will be very difcult, to perform fully the modern teaching process [?][4.135] The third very important part of the university is administration, university administration. University administration is associated, how is the university run, through university regulations, for example. To much regret, we nd that the university regulations, precisely as dr. S said, follows the time when it came. The last university regulations were made in (19)72. As dr. F said, if we are to evaluate, what is it we shall evaluate. (19)72 came for acting, for specic, dened goals, to please a special (social) class to achieve things which today are passé, today we have entered (19)92, that is 20 years. The horrible consequences are very apparent, I do in fact say horrible, maybe dr.  said that the problems of the university only lies in the big numbers, I will add to this also the university regulations, they abolished the professor chair, which we all used to compete for, the desired aim, the professor, this nished off the professor as soon as he became professor nothing more was required of him at all. It’s over, then, his title professor, nothing more is required of him. Many problems have arisen which really needs to be settled. [4.154] Also an important part concerning the university basis is the process of “administration”, that is, the normal administration is today in the shadow of the ‘university of big numbers’ which dr.  spoke about, we nd that very primitive means are still being used, in the organization of the university, the university archives, for example, my bachelor certicate got lost, I haven’t been able to get it until now. They had said they made a mistake, then when the university was going to settle it, I don’t know because they had forgot to write with honours or whatever, it was gone, lost. I didn’t nd my master certicate either, I took it from the Egyptian university, I am originally from engineering, I found them writing out the master degree for me, under a dissertation I hadn’t done. [end of tape]

NA1 […] one of the central themes/axes which are present in the text. And there is another central theme which blends and intersects with the rst theme, namely, the self and the other. Not so far from the rst theme, the young African Egyptian man, and the young European woman, the self and the other, the young man sees the young girl, and she asks to meet him, and to sit with him and talk with him because she feels, that

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he controls her thoughts to some extent. The relationship here is not only a relationship, or meeting, between a male and a female, or between a man and a woman, but it is a doomed relationship, or overshadowed by a historical reality, reaching back hundreds of years. This, and I mean, this relationship is not far from or totally free from this historical relationship, the relationship between the master and the slave/dominated, the strong and the weak, the oppressor and the oppressed, white and black, a relationship also not without the feelings of the strongest part of anxiety and fear of the oppressed one, and of guilt, feelings of guilt. [5.14] However, I would say in spite of that the relation of selv and other appears to be an incompatible relation, it is not, however, completely so, because it also comprises a certain amount of resemblance, for the self and the other in B ’s story resemble each other, the man and the woman in the story feel weakness, and frustration, and lack of ability to understand the surrounding world, to understand the grimness and stupidity, that is in the same story, the grimness and stupidity of the world, they feel a certain absurdity, and lack of ability to nd harmony and to accept reality as it is, and just as, in the rst theme/axis, the incompatibility between East and West is not a total incompatibility, but one which also has an element of parallelism, and that, the, what appears to be incompatibility between the self and the other, is not totally so in the same axis, and a third axis intersects with this second axis, a third one intersects, one which I will call the meaning of the absurd. [5.27] There is this incompatibility between that things should have a meaning, and that man belongs to the world, or that man feels that he is uprooted and cut off, and that this world is an absurd world, the narrator feels all along that he is incapable of understanding. He says to his friend or colleague at work, Fati, I want to understand, can you help me to understand this world, and he feels all along that he is incapable of understanding, that he is miserable, that he is tired, that he is sad, and this is not very far from the feelings of the woman, but. The woman dreams that the young man comes to her in the gure of a falcon, and that he becks on the glass of her window, and that she becomes embarrassed or something like that, and that she seems horried and so on, and the falcon, that is is presented in Egypt as an image of vitality and of life, and so on, and it is behind the glass of . . . The young girl suddenly realizes, that she is incapable of a continuing confrontation with this absurd life which she does not understand, and thus she dies, that is, the moment she discovers that she is incapable of confront-

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ing the absurdity of life or of remaining in it, she ends her life by herself, she commits suicide. [5.43] As for the young man, in spite of this sadness and misery, and in spite his experiencing the absurd and lack of comprehension, when he gets to know that the girl has committed suicide, he jumps up horried, and in a short vision, between sleep and waking, he sees the wings of a bird, the wings of the falcon, and maybe the wings were the wings of a raven/crow, and I shall return to this additional point. He stretches his hands and feels that the uttering of wings is a very lovely thing, more beautiful than anything (else) in the world, and in the moment when she raises the banner, the white banner, the banner of surrendering to the absurd, and commits suicide, he, in spite of his feelings of helplessness and frustration, and lack of comprehension, and incapability of harmony, nevertheless he in the end, the story ends while he is stretching out his hands, really desiring to stay on, to continue confronting life, in spite of everything, in clinging on to life, in spite of everything. [5.55] I would say that the story, it has these axes/ pivotal themes interacting and bringing together, and it is written in a form which reveals an intimate knowledge of human life, and with these aspects, obscure even to the understanding of human relationships, and their motivation and their everyday acts, and [5.59] The truth is that B is really a master of his (literary) tools, he produces a text with a high level of competence and makes use of, that is, the rst thing which strikes us among the tools B uses, is the language/style, a uent and owing language, and the sentence is simple. It succeeds to a very high degree in transfering, as I said in the beginning of my talk, in conveying/transfering this feeling of being uprooted, conveying relations cut off, and the uprooted reality the uprooted man, short sentences, there is no use here, in this northern city with regard to this person, there is no use, there is no use in emotions, no use in relationships, no use in anything, everything is broken, disrupted, uprooted, very hard [5.69] so the language/ style strikes us in the text, we are also struck by his wonderful use of imagery and colours, and his use of dreams, and his use of colours and the use of, he uses the two colours white and black. For there is white connected with the colour of the human beings in this foreign city—foreign and far away that is northern, the human beings are white, the snow covers the place, in the house of the young girl Ann Marie, the curtains are white, the table cloths are white, every thing is white, and cold, and frightening, and in contrast there is the dark and the black, there is the blackness of the two African young men, whom the woman

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meets, who, whom the narrator meets in the laundry, where he goes to wash his clothes, and a quarrel takes place between them and a woman from the local people, an old lady from the local people, there is the colour of the black raven which the narrator lls with a new meaning, saying this raven who has never hurt anyone, it is always, in the human tradition, associated with pessimism and ill omens and evil and so on and so on. [5.84] Then there is the two colours, there is the two colours, white and black, there is the use of dreams, through which the author enriches the text by saying things in an implicit, indirect way, and also, of course, a dream is by its character, by its nature, incoherent, and vague, and it, that is, gives a sign through these dreams, of these vague aspects inside us, that is, not everything is comprehensible, in the motives of a person, in what the text says, and what it does not say, is that the human soul in its motivations and its behaviour, may be vague, or closed to comprehension sometimes. And, I think that maybe in the discussion we may talk more in detail about the dreams and such. [5.93] And there is also, his exquisite use of laying bare, the bare confrontations such that the situation is free from all that is secondary, and all that is detailed, the young girl says to him: in fact I hate you”, in this way the situation, that is, its being free from any details and from all . . . “In fact, I hate you”, or she, in their meeting she says to him I think that there is no way to avoid confrontation, and he says: is it war; once again the the issues are stripped to its fundamental and primary elements. [5.100] Also, among the issues, among the tools that B employs with (great) competence, is this parallelism, and opposition between characters and events. I mean, he uses for instance the incident at the laundry, and the quarrel which takes place between the woman and the, the two young men, so that it parallels the basic event in the story, he and the girl, this is again the confrontation between the south and the north, however, this parallelism is one of difference, not a complete parallel, for the woman is racist, and, not, she is old, she is an old woman, and they are young, they, they are full of vitality, and she is a fat woman, that is, however, with regard to the, to Ann Marie and the narrator, the contradiction is not the same, and consequently there is a parallel between the two incidents, and there is difference, there is a parallel between Fati and the narrator, in that both of them are feeling very bad alienation, but Fati takes resort in susm, there is, that is, parallelism and difference, between [5.114] There is the historical relation between East and West, exemplied in the picture of the girl’s father, sitting, or riding a camel, at the feet of the pyramids, and the person who reminds the nar-

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rator of his father, is standing in his galabiyya, a thin and skinny man, standing there to lead the pyramid to the European master, and consequently, lead the camel for the European master, and (so) the relation between master and dominated is demonstrated, the [5.119] Let us return again to the the point which was raised in the beginning of my talk, does B rewrite the ‘Birds [from the East]’, or does he write again his special text, or his special vision of ‘Birds from the East’, and similar novels which have treated this specic topic, I believe, that with this text he enters the discussion/controversy of standpoints and convictions, which are formed by all the texts treating this subject, he treats it, however, from his special position, from his special standpoint, as an Egyptian intellectual, in 1984, he has his own social and cultural and political background. And by, this is his way of saying in this discussion, as if all these books which have treated the relation between East and West, each one is saying things his own way, and B also is saying things in his exquisite and special way. [5.132] I believe that this story, and I wanted, in fact, that is, to content myself with talking about this story, which I believe is the most important story in the collection, and the most exquisite, with this story, B opens up, or opens the door, for, an Egyptian, exile, literature, an Egyptian exile literature, there is a literature of exile, and this is the beginning of it, and it represents, and it is going to, that is, I believe that in the coming years, we will be reading, a lot of literature of this kind, this literature grows in the soil of the Egyptian mass migration, which the country’s history has never seen the like of, and it is the migration of writers and intellectuals, and migration of workers, and if B has travelled to work abroad, and to live abroad, and he is a writer of standing, and competent writer, then he, that is, presents the beginnings, he presents this rst important text, the rst text of this importance [5.144] However, in my view, in my opinion, the next years will bring us texts, I do not know whether they will be important texts or not, great or not, (written by) accomplished writers or not, but texts which also will (re)produce this reality which the Egyptians outside Egypt are experiencing, not only in a northern city as, as an intellectual, but also in a northern city as workers, as newspaper vendors, in, as happens for instance in Vienna and elsewhere, in, in Iraq as farmers working the soil, and so on, and so on, this is a new reality for the sons and daughters of Egypt, and in my opinion it will have to be reected in one way or another, in Egyptian literature of the nineties and in the twothousands, and, this is an introduction to a discussion afterwards, after dr.  has spoken.

NA2 I don’t know, should I start by raising a point in which I disagree with dr. R in her interpretation of “Yesterday I dreamed of you”, or should I talk about the collection in general, because I think that if we concentrate on “Yesterday I dreamed of you”, we will do a lot of prejudice to the rest of stories, and especially as I nd that there is a fundamental relation between the other stories and “Yesterday I dreamed of you”, I even want to turn the attention to the story “In the window”, which I believe contains the roots which drove the hero of “Yesterday I dreamed of you” himself to migrate, or which nearly presents the life of this hero before he leaves Egypt, this atmosphere, of chasing, which pushed him to leave, we nd the roots and details of it. It is all in a way drawn up very clearly in the story “In the window”, and in other stories. [6.12] I also try to raise a kind of connection which is more complex than only similarity and resemblance between the stories, and which connects all the stories of this collection, and it is a connection which does not eliminate the element of resemblance, and if it involves it, is somewhat bigger than and much wider than it, and that is the connection generated by the mechanisms of illusion and reality, the mechanism of the xed idea about something, and the true reality of this thing itself, and we will nd that this fundamental idea is somehow raised in all the stories of this collection, including the story “Yesterday I dreamed of you”, because we, also in “Yesterday I dreamed of you” encounter the issue of the relation between the idea that each of the two worlds have of the other, and the nature and, and the dynamism of this relation itself. [6.23] There is another issue in the collection, the issue of the absence of the father, in the patriarchal sense of the word, the absence, of the father as power, the father as protection, the father as understanding, the father as provider of strength, and this is present in several stories, including the story “Yesterday I dreamed of you” itself, in which we nd the image of the father playing a very important role, we nd the two fathers turn up and draw up the background of the relationship which dr. R referred to, on the one hand, we also nd the absence of the father very clearly in a story like “A cup of coffee”, we also nd the absence of the father clearly (but) in another way in the story “In the window”, the father as power, this weak director, this weak father, in this administration, the one who exposed all his children to these many ordeals. These are elements which connect the stories of the collection with each other. [6.33] There is another story, it is the story “Sundus”, it is also classied

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under the rst connection, namely the mechanisms of the relation between illusion and reality, between the xed idea, about this Sundus, the gypsy woman, being envious, and the real image of Sundus, being dynamic, conscious about her goals, which she identies just before she knocks at the door, knowing that she is going to have tea, and that she will have breakfast, and that she will sell and that she is going to do everything, and who plays, with this xed idea, which she herself exploits with great skill, because, this xed idea, perhaps it was the reason why Sundus succeeded in selling what she sold, because in the end she says to the lady, very clearly, that her daughter is not pretty or anything nor enviable, and that she is like dried stalk and that she must take her, nally she tells her that she must take her to the doctor. [6.46] These relations, or central issues which connects the stories of the collection, are important, in throwing much light on these stories, as we talk of them one by one, I shall try to refer to these issues throughout the talk on the stories themselves [6.50] and I shall start with the story which dr. R gave her detailed representation of, and I shall also start from the beginning, which she referred to, namely, the softspoken beginning, the soft language, which repeats the monotony of this life, devoid of any excitement, and devoid, at the same time, of any meaning. We feel in, after this beginning, which dr. R read for us, we feel that there are many details, which point to a breaking off of contact with this world, on one hand, and to a breaking off of contact between the hero and the world that he lives in, on the other. And we also nd, that the […] in, the relation between the young man and the young girl, and this relation, as R pointed to, has resemblance and it has conict at the same time. [6.60] There is a strange resemblance between the hero and Ann Marie, the heroine, such that we nd that both of them are nearly alienated, each in their world, she also says to him: this world really makes me sick, she, too, wants to leave her country, and to travel to Africa, to his country, which he ed, or to his region, which he had ed from, and even from her religion, into catholicism, because she wants to adopt the principle of the monk Fransis of Assisi who was a man who left all the pleasures of life, and its excitement, and went off to live a very poor and ascetic life, she is depressed, by the world she lives in, and when she tells him: in fact I hate you, she says that because he reminds her of her ancé, who abandoned her, who went back on his promise, and left her, and abandoned his country also. Because he is also this alienated man, we know that he abandoned his country, and left it, for this new town, this relation, which connects the narrator and the girl’s ancé on the one hand,

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and which connects the narrator and the girl on the other, and, which we nd has several levels, after that, which conrm it […] [6.77] The second point, after this relation of similarity and resemblance which I want to refer to, is the relation of suspicion at the same time. Each of the two worlds are lled with doubts, and lled with suspicions, and lled with xed ideas which are embodied in the thoughts of the mother, and which, it is eh, reiteration or there is of course, B as all skilled artists, widens the horizons of the basic theme, or the horizons of the basic topic, through secondary versions of the topic, and so there is the version of the laundry incident, of the main topic, and in this laundry incident we meet the old woman, who is almost another version of the mother of the young girl, the girl, her mother, has xed ideas somehow on Africa and on Egypt, and that in Egypt they will nd magic spells, and she imagines that this man, who has come from Egypt, has cast a kind of spell upon her daughter, and she tells him when he want to hold the picture, I understand you, I understand you perfectly, she conrms that she does not understand him at all, she conrms that there is a basic issue, which is the issue of lack of understanding, the lack of ability to reach each other because, both worlds hold a xed idea about the other world. [6.94] This xed idea from the Eastern perspective and from the hero’s perspective, is present in the form of his friend Kamal, who talks about that there is electricity in this climate, and that this electricity has an effect on people’s minds and so on, there is a whole lot of strange xed ideas holding power over both worlds, and which contribute to impeding the process of making contact between them, or impeding the process of continuing or even starting any reasonable dialogue. [6.100] And what conrms this issue, in spite of that it nds an evolution and modication and maybe even rejection, from the latest generation and the most recent generation, represented by the narrator and the girl in this story, we nd that it, in spite of that the girl, in everything she speaks out frankly about and everything she says, she is very nearly against these xed/set ideas, however [6.105] The young man is embodied in her dream, and he has been embraced by the falcon, which is among the symbols of ancient Egypt. And, the West in this case, or the West in this way, does not know (anything) about Egypt apart from this ancient, blurred past, and strange at the same time. [6.108] And she imagines also, from her ideas about him, that he owns a positive power concerning action, she asks him: what do you do so that this happens, when she dreams about him in a dream, she asks him what do you do so that this happens, as if he is the acting power, while his basic problem is that he

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has let go of any action since he left Egypt, and since he left all his former ideas. [6.114] His power in fact is not a positive power, but a negative one, it is the power of this dominating illusion, these xed ideas dominating this world, and his loss of concern, his loss of the role which we know the reasons for in detail from the story “In the window”, it is the reason for his alienation, in which she herself sees her fate stretched out in the future, she nds that she is maybe becoming ( just) another image/form of this alienated young man, and she decides on suicide. [6.120] He himself may not see the tragedy he lives in this way, that this loss of concern, is transforming him into this strange person who terried the young girl, so he loses, so she loses concern, or before she loses concern like him, she wants to even give herself to him, but he rejects her as a woman, he tells her that he has only seen her as a little girl all the time, and in this moment the light goes out. [6.125] Also here, from the use of symbolism happens what may be called a moment of discovery, moment of light, moment of understanding, and she tells him that she has understood, and in this moment we know that she, really, has decided to commit suicide, here we meet two suffering souls, resembling each other, lack of understanding is killing them, and so do these cut-off bridges, which have been created by these xed/set ideas. [6.131] The, this strange confrontation, this strange coincidence, resulting from this encounter, or this direct confrontation, is what made him feel ill in the end, and left him with us, stretching out his hand, in this world where dreams and reality are mixed, dreams of a solution, of which we saw another version, in the su solution, in the solution which Fati presented, or in the solution which Kamal presented, considering himself living in a desert, and that his appartment is his tent, and that he shall resign from work, and live alone, and the road in front of him has become nearly closed, apart from this light. [6.140] This last symbol, and this hand stretched out which wants to hold, to grasp something, to feel that he is present in the room, while he is not there, but it actually asks for help, asks for a solution, and we do not know, where the solution is, we will in fact, never know where the solution is, unless we return to the other stories in the collection, and especially this story which I believe has a strong connection to the story “Yesterday I dreamed of you”, namely the story “(In) the window”, in the story “(In) the window” we nd the only true moment of human contact changes into a curse which drives away this hero, and nearly destroyed his life. [6.149] This man, as any employee, was exposed to the investigation, and the investigation was, from the (very) beginning, as we see in the story, against him in a

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way, until the attorney for the prosecution took off his glasses, and recognized this former colleague and student friend. In this tiny short intense moment of contact, the life of this hero was destroyed, in a world in which every moment of contact is disrupted, and, all of them turned into his enemies, and everyone thought that he was spying on them, and that he was the reason for their problems and so on and so on, and we feel in this story also, that there is this playing , the game of illusion with reality, is still going on, that this xed idea which the employees had made up about the narrator, is the same idea that the hero had made up about the West, or the young girl, or the whole West about the Orient, or the idea which prevented any human contact, and also the idea which contributed to destruction or breaking off of the close ties and the destruction of these human relations. [6.163] We nd this being repeated, in another form, in “Advice from a smart young man”, in which both heroes in a way try to clear himself and to justify how he has acted in life, and it happens also, that as a result, of misunderstanding, and as a result of the lack of ability to achieve contact or this ability to understand, it happens that, the old man pays with his life for this, and perhaps the craziest prophecy in this ctional world comes true, when the young man says to him: “If you have come to this stage, then death is better for you”, and we nd that he is dying almost directly in the following moment. [6.172] And when we read the story carefully, we nd that this, judgment which in fact led to this man’s death, is also built on a misunderstanding, and that this man never turned into a pimp, and did not play this game with him, all he wants is some money, and he was trying with all possible means to get this money and so on. [6.177] We nd in the world of these stories, these fundamental issues which I referred to, the issue of how these ideas that we make of the world, contribute, to restrict the fruitfulness of our relation with reality, the fruitfulness of our relations with other human beings, the fruitfulness of our relations with things on one hand, but also contributes, to the destruction, of all bridges of communication, which are proposed or are possible. [6.183] We nd that this idea enriches perhaps the way B raises the issue of East and West which, many Egyptian writers have written about since, Rifaa al- atawi’s rst confrontation with Western civilization in “Talxi al-ibriz”, passing by Tawq al-akim and Yaya Haqqi and Sulayman Fayya and others. In this tour, we feel here that the period in which the East imagined that the West had the solution, has ended, in a way, completely, and that the issue now has become, that the whole period of being dazzled by the West also has come to an end,

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in a way, and that the period of, doubting, about all the earlier perceptions, about all intentions, of each world towards the other. This is the period which, or it is dominant in this, in this way of raising it, or in this story, and perhaps in the cultural situation, and the intellectual situation, there are not many, not many who think any more as it was (they did) before, that there are simple and ready solutions, which the West can present to the East, and so on. [6.197] In this story also, or in this collection also, there is B ’s use of the sensibility and the poetics of language, as dr. R pointed to in the beginning, and there is also, his sharp competence in using the opening sentences, in creating an almost complete ctional atmosphere, and in creating an atmosphere of anticipation and at the same time an atmosphere of, an atmosphere of the ctional climate of which we feel in a way, perhaps all that is going to happen, in this world, before we meet it. [6.204] In the story “Yesterday I dreamed of you” dr. R presented us for how we gradually enter into this world, in another story, such as “(In) the window”, it starts this way: “Some thought that it was a joke”, from the beginning “Some thought that it was a joke”, while it was not a joke, and we feel from the very beginning that we are facing something strange, and that this strange thing, strange to the degree that some people thought that it was a joke, but in reality it was not a joke, and consequently, we feel from the beginning, the second sentence begins: “And in the morning, in the cold, before drinking tea, and the hour of the hidden faces, inside the morning papers, the ofce boy came by with a strange administrative circular, which some refused to accept, and said that it was a stupid morning game, and they accused the ofce next door.” We feel here that we are in a world, the world is immediately formed, the world of the employees, the world of administrations/ofces with problems between some of them, and we feel that all these problems are there, and we nd that, that this different version, that some refused to accept it, and that some said that it was a stupid morning game and so on, the atmosphere is created from the rst sentence, sentences in the story, and, gradually, this world opens up, in most of these stories, on nightmares, oppressing to the soul, and repellent to the spirit and at the same time, to reconsider, to contemplate and to look anew at many details/trivialities of this nightmarish reality. [6.223] This reality cast before us on us in the story “(In) the window”, is simply (one of ) employees teasing girls from the windows, and all the employees, as we know from the story, tease girls, and as he said, everybody may have a girlfriend or two, but then it happens that this world closes its ranks, in a strange way, against this

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person, perhaps, who paid an enormous price, for a short human moment of communication with his past, with his childhood, with the attorney for the prosecution in this way. [6.230] In this world there is also, as I pointed to in the beginning, the issue of the rejected or abolished role or authority of the father, which is considered to some extent, responsible for this downfall (which is) present in these stories. Some of these stories were written in the end of the sixties, and some of them were written in the seventies, and the last one, which is “Yesterday I dreamed of you”, was written in the eighties, in this period, in which the situation from which these stories resulted was suffering either from absence of the father, or from the presence of a father without legitimacy, and consequently without capacity to give the world in which he was living, security […] or any kind of these necessary feelings, of harmony with the world, and of comprehending it, as we saw in the story which refers very clearly to the absence of the father. [6.241] In the story “A cup of coffee”, we nd, that, in this “A cup of coffee” story, there is a surrogate father, who is in the person, image of the failing drunkard uncle, who even wants to sell the young girl, to any suitor whoever, and there is Samir, the second surrogate son of this father whom we nd to be an egoist, and he thinks about his relationship with his (female) colleague, and how the removal of this father or his death will lead to a lot of problems for him, and we nd that the young man (who is) really concerned about the problems of this family, he is a man, he is Midat the youngest one, whom everyone despices, and no one listens to. [6.248] That everyone who tries to care maybe with real concern, about anything, nds that this world, existing on the surface which represents the institution, maybe the institution of power in, in this situation, is despised, and (people) turn against him, and we only leave the story with bitter feelings, about the tragedy of this world, missing the authority of this father, of whom we also know that he was not a good father or anything, but he was at least able to bring some kind of a peaceful life, or rational in this world, or to this family of his. [6.257] So there is a connection between the reality in which the stories set in Egypt are going on, and that other, foreign reality which or the other world, which is presented by the story “Yesterday I dreamed of you”, and this is the point which I wanted to point to, that each of the four last stories and the title story represent, there exists a fundamental connection between them in this collection, it is of course as we all know, a collection of stories which have accumulated with the writer, and were published in this collection. [6.264] However, because of the concerns of the writer him-

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self, because of a kind of unity of his ctional world, because of a kind of harmony or, eh, communication or connection of his concerns and interests themselves, we feel the presence of this bond, or this connection which ties the stories to each other. Therefore, I call for taking these stories into consideration, even when we discuss the story “Yesterday I dreamed of you” itself. Because without doing that we will never understand why this young man left his country and why he was alienated in this way, why he laid off all the ideas which, eh, he used to have, why he laid off all his optimism and all his dreams of change, and so on, and we will also understand why he did not, take the road which the girl followed, by committing suicide, and continues to hope for a solution, for a nal solution, and we hope to point to some other of these issues when we start the discussion.

NA3 Is the work of B modern(ist) or not, that is the question, isn’t it? In short, that in spite of the characterizations, which of course I shall differ with him (about) in a moment, that is, is the work of B from the (very) beginning, the (kind of ) work which we call realistic and traditional, belonging to the old, well-known sensibility. It is a question which is impossible to answer unless if we put it this way: what are the characteristics of the work of B . I agree of course rst of all, with dr. R, not with dr.  in that “Yesterday I dreamed of you” distinguishes, stands out as being a real clue to the work of B , and that the other stories which appear in this collection, belong in fact to the world of B as we got to know it in his rst collection, “The engagement”, with more than one connection, with all, that is, features of membership. [7.12] What are they, I shall differ, that is, or I shall distinguish between the work of B and the work of the old traditional sensibility, by, not only from the perspective of attitude and vision and understanding of the world (world view), which dr.  concentrated on, that is certainly present, but also, with regard to the technique, with regard to language (style). He, dr.  said technique is not important, or what means that the technique comes in the second place, and that the vision, is what is in the rst place. [7.18] Naturally, I don’t want to separate the two, it’s not possible, but rst of all, the work of B , he is of course the leader of this school, or the (language) style or the trend which, I, I mean, I like very much to call with a notion which raises many problems, the school of alienation and

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neutrality, and such, and this notion still raises many problems, I am not totally at ease with it, but, in short, I want to say that it is the language (style), as dr.  pointed to now, and the vision which tries to be bare in the sense of, being above any content, it tries to keep the writer or the voice of the writer from interfering, it tries to regard the the world directly, as dr.  said, between, in the straight line between the eye and the object, or what I call it, the attempt to envision things, in this cool and aware and awake light, and the choice of vocabulary which only rarely shows any sign of agitation, because B in the end, even in using this vocabulary, arrives in some of the situations of his stories, at something of the sensitive poetic diction, the use, of very pure and very delicate, but sparse, expressions, and they are in their place (accurate). [7.34] That is of course among the the features of competence of this writer, the thing which I want to say in short, is that all this trend is denitely modern(istic), not only with regard to the attitude, and understanding of the world, and its treatment of it, not only with regard to, eh, that it reveals, or betrays, or emits an atmosphere which  called nightmarish, and which I could call the atmosphere of hidden, concealed oppression, (which is) pervasive, which all the stories are imbued with, and all the characters in the rst stage are living under its pressure. [7.41] Not only this, but what supports this, and conrms it, and makes it clear, (is) the technique, the technique of, what we can call, at rst, the neutral technique, eh, and the neutral language, or alienating, or ‘objectifying’, but all this could be called the facade, is there really neutrality, is there really alienation from the world, is there really ‘objectifying’ of characters and attitudes, and separation from it, on the contrary, the thing which I always claim, and which I strongly want to repeat about this whole school, which, I mean, B is one of its great leaders, is that, on the contrary, this technique, and this language, and this style, and this vision, is as effective as can be, and efcient, in conveying the feeling of anger, and of revolt, and of full protest against this oppression which the writer apparently does not care about. [7.53] It appears as if he is not involved in it, and that this artistic device, and device in a positive sense, of course, is the most effective and efcient and competent in carrying a message, because, in this world, a clear message, what is it, a message we can penetrate more deeply into and go into and disagree about and so on, eh. So, and then, in this sense there are fundamental modern(ist) characteristics, which differ from the world of, eh, Taymur, or even, ahir Lashin, where, there is a basic difference, not only in the attitude to the world, but in the technique, the artistic treatment. [7.60]

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With regard to “Yesterday”, “Yesterday I dreamed of you”, I believe that B brought with him all the achievements of his work, the, in the former stage, it is denitely a stage, he took these achievements, and then added another perspective, I agree with dr. R that, involvement, and the emergence of this formation, which not only B is connected with, and what we may call the collective of intellectuals, that is, this entire characterization I agree, is clearer, more prominent, that there in fact the writer intervenes be it in person or by what he presents, much more than the position of neutrality or position of distance, which I have often called, as a metaphor, taking on a mask, [7.70] I believe, that starting from “Yesterday I dreamed of you”, then “Conversation with the mountain”, I don’t know what’s going to happen after that, B started to take off or lift away this mask, to show us, fortunately, the real agitation of the heart, the real involvement of the writer, and a kind of a bridge for more direct communication, and consequently with more warmth, not only with regard to the texture, all of that’s in the work, but also with regard to the use of a technique new to B , very much so, we observe in “Yesterday I dreamed of you”, in it the falcon appears at the window, the use of something very close to, I don’t want simply to say, the symbolic thing, but at least a metaphorical use very important for a totally new vocabulary in the world of B. , which never used to have vocabulary carrying meanings of this kind, the [7.81] The employment of the falcon which appears, the employment of the dream which comes to light, the nightmarish atmosphere, as if it possesses a kind of falling into line/concentration and agitation, and warmth which it used to lack, not necessarily, lack, it was not present, in the early work of B . I don’t know if this answered S’s sudden question, which I wasn’t prepared for, of course, or not.

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INDEX

asymmetry (of variants/varieties) 60, 62–63, 67, 348, 384, 386, 390–91 audience 14, 68–69, 376, 378–81, 384, 386–87 Auer, P. 65, 384, 396–97 Badawi, E. 23 n. 48, 33 n. 67, 34, 35 n. 73, n. 75, n. 76, 36 n. 80, 37 n. 81, 51–55 Bartsch, R. 19, 27–28, 37, 41 bi-IPF and SA verb 46, 110–11, 129, 132, 137–39, 147–48, 153, 155, 165–66, 168, 203, 207–8, 213–14, 243, 257, 300, 306, 319, 326, 335, 355, 367–68, 373, 383, 389–92 Bloch, A. 96, 104–8, 162–63, 167, 171 Brustad, K. 182–83, 227, 241 n. 31, n. 32, 242, 278, 283–84 code-switching 40, 48 n. 2, 52 n. 11, 66–67, 114, 232, 344, 390, 394, 396 complementizers 90–174, 213, 345, 347–48, 375, 379, 382, 385–88, 391–92, 394–95 constraints (on mixing/ cooccurrence) 50, 60, 62–67, 73, 166, 170–71, 192, 243–44, 257, 277, 279, 334–36, 373, 390–92, 397 Czech 31, 40–43 demonstratives 53, 175–232, 324, 339, 375, 379, 382, 385–89, 393 diglossia 1–5, 10 n. 25, 24 n. 51, 36, 38–40, 42–44, 51, 67, 387 ’dominant language hypothesis’ 62–64, 67, 258 n. 47, 348, 388, 390–91 Doss, M. 14, 46, 110 n. 36, 184 n. 21 Eid, M. 66–67, 241 n. 32, 243, 288–91, 334–35, 344 Educated Spoken Arabic (ESA) 49–51, 228–29 Eisele, J. 104, 107, 241 n. 32, 242 n. 33, 290

Ferguson, Ch. 1–6, 37–38, 40–43, 48, 71 n. 34, 74 n. 36 genre 68, 71–74, 228, 374, 376–78, 380, 397 German 1 n. 2, 9, 28 n. 58, 30 n. 60, 37–40 Greek 1–2, 39, 43 Haeri, N. 3 n. 11, 4, 26 n. 56, 36 n. 77, 49 n. 5, 58–62, 377 n. 3, 385 n. 19 Holes, C. 16–17, 46, 56–58, 62, 64 n. 27, 93, 108, 171, 177–78, 181 n. 17, 274 n. 66, 283 n. 6, 285, 376 n. 1, 383 hybrid (SA + EA) forms 46, 57–59, 61–63, 66 n. 29, 112, 115–16, 124, 137, 143, 150 n. 65, 159, 257, 279 n. 74, 319, 344, 346–49, 362, 365 n. 35, 367 ‘lexical hypothesis’ 55–57, 62–63, 273, 373, 388 Mitchell, T.F. 49–50, 59, 66, 98, 182, 290, 346–47 – and El-Hassan 103–9, 278 modality 66, 95, 104–12, 117, 129, 133– 34, 165–66, 246, 336, 388, 390–92 negation/negative markers 50 n. 7, 67, 233–80, 375–77, 379, 384–88, 391 Palva, H. 56, 63–64, 66, 336, 391 Parkinson, D. 3 n. 7, 26–27, 32 n. 65 perceptions (of language form) 26, 278 n. 72, 344–45, 378–79, 383, 387 n. 24, 392, 397 pronoun sufxes 84–85, 99, 213–14, 220–21, 252, 298, 334, 341–73, 376, 382, 385–8, 392 register 1 n. 1, 2, 30, 36, 44, 71, 73 relative phrase/clause 281–340, 375, 382, 385–86, 388, 391–92, 394–95 – and demonstratives 184–85, 196, 199, 205–6, 208, 212–13, 220

INDEX – and indenite heads 282, 292, 338–40 – restrictiveness of relative clauses 282–5, 289, 292, 295–7, 299, 301–3, 307–9, 311 n. 44, 314–15, 318–19, 323–24, 326–27, 331–32, 336–8 salience 27, 29, 52, 235, 244, 345, 369, 373, 383–90 Schulz, D. 51, 63 n. 24, 109, 229, 234 n. 7, 373, 378–79, 381 n. 14 standard language/variety 1–44, 54, 65–66, 68, 74, 373–74, 384, 389, 398 standard norm 1, 23, 28, 30–31, 38, 74 standard-with-dialects 1 n. 1, 2 n. 5, 5, 26, 36, 54, 68 standardization 5–8, 11, 36–37, 40, 398 standard Arabic 18, 24–25, 28 n. 58, 49, 64 n. 26–27, 68

481

spoken standard 36–38, 68, 77 ’empirical’ vs. ’prescriptive’ standard 28–29, 32–33, 41 substandard 14, 28, 41, 132, 235 n. 17 style 14, 26–27, 45–51, 71–75, 376–81, 386–390, 397–8 –, markers of 27, 29, 110, 213, 279, 331 n. 51, 334, 346, 383–7 –, individual 139, 159–60, 342, 395 n. 30 –, mixed 14, 47, 57, 74, 77, 86, 379, 395 n. 31, 398 –, oral 44, 324 n. 49 Swiss (German) 1, 38–40, 43 topic 49 n. 5, 52 n. 11, 54, 72, 228, 378–81, 394 Woidich, M. 240–43, 84, 102–4, 181–82, 273 n. 63, 311 n. 44, 343