Mercenaries of Knowledge : Vicente Nogueira, the Republic of Letters, and the Making of Late Renaissance Politics 9781009340496, 9781009340458, 9781009340489

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Mercenaries of Knowledge

From Lisbon to Rome via the Gulf of Guinea and the sugar mills of northern Brazil, this book explores the strategies and practices that displaced scholars cultivated to navigate the murky waters of late Renaissance politics. By tracing the life of the Portuguese jurist-scholar Vicente Nogueira (1586–1654) across diverse social, cultural, and political spaces, Fabien Montcher reveals a world of religious conflicts and imperial rivalries. Here, agents of knowledge developed the practice of “bibliopolitics” – using local and international systems for buying and selling books and manuscripts to foster political communication and debate, and ultimately to negotiate their survival. Bibliopolitics fostered the advent of a generation of “mercenaries of knowledge” whose stories constitute a key part of seventeenth-century social and cultural history. This book also demonstrates their crucial role in creating an international and dynamic Republic of Letters with others who helped shape early modern intellectual and political worlds. Fabien Montcher is Assistant Professor of History at Saint Louis University. His work on the social history of knowledge and politics has been supported by the UCLA Clark Library, the Huntington Library, the American Council of Learned Societies, the National Endowment for the Humanities, the Spanish Ministry for Science and Innovation, and the Institute for Advanced Study at Princeton.

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Mercenaries of Knowledge Vicente Nogueira, the Republic of Letters, and the Making of Late Renaissance Politics Fabien Montcher Saint Louis University

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Shaftesbury Road, Cambridge CB2 8EA, United Kingdom One Liberty Plaza, 20th Floor, New York, NY 10006, USA 477 Williamstown Road, Port Melbourne, VIC 3207, Australia 314–321, 3rd Floor, Plot 3, Splendor Forum, Jasola District Centre, New Delhi – 110025, India 103 Penang Road, #05-06/07, Visioncrest Commercial, Singapore 238467 Cambridge University Press is part of Cambridge University Press & Assessment, a department of the University of Cambridge. We share the University’s mission to contribute to society through the pursuit of education, learning and research at the highest international levels of excellence. www.cambridge.org Information on this title: www.cambridge.org/9781009340496 DOI: 10.1017/9781009340458 © Fabien Montcher 2023 This publication is in copyright. Subject to statutory exception and to the provisions of relevant collective licensing agreements, no reproduction of any part may take place without the written permission of Cambridge University Press & Assessment. First published 2023 A catalogue record for this publication is available from the British Library. Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Names: Montcher, Fabien, 1983- author. Title: Mercenaries of knowledge : Vicente Nogueira, the republic of letters, and the making of late Renaissance politics / Fabien Montcher, Saint Louis University, Missouri. Other titles: Vicente Nogueira, the republic of letters, and the making of late Renaissance politics Description: Cambridge ; New York, NY : Cambridge University Press, 2023. | Includes bibliographical references and index. Identifiers: LCCN 2023003030 (print) | LCCN 2023003031 (ebook) | ISBN 9781009340496 (hardback) | ISBN 9781009340489 (paperback) | ISBN 9781009340458 (epub) Subjects: LCSH: Nogueira, Vicente, 1586-1654. | Europe–Intellectual life–17th century. | Politics and literature–Europe–History–17th century. | Intellectuals–Portugal–Biography | Booksellers and bookselling–Europe– History–17th century. | Prohibited books–Europe–History–17th century. | Inquisition–Europe–History–17th century. Classification: LCC CB401.N64 M66 2023 (print) | LCC CB401.N64 (ebook) | DDC 940.2/3092 [B]–dc23/eng/20230201 LC record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2023003030 LC ebook record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2023003031 ISBN 978-1-009-34049-6 Hardback Cambridge University Press & Assessment has no responsibility for the persistence or accuracy of URLs for external or third-party internet websites referred to in this publication and does not guarantee that any content on such websites is, or will remain, accurate or appropriate.

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Contents

Acknowledgments List of Abbreviations (Archives and Libraries) Introduction: Mercenaries of Knowledge in a “Century of Improvisation” Part I

page vi xii

1

Growing Up under the Pax Hispanica

1 Coming of Age as Mercenaries of Knowledge

25

2 The Mercenary Republic

62

Part II

The Severing: Trial and Exile

3 The Fabric of Dissent

99

4 The Proving Grounds

137

Part III

Bibliopolitics and Conflict Management

5 Mercenary Diplomacy

177

6 Mercenary Bibliopolitics

219

Conclusion: Portraits from a Mercenary Age

268

Bibliography Index

285 326

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Acknowledgments

This book originated during the last stretch of research for my doctoral dissertation on early modern historical writings and historians. Little did I know at the time that one less significant historical protagonist of that earlier study, who I encountered in the manuscript room of the French National Library in Paris while checking final references for my doctoral thesis, would accompany me on my own trans-oceanic story of historical writing across academes. After receiving my PhD in July 2013, I started to chase the elusive trajectory of the Portuguese lawyer and libertine Vicente Nogueira (1586–1654), whose activities and ideas seemed improbably to intersect with many major figures and currents of seventeenth-century history, yet whose name was practically unknown. Almost ten years later, it is now the time to pause in this quest in order to recognize the persons and the institutions that transformed what seemed to be an insurmountable odyssey into a life-changing and enriching journey. At the end of summer 2013, I left Spain buoyed by a wealth of experiences gained as a young historian, especially those that I shared with my friend and master, Alfredo Alvar Ezquerra. ¡Esta va por ti, maestro! The financial support I received from the Spanish Ministry for Science and Innovation and the help offered by my professors, colleagues, and friends at the Universidad Complutense and at the Centro de Ciencias Humanas y Sociales-Consejo Superior de Investigación Scientíficas in Madrid gave me the tools and means I needed to enjoy researching and writing on Iberian-related matters. My thoughts and gratitude go toward James Amelang, Saúl Bermejo, Etienne Bourdeu, Fernando Bouza, Carlos Cañete, Rodrigo Cañete, Cesc Esteve, Mercedes García-Arenal, Bernardo García García, Jesús Gascón Pérez, Xavier Gil, José Luis Gonzalo, Cristina Jular, Juan Manuel Ledesma, Fernando Marías, Mouniati Moana-Abdou Chakour, Juan Pimentel, Aude Plagnard, Roberto Quirós Rosado, Fernando Rodríguez-Mediano, Jeremy Roe, Manuel Salamanca, Carmen Sanz-Ayán, Cecilia Tarruell, Pier Mattia Tommasino, Yasemin Türkkan, Evrim Türkçelik, and Felipe Vidales. vi

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My landing in Los Angeles during fall 2013 and the time I spent between the UCLA main campus, the Clark Library in West Adams, and the many sides of Los Angeles I was introduced to by an unrivaled partner in crime, Hart Gilula, showed me a wealth of new paths and ideas. Overwhelming and exciting, the richness of that potential was exactly what I needed as I sought to find my way in a new context on a new continent. Professor and friend Teo Ruiz kindly provided me with enough direction that I remained grounded while at the same time tolerating my blatant lack of experience about how academic practices translated to the Pacific coast. At the end of the day, early modern Spain was not disconnected absolutely from the palm trees and the eternal sunsets of Venice beach. Los Angeles gave me the perspective and the distance I needed to pursue further research. During my time at UCLA, and well after, Scarlett Freund shared with me the meanings and contrasts that lie behind the lights of that city and the academic worlds enclosed in it. At that point, the book I originally had in mind took a new esthetic turn. Such a turn was reinforced thanks to discussions with colleagues at UCLA, including conversations with Anthony Pagden, Sanjay Subrahmanyam, and Stefania Tutino, that put me onto welcome new investigation tracks. None of this would have been possible without the support I received from the Center for 17th and 18th Centuries Studies at UCLA as an Ahmanson-Getty Fellow at the Clark Library. I will not forget the leadership of Barbara Fuchs, who put together a oneyear program on “Iberian Globalization of the Early Modern World,” brilliantly directed by Anna More and Ivonne del Valle. I appreciate ever more what Barbara did and built at the Clark, and its value endures personally and intellectually. I have many fond memories of the hours spent with the amazing staff and librarians (special mention to Shannon Supple and Scott Jacobs) and of the lunches and bocce parties shared with Aaron Olivas and Amanda Snyder. In Los Angeles, I confronted unacknowledged tensions between my scholarly occupations and my gastronomic inquiétudes. Such tensions vanished as I enjoyed thaı¨ blue mussels and Santa Barbara spot prawns among a meeting of distinguished clowns (Hart and Tara for the win!). The LA gastronomic delirium continued after meeting Jake Soll. I came to the US convinced that I might be able to do something with history after reading Jake’s books and his own acknowledgments in them. They were replete with references to decadent gastronomic encounters and compelling wine experiences. Meeting Jake ended up being a one-way trip to a zygomatic land of Cockaigne from which I have not yet returned. We cooked, we drank, we talked, and amid all these agapes, Jake’s intellectual support kept my tormented faith in what I was doing alive.

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This story continues but many thanks are in order for what has past and will come. Merci l’ami! After leaving Los Angeles, I received the life-defining support of the American Council for Learned Societies and of the Institute for Advanced Study in Princeton. Such support granted me the most important and luxurious commodity there is: time. Time to think! I took the time and within its folds I met a community of scholars that happened to be as serious about research as they are about food. It was somehow reassuring for me. Suspecting that I was still on the right path, I continued to follow Nogueira and the worlds that were surfacing around his shadow while branching into a series of broader questions that only a place and people like that at the institute could generate. Meeting and exchanging between Princeton and New York with Marylin Aronberg, Muriel Arruebo, Francesca Bellino, Céline Bèssière, Antoine Borrut, Alejandro Cañeque, Javier Castro-Ibaseta, Nicola di Cosmo, Thomas Dodman, Anthony Grafton, Patrick Geary, Mayte GreenMercado, Andrea Guidi, Francesco Guizzi, Jonathan Israel, Richard Kagan, Elisabeth Kaske, Christian Lentz, Yu-chih Lai, Irvin Lavin, Pascal Marichalar, Hannah Marcus, Giuliano Mori, Ohad Nachtomy, Klaus Oschema, Frank Rexroth, Cameron Strang, Roberto Tottoli, Francesca Trivellato, and Jesús Velasco gave me the purchase I needed to expand on my ideas. From this point onward, my book tentatively entitled Scholar of Fortune became Mercenaries of Knowledge as Nogueira encountered some companions on his journey. My time in Princeton was punctuated by outings to New York, where I drank in as much as I could of the city, its art and library collections, and, of course, its unrivaled wine scene. All was coming full circle. My book would not have passed the stage of having a title without the Rabelaisian brunches on Bowery Street. Not all was joy nor privilege, but the emotional and intellectual sustenance of such encounters propelled me forward. My time on the East coast came with the additional support given by the Centro de Estudios Europa Hispánica research center in Madrid that associated my time at the Institute for Advanced Study with the name of John H. Elliott. Such a welcome yet unexpected association provided me with the perfect excuse to pay a visit to Sir John and Lady Oona in Oxford. I was graced with an elegant lunch and a conversation that allowed me to connect many of the dots that I had gathered during the last three years of research. The day culminated with a visit of the charming village of Iffley with Sir John as guide. Since that afternoon Sir John read much of what I wrote. I benefitted from, and sometimes struggled with, his comments. They pushed me to bake to completion all

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the different parts of this book. His intellectual presence is much missed as I am writing these words. I have been lucky to benefit from many other institutions and colleagues who have supported my research and travel since 2013, including the Centre de Recherche de Versailles (with the much-valued support of my French mentors, Emmanuel Bury and Chantal Grell, and of my friends and intellectual interlocutors, Maria Pia Donato and Luc Berlivet), passing through the Huntington Library in Pasadena, the American Philosophical Society, the European Cooperation in Science and Technology Action “Reassembling the Republic of Letters 1500–1800,” the Sapienza University in Rome with Paola Volpini, the Ludwig Maximiliam University in Munich with Arndt Brendecke, the University of Haifa and the Center for Mediterranean History with Cédric Cohen-Skalli and Zur Shalev, the University of Nantes with Karine Durin, the Universidade Nova de Lisboa with Pedro Cardim, and the support of the Fundação Luso-Americana and the Biblioteca Nacional de Portugal. My most sincere gratitude goes to my editor, Liz Friend-Smith, and her team at Cambridge for seeing my book manuscript through Covid-19 and other trials. Starting in fall 2018, Saint Louis University and its History Department provided me with the stability I needed to put my notes in order while extracting the best of them and brainstorming together with my graduate and undergraduate students about our research passions. I am grateful for the unconditional support I have received from my home institution, which has allowed me to grow as a scholar and a researcher. My thanks go to the History Department, the Center for Medieval and Renaissance Studies, the College of Arts and Sciences, the Dean’s Office, the Provost’s Office, the Mellon and Boost Programs, and the Office of the Vice President for Research. In St. Louis, I found a professional community that continues to inspire me. Many thanks to Doug Boin, Sam Conedera, Thomas Finan, Phil Gavitt, Torrie Hester, Thomas Madden, Nathaniel Millet, Katrina Thompson Moore, Georg Ndege, Jennifer Popiel, Michal Rozbicki, Mark Ruff, Steve Schoenig, Silvana Siddali, Damian Smith, and Warren Treadgold. My early modernist colleague, Charles Parker, continues to provide a model of what it means to be an exceptional scholar, friend, and colleague. I am grateful to be still learning from Hal’s generosity and charismatic drive. The mentorship I received as a junior faculty member from my colleague Lorri Glover gave me what I needed to put this book together while remaining afloat with other obligations. A special mention goes to Luke and Aubrey Yarbrough, and Filippo Marsili, for their friendship in St.

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Louis and beyond, between Taipei, Lyon, and Rome, always coming back for some reason to LA. This medley of lists and acknowledgments may sound like I made my way on this journey alone. It is not the case, as Claire Gilbert knows all too well. What else is there to be said when one often thinks of himself as a Sancho or a Don Quijote walking in the company of another Sancho or Don Quijote through a fascinating but unsettling world. Thank you, Claire, for being here, there, and beyond, all days and at all hours, past, present, and future. Scholarship is a collaborative enterprise, and this book is a good example of it. My only hope is that it will add some fuel to the energy that comes with our friendship, intellectual exchanges, and family that keep us moving, always forward. And since movement is everything for us, none of it would have been really meaningful without the support of our family spread between Monistrol and Sonoita. André, Chantal, David, Linda, Meredith, Patrick, Peggy, Sarah, Sylvia, Wyatt, there is not a single page of this book that I wrote without thinking of you. You provide the keystone that allows all my encounters with friends and colleagues, all my research trips and food reunions, to make sense. You are the glue that brings all these experiences into a meaningful whole. Not much can beat the simplicity of a family moment spent with only the question of when to refill our glasses. Here come my last thoughts embodied by an unordered list. I must confess that it is a true pleasure to compose/decompose such a list, especially after spending years organizing and ordering my thoughts. First of all, thank you to my professors at the Lycée Leonard de Vinci for teaching me that ideas and education are worth pursuing for their own sake. This is a privilege which I have been granted thanks to a free, public, and open education. Thank you to Etienne Bourdeu, Aurélie Barlam, Ben Wand (the index master), Erin Rowe, Asmina Fontaliza, Alexandra Merle, Etienne Balaÿ, Francisco García-Serrano, Harold Cook, Federico Palomo, Giuseppe Marcocci, Brian Catlos, Arndt Brendecke, Nuria Silleras-Fernández, José Ignacio Palacios Bayón, Betsy Wright, Mathieu and Mickael Monteil, Harald Braun, Nicole Reinhardt, John-Paul Fortney, Marta Albalá, Javier Patiño Loira, James Nelson Novoa, Amanda Aikman, Ernesto Oyarbide, Lisa Voigt, Mordechai Feingold, Pedro Schacht, Noel Blanco Mourelle, Glyn Redworth, Lexie Cook, Jennifer Lowe, Gregory Pass, Marie-Claire Broussard, Benoît, Mathieu Grenet, Alphonse et Rosalie Broussard, Henri et Catherine Montcher, Christina Moddolo, Joel et Marc Marc Moddolo, Michel et Marie-Christine Montcher, Marc Zuili, Daniel Broussard, Hilary Bernstein, Megan Armstrong, Gil Crozes, Guy Lazure, Cécile Vincent-Cassy, Jennifer Gilbert and Janet Lumsden,

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Lidan Chang, Rebecca Messbarger, Cécile Liogier, Jean-Pierre et Evelyne Nuel, Saúl Martínez Bermejo and Solène de Pablos, Alexis Haon, Arnaud Celle, Mathieu P et Sandrine, Fabien Chasselay, Daniele D’Aguanno, Jean et Dominque Berger, Daniel Hershenzon, Deborah Blocker, Manu et l’esprit de Geronimo, Daniel and Cécile, Liam Brockey, Teresa Nobre de Carvalho, James and Anna, Daniel Pimenta, Ana and Manuel, Sabina Brevaglieri, Dominique Robin/ Diane Bodart/Lucine et Flore, Ellen Wayland-Smith, Sophia et Lydia Soll, Katrina Olds, Daniel Strum, Guillaume Calafat, Natividad Planas, Christian Lauranson-Rosaz, and many more.

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Abbreviations (Archives and Libraries)

AAV AGPM AGRB AGS AHN AHnobleza ANTT ASC ASVR AUC BANLC BAV BMV BNB BNE BnF BNP BPA BPE BPR BSG BV BZ CDP NA NL ÖN RAH RBME SP

Archivio Apostólico Vaticano, Rome Archivo General de Prótocolos, Madrid Archives Générales du Royaume de Belgique, Brussels Archivo General de Simancas Archivo Histórico Nacional, Madrid Archivo Histórico de la Nobleza, Toledo Arquivo Nacional da Torre do Tombo, Lisbon Archivio Storico Capitolino, Rome Archivio Storico del Vicariato di Roma Arquivo da Universidade de Coimbra Biblioteca dell’Accademia dei Lincei e Corsiniana, Rome Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, Rome Bibliothèque Municipale de Versailles Biblioteca Nacional do Brasil Biblioteca Nacional de España, Madrid Bibliothèque Nationale de France, Paris Biblioteca Nacional de Portugal Biblioteca da Ajuda Biblioteca Pública de Évora Biblioteca del Palacio Real, Madrid Bibliothèque Sainte-Geneviève, Paris Biblioteca Valliceliana, Rome Biblioteca Zabálburu, Madrid Corpo Diplomático Portugues National Archives, London Newberry Library, Chicago Österreichische Nationalbibliotek, Vienna Real Academia de la Historia, Madrid Real Biblioeca del Monasterio de San Lorenzo de El Escorial State Paper Office

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Introduction Mercenaries of Knowledge in a “Century of Improvisation”

“A countryman's care placed me, a nut tree, at this cross-roads, where I am the butt of stone-throwing boys. I have grown tall, but my branches are broken, my bark bruised, I am attacked with sling-stones, competing on every side. What worse fate could befall a barren tree? Alas, cursed tree that I am, I bear fruit to my own destruction.” Nogueira or the walnut tree... Alciato, Emblems (1577), Emblema n. CXCII, p. 623.

Renaissance conflicts gave way to a century of improvisation.1 In the conventional story connecting the rise of modern states to the development of a public sphere of opinion, this period is framed as an interlude between the ambivalent collaborations of sixteenth-century humanists with structures of governance, and eventually, the growing intervention and theorization of eighteenth-century philosophes. These useful terms – humanists and philosophes – lend coherence to a history of ideas conditioned by the overarching argument of the advent of modern states and civic societies. Indeed, when reflecting on the trajectories of seventeenthcentury men and women of letters, historians often add an adjective or a prefix (i.e. late humanists or pre-enlightened thinkers) which connects such figures to this argument.2 These modifiers do not, however, fully capture the intellectual and political fragmentation of seventeenthcentury cultures of knowledge nor the overlapping history of intellectual networks and diplomacy. This book reflects on the meaning of such fragmentation and connection from the perspective of individuals who contributed to formal and informal intellectual and political exchanges

1 2

On the seventeenth century as “the century of improvisation” see Brook, Vermeer’s Hat, p. 23. For a discussion of the autonomy of the early modern literary and intellectual field see Jouhaud, Les pouvoirs de la littérature and Schneider, Dignified Retreat, pp. 18–21. On how a new model of intellectual commitment with state administrations started but was not yet empowered during the Baroque period see Tessier, Réseaux diplomatiques et républiques des lettres and Fumaroli, Republic of Letters, chapter 8.

1

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2

Introduction

by moving, gathering, accumulating, tracing, and transforming information contained in news, letters, books, manuscripts, libraries, and archives. Through their activities, these individuals fostered the conversion of that disparate information into politically useful knowledge. Considering a social history of knowledge written from the perspective of men and women who were neither full-fledged humanists nor selfproclaimed emancipated philosophes forces scholars to reconsider the political history of the early modern period. To describe the diverse trajectories of such individuals, the term mercenary becomes apt. After all, these seventeenth-century men and women of letters did not remain neutral in the face of a world at war.3 At the same time, their educations and experiences ensured that their contributions to conflict were often scholarly and literary rather than on the battlefields, though still from positions of professional or personal insecurity. Mercenaries of knowledge were men and women of letters who contributed to the mediation of information and ideas from positions of intellectual and political marginality. Like other men and women of letters from this same period (e.g. erudite libertines), mercenaries of knowledge were often characterized as such by their enemies. The line between service and survival (political and religious) during those rough times and when dealing with unfaithful patrons was thin. Being a mercenary often corresponded to a phase in one’s life. This phase could be repeated as often as tensions and displacements pushed such men and women to the fringes of societies. Being a mercenary of knowledge consisted in redeploying the same tactics that these men and women once used in favor of their former masters on behalf of new ones. Their marginality was as much a social construct and a mechanism of oppression imposed on them by their adversaries, as a tool of self-representation that allowed them to react against the pejorative use of the term and make a place for themselves within an international community of knowledge. In addition to the defense of ideals such as toleration, this community fostered intellectual and political communications during a time when other forms of diplomacy were more difficult to sustain. Like Robert Damien’s “librarian-travelers,” mercenaries of knowledge were interested in the art of political bibliography (i.e. the distribution, reorganization, and destruction of information contained in books, 3

On the relationships between the Republic of Letters and war during the seventeenth century see Ultée, “Res Publica Litteraria and War,” 535–46. The figure of the military entrepreneur is a good example of how during the Late Renaissance boundaries between scholarly, diplomatic, and military practices became blurrier than ever. See Sutherland, The Rise of the Military Entrepreneur and “War, Mobility, and Letters,” 272–92; and “Warfare, Entrepreneurship,” 302–18.

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Introduction

3

manuscripts, libraries, and archives and any other materials or spaces that interacted with such materials and institutions).4 They generated a habitus situated between humanistic practices and bureaucratic procedures of bibliographical criticism and organization.5 Though they shared common traits and experiences, mercenaries of knowledge did not form a coherent socio-professional body nor a uniform intellectual community from which a single paradigmatic model can be extrapolated to make sense of the lives of men and women involved in seventeenth-century political and intellectual exchanges. What they shared were experiences of precarity which caused them to convert intellectual resources into a political arsenal, in a context in which such arsenals were in high demand. To secure their own survival, mercenaries of knowledge learned to deal in scholarly and material resources that were looted, sold, exchanged, relocated, disaggregated, stolen, repackaged, and reused during local and global conflicts. While some mercenaries of knowledge took part in the transformation of knowledge into cultural and political power, not all men and women of letters became mercenaries of knowledge. What gave some coherence to mercenaries of knowledge as a group, in addition to their fights for survival, was their criticism of political abuses and their defense of political tolerance. Such criticism was often based on personal experiences of those abuses or an absence of that tolerance. Their attitudes toward abuse and tolerance affected how these agents reorganized, read, or displayed scholarly materials. Thus, mercenaries of knowledge helped bridge the culture of doubt inherited from sixteenth-century religious conflicts with seventeenth-century desires for political reforms. They made sure that the materials that inspired either doubt or reform could be mapped and manipulated by powerful patrons, making them accessible to anyone who could pay their price for them. In their hands, books, manuscripts, archives, and libraries became proxies for the discussions underpinning political negotiations, often on behalf of parties that would otherwise not have been able or willing to enter into contact with one another. In addition to the intellectual and political consequences, mercenary accumulations contributed to the commodification of bibliographic resources across the Republic of Letters. Through the inventorying of

4 5

Such a figure is best embodied by the book hunter and libértin, Gabriel Naudé (1600–1653). Damien, Bibliothèque et état, p. 20. “The habitus is both the generative principle of objectively classifiable judgements and the system of classification of these practices.” Bourdieu, Distinction, p. 170. For the Spanish context see Brendecke and Martín Romera, “El habitus del oficial real,” 23–51.

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4

Introduction

bibliographic collections, the making of lists, the exchange of manuscripts, and epistolary conversations about how best to build a library and use it for political purposes, mercenaries of knowledge reinforced the commercial dimension of material exchanges channeled through the Republic of Letters. The networks of this Republic were not exclusively intellectual. In practice, and especially during conflicts, mercenaries deployed their resources across a broader ensemble of political, diplomatic, diasporic, and economic relations.6 Though an international and ideal community of individuals interested in forging friendships and sharing knowledge via polite conversations, the Republic of Letters also functioned as a decentralized information marketplace within which political forces could access resources that could be transformed – or not – by hired pens into political assets and/or propaganda. More than just a metaphor that amplifies the roles and practices that mercenaries of knowledge adopted during seventeenth-century wars, the term (i.e. mercenary) is apt because it was used by mercenaries of knowledge themselves. It was not necessarily a compliment. Mercenaries of knowledge had many competitors. They thus often referred to other mercenaries as such when having to discredit competitors across political and religious divides. For example, the Scottish exile and Arabic translator newly converted to Catholicism, David Colville, complained about “mercenaries” who were performing grubby exchanges of books and library inventories. Colville criticized the “Italian Princes” who ordered or promoted books and inventories gathered and compiled by improvised bibliographical experts. Colville doubled down on his critiques when denouncing the “vile mercenaries” who communicated bibliographic materials to “heretics in England” for a few “hundred scudi.”7 As an experienced librarian, he proposed himself to those same potential patrons as an expert who could reform those grubby exchanges of books into something of greater political, moral, and intellectual significance. Through so doing, he hoped to gain a more established position. After spending years inventorying and translating manuscripts at the royal library of the Escorial in Spain, Colville hoped to work with the collections of the Duke of Savoy in Turin, or as a librarian at the Vatican. To do so, he needed to distinguish himself from the mercenary profiles he described to his correspondent, Cassiano dal Pozzo, who, at the time, was an influential patron of the arts in charge of recruiting 6

7

Khachig, “Rethinking Diaspora(s),” 3–36. On the diasporic circulation of knowledge see Pirillo, The Refugee-Diplomat; Domínguez, Radicals in Exile; and Tersptra, Religious Refugees. Colville to Dal Pozzo?, Turin–Rome?, August 16, 1628?, BANLC, Pozzo IV, f. 9r.

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Introduction

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mercenaries of knowledge on behalf of Pope Urban VIII (r. 1623–1644) and the latter’s family in Rome. Colville’s portrait of mercenaries of knowledge and strategies of self-promotion transcend simple jealousies among self-proclaimed bibliographical experts across religious divides. It reveals the existence of an eclectic contingent of men of letters on the make who, amid conflicts such as the Thirty Years’ War (1618–1648), managed bibliographical materials in fraught contexts. Colville’s allusion to transconfessional intellectual and political exchanges was an attempt to delineate the existence of distinct groups among mercenaries of knowledge, publicizing the fact that he belonged to a group committed with the ideological projects underpinning the Catholic Reformation. This group came of age when the association between the Respublica Literaria and Christiana, with the city of Rome at its center, started to crumble, and thus sought to reenergize the Republic with new irenic ideals.8 Men like Colville thought that mercenaries of knowledge proceeding from Iberian territories could best advance such a project because they were ideally positioned to perform triangular communications between the Italian and Iberian peninsulas, and third parties across the European balance of power.9 Those men and women of letters had access to a global laboratory of empirical information, and this was especially true during the Iberian Union, when the crowns of Spain and Portugal were placed on one king’s head (c. 1580–c. 1640).10 In addition, the hegemonic power of Spain was contested as the conflicts around the Thirty Years’ War took off, and thus Iberian information was highly desirable to Spanish allies and rivals. The unceasing backdrop of war during the seventeenth century shaped the practices and discourses of men and women of letters and their patrons with an emphasis on the contingency of mercenary activities.11 Mercenaries of knowledge

8 9

10 11

Fumaroli, La République des Lettres, pp. 332–3. Mercenaries of Knowledge follows historian Sergio Bertelli’s call for a history of rebels or “slightly skeptical” men of letters, through the trajectories of individuals connected with Iberian cultures of knowledge. See Morel-Fatio, “Vicente Noguera,” 37–8 and Bertelli, Rebeldes, libertinos y ortodoxos. On the transnational dimension of Baroque intellectual cultures in Italy see Boutier, Marin, and Romano (eds.), Naples, Rome, Florence, pp. 172–242 and Bianchi, Rinascimento e libertinismo. Filippo de Vivo reported that during the 1630s, the Spanish ambassador in Venice was aware that “sometimes one can learn more about French business in Spain by means of the ambassador based in Venice, or Rome, than by means of the ambassador in Paris.” Vivo, Information, p. 75. Barrera-Osorio, Experiencing Nature; Cañizares-Esguerra, Nature, Empire, and Nation; and Brendecke, The Empirical Empire. For effects of war on early modern knowledge exchanges, see Bret et al., “Sciences et empires,” 121–46.

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took part in competing reform programs that altogether aimed to rethink how erudition, politics, religion, and culture should intersect.12 In the polycentric and polyglot context of seventeenth-century empires and reforms, mercenaries of knowledge conceived of and advertised themselves as fixers, who were “resourceful, problem-solving guides with a sophisticated grasp of local languages, cultures, and customs.”13 They dealt with contradictory personal emotions and political uncertainties through the arts of political bibliography and historical thinking, a kind of “bibliopolitics.”14 The circulation and selling of bibliographical materials for the sake of international political communication and individual survival allowed mercenaries of knowledge to mediate ideas via the nascent sphere of public opinion connected to the information societies they were helping build. Filippo de Vivo’s ongoing research into Thomas Hobbes’ early career as a secretary of the English embassy in Venice, for example, shows that the philosopher was above all an information engineer who worked on securing his survival and international political communication across powers via bibliopolitics.15 Meanwhile, Harold Cook’s study of the “young Descartes” reveals the impact that conflicts and exile had on the acquisition of practical knowledge and the forging of philosophical ideas during this same period.16 These two philosophers’ early careers resemble nothing so much as that of a mercenary of knowledge. Mercenaries of Knowledge engages with this and other innovative research that from the perspective of the history of science, ideas, and politics offers a new approach to paradigmatic figures, including the painter-diplomats, Peter Paul Rubens (1577–1640) and Diego Velázquez (1599–1642), or the courtier-astronomer, Galileo Galilei (1564–1642), among others, whose careers intersected with those of mercenaries of knowledge.17 Common among these trajectories was the 12 13 14

15 16 17

See for example Brevaglieri, Natural desiderio di sapere, pp. 18–19. Stahuljak, Les fixeurs au Moyen Age; and Medieval Fixers: Translation in the Mediterranean (1250–1500). On bibliopolitics see Montcher, “Iberian Bibliopolitics” 206–18 and Erikson, “The End of Piracy.” The term as been used to deepen the critical analysis of modern bibliometrics. See Sharpe and Turner, “Bibliopolitics,” 146–73. Vivo, “Paolo Sarpi and the Uses of Information,” 35–49; and Vivo and Malcolm (eds.), “Translation of Fulgenzio Micanzio’s Letters.” Cook, The Young Descartes. On the imbrications between the history of political and scientific cultures, see Pimentel, “The Iberian Vision,” 17–30; Kontler, Romano, Sebastiani, and Török (eds.), Negotiating Knowledge; Findlen (ed.), Empires of Knowledge; Shapin, A Social History of Truth; Vivo, Information; and Miller, Peiresc’s Europe and Peiresc’s Mediterranean. See also Biagioli, “Le prince et les savants,” 1417–53. On early modern artists as mobile courtiers as well as on their ambivalent status as diplomats see Osborne, “A PainterDiplomat,” 185.

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pull of Rome as the nominal arbiter among Catholic powers and the main pole of Catholic scholarship. On the other hand, contact and connection with Protestant politics and scholarship was common. From a Roman and papal perspective, the broader Republic of Letters was perceived as a land of mission that needed to be reconquered.18 Mercenaries were thus asked to convert and commit with the defense of the Catholic Church. During the 1620s and the 1650s, many of them were recruited by Church officials while in exile. In March 1647, Lucas Holstenius, a German scholar and convert to Catholicism, who had been recruited as a librarian by Cardinal Francesco Barberini in Paris two decades earlier, asked this same cardinal to employ Thomas Vane, an English nobleman who had converted to Catholicism after his reading of the Fathers of the Church.19 Holstenius communicated to Francesco Barberini that Vane had written about his and others English dissidents’ experiences when denouncing the hypocrisy of the Anglican Church. Self-reflective and autobiographical compositions were something that mercenaries of knowledge were keen to produce and publicize. Vane’s works had been printed in Paris in French and English. Holstenius suggested that the Congregation for the Propaganda Fide, the main organ in charge of promoting Roman universalistic missionary projects since the early 1620s, should promote Vane’s writings and translate them into Latin.20 The city of Rome provided a platform from where mercenaries of knowledge could keep in touch with international politics, including the ones connected to the places they were coming from and from which they had been excluded and were keen to criticize. Whether Protestant or Catholic, or from any other religious background, mercenaries of knowledge belonged to a generation that came of age around the Thirty Years’ War. The history of how they worked and thought about their position in the world as well as their self-fashioning strategies reveals the murky realities of informal diplomacy and intellectual exchanges during conflicts. This was a generation which had been educated in a relative climate of peace (c. 1600–1618) and internationalism. When conflicts made their comeback, their political views did not match those of other men of letters and politicians who espoused inwardlooking reforms, protectionism, centralization projects, and campaigns of reputation promoting bellicose attitudes against foreign enemies. 18 19 20

Fosi, Convertire lo straniero. Holstenius to Francesco Barberini, Rome–Paris, March 4, 1647, BV, Allacci, XCVI. Holstenius reported that, in addition, Vane, like other mercenaries, was looking for a room to stay in Rome. The Palazzo de la Cancelleria was one possible destination. Other mercenaries were residing inside the palazzo while carrying out informal tasks as informants, administrators, and bibliographic and legal experts within it.

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Mercenaries of knowledge were “intellectual personae,” to follow Renata Ago’s formulation, who exercised different activities but defined themselves as intellectuals.21 They also embodied the ideal of the practical men of the Baroque era, whose ingenio allowed them to navigate difficult situations themselves and for their friends and patrons.22 The demand for their services was high but their relations of patronage were often unstable and weak. Friendship became a vital vector to secure resources and promote themselves. Attuned to the dangers of inquisitorial attention and experienced with exile, they cultivated through their friendships an idea of masculinity which underpinned the operations of mediation they carried out. Indeed, their world was purposively, although not entirely, masculine. Their sexuality and gender representations could be used to neutralize them since mercenaries of knowledge and their patrons disproportionately bore the infamous mark of being “sodomites” as imposed on them by institutions such as the inquisitions. Many mercenaries of knowledge bore their difficult relations with masculinity and same-sex relationships as badges of honor and as a proof of their virtue and engagement with politics that went against inquisitorial backwardness and intolerance. Friendship, patronage, and even persecution gave them platforms from which to publicize their anti-inquisitorial engagement throughout the Republic of Letters. Such engagement constitutes an invitation to consider the role that diverse forms of sexuality played in early modern intellectual and political relations. Mercenaries of knowledge of course also suffered from categories that they bore as stigmas. Categories such as libertines, sodomites, and the insincerely converted, forced them to compromise with their ideal representations of themselves.23 To counterbalance those stigmas, they magnified what they called their liberty and virtue when fashioning their memories for the international audiences of the Republic of Letters. These two concepts suggested that they were able to emancipate themselves from patriotic and nationalistic prejudices, and were in consequence well prepared to share a less deterministic vision of the world with their homologues beyond political and religious divides. Mercenaries of knowledge were prepared to get actively involved in under-the-table negotiations, falsifications, or bribes to protect their 21

22

23

Ago, Tanti modi per promuoversi, www.academia.edu/15721248/Tanti_modi_per_ promuoversi_Artisti_letterati_scienziati_nella_Roma_del_Seicento, accessed November 3, 2021. On the use of ingenio by Baquianos (i.e. retired soldiers who in acted as guides in the New World) and other experts in improvising for the sake of their survival see José Ramón Marcaida’s work in progress on such figures. Muir, The Culture Wars, pp. 1–12.

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9

patrons and other mercenaries with whom they identified and collaborated. Tommaso Campanella’s editor, Kaspar Schoppe, a mercenary of knowledge who had converted to Catholicism and spent most of his life working as a polemicist, presented himself as a scholar and diplomat who worked across nations, and who thus needed protection. When publishing Campanella’s work, while the latter was in jail, Schoppe boasted about his “liberty” to select his patron as well as his freedom (i.e. libertas) to threaten any powerful figures he wanted with the documents he owned.24 Another mercenary of knowledge, the writer Manuel Faria de Sousa, who in appearance served Spanish interests during most of his life, underlined that he “never negotiated his liberty” in exchange for vain and immediate interests.25 Though that liberty could invite attacks, it was itself an arm to deploy against potential enemies. As intellectual personae, mercenaries of knowledge took great care when memorializing their deeds to a public audience which included friends, patrons, rivals, and enemies. By doing so, they joined a Baroque cohort of voices who relied on autobiographic narratives to make a place for themselves and for their ambivalent relations to the social and identity categories they were initially drafted with. The story of the life of Catalina de Erauso (c. 1585–c. 1650), known as the Lieutenant Nun, condensed what many mercenaries of knowledge experienced between the late sixteenth and the mid-seventeenth century.26 Catalina was born to a well-to-do noble family of northern Spain. While her father and her brothers served the local administration and participated in the transcontinental wars of the Iberian empire, Catalina was supposed to remain silent, isolated, and pray for the fate of her family between the narrow walls of her convent cell. Against all odds, Catalina escaped what she considered to be her prison. She cross-dressed and made her way to the Spanish royal court. During the rest of her life, she traveled back and forth between Europe and the New World, self-fashioning as a soldier and a writer, fighting on behalf of the Spanish king in the Americas, and hiding from local authorities while trying to make a living through gambling and killing. Although it is not clear where her trajectory ended, whether in Spain or in Mexico (probably in Cotaxtla), Catalina ultimately came before the Pope to ask for redemption. Her cross-dressing practices and her multiple identities, if not fully redeemed in Rome, 24 25 26

Schoppe to Pozzo?, to Rome?, October 14, 1644, BANLC, Pozzo VI, f. 45. Faria e Sousa, Fortuna, p. 204. For an updated critical introduction and edition of her life account see Martínez (ed.), Vida y sucesos de la Monja Alférez. On the imbrications between the lives of soldiers, mercenaries, courtiers, and men and women of letters see Calvo, Espadas y plumas en la Monarquía hispana.

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Introduction

acquired legitimate meaning through her quest for redemption. The fact that she/he positioned her/himself somewhere between reality and fiction, thanks to her/his talent as a woman/man of letters who could craft and publicize her/his mémoires, gave sense to a life spent accumulating knowledge based on her/his experiences and broadcasting those experiences across and beyond the empire. Erauso’s trajectory ran in parallel to, and probably crossed lines with, other representatives of her/his generation who, despite international wars and local jealousies, experienced similar fates and found outlets through the social networks of the Republic of Letters between Madrid, the Americas, and Rome. Such lives resonated even more widely through autobiographical accounts that were printed and staged in Baroque theaters.27 Not all mercenaries of knowledge benefited or suffered from such public exposure, but Spanish, Portuguese, and papal archives confirm that one common feature was the quest for bona fama across scholarly and political networks. Recovering their trajectories shows that – between, or even behind, official diplomats and transimperial agents – a world of mercenaries filled the gray areas of Baroque cultural and political communication with their presence, ideas, and memories, and thus created personal and material connections between allegedly antagonistic powers.28 Mercenaries of knowledge’s self-fashioning strategies mostly served to reaffirm their ties with learned and political elites, as well as to subvert clear-cut religious affiliations. Their relations of patronage as well as the friendships they made across overlapping diplomatic and intellectual networks were negotiated on a continuous basis. Their patrons were themselves confronted with the instability of their times, and often experienced exile or displacement themselves. In such situations, these same patrons needed experienced and multi-embedded mercenaries who could offer them timely information that was needed to face the consequences of their displacements. By obtaining and selling rare books and natural products, among other collectibles, mercenaries of knowledge sought to furnish their patrons with the capacity to locate, possess, and display hard-to-find objects, as a sign of the broad reach of the latter’s communication networks as much as of their talents for good governance in war times. If a mercenary was successful, it was his patron who enjoyed the most public recognition. Patrons, too, were in need of bona fama and good political outcomes. 27 28

This observation is best put into perspective when reading Alonso de Contreras’ Vida de este capitán. Levin, Agents of Empire; Malcolm, Agents of Empire; and Rothman, Brokering Empire.

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Some of the most influential politicians in seventeenth-century Europe experienced exile. Royal favorites and state ministers, such as the Cardinal Mazarin in France, Francesco Barberini in Rome, or even princes – such as Gaston, Duke de Orléans, the heirs of the 1580 candidate to the throne of Portugal, Antonio Prior of Crato, and the princes of Portugal – and queens, including Marie de’ Medici and Christine of Sweden, all formed part of a long list of rulers who increased their interests for bibliographical matters during exile. It is no surprise that these political figures became dependent on the services of mercenaries of knowledge when trying to remain politically influential via bibliopolitics. To do so, they relied on the services of agents who understood intimately the precarity of their positions when in or out of power. Mercenaries of knowledge’s patrons capitalized on their agents’ realism and disenchantment. Such mercenaries became particularly useful for emerging powers during the 1640s who were looking for ways to be recognized as legitimate in places where their authority was either questioned or overlooked. In such settings, the exchange of bibliographical materials proved to be foundational to the ability to negotiate on behalf of these powers for pragmatic as well as strategic reasons. Certainly, information was power, yet at the same time, moving boxes of books raised less suspicions than coded letters exchanged through cross-country rides of lone postal agents. Just as the patrons who fueled demand for bibliopolitical agents found themselves in precarious positions, mercenaries of knowledge knew that part of their value lay in their ready disposal. As expendable agents, mercenaries of knowledge convinced their patrons to rely on their useful but always uncertain, unpredictable, and sometimes borderline services.29 By being expendable, they negotiated what and where others could not. In sum, mercenaries of knowledge were resourceful men of letters who participated in state-building campaigns without being fully invested in or co-opted by those campaigns. Mercenaries of knowledge made explicit that their most impactful political assets resided in the potential force of the materials and information they gathered. For example, accumulations of ancient history books and manuscripts were potential mines for new political ideas and could engender political actions.30 Aware that political power resided in

29

30

The secretary of the Portuguese embassy in Paris after 1640 signaled that the restored monarchy of Portugal benefited from the services of expendable agents. Monis de Carvallo, Francia interessada con Portugal, ff. 13v–4r. For a renewed approach of a history of ideas in Iberian contexts see Cardim and Monteiro, Political Thought in Portugal. Pushing against the idea of the apolitical

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Introduction

the art of suggesting force without using it, mercenaries of knowledge talked about their own collections and those of their masters to publicize their potential strength.31 For mercenaries of knowledge, politics was first and foremost an illusion. They materialized the power of such an illusion in their letters by mentioning the list of documents, books, and library or archival building projects they owned or could access. To bring to light the manifold activities of this mobile, prolific, and transformational generation of mercenaries of knowledge, this book mines archival sources – many previously untranslated – written in Portuguese, Spanish, Latin, French, English, and Italian to establish connections between the history of wars, empires, and international relations in the seventeenth century. The diverse source base includes scholarly and diplomatic letters, administrative documents, inquisitorial reports, book lists, library inventories, printed dedications, literary and scholarly works, family and private archival notes, and references to materials and commodities (fruits, luxury products, musical instruments) that traveled with these artifacts. Bringing together these sources permits a wide-ranging exploration of the everyday practices and diverse political expertise of mercenaries of knowledge. The analysis of these sources is fundamental for understanding why modern-day historians associate this period of wars, conflicts of sovereignty, and diplomatic disarray with news and scientific revolutions, and with the formation of a public sphere of opinion and the birth of international relations.32 It was the transmission of ideas, texts, and material goods among a generation of now-forgotten middlemen which gave fuel to new forms of governance emerging from mid-seventeenth-century war and diplomacy.

A Mercenary Triangle: France, Iberia, and Italy The story of the generation of mercenaries of knowledge who lived through the end of the sixteenth and the mid-seventeenth century comes with an end date. The signing of peace treaties between 1648 and 1668 across Europe and the Iberian monarchies corresponded with the formation of state intelligence systems that channeled much of the same information and knowledge materials that mercenaries of knowledge had

31 32

dimension of early modern antiquarians see Momigliano, “Ancient History and the Antiquarian,” 285–315; and Miller, History and Its Objects. Marin, Portrait of the King. Helmers and Van Groesen (eds.), Managing the News in Early Modern Europe; and Childers, “The Baroque Public Sphere,” 165–85.

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dealt with during conflicts.33 Many of these mercenaries were even hired by these systems through honorific and sometime official appointments at courts and academies. Since the early 1630s, if not earlier, attempts were made to bring them closer under state authorities, and by the 1660s the domestication of bibliopolitics and its agents was nearing completion.34 This generation of mercenaries of knowledge had, after all, attracted the attention of powerful ministers, who mapped persons of interest across the Mediterranean. For example, the French Chancellor Séguier (1588–1672) was interested in men such as the following informants:35 [1.] a Spanish Franciscan who has become Jewish and is named Abraham Gayt, who has given up the faith on account of doctrine, and seems to have dreamed of returning to Rome, having obtained letters of recommendation to that effect […] [2.] A Spaniard of importance whom the King of Spain sent to Hormuz who wears glasses all the time […] The Andalusian Doctor named Aquin Mustapha, who passed through here and saw Mr. du Vair before the expulsion of the Moriscos.36

This extract is part of a list shared on behalf of Séguier with the French polymath, Nicolas-Claude Fabri de Peiresc, one of the main figures of the Republic of Letters (1580–1637). For both scholarly and political purposes as chancellor, Séguier relied on the services of men such as Jean Maguy, the author of Peiresc’s list, who traveled between Marseille and North Africa, meeting with other exiles from Spain, including moriscos (Muslim converts to Christianity) expelled from the peninsula after 1609.37 Portuguese mercenaries of knowledge alluded in their correspondences to Séguier’s collaborators, referring to the minister’s “Jew” and “Mancebo,” showing themselves to be aware of this mapping and their place in it.38

33 34 35 36

37 38

See Maillard Álvarez and Fernández Chaves (eds.), Bibliotecas de la Monarquía Hispánica. Soll, The Information Master. The chancellery controlled library privileges and official publications. Ibid., p. 32. Guillaume du Vair (1556–1621) was the Keeper of the Seals, an office that shared similar functions to the ones attributed to the French Chancellor. Maguy’s 1633 list is quoted by Miller, Peiresc’s Mediterranean, pp. 266–7. Nexon, Le Chancelier Séguier, p. 437. The Marquis of Niza to Vicente Nogueira, Paris–Rome, August 2, 1647; and Niza to Nogueira, Paris–Rome, October 15, 1647, Gonçalves Serafim and Freitas Carvalho (eds.), Um diálogo epistolar, pp. 107–8 and 126–8. Another of Séguier’s contacts, Daniel de Priezac, developed relationships with Portuguese and Spanish exiles. Priezac was a legal expert and a member of the French Academy specializing in Spanish and Portuguese affairs. He also had connections with Richelieu’s Portuguese collaborator, Fernándes de Vila Real. Uomini, Cultures historiques.

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Franco–Spanish tensions around 1635 inspired French authorities to strengthen their relations with Iberian agents via France itself and the Italian Peninsula. During the early 1630s, Peiresc expanded his connections in Spain and Portugal. He sought correspondents in Lisbon, complaining that he knew “no person in that land.”39 He reached out to ship captains from Marseille to learn about plants and fruits coming from the Iberian East and West Indies. He contacted the Portuguese jeweler Henrique Alvares, a resident of Paris, asking him for contacts in the Iberian Peninsula.40 Thus, Peiresc merged the information networks of Portuguese collaborators working at the core of French politics with his own contacts across the Republic of Letters.41 Peiresc was not the only French scholar to understand the political relevance of information. In his Bibliographie politique, the librarian Gabriel Naudé (1600–1653) signaled that “we can nonetheless find some help in the relations, newspapers and in the navigations of the Dutch and Spanish, who are today almost the only ones who travel to diverse parts of the world and who visit both the Oriental and Occidental Indies.” “Spaniards” evoked for French readers privileged access to the experiences cultivated within the territories under Spanish and Portuguese control.42 These “Spaniards” were not only to be found in the Iberian Peninsula. Because of their ambivalent relations with Spain, mercenaries of knowledge connected to the Iberian worlds were scattered widely. As one of the critical centers of seventeenth-century diplomacy and Republic of Letters, Roman networks proved particularly efficient when it came to connecting with those mercenaries.43 For example, during the 1630s, Séguier sought to recruit the Calabrian philosopher Tommaso Campanella (1568–1639), who by then had become a well-known opponent to Spanish rule in Italy.44 Campanella escaped his Roman jail cell thanks to the help of French diplomats and arrived in France in 39 40

41

42 43 44

Miller, Peiresc’s Mediterranean, p. 337. During the first two decades of the century, Portuguese in Paris had been influential around Marie de’ Medici, and representatives of this community maintained active correspondence in Lisbon and Seville, among other cities. Alvares offered Peiresc the names of Duarte Dios de Olivares and Diego Cardotto in Seville. Peiresc also learned what Manuel da Costa, a merchant, brought with him upon his return from the East Indies. Naudé, La bibliographie politique, pp. 77–8. On Rome as a key hub of the Catholic Reformation and the Republic of Letters see Romano (ed.), La culture scientifique à Rome à l’époque moderne. See Lerner, Tommaso Campanella en France. After the War of the Mantuan Succession (1628–1631), rumors of an invasion of Spanish Naples by the French reached the Spanish viceroy, the Count of Monterrey. At the same time, a plot to poison the viceroy and the city’s population surfaced. This plot was attributed to Fray Thomas Pignatelli, who – as the investigations revealed – was working for Campanella. Pignatelli

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October 1634. It was Peiresc who, in addition to acquiring the Dominican’s works, paid for Campanella’s trip from Marseille to Paris.45 Séguier requested writings from Campanella, which could be used against the project of peace with Spain. Soon enough, however, Campanella’s situation in Paris became unsustainable, due to the presence of pro-Spanish factions in the city. He died in 1639 without completing Séguier’s request for materials.46 Campanella’s profile fits neatly into the mercenary triangle formed between the Iberian and Italian peninsulas and France. Like other mercenaries of knowledge involved in the politics of the Hispanic monarchy, Campanella was punished for practicing same-sex relations. After being transferred from the Neapolitan jails to Rome in 1626, Campanella became attuned to Roman patrons much in the same way that Portuguese mercenaries of knowledge would a decade later.47 Like them, it was also from Rome that the Calabrian philosopher established contact with French diplomacy. Campanella and Portuguese mercenaries of knowledge also shared friendships with French scholars like the orientalist Jacques Gaffarel, the royal librarians and brothers Dupuy, the book hunter Naudé, the polymath and parliamentarian Peiresc, and the libértin Bouchard who lived in Rome. These figures were all connected to Richelieu as well as to Urban VIII’s family through primarily masculine networks of socialization and patronage. Drawing on rich archival examples like this one, this book reveals the entanglements between the Iberian monarchies and the Republic of Letters through the lives of men of letters in exile who fostered the exchange of ideas during the seventeenth-century global crisis.48 These individuals went through precarious situations. They sold their legal and historical expertise to new patrons, like Campanella and others did, but they also had stable personal allegiances toward other men of letters and members of the Republic of Letters. Someone such as Peiresc played a fundamental role in securing the embeddedness of mercenaries of knowledge in multiple societies and cultural settings. This setting was not

45 46 47

48

confessed to receiving an order to carry out a mass killing. The goal was to take advantage of the confusion to occupy the city. Though the feasibility of the plot remains uncertain, Campanella was held responsible. See En tiempo del señor Conde de Monte Rey publicasse viene la armada de françia a este reyno de Napoles, BZ, Altamira 383, D. 37. Sarasohn, “Nicolas-Claude Fabri de Peiresc,” 78. Delumeau, El misterio Campanella, 32. Conflicts reinforced the precarious status of mercenaries of knowledge and conditioned the spaces of their action. Jail proved to be a space from where scholars strengthened their political criticism. See Castillo Gómez, Entre la pluma y la pared, chapter 3.. Burke, Exiles and Expatriates in the History of Knowledge.

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special, and, in fact, was rather typical, but what Mercenaries of Knowledge does is show the relationships between scholarly knowledge, political agency, and ideological dissidence in the global Catholic monarchy of Spain and Portugal, southern Europe, and across the international Republic of Letters throughout the first half of the seventeenth century. The history of the Iberian monarchies and the Republic of Letters are not mutually exclusive. Neither was there an Iberian Republic of Letters operating in isolation from other scholarly communities and political questions. Considering together the politics of the Iberian monarchies and the mobility and mercenary practices of some men of letters born in its territories, it becomes clear that the histories of the Iberian monarchies and the Republic of Letters were entangled during the early modern period. Mercenaries of Knowledge thus contributes to the new narrative of the deep imbrications which existed between the Spanish and Portuguese societies and the history of early modern political ideas in an broader international framework. It shows how and why Iberian agents contributed to information techniques that bolstered and challenged the advent of Reason of State ideas, and demonstrates that these techniques fueled a pattern of imperial emulations associated with the rise of modern political economy.49 A “Piccolo Campanella”: Bibliopolitics and Exile With the phrase “piccolo campanella,” Christophe Dupuy, a French scholar in Rome, advertised the value of a certain mercenary of knowledge: the Portuguese jurist and humanist scholar of New Christian origins, who had been persecuted by the Inquisition for sodomy and exiled. This was Vicente Nogueira (1586–1654).50 Nogueira, the main protagonist of this book, reveals how the particular contexts which obtained during the Iberian Union of the Crowns (c. 1580–c. 1640) and Portuguese Restoration (c. 1640–c. 1668) conditioned one constellation of mercenaries of knowledge operating in and outside of the Iberian monarchies.51 His life proved closely connected to the 49

50 51

“Collecting manuscripts in this context was not a harmless intellectual or bibliophilic practice, but part of a global reflection about information and mediation at the crossroads of political economy, commercial networks, and learned practices.” See Van Damme, “Capitalizing Manuscripts, Confronting Empires,” 110. For this episode see Chapter 5. See Morel-Fatio, “Vicente Noguera,” 1–38; Sarasohn, “Nicolas-Claude Fabri de Peiresc,” 78; and Gonçalves Serafim, “Cardeais, reis e senhores pelas cartas,” 29–56. Early twentieth-century scholars showed interest for Nogueira when writing their literary history of Spain and reflecting upon the political meaning of lives of individuals they

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reconfiguration of the uneasy relationship between knowledge and power before and after the Thirty Years’ War in its European and global manifestations (e.g. the Dutch–Portuguese wars). Born in Portugal, Nogueira started his career as a jurist in the administration of the Hispanic monarchy after a courtly upbringing between Madrid and Valladolid and humanist university training at Alcalá, Salamanca, and Coimbra.52 He worked in the tribunals of Portugal before leaving his brief administrative career and joining the Chapter of the Cathedral of Lisbon in 1618. These experiences immersed Nogueira in the linguistic and legal diversity of the Iberian monarchies and in widening intellectual networks through which he cultivated French, English, and Italian correspondents. He came to think of himself – and be recognized by his peers – as a member of the Republic of Letters. From Lisbon, he fashioned himself as a literary patron, but in the 1630s was subject to an inquisitorial process based on accusations of sodomy and insinuations of converso heritage. That trial resulted in his exile to Brazil and long refuge in Rome. Nogueira died in July 1654 at Palazzo Barberini in Rome, having become one of the key Roman agents supporting the Portuguese Restoration through diplomatic networks that connected Paris and Amsterdam with Rome and Lisbon.53 In fewer than twenty years, if not fully romanized, Nogueira certainly thought of himself as a Roman Spaniard. He refashioned himself as an expert in Spanish history, languages, and politics, especially before 1640. During that signal year in Iberian politics, he received the opportunity to turn against his former Spanish masters and redeploy his historical, bibliographical, and political expertise from Rome in the service of the restored monarchy of Portugal.

52

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qualified as “heterodox.” Morel-Fatio and his colleagues commented that “[t]hey (Nogueira’s letters) look like they have a lot of interest, not only from a literary point of view, but also and mostly, from a political one.” Fernandez? Thomaz to Morel-Fatio, Rome–Paris, December 27, 1879, BMV, Morel-Fatio, ms. 16, ff. 15r–6v. Thomaz sent to Morel-Fatio a copy of Nogueira’s letters with the librarian Lucas Holstenius and the cardinal Francesco Barberini, which included the biographical account that the abbot Pieralisi added to the volume of letters at the Vatican library, and a mention to a portrait of Nogueira located “in the reading room of the [Barberini] library, where it bears, I believe, the number 39.” Nogueira was born in Lisbon in 1586 and died in Rome in 1654. His life was nearly coterminous with the Iberian Union of the Crowns (1580–1640), during which time Portugal remained jurisdictionally differentiated but joined the ensemble known at the time as the Catholic monarchy or Hispanic monarchy. To describe this political constellation, I sometimes use “Iberian empire” as a term of convenience in this book. See Elliott, “A Europe of Composite Monarchies,” 48–71; Bouza, Felipe II y el Portugal dos povos; Valladares, La Conquista de Lisboa; and Cardim, Portugal unido y separado. For the notice of Nogueira’s death, I am in debt to James Nelson Novoa who localized his death certificate in ASVR, San Lorenzo in Damaso, Morti, 1654. Nogueira received the last rites and was buried in the basilica of San Lorenzo in Damaso.

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It was at this time when his portrait as a mercenary of knowledge reached its highest definition. Nogueira was well attuned to the most hard-toaccess sites of power across Rome, and although his death happened in a prestigious family palace, it could not obviate the fact that he ended his life never achieving the longed-for opportunity to return to Portugal. He would remain a mercenary of knowledge who spent the last years of his life participating in the making of Portuguese politics from afar and serving patrons who themselves suffered from exile and displacement. If asked, Nogueira would have probably identified himself as a Spanish Catholic of Old Christian and Portuguese origins. His daily life was long shaped by early social bonds forged in courtly and elitist milieux, where he joined diplomats, aristocrats, and thinkers who defended irenic views about the international politics of the Iberian Catholic monarchies. His advocacy for soft conservation and/or the assimilation of religious minorities lay at the core of his political engagement. Nogueira was far from being alone in such views. In addition to powerful friends and patrons, his social bonds with what are best defined as emotional communities and same-sex relations provided continuity and support throughout a life marked by displacements. In the Iberian and Italian peninsulas, when traveling across the Atlantic ocean between West Africa and Brazil, as well as when hiding out in Brazil, Nogueira’s connections with these communities and relations remained steady. His scholarly endeavors reinforced such connections and relations by transforming the ideal of the Republic of Letters into a shelter which took on a structural agency that allowed intellectual dissidence across political and religious boundaries in an age of persecution and strife. His participation in emotional communities and his membership in the Republic of Letters constitute the two main axes that permitted Nogueira to avoid the severing of who he thought he was with what he became throughout the hazardous and improvised experiences of his life. Nogueira’s identity was fluid. Although sharpened by a sense of practical and economic opportunism that best translate to the term of mercenary, his strategies of representation aimed toward self-promotion and to rebuff his critics as he established his public persona. Mercenaries of Knowledge aims to recover the history of the political tactics and intellectual practices at play in such a public strategy of representation of a figure who was simultaneously at the center of political action and at the margins of many social configurations. Through his wide travels and even wider correspondence network, Nogueira’s career was not entirely singular. It intersected with grand early modern political and intellectual debates that emerged between the waning of civic humanism and the development of pre-enlightened European cultures of knowledge. This was a period which coincided

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with the aftermath of sixteenth-century wars of religion through the establishment of more absolute state governance systems after the mid-seventeenth century. This period also saw the quickening of a global race for empire, through which scholars living in Spanish- and Portuguese-ruled territories were exposed to a wealth of data and debates about how to govern unprecedented assemblages of territories, peoples, and resources. Meanwhile, the tension produced by the Late Renaissance crisis of belief sent scholars searching for a “third way” between dualistic representations of a world divided not only between confessions, but also between war and peace, between Reason of State and moralized governance, and between blind faith and skepticism.54 Beyond the adventurous aspects of his life, and thanks to bibliographic exchanges which eventually shaped his participation in bibliopolitics, Nogueira’s trajectory intersected with power relations, imperial shifts, and the political activities of well-known members of the Republic of Letters, from Galileo (1564–1642) to Descartes’ patron, Queen Christine of Sweden (1626–1689).55 Along the way, his archive connects us to a broader mercenary world of improvisation. Mercenaries of Knowledge is divided into three parts. Part I places Vicente Nogueira’s education and upbringing in context to show how, during the Union of the Crowns (1580–1640), the Iberian monarchies offered extraordinary cultural dynamism. Across its composite territories, subjects originally trained to serve the Hispanic monarchy cultivated contacts with the broader Republic of Letters which allowed them to intervene in international scholarly and political debates, especially those revolving around questions of sovereignty and tolerance following the wars of religion. During the first two decades of the seventeenth century, the relative climate of peace known as Pax Hispanica or Romana fostered international scholarly contacts and allowed men of letters living in Iberian territories to cultivate original visions about how to reform the empire. As the climate of peace became more and more unstable, divisions surfaced at court and in spaces of power that led to the marginalization of young courtiers and legal experts like Nogueira, setting them on a path to becoming mercenaries of knowledge (Chapter 1). Among those who were marginalized, displaced men of letters saw in the 54 55

Popkin, The History of Skepticism and Laursen and Paganini (eds.), Skepticism and Political Thought. On politics and bibliography as “the skeleton or scaffolding of literary and of intellectual history,” see Kristeller, “Between the Italian Renaissance and the French Enlightenment,” 41–72. Men of multiple worlds such as Nogueira traded and translated books and manuscripts on an unprecedented scale. For this metaphor, I rely on García-Arenal and Wiegers, A Man of Three Worlds.

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Introduction

Republic of Letters and in foreign representatives across Iberian territories opportunities to promote their reputation as entrepreneurs of Spanish and Portuguese literature and politics beyond the Iberian sphere (Chapter 2). They began to practice strategies of self-fashioning and intellectual friendships which bolstered their reputations when the time came to sell their services. Part II analyzes the experiences of displacement and exile which all too frequently occurred for mercenaries of knowledge who found themselves labeled as sodomites and libertines. Such experiences became more common in the later 1620s and 1630s. It was during these trials that they further developed memories which helped articulate their commitment to tolerance along with anti-Spanish and anti-Inquisition discourses. Moreover, exile throughout the territories of the Catholic monarchy widened the access that mercenaries had to the Republic of Letters and the materials they had to offer. At the same time, exile fueled their political criticism against the institutions responsible for their forced displacements (Chapter 3). While transcontinental exile provided mercenaries with an unexpected platform from which to observe international conflicts and expand their information networks, exile could also be a very intimate experience. When relocating outside Iberian territories, mercenaries had to prove their worth to new patrons by cultivating close relationships, sometimes themselves in exile (Chapter 4). Experiences of exile forced mercenaries of knowledge to cultivate practices that would secure their economic survival and political influence. The main requisite of these practices was that they needed to be sustained notwithstanding spatial coordinates, and so improvisation and adaptability became the hallmarks of their scholarly habits. They sought positions in cities that operated as multipolar communication nodes so that their material exchanges could promote imperial emulations against Spain and support the advent of new sovereignties. Since mid-seventeenth-century conflicts, such as the Portuguese Restoration, unfolded throughout a multitude of places beyond the Iberian Peninsula, mercenaries of knowledge provided key information for negotiations from places where official diplomacy was not an option. The final part of the book follows Nogueira among a robust Roman cohort of Portuguese mercenaries of knowledge working for or against Restoration against the backdrop of papal politics and the unstable balance of power among Catholic powers in the 1640s and 1650s. Amid such communication strategies, mercenaries of knowledge looked for tools through which to support the sovereign claims of newly restored powers, like the monarchy of Portugal, and to reform universalistic entities such as the Papacy to contest the Spanish hegemony (Chapter 5). They

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supported the monarchy of John IV of Portugal and the universalist claims of the Papacy through the exchanges of books and the building of libraries (Chapter 6). These bibliopolitics contributed to their well-being and provided them with instruments to acquire and elevate their voices and criticisms against what they conceived as abuses of power. Ultimately, this book recovers voices that caused political powers to question the information they relied on, as well as the methods they used to evaluate that information. Because of their marginality, their bibliographical interventions favored the questioning of the role that men of letters and minorities should play on behalf of state politics. The history of mercenaries of knowledge is thus intertwined with the histories of cultural capitals, along with trade, exile, and diaspora communities that during the seventeenth century supported political negotiations alongside conflicts.56 Against the lasting stereotypes of the Spanish Black Legend, Mercenaries of Knowledge shows that intellectual activities transcended territorial and confessional boundaries while those activities contributed to a renovation of political debates and forms. Joining the dynamic conversation around informal diplomacy and polycentric political communications across the Iberian monarchies, Mercenaries of Knowledge recovers the lives of key representatives of an Iberian Golden Age, an age that was not limited to strictly defined literary achievements nor total loyalty to a monarchy and its territories, including its colonies.57 It reveals the scope and import of the works of mercenaries of knowledge in administrative, court, diplomatic, and learned contexts as book hunters and expert bibliographers working amid Late Renaissance political conflicts and Baroque wars.58 Tracing the archival footprints of Vicente Nogueira among his diverse contacts and activities highlights the contributions of this brigade of scholars to the campaign for stability, toleration, and critical reason in a world at war.

56

57

58

On the importance of diasporas for knowledge circulations see Muchnik, “Dynamiques transnationales et circulations diasporiques des saviors,” 393–405; Monge and Muchnik, L’Europe des diasporas; Bregoli and Ruderman(eds.), Connecting Histories; and Trivellato, The Promise and Peril of Credit, chapter 4. See also Yerushalmi, From Spanish Court to Italian Ghetto. Cardim, Herzog, Ruíz Ibáñez, and Sabatini (eds.), Polycentric Monarchies, pp. 3–10. On the plurality of diplomatic actors and on the necessity for state politics to rely on agents with multiple loyalties see Carrió-Invernizzi (ed.), Embajadores culturales; and Helmers, “Public Diplomacy in Early Modern Europe,” 401–20. See Marín Cepeda, Cervantes y la corte de Felipe II; Sowerby and Craigwood (eds.), Cultures of Diplomacy; and Fernández-Santos and Colomer (eds.), Ambassadors in Golden-Age Madrid. See also Bouza, Communication, Knowledge, and Memory; Kagan, Clio and the Crown; Olds, Forging the Past; and Cámara Muñoz, Molina, and Vázquez Manassero (eds.), La ciudad de los saberes.

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Part I

Growing Up under the Pax Hispanica

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1

Coming of Age as Mercenaries of Knowledge

During the seventeenth century a generation of men of letters came of age with the hope that the traumas of religious war and imperial conflict had been put to rest by the series of détentes concluded at the end of the sixteenth century. This hopeful spirit amplified the circulation of peaceful ideals – in particular across the territories of the composite Iberian monarchies1 – and conditioned this generation’s formation in court and university settings. The acquisition of patronage was an important part of that education. By the time these young men left student life behind, hopes for toleration had soured as Europe again plunged into total war after 1618. In addition, across courtly circles, tensions around aristocratic factionalism and a change in rulership brought down many promising careers in the 1620s. Nevertheless, the skills and patrons that this generation cultivated during their formation would prove decisive in the later trajectories of mercenaries of knowledge. The Portuguese fidalgo Vicente Nogueira (1586–1654) was one among this generation forged in the diverse political and cultural spaces of the Hispanic monarchy. His formation began in earnest in 1598 when his father – a jurist and eventual member of the State Council of Portugal – was transferred from Lisbon to Madrid. From that time onward, young Nogueira trained at court and universities across Castile and Portugal, acquiring the skills and patrons he would need to follow in his father’s path as a jurist and civil servant with university training (letrado) toward a promising political career. By 1618, however, court factionalism and unwelcome inquisitorial attention would set him on a different path as a mercenary of knowledge. His case represents those of many such mercenaries for whom knowledge became a commodity tied to a global market for political information.2 In this market, Iberian experiences were in high demand.

1 2

Elliott, “A Europe of Composite Monarchies,” 48–71. See Mills, A Commerce of Knowledge.

25

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Since their youth, would-be royal officers and court servants were exposed to contacts and educational systems that only composite powers could provide. Through this variety of experiences, they accumulated information which allowed them to offer a breadth of modes for future patrons to gain political insights or draw on historical examples. The need for such information became more acute as peace drew to an end, and some among the would-be administrators faced doubts about the politics they witnessed first hand or learned about in their studies. At the same time, thanks to the many ideas circulating through Iberian courtly and academic spaces, these incipient mercenaries of knowledge acquired epistemological tools to manage that doubt. They transformed their experiences into political criticism which they distributed through their commerce of books and historical writings. Thus, during the first half of the century, political communication came to depend on a corps of educated mercenaries whose formation had prepared them to navigate the fragmentation of a nascent public sphere.3 This chapter explores the formation of mercenaries of knowledge through the case and connections of Vicente Nogueira. An initial section traces his education at court and universities after he became a mozofidalgo in Madrid following the transfer of his father from Lisbon in 1598. His trajectory was a product of his family’s generations of administrative service in Portugal and their newfound positions at the Spanish court during the Iberian Union (1580–1640). There, young Nogueira met diplomats and scholars before completing his legal training at Portuguese and Spanish universities. During this period, he mingled with aristocrats, Jesuits, and foreign scholars from across Europe and the Mediterranean who acted as private tutors. These contacts represented additional opportunities to cultivate expertise outside court ceremonies and university curricula. The following section follows Nogueira when, upon his father’s death in 1612, he was appointed to his father’s former position at the Lisbon tribunal of the casa de suplicação. Thus, he joined a generation of letrados interested in political reforms, though he never joined the ranks of the state arbitristas (advice givers). Instead, he found himself connected to groups whose ideas for reform were expressed primarily as historical criticism and political satire. A final section sets the stage for the conversion of such skeptics into mercenaries of knowledge. By 1618, Nogueira had turned his back on 3

On letrados and the public sphere see Amelang, “Barristers and Judges in Early Modern Barcelona,” 1264–84. On the formation of an international legal framework see Asbach and Schröder (eds.), War, the State and International Law; and Vasara-Aaltonen, Learning Law and Travelling Europe.

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the professional path for which he had been trained. The habits he had cultivated as a student influenced this dramatic change, yet these same characteristics equipped him to make his way into an uncertain future. The latter parts of this chapter explore how Nogueira converted his legal training into humanistic capital based on expertise in history and genealogy – including his own. Though he found himself excluded from the political appointments he had expected therefrom, he nevertheless drew on his family record and patronage relations to intervene in historical polemics which shaped the politics of the Catholic monarchy during the seventeenth century. From the contacts made during his formation, he cultivated literary friendships that allowed him to become a successful Lisbon editor of literary and historical texts, a conduit between Iberian and foreign scholars, and a critic of the Iberian Inquisitions and the policies of the Spanish prime minister. His case illustrates how some legal experts were turned from the administrative sphere of the judicial system of the Iberian monarchies to the intellectual circuits of the Republic of Letters.

1.1

A Lettered Education: Courts, Universities, Jesuit Colleges, and Private Tutors

Letrado culture originated in universities and royal courts, where shared experiences bound Spanish and Portuguese jurists.4 During the Iberian Union (1580–1640), though constitutional distinctions between the two monarchies were maintained, a shared legal culture was fostered across Spanish–Portuguese frontiers by the frequent collaboration of letrados and letrados-in-training.5 One consequence of these interactions was that letrados gained intellectual and economic independence.6 4

5

6

The term letrado refers to university-trained jurists who became officials, lawyers, and clerks. See Kagan, Students and Society; Pelorson, Letrados; Aranda Pérez (ed.), Letrados, juristas y burócratas; Crespo López, República de hombres encantados; Hespanha, A Ordem Do Mundo; Schwartz, Sovereignty and Society in Colonial Brazil, pp. 3–94; and Herzog, Upholding Justice. On individual and group circulations between Portugal and Spain, and their impact on Iberian theories of empire see Marcocci, “Iberian Theories of Empire,” 671–83. The kingdom remained in theory “an aggregated dominio” with “eminent jurisdictional difference.” Bouza, Felipe II y el Portugal dos povos, p. 57. See also Cardim, Freire Costa, and Soares da Cunha (eds.), Portugal na Monarquia Hispânica, p. 10. Morel-Fatio explained that “during Nogueira’s life, Portugal was politically united with Spain, and from a literary and scientific standpoint the two nations were one.” Morel-Fatio, “Vicente Noguera,” 2. On an Iberian literary space see Galbarro and Plagnard (eds.), “Literatura áurea ibérica”; Plagnard, Une épopée ibérique, pp. 31–8; and Mendes dos Santos and Almeida (eds.), República das Letras. I am following Rama, The Lettered City.

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This independence would allow, even encourage, some letrados to look beyond Iberian frontiers as the Hispanic monarchy faced the necessity of reform.7 While many letrados remained loyal to the Spanish king, others – like Nogueira – put their legal skills to work on behalf of other powers, including the restored monarchy of Portugal. For the Nogueiras, international legal expertise was a cornerstone in the family patrimony, providing social and economic capital. Nogueira’s paternal grandfather, Francisco Alonso, had studied at the University of Salamanca before becoming a desembargador (judge) in the service of King John III (1502–1557) and King Sebastian of Portugal (1554–1578).8 Francisco Alonso had been captain of the Portuguese students in Salamanca, providing a precedent that helped his grandson later gain entrance to Castilian universities.9 Likewise, his mother’s uncle, Dr. Paulo Alfonso, was a desembargador do Paço of three Portuguese kings.10 He was also rector of the College of St. Peter at the University of Coimbra. From both branches, Nogueira’s family history contributed materially and immaterially to securing the first steps of his career.11 Indeed, the Nogueiras incarnated the idea of composite monarchies whose existence depended on longstanding personal and legal networks. Nogueira’s family curriculum merged crucial ingredients (military, ecclesiastical, diplomatic, and royal household service) that were thought to be characteristic of the most loyal servants of the Iberian monarchies. This curriculum provided Nogueira with opportunities to connect with aristocratic elites, which helped him forge the personal ties he relied on throughout his life.12 7 8

9

10 11

12

On the royal reaction against this phenomenon see Valladares, “Juristas por el rey,” 387. Francisco Alfonso retired at Rios Fríos, where he received the title of Commander of the Order of St. James. In 1609, he obtained the rents tied to a bread oven in Setubal (inherited from his father) and the chapel of the Martyrs of the Villa de Alcácer do Sal. ANTT, Chancelaria Felipe II, livro 10, 11, and 29. See Lázaro, Cavaleiros de Santiago, vol. 3, p. 22. On Portuguese at Salamanca, see Marcos de Dios, Portugueses na Universidade de Salamanca; “A Universidade de Salamanca e Portugal,” 79–94; Veríssimo Serrão, Portugueses no estudo de Salamanca; and Alves and Moreira, De Salamanca a Coimbra y Évora. On Paulo Alfonso see Lázaro, Cavaleiros de Santiago and Bouza, Portugal en la Monarquía Hispánica. An inheritance of 40,000 reis a year passed to Nogueira in 1624 via his mother, Maria de Alcaçova, from her uncle, Dr. Paulo Alfonso. On May 13, 1609, Philip III had conceded to Maria the perpetuation of her 40,000 reis for one of her children, in consideration of the services of her husband. ANTT, Chancelaria Filipe III, Doações, livro 18, f. 210; and BMV, Fond Morel-Fatio, ms. 16. Nogueira’s baptism in 1586 connected him to the letrado sphere. He was baptized in the church of Santa Marinha, where the desembargador do Paço, Sebastião Barbosa, acted as his godfather.

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Francisco Nogueira, Vicente’s father, built on Francisco Alonso’s legacy through his own service to the monarchy.13 Like his father and later his son, Francisco trained in law at Salamanca before finishing his education in Coimbra.14 In 1581, Francisco was recommended to Philip II of Spain – who had just become Philip I of Portugal – as a “person of credit” who could help promote the king’s reputation among the Portuguese elites.15 Philip relied on officials like Francisco to ease the Portuguese transition to Spanish supervision over judicial matters. Family trajectories between Spain and Portugal provided the dynastic cement of the Iberian Union, although, in theory and practice, Portuguese institutions kept their jurisdictions. As the new King of Portugal, Philip looked for ways to ingratiate himself with Portuguese letrados to encourage the loyalty of his new subjects and manage the jurisdictional autonomy of the kingdom. Indeed, after 1580, the growing presence of Portuguese students in Castilian classrooms reflected Philip II’s and Philip III’s strategies to strengthen control over Portuguese elites by forging a new generation of administrators. Both monarchs wished to create bonds of loyalty between the Spanish court and the future administrators of Portugal.16 Employing well-regarded letrados such as Francisco was meant to downplay the force of the Spanish conquest of Portugal and effectively neutralize opposition against the Spanish king.17 Francisco’s career took off during the Iberian Union as he came to hold important positions at the

13 14

15

16 17

Fernández Conti, “Nogueira Francisco,” 442; and Labrador Arroyo, La casa real portuguesa, pp. 1066–7. In 1553, Francisco enrolled in the college of St. Paul and became its rector upon obtaining his doctorate in 1575. He left the college on April 6, 1576, to work as a togado (letrado) in the Portuguese tribunals. Lázaro, Cavaleiros de Santiago, vol. 3, p. 19; and “Collegiaes do Collegio Real de S. Paulo,” in Collecçam dos documentos (Lisbon: Pascoal da Sylva, 1727), p. 82. BZ, Altamira 129, GD1, 77/1. Francisco investigated the claims of the creditors of the Portuguese governor in Asia (Estado da Índia) Diogo de Meneses (c. 1520–1580). During the post-1580 war of succession, Meneses joined the party of António, Prior of Crato, against Philip II. When António was defeated, Meneses was beheaded on August 2, 1580. See Valladares, La Conquista de Lisboa. He also assisted Melchior Damaral, who had been asked by Philip II to take care of the inheritances of the persons who went with King Sebastian to North Africa and disappeared during the campaign. See Philip’s II “Alvará” in BNP, Caixa 206, n. 2, 1582. On a monarchy governed by a “pact among its local elites” during the Union see Bouza, Felipe II y el Portugal dos povos, pp. 64–5. Francisco helped the king settle the patrimony of the house of Braganza, whose members were Philip’s fiercest rivals. For these services, in 1588, he received the title of Almoxarife and commander of the city of Cabrela. Lázaro, Cavaleiros de Santiago, vol. 3, p. 18.

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Spanish court.18 In 1598, he settled in Madrid, as a Fidalgo caballero (knightly gentleman) in Philip II’s Portuguese royal household.19 In Madrid, the Nogueiras thrived under the patronage of Philip III’s válido, the Duke of Lerma (1553–1625).20 Francisco became one of the most active members of the Council of Portugal.21 Such patronage also brought Francisco and his family into the fraught game of Spanish political rivalries. Francisco found himself among the network of clients that Lerma had assembled to counterbalance influential ministers, such as the Portuguese aristocrat Crístobal de Moura (1538–1613).22 Proxies such as Francisco Nogueira were deployed in the rivalry between state ministers like Lerma and Moura, which was characteristic of the aristocratic factionalism at court. For example, on January 3, 1610, Francisco was granted a merced to retire from the Council of Portugal, a thinly disguised expulsion from the corridors of power organized by Lerma’s opponents.23 This fraught context created opportunities as well as challenges for letrados such as Francisco, and later Vicente Nogueira when the second generation of the Iberian Union came of age. His education was representative of this generation, whose eclectic training was meant to support 18

19

20

21

22

23

In March 1590, he was appointed as judge of the Casa de Suplicação. On November 5, 1593, he received the title of chancellor of the Relação do Porto. On the Relação see Hespanha, História das instituições, p. 434. Aware of his new social status, Francisco requested permission to wear gold and silk that would match his regalia of the Order of St. James. ANTT, Chancelaria da Ordem de Santiago, liv. 3, f. 33v. On March 28, 1598, he became Desembargador do Paço: the supreme tribunal of justice in Portugal. After 1580, this court administered royal law in Portugal; however, after 1591, its jurisdiction was reduced to the distribution of the king’s favors. His move corresponded to his nomination to the Council of Portugal (created in 1582) as jurist-counselor. The king had granted Francisco occasional financial assistance and rents, which would pass on to his sons. See Lázaro, Cavaleiros de Santiago, vol. 3, p. 22; and Luxán Meléndez, La Revolución de 1640, p. 119. Between 1601 and 1603, he received the merced da barca do passage de Alcácer do Sal (1602), owned previously by the Baron of Alvito, and the St. James Commandery of Lagoalva in the Ribatejana region. Alcácer do Sal constituted an important axis of transit from where taxes linked to the economy of the Minho river were collected. Lázaro, Cavaleiros de Santiago, vol. 3, pp. 18–21. In 1602, Lerma prohibited the jurist-counselors of the Council of Portugal from voting on state affairs, in order to favor the castellanization of the Council. Nevertheless, he exempted Francisco from this exclusion. Lázaro, Cavaleiros de Santiago, vol. 3, p. 20. On the council see Lúxan Mélendez, La Revolución de 1640, p. 139; and “Los funcionarios del Consejo de Portugal,” 197–228. See also Bouza, Portugal en la Monarquía Hispánica. The Commander Mayor of Leon, Juan de Idiáquez (1540–1614), and Luís de Aliaga (1560–1626), Philip III’s confessor, prepared the document. Williams, The Great Favorite and Alvar Ezquerra, El Duque de Lerma. ANTT, Livraria 2608, 103r. After more than ten years of loyal service on behalf of Lerma, Francisco solicited the privilege to move around Madrid in a litter in 1611.

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the union through the cultivation of a hybrid administrative elite. When Vicente Nogueira joined the Spanish court in 1598 – the same year his father took his seat on the Council of Portugal – the twelve-year-old boy received the title of mozofidalgo (an adolescent boy who serves the royal household). Such a position was designed as a route toward deeper inclusion for Portuguese elites at the royal court in Madrid.24 This meant that Portuguese letrados were trained from youth alongside the sons of Spanish aristocrats, forging personal links beyond the family which would affect the running of the monarchy. As he later recalled when vaunting his credentials to foreign patrons: [Vicente Nogueira] is extremely well and originally informed about all kinds of major affairs, and especially about Portuguese and Spanish ones, since he started when he was thirteen years old to work in his father’s workshop, who was such a supreme minister that he was the office colleague and sat on the same bench with [Crístobal de Moura] the father of the Marquis of Castel Rodrigo, who is the actual Spanish ambassador in Rome. [Nogueira] learned from ambassadors proceeding from all over Europe, as much from the theoretical study as from strictly applied practice, when negotiating with ministers and various princes, reading their most obscure, cryptic, and curious instructions.25

Indeed, in 1599, he joined his father’s escritorio, and a few years later he started attending universities in Castile. As a courtier-in-training, Nogueira gained access to the royal sphere of governance of the Catholic monarchy. At court, he furthered his practical education in international politics. Also in 1599, he joined the Jesuit Imperial College in Madrid, which functioned as an appendix of the court in the training of elites.26 Though little is known about his studies at the Colegio Imperial, it would have guaranteed him exposure to a complete political education.27 It may have also been instrumental in his later conversion into a mercenary of knowledge, since the Colegio trained many men of letters, including the

24 25

26

27

Labrador Arroyo, La casa real portuguesa, p. 314; Bouza, “Corte es decepción,” 451–502. Nogueira to Francesco Barberini?, from Rome, February 4, 1646, BAV, Barb. Lat. 6472, 76r–77v. He referred to his life as mozofidalgo alongside the future Spanish ambassador in Rome when trying to access the service of Pope Urban VIII’s Cardinal Nephew. Nogueira to Francesco Barberini?, from Rome, June 16, 1640, f. 42v. He was a member of the Congregation of the Anunciata, an elite assembly of students within an already elitist institution. See “Alumnos del Colegio Imperial: Congregantes de la Anunciata” in Díaz, Historia del Colegio Imperial de Madrid, vol. 1, p. 525. Following the precepts of the Ratio Studiorum (1599), education at the Colegio put emphasis on the public-speaking abilities of the students. Their participation in plays and in public ceremonies familiarized them with the history of Greek and Roman politics and exposed them to the critiques of opinion-givers (arbitristas). See Martínez, “Educación y humanidades clásicas,” 109–55.

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polemicist Francisco de Quevedo (1580–1645), the young and adventurous playwright Lope de Vega (1562–1635), and Pedro Calderón de la Barca (1600–1681), all of whom would later become critics of the Spanish monarchy. Through these diverse courtly spaces, Nogueira interacted with Iberian elites who brought back with them the experiences of international service, such as García de Silva y Figueroa (1550–1624), a famous ambassador who spent part of his life in Persia; Lorenzo Suárez de Figueroa y Córdoba (1559?–1607), who served as Spanish ambassador in Rome and France and as viceroy of Catalonia and Sicily; Bernardino de Mendoza (c. 1540–1604), a Spanish military commander, historian, and ambassador; and the Counts of Miranda and Chinchón, two members of Philip II’s private junta of government.28 In a few years and alongside distinguished court ministers, young Nogueira became an apprentice of Spanish diplomacy and an active learner of its history.29 Beyond the court at Madrid, the universities of Alcalá de Henares, Valladolid, and Salamanca – the most prestigious centers for legal study in Castile – facilitated seasonal rotations of students between court and classroom.30 Nogueira, for example, attended university during the winters and spent the rest of the year, especially summers, at the king’s palace.31 He was among the many Portuguese students to be found in Castilian classrooms. Salamanca remained the most international of this Castilian trilogy, where one could study law and theology at the highest level, and it also fostered exchanges with the University of Coimbra. The Portuguese community in Alcalá, meanwhile, also experienced growth after 1580.32 The University of Valladolid, in turn, received an influx of courtier-letrados – including a number of Portuguese – when the court moved to that city between 1601 and 1606. Nogueira’s university career was concentrated at Salamanca and Coimbra, though he also trained at Alcalá and Valladolid.33 The latter site would prove important for the training of Nogueira’s generation. While a courtly center, Valladolid became a cauldron in which were forged some of the major influences of the intellectual output of the 28 29 30 31

32 33

Freitas Carvalho, “¿El club de los señores de las bibliotecas muertas?” 166. “Brevissimo apuntamiento de algunas calidades de Vicente Nogueira,” NA, SP 94/35/375r, December 31, 1635. Pelorson, Letrados, p. 33. Nogueira to Jacques-Auguste de Thou, Lisbon-Poitiers, September 28, 1615, BnF, Dupuy 409, ff. 50v–2v. Gonçalves Serafim and Freitas Carvalho (eds.), Um diálogo epistolar, p. 56. Veríssimo Serrão, Portugueses no estudo de Salamanca. Nogueira received a bachelor’s degree (bachillerato) in canon law from Salamanca on April 20, 1606.

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so-called Spanish Golden Age. Located near the fairs of Medina del Campo, Valladolid stood at the center of commercial exchanges that attracted merchants and fortune seekers from across the world. Diplomats, political and religious refugees, royal officers, courtiers, poets, playwrights, and pícaros populated the streets, the churches, and the houses of the city.34 Portuguese were legion in Valladolid during this period. One of these visitors, the Portuguese jurist Thomé Pinheiro da Veiga, chronicled the city’s life in a travelogue entitled La Fastigínia (Fastos Geniales). His accounts depict the daily life in which intellectual and political dealings in Valladolid took place. For example, Pinheiro da Veiga explained how moriscos crafted the “grades de ferro” that decorated the city’s balconies so “that one can climb on (houses) from the street and pass from one to another, just as if there were stairs between them.”35 This description illustrates how the urban environment was spatially and socially interconnected. In the years in which it hosted the court, Valladolid became renowned for its “liberated” manners (liberalidad), as a space where young scholars joined an urban sphere of opinion tied to the Republic of Letters.36 Valladolid provided an ideal setting for burgeoning legal experts and litterateurs, always in need of influential patrons at court.37 Indeed, the court’s move was a product of Lerma’s increasing power as válido, since it brought the king much closer to the duke’s ancestral lands, and it provided a prime opportunity for Lerma and others to reorganize their patronage networks.38 Polemicists such as Francisco de Quevedo and historians like Luis Tribaldos de Toledo, along with aristocrats such as Baltasar de Zúñiga, the Count of Lemos, the Dukes of Lerma and Osuna, and the Marquises of Salinas and Alenquer, all strengthened from Valladolid their networks of patronage with international scholars such as Justus Lipsius (1547–1606) and his disciples attracted to the court and university.39 In addition, the University of Valladolid trained many legal experts collected around the Royal Appellate Court, one of the two most important judicial tribunals in Castile.40 These letrados then 34 35 37 38

39 40

Marín Cepeda, “Valladolid, Theatrum Mundi,” 161–93. 36 Pinheiro da Veiga, Fastigímia, p. 333. See Olivari, Avisos, pasquines y rumores. Sieber, “The Magnificent Fountain,” 87. In Madrid, many had become hostile to Lerma’s influence over the king, including Empress María of Austria (1528–1603). See Bennassar, Valladolid en el siglo de oro; Sánchez, The Empress, the Queen, and the Nun. Jauralde Pou, Francisco de Quevedo, p. 144. On Lipsius and Philip II’s royal historiographer see Kagan, Clio and the Crown, p. 125. The tribunal was transferred to Medina del Campo when the court moved to Valladolid. It retained its influence over the university, where some of the future judges of the Chancellería were educated.

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entered into contacts with writers, humanists, lawyers, and artists who followed the court.41 Meanwhile, diplomatic encounters in Valladolid provided both courtiers and scholars with opportunities to establish contacts with foreigners. Such opportunities included the 1605 birth and baptism of Prince Philip (the future Philip IV), the ratification of the Peace Treaty of London (1604), and the visits of embassies in provenance from the North African Kingdom of Cuco and from Persia.42 Those events transformed the city into a theatrical stage dedicated to dynastic festivities and diplomatic negotiations.43 The literary specialists collected around the royal court, university, and tribunals thus spent much of their time writing poems, histories, and reports about public festivals. They elaborated the iconographic programs of ceremonies while attributing the positive effects of these political convergences to the good governance of their main patron, Lerma.44 Nogueira, attached to both the court and the university during these years, imbibed these models and ideas as the capstone of his education through his contact with these and other figures. In both the university and court settings, personal interactions were crucial for the formation of courtier-letrados. In addition to exchanges with patrons and peers, it was common practice to complement one’s education with private tutors who offered more practical understanding of politics. For example, Vicente’s father hired Constantino Sofia of Smyrna (c. 1575–1628) to perfect his son’s education in Greek and his reading of ancient history.45 Sofia had arrived in Spain in 1603 as part of a group that accompanied the Bishop of Larissa (Thessaly) in his embassy to Philip’s III court.46 This embassy sought the support of Philip III of Spain against the Ottomans.47 After working on behalf of

41

42 43 44 45 46

47

On Lerma’s patronage strategies see Cervera Vera, El conjunto palacial de la Villa de Lerma and “La imprenta ducal de Lerma,” 76–96; Banner, The Religious Patronage of the Duke of Lerma; and Matas Caballero, Micó Juan, and Ponce Cárdenas (eds.), El duque de Lerma; Wright, Pilgrimage to Patronage; and Salazar Rincón, El escritor y su entorno. See Planas “Diplomacy from Below,” 153–5 and 172–3. García García and Lobato (eds.), La fiesta cortesana; Williams, “El duque de Lerma,” 19–51; and Alvar Ezquerra, El cartapacio. Marín Cepeda, “Valladolid, Theatrum Mundi,” 161–93. On Nogueira as translator of Lucian’s Discourse on Murmuration, from Greek, see Carta a Manuel Severim de Faria, Lisbon, 13 March 1636, BNB, Mss. I-33, n. 20, ff. 79–80. Floristán Imízcoz, “Sofia Constantino,” 792–5 and “Catedráticos de griego en Salamanca y Alcalá,” 243–52; Gil Fernández, “La Relación de la Iberia de Constantino Sofía,” 37–52 and “Constantino Sofía, intérprete mesiánico,” 439–46; Hassiotis, “Los griegos en Nápoles (s. XV–XIX),” 213–32. Prior to his arrival in Spain and Portugal in 1603, Constantino worked in Rome and then Venice as a professor of humanities, philosophy, and theology. Montcher, “Politics, Scholarship,” 194–5.

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the Bishop of Larissa, Sofia remained in Spain, where he worked as a tutor and a Greek translator of avisos (newsletters) in provenance from Constantinople and the Levant, gaining the protection of politicians and literary patrons such as the Count of Lemos and the Duke of Osuna.48 Nogueira and Sofia likely first met in Valladolid around 1604 or 1605. As a member of the Greek diaspora, Sofia provided a model for Nogueira of the productive overlap between literary and political networks. He was well regarded as a cultural intermediary who exchanged books and manuscripts acquired in cities such as Istanbul, and for his contacts in Castile with the painter El Greco, the Jesuit historian Juan de Mariana (1536–1624), and the humanist González de Salas.49 Tutors like Sofia widened Nogueira’s intellectual horizons, representing an earlier generation of Mediterranean refugees whose experiences of war led them to make their livings by peddling knowledge. In his youth, Nogueira had relied on other such tutors. In mathematics, for example, he learned from a Moroccan master who, besides teaching him a specific algebraic method, introduced him to some rudiments of Arabic.50 His teacher likely came with the son of Ahmad al-Mansur, Mohammed al-Shaykh, who was chased out of Morocco by his brother, Muley Zidan.51 Iberian orientalists at that time, such as the Arabic and Turkish translator and member of the Academy of the Lincei in Naples, Diego de Urrea, collaborated with al-Shaykh.52 Urrea taught in Alcalá during the years when Nogueira attended classes there. Ultimately, his Greek master, Constantino Sofia, was appointed to the same university. Through these networks of Mediterranean exiles, thus, Nogueira entered a less regulated (and very appealing) world of learning. The activities of this previous generation laid the groundwork for Iberian mercenaries who would seek to unite Mediterranean knowledge and commercial networks with the Republic of Letters.

48 49

50 51 52

On the role of such agents in Mediterranean diplomacy see Bertrand and Planas (eds.), Les sociétés de frontière, pp. 219–21. Salas knew the Spanish polymath, Francisco de Quevedo (he was his editor), the German controversialist Kaspar Schoppe, and Johan Scheffer, who worked as amanuensis in his library. All these names were related to the intellectual groups that Nogueira crossed paths with when residing at court or studying at the universities. See González de Salas, Nueva idea de la tragedia antigua, pp. 6–7; and López Rueda, González de Salas. On mathematical cultures during the Iberian Union see Carrió Cataldi, “André de Avelar and the City of Coimbra,” 173–89. This prince arrived in Lisbon in 1607 and settled in Carmona in Andalusia around 1611. See Alonso Acero, Sultanes de Berbería. García-Arenal and Rodríguez Mediano, The Orient in Spain, pp. 225–9.

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In addition, it was during his time at the universities that Nogueira met members of the Republic of Letters from northern Europe. The influx of scholars from outside the peninsula to its universities reinforced intellectual exchanges among Iberians and other Europeans.53 In Nogueira’s correspondence, a mention of the Flemish Jesuit scholar, Martin Delrio (1551–1608), indicates that the two men met in Salamanca and that Nogueira granted a special place to this encounter in his memory .54 Delrio was one of many Flemish agents that Nogueira encountered in the early 1600s as they circulated through Iberian universities, seeking archival materials for scholarly and political projects. In Spain, Flemish scholars were protected by ministers such as Baltasar de Zúñiga (1561–1622), the Spanish ambassador in Paris and Brussels, one of the patrons of Nogueira, and uncle of Gaspar de Guzmán (1587–1645), the future Count-Duke of Olivares.55 Disciples of Justus Lipsius circulated between Flanders, France, and Spain, reconnecting the genealogies of aristocratic families which had been divided during the first part of the Eighty Years’ War between Spain and the United Provinces.56 Lerma’s irenic politics, in anticipation of the Twelve Years’ Truce signed in 1609, opened opportunities for these families to move across the kingdoms and colonies of the Catholic monarchies. At Iberian universities, Nogueira met with other men who collaborated with Zúñiga to write histories on the composite territories of the Hispanic monarchy, like the Flemish representatives of the order of the Golden Fleece, Robert Schleider, and Louis Verreycken. These men were looking for a compromise between literal implementations of the decree of the Council of Trent and more flexible and inclusive policies that would allow a softening of religious antagonisms across Europe.57 Nogueira’s acquaintance with such scholars during his university studies introduced him to important intellectual movements across the Republic of Letters, especially neostoicism.

53 54 55

56 57

See Volpini, “Un edificio di libri,” 177–8. Gonçalves Serafim and Freitas Carvalho (eds.), Um diálogo epistolar, p. 166. Zúñiga collaborated with Portuguese men of letters, including the physician Manuel Boccaro Francés. Boccaro showed affinities with Sebastianism and moved to Italy after publishing on this subject. There he converted to Judaism though he kept working for the Habsburgs as a commercial agent, even after 1640. See Silvério Lima and Torres Megiani (eds.), Visions, Prophecies and Divinations, p. 18. On how men of letters facilitated these movements see Montcher, “Autour de la Raison d’État,” 354–5. The latter had been secretary of the Council of State in Brussels, negotiator of the peace of Vervins (1598), envoy to England, delegate in Spain for the Twelve Years Truce, and treasurer of the Golden Fleece (c. 1611). Nogueira to Dal Pozzo, Bologna–Rome, January 20, 1638, BANLC, Archivio Dal Pozzo XII, vol. X, f. 446v.

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Doubts and fears related to sixteenth-century intellectual, religious, and military conflicts, to the Dutch “revolt” against the Spanish monarchy, and to the European commercial expansion overseas, all pushed these scholars to focus on the practicalities of governance.58 The generation that came after the 1589 publications of Lipisus’ Politica and Botero’s Della ragion di Stato was less interested in reflecting on the foundations of the state than in investigating who was in charge of the government. If state foundations could not be changed, these scholars could at least help secure the conservation of those states during a time of uncertainties, which was propitious to moral corruption. Building on political aphorisms, extracted from the works of ancient historians such as Tacitus, they conceived politics as a moral institution driven by virtues such as prudence. Half-way between Reason of State theory and practical reflections on who governed and how, they participated in reform projects, including the creation of a legal framework for international relations during mid-century wars. With these ideas and international contacts under his belt, and after receiving his degree at Salamanca in 1606, Nogueira moved to Coimbra during the summer of 1606 to study Portuguese canon and civil law.59 Nevertheless, negative marks that stained his social ascension as a letrado surfaced when in Coimbra, where he was refused entry to St. Peter’s College, known for its strict interpretation of blood purity statutes.60 The fact that he was turned away drew unwelcome attention to New Christian origins on his mother’s side. His stay at Coimbra coincided with the university becoming a target for the Inquisition, and it was while in Coimbra that he was accused of exploring what the Holy Office considered to be deviant sexual practices. The consequences of this institutionalized slander – as a reputed converso and alleged “sodomite” – would exacerbate his desire to emancipate from the social frame that

58 59

60

Lagrée, Le néostoı¨cisme, pp. 143–4. After obtaining his matricula (registration) at Coimbra in 1606, Nogueira became a councilor of the Faculty of Canon Law on November 10, 1606. See Almeida Saraiva de Carvalho, “The Fellowship of St. Diogo.” He was incorporated to the university as Bacharel em Cânones on July 14, 1608, before obtaining his title of licenciado on July 21, 1608. AUC, Conselhos, 1606–1607, ff. 20v–1r. Due to limited resources, he accepted a half-canonry in Coimbra. AUC, Acordos do Cabido, vol. 9 (1609–1614). He worked as a cleric for masses during this period. ANTT, TSO, IL, 28, 4241. As a graduate in laws, he received ecclesiastical prebendas and dignidades. These benefits secured his well-being at the university. Pelorson, Los letrados, p. 35. Although his father had been a member of the college of St. Paul, and one of his alleged maternal uncles worked as rector of St. Peter, the doors of the college remained closed to Nogueira. See Gil Fernández, “D. Garciá de Silva y Figueroa,” 433. On the certification of Nogueira degree see AUC, Actos e Graus, 1607–1608, ff. 26v–7r.

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oppressed him.61 Such allegations affected his professional career after leaving Coimbra in 1608 as a freshly minted letrado and his later conversion into a mercenary of knowledge.62 Nogueira’s inherited diverse training led to a precocious professional start. After the death of his father on August 10, 1612, he was appointed to his father’s former workplace, the tribunal of the Relação in Porto.63 A few months later, on March 13, 1613, he was sworn in at the Casa da Suplicação in Lisbon as its third-youngest member.64 At twenty-five, Nogueira was well below the average age of most entry-level letrados. Nevertheless, and despite his preparation, his career as a lawyer in Portugal was short lived. Apart from these appointments, the few testimonies available from 1609–1614 suggest little about Nogueira’s life other than that he experienced uncertainties at all levels. On May 13, 1609, the Council of Castile received his application for naturalization in the kingdom.65 After more than eleven years of almost continuous residence in Castile, Nogueira wished to formalize his legal status in the kingdom, to diversify his sources of income, and to ease his movements between Lisbon and Madrid.66 Nevertheless, more troubles were brewing. On November 20, 1614, Nogueira’s page, Clemente de Oliveira de Cantanhede, accused him of sodomy before the Portuguese Inquisition. Due to the

61 62 63

64 65 66

On how inquisitorial visits affected scholarly lives in cities like Lisbon, Evora, and Coimbra see Carrió Cataldi, “André de Avelar and the City of Coimbra,” 173–89. Lázaro, Cavaleiros de Santiago, vol. 3, pp. 29–30. AGPM, Prótocolo 3868, 1612, ff. 30r–44v. Francisco’s inheritance passed to his wife and sons. In his testament, he declared Paulo Alfonso as the manager of his last will. Francisco’s patrimony was composed of incomes tied to (1) the Chapel of the Church of Santa Anna in Coimbra, where Vicente Nogueira’s grandfather was buried; (2) a hermitage dedicated to St. Julian in Villas de Torres Novas; (3) the locality of Rios Fríos; and (4) encomiendas of St. James, including the land of Lagoalva (Ribatejo) that Francisco acquired in 1603. On May 2, 1614, Philip III granted a merced of 100,000 reis of ecclesiastical pension to Nogueira in memory of his father. His sister was not mentioned. Francisco, Nogueira’s other brother, died prematurely (c. 1616) while accompanying the Captain of Ceuta and Tangier on a military expedition in North Africa. ANTT, Chancelaria Filipe II, liv. 29–32, f. 186 and 207–230; and Lázaro, Cavaleiros de Santiago, vol. 3, pp. 17–24. The Casa da Suplicação assisted the king in ordinary governance matters, and as a tribunal of appeal in criminal issues. AGS, CDC, Memoriales y Expedientes, leg. 954, n. 120, May 13, 1609; AHN, Consejos, leg. 4418, 1609, n. 82. His request for naturalization gave him access to privileges: up to 300 ducats in Castile. The Chamber of Castile elevated a consultation to the king after receiving his petition on May 23. The king returned his positive response to the chamber. AGS, CDC, libros de cédulas, l. 177, ff. 359v–60r. From his last register at Coimbra on October 21, 1610, to the death of his father in 1612, Nogueira traveled between Madrid, Coimbra, and Lisbon. ANTT, TSO, IL, 28, 4241.

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memory of his father, the condemnation was mild, but a stain remained. Nogueira kept his position at the Suplicação, but between 1612 and 1618 he refashioned himself as a cleric.67 Once his new status was assured, in 1618–1619 he traveled from Lisbon to Madrid to renounce his position at the Suplicação.68 He announced that he wanted “to live in a retreat dedicated to the muses and the letters,” and joined the Cathedral of Lisbon as a canon.69 The few remaining shreds of evidence left from these years paint the portrait of an embittered letrado lacking support in courtly circles and in conflict with the Holy Office. Thus, less than a decade after entering the profession for which he had so long prepared, he abandoned a formal legal career. Nevertheless, he remained engaged with legal practices all his life, first as an editor and literary broker between Lisbon and Madrid, and later as a representative for papal power in Rome and Iberia.70 Though he turned his back on the letrado path, references to his legal expertise appear in every extant publication related to his activities and their mention abounds in his correspondence. Even at the sunset of his life, he continued to present himself through his letrado training and as someone who had been well on his way to becoming a royal counselor. Nogueira argued that as “the son and grandson of other bachelors in laws” he “decided to burn his eyelashes learning, working more than any other men that he knew.” He summarized his lifelong vocational routine as follows: Today, I study at least ten hours every day. I realized that to do so that books were necessary, and from age fourteen, when I knew very little Latin, I began to use them with learned booksellers, princes, and communities. With long hours of 67

68

69

70

The allusion to what happened in 1614 appears in Nogueira’s later trial. In 1611–1612, Nogueira was ordained as a “clérigo de misa” (priest). See ANTT, TSO, IL, 28, 4241, f. 79r.; and Gil Fernández, “D. Garciá de Silva y Figueroa,” 429. This decision followed Nogueira’s application to become a collaborator of the Inquisition (familiar). The genealogical background check conducted on his behalf revealed sexual practices and doubtful blood connections that could create a scandal if used against a high justice officer. On this interpretation see Ibid., 432. “[P]or vivir retirado a las musas i letras en fin lo hizo.” See “Brevissimo apuntamiento,” f. 375v. Gil Fernández mentions that Nogueira joined the Chapter in 1629. His status as clérigo de misa since at least 1612, the need to receive institutional protection and regular compensations, as well as his connection with the Papacy, suggests that he joined the cathedral earlier, either right after 1618 or during the early 1620s. See Gil Fernández, “D. Garciá de Silva y Figueroa,” 441. Coinciding with his papal privileges, Nogueira earned another honorific appointment in the service of Leopold V (1586–1632), son of Archduke Charles II of Inner Austria, and the younger brother of the emperor Ferdinand II. “Ferdinand II, the most majestic emperor, proclaimed you among his of most noble counsellors.” See Aegidio Directorium advocatorum. Later in his life, Nogueira mentioned that he served the emperor “anche honoriamente, appresso lo imperatore.” Nogueira to Francesco Barberini, Rome, February 1646, BAV, Barb. Lat. 6472, f. 77r.

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study and lectures (taking less advantage of disciplines such as theology, law, and medicine, in which I studied only the points that my work obliged me to learn in a matter of judgment or counsel) in these and other sciences, I learned which ones were the most celebrated, singulars, or even paradoxical and contrarian to the common feeling. I found a way to look, read, and examine all of them, dedicating a lot of time and money (though not lost, thank God), while perfecting my knowledge of the three languages used on the sign of the cross, mothers of all mothers. And I can assure you […] that I do not know a man that read so much during the last fifty years.71

Though he often vaunted the erudition he acquired through his legal training, he vowed he would never serve as a letrado again.72 One possible explanation for the difficulties faced by Nogueira is that Portuguese letrados in Castile had to compete with other regional elites.73 Strong political and family support was needed, and in the wake of his father’s death and the retreat of his patron Lerma in 1618, Nogueira lacked both. In its vicissitudes, his education and legal career illuminates how royal administration, political criticism, and personal ambition benefited from the climate of relative peace during the first half of the Iberian Union. When wars returned to the fore of the political scene during the 1620s–1630s, men of letters faced the choice of either adapting to, committing to, or leaving an empire whose limits they knew well.74 Elsewhere in Europe, other jurists also switched career paths when faced with personal or political pressure.75 Nogueira’s professional reorientations and the strategies he employed to manage them echoed those of other late humanists such as Michel de Montaigne, Girolamo Cardano, Manuel de Faria e Sousa, and the famous antiquarian Cassiano dal Pozzo. In addition to their ties with the Iberian worlds and as the heirs of dynasties of jurists, Pozzo, Cardano, Montaigne, Faria e Sousa, and Nogueira publicized their trajectories in autobiographical accounts under varied forms including dedications, memoirs, and letters, transforming their Baroque disenchantment into an art of survival.76 71 72 73

74

75 76

Nogueira to Niza, November 22, 1649, Gonçalves Serafim and Freitas Carvalho (eds.), Um diálogo epistolar, p. 299. Ibid. p. 342. Families from Galicia and the Basque Country monopolized offices at court, including that of royal secretary. After 1580, Crístobal de Moura and Francisco Nogueira reinforced the influence of Portuguese letrados within the administration. See Martínez Hernández, “Ya no hay Rey sin Privado,” 21–37. Lope de Vega referred in his letters to Portuguese subjects who avoided judicial prosecution by having one foot in Portugal and another in Castile. See Cartas (1604–1633), p. 156. Jouanna, Montaigne, pp. 51–75. Pozzo graduated in both civil and canon law in Pisa in 1607. He practiced as a judge up to 1611, before moving to Rome the following year, leaving his legal career behind him

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Thus, fashioning himself as a man of letters rather than a letrado, Nogueira tried to escaped inquisitorial and political repression by crossing real and imaginary intellectual borders within the Iberian world while striving to project himself via the networks of the Republic of Letters.

1.2

The School of Life: From Letrado to Political Polymath

After his father’s death in 1612, Nogueira’s sexual activities were used against him as he tried to integrate further into the monarchy administration. Thus began a fraught two decades (c. 1614–1634) in which he sought alternative forms of expression outside of royal service to protect himself from political animosity expressed through inquisitorial harassment. His career reorientation – leaving his letrado position at the Suplicação – coincided with Lerma’s retirement from court life in 1618 and the latter’s appointment as Cardinal of the Catholic Church to protect himself from being held accountable for his valimiento.77 However, Lerma had been preparing such a move since the 1615 celebration of the Franco–Spanish royal marriages that reinforced the peace between the two monarchies. Paradoxically, Lerma’s great irenic achievement coincided with the beginnings of his fall from grace. One of the most important outcomes of this rebalancing of courtly interests was the reorganization of patronage relations and the participation of various men of letters who jockeyed for their own survival. Lerma’s transition from being the king’s favorite to being one of the Church’s highest authorities opened the door to Rome for Iberian intellectuals who were anxious to find additional support in times of political change.78 Lerma’s loss of influence over King Philip III was connected to the move of his soon-to-be fiercest opponent, the Count of Olivares, back to Madrid from Seville in 1615. During the previous eight years, Olivares bided his time near the family strongholds of the Gúzman and Zúñiga in Andalusia.79 There he formed a library and established a literary circle

77

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and concentrating on intellectual pursuits. On Pozzo’s professional reorientation, see Freedberg and Baldini (eds.), The Paper Museum, p. 10. See also Cardano, The Book of my Life. Feros, Kingship and Favoritism, chapter 11. Pope Paul V made him a cardinal on March 1618, six months before his departure from the court. Lerma had in mind the example of his uncle, Francisco de Borja, who renounced his career and estate prior joining the Jesuits. It is not a coincidence that Nogueira received honorific titles and increased his connections with Rome after Lerma’s downfall in 1615. The Olivares–Lerma showdown did not come out of nowhere. Lerma had been attacked by aristocrats and criticized for his policies. Before and after 1615, Lerma’s closest collaborators were put on trial. In Seville, and in Andalucía, nobles with patrimonial

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while preparing to undermine the faction of Lerma. In Madrid, and after 1615, Olivares secured an appointment as Gentilhombre de Cámara to Prince Philip’s household (the future Philip IV). Like Lerma twenty years before, Olivares used the prince’s household to challenge old patronage networks and gather new clients around his persona. In the meantime, Olivares’ principal opponents, such as the Count Lemos and the Dukes of Osuna and Sessa, employed men of letters who remained loyal to their patrons during the shifting balance of power among court factions. The playwright Lope de Vega, for example, worked as the secretary of Sessa and capitalized on a life dedicated to priesthood after leaving behind military adventures and exiles between Castile, Portugal, and England. The brothers Argensola, poets and historians, followed Lemos to Naples in 1610 and found a sinecure in Aragon after being named historiographers of that kingdom. During the early 1600s, relations of patronage involving men of letters and aristocrats became more fluid due to the polarization of Iberian and European politics.80 High-ranking officials did not take their situations for granted, knowing that it could change any time considering the unstable political landscape around them. In consequence, they looked for help from men of letters who could transform such instability into an asset. On the other hand, men of letters who did not pass ministerial muster looked for alternative “patronage fountains.”81 Indeed, newly minted letrados had many incentives to seek wide and sometimes unconventional patrons. Because of the diversity of spaces where they received their training, Nogueira’s generation had access to alternative patronage opportunities. Those opportunities contributed to the radicalization of future mercenaries of knowledge by connecting them with foreign communities, opponents to the status quo, and leaders of artistic and literary countercultures. Many, such as Nogueira, whose political philosophies revolved around the irenic ideals of an earlier age (i.e. Pax Hispanica), clashed with the promoters of Olivares’ politics of reputación after 1615.82 Lerma’s grand political strategy had consisted of promoting the politics of pacificación

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ties to the region and with strong family curriculums related to Spanish diplomacy fueled these critiques, challenging Lerma’s Castilian and Valencian-centered clientele at court. See Alvar Ezquerra, El duque de Lerma. Similar polarization happened elsewhere and forced scholars to think about ways to consolidate transnational networks of correspondence that would help them navigate unstable political climates. See Elliott and Brockliss (eds.), El mundo de los validos. Sieber, “The Magnificent Fountain,” 85–116; and Dadson, Diego de Silva y Mendoza. On the Pax Hispanica (early 1600s–1618/1621) as a period marked by a succession of peace treaties signed between the king of Spain and his rivals across Europe, and as an intense period of international interactions see Ruiz Ibáñez, “Inflexions et échos d’une

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against declinación. Soon enough, after 1615, reputación replaced pacificación as the active concept in charge of fighting the ills of declinación.83 The transition between pacificación and reputación forced men of letters to take sides. Because of their fraught positions amid political intrigues, they relied more than usual on historical and satirical writings to reform their relationships of patronage and try to find their voice in the ever-changing royal politics of the Catholic monarchy. With his courtly and legal training under his belt, Nogueira entered a marketplace where history writing was one of the main vectors of trade. Perhaps the most important Iberian market for these skills was Madrid, where the court returned in 1606. Madrid favored spaces where scholars, poets, diplomats, and their patrons could cultivate conversation and political criticism. Nogueira had spent over a year in Madrid after graduating from university, living during 1608–1609 in the neighborhood of the Red of St. Louis. For a young courtier-letrado, the Red of St. Louis was the ideal site to test and extend the political ideas gained from tutors and universities. In contemporary picaresque novels, the Red of St. Louis comes to life as a literary character in its own right.84 It was an international hub that facilitated economic, diplomatic, and literary exchanges across the city. For example, the neighborhood was the center of the French community in Madrid. In addition to its diversity, it provided a liminal space in both physical and literary terms, situated between strategic urban points and around which courtiers and marginalized communities gravitated. Because of the neighborhood’s location near the court, its residents played an active role in royal ceremonies and festivities.85 Its central location offered merchants and artisans a platform to develop political and commercial ties with the court.86 However, such

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politique impériale,” 167–82; and García García, “El período de la Pax Hispánica,” 57–95. On the reforms of the Count-Duke of Olivares see Elliott, Peña, and Negredo (eds.), Memoriales y cartas del Conde Duque. Miguel de Cervantes owned a house in this neighborhood. See Canavaggio, Cervantes, pp. 239–40. The neighborhood itself was depicted in Madrid-based novels and plays such as the Diablo Cojuelo by Vélez de Guevara (1641) and Lope’s Don Gil de las Calzas Verdes (1st ed. 1635, although the piece had been performed on stage since at least 1615). On urban space and literary creation see García Santo-Tomás, Espacio urbano y creación literaria; and Mierau, Capturing the Pícaro in Words. The Red followed an east–west axis that divided, to the west, the area surrounding the Álcazar and, to the east, the Prado and the Carrera of San Jerónimo. These last two areas had been partially incorporated into Lerma’s estate and operated as public recreational walkways. The French community was organized around churches, parishes, markets, and hospitals. Infantes Buil, “El Real Hospital de San Luis,” 109–39 and “El entorno social del hospital de San Luis,” 517–31.

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a carrefour could be perceived as a potential threat. Municipal and court officials, including Olivares, were concerned about the propensity of institutions in the area to provide shelter to Protestants since the fear of a fifth column (i.e. French Huguenots) grew in parallel to the degradation of Franco–Spanish diplomacy between 1615 and 1635. In the Red of St. Louis, Nogueira resided in the house of Juan de Tassis, 2nd Count of Villamediana.87 Juan was the son of a Spanish diplomat who belonged to a family that had exercised a quasi-monopoly over the office of the Head of the Spanish postal system.88 His connection with Villamediana reinforced his ties with the international communication system of the Hispanic monarchy. More locally, his time in Villamediana’s house in the Red exposed him to any number of international influences, including religious refugees from France. In fact, the politicized turn that the Red experienced beginning in the 1610s would parallel the evolution of his relations with the court, including his increasing animosity toward royal ministers. The patronage relations Nogueira cultivated in Madrid at the end of his education played a significant role in his position in relation to court factions. For example, his association with the Count of Villamediana would condition his political trajectory on the long term. Villamediana was a well-known figure on the literary scene, which thrived at the Spanish court during the first two decades of the seventeenth century, who was famous for his poetry and his mastery of political satire.89 His later detractors credited him with transforming Madrid into a place where dangerous gossip (murmuraciones) ran rampant. As Lerma’s influence waned, Villamediana’s satirical take on court politics became a matter of concern for Philip IV and Olivares and he earned a reputation as social agitator. He was assassinated in 1622, and was implicated in a sodomy trial that resulted in the executions of five other men by the end of that year.90 The count was well known for his bisexuality, and the Portuguese Inquisition would later accuse Nogueira of being involved in a sexual relationship with his host while living in the Red of St. Louis. Beyond physical intimacy, witness reports later emphasized Nogueira’s longstanding friendship with Villamediana as a negative sign in the

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See Nogueira’s inquisitorial trial, ANTT, TSO, IL, Processo 4241. Juan’s father headed a Spanish-Flemish delegation to London to end the war with England in 1603. The Peace was signed in 1604 and ratified in Valladolid in 1605. Allen, Post and Courier Service; Dooley and Baron (eds.), The Politics of Information. Castro-Ibaseta, “Monarquía satírica.” Alonso Cortés, La muerte del conde de Villamediana; and Armas, “The Play’s the Thing,” 439–54.

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accounting of his political agenda.91 However, that friendship was also an important source of ideas and intellectual connections. After the death of the count in 1622, Nogueira inherited some manuscripts (e.g. Francisco de Figueroa’s poems) from Villamediana’s collection, reinforcing the idea that the two men had shared bibliographic interests.92 Through his association with the count, Nogueira’s name became connected to scholars and politicians who would cultivate political satire against Olivares. Thanks to this kind of patronage relationship, Nogueira learned how to use literary and historical manuscripts to acquire a public voice and even to offer editorial alternatives to state-sponsored literature. Villamediana was not the only interlocutor that Nogueira cultivated who opened the young letrado to a wider world. The Portuguese strengthened his relationship with Diego Sarmiento de Acuña, Count of Gondomar, who was one of the most active patrons of historians.93 Nogueira’s father had also maintained a relationship with the count, who was responsible for the administration of the city of Valladolid during the court’s residence between 1601 and 1606.94 Through Gondomar, who had been an ambassador in London, Nogueira established contacts with English representatives living in Spain, which he would later deploy when seeking foreign support after his exile. He also engaged with Spanish scholars who were close to the count, including Francisco Barrientos de la Torre who, after studying in Salamanca at the beginning of the century, went to live in Valencia until 1624 before moving to Granada where he became a cathedral canon and scholar of the Bible. Barrientos de la Torre’s trajectory parallels in many ways that of Nogueira in similar institutions, between different kingdoms of the Iberian Peninsula, and in the company of scholarly enquiries. Barrientos de la Torre’s ties with learned circles in both Valencia and Granada would likewise prove useful for Nogueira, who was interested in the linguistic history of Valencia as well as in the polemics about historical forgeries that emerged in Granada at the end of the sixteenth century.95 Another of Nogueira’s patrons, the 91 92

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See Nogueira’s trial at ANTT, TSO, IL 28, 4241. In his Breve discurso […] sobre la vida de Francisco de Figueroa, Tribaldos commented on how “his disciple,” Villamediana, gave Figueroa’s rhymes to Nogueira, who passed them into Tribaldos after 1622. See Tribaldos de Toledo, Obras de Francisco de Figueroa. Gil Fernández, “D. García de Silva y Figueroa,” 446. Before his departure to London, Gondomar gathered many historians under his patronage, promoting the writing of histories across the Peninsula. See Oyarbide, “The First Count of Gondomar”; Pérez Pastor, Bibliografía madrileña; Sanz Camañes, Diplomacia hispano-inglesa; and Manso Porto, Don Diego Sarmiento de Acuña. BPR, ms. II/2115, doc. 268, and ms. II/2157, doc. 268. This connection becomes even more relevant in light of the fact that Nogueira’s only remaining theological treatise appears in a manuscript that used to belong to Barrientos

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Constable of Castile, Juan Fernández Velasco, advocated for the state regulation of historical writing which circulated across the Catholic monarchy.96 Through Velasco, who was a member of the Council of Italy and governor of the Duchy of Milan (1592–1595; 1610–1612), Nogueira deepened his contacts with scholars in Iberia and in Italy.97 His familiarity with Velasco’s entourage provided him with an overview of networks involved in book collecting and historical writing. Between Madrid and Seville, from Lisbon to Milan, and between Flanders and Castile, Nogueira’s relations with Velasco allowed him to communicate across the composite monarchy. Like Zúñiga, Velasco fostered intellectual exchanges between Iberian scholars and Flemish humanists connected to Lipsius.98 Indeed, one of the most important resources for the question of history writing were the Flemish scholars associated with Lipsius who circulated in the Peninsula. Nogueira had been exposed to these circles as a university student, and remained in touch with them through his patrons after his short-lived letrado career. For example, he claimed to have been the “commensal” of the powerful Fifth Duke of Alba between 1618 and 1620.99 This reference to Alba is significant, considering that Alba had been a member of the Burgundian Order of the Golden Fleece since 1599. As a member of the order, the duke was attuned to the intellectual milieux surrounding Lipsius and Lipsius’ disciples relied on the transnational networks of the order when traveling between northern and southern Europe.100 Those disciples that Nogueira had met across courts and universities also acquainted him with the genealogical commerce that such scholars had established among composite nobilities interested in relocating to

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de la Torre and which is today owned by the National Library of Spain. Gil Fernández, “D. García de Silva y Figueroa,” 448. As Nogueira recalled, “the Constable” was his “señor.” He treated him as his relative during public rituals and royal events. Nogueira to De Thou, Lisbon, September 28, 1615, Gonçalves Serafim and Freitas Carvalho (eds.), Um diálogo epistolar, p. 56. Montero Delgado et al., El Condestable Juan Fernández de Velasco. Papy (ed.), Iusti Lipsi Epistolae, pp. 278–80. Nogueira to Dal Pozzo, Bologna, January 20, 1638, BANLC, Pozzo XII, vol. X, ff. 446r–7v. The term commensal signaled Nogueira’s contact with the highest ranks of Spanish nobility. The term refers to those who eat together. If the commensal happened to be a cleric, the title implied that he enjoyed a rent connected to a mensa. The term also referred to a servant who enjoyed the privilege of eating at his lord’s table. Such men were criados familiares continuos (continos) and commensales, meaning that they had the right to one daily ración of food. That ration was supposed to be more substantial than those given to other servants considered as paniaguados, meaning sustained with bread and water. I thank Fernando Bouza for sharing this information with me. In his letter, Nogueira also alluded to Robert Schleider, a great promoter of genealogical exchanges between Flanders, France, and Spain under the banner of the Order of the Golden Fleece. BANLC, Archivio Dal Pozzo, vol. X, ff. 446r–7v.

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Habsburg territories.101 Indeed, as growing numbers of scholars traveled across the Iberian monarchies, their interactions generated a competitive environment that contributed to the embellishment of family narratives.102 This genealogical commerce was related to the tasks of history writing which so concerned patrons like Gondomar and Velasco. As Nogueira became exposed to those elites who needed to provide a genealogical justification for their return to Spain, he considered relocating to Lipsius’ homeland of Flanders or to the Italian Peninsula as a means to distance himself from Olivares. The Duke of Feria, another powerful political player at court, even suggested Nogueira’s name to substitute the jurist Giacomo Menochio (1532–1607) in the Spanish administration of the Duchy of Milan.103 Nogueira’s acquaintance with Flemish agents like Robert Schleider and Louis Verreycken was symptomatic of a broader trend of intellectual exchanges around political ideas bridging doubt and reform. Flemish scholars circulating in Spain and Portugal fueled genealogical exchanges by establishing personal connections with Iberian men of letters such as the Jesuit and historian Juan de Mariana in Toledo, or the Portuguese cosmographer João Baptista Lavanha (c. 1550–1624).104 Neo-stoic networks did not only channel abstract moral and political concepts through their exchanges of books, maps, and genealogies. Those networks also looked for ways to reinforce a unitary sense of belonging among the composite elites of the empire. The ultimate goal was to produce an elitist but inclusive history of the Hispanic monarchy that would ease a better political articulation among its different regional parts spread across the world. Verreycken, Schleider, and Zúñiga all died in the early 1620s, when Nogueira experienced increased accusations concerning his moral behavior and political opinions.105 Nogueira later explained that Zúñiga’s death in 1622 marked the start of his ruin in Spain. Zúñiga, Olivares’ uncle, had even advocated on his behalf for a secretarial position at the court of the archdukes in Brussels, though the position was never realized.106 Another professional disappointment took place in 1618, when Nogueira saw his hopes of being promoted to the rank of 101 102

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See Ridder et al. (eds.), Transregional Territories, introduction. On the genealogical craze among the composite nobilities of the Iberian monarchies see Yun Casalilla (ed.), Las redes del imperio; and Carrasco Martínez, “Perspectivas políticas comparadas de las noblezas europeas,” 167–83. See his biography at www.treccani.it/enciclopedia/giacomo-menochio_%28EnciclopediaItaliana%29/, accessed December 15, 2021. Lipsius, Epistolario de Justo Lipsio y los españoles. BANLC, Archivio Dal Pozzo, vol. X, f. 530v. Zuñiga to the Archduke Albert, San Lorenzo el Real, September 20, 1620, AGRB, Secrét. d’État et de Guerre, 516, 5. I thank Roberto Quirós Rosado for this reference.

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royal secretary vanish.107 This blow would only enhance his genealogical awareness and sharpen his political criticism. From this moment onward, his goal was to establish a bulletproof genealogy that would help him publicize the idea that the monarchy’s governance had become corrupt and needed to be reformed, as many arbitristas of the period would argue. Thus genealogy – even his own – functioned as an instrument of historical criticism against the way the past was conceived by royal ministers and inquisitors. With their legal and historical expertise, early seventeenth-century men of letters worked for powerful aristocrats to articulate family narratives that contributed to the arborescent structure of composite monarchies. Their work fostered the writing of a comprehensive history of the Iberian monarchies framed around the multitude of its subjects’ experiences. Nevertheless, men of letters were not only cultivating the art of genealogy for others but used it for their own interests. Young letrados in particular needed to be able to show clean blood and clean hands. In Nogueira’s case, the careers of his ancestors came in handy when reconstructing the memory of his family services on behalf of both the Spanish and Portuguese monarchies.108 When under attack by the Inquisition, he used his family tree to defend himself against what he perceived as an unjust system that had unfairly ceased recognizing his or his family’s services. Nogueira needed genealogical credentials to defend his reputation when under attack by Olivares and the Inquisition. He thus sought to connect his name to the origins of the Portuguese monarchy and to

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The archduke had been a good friend of Nogueira’s father when Albert was the viceroy of Portugal (1583–1594). See the correspondence of Albert with Philip III. AGS, Secretarias Provinciales, libro 1550, ff. 504–84. Nogueira claimed that Zúñiga wanted him as secretary of state. Nogueira to Niza, Rome, February 8, 1649, Gonçalves Serafim and Freitas Carvalho (eds.), Um diálogo epistolar, pp. 219–24. Nogueira to Niza, Rome, February 8, 1649, ibid., p. 219. On the renunciation of his office of jurist see “Brevissimo apuntamiento,” f. 375v. 1618 corresponded to the arrival of Diego de Silva y Mendoza in Lisbon. During the latter’s stay as viceroy in the city (1618–1622), the literary and political landscape experienced drastic changes. The Count of Salinas expanded his network of patronage among political writers such as Antão Zaroto, Manuel Barbosa, and Fernando Alvia de Castro. See Dadson, “Um visorei que faz trovas,” https://doi.org/10.14643/71B, accessed July 10, 2022. References to the participation of Nogueira’s grandfather, Francisco Alonso (d. 1560) in the repression of the Castilian Comunero revolt (1520–1521) provided him with an example of his family commitment to Spain that predated the Iberian Union. See the dedicatorias by Tribaldos de Toledo, Obras de Francisco de Figueroa; and Guerra de Granada; Brizeño de Córdoba, Obras de Garcilaso de la Vega; Silva y Figueroa, Hispanicae historiae breviarium; and Aegidio, Directorium advocatorum.

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reaffirm his origins as an Old Christian.109 His obsession with the Old Christian past of his family on his father’s side corresponded to a desire to conceal New Christian (Jewish) origins on his mother’s side. The goal was also to downplay the fact that he came from a minor branch of a storied family, and to emphasize instead the services of his closest descendants as royal legal experts.110 A robust tree also ensured that he could be entrusted with “the most cryptic diplomatic instructions and negotiations.”111 He eventually received help in this project from his friend, Luis Tribaldos de Toledo (1558–1636), the royal historiographer of Philip IV (r. 1621–1665). During the 1620s, Tribaldos built Nogueira’s narrative.112 The historiographer explained that the Nogueira were one of the first families that helped Count Henry and his son Alfonso Henriquez to “reconquer Portugal from the moors” in

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Tribaldos cast Pedro Paez Nogueira as the founder of the mayorazgo of São Lourenço (Lisbon) in 1296. Other genealogies attribute this foundation to Maestro Pedro, Pedro Paez’s son, which considering the chronology is more probable. Maestro Pedro was a counselor to Alfonso III (1210–1279) and chancellor-physician of Elizabeth of Portugal (1271–1336). Pedro died in 1300 and was buried in São Lourenço, which became the burial site of the family. See ANTT, Hospital de St. Jose, Provedoria das Capelas de Lisboa, livro 62. Maestro Pedro’s brother, Lourenço Pires, inherited the mayorazgo, while holding an office of caballero mayor of Don Denis (1261–1325). Lourenço Pires’ son, also named Lorenzo Pires, served Alfonso IV’s household (1291–1357) as trinchante but died at the battle of Río Salado in 1340. See Tabla de la familia de Brito Nogueira, RAH, C. 33, f. 106; and Genealogía de la familia de Nogueira, RAH, D. 62, f. 212; and Felgueiras Gayo, Nobiliario de familias de Portugal, t. 21, pp. 131–7. On São Lourenço see Melo da Silva, “Espiritualidade e poder na Lisboa dos finais da Idade Média.” Lourenço Pires’ son, João das Leis, served Alfonso IV and became Pedro I’s favorite (1320–1367). As his name indicates, João das Leis specialized in law and set the trajectory for subsequent generations. His son, Alfonso Yañez, became the counselor of Juan I (1357–1433) and alcaide mòr (mayor) of Lisbon. Among Lourenço Pires’ sons was Gomes Nogueira, Nogueira’s great-great-grandfather, and Alfonso, sixth archbishop of Lisbon and ambassador of Henrique IV in Castile. Both sons died without legitimate children. It was thus through the marriage of Gomes and Alfonso’s sister, Dona Violante, that the mayorazgo was diverted to the Brito-Nogueira line. Eventually, this mayorazgo passed to the viscounts of Vila Nova Cerveira Lima in 1578. The sixth Viscount of Vila Nova de Cerveira (d. 1647) worked in Portuguese tribunals before and after 1640. RAH, Genealogía de la familia de Nogueira, D-62, f. 212; Tabla de la familia de Brito Nogueira, C-33, f. 106. See Farelo, “Os morgados dos Nogueiras,” 185–204; Inglês Fontes et al., Bispos e Arcebispos de Lisboa, 531–42; and Melo da Silva, “Um prelado em tempos de reformas,” 161–202 and “Nobilitação e espiritualidade na Lisboa medieval,” 341–73; and Rosa, “Os espelhos e os seus outros lados,” 571–96. Nogueira to ? (someone working for Francesco Barberini), Rome–Paris?, February 4, 1646, Rome, BAV, Barb. Lat. 6472, f. 76r. He did so from archival sources and chronicles that were made available by Nogueira himself.

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the twelfth century.113 By the fifteenth century, Nogueira’s ancestors were renowned for their military service across the Mediterranean, allowing him to draw on the memories of Portuguese expansion and the dynastic establishment of the Braganza in Portugal.114 In the sixteenth century, his grandfather and father remained connected to circles of power through their skilled practice of law in the service of Spanish kings. Tribaldos’ narrative allowed Nogueira to present himself as the next in line, not to a cadet branch descended from an unmarried forbearer, but to a chain of ancestors whose “name and honor” were more glorious than any titles they might have been given (or not). After reconstructing several generations of past Nogueira family members, Tribaldos used powerful iconography to reconnect his friend with the trunk of his family tree.115 Tribaldos’ genealogy presented Nogueira as the heir of men and women who had contributed to the union of the Iberian monarchies through their own family bonds. Describing the Catholic monarchy as a heteroclite woodland, Tribaldos alluded to the walnut tree (Nogal) that Nogueira’s “family name encloses.” In a similar fashion as the walnut trees that stood by the roadside in Aesop’s and Ovid’s fables and whose nuts the engraved passersby used to knock off by throwing sticks and stones, Nogueira’s reputation stood firm before the inquisitorial persecutions he suffered beginning in 1614. This symbolic reference to the family name served two purposes. On one side, it bridged the family to the intellectual genealogy of which Nogueira sought to become a part. On the other side, Tribaldos depicted his friend as a Christian-Stoic man of letters. In Tribaldos’ words, he was a member of a new kind of “Spanish nobility,” characterized for its constancy in the face of adversity.116 This concept was at the core of neo-Stoic understandings of reality and politics to which Nogueira, and Tribaldos had been exposed during their early careers. Nogueira’s constancy also went beyond the firmness of the 113

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On the “nobility of blood” of a family “destined to serve the public good” since the “reconquest” of Portugal, see Aegidio, Directorium advocatorum; and Tribaldos de Toledo, Guerra de Granada. Highlights of Gomes’ career included participation in the Siege of Tangier against the Marinid sultanate and the vizier Abu Zakariya Yahya al-Wattasi in 1437, and in the battle of Alfarrobeira in 1449, on the side of Afonso V and Afonso Duke of Braganza against Peter, Duke of Coimbra. One of Gomes’ sons, Alfonso Yañes, was able to use the “good memory” of his father’s brother – Alfonso Nogueira, sixth bishop of Lisbon – to “alcancar aquel suelo (Rios Frios), pequeño más bastante para no mendigar alimentos de poderosos.” On the family patrimony at Rios Frios, see Tribaldos de Toledo, Guerra de Granada. On Alfonso Nogueira see Farelo, “Ao serviço da Coroa no século XIV,” 145–68. Tribaldos, Obras de Francisco de Figueroa, ff. 3r–8v; and Guerra de Granada. Ibid., f. 4r.

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walnut tree wood. In a 1635 letter to Charles I of England, Nogueira used this metaphor to suggest that he, like the tree, could be shaped at will by his patrons.117 The multiplicity of his genealogical identities were considered as signs of both constancy and flexibility. As someone whose training, family, and profession depended on mobility as well as local networks, Nogueira’s genealogical arborescences illustrated how his constancy, and by default his social loyalty, coexisted with the plurality of his personae.118 Neo-stoic networks provided safe spaces for men of letters who were eager to test their ideas about political tolerance. They also granted access to friendships beyond the Iberian Peninsula. The evocation of the persecuted walnut tree was a reminder that Nogueira was a member of the Catholic Republic of Letters who deserved the intellectual and political support of its members. Tribaldos’ image of the walnut tree also reminded readers that Nogueira’s virtues survived “the emulation and envy” that aimed to “discredit him.”119 Tribaldos hoped that an emblematic depiction of the family name and services on behalf of the Iberian monarchies could help overcome the malicious campaigns of mala fama that were launched against Nogueira. These campaigns also happened when the heirs of Lipsius divided themselves over polemics regarding the history of the Iberian empire and the reforms it needed to survive after 1618. Under the influence of these debates, historical writing became one of the most sought-after genres across the different societies that composed the Iberian monarchies. Mercenaries of knowledge would contribute to the construction of historical narratives that challenged Olivares’ vision of the Catholic monarchy. During the 1620s, many intellectuals who gravitated around the court confronted the problem of representing a comprehensive historical narrative that would encompass the monarchy’s central governance structure. Some thought that alternative histories could counterbalance the king’s failure in acknowledging the services of its subjects across its territories. The experience of men of letters with the ancillary qualifications for legal expertise – comfort with archives along with scribal, linguistic, and rhetorical skills – put them into a position as mediators amid international intellectual networks. From those positions, they attributed a critical meaning to what the establishment at the time defined as imperial success or decline. 117 118 119

Nogueira to Charles I of England, Rome–London, December 31, 1635, NA, SP 94/ 35, 96. Zwierlein (ed.), The Power of the Dispersed, p. 8. Tribaldos de Toledo, Obras de Francisco de Figueroa, f. 3.

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By reorienting his interests from the practice of law to genealogical research, Nogueira, too, contributed to a broader trend of writing the history of the composite monarchy based on the services provided by elites across the Catholic monarchy.120 For example, during Philip II’s reign the Portuguese cosmographer Lavanha started to work on a “description and history of His Majesty’s kingdoms and estates as well as a genealogy of its princes and kings.”121 Both Lavanha and Nogueira grappled with the issue of integrating the services of Portuguese families – both before and during the Iberian Union – into the history of the Hispanic monarchy. Nogueira even used some of Lavanha’s genealogical works for the writing of his own historical manuscripts. These manuscripts allowed him to create a reputation as an authority on the recent past. In 1618, for example, Nogueira produced a series of historical tracts collected as the “Relaçoens tiradas de various papeis para a Historia del Rey D. Sebastião com as noticias de Francisco Giraldés em Roma, e Inglaterra, e de Lourenço Pires de Tavora en Roma.”122 These works are lost, but can be reconstructed to a certain extent through the papers of other historical writers, like Lavanha, who relied on Nogueira’s work in their own.123 The first treatise was related to the enduring popularity of eschatological literature tied to the memory of King Sebastian (a trend known as Sebastianism), which promoted new interpretations of the history of Portugal before 1580.124 Such varied interpretations were politically potent during the Iberian Union, both for the Habsburg claims embodied by Philip II, III, and IV, and the later Braganza Restoration. Portuguese writers in royal service, like Lavanha, faced “the uncomfortable task of writing the first official chronicle of King Sebastian” in order to produce an official chronicle which could counterattack historians who used Sebastian’s memory to criticize the Iberian Union.125 As Regina Castro McGowan has studied, for the six years from 1618 to 120 121 122

123

124 125

Elliott, The Count-Duke, pp. 244–77. BNE, Ms. 11588. See Kagan, Clio and the Crown, p. 132. Barbosa Machado (1682–1772) noted that this relation had been written by “Vicente Nogueira em Lisboa a 12 de Setembro de 1618. Fo. M. S. Conservaõ-se na Livraria do Real Convento de Thomar da Ordem Militar de Christo.” Machado, Bibliotheca lusitana, III, p. 785. Lavanha’s copy of the relation is signed and dated by Nogueira (Lisbon, September 12, 1618). See McGowan, “Lavanha historiador,” p. 276. The fact that Lavanha included Nogueira’s relations in the draft of his chronicle illustrates the relationships that Nogueira enjoyed with royal historiographers (i.e. Tribaldos de Toledo, Tamayo y Vargas, and Lavanha). Ibid., pp. 271–82. On historical visions as a form of political criticism see Torres Megiani and Silvério Lima (eds.), Visions, Prophecies and Divinations. Castro McGowan, “Lavanha historiador,” 276–82. On Sebastianism see Hermann, No reino do desejado.

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1624, Lavanha busied himself collecting as many sources as possible related to Sebastian’s life for this commission. Nevertheless, the chronicle was left unfinished on his death in 1624. As was often the case for royal historiographers, Lavanha collaborated with multiple ministers and men of letters to gather the sources needed for his history. Among those sources was “A concórdia con Inglatera a travès de una relação de Vicente Nogueira.”126 This “concórdia” referred to Sebastian’s project for an alliance between England and Portugal in the early 1570s, a project which did not at all please Sebastian’s uncle, Philip II, and which increased diplomatic tensions between England and Spain. Nogueira’s interest in this episode was no accident. It reveals a desire to demonstrate from historical sources the divergent political views of the two rulers. It is also a testimony to Nogueira’s access to political papers and his role in distributing their information. To write the “Concórdia,” Nogueira used the papers of Francisco Giraldés, a merchant with Florentine origins, specialized in the commerce of sugar and slaves, who was appointed as Portuguese resident ambassador in England (1571–1578) and France (1579–1581). He also had access to the diplomatic correspondence of Juan Gomes de Silva (c. 1532–1601).127 These sources not only provided evidence for Nogueira, but they also communicated a political message. In addition to experiencing firsthand the tragic 1578 expedition of King Sebastian to Morocco, Silva’s admiration for the Protestant Queen of England was an open secret.128 Relying on Silva’s letters underlined Portugal’s and England’s entangled history before the Iberian Union. In addition, Nogueira defended the peace negotiations with England based on the memory of having been present in Valladolid during the ratification of the Treaty of London. In addition to his writings about the projected English alliance, he also wrote about Portuguese–papal relations, as in “Embaxada de Lourenço Pires de Tavora 126

127

128

McGowan indicates that Francisco de Lucena (state counselor of Portugal) acquired this manuscript in 1626. Lavanha’s draft and copies of Nogueira’s “relations” were circulating during a period when complaints rose concerning the place that Portugal and its colonies should play in the composite universe of the Hispanic monarchy. Silva was appointed as Philip II’s ambassador in Lisbon when Sebastian was preparing his expedition to Morocco. After 1580, he was appointed as Captain General of Portugal. Nogueira learned about the documents of Silva through the latter’s son, Diego de Silva (1579–1640). See Bouza, “Corte es decepción,” 451–502. Juan and Diego de Silva owned the manuscript of Hurtado de Mendoza’s Historia de la Guerra de Granada published by Nogueira and Tribaldos de Toledo. The dedication which opens Mendoza’s Guerra de Granada (1627) is grounded in genealogical intricacies related to the Nogueira. The image of Elizabeth I was ambivalent. On Silva’s admiration for Elizabeth see Montrose, The Subject of Elizabeth, p. 163; Bouza (ed.), Anglo-hispana; and Olid Guerrero and Fernández, The Image of Elizabeth I.

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a Roma no anno de 59 da obedencia Portugal Paulo IV.”129 In this work, Nogueira demonstrated a good knowledge of the negotiations between the Papacy and Portugal over ecclesiastical patronage and rights to nominate bishops during the sixteenth century. This knowledge would prove handy when John IV of Portugal became preoccupied with affirming his sovereignty over ecclesiastical matters after 1640, but by 1618 Nogueira had already cultivated this recent history to criticize the monarchy’s turn, under Olivares’ influence and against Lerma’s Pax Hispánica, toward reputación over pacificación. As Nogueira turned from his letrado career to becoming a man of letters, those manuscripts represented some of the earliest projects with which he would make his name as a well-informed historian of the present times. As he later depicted, his letrado education and courtly connections had laid the groundwork for this in-demand expertise: [Vicente Nogueira] entered the palace as a child and was raised there, and helped his father almost all his life, [where he had] a tightly close relationship with the most important courtiers. Especially the Duke of Sessa, who has four hundred original manuscripts from the chancellery of Charles V, Philip II, and Philip III – a treasure which Philip IV is not able to match. It is easy to believe that the Spanish empire does not include any man more capable and skilled in its arcane policies because he can bring together so much experience reading and from the long-standing communication that he always had with the most important lords and ministers. They keep him informed of everything, including [what is brought by] the ambassadors of almost all princes, who visit him often, informing him even of their instructions. [These ambassadors] include not only those of Florence, Savoy, and Bavaria, but also those of the Pope, Emperor, France, and others.130

He always claimed to have enjoyed access to royal and private archives across the peninsula, thereby fashioning himself as one of the central actors on an information wheel that drew from privileged sources. Genealogical practices fostered international debates about historical forgeries.131 By 1618, Nogueira extended his genealogy research beyond his case to advocate for pacific politics when hostilities rose again in Europe. When later reflecting upon what he had achieved in the Iberian Peninsula, he affirmed that he had done “more than anyone” concerning genealogical matters.132 Genealogical inquiries allowed him to reinforce 129 131

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130 See the original at BNP, Ms. 887, ff. 5–25v. See “Brevissimo apuntamiento.” On learned exchanges and genealogical archives see Friedrich, The Birth of the Archive, esp. chapter 8. On the development of a critical sense by genealogical forgers and critics see Grafton, Defenders of the Text and Forgers and Critics. “De materie genealogiche havea io forse piu che nessuno.” Nogueira to Francesco Barberini, Rome, January 5, 1637, BAV, Barb. Lat. 6472, f. 9r.

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political exchanges across the peninsula. Even though Nogueira did not publish this research, he maintained an active genealogical agenda through his correspondence with friends and patrons, exploring his family and Portugal’s most recent history.133 Likewise, Nogueira used Lavanha’s genealogical works for the writing of his own historical manuscripts.134 Nogueira’s interest in the recent past of the Portuguese monarchy overlapped with the growing attention that other intellectuals and their patrons gave to messianic prophecies and to the history of King Sebastian.135 Among the writers who gravitated around Vicente’s patrons – such as Juan Fernández de Velasco – was the Benedictine Antonio de San Román de Ribadeneyra, who became famous for his Historia General de la India Oriental and the Iornada y muerte del Rey Don Sebastian de Portugal (1603).136 Nogueira was no stranger to historians like San Román, who vaunted “the ancient and courageous Portuguese, who from the edges of Spain, expanded the sovereignty of its Kings through so many provinces and kingdoms of Africa and Asia.”137 By the 1620s, San Román’s text could be read as a potent criticism against Spain, especially for those concerned with the status of Portugal within the hierarchy of kingdoms that belong to the Catholic monarchy.138 His relationship with Velasco underpinned this critical reading, since Velasco’s daughter, Ana de Velasco y Girón, had married the Seventh Duke of Braganza, and they became the parents of the future restorer of the monarchy of Portugal (John IV of Braganza).139 As the author of the Historia general de la India oriental noted: “the most principal house of this kingdom (Portugal) contains today in its heart the blood of your Excellency, especially since the Duke don Teodósio of Braganza became 133

134

135 136 137 138 139

The Jesuit Severim de Faria, the royal historiographers Tribaldos de Toledo, Tamayo de Vargas, and Lavanha (1550–1624) – who was also an expert genealogist – used Nogueira’s research. On his genealogical antiquarianism see his letter to Severim de Faria on June 6, 1626, in which he discusses the funerary inscriptions of the Church of São Lourenço in Lisbon. Gonçalves Serafim and Freitas Carvalho (eds.), Um diálogo epistolar, pp. 64–5. On the use of letters as genealogical workshops during the 1620s see Montcher, “La carta como taller historiográfico,” 109–200. Nogueira and Lavanha shared friends and moved in similar intellectual circles. See the introduction of João Baptista Labanha, La Jornada Real; and Gúzman Almagro, “Las inscripciones en el Itinerario,” 291–331. See Amaral de Oliveira, Sebástica; and MacKay, The Baker Who Pretended to Be King. Both works were dedicated to Velasco and published in Spanish in Valladolid for the first time in 1603. See San Román’s Dedicatoria to Velasco. Cardim, “História, política e reputação,” 91–130. The Eighth Duke of Braganza (future John IV) married Luisa de Guzmán in 1633. This wedding sealed the alliance of the Braganzas with the Dukes of Medina Sidonia and bolstered the polarization of political opinions, especially those concerning a Portuguese Restoration during the Iberian Union.

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worthy of being the son of your Excellence.” Even though they seemed to remain loyal to the Spanish king after 1580 and until 1640, the Braganzas never stopped thinking about restoring “their kingdom.”140 Beginning as early as 1618, Nogueira echoed these desires of restoration in his Relaçãos and put his legal training and contacts into the service of Portuguese history. Through his associations with Velasco, Nogueira collaborated with other mercenaries of knowledge.141 As Nogueira later bragged to foreign correspondents, Velasco compared him favorably with his librarian, Pedro Mantuano.142 Mantuano was on the lookout for professional advancement. Like Nogueira, he became disenchanted after failing to obtain prestigious appointments.143 Mantuano’s fortunes as a courtier rose in parallel to a bitter polemic in which he criticized the Jesuit, Juan de Mariana, for the latter’s comments about the authenticity of St. James’ historical presence in Spain.144 After Mariana’s exile from the court, following tensions with Lerma, Mantuano added fuel to the fire by confronting the Jesuit’s defender, the historian Tomás Tamayo de 140

141

142

143

144

The Braganza organized a court with a network of patronage that spanned all over and beyond the Iberian Peninsula. See Soares da Cunha, A Casa de Bragança, pp. 21–6 and 45–200. Velasco was a key vector for relations between Nogueira and Tribaldos. In Spain, Tribaldos de Toledo benefited from Velasco’s patronage. Tribaldos honored the memory of his patron by publishing in Milan the De la Silva de varias poesías, en diversas lenguas, en alabança del Gran Condestable de Castilla Iuan Fernández de Velasco in 1623. Along with other poets, Tribaldos celebrated Velasco’s library by comparing it to those of other Spanish aristocrats. Géal, Figures de la bibliothèque, p. 67. On Tribaldos’ participation in this compilation see Montero Delgado et. al., El Condestable Juan Fernández de Velasco y Tovar, V Duque de Frías (c. 1550–1613), 305. Velasco also supported Erycius Puteanus, another disciple of Lipsius, to obtain a title of historiographer of the Spanish King. AGS, Secretaría de Milán, leg. 1798, exped. 105, May 23, 1603. On Puteanus, his connection with Lipsius, and friendships with scholars working alongside Velasco, see Puteanus to Pedro Mantuano, Leuven, November 1609? Österreichische Nationalbibliotek, cod. 6024, f. 212v. On Puteanus’ movements between Italy and the Low Countries, see Annoni et al., Storia dell’Ambrosiana, pp. 123–5, and “Acta Puteanaea,” 167–421. Like Lope de Vega, Mantuano chronicled the 1615 Franco–Spanish royal weddings. See Mantuano, Casamientos. In 1611, Mantuano wrote the Seguro de Tordesillas, in which he celebrated the origins of Velasco’s linage. Velasco intimated that Mantuano had much to learn from Nogueira: “e o já alegado condestable dizia, há já dúzias de anos, que P. Mantuano, sue bibliotecário, podia ser meu discípulo.” Gonçalves Serafim and Freitas Carvalho (eds.), Um diálogo epistolar, p. 368. On Mantuano as Velasco’s librarian see Gascón Ricao, “Pedro Mantuano,” vol. 2, 817–36. In 1614, Mantuano appeared among the candidates considered to substitute the archivist of Simancas during the minority of the latter’s son. AHN, Consejos Suprimidos, CdC, CdG, leg. 4420, exped. 177. Mantuano’s attack against Mariana paralleled those launched by Lerma against the Jesuit. The duke was taking his revenge against Mariana after the latter had criticized his economic reforms. See Mantuano, Advertencias a la historia.

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Vargas.145 Nogueira was well acquainted with these authors. He knew Tamayo de Vargas, who came from a rich family in Toledo and was an expert bibliographer.146 Along with Tamayo and Velasco, Nogueira acquired experience related to historical writings while consolidating collaborative editorial projects. He gained credentials as a bibliographer, even coming to criticize Velasco (posthumously) for buying “inappropriate books” and claiming that he had introduced Velasco to the acceptable practices of library building. Through his relationship with Velasco and rivalry with Mantuano, Nogueira familiarized himself with the most noted literary polemics of his time. For example, Velasco had put a good deal of effort into promoting the critiques of the so-called Prete Jacopín against the late sixteenthcentury Sevillian poet, Fernando de Herrera.147 He criticized what he considered to be the unjust editorial purification of the Renaissance poet Garcilaso de la Vega in Herrera’s 1580 Anotaciones.148 Behind the literary controversy, a political battle between two groups was raging. On one side, a faction was organized around the patronage of the Count of Olivares in Seville. On the other side, a second group was closely related to Lerma in Madrid. When the polemic reached its peak, the humanist Francisco López de Aguilar (1585–1665) – a friend of Lope de Vega – sent Nogueira manuscripts that contained unedited verses by Garcilaso. As a broker of manuscripts, Nogueira contributed to the contest over the reappropriation of Garcilaso’s memory as an imperial poet and soldier by the politics of reputación during Philip IV’s reign. Nogueira shared his materials with Mantuano’s fiercest opponent, Tamayo de Vargas, who would use them when editing Garcilaso’s poems in 1622.149 Velasco’s patronage introduced scholars such as Mantuano and Nogueira to polemics that had wide-ranging effects and gave them exposure across the Republic of Letters. Mantuano did all he could to remain in Velasco’s family’s service. After his patron’s death in 1613, he involved himself ever more in polemics, striving to make his work resonate outside the Iberian Peninsula while counterbalancing his loss of 145 146 147 148 149

Tamayo de Vargas, Historia general de España. Tamayo maintained close ties with Mariana before becoming a royal historiographer. See Tamayo de Vargas, Junta de libros. The Observaciones del Licenciado Prete Jacopín belong to a corpus that criticized Herrera’s work on Garcilaso. See Alatorre, “Garcilaso, Herrera, Prete Jacopín,” 126–51. Herrera, Obras de Garcilasso. Tamayo de Vargas, Garcilasso de la Vega. Nogueira helped his friends by acquiring ninety-six unbound copies of this edition. See Morel-Fatio, “Vicente Noguera et son discours sur la langue et les auteurs d’Espagne,” 14. He eventually contributed to Briceño de Córdoba’s 1626 Lisbon edition of Garcilaso’s poems. Both Tamayo and Briceño acknowledged Nogueira’s role as a manuscript broker in this episode.

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influence at court. This strategy proved a double-edged sword. Mantuano was suspected of having written a history of England, in which the author questioned the honesty behind the freedom of conscience that King James I had granted to his Catholic subjects. This history went even further by implying that the English monarch did not believe in the immortality of the soul. In 1618, the English agent in Spain complained about Mantuano to Baltasar de Zúñiga. Though Zúñiga acknowledged Mantuano’s value as a man of letters, he recommended to Philip III to seize the latter’s papers and expel him from the court.150 Mantuano’s fate provided a valuable example to Nogueira of how mercenaries of knowledge might secure their livelihoods adjacent to or outside their networks of patronage, as well as the risks of such an endeavor. Through Mantuano’s example, Nogueira cultivated an interest in historical polemics. While associated with Velasco, he familiarized himself with the political implications of sacred histories, including those related to St. James’ arrival in Spain and the discovery of the apocryphal Lead Books in Granada at the end of the sixteenth century.151 Both the St. James polemic and the Granada Lead Book forgeries served to reaffirm Iberia’s early forms of Christianity and strengthen the legitimacy of Iberian privileges over ecclesiastical matters (real patronato). Thanks to his friendship with Tribaldos de Toledo, Nogueira gained firsthand knowledge of the early Christianization of Spain. For his part, Tribaldos maintained a relationship with the Arabic translator and member of the Roman academy of the Lincei, Diego de Urrea (c. 1559–1616), who, between Madrid and Naples, worked on “adapting” his translations of the Lead Books of Granada with “necessary” truths.152 Nogueira understood that forgeries such as those of Granada knew no

150

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152

“[Y] assi entiendo que convendria a Su Real servicio mandar recoger estos papeles de Mantuano y al mandarle salir dela Corte hasta que Su Magestad mande otra cosa dando satisfacion al Agente de Inglaterra.” Zúñiga to Philip III, August 10, 1618, AGS, E., Corona de Castilla, leg. 264. I thank Nicole Reinhardt for pointing my attention to this document. The Iberian arrival of St. James had long been contested by scholars specialized in ecclesiastical history, including Cardinal Baronio (1538–1607), who, as historian of the Pope, downplayed the narrative of an early Christianization of the Iberian Peninsula. On the other hand, recent episodes such as the “discovery” of the Lead Books in Granada presented Christian prophecies written in Arabic, nominally intended to show a first-century Arabic Christianity responsible for converting Hispania. The proplomos arguments tried to dissociate the language (Arabic in this case) from its association to Islam as part of the case against expelling Spain’s moriscos. See Feros, “Rhetoric of Expulsion,” 60–101; and García-Arenal, “The Religious Identity of the Arabic Language,” 495–528. Tribaldos to the Marques of Estepa, February 22, 1633. On Tribaldos and Urrea see García-Arenal and Rodríguez Mediano, The Orient in Spain, p. 235.

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boundaries once they became part of debates cultivated across the Republic of Letters. The ability to compare cases on an international scale was an asset when reinforcing connections with Rome where the Papacy attempted to regulate a surge of historical forgeries. Scholars trained in law, such as Nogueira, thus joined a community eager to denounce false histories yet aware of the importance of such histories for sovereign claims between the Popes and other Catholic rulers. Nogueira’s exposure to historical polemics gave him the tool he needed to become a critic of Spain’s treatment of Portuguese history. As tensions between Madrid and Lisbon increased in the 1620s, Nogueira continued to seek out sources and correspondents which would allow him to participate in the writing of that history.153 On January 22, 1626, he corresponded with the polymath Manuel Severim de Faria (1585–1655), sending him a letter from a Portuguese explorer, João de Sa, related to the trip the latter took with Vasco da Gama to India. The goal of this exchange was twofold. On one side, it provided Nogueira with an opportunity to position himself as a contributor in the literary exegesis of Luis de Camões’ epic poem Os Lusíadas (1572) and the history of Vasco da Gama and his descendants. On the other side, it functioned as an excuse to enquire about a point of Roman law (e.g. “lei régia”) concerned with how the Roman people and Senate granted full power to the first emperors.154 Considerations about the lei régia formed part of a broader legal argument that men of letters fashioned about the medieval foundation of the Portuguese monarchy. Nogueira and Faria’s conversation ranged widely in connections to other concerns about the history of the empire. While corresponding with the Evora-based historian, Nogueira gathered information concerning Persian manuscripts, lists of armies located in Lombardy, and maps of past Iberian victories against Islamic armies. In his letters to Faria, Nogueira also criticized the Jesuit Jerónimo Román de la Higuera, a vociferous defender of forgeries that would become known as the falsos crónicones.155 The exchanges of these Portuguese polymaths are among many examples of how men of 153 154

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Cardim, “Portugal’s Elites and the Status of the Kingdom of Portugal,” 230–1. Since this law was nowhere to be found in its written form, Nogueira was looking for inscriptions, especially those located in St. John Lateran in Rome (dating from the period of Emperor Vespasian) that would provide a later version of the original law. Nogueira pursued here research initiated decades earlier by the Spanish humanist Antonio Agustín. See Nogueira to ?, Lisbon, January 22, 1626, Gonçalves Serafim and Freitas Carvalho (eds.), Um diálogo epistolar, pp. 62–3. Nogueira to Manuel Severim de Faria, Lisbon, June 6, 1626. See Ibid., p. 64. In a report on Etruscan forgeries, Nogueira drew comparisons between the forgeries of la Higuera and the polemic of the Virgin of El Pilar in Zaragoza. BAV, Chigi G. II. 650, 235–36. On la Higuera see Olds, Forging the Past.

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letters, formed at universities and through court contacts, sought to deploy their skills and knowledge as the second generation of the Iberian Union came of age.

1.3

Conclusion

The imbrications of the learned and political spheres in the Hispanic monarchy through the involvement of letrados in the international marketplace for genealogies and historical polemics flourished just as they completed their education. Their educational and professional activities reveal the connected histories of the literary history of the so-called Iberian Golden Age, the Republic of Letters, Baroque diplomacy, and the formation of a European public sphere of opinion amid seventeenthcentury conflicts.156 Thanks to their exposure to multidimensional educational systems, their contacts with a wide range of institutions of governance and spaces of sociability, their engagement with specific but international historical controversies, and improvised relations of patronage, these men of letters learned the importance of controlling the production of historical, genealogical, and literary works. After all, erudition constituted a fundamental part of Spanish and Portuguese Baroque politics. From the theatrical stages to the publication of chronicles, historical knowledge brought together literature, antiquarianism, political theory, and arts. Mercenaries of knowledge could not afford to turn their backs on this new politics of history promoted by the grandees who were also their patrons. Nevertheless, these new politics posed risks to those who were not sufficiently protected, or whose patrons found themselves on the losing side of court factions. To survive in such a world, some men of letters transformed their access to historical sources and their historical criticism skills into a commodity. This commodification process accompanied the mercenarization of men, who had to reinvent themselves as soon as the fate of their patrons changed or when an attempt to neutralize their stocks of commodified historical sources and knowledge was made. With the widening of this marketplace of ideas came a concomitant attempt to set limits on those ideas and their market. Discussions about the legal basis of history writing fostered inquisitorial and civil censorship. Mercenaries of 156

See Amelang, “Bringing the Public Sphere into Play: The Spanish Case,” a talk presented at the UCLA Conference on Iberia, the Mediterranean, and the World in the Medieval and Early Modern Periods, October 2018, Los Angeles. See also Gutiérrez, La espada, el rayo y la pluma; and Marín Cepeda, Cervantes y la corte de Felipe II.

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knowledge became increasingly aware that diplomatic issues conditioned the writing of political history and that both legal expertise and skepticism were fundamental heuristics when writing or judging historical accounts that could influence the political interference that nourished the Iberian Inquisitions. For this reason – sometimes at high personal cost – these mercenaries used the Republic of Letters to engage on an international level with historical narratives, historians, and reformers concerned with refashioning the history of the present to challenge power structures they identified as intolerant and outdated.

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The Mercenary Republic

Beyond Habsburg territories, men of letters integrated into intellectual and political networks which created intensive circulations between Spain, Portugal, France, and the Italian Peninsula, particularly of ideas and materials related to shared concerns about political tolerance and religious absolutism. Those who came of age during the Pax Hispanica benefited from the professional and intellectual experiences of serving a composite ensemble like the Hispanic monarchy, since the skills they gained through those experiences connected them to networks which crisscrossed from Flanders to Castile, Lisbon to Milan, Madrid to Naples and Rome, and from there to a broader Republic of Letters.1 In the seventeenth century, then, the Iberian Peninsula functioned both as a center and as a province of the Republic of Letters. One reason for the demand for Iberian materials was that political disputes around the reach of Spanish and Portuguese royal sovereignties fostered debates within and outside the Iberian monarchies. The hegemonic place that the Iberian monarchies occupied in Europe and in colonial territories fostered international rivalries and anti-Spanish discourses. These discourses overlapped with narratives linked to the socalled Black Legend but they also accompanied discourses that idealized an Iberian Golden Age.2 In the midst of conflicts of sovereignty, men of letters with legal training were in demand to sustain claims related, for example, to a growing Roman party at the core of the Spanish court. The gathering of documents and the circulations of histories fostered questions about topics such as “ecclesiastical liberty” or “apostolic authority.”

1

2

On the Republic of Letters and its multiple provinces, including their impact on the distribution and circulation of locally produced knowledge, see Grafton, “A Sketch Map of a Lost Continent,” https://arcade.stanford.edu/rofl/sketch-map-lost-continentrepublic-letters, accessed September 9, 2019. See Sánchez Jiménez (ed.), Leyenda negra.

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These debates were just the tip of an iceberg of exchanges of bibliographical materials which strongly influenced the political and literary cultures of the Iberian Golden Age and in which mercenaries of knowledge would come to play an important role. This Iberian Golden Age – even today most often framed as an inwardlooking literary and artistic movement – in fact reflected international concerns, thanks to the positioning of mercenaries of knowledge ready to deploy their talents in the service of patrons far beyond Iberia. For example, in the Prologue to the Reader of the second part of Don Quixote (1615), Miguel de Cervantes referred to aristocrats traveling to Spain who sought out his literary news during the negotiations for Franco– Spanish royal weddings. For Cervantes – and other men of letters of his time – these negotiations drew back a curtain obscuring the intellectual contributions of Iberian men of letters on the international stage of the Republic of Letters. In addition, they provided welcome exposure for Iberian intellectuals to international colleagues. The Manco de Lepanto bragged to his readers that his fame knew no boundaries, claiming that even the Chinese emperor had tried to recruit him as a tutor of future Chinese literati. Cervantes’ Prologue thus played with the idea that authorities from far-away lands expressed interest in Iberian intellectuals and their literary products with the same concern as if they were vital goods of diplomatic value in global information markets. Though Cervantes’ boast about the Chinese emperor was either cynical or wishful thinking, a real interest for Spanish and Portuguese literature was promoted by the successful commercialization of Iberian books and manuscripts, and by instantaneous and often creative adaptations of literary, theatrical, and historical works.3 The demand for Iberian texts was matched by a reciprocal interest for literature produced outside the Hispanic monarchy. Literary figures such as Cervantes, or like Nogueira, sought or pretended to seek external support and patrons, and thus contributed to international and interpersonal exchanges of texts and ideas. These exchanges taught them that their concerns about inquisitorial interference in royal administrations were shared by others beyond the Peninsula. A mercenary republic was thus cultivated through literary friendships. This chapter explores how such a republic was constituted around the circulation, censorship, and accumulation of “foreign” books, texts, and letters that discussed the limits of royal authority across the empire, emphasizing the integration of 3

For the reception of Cervantes’ texts in France under the queen regent, Marie de’ Medici, and Louis XIII, see Zuili, “Nuevas aportaciones sobre el hispanista francés César Oudin,” 203–11.

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composite Iberian networks into the triangle of Catholic internationalism between France, Iberia, and Italian powers. Finally, the chapter zooms in on the habits of book collecting that conditioned and were conditioned by such exchanges. In addition to editorial projects, the building of libraries fostered the participation of mercenaries of knowledge in broader political debates, such as those over the defense of the privileges of a kingdom to regulate its relations with foreign powers. Men of letters with legal experience were valued for their experience in making evidence-based arguments and their access to that evidence from archives and libraries, especially historical examples. At the same time, and from the perspective of the authorities they criticized, these same libraries offered opportunities to critique men of letters on their way to mercernarization, becoming signs of dissent connected with anti-Spanish interests which needed to be neutralized. 2.1

Writing a History of Toleration for the Present

Vicente Nogueira’s letrado background provided him with resources through which to engage with colleagues all over Europe. His correspondence with non-Iberian men of letters reveals a transnational contingent of scholars in vigorous dialogue in the first decades of the seventeenth century, who believed that political sovereignty could not be based legitimately on religious absolutism, especially against minorities or dissident voices. These men had no quarrel with state or royal power in itself; most were employed by and declared themselves loyal subjects of various Catholic princes. They nevertheless thought it their duty to express doubts about some aspects of royal justice, especially pertaining to the toleration of minorities, based on legal precedent and historical examples. Both the epistolary networks of the Republic of Letters and transnational print markets provided opportunities for scholars with similar goals to compare notes on different precedents and examples, drawing on them as needed for their own agendas. Indeed, these scholars were linked to state power through their professions or patrons. In France, for example, the legal expert, historian, and former president of the Parliament of Paris, Jacques-Auguste de Thou (1553–1617), worked on a compromise between the pro-Iberian politics of the queen regent, Marie de’ Medici, and the anti-Spanish positions of Protestant sympathizers in the 1610s.4 De Thou had already contributed substantially to the drafting of the peace treaty with Spain and the Edict 4

Henry IV’s assassination in 1610 threatened the group of the Politiques, to which De Thou belonged. See Wanegffelen, De Michel de L’Hospital.

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of Nantes in 1598.5 In the intervening period, he had written and begun publishing his Historia ipsius temporis (History of Our Times), in which he sought a balanced telling of the Wars of Religion which challenged advocates for Catholic orthodoxy.6 As a member of the Politiques, a party that proposed a nonconfessional way out of the wars of religion, De Thou wanted to update his account with examples of individual trajectories that could illustrate a history of resistance against such orthodoxy in foreign countries. By 1615, he planned a new edition of his history, hoping to incorporate new information so that he could tailor his narrative to confront the polemics that his Historia has raised.7 After the 1609 Roman inquisitorial censorship and the 1612 Spanish expurgation of his work, he sought supporters from the core of European Catholic orthodoxy, in Rome and Spain, to defend his vision of the recent past, but it seemed an uphill battle.8 He sought informants who could help him advance the writing of the recent history of Franco– Spanish conflicts. Scholars living in the Hispanic monarchy also wanted to explore how foreign historians had advocated for political toleration. To his surprise, De Thou received a letter from Lisbon on September 28, 1615.9 Though he already counted on advocates in Spain such as Miguel Ribère (probably of Spanish origins), he had been looking for supporters who could

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After 1610, De Thou worked on behalf of the peace he helped craft a decade earlier. On May 23, 1612, the Pact of Montigny confirmed the acceptance of the Franco–Spanish weddings by the Prince of Condé and the Count of Soissons. However, the agreement was broken when, on January 1614, the princes left the court as a sign of protest against the matrimonies. De Thou intervened in the making of the Treaty of Sainte Menehould (May 15, 1614). This treaty sought a compromise between the queen, the princes, and the États généreaux. The États gathered in Paris between October 1614 and February 1615. The assembly validated the weddings and recognized Louis XIII’s majority. It would be the last convocation until the États of 1789. Partisans of Catholic reform rewrote the histories of the Church. In Rome, Cardinal Cesare Baronio (1538–1607) worked to counter De Thou’s history. The History Wars represented by the opposing views of De Thou and Baronio challenged the efforts of humanists to affirm the sovereignty of the king of France over Spain and the Pope. See De Thou, Historiarum sui temporis. A year after the expurgation of his history in the 1612 Index of Prohibited and Expurgated Books of the Spanish Grand Inquisitor, Bernardo de Sandoval y Rojas, De Thou wrote Hyclatis, a poem criticizing Spain. Less than two years later, however, he was celebrating the Franco–Spanish weddings with another poem. De Smet, Thuanus, p. 272. On his interest for Spain see De Thou, La vie, p. 227. The 1612 expurgation can be read as an attempt by the Spanish Inquisition to nuance de Thou’s grievances against Philip II, but it can also be understood as a way to soften the Roman censorship of his work. Montcher, “Early Modern Collaborative Scholarship and Censorship,” 88–107. Nogueira to De Thou, Lisbon–Poitiers?, September 28, 1615, BnF, Dupuy 632, ff. 65–73; and BMV, Morel-Fatio, ms. 16, ff. 193r–6v.

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praise his history while keeping him informed of political and literary life in the peninsula.10 De Thou’s excitement was such that he informed family members that an “unknown Spaniard” had written about his History “with affection and praise.”11 He marveled that the letter came from a “place, where he had [so far] received no letters of support, nor hoped to receive any.” It contained the surprisingly positive “judgment of a Spaniard” about his stance on political toleration for French Protestants.12 The letter was authored by a certain Vicente Nogueira and arrived when De Thou was in Poitiers, on his way back from Bordeaux, where he had accompanied Princess Isabella of Bourbon, the wife of Philip IV, to the Spanish border.13 At this stage, any support, especially coming from the Iberian Peninsula, was priceless for De Thou who needed information about Spain to extend the chronology of his work up to 1610.14 On February 29, 1616, he prepared his answer to the Portuguese.15 The tone was friendly. He had never dared hope that a “Spaniard would be willing to fill with praises a French man [like him], and even less so overwhelm him with them.”16 It turned out that Nogueira and De Thou shared similar legal and historiographical definitions of sovereignty and tolerance deriving from their varied experiences during the Pax Hispanica, on the one hand, and 10

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De Thou to Nogueira, Poitiers–Lisbon, February 29, 1616, Gonçalves Serafim and Freitas Carvalho (eds.), Um diálogo epistolar, pp. 58–61. In 1615, Ribère accompanied Isabella of Bourbon to Spain. Between 1615 and 1616, he exchanged letters with Ribère while negotiating the Peace of Loudun. Ribère sent De Thou rare manuscripts, including a copy of the Mozarabic rite via the Madrid offices of the Lyon printer Cardom. In Spain, Ribère carried on with practices he had already established in Rome when sending to De Thou Ethiopian and Arabic translations of the New Testament. Ribère to De Thou, BnF, Dupuy 819, ff. 202–3; and Coron, “JacquesAuguste de Thou et sa bibliothèque,” 116–17. De Thou to Pierre Dupuy?, Poitiers–Paris, January 27, 1616, BnF, Dupuy 709, f. 25bis; and BMV, Morel Fatio, ms. 16, ff. 188–9. Ibid. f. 189. De Thou had long struggled to establish steady contacts with the Iberian Peninsula. This lack of contacts contrasted with his references to Spanish and Portuguese scholars and politicians in his Historia. Stegmann, “L’Europe intellectuelle de J.A. de Thou,” 397–8. See Montcher, “Early Modern Collaborative Scholarship and Censorship,” 98. Though ready to start the publishing process of this edition, De Thou lost his wife in 1616 and fell sick under the weight of his critics. He died in 1617. The first volume of this edition appeared in 1618. BnF, Dupuy 409 and 632, ff. 50v–2v. For the minutes that De Thou composed beforehand see BnF, Dupuy 639, 79; and BMV, Morel-Fatio, ms. 16, ff. 225–6. After considering in which language to respond to Nogueira’s letter, written in Spanish, De Thou composed his in Latin. The French historian was concerned that a text written in French could be misinterpreted by anyone who might inadvertently or willingly intercept his message while on its way to Lisbon. De Thou to Nogueira, Poitiers– Lisbon, February 29, 1616, Gonçalves Serafim and Freitas Carvalho (eds.), Um diálogo epistolar, p. 60.

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the pro-toleration aftermath of French wars of religion, on the other. In his letter, the Portuguese criticized those who “were condemning” De Thou’s history in Spain. He opened his letter stating that he “had not read any better History.”17 His main advice to the French historian was to not overreact to critics who accused the latter of “not bloodying his sword against the sectarians (Protestants), and celebrating their virtues.”18 Nogueira appealed to De Thou’s sense of himself as a sincere Catholic and a neo-stoic political thinker who was, first and foremost, loyal to his king and state. To illustrate this idea, the Portuguese made a statement concerning the use of forced conversion to Catholicism by sovereign authorities: [R]egarding the people, the better we treat them with works and words, the more receptive we will have prepared them to be to the idea of the conversion of their errors toward the Orthodox Faith of the Holy Roman Church, our Mother, which is the only thing that we ask from them.19

For Nogueira, a softer attitude toward enforcing conversion constituted one of the foundations of any legitimate authority. His letter testified to the fact that De Thou’s ideas concerning politics of confessionalization, like those of the Gallicans (defenders of the idea of a French national Catholic Church and tradition) and the Politiques, were not exclusive to France. Similar ideas were being debated across the Republic of Letters, including in the Hispanic monarchy. Having initiated a conversation on conversion strategies, Nogueira used his letter to engage in public self-fashioning around his exposure to distinct linguistic – and tacitly also religious – traditions. He sent to De Thou what is best described as a narrative curriculum.20 Nogueira emphasized his curiosity for the humanities, including his passion for languages such as Greek, which he had cultivated with Constantino Sofia reading classical history. Nogueira also mentioned his proficiency in 17

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For Nogueira, De Thou’s work constituted “the most truthful of the human histories.” Nogueira to De Thou, Lisbon, September 28, 1615, Gonçalves Serafim and Freitas Carvalho (eds.), Um diálogo epistolar, pp. 55–6. Ibid. “[N]o ensangrentarse V. S. mucho la Espada contra los Sectarios, y alaballes sus virtudes quando las tienen notorias, no merece respuesta.” Another correspondent of De Thou, Nicolas-Claude Fabri de Peiresc, used the term “virtuous” to describe Nogueira when recommending him to De Thou’s nephews decades later. Peiresc to the Dupuy brothers, September 9, 1636, BnF, Dupuy 718, f. 299; and Fatio, “Vicente Noguera,” 18–19. Nogueira to De Thou, Lisbon, September 28, 1615. “[Q]uanto mejor las trataremos de obras y de palabras, tanto mas las havremos dispuesto para la conversión de sus yerros a la Fee ortodoxa de la Santa Yglesia Romana, nuestra Madre, que es lo que solo de ellos pretendemos.” This narrative mentioned his grandfather, father, and his title of Moço-Fidalgo that he conceived as “an insignia of prime nobility.” References to his education, court relationships, and work in tribunals completed the list.

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Hebrew, which he practiced “with the same sufficiency as his maternal tongue”; Chaldean and Arabic, with which he claimed to be fairly familiar; and Italian, French, and German, languages that he knew well. He presented himself as an accomplished humanist who was passionate about history (his main interest), mathematics, musical theory, and algebra. Last but not least, he explained that he had become a cleric to obtain “benefices with which he would be able to philosophize.”21 In their letters, the two men shared a commitment to persuasion rather than coercion when it came to practices of religious conversion. De Thou confirmed to Nogueira that it was easier to “bring back, through the path of softness and by works of charity, those who strayed from the right path.”22 These ideas of softness and charity were the keystones of the community of knowledge they identified with. These values allowed farflung scholars with vastly different backgrounds to experience a kind of solidarity. According to De Thou, the virtue of the members of this community knew no boundaries, least of all geographical ones. Rather, virtue “travels in spirit the entire earth, trespasses seas, crosses mountains and rivers that by nature separate people.”23 For De Thou, his Portuguese correspondent formed part of this community as someone who freed himself from “the prejudice of the Patria,” and entered the ideal space of the Republic of Letters.24 Through shared patterns of self-fashioning that were habitual in scholarly correspondences, Nogueira and De Thou enunciated a shared political philosophy of toleration. De Thou reminded his correspondents about his participation in the elaboration of the Edict of Nantes (1598). He made the point that his professional training and identity as a lawyer bound him by the articles of that same royal edict which prohibited the public use of injurious terms against Protestants. With such a declaration, he asserted his loyalty simultaneously to Henri IV and to toleration. It is easy to imagine how such a statement might have resonated in Nogueira’s ears. When he received De Thou’s letter, Nogueira was in the delicate position of someone who, on one side, wanted to pursue his father’s advocacy on behalf of the status of Portugal within the Hispanic monarchy while showing himself loyal to the Spanish irenicism of Lerma in which he had been raised, but who, on the other side, was challenged personally and professionally by the Portuguese Inquisition. 21 24

22 23 Ibid. Ibid. Ibid. In his poem entitled Laurel de Apolo, Lope de Vega remembered Nogueira for “the sweetness of his soft way of speaking.” Lope underlined Nogueira’s belief in soft power, an idea that he pursued all his life. Only when free of patriotic prejudices could men of letters such as De Thou and Nogueira act as the guardians of an idea of sovereignty, based on political tolerance. Quoted by Morel-Fatio, “Vicente Noguera,” 4.

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Such international conversations opened the door to the potential of foreign exile. De Thou and Nogueira’s epistolary exchange reinforced their shared stance that – if the politics of a state did not follow the justice of the law – they would have to come forward as critics or, in the worstcase scenario, have to relocate elsewhere to honor the precepts they believed in. Both men were committed with the defense of a state that required them to be “truthful.” By seeking truth before reputation, they clashed with a generation of politicians that was rising to prominence in the antechamber of the Thirty Years’ War, such as the reputacionistas around Olivares. For De Thou, the correspondence with Nogueira was a windfall. Upon receipt of his letter, De Thou asked his collaborators to file the letter with others that arrived from Italy.25 Nogueira’s letter was then copied, translated, and used across the Republic of Letters as evidence that some “Spaniards” sympathized with the principles defended by the Politiques.26 By making his correspondence public, De Thou showed his critics the international support that his history received.27 Though he died soon after this epistolary exchange, De Thou’s reaction to Nogueira’s letter positioned the latter in a long history of subjects who, in the Hispanic monarchy and from a French perspective, raised their voices against inquisitorial political abuses. Likewise, during the writing of his Historia, De Thou had become interested in sixteenth-century Spanish historical figures such as the Archbishop of Toledo, Bartolomé 25

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“I beg you to search for the letters of our man and to let me know, if you find them, what they are all about.” When the Portuguese contacted Christophe Dupuy, the latter contacted his brothers in Paris informing them of his encounter with an old friend of De Thou’s. From Rome, Christophe asked his brothers to retrieve Nogueira’s letters in De Thou’s archive. BnF, Dupuy 730, ff. 5–6. Peiresc echoed Christophe’s question in a letter to the two brothers in Paris. BnF, Dupuy 718 and Morel-Fatio, “Vicente Noguera,” 17–18. When working on future editions in collaboration with family members, De Thou archived these documents as proof of his bona fides as a historian. See Lettres, mémoires et observations sur l’histoire de Monsieur le Prèsident de Thou, BnF, Dupuy 632. Nogueira’s letter was inserted in the Lettres, alongside correspondence sent by other scholars and politicians. BnF, Dupuy 632. See also a copy of De Thou’s letter contained in ÖN, cod. 6024, ff. 209–12. BnF, Dupuy 709; and BMV, Morel-Fatio, ms. 16, f. 189. Besides attacks coming from France, Rome, and Spain, monarchs such as James I of England expressed their discontent with De Thou’s history. James I asked his historian, Camden, to write against him. Since his failed attempt to succeed his brother-in-law in the office of the first president of the Parliament of Paris, De Thou’s career had suffered from attacks by Catholic and pro-Spanish agents. Among them, the German controversialist Kaspar Schoppe and the Jesuit Machaud wrote pamphlets against his history. See Scaliger Hypobolimaeus, Judicium de Stilo Historico, and Ecclesiasticus auctoritati Jacobi magnae Britanniae Regis Oppositus by Schoppe; and In Jacobi Aug. Thuani Historiarum Libros Notationes Autore Joanne-Baptista Gallo by Machaud.

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Carranza (1503–1576), who during the reign of Philip II challenged the way politics intersected with the Holy Office in matters of state governance.28 De Thou compiled information about men of letters who broke the mold of Catholic orthodoxy to show that more tolerant politics were possible in Catholic Spain.29 Such politics were not anti-Catholic, but they were decidedly anti-Inquisition and anti-Spanish. Via his history, De Thou was mapping the European Republic of Letters. He considered that Spanish armies and inquisitorial weapons were a threat against such a republic. To make his criticism even more powerful, he emphasized the virtuous men of letters across Iberian territories, alive or dead, who were defending or had defended the same virtues, ideals, and notions of truth as he did.30 Intellectual convergences between French and Iberian scholars were made possible thanks to long-term individual and group circulations between the two monarchies. In particular, many Iberian conversos and scholars had migrated to the southwestern part of France during the sixteenth century. Scholars such as Michel de Montaigne established relationships with members of these communities during the late sixteenth-century wars of religion. Such relationships were reinforced by the fact that these scholars came from families with mixed Spanish, Portuguese, and French origins. Court scholars and diplomats such as De Thou in France or Baltasar de Zúñiga in Spain kept these relationships alive through correspondence and scholarly work. For example, Zúñiga translated the Essais of Michel de Montaigne while residing in Paris as the Spanish ambassador at the French court. During the seventeenth century, Gallican precepts such as the denial of any temporal authority superior to the King of France (connected to a tradition which started in France around the thirteenth century and developed with the 1438 Pragmatic Sanction of Bourges and the Concordat of Bologna in 1516), resonated among those converso communities living outside the Iberian Peninsula.31 The visceral hatred of 28

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Carranza faced accusations of Lutheranism after his mission (1554–1557) to England on behalf of the marriage of Philip II with Mary I of England and the publication of his Comentarios sobre el catechismo christiano (1558), in which some of his contemporaries denounced his defense of sacred texts in the vernacular. Carranza retired to Rome in 1567, until he was acquitted by the Pope in 1576. On Carranza see Tellechea Idígoras, Fray Bartolomé Carranza; and Alvar Ezquerra, El arzobispo Carranza. Amid the recrudescence of conflicts with Spain, scholars were tasked by royal authorities to create compilations of “Spanish heterodox thinkers” to generate anti-Spanish propaganda. Thuau, Raison d’État, pp. 33–102. Fumaroli, La République des Lettres, pp. 49 and 107. On Gallican ideas and conversos in France see Stuczynski, “Richelieu in Marrano Garb,” 71–112.

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these communities against state-sponsored inquisitions echoed the works of French political thinkers. Though this generation of political critics conceived of themselves as loyal to legitimate sovereign power, it did not stop their distrust of the institution which used all of its powers to harass them. By sharing political opinions with French Gallicans and Iberian conversos, Nogueira built bridges to communicate with and through such communities. Such intellectual interactions depended on a Republic of Letters conceived as an international market of information that operated through commercial and diplomatic networks. French men of letters acquired news concerning the political and intellectual life of the Iberian monarchies through their contacts in southwest France and northern Spain. For example, Nogueira’s ideas arrived in France via the extraordinary embassy of Herni de Baufremont, Marquis of Senecey, at the Spanish court.32 Nogueira’s letter traveled from Lisbon to Madrid with Senecey’s mail. From there, it was sent to Antwerp before being redirected toward Paris. It finally ended up in De Thou’s hands in Poitiers. The Antwerp-based New Christian merchant-banker family of the Ximenez-d’Aragão, originally from Portugal, had been in charge of securing the mail. The fact that Nogueira and De Thou relied on Senecey and Ximenez shows how intertwined Franco-Iberian learned communications were with diplomacy, New Christian mercantile networks, and northern European cultures of knowledge.33 The itinerary of Nogueira’s letter also reveals that – while still working at the tribunal of the Suplicação in Lisbon – he enjoyed access to French diplomatic channels of communication in and outside the peninsula. When in Portugal, Nogueira effectively worked on behalf of French interests in Lisbon.34 Historiographical communications between Madrid, Antwerp, and Paris were consonant with other exchanges that Flemish, converso, and

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Fatio, “Vicente Noguera,” 6. In Madrid, Senecey worked on sealing the Franco–Spanish royal weddings. After participating in the 1614 États Generaux, he was sent to Spain to inform Philip III about the compromise that Marie de’ Medici and the princes had reached concerning the weddings. From Antwerp, Nogueira’s letter travelled with a note in French composed by the “chevalier Ximenez.” Ximenez to De Thou, BnF, Dupuy 632, f. 75; and BMV, Morel-Fatio, ms. 16, f. 191r. The “Cavalier” was probably Emmanuel Ximenez (1564–1632). On the involvement of Portuguese merchant families in the Iberian global trade from Antwerp see “The Possessions of the Portuguese Merchant-Banker Emmanuel Ximenez (1564–1632) in Antwerp,” http:// ximenez.unibe.ch/project/, accessed May 14, 2018. Israel, Diasporas within a Diaspora. On Nogueira’s connections with the French consulate in Lisbon see Brevissimo apuntamiento, NA, SP 94/35, f. 375r.

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Iberian scholars fostered about the political and intellectual life of the Catholic monarchy. De Thou closed his letter to Nogueira with specific requests.35 He asked him for information about the Portuguese historian João de Barros, the mathematician Petri Nonii, and the jurist Petrus Stella. The French historian sought additional data for the biographical notices he needed to incorporate in the new edition of his history.36 De Thou and Nogueira’s correspondence thus reinforced preexisting intellectual interactions, and also paved the way for men of letters of Nogueira’s generation in uncertain positions to seek support abroad. For example, as Nogueira later reported in another autobiographical account: [Nogueira] served during six years with notable sufficiency by acting as judge of the most important cases that were offered. One case that opposed the kings of Spain and France about the office of consul in Lisbon was particularly memorable. He decided against his king for the sake of justice. The latter estimated himself well served, which is a token of the Christian virtue of this grand King. The very Christian King of France wrote to Don Vicente honoring him and calling him lord three times in his letters, and offering him generous privileges.37

The text employs a rhetorical strategy designed to capture the attention of new protectors (including kings) who might see Nogueira as a subject who respected royal authority beyond factionalism. His report also contained a veiled critique of the evil counselors (especially inquisitors) who, during the 1614–1618 period, set the Hispanic monarchy on the road to perdition. The example of these Franco-Iberian interactions can be read as a new lens onto the emergence of mercenaries of knowledge from the second generation of scholars formed to serve the Iberian Union. In 1612, the Spanish Inquisition had published an expurgation of De Thou’s history which was automatically transferred to Portugal, where the Spanish Index was used by the Portuguese Holy Office. Inquisitorial censorship attracted both positive and negative attention to De Thou’s work. His critics maintained that he had handled “too softly the Sectarians 35 36

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De Thou and Nogueira also exchanged poetry. See Smet, Thuanus, p. 254. Previously, De Thou relied on scholars such as the naturalist Carolus Clusius, who, after traveling to Spain, provided him with information concerning the stay of the author of the De Humani Corporis Fabrica Libri Septem, Andreas Vesalius, in Spain before 1564. See the letter that Clusius sent to De Thou from Leuven on January 28, 1607 informing the latter about Vesalius’ Spanish stay and death in the Greek island of Zakynthos. De Thou needed this information for the biographical notice he dedicated to the physician in his history. BnF, Dupuy 632, f. 153; and BMV, Morel-Fatio, ms. 16, f. 231. “Brevissimo apuntamiento,” f. 375.

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[i.e. Protestants]” in his depictions of the wars of religion.38 Among such critics was the Portuguese man of letters – and a great rival of Nogueira – Luis Lobo de Silveira. Silveira sent a letter to De Thou on July 7, 1616, with the excuse of needing information from De Thou to revise a history that the former had written about the French wars of religion.39 In his letter, Silveira informed De Thou that the latter’s lack of “moderation” when praising the Protestants had caused the negative reception of his work in Iberia.40 Silveira even suggested that De Thou had been criticized in Spain for condemning the royal punishment of the French Protestant Admiral Coligny, and the St. Bartholomew’s Day massacre in 1572.41 Why would Silveira go through so much trouble to explain something which could only have antagonized the French historian? Beyond his genuine interest in pro-Catholic historiographical matters, Lobo was undermining the interests of a rival, Vicente Nogueira, and the latter’s correspondence with De Thou.42 Silveira’s attack on De Thou arrived soon after the encomiastic letter of Nogueira. The timing was no accident. The two Portuguese mercenaries of knowledge were aware of each other’s activities as they competed for status. The rivalry between Luis and Nogueira dated from their childhood at the Spanish court. Though the Silveiras enjoyed higher social status than the Nogueiras, Francisco Nogueira had received from Philip III the revenues generated by the “Barca do passage de Alcacer do Sal,” which had been owned until that

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Gonçalves Serafim and Freitas Carvalho (eds.), Um diálogo epistolar, p. 59. Silveira to De Thou, Lisbon–Paris, July 7, 1616. BnF, Dupuy 409, ff. 58r–9r, and Dupuy 632, ff. 45r–8r. In exchange for consulting the French translation of the Historia, since he did not know Latin, Silveira promised De Thou that he would get him an Italian edition of João de Barros’ chronicles, the same author that De Thou asked Nogueira to be on the lookout for. Lobo blamed De Thou for dealing with Iberian matters. He criticized the French historian for promoting Calvinist opinions by stating that the king of Navarre (Antoine of Navarre, Henry IV’s father) died as a Protestant instead of writing that he had died “very catholically.” To support his argument, Lobo referred to a letter sent by King Sebastian’s ambassador in France that confirmed that Antoine had died in 1562 as “an excellent Catholic, with confession, communion, and extreme unction.” Ibid. De Thou was guilty of “blaming systematically” the members of the “Catholic Party.” Lobo explained to De Thou that it seemed that he “belongs more to the new pretended reformed Religion” considering that he always had “excuses and discharges for those who professed it, including the Admiral (Coligny) and his brothers, the Queen of Navarre (Jeanne of Albret), the Prince of Condé, and other lords who bore the arms of this new religion.” Ibid. Lobo was a nobleman and a would-be genealogist who joined the Portuguese household of Philip II as a Fidalgo cavalheiro around 1597. He was the grandson of the Baron of Alvito, fifth señor of Sarzedas. See Machado, Bibliotheca Lusitana, pp. 109–10; and Labrador Arroyo, La casa real portuguesa, p. 516.

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time by the Baron of Alvito, Luis’ father.43 Luis never forgot the slight of this dispossession. When writing to De Thou to follow up on Nogueira’s letter, Silveira put his talents as a genealogist to work to compose a “tabla genealógica” dedicated to the house of “Brito,” making explicit the fact that the history of Nogueira’s family branch was in fact separated from the more prestigious trunk of the family tree to which Nogueira pretended to be still attached (i.e. the Nogueira-Brito family).44 As Nogueira sought to publicize his profile across the Republic of Letters, Portuguese rivals like Lobo launched equally public counter-attacks before international audiences.45 Both Portuguese scholars relied on diplomatic relations to access De Thou’s history and to send their responses. Silveira used the mail services of the Baron of Vaucelas, the former French ambassador in Madrid. He claimed to have been the Baron’s “very intimate and loyal servant.” Silveira requested that De Thou send his reply to the Portuguese state secretary in Madrid, Francisco de Lucena, who was also connected to the Holy Office. Silveira’s involvement of diplomatic and inquisitorial actors in this epistolary attack on Nogueira contributed to the same inquisitorial pressure from which he sought protection by reaching out to Politiques and New Christian members of the Republic of Letters and European mercantile networks.46 Indeed, as the second decade of the seventeenth century concluded, Nogueira expanded his relations with foreign scholars, in spite of the abrupt change of direction that Franco–Spanish relations took after 1615, a date which coincided with De Thou’s death.47 If anything, the death of his French correspondent seems to have inspired Nogueira to 43 44 45

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Lázaro, Cavaleiros de Santiago, vol. 2, p. 21. Sucesiones de diferentes familias de Portugal escritas por D. Luis Lobo de Silveira, RAH, Salazar y Castro, D-24, lone folio between 7 and 8. Luis constructed genealogies, including those of preeminent Portuguese families such as the Noroña, Enriquez, and Guzmán. He dedicated his Libro de linajes reales to Olivares, when the latter was still sumiller de corps of Prince Philip (future Philip IV). See Libro de linajes reales, RAH, Salazar y Castro, C-26. Such proofs would be published as a complementary volume of new editions of the Historia. Nogueira’s letter to De Thou resonates with the dedications that his friends would publish later. In France, the fall of the queen’s prime minister, Concino Concini, in 1617, favored a turn toward Catholic orthodoxy. Simultaneously, the Spanish-Portuguese converso community around the queen regent suffered from oppression. Members of the Jewish and converso Portuguese diasporas in France, such as the physician Elias of Montalto (1567–1616), died or were marginalized right around the time of the trial against the queen regent’s soeur de lait, Leonora Galigaı¨. Galigaı¨ was suspected of Judaism and witchcraft, while Concini was assassinated on the orders of Louis XIII. See Pellerin, Les Portugais à Paris, pp. 12–4; and Pelorson, “Le docteur Carlos García et la colonie hispano-portugaise de Paris,” 518–76.

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reach out even farther across the Republic. In October 1617, Nogueira reached out to William Camden, royal historiographer of England and correspondent of De Thou.48 In a letter written in Latin, he presented himself as an admirer of Camden’s chorographical study Britannia and his more recent Annales (1615–1617). Nogueira wrote with a similar purpose of scholarly self-fashioning as the one he had in mind when he reached out to De Thou. When alluding to his “meo amicissimo Tuano” in his letter to Camden, Nogueira advocated for a Republic of Letters that could oppose inquisitorial control over historical writing.49 Nogueira, Camden, and De Thou were representatives of a transnational contingent of scholars who believed that political sovereignty could not be legitimately based on religious absolutism, especially against minorities and dissident voices. Iberian men of letters were avid readers of the foreign histories that promoted these ideas. By writing to De Thou and Camden, Nogueira consolidated his position as a broker for the Republic of Letters who contributed to the diffusion of histories of the present times in the Iberian monarchies. Meanwhile, Nogueira collaborated with other men of letters who – between Paris, Flanders, Spain, and Portugal – organized a marketplace for historical and genealogical research. It was the Flemish scholar, Robert Schleider, relying on his acquaintance with De Thou’s collaborator, the royal historiographer/geographer André Duchesne, who obtained Camden’s work for distributing across Iberian territories.50 Based on their reading and the materials they themselves contributed, Spanish and Portuguese men of letters enjoyed full membership in a Republic of Letters interested in diplomacy, history, and the political use of tolerance. In the early 1600s, García de Silva y Figueroa, a learned diplomat whose career reached its peak while residing in the Safavid empire, established contact with Nogueira. Silva y Figueroa’s friendship with Nogueira went public after the diplomat finished writing his Hispanicae historiae breviarium in Goa and dedicated the 1615 edition to the latter.51 The text appeared as a synthesis of the Castilian-centered 48 49 50

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Nogueira to Camden, Lisbon–London?, October 7, 1617. BMV, Morel-Fatio, ms. 16, ff. 221–2. BMV, Morel-Fatio, ms. 16, f. 222. Scheilder to Duchesne, Aranjuez–Paris, April 23, 1622, BnF, Duchesne 30, f. 166. Duchesne was working with Scheilder on genealogical inquiries on behalf of officials who near Olivares wanted to clear their family past of any stain of Protestantism. Many families needed their services when relocating from Flanders to the Spanish court after the end of the Twelve Years’ Truce (1609–1621). See Montcher, “Autour de la Raison d’État,” 377–81. Nogueira met Silva y Figueroa before his departure from the Iberian Peninsula in 1614. They corresponded while the latter was travelling through Africa, South Asia, and the

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history of Spain composed by the Jesuit Juan de Mariana at the end of the sixteenth century. Most of its sources came from the compilation of Spanish chronicles published by the Flemish Jesuit Andrea Schott at the start of the seventeenth century.52 The breviarium could itself be read as a compendium of information and political views that Nogueira had shared with the diplomat. For example, and unlike Mariana, Silva y Figueroa did not rely on a series of historical forgeries that had been crafted and disseminated across Iberia at the end of the sixteenth century. Like Nogueira, Silva also celebrated the use of political tolerance and the role of protectors of the sciences played by Muslim authorities in Al-Andalus.53 Silva y Figueroa and Nogueira formed part of a post-1609 Islamophile movement whose members shared the idea that religious minorities should be assimilated in Christian societies instead of being expulsed.54 Silva y Figueroa mentioned that the “Spanish Hispanic Muslim” had assimilated Christians in their societies by respecting their faith and that current Christian authorities should do the same for the sake of the common good. In his breviarium, Silva y Figueroa did not even mention the creation of the Spanish Inquisition under the reign of the Catholic kings at the end of the fifteenth century nor the 1492 expulsion of the Jews from Spain.55 Nogueira publicly adopted Silva y Figueroa’s views when he ordered that his own librarian, Antonio Furtado da Rocha, take care of the 1628 Lisbon edition of Silva y Figueroa’s Breviarium.56 In parallel, Nogueira was preparing the edition of other manuscripts he had received before 1624 from Silva y Figueroa.57 With these projects in hand, Nogueira entered into a public sphere of opinions within which men of letters formed a community of emotion around the political implications of the way history should be

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Middle East. Silva y Figueroa thanked Nogueira for granting him access to his library and acknowledged how much he had learned from Nogueira about history. Gil Fernández, “D. García de Silva y Figueroa,” 426–50. Souza and Turley (eds.), The Commentaries of D. García de Silva y Figueroa on His Embassy to Shāh ‘Abbās I of Persia, p. 10. Gil Fernández, “D. García de Silva y Figueroa,” 415–19. On Maurophilia in Spain during this period see Fuchs, Exotic Nation. Gil Fernández, “D. García de Silva y Figueroa,” 423. Hispanicae histroiae breviarium ad illustrem, et generosum D. Don Vicentium Noguéram. This collaboration was typical of Nogueira’s practices. He employed amanuenses and copyists learned in theology and philosophy such as Rocha to help him with editorial and bibliographical tasks. Nogueira mentioned that Rocha had been his page, chaplain, and librarian for more than ten years. Nogueira to Pozzo, Bologna, November 17, 1638, BANLC, Dal Pozzo, vol. X, ff. 465r–6r. Gil Fernández, “D. García de Silva y Figueroa,” 450.

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written.58 Nogueira’s eventual inquisitorial trial would mean a sudden stop to his involvement all these projects, but the community of emotion connected to the Republic of Letters of his time remained intact and at the ready to offer its support to one of its members. One final example illustrates how Nogueira’s historiographical friendships were connected to questions about empire and religious reform that dominated Counter-Reformation politics. This example also testifies to the Italian vectors of the Republic of Letters which connected the Hispanic monarchy with the rest of Europe. Other Iberian men of letters had corresponded with papal historians since the 1570s with a view to securing a Counter-Reformation rewriting of the history of the Church.59 By the early seventeenth century, however, such collaborations could also be used to the detriment of the politics of the Hispanic monarchy. For example, in 1625, Nogueira wrote to the Jesuit Church historian, Severino Binio, communicating that he had found a copy of the decrees of the first council of Goa and would send it to him.60 As the first Church council celebrated in the Portuguese Estado da Índia, the council of Goa constituted an important document that raised questions about the implementation of the Council of Trent outside Europe. Records of the council fueled debates over the conversion of “infieles y nuevos convertidos” and discussions of the limits on Portuguese royal patronage in Asia, including the king’s right to nominate bishops. Nominally, Nogueira sent materials to Binio that provided historical perspectives which later shed light on bad ecclesiastical governance in Asia under Spanish authority.61 Nevertheless, these same materials furnished Binio and his readers with a historical and legal argument in favor of the rights of Portuguese kings in Asia, which could potentially challenge Spanish hegemony. Thus, while still a young man in Portugal, Nogueira’s ties to Rome deepened as he turned away from the letrado sphere and drew closer to ecclesiastical networks. From 1615 until he died in 1654, Nogueira held 58

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While in Persia, Silva y Figueroa met with mercenaries of knowledge and key actors of the Republic of Letters, such as Pietro della Valle, with whom Nogueira would later enter into contact while residing in the Italian Peninsula. See Brancaforte, “The Encounter,” 395–409. Bauer, The Invention of Papal History. “Nobili admodum et reverendissimo domino D. Severino Binio, Sacrae Theologiae doctori et professori Coloniensis metropoleos … , Don Vincentius Noguera, […] autographum concilium Goense, dat donatque lubentissime, Olysipone ipsis kal. novemb. anno … 1625.” BSG, ms. 205. On other Portuguese voices who used their scholarship to defend the status of Portugal within the composite order of the Hispanic monarchy even if they did not advocate for secession, see Cardim, Portugal unido y separado.

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the papal title of Apostolic Referendary of the two Signatures (Grace and Justice).62 This was an honorific title which kept him closely associated with the exercise of law since being a Referendary implied expertise in papal justice.63 Despite his transition to an ecclesiastic career, he used his letrado status to accrue favors with foreign powers. Mercenaries of knowledge experimented with serving political interests beyond the peninsula as legal experts, even after renouncing their careers in local and royal service. The extra-Iberian connections they cultivated granted them access to vital political ideas and materials. For example, in addition to supporting his title of Referendary in 1617 from Rome, Cardinal Bellarmine had pleaded Nogueira’s case before Pope Paul V to grant him a license to read prohibited books “with no restriction.”64 Such a license allowed its bearer to read authors like Machiavelli, whose works were strictly censored by the Roman Index. His papal titles and licenses allowed Nogueira to benefit from a connection from the Curia while still living in Iberia, which he used to strengthen his position in Lisbon against the Inquisition and to seek protection in Rome. Indeed, of all the foreign powers to whom Nogueira reached out, it was Rome which offered the most promise to the disaffected letrado. At this same time, the Papacy was looking for ways to extend its influence and policies into the Hispanic monarchy through Portuguese lands.65 Of particular importance for this project were cathedral canons, a position Nogueira held in Lisbon from 1618 to 1630.66 He followed in the 62

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See Nogueira’s request and the Pope’s answer to it, BPA, 46-XI-13, ff. 133v–4r and ff. 134v–5r. While in Lisbon, Nogueira received the title with the support of Cardinal Bellarmine in 1617. Gil Bento’s Dedicatoria, “Ferdinandus II Augsutissimus imperator in surorum nobelium consiliarum numerum te retulit.” The title of Referendario implied that he was a familiar of the Pope (continuus familiaris). It burnished the reputation of its bearer by suggesting that the person came from a legitimate marriage; that he belonged to the clerical order (the tonsura was the minimum required); that he was a doctor utriusque juris who had spent at least two years at the Curia with a minimum of age of twenty-four; and that he could sustain his rank economically. Nogueira received the title even though he failed to fulfill all these requirements. See Poncet, “The Cardinal-Protectors,” 158–76. In 1639, Nogueira told his Roman patrons that his license has been renewed up to 1638 without any problems. BAV, Barb. Lat. 6472, f. 36r. In the 1620s, with the creation of the Propaganda Fide in Rome, conflicts between Iberian kings and the Papacy about the ecclesiastical patronage of the West and East Indies increased. On the mediation of Portuguese agents between Rome, Madrid, Lisbon and the Indies see Barreto Xavier, “Frei Miguel da Purificação entre Madrid y Roma,” 87–110. On the role that canons played in favor of the implementation of the decrees of Trent in Portugal see Ribeiro da Silva, “Os cabidos catedralícios portugueses,” 84, and O Clero Catedralício Português. On papal mediation within Cathedral chapters see López Salazar and Díaz Rodríguez, “El cabildo catedralicio de Évora,” 31–58; Violente Branco, “Reis, bispos e cabidos,” 55–94; and Farelo, O cabido da Sé de Lisboa.

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footsteps of distinguished canons of the Cathedral of Lisbon, including Bartolomeu da Costa (1553–1608), who also maintained a twofold affiliation as canon and Protonotario Apostolico.67 Papal diplomacy used the services of canons to weigh in on debates concerning, for example, the status of the Nação (New Christians) in Portugal.68 The Pope’s intervention in this question affected his relation in turn with the Nação in Rome, as well as his ability to counterbalance the influence of the Portuguese Inquisition on political affairs.69 Canons could act as a fifth column amid inquisitorial ranks on behalf of papal interests or against them. For Nogueira, whose suspected New Christian origins connected him to these debates, and whose letrado formation had equipped him with linguistic and legal skills to intervene in such debates, papal politics would prove to be the perfect place to deploy his skills as a mercenary of knowledge.

2.2

“Italian Spain”: Recruiting Mercenaries of Knowledge

During the first three decades of the seventeenth century, diplomatic negotiations propelled Iberian writers, historians, and artists to a new level of international exposure. This exposure included connections that were forged in Iberia with foreign representatives. Indeed, two of Nogueira’s future Roman patrons traveled to Spain during the 1620s: Cardinal Francesco Barberini, and the papal nuncio, Giulio Sacchetti.70 Sacchetti was based in Madrid from 1624 to 1626, and Barberini arrived in 1626 as papal legate.71 Among other tasks, the legation was supposed to identify who was who at the Spanish court, and tighten bonds of patronage with scholars, artists, and writers who could help reaffirm the Papacy’s role as a peace mediator in Europe.72 After his visit to Spain, 67 68

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Da Costa ended his career as Guarda Mor of the archive of the Torre do Tombo, a position that Nogueira coveted. See Almeida Mendes, “Bartolomeu da Costa,” 247–68. A large number of canons maintained relationships with the Inquisition. Nogueira himself failed to secure a position with the Lisbon inquisition. “Diligência de habilitação de Vicente Nogueira,” ANTT, Tribunal do Santo Ofício, Conselho Geral, Habilitações, Vicente mç, 1, doc. 4. See also Ribeiro da Silva, “Os cabidos catedralícios portugueses,” 74. Nelson Novoa, Being the Nação. Morel-Fatio, “Vicente Noguera,” 1–38. Elizabeth of Portugal was canonized the very same year (1625) as the mission of Barberini in Spain. When Francesco Barberini travelled to France and Spain in the mid-1620s, the two monarchies were on the brink of war. The papal legate asked each government to reach an agreement on the Valtellina (a key Alpine pass located between Lombardy and modern-day southern Germany). Francesco’s stay in Spain was detailed in a journal kept by Cassiano Dal Pozzo. Dal Pozzo compiled Francesco’s encounters with artists and writers that took place around

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Francesco was appointed Cardinal Protector of Aragon and Portugal. His new status obliged him to familiarize himself further with Portuguese politics and to develop contacts with scholars as he tried to gain political leverage in Madrid on behalf of the Papacy.73 In terms of immediate political outcomes, Francesco’s trip to Spain built on his earlier French mission to intervene in the tense Franco– Spanish Valtellina conflict, which had born instantaneous fruits.74 In 1627, and as a consequence of Barberini’s mission in France, Lucas Holstenius, a humanist born in Hamburg and a new convert to Catholicism, offered his services to Francesco and became a prototype for the most successful mercenaries of knowledge.75 When Nogueira eventually arrived in Rome, to try to make a living there, the competition was fierce considering that mercenaries of knowledge such as Holstenius had established themselves in the city almost ten years earlier. In terms of intellectual outcomes, in Spain Francesco met with a wide variety of thinkers, including the playwright Lope de Vega, the late humanist Lorenzo Ramírez de Prado, the painter Juan Van der Hamen, and the Scottish librarian at the Escorial and new convert to Catholicism David Colville.76 Indeed, the opportunity to gather information about notoriously difficult to access book and manuscript collections as well as naturalia was major scholarly news across the Republic of Letters.77 During his stay in Spain with Francesco, the antiquarian Cassiano dal Pozzo was able to answer questions about manuscripts held at the Escorial library formulated by scholars such as Peiresc and the brothers Chifflet (working in Spanish Franche-Comté and Flanders).78 Ultimately, Barberini’s legation contributed to a new mapping and census of the Iberian province of the Republic of Letters.79

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royal sites, gardens, private houses, and libraries. Before, during, and after his stay in Spain, Francesco took care in cultivating correspondence with De Thou’s heirs, namely the Dupuy brothers, and with Peiresc in Aix-en-Provence. On the pax romana during Philip III’s reign and on Roman politics in Spain under Philip IV and Olivares see Visceglia and Martínez Millán (eds.), La Monarquía de Felipe III: los reinos; and Visceglia, Roma Papale e Spagna. Fumaroli, “Le siècle d’Urbain VIII,” 8. Holstenius’ international ties with intellectuals connected him with the Flemish humanist Andreas Schott, who traveled through Spain, promoting the compilation of Iberian chronicles by publishing and selling them in Frankfurt. Schott was an acquaintance of the scholars that Barberini met or heard about when in Spain, including Vicente Nogueira and the librarian of the Escorial, David Colville. See Anselmi and Minguito, El diario del viaje a España. Even though it operated as a public library, its remote location fueled myths concerning its inaccessibility. Ibid. See Haec transcripta servari dicuntur in bibliotheca Laur. Ramiresii de Prado, BnF, Dupuy, ms. 651, f. 260. On other campaigns to localize Greek manuscripts conducted by

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The Barberini visit had long-term consequences for Nogueira’s career even though they did not meet in person. His Roman connections were already well established since, between 1615 and 1625, he corresponded regularly with Giovanni Battista Pallota (1594–1668), the Papal Collector in Lisbon and the Nuncio in Madrid, Sacchetti.80 In Madrid, Sacchetti fought for the Franco–Spanish status quo. He exchanged letters with the French ambassador, Charles d’Argennes de Rochepot, Count of Fargis. His pro-French sympathies and growing influence among mercenaries of knowledge raised suspicion at the Spanish court. His assistant di camera e guardarobiere, Francesco Caccini, was arrested and accused of sodomy. Years before Nogueira’s inquisitorial trial on the same charge, the crime of sodomy operated as a powerful weapon to remove political enemies who could not be confronted openly. The members of the Sacchetti family were known for their pro-French political positioning as well as for working closely to Pope Urban VIII and his siblings. As the bankers of the Barberini and as active art collectors interested in collaborating with antiquarians and cultural entrepreneurs such as Pozzo and Peiresc, Giulio Sacchetti’s relation with Iberian agents fostered a Franco-Roman Catholic Reformation project amid the Spanish court during the mid-1620s. Thus, Nogueira deepened his connections with Roman agents at the same time that the Republic of Letters used Roman networks to learn about the Hispanic monarchy. From a Roman perspective, Cardinal Francesco’s 1626 contacts with mercenaries of knowledge reinforced a system of Roman allegiances via Spanish and Portuguese peninsular and colonial societies. Former papal nepotes, such as Scipione Borghese (1577–1605), or even Maffeo Barberini, when still Cardinal Legate in Bologna (1611), had counted on the services of emissaries who, at the margins of the Spanish royal patronage in the New World, offered them exclusive information from the Americas.81 Roman and papal agents surveyed the interests of the Church across Iberian lands, while these same agents gathered

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mercenaries of knowledge between Vienna and the Escorial see Montcher, “La historiografía real,” p. 155. Nogueira often recalled his services on behalf of the Pope when working at the tribunal of the Suplicação. He explained that such services constituted the source of his papal privileges. BAV, Barb. Lat. 6472, f. 44r. Nogueira explained to Pozzo that he “had served” Sacchetti during his nunciature in Madrid (1624–1626). Nogueira to Dal Pozzo, BANLC, Pozzo XII, vol. X, f. 445r. See also Fosi, “Illusioni e delusion,” 91–109. After his mission in Spain, Sacchetti was made cardinal by Urban VIII (January 16, 1626). Fosi, All’ ombra dei Barberini, p. 65. On how papal missionary interests in eastern Europe, in the Iberian Indies, and visits to the Escorial library collections, orchestrated by the Roman Academy of the Lincei, overlapped see Golvers, Johann Scherck Terrentius.

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information related to bibliographical collections, including those curated at the Escorial. Such agents kept an eye on institutions such as the collectoria of Portugal that were in charge of gathering the rents of the Roman Church and, moreover, making sure that the sovereign authority of the Spanish king did not interfere with the apostolic authority and the ecclesiastic libertas in Portugal.82 Mercenaries of knowledge, who were interested in keeping the absolute sovereignty of the Spanish kings in check with regard to local interests and privileges, perceived papal connections as opportunities to help secure those interests and privileges, for themselves as well as their communities. Nogueira was not the only former administrator to seek Roman patronage as Spanish court factions rebalanced in the early 1620s. Matteo Renzi, for example, who had served Zúñiga, wrote to Cardinal Ludovisi in Rome after his patron’s death, requesting that he be put under the protection of the nuncio in Madrid or to return to the Italian Peninsula.83 Renzi, like other scholars, was worried that Olivares’ policies would reaffirm an authoritarian power staunchly oriented toward intolerant politics against minorities and foreigners. Renzi’s and Nogueira’s quests for new patronage in this period are symptomatic of the divisiveness of Olivares’ reform and centralization projects, and their impact on the mercenarization of men of letters. Both sought patrons who valued their contributions as members of underrepresented groups, in particular for writing the history of a composite monarchy. Of course, Iberia was not only a source for debates about political and religious authority. Emissaries from the Italian Peninsula in Spain brought contentious ideas with them. For example, one of Nogueira’s later Roman acquaintances, the Dominican Niccolo Riccardi (1585–1639), participated in the diffusion of Galileo’s works in Spain. Riccardi spent time at the University of Valladolid to further his 82

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On how such agents kept political communication active from Portugal with the Nuncio in Madrid while taking care of the reputation of the papal family see Damian Vaz to Scipione Borghese, Lisbon–Rome, April 28, 1611 and June 22, 1613, BAV, Barb. Lat. 9892, ff. 375r–80v. In his attempt to establish a general study to convert Protestants in the Valtellina, the same region in which Francesco Barberini was trying to foster peace between the French and Spanish, fray Reginaldo de Coira wrote to the cardinal explaining the ways through which the authority of the Spanish king over such territories could be overcome, arguing that the need for conversion gave precedence to Rome over Spain. See Coira, Madrid–Rome, January 12, 1627, Ibid., f. 302. These connections intensified after 1640. Gabriel Martínez asked for ecclesiastical benefices after arguing that he had defended the “giudice apostolico” and the “libertà ecclesiastica” during the last six years. See Martínez to Francesco Barberini, Madrid–Rome, December 18, 1641, Ibid., f. 228r. Matteo Renzi to Cardinal Ludovisi, Madrid–Rome, October 24, 1622, BAV, Barb. Lat. 9892, f. 409.

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formation as a preacher. In the meantime, Giovani de’ Medici (1567–1621) was also responsible for connecting Iberian scholars to the works of Galileo.84 Between Florence and Madrid, Giovanni edited and diffused the scientist’s works.85 Galileo’s fame in Spain was such that it influenced the forms that royal power selected to represent the glory of Philip IV’s empire (el Rey planeta).86 The Florentine-based artist Pietro Tacca, who was tasked with elaborating a monumental equestrian statue of the Spanish king (the one that today stands on the Plaza de Oriente in Madrid), requested from Galileo necessary calculations to represent Philip IV on his horse with the forelegs of the latter raised. The presence in Spain of men such as Giovanni de’ Medici, Riccardi, and Tacca reinforced underlying intellectual relations and the mercenarization process of men of letters, which came full circle when many of the latter ended up contributing to Roman learned projects that had originated much earlier in the Iberian Peninsula. However, those men of letters also reached out individually to seek intellectual solidarity and expand their reach across the Republic of Letters. One way in which those intellectual relations were manifested was through the construction of and communication about libraries.

2.3

Ex-Bibliotheca Noguerica: The Seized Contents of a Late Renaissance Library

Early modern libraries were political tools and politicized sites, which concentrated the diverse lines of work of mercenaries of knowledge. The work of book collecting and library design was far from an innocuous intellectual pursuit. Library catalogs, bio-bibliographies, and manuals for librarians operated as political treatises in disguise. Indeed, the practices underpinning knowledge organization and information management in general provided spaces – like libraries – and communication opportunities where political ideas were exchanged. Like other scholars of his generation, Nogueira represented himself as an advisor who provided political counsel through the art of curating

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Giovanni was the bastard son of Cosme I and Eleonor Albizzi. He had been educated in Spain and became the Grand Duke of Tuscany’s ambassador in Rome and Madrid. He fashioned himself as an art broker, political mediator, and military informant. Early in his life, he developed a passion for libraries and “secret sciences.” See Dooley, “Art and Information Brokerage,” 81–96. Philip IV collected such works for his library. See García Santo-Tomás, The Refracted Muse; Bouza, El libro y el cetro. Volpini, “On the Translatability of Scientific Discoveries,” 429–59.

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books and manuscripts.87 While the libraries of mercenaries of knowledge were often incorporated into other collections – since one important task of those mercenaries was collecting materials for their patrons – they made sure they publicized the memory of their books and papers to communicate the idea that they were the architects of the portable library of the Republic of Letters. This was a library whose power was in its potential, which could be activated when needed to criticize bad governance and tyranny. It is no surprise then that libraries became pawns in political contests. Through the denunciation or destruction of those collections by authorities, a case could be made against their ideological contents and their owners. On October 28, 1638, Nogueira wrote to Galileo Galilei that they shared the sorrows of injustice through mutual experiences of exile and jail.88 Nogueira saw in the astronomer a kindred spirit, likewise persecuted by a politically motivated Inquisition. As part of his tactics to inspire sympathy in Galileo’s heart, Nogueira alluded to one of the catalysts of his own inquisitorial trial: the library he had built over the course of his life in Spain and Portugal and the treatise he wrote about it.89 Treatises written about how to organize libraries mapped out bibliographic collections that defined the political style of their owners.90 These treatises were political statements in and of themselves, and it would not be surprising if Nogueira’s treatise had indeed been read as a pamphlet against Olivares’ own passion for books, as the former suspected.91 That bibliographic jealousy may have even accelerated Nogueira’s imprisonment.92 Ironically, it would be the Inquisition itself which would create the lasting record of Nogueira’s library.

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See Clarke, Gabriel Naudé, pp. 17–35. Nogueira to Galileo, Bolonha-Arcetri, October 28, 1638, Gonçalves Serafim and Freitas Carvalho (eds.), Um diálogo epistolar, pp. 71–2. Nogueira to Niza, February 10, 1648, ibid., pp. 152–7. There was no shortage of bibliographic treatises produced about Iberian libraries. The Escorial library inspired treatises composed by humanists such as Juan Páez de Castro (1556), Juan Bautista Cardona (1585–87), and Antonio Agustín. While Claude Clément S. J. was assimilating libraries with sacred spaces in a treatise contemporary to that of Nogueira, the latter’s vision must have been different. Géal, Figures de la bibliothèque; and Albalá Pelegrín (ed.), “Wars of Knowledge,” 166–72. On Olivares as a bibliophile see Lawrance, Noble Wood, and Roe (eds.), Poder y saber. Nogueira declared that his treatise “had been one of the motives that had accelerated his ruin.” Nogueira to Francesco Barberini, Bologna–Rome, November 21, 1637, BAV, Barb. Lat. 6472, f. 29v; and Nogueira to Niza, October 19, 1648, Gonçalves Serafim and Freitas Carvalho (eds.), Um diálogo epistolar, p. 188. Olivares’ passion for books caused several episodes of book confiscation and library plundering. See how Olivares acquired the library of the sixteenth-century Aragonese royal historiographer Jerónimo Zurita. Elliott, The Count-Duke, p. 25.

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The Portuguese manuscript num. 51 of the French National Library entitled “Rellação da livraria de Viçente Nogueira confiscado” condenses across its eighty-two folios a list of books and manuscripts that encapsulates Nogueira’s trajectory as a jurist and mercenary through the 1620s. The library itself contained the ferment of ideas and the intellectual horizons of the Republic of Letters that Nogueira would later rely on to secure his survival during exile. BnF Port. 51 is a material representation of what would become Nogueira’s memory palace after his inquisitorial trial. The manuscript was composed after Nogueira’s arrest in 1630 but reflected earlier collecting strategies. The inquisitors seized all his properties, including his library. BnF Port. 51 is a clean copy made from drafts which registered the books and papers owned by Nogueira at the time of his arrest. The collection is divided into the following categories: Memoria dos livros pertencentes a Theologia, f. 1r–9r. Memoria dos livros pertencentes as faculdades de Canones e leys, f. 9r–18r Memoria dos livros pertencentes ao spiritual, f. 18v–22r Memoria dos livros pertencentes a Philosophia, f. 22r–25v Memoria dos livros pertencentes a historias, f. 26r–47r Memoria dos livros pertencentes a humanidades, f. 47r–58v Memoria dos livros pertencentes a Mathematica, Architectura, e Musica, f. 58v–66r Memoria dos livros pertencentes a Medicina, f. 66r–68r Memoria dos libros pertencentes a Politica, f. 68r–70r De Miliçia, f. 70r. Blank pages f. 70v–72v. Inventario particular dos livros defenzos que se separarão de toda a livraria do Conego Vicente Noguera confiscado, f. 73r–82r These categories were standard for the period, although it is difficult to determine with certitude whether they were the result of his organization or an a-posteriori order determined by the Inquisition prior to the sale of the library. Except for the prohibited books, all the other entries are priced. This detail suggests that the library was acquired by various third parties, which corroborates Nogueira’s later allusion to the fact that his books ended up in the Royal Alcázar in Madrid. As Nogueira reported to Galileo, his library was sold to none other than Philip IV. He explained that his books were relocated in the gallery of the “Cierco” (Cierzo) in the Alcázar.93 The gallery was located on the 93

The architect Juan Bautista de Toledo designed an open gallery which was later enclosed, possibly with crystal glass, providing a perfect space for an artist. Graça Barreto suggested the Escorial as another destination for Nogueira’s library. On the

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principal floor of the palace, next to the Torre de la Parada (whose decoration had been delegated to Diego de Velázquez by Philip IV).94 This space was well known by then as Velázquez’s workshop at court. Eventually the Gallery of the Cierzo functioned as an art repository that during and after Velázquez’s artistic and diplomatic mission in the Italian Peninsula became, via the art pieces contained in it, a symbol of the good relations between the Spanish monarchy and papal families, such as the Barberini in Rome.95 The gallery was supposed to ease the passing of the king from the official rooms of the palace to his private apartments and also served as a recreational space. “Mesas de trucos” (card game tables) were put in the room next to where Velázquez had his “workshop.” Part of the gallery – which housed Nogueira’s confiscated books – seems to have functioned as a royal Wunderkammer.96 His library was not the only private collection to be incorporated into the royal holdings at the beginning of the 1630s. The famous Madrid collection of the Spanish antiquarian Juan de Espina suffered a similar fate.97 Nogueira provided specific details concerning his own library to show that he kept track of it after the confiscation and sale, and thus still controlled its contents even if only in his memories. His library functioned as a proxy to memorialize how his books were connected to other contemporary collections, such as the one of Espina or to the library of Juan de Zaldierna that he had the opportunity to admire in Madrid in 1622.98 Nogueira was personally tied to these collectors and influential figures in the editorial market who, like Zaldierna, approved publication licenses for many of Nogueira’s friends, including Figueroa and Lope de Vega. Whether or not his library ended up in the Alcázar, Nogueira’s letter to Galileo was

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Álcazar as a site dedicated to books see Bottineau, “L’Alcázar de Madrid et l’inventaire de 1686,” 289–326; and Leiva and Rebollo (eds.), Quadros y Otras Cosas. In his analysis of Philip IV’s library, Bouza spoke about how the relationship between the king and his ministers was cemented by bibliographic exchanges. Vicente’s books were not incorporated to the body of such collection. Bouza, El libro y el cetro. The inventories of the Alcázar mentioned that the gallery hosted an “aposento” in which one painter “worked daily.” See the 1626 “planta” designed by the architect Gómez de Mora. Leiva and Rebollo, Quadros y Otras Cosas, p. 629. The gallery functioned as one of the places where Velázquez sent the art pieces he acquired in Rome in 1651. In 1652, the Count of Oñate acquired for the gallery paintings once owned by Pope Urban VIII, one of Vicente’s patrons in Rome. By insisting on the fact that his library survived in that space, Nogueira suggested to his Roman patrons that their fates were intertwined. Ibid., pp. 74–5. After getting into trouble with the Spanish Inquisition, Espina moved to Sevilla and was, like Nogueira, dispossessed of his study materials. Reula Baquero, El camarín del desengaño, p. 107. Gil Fernández, “D. García de Silva y Figueroa,” 428.

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thus an opportunity to project himself back to his library, situating it in its former Madrid book market as well as in its new royal setting. Nogueira’s was a working library, though details about its contents are no longer extant. Each entry of the inquisitorial list is succinct, often consisting only of the author’s last name and sometimes part of the title. Nogueira owned several thousand books, of which 305 were classified by the Inquisition as prohibited. Most of the books were not decorated, according to the inventory, with a few exceptions that were reported to have luxurious bindings. Reading these entries one by one reveals that the collection grew organically over the years.99 Early 1630s publications figure prominently on the list. They give a sense of how frenetic Nogueira’s book acquisitions were right before his inquisitorial arrest. Especially after 1625 – the annus mirabilis of Olivares-sponsored military victories across the Catholic monarchy – editorial production by Nogueira and his colleagues increased to counterbalance the publicity around those victories.100 These men of letters were thinking that Olivares’ propaganda needed to be nuanced so that reforms might be negotiated rather than imposed. Indeed, the inventory indicates the presence of books by Nogueira’s friends as well as works whose publication he supported in one way or another. Both sections dedicated to the main body of the library and the prohibited books encapsulate his profile as a jurist, as well as that of someone passionate about history.101 Both canon and civil law, along with dialectical, systematic, and historicized legal approaches, are all represented in the library. Roman and Greek law codes coexisted with Counter-Reformation legal publications dedicated to Church councils. Famous Iberian and Italian jurists such as Gentili, Bartolo, and representatives of the sixteenth-century school of Salamanca are well represented too. In terms of genres, the legal collection included commentaries, modern legal compilations, cases, and “information law” corpora on Iberian, foreign, and international laws. Nevertheless, foreign legal traditions are underrepresented with the exception of sixteenth-century France. Protestant jurists are absent nor do they not figure in the list of prohibited books. Despite Nogueira’s own legal 99

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His books of theology and spirituality included standard Counter-Reformation authors such as Bellarmine, Ribadeneira, and Borromeo. He collected lives of saints, references to Spanish mystics (Granada, De la Cruz, Santa Teresa), and works dedicated to historical polemics including the debate about St. James’ presence in Spain. Elliott, The Count-Duke, pp. 225–43. The mention of St. James indicates that many of the theological references overlapped with the legal questions that he was interested in both civil and canon law. BnF, Port. 51, f. 20r.

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training, authors associated with the School of Coimbra are not very prominent in the inventory.102 The appearance of the Relations of Philip II’s former royal secretary, Antonio Pérez, denotes Nogueira’s interest in political figures who challenged inquisitorial authority in Spain. This interest was grounded in readings about such cases in addition to what he might have heard about these examples when residing at court.103 The section dedicated to “philosophy books” encompassed classical Renaissance works ranging from Petrarch and Dante to Guazzo’s Civil Conversation. An interest in the works of Sextus Empiricus, natural history, comparative grammars, and bestsellers like Gessner’s natural history of plants suggests that Nogueira’s philosophical views were grounded in late sixteenth-century Aristotelian and empirical observations. In this section, references to Iberian authors are less prominent compared to others and the influence of Italian humanism is the most salient. History comprised the largest portion of the inventory. The catalogue corroborates Nogueira’s claims made in his correspondence to have been an avid reader of all kinds of history, from ancient texts (Herodotus, Pliny, etc.) to a wide range of Iberian and foreign histories written in multiple vernacular languages. His readings of political theory and history books in their original languages formed part of his legal and scholarly toolkit. Nogueira indicated that he had “studied all the political authors, and had done so, so intensively that there is no line left in Tacitus, Bodin, Machiavelli, Commynes, Sleidan, and Guicciardini that he had not read at least once if not many times.” He nuanced his passion for political history by pointing out that he had read and translated all these authors “as a sober and tempered Christian who wanted to learn about all forms of tyrannies and evils to protect himself and avoid being cheated by them.”104 References to French jurists who historicized the history of law and historians such as De Thou confirms Nogueira’s interest in political history. He added to the analysis of commentaries and glosses composed by contemporary legal experts his study of ancient sources on Roman and canon laws. In addition to De Thou, Nogueira engaged with the works of jurists and historians such as Jacques Cujas (1522–90) and Jean Papire Masson (1544–1611). These men showed that the systematic analysis of historical sources and their historicization 102

103

Nogueira owned legal books that had been dedicated to him, such as Gil Bento’s Directorium advocatores, or were given by acquaintances, such as the Política of Ramírez de Prado. BnF, Port. 51, ff. 13v and 18r. 104 Ibid., ff. 16r and f. 46r. “Brevissimo apuntamiento,” f. 376r.

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allowed scholars to expand the corpora of classical and medieval legal texts used to promote concepts such as sovereignty and political tolerance.105 Additional references to authors such as Giovanni Botero, Scipione Ammirato, and Machiavelli manifested Nogueira’s interest in Reason of State theory. Works such the Hebrew Republic by Carlo Sigonio suggests Nogueira’s concern with thinking about politics from the perspective of different constitutional models.106 Nogueira’s library is also a testimony of the efforts that Iberian men of letters made to adapt Iberian historiography to the theoretical framework of Reason of State. The precepts of Machiavelli concerning, for example, the political use of religion by states were tested under the light of the information gathered in the histories of the Spanish and Portuguese colonies all around the world. The inventory’s allusions to the histories of the royal historiographer of Castile and Indies, Antonio de Herrera y Tordesillas, or the history of the Jesuit José de Acosta, indicate that Nogueira read these works while thinking about Reason of State. During his lifetime, most of the sixteenth-century Iberian historiographical production was reinterpreted under such a light, promoting a renewed interest for such texts across the Hispanic monarchy and the Republic of Letters. The mention of authors such as Alvia de Castro, who transformed Portuguese chronicles into a series of political aphorisms inspired by Tacitus and Machiavelli, constitutes a good example of such phenomena.107 Moreover, these references provide another testimony of Nogueira’s connections with tacitists and neo-stoic networks who adapted the precepts of Reason of State precepts to Catholic orthodoxy. Nogueira was aware that the recent systematization of concepts such as Reason of State by foreign political thinkers and Iberian jurists meant that vernacular legal traditions needed to adapt to new political contexts. For example, he was interested in how representatives of the mos gallicus in France proposed a new interpretation of Roman law and vernacular traditions to reinforce the king of France’s authority over the Catholic Church.108 This familiarity with such debates would prove to be an asset for Nogueira when later sourcing materials – often based on the 105 106 107

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On late sixteenth-century jurists and historians see Franklin, Revolution in the Methodology of Law and History. García-Arenal and Rodríguez Mediano, “Les Antiquités hébraı¨ques dans l’historiographie espagnole,” 77–89. BnF, Port. 51, f. 69r. In his letters, Nogueira alluded to Alvia and used him to promote a reflection on mixed governments, perfect princes, and republican militias. The part of the relation dedicated to “Politics” complements Nogueira’s collection of history books. His readings of Bodin’s Republic were complemented by the books of Iberian political thinkers such as Alvia but also Luis Valle de la Cerda on Reason of State. See Broggio, La teologia e la politica.

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resources he had held in his Lisbon library – for the contest between Spanish and Portuguese kings’ royal patronage against the prerogative of the Pope. Beyond books reflecting his engagement with the international debates over Reason of State, Nogueira’s library contained local histories like Spanish and Portuguese corografías – many related to the history of the Mediterranean and the Morisco minority in the Iberian Peninsula. Chronicles of North Africa such as the one of Luis del Mármol Carvajal, the life of Hernando de Talavera, the Vocabulario e arte arabico – most likely the works authored by the late fifteenth-century Hieronymite lexicographer Pedro de Alcalá – references to the recent past of Granada, and accounts such as the history of Don Juan de Persia, an exiled prince who found refuge in the Iberian Peninsula, formed a dedicated western Mediterranean North African corpus in Nogueira’s library.109 Such a corpus was related to Nogueira’s interest in historical polemics and forgeries, which at the end of the sixteenth century were used unsuccessfully to mitigate the politics of expulsion of the Spanish monarchy against the Morisco population. Nogueira’s comprehensive interests in local history, languages, and narratives of exile prepared him to understand the reasons why endangered minorities should be protected by the king. The section dedicated to history books gains relevance when connected to the section which follows it, defined as “humanities.” This section contained most of Nogueira’s reference works, including the tools of multilingualism and translation: dictionaries, grammars (Hebrew, Arabic, Syriac, Ottoman, Greek, etc.), indexes of prohibited books, and ars historica.110 His passion for history was connected to biblical and orientalist studies. From these materials, Nogueira could deal with historical polemics by relying on the comparative analysis of ancient and modern languages as well as on the materiality of sources. Sections of the catalogue were dedicated to medicine and mathematics, architecture, and music. Being fully attuned to scientific debates, there was no divide for him between a political, religious, and scientific understanding of the world and its history. His visions of harmonious politics were expressed through his ownership of Kepler’s Harmony of the World, and books by Galileo, Copernicus, Campanella, Brahe, Viete, and Della Porta.111

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BnF, Port. 51, ff. 40r, 43r, and 57r. On Nogueira’s grammars see Ibid., ff. 51r and 58r. Kepler, Harmonice Mundi. This book brought together Nogueira’s interests in astronomy, music, and metaphysics. These interests were also reflected in the works of the aforementioned authors.

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The final section dedicated to prohibited books and which was separated from the rest of the library reinforces the critical dimension of the library and its practical use by a member of the Republic of Letters. Texts written by Protestant authors appear on the list even though they constituted a minority within the entire collection. More references to Machiavelli, Camden, De Thou, and Bodin show the intensity with which Nogueira engaged with such political thinkers and historians. Documents in Arabic, as well as books that he borrowed from the College of Santa Cruz in Coimbra, positioned him amid the networks of expert linguists and historical critics dedicated to biblical humanism and orientalist antiquarianism in the Iberian Peninsula.112 Last but not least, the presence among the list of prohibited books of documents pertaining to the Iberian Inquisitions as well as references to Bartolomé Carranza’s controversy speaks about Nogueira’s recurrent preoccupation with the negative influence of the Inquisition over Iberian politics. Besides operating as a knowledge repository from which Nogueira drew ideas to position himself in the Republic of Letters, the library was an indispensable resource for his activity as a literary patron. It amplified the ideas he brainstormed with other mercenaries of knowledge and correspondents such as De Thou. In addition, the inventory contains traces of Nogueira’s work as an active editor in the 1620s.113 Most of the volumes that Nogueira owned were the ones he helped publish.114 Three hundred copies of Hurtado de Mendoza’s Wars of Granada, 123 copies of Silva Figueroa’s historical compendium, 639 volumes of Francisco de Figueroa’s poetry, and 96 copies of the works of the sixteenth-century soldier and poet Garcilaso de la Vega, were stocked in his library.115 All of these works, among others randomly spread across the inventory, had benefited in some way from Nogueira’s editorial, financial, and intellectual support. Each of these copies came directly from the printing press and were waiting to be sold. Nogueira might have promised to acquire them all as a form of investment. Such a practice was common. Often, editorial patrons promised to acquire part of the volumes they published to close printing contracts. This promise was 112

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The connection to the College of Santa Cruz showed possible ties with New Christian communities persecuted at Coimbra during the 1610s and 1620s. Ibid., f. 75v. The Spanish orientalist tradition was connected to humanists such as Pedro de Valencia (a creature of Lerma) who defended a more tolerant treatment of religious minorities in the Peninsula. See Magnier, Pedro de Valencia and the Catholic Apologists. These traces were first noted by Morel-Fatio, “Vicente Noguera.” Nogueira owned many references authored by close acquaintances and friends. Among them see Bento’s Directorium Advocatores. BnF, Port 51, f. 18r. See BnF, Port 51, ff. 46v–7r.

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used to convince printers to take risks with certain projects.116 The volumes that Nogueira stocked were still waiting for their new owners to face the cost and decide how they would be bound. Such a stock constituted a significant investment for Nogueira, even unbound. Nogueira’s editorial activity engaged him with other vectors through which materials and ideas circulated across the Republic of Letters. He worked with well-reputed printers in Lisbon such as Giraldo de la Viña and the Craesbeeck family.117 During the 1620s, these printing houses offered a way out of the saturated printing industry at the royal court in Madrid.118 Originally from Flanders, the Craesbeecks were well connected with other printing houses and humanists outside the Iberian Peninsula and offered their authors a broad marketplace.119 Through his contacts with such printing dynasties, Nogueira continued a tradition of literary and historiographical patronage between Madrid and Lisbon. The fact that Lisbon was a port and a cosmopolitan city increased its appeal for authors and printers. Lisbon welcomed authors who wrote in Castilian while Madrid was publishing Portuguese authors writing in Spanish. Between the two cities, Nogueira’s contacts with printers who were well-known humanists and booksellers made him aware of novelties on the European book market. Without ever becoming a published author, Nogueira used his library and editorial activities to raise his voice in the public sphere of opinion. The library became an active archive from which he shared manuscripts that he had inherited from third parties.120 In the case of the edition of Hurtado de Mendoza’s Wars of Granada published by his friend Tribaldos de Toledo, for example, he loaned the copy of an original manuscript edited by the cosmographer João Baptista Lavanha.121 116 117 118

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Morel-Fatio, “Vicente Noguera.” See Stein, “Re-composing the Global Iberian Monarchy”; and Fonseca, Os livreiros de Lisboa. The printing press in Madrid needed to accommodate simultaneously the buoyant literary production articulated around the court and the needs for print generated by the royal administration. The Craesbeecks had brought with them to Portugal a new kind of printing type: the diamond types. They used these elegant types as a selling point which made them successful and thus very visible. In his Dedicatoria to Nogueira (May 2, 1626), Briceño de Córdoba commented on the appeal of these types for someone like him who wanted to publish something visually striking from a typographical point of view. Nogueira inherited a manuscript of Figueroa’s verses that Tribaldos in turn had inherited from Antonio de Toledo, a friend of the poet. Tribaldos gave the manuscript to the Count of Villamediana, who passed it to Nogueira. See BMV, Fatio ms. 16, f. 198. This same manuscript had been owned by the Duke of Aveiro or the Count of Portalegre who had also commented on it. Hurtado de Mendoza, Guerra de Granada, Al lector.

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Nogueira also granted library access to collaborators such as the royal historiographer Tamayo de Vargas and the editor Luis Briceño de Córdoba. These two men of letters used Nogueira’s books and manuscripts for their respective editions of Garcilaso’s poetry in 1622 and 1626.122 Briceño also published Francisco de Figueroa’s poems, and dedicated the entire volume to the Portuguese. Poems by Lope de Vega, the Portuguese Miguel de Silveira, and Juan de Jaúregui, among others, all celebrated Nogueira’s literary patronage as much as Figueroa’s poetry.123 Indeed, none other than Lope de Vega mapped out the Republic of Letters represented in Nogueira’s library in his Laurel de Apolo, a 7,000line poem (1630) in which Apollo crowned with laurels the poets and the most distinguished literary actors of the day. In the third silva of the poem, Lope celebrated Nogueira alongside other Portuguese men of letters.124 This poem encapsulated the attributes that Nogueira most wanted to promote about himself. Lope placed Nogueira’s classical 122 123

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See Zamora, Lope de Vega. Nogueira requested from Lope and Jaúregui poems for the Obra de Francisco de Figueora. Lope sent his “próloguillo en prosa” from Madrid on August 28, 1625. Jaúregui did the same on September 16, 1625. The poem was approved by Jaúregui in Madrid in November 22, 1629. It contained an laudatory epigram composed by Nogueira and Lope’s common friend, Tamayo de Vargas. See Laurel de Apolo, pp. 26–7. Don Vicente Noguera, Tuviera assiento entre Latinos grave, Laurel entre Toscanos, Palma entre Castellanos, Por la dulçura del hablar suave, Y entre Franceses, y Alemanes fuera, Florida Primavera, Que como ella de tantas diferencias, De alegres flores se compone y viste, Assi de varias lenguas, y de ciencias, En que la docta erudición consiste, Que libro se escriviò, que no le viesse? Que ingenio floreció, que no le honrase? En que lengua se habló, que no supiesse? Que ciencia se inventó, que no alcancase? O Musas Castellanas y Latinas, Francesas, Alemanas, y Toscanas, Coronad las Riberas Lusitanas, De Lirios, Arrayanes, y Boninas, No quede en vuestras fuentes cristalinas, Laurel que en ellas su hermosura mire, Donde Daphne amorosa no suspire, Por no haxar a coronar la frente, Desde de todos vencedor Vicente.

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education and his linguistic and bibliographical skills at the core of the poem. The portrait presented Nogueira as someone who took full advantage of the cultural, intellectual, and ethnic diversity of Iberian societies.

2.4

A Lost Library as the Memory Palace of a Portuguese Exile

Between 1615 and 1630, Nogueira strengthened his friendships with internationally renowned scholars in addition to powerful Iberian aristocrats. The political tensions of court life and inquisitorial persecutions caused him to consider relocating outside the Peninsula. To prepare such a potential exit strategy, he reached out beyond local patrons to foreign correspondents, sharing with them his concerns about a world on the brink. What he found was an audience eager to learn about Iberian history, Bibliographia Politica, and library making; one that craved the services of mercenaries of knowledge.125 For the members of the Republic of Letters across Europe, Nogueira’s expertise was indivisible from the linguistic diversity of the Hispanic monarchy that was represented in his correspondence and his library.126 As a multilingual ensemble, work across languages provided a way for jurists to participate in political communication at different levels of the administration.127 For Nogueira, translation was an art that supported the acquisition of political wisdom and prudence.128 As a translator malgrè lui, he reinforced his profile as a versatile political informant who could dissimulate his political criticism through the creative translations

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The French scholar Gabriel Naudé defined Bibliographia politica in 1633 when selecting books that were crucial for the constitution of a political science during the Late Renaissance. See Naudé, Advis pour dresser une bibliothèque. “Auctorem tibi notum esse existimo, virum sane humanissimum et qui eum praecipua nobilitate summam eruditionem conjunxit. Judicium homini summum et exquisitissimum, ommium linguarum peritia accurate ad miraculum usque.” See Lucae Holstenii Epistolae, pp. 297 and 499. This is how Holstenius, who by that time had become the librarian of the Barberini, spoke about Nogueira. Nogueira’s commitment to Hebrew placed him in an ideal position to correspond with Christian Hebraists, who were also key protagonists of the Republic of Letters. See Grafton and Weinberg, “I Have Always Loved the Holy Tongue.” On the role of languages and translation in the politics in Spain see Gilbert, In Good Faith. Through translation, these subjects contributed to the royal authorities’ ideal of full information. Brendecke, The Empirical Empire. On the importance of translation in the wake of a Tacitean moment in the Catholic monarchy see Martínez Bermejo, Translating Tacitus. Nogueira established a personal relationship with translation that echoes the approach that his patron, Baltasar de Zúñiga, followed when translating fragments of Montaigne’s Essais. See Elliott, The Count-Duke, p. 81.

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of his time.129 Certainly, a critical understanding of canon law, ius commune, contemporary political theory, a university education, the use of Latin, and legal expertise in civil matters connected letrados across Spain and Portugal where translation was part of the everyday life of men of letters who dedicated themselves to political, legal, and historical matters.130 However, reading and translating foreign histories required an expertise which transcended what was required from Nogueira when working in Portuguese tribunals of justice. These histories generated political questions that were at the center of the polemics that fueled the connected stories of the Iberian Siglo de Oro and the Republic of Letters. From the moment he left the Iberian Peninsula, Nogueira used the memory of his books to write reports on the histories, languages, literatures, and arts of multiple kingdoms that were affiliated to the Catholic monarchy. Thanks to the enduring memory of his library abroad, Nogueira could present himself as an expert in Spanish literary matters.131 He argued that the literary tradition supported by medieval and early modern authors such as Juan de Mena, Garci Sánchez de Badajoz, King Alfonso X, and the Marquis of Santillana had contributed to the establishment of the modern canon of the Spanish vernacular. He compared some of these men, whose books were in his library, to “altro Dante.” He also included in this tradition more modern writers, such as the royal historiographer of the Indies, Antonio de Herrera, Argote de Molina (a new convert who wrote about Andalusian nobility), the humanist Ambrosio de Morales, and even his friends such as Tamayo de Vargas.132 Nogueira relied on his library as a kind of immaterial capital when asking for favor and support abroad. In Rome, his former library became a memory palace of nostalgia. Biobibliographies published after the mid-1630s reminded members of the Republic of Letters that Nogueira’s library had been a gem among the

129 130 131 132

On this concept applied to early modern literary translations see Zuber, Les “Belles Infidèles.” See Wade, Being Portuguese in Spanish; and Buescu, “Aspectos do bilinguismo Português-Castelhano,” 16–38. BAV, Barb. Lat. 6472. Gonçalves Serafim and Freitas Carvalho (eds.), Um diálogo epistolar, pp. 69–70. The reference to Tamayo drew attention to the fact that Nogueira was well connected with humanistic and aristocratic circles in the Castilian city of Toledo. While still living in the Iberian Peninsula, Nogueira sent to Rome (c. 1631) the manuscript of Ambrosio de Morales’ Viaje Santo that he and Tamayo de Vargas had prepared for another editorial project. BAV, Barb. Lat. 3597; and BNE, ms. 7974.

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most prestigious collections of Portugal and Spain.133 Nogueira used its memory to denounce the extreme conditions he suffered under an unjust inquisitorial persecution. Reflecting on his library helped him build a memory palace within which he could retrieve by the power of imagination references he needed to move forward with new book-hunting campaigns.134 Indeed, he often told his correspondents that while in Spain he had excelled in acquiring rare manuscripts and books from places located all over the Mediterranean (Morocco, Thessaloniki, Constantinople) and even beyond (Persia). Besides vindicating an experience in Mediterranean geopolitics through book acquisitions, this memory palace (i.e. library) provided him not only with an ideal collection but also with a system of classification that he relied on when advising patrons and curating other collections. Above all, the library represented the key tools upon which all those who participated in politics relied to cultivate “critical reason.”135 “Critical reason” can be defined as the set of tactics that Late Renaissance men of letters used when facing the uncertainties generated by seventeenth-century politics and intellectual endeavors. Rather than being directed toward a single and coherent ideological goal or limited to a specific social or religious group, the “critical reason” of mercenaries of knowledge resulted from their understanding that notions such as truth, falseness, and reality were as unstable as the stakes that depended on the politics of dissimulation. It was those stakes which would eventually send Nogueira before the Holy Office and conditioned his trajectory as a mercenary of knowledge.

133

134

135

Through his French connections in Rome, Nogueira was passing information on his absent library to have his name featured in such books. See Jacob de Saint-Charles, Traité des plus belles bibliothèques publiques et particulières. He used this memory palace when forming – from Italy – new libraries for the elites of restored Portugal. On memory palaces operating as mental archives during the early modern period see Yates, The Art of Memory. See Bianchi, Rinascimento e libertinismo.

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Part II

The Severing: Trial and Exile

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3

The Fabric of Dissent

On August 28, 1633, Vicente Nogueira embarked from Lisbon to live out an inquisitorial sentence on the Príncipe island (known today as São Tomé and Príncipe in the Gulf of Guinea). Condemned for crimes of sodomy and corrupting youth, his conviction was as much a victory for the moral program of the Portuguese Inquisition as it was for the political agenda of the Count-Duke of Olivares (1587–1645), the favorite of Philip IV of Spain (r. 1621–1665). By 1633, then in his late forties, Nogueira had established a reputation as a court-trained humanist, a university-trained letrado, a book collector, a literary patron, and a fullfledged member of the Republic of Letters. In 1633, the sun was setting on this glittering career as the convict ship carrying Nogueira made its way out of the Lisbon harbor. Whether by the serendipity of the winds or through some agile planning by the convict, the ship never made it to the Príncipe island. Instead, it landed in Portuguese-controlled Brazil. For over a year, Nogueira hid out in and around Paraíba, where he adapted his skills as a jurist and scholar to his new context. In 1635, having acquired new experiences in the sugar mills (engenhos) of northern Brazil as Dutch forces closed in, Nogueira reappeared in Europe, this time in Rome. There, Portuguese exiles, French scholars, Roman aristocrats, and even the Papacy saw in Nogueira an opportunity to access information about the historical and legal underpinnings of the Iberian monarchies. The former jurist made Rome his home and there he transformed his editorial strategies as well as his ideas concerning the art of political bibliography into bibliopolitics, that is, the practical art of political and intellectual mediation during conflicts via the hunting, gathering, and selling of bibliographical materials for the sake of political criticism and profit.1 Though rocambolesque, Nogueira’s trajectory paralleled the experiences of many others. Mercenaries of knowledge and the patrons they

1

Montcher, “Iberian Bibliopolitics,” 206–18.

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served were often confronted with situations of social and physical displacement. Nevertheless, they transformed challenging situations into the fabric of their dissent against powers they once served, gaining experiences which fueled the process of mercenarization. Inquisitorial trials gave mercenaries of knowledge firsthand experience with mechanisms of oppression and keys for how to subvert those same mechanisms. Exile offered a vantage point on the front lines of internal and international conflicts about which they would have otherwise only read about in their letters or their libraries. Indeed, though challenging, these experiences exposed mercenaries of knowledge to conflicts of jurisdiction tied to the administration of colonial and/or ecclesiastic governance across empires. These conflicts channeled international quarrels concerning imperial reforms in colonial spaces. Nevertheless, even trial and exile did not mean that someone like Nogueira entered into rupture with the Catholic monarchy. Just as it was possible for a man of letters to show dissent in the name of loyalty to his sovereign, exile provided alternative means of advancing or critiquing imperial projects. Mercenaries of knowledge took advantage of their experiences of displacement to bear witness to the dysfunctional side of royal and colonial administrations. That testimony and experience gave them capital to use elsewhere. Thus, rather than solely episodes of constraint, inquisitorial trials and exile could be personally transformative for mercenaries who went on to weave the fabric of anti-Spanish and anti-inquisitorial discourses across European politics. In so doing they contributed to widening the divide between a religious and a civic sense of justice. Colonial societies provided men of letters in exile with contacts and experiences to which they would not have had access if working only from the Iberian Peninsula. Trial and exile thrust men of letters into contact with a broader and more diverse world of subjects living under Iberian rule, including scholarly contacts.2 The story of Nogueira’s trial and exile reveals some of the logic behind these transatlantic networks. After all, intellectual networks in colonial societies were well connected to those of the European Republic of Letters.3 Kingdoms in Latin America did not operate in a vacuum from the rest of the Hispanic monarchy.4 Urban elites, enslaved and indigenous peoples, slave and 2

3 4

See Findlen (ed.), Empires of Knowledge; Cañizares-Esguerra, “On Ignored Global ‘Scientific Revolutions’,” 420–32; and Subrahmanyam, Empires between Islam and Christianity, pp. 319–43. Monteiro and Cardim, “A centralidade da periferia,” 3–22. Scholarship produced on the transatlantic history of the Republic of Letters has brought to the fore relations between cultures of knowledge in the New World and Spanish and

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sugar mill owners, missionaries, and diaspora communities all fostered intellectual interactions at the juncture of global wars, colonial societies, and local conflicts. Nogueira navigated those interactions using his letrado and literary experiences in Iberia, while gaining the time and resources he needed to make his next move. What Nogueira’s Lisbon trial, Brazilian sojourn, and return to Europe all show is how mercenaries of knowledge built upon the contacts and experiences of exile to become fixers for others through the mediation of knowledge and materials.5 Following their tribulations and peregrinations, mercenaries of knowledge learned how to embed themselves in less familiar political contexts. In addition, their memories of trying experiences and perceived injustices gave them the vocabulary to legitimize their exit from the Catholic monarchy while simultaneously justifying their loyalty and value to potential new patrons – even patrons with ties to Iberian powers. Trial and exile became one more aspect of self-fashioning and reputation campaigns. In Nogueira’s case, he was able to convert his exile into a newfound liberty of action through which he increased his political capital, especially his reputation for expertise in international conflicts. 3.1

Trying Jurisdictions: Conflicts between Rome, Madrid, and Lisbon

Notwithstanding the fact that inquisitors certainly cared about the substance of their accusations against Nogueira, both before and after the trial, his encounters with the Inquisition also functioned as a proxy for factionalism at the court in Madrid and in Lisbon during and after the Union of the Crowns (1580–1640). Iberian Inquisitions maintained close links with royal politics and dissenters attracted intensive ecclesiastical and state supervision.6 Though this supervision made life difficult in Iberia, maintaining tumultuous relationships with inquisitorial authorities could be transmitted as a sign of intellectual compatibility with other international members of the Republic of Letters.7 Relying on the

5 6 7

Portuguese circles of influence. See Cañizares-Esguerra, Nature, Empire, and Nation; and Breen, The Age of Intoxication. On learned circles in Portuguese America during the eighteenth century see Kantor, Esquecidos e renascidos historiografia acadêmica lusoamericana; and Feingold (ed.), Jesuit Science and the Republic of Letters. On the analysis of colonial cultures of knowledge and the place they occupied in a global community of knowledge see Brian, Alva Ixtlilxochitl’s Native Archive; and More, Baroque Sovereignty. Stahuljak, Les fixeurs. Lynn, Between Court and Confessional; Marcocci and Paiva, História da Inquisição Portuguesa; and Yllan de Mattos, A Inquisição Contestada. Muchnik, Une vie marrane.

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records of harassment, mercenaries of knowledge could put themselves at the disposal of intellectual networks and intelligence systems interested in exploiting anti-inquisitorial feelings in order to learn of or intervene in other political issues.8 For Nogueira, broadcasting throughout the Republic of Letters and via his European correspondent network his inquisitorial problems before and after his trial in 1633, and later exile, became a symbol of solidarity and access to useful information, rather than an experience of which to be ashamed. Historian Stuart Schwartz has even suggested connecting Nogueira’s profile with a particular form of libertinism cultivated by inquisitorial conflict: [A] sense of cultural relativism and tolerance is perhaps best displayed by the curious case of Vicente Nogueira […] Nogueira was admittedly a singular figure, but his belief that his noble correspondents would be interested in such matters [i.e. his experiences with the Inquisition and his sense of cultural/political relativism in religious matters] and share his admiration and curiosity […] speaks to a broadening cultural toleration that was penetrating the boundaries of the Portuguese world.9

Schwartz’s portrait of Nogueira elucidates how – more than just enforcing social and moral discipline over “dangerous thoughts and thinkers” – the Inquisition played an active, if unintentional, role in promoting ideas of tolerance and civic virtue amid its opponents.10 Indeed, international inquisitorial networks often ran parallel to those of the Republic of Letters.11 The Spanish Holy Office bridged networks of information and censorship through confessional and imperial connections across Europe and the New World. Nevertheless, the Iberian Inquisitions did not remain passive in the face of the spread of antiinquisitorial opinions throughout the Republic of Letters, and actively sought reasons to bring men and women of letters before the tribunal.12 These activities could have political as well as moral payoffs, from the

8 9 10 11

12

Stuczynski, “Richelieu in Marrano Garb,” 71–112. Schwartz, “The Contexts of Viera’s Toleration,” 38–9. On the circulations of these ideas see Pocock, The Machiavellian Moment, p. 192. Cabezas Fontanilla, “En torno a la impresión del Catálogo de libros prohibidos,” 7–30. On Iberian “heterodoxies” (intellectual and political) after the pioneering studies of Marcel Bataillon and Adriano Prosperi, see Pastore, Il vangelo e la spade and Un’ eresia spagnola; and Durin on Epicure et l’épicurisme en Espagne. See Baião, Episódios dramáticos. On more recent analysis of specific case studies of Iberian men of letters who opposed or wrote against the inquisitions, such as Nogueira’s contemporaries Antonio Enríquez Gómez and Manuel Fernandes de Vila Real, see Wilke, Jüdisch-Christliches; and Rose and Gendreau-Massaloux, “Antonio Enríquez Gómez et Manuel Fernandes de Villareal,” 87–103.

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perspective of the inquisitors. While chasing men or women who were perceived as dissenting or dangerous, the Portuguese Holy Office was expanding the scope of its jurisdiction against other ecclesiastical institutions in the kingdom and, in some cases, supporting the universalistic and Castilian-centered reform programs of ministers such as Olivares.13 During the 1620s, Olivares’ ministerial tenure offered a framework within which public intellectuals and political critics would have to adapt their reports and suggestions to a Castilian-centered vision of the Hispanic monarchy. In consequence, many subjects from other territories felt underrepresented. Some found the Iberian Inquisitions to be a tool that allowed politicians like Olivares to carry out their reforms without any jurisdictional constraints. Among these marginalized voices, many Portuguese felt left behind. Several mercenaries of knowledge emerged from the ranks of disenchanted intellectuals. Political polarization under Olivares gave those men of letters opportunities to publicize anti-inquisitorial views across the Republic of Letters. Persecution and exile helped them promote their services across what they and their foreign collaborators considered to be problematic confessional and geographical borders. Nogueira’s first encounter with the Holy Office occurred in November 1614, when his page, Clemente de Oliveira de Cantanhede, was arrested by the tribunal of Lisbon. Cantanhede mentioned that he had practiced sodomy with his master in Coimbra and Lisbon beginning in 1607.14 After confessing voluntarily and showing signs of repentance, Nogueira earned a simple admonition from the tribunal. His second and more extensive encounter with the tribunal happened fifteen years later, beginning in late 1630. This time, his voluntary confession was not enough to avoid an extensive prosecution that lasted until summer 1633.15 Between his first troubles with the Inquisition in 1614 and his condemnation in 1633, politics remained at the center of Nogueira’s inquisitorial problems.16 In the period following his first arrest, the Holy Office had reinforced its prerogatives over crimes of sodomy, a term that could encompass a vast array of practices. This tendency accompanied a series of systematic investigations and persecutions against New Christian communities, especially those connected to intellectual and mercantile

13 14 15 16

Gomez, “Justiça e Misericórdia,” 80. Clemente de Oliveira denounced Nogueira on November 20, 1614. See his files in ANTT, TSO, IL 28, 4241. See Baião, Episódios dramáticos, vol. 1, pp. 191–202. Morel-Fatio confirmed that Nogueira was arrested for political reasons. See MorelFatio, “Vicente Noguera,” 12.

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centers such as university towns and port cities.17 In Portugal, cities such as Coimbra and Lisbon, among others, were in the eye of the storm. In addition, the 1610s and 1620s were marked by a conservative turn toward religious orthodoxy. It was in this context that the defenders of Catholic orthodoxy created the figure of the learned libertine, perceived as the fearless advocate of what they conceived to be an outrageous form of cultural relativism.18 Targets were often selected according to political agendas with the goal of broadening inquisitorial jurisdictions as far as possible into the lives of subjects. This increased use of sexual habits as a motive for the Inquisition had unintended consequences. While people accused of sodomy suffered persecutions, same-sex relations could also be used to one’s advantage to create bonds of solidarity and community. Even if their political enemies built campaigns of mala fama around accusations of sodomy, such acts of discrimination could be denounced and, sometimes, subverted by the victims in ways which helped expand relationships and even find new supporters. Those mercenaries of knowledge like Nogueira, who were accused of sodomy, faced a common dilemma among dissenters who were torn between the necessity to remain discreet about their acts (real or alleged) and the desire to publicize them. When, on June 17, 1631, Nogueira was arrested on charges of sodomy, he presented himself as a collateral victim of local conflicts between ecclesiastical institutions. He emphasized the political nature of his trial, hoping to appeal against what he considered to be an abuse of power.19 Throughout his trial, he maintained that the charge of sodomy deserved to be evaluated by civil rather than religious authorities.20 Nevertheless, the Inquisition could justify its jurisdiction by relying on a tradition within the Catholic Church to process such crimes in addition to heresy.21 Sexual crimes were often considered to be a mark of heresy, allowing many politicians to rely on such charges to take down their

17

18 19 20

21

For a general take on this question see Marcocci and Paiva, História da Inquisição, especially chapter 6. For a more specific and case-study oriented approach see Ferreira Gomes, Autos e diligências de inquirição, p. 25. See Van Damme, L’épreuve libertine; and Cavaillé, Les Déniaisés. “Brevissimo apuntamiento,” December 31, 1635, NA, SP 94/35. In 1596, Philip II tried to confer to the Inquisition in Castile affairs of sodomy, but the king faced strong papal opposition. On the spread of the opinion that the Inquisition should limit its jurisdiction to crimes of heresy see Pérez, Brève histoire de l’Inquisition. Through the concepts of Solicitation and Fraternal Correction, canon law specialists engaged with cases of sodomy, especially when trying to keep the Catholic church free from scandals among the clergy. Fossier, “Quand l’Église étouffe le scandale,” 32–3; and Stella, Le Prêtre et le sexe.

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enemies with the excuse of religion.22 Portuguese subjects, such as the powerful marques of Castel-Rodrigo, who was living between Madrid and Rome at the time, were tried for similar reasons at the start of the 1630s.23 What was at stake for all the parties involved, including the court in Madrid, was the politicized dimension of Nogueira’s sexual crimes. Not coincidentally, the beginning of Philip IV’s reign (1621–1665) and Olivares’ rise to power fostered a reaffirmation of the Crown’s control over Iberian Inquisitions.24 One of the most reliable resources for a minister like Olivares when trying to implement his reforms was to launch campaigns of mala fama against his detractors using the Spanish and Portuguese Holy Offices as proxies. From the perspectives of his alleged detractors, inquisitorial attention was received with dread, but it could be used as a badge of honor by those who survived. When Nogueira arrived in Rome, he spent time near the Marquis of Castel-Rodrigo, who had become the Portuguese ambassador of the Spanish king after surviving his own trial for sodomy in the early 1630s.25 Nogueira was by then an opponent of the Portuguese and Spanish Inquisitions, and he was also someone who boasted of being in open conflict with Madrid. For his part, CastelRodrigo remained loyal to the Spanish Crown, though he did not seem to be interested in cutting his ties with Portuguese mercenaries of knowledge such as Nogueira, with whom he grew up at court and with whom he had more in common than with Olivares when it came to thinking about how the universalism of the Hispanic monarchy or the Papacy should be connected to Portuguese interests.26 Inquisitorial sources and treatises that justified such campaigns explained that Olivares had to defend himself from those subjects around him who worked toward his downfall.27 Even Castel-Rodrigo’s former secretary, the hired pen Manuel de Faria e Sousa, portrayed the ambassador as someone who in Rome was close, maybe too close, to the papal family of the Barberini, with whom Olivares butted heads. On the brink 22

23 24 25 26 27

The former secretary of the Spanish embassy in Rome constructed implicit equivalences between sexual crimes, heretical thoughts, and political unconformity when denouncing his patron in one of the many manuscripts he used to publicize his mémoires. See Faria y Sousa, Información en discurso histórico dictada por el zelo del bien publico en lo más sustancial de una monarchia, RAH, 9-5117, 1634. Martínez Hernández, “Aristocracia y anti-olivarismo,” vol. 2, 1147–96. Paiva, “Philip IV of Spain and the Portuguese Inquisition,” 364–85. On the political use of crimes of sodomy across the Portuguese world, see Mott, “Justitia et Misericórdia,” 67 and 88–9. Cardim and Sabatini, “António Vieira e o universalismo,” 13–27. Faria e Sousa, Fortuna, and Información en discurso histórico dictada por el zelo del bien público, RAH, 9-5117.

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of war between Spain and France, Pope Urban VIII altered his politics of reconciliation between the two monarchies. Urban VIII forced the Spanish ambassador to the Holy See, Cardinal Gaspar de Borja y Velasco (1580–1645) out of the Curia after the latter criticized the Pope’s reluctance to impose policies that would serve to collect extra funds on behalf of the Holy Roman Emperor’s fight against Protestants. Between 1632 and 1634, Olivares’ relationships with the Barberini reached a low point.28 Amid this tormented context for Spanish diplomacy in Rome, Faria e Sousa alluded that the new Spanish ambassador in Rome, the Count of Castel-Rodrigo, was as prone to sodomy as to believing in prophecies, implying the latter’s propensity toward a form heresy singled out by a Pope who had just expelled Olivares’ cousin, Cardinal Borja. What unfolded across sodomy trials such as the ones of Castel-Rodrigo and Nogueira, or through the pen of a mercenary of knowledge such as Faria e Sousa, were the multilayered and international conflicts of jurisdiction which mercenaries of knowledge used to break or strengthen their links of dependence with the Hispanic monarchy. Though hardly a puppet of Madrid, the Portuguese Inquisition was weaponized to serve the political interests of the royal court through its interventions in Lisbon. Olivares had promoted attacks against certain Portuguese New Christians since 1627, trying to replace them with others more loyal to his political views.29 It was not only New Christians with money or who were involved in trade and baking operations that were targeted. Aristocrats and letrados who were or who had occupied influential positions at the royal court and in the administrations of the different kingdoms of the monarchy were replaced by “hired pens”who were ready to serve and praise Olivares’ politics.30 As for Portugal, the Pact of Tomar (1581) that had delineated the scope of the jurisdictional autonomy of the kingdom during the Iberian Union of the Crowns and the state council of Portugal had been progressively undermined by Olivares since the 1620s.31 Nogueira’s trial coincided with the minister’s attempt to strengthen his relations with Portuguese clients while discrediting those who expressed disagreement with his reforming project. On the other end of the political spectrum, Nogueira’s converso origins must have entered into the calculus of both Madrid and Rome. The Papacy was being pressured by New Christians 28

29 30

On the relationships between Olivares and the Barberini, and on what happened after Borja’s famous protest against Urban VIII and the Barberini, see Elliott, The CountDuke, pp. 431–2. On how Olivares undercut the financial influence of Genoese bankers in Spain by relying on Portuguese New Christians, see Israel, “Dutch Sephardi Jewry,” 78. 31 Kagan, Clio and the Crown, pp. 223–39. Cardim, Portugal, pp. 116–20.

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in Rome, who had been advocating for the suppression of the Portuguese Inquisition since its establishment in 1536, to represent a new form of Portuguese universalism.32 Meanwhile, the Papacy was negotiating with the Inquisition over the status of New Christians in Portugal.33 Nogueira’s case provided an opportunity to undermine the jurisdiction of that institution from Rome itself. The fact that Nogueira was technically a papal representative, as the Referendary of the Two Signatures, also ensured that the Portuguese Inquisition faced scrutiny from Rome over the latter’s involvement in Iberian politics. However, Nogueira’s role in Portugal during his trial remained ambivalent. While his case could be used by the Papacy to undermine the Portuguese Holy Office, his relative freedom of action and thought could negatively affect the Pope’s affairs in the Iberian Peninsula. Like the affairs of Galileo Galilei and the Dominican Tommaso Campanella – also taking place at the start of the 1630s – Nogueira’s trial risked damaging the reputation of the Papacy in matters of scientific and intellectual patronage. As a well-connected Portuguese scholar, of possible New Christian origins, who enjoyed a longstanding relationship with papal agents, Nogueira’s case was of urgent interest to Rome.34 In addition to having received honorific titles and licenses to read books from Clement VIII and Paul V, Nogueira had been solicited to go to Rome in the 1620s by Giovanni Battista Pallota, a papal collector in Portugal from 1624 to 1626, who knew that Nogueira’s money, contacts, and books could help the Papacy question Philip IV’s rights over ecclesiastical matters across Portuguese territories as well as weaken the monarch’s jurisdiction in economic, religious, and social matters via the tribunals of Lisbon. At that time, Pallota was building relations with mercenaries of knowledge, including Campanella, that could help the Holy See establish its authority and access to Iberian information over the Spanish lobby in Rome. Nogueira’s case parallels those of other Portuguese New Christians, such as António Homem (1564–1624), who were persecuted based on their religious and political orientations in the early 1620s.35 Homem 32 33

34 35

Nelson Novoa, Being the Nação. “Significo a v. Em.za che si torna a trattare del perdono generale per I cristiani novi, I quali offeriscono gran danaro, il che sarebbe un far del resto, et aprir il passo alli fugiti specialmente in Olanda, E Germani e di consolar tutta questa nobiltà, che piange e si offende di tal tratto.” AAV, Seg. Stato Portogallo 19, November 9, 1630, f. 44r. Nogueira to Francesco Barberini, Rome, October 5, 1640, BAV, Barb. Lat. 6472, ff. 44v–5r. Influential politicians at court, such as the Count of La Roca, a diplomat and political theorist, suffered veiled exile when being sent to Italy. See Gutiérrez, “The Diplomacy of Letters,” 187–204.

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studied and taught canon law in Coimbra, before being arrested in 1619 along with 130 other men and women, including four canons of the Cathedral of Coimbra. He was accused of being a “judaizer” and a “sodomite,” and after refusing to confess, he was burned at the stake.36 Although his New Christian origins nurtured his hatred of inquisitorial arbitrariness, unlike Homem, Nogueira always presented himself as an Old Christian. By dissociating his father’s and mother’s genealogical background, and by relying on the former to present himself as a devoted Roman Catholic, Nogueira’s intermittent defense of New Christian interests departed from his own strategy to distinguish himself from this group. Inquisitorial attacks on such figures raised awareness among intellectual circles during the 1620s that the Iberian Inquisitions were going out of their way to block voices that did not commit with the Spanish Counter-Reformation project. The exile from the court in Madrid of the Spanish polymath and collector Juan de Espina (1583–1642) was another example of an inquisitorial move that contributed to disciplining the intellectual scene under Olivares’ rule.37 Inquisitorial attacks against men such as Nogueira reflected conflicts over jurisdictions between the court in Madrid, the Iberian Inquisitions, cathedral chapters, and the Roman Congregation for the Doctrine of the Faith in Rome. For example, Nogueira suffered from the rivalry between the Holy Office and the Cathedral of Lisbon. Nogueira’s position as a canon in the Lisbon Cathedral – an institution that often positioned itself against the Holy Office during the 1620s – would have made his downfall all the more attractive to the inquisitors.38 In November 1630, the seventeen-year-old Manuel Perreira, son of a familiar of the Holy Office, told his uncle how Nogueira had transgressed the boundaries of decency by performing his “odious” practices in the chapter house and in the cathedral itself. Based on Perreira’s denunciation, rumors about an imminent trial started to circulate in Lisbon. The gossip was, in fact, an

36 37

38

Soyer, Antisemitic Conspiracy Theories, pp. 97–9. Nogueira and Espina maintained connections with the Duke of Lerma. While Nogueira’s father was one of Lerma’s protégés, Espina collected memorabilia owned by Lerma’s right-hand man, Rodrigo Calderón, who was executed in Madrid in 1621. Vélez de Guevara compared Espina to Galileo in his picaresque novel entitled The Diablo Cojuelo (Madrid, 1641). On Espina see Ruela Baquero, El camarín del desengaño; and Marcaida López, Arte y ciencia en el barocco, p. 107. Paiva, Baluartes da fé e da disciplina. During that time, jurisdiction over heresy was granted to the bishops in Portugal. Since its creation by Pope Paul III in 1542, the Roman Inquisition had been associated with the idea of a universal jurisdiction. Rome went as far as closing the Portuguese Inquisition between 1679 and 1681 due to the fact that the inquisitors did not want their trials be verified by their Roman peers. See Castelnau-L’Estoile, Páscoa, pp. 31 and 103.

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essential component of a political strategy that attacked the reputation of a prestigious ecclesiastical institution via one of its canons. On November 27, 1630, Nogueira appeared before the tribunal to confess his crimes. The ambitions of the tribunal did not go unchecked. Cathedral chapters could defend the rights and prerogative of their canons, which is probably one reason why Nogueira found a canonry so appealing. In Spain and Portugal, cathedrals took advantage of the desire of the Roman Curia to reaffirm the authority of the Congregation for the Doctrine of the Faith (i.e. Roman Inquisition) against Iberian inquisitorial jurisdictions. As Kimberly Lynn has pointed out, “the Roman Congregation was recognized as a forum in which ecclesiastical authorities might challenge inquisitorial assertions of jurisdiction.” Indeed, the Roman Congregation for the Doctrine of the Faith positioned itself as an appeals tribunal representing a universal jurisdiction that could benefit victims of the Portuguese Inquisition.39 Beyond its rivalry with the tribunal of the Holy Office, the Cathedral Chapter was engaged in multiple conflicts with other powerful ecclesiastical institutions. After having confessed, and a month before being jailed and put on trial on June 17, 1631, Nogueira was elected by the Chapter to go to Rome to defend its interests against the Portuguese Inquisition and the Society of Jesus.40 Although the trip was canceled, the voyage was intended to mediate disputes between the Chapter, the Jesuits, and the Holy Office in Lisbon.41 The Chapter’s election in 1631 was part of Nogueira’s strategy to create networks abroad, which could defend him from local conflicts. Paradoxically, it is more than probable that this election finally triggered the Inquisition’s attacks on him after years of careful monitoring. In addition to the feud between the cathedral and the Inquisition, Nogueira’s trial involved other ecclesiastical and political institutions. Nogueira’s “voluntary” confession of his crimes on November 27, 1630, took place before of the General Inquisitor, Francisco de Castro (1574–1653). Castro had been the rector of the University of Coimbra (June 1605–May 1611) during Nogueira’s student years and knew of his licentious reputation. Nogueira’s first voluntary confession in 1614 made clear that his sins dated back to his years as a university student.42 39 40 41 42

On the contacts between inquisitions, especially the Roman and the Spanish ones, see Lynn, “From Madrid to Rome,” 72. Nogueira’s “Brevissimo apuntamiento.” Nogueira explained that this arrest had been motivated by his selection as the cathedral’s representative to complain to the Pope in Rome. On Castro in Coimbra see Vale, “D. Francisco de Castro (1574–1653),” 339–58.

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Indeed, precisely in this period, the university became one of the main points of interest for the Inquisition. Between 1612 and 1624, inquisitors launched a series of Devassas (visits) to identify staff members and students, who, as fanchonos, were supposedly well versed in one of the pecados nefandos, that is, sodomy.43 The main goal of these visits consisted, however, in persecuting New Christians, using sodomy accusations to place them under the purview of the Inquisition. The records of these visits did not mention Nogueira’s name. However, Nogueira was in Coimbra when most of these visits happened and he likely came to the Inquisition’s attention at that time. During the first half of the seventeenth century, the Holy Office exercised increasing pressure over matters tangential to faith crimes and instead directed their efforts against other ecclesiastical authorities and institutions such as bishops, religious orders, and cathedral chapters. These agendas reinforced an esprit de corps among inquisitors’ familiars and others connected to the Holy Office.44 Meanwhile, bishops, religious orders, and individual members of ecclesiastical institutions oscillated between resistance and collaboration with inquisitors. Cathedral chapters, such as that of Lisbon, radicalized their positions against the Portuguese Inquisition.45 Nogueira’s strategy against the Portuguese Inquisition would prove to be a double-edged sword. On one side, personal ties with papal authorities must have weighed in his favor, as evidenced when the Chapter relied on his services to defend its privileges against the Inquisition. On the other side, Nogueira’s proposed mission attracted attention from the Holy Office, which then sought to prevent such a mission. To bring about Nogueira’s downfall, however, the most powerful evidence came from within the Chapter itself. It is striking to see how many canons and young members of the Chapter’s staff offered testimonies to the Inquisition against Nogueira before his proposed departure to Rome. In addition to being victims of the canon assaults, several of these witnesses were themselves arrested by the tribunal.46 What the inquisitors portrayed as the immoral behavior of the members 43 44

45 46

Ferreira Gomes, Autos e diligências de inquirição, p. 25; and Andrade, Confraria de S. Diogo. For example, the agent of the Spanish clergy in Rome solicited in 1654 that the Spanish Inquisition could only act against canons if “pure matters of Faith” constituted the core of the problem. AGS, Estado-Roma, leg. 3026. López-Salazar Codes, Inquisición y política, p. 271. In December 1630, Marcos Vieira and Francisco Perez, mozos de coro and students of the cathedral, were jailed. Weeks before them, Manoel de Fonseca, servant of the canon João de Montezinhos, and Antonio Dias do Rio, servant of the canon Manoel da Silva, suffered a similar fate. See ANTT, TSO, IL, proc. 4241.

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of the Chapter provided an excuse for the Holy Office to tear down an institution with which it had been competing for influence over the politics of the city. By neutralizing several of its members, the inquisitors succeeded in transforming the Cathedral Chapter into an incriminating environment. The inquisitorial zeal deployed against the Chapter was, in part, a response to earlier interference by the Roman Inquisition in the affairs of both the Portuguese Inquisition and the Lisbon Cathedral. In 1628 in Rome, Cardinal Fabricio Verospi, a curial judicial expert, and Cardinal Ludovico Zacchia, the accountant of the Roman Inquisition, were appointed to adjudicate a dispute about quotidian distributions among the canons of Lisbon, which added fuel to the fire.47 The intervention of the Roman Inquisition in the affairs of the Chapter in 1628 followed a trial that had started two years earlier between the Chapter and the Portuguese Holy Office. This trial concerned the use of Church benefices in absentia by members of the Chapter who were also inquisitorial officials.48 The Chapter was thus facing internal turmoil among its members at the same time that it tried to renew several positions. The inquisitorial appointments of new members of the Chapter impeded some of them from residing in Lisbon. Based on an old brief of Pope Pius IV (1559–1565), these new members could lose their benefices.49 Both institutions appealed to Rome and, in the end, the Holy See had the final word concerning this dispute. These contentions were also discussed during Nogueira’s trial, though the final decision in the former case did not come until November 6, 1636, when Pope Urban VIII resolved the controversy in favor of the Portuguese Inquisition.50 In addition to interecclesiastic contests, a polemic that had started in 1626 fueled jurisdictional tensions that involved the papal collector in Portugal and the Inquisition in Lisbon.51 Giovanni Battista Pallota had been one of the first to recognize Nogueira’s potential as a mercenary of

47 48

49

50 51

Mayer, The Roman Inquisition, p. 79. Berlinghiero Gessi would join Zacchia and Verospi, as a third member of the Congregation of the Holy Office in Rome, later on. On the case of the canon and member of the Inquisition, Francisco Rodrigues de Valadares, who started this conflict of jurisdiction, see López-Salazar Codes, Inquisición y Política, pp. 287–94. The Inquisition sought to consolidate internal support within the Chapter by guaranteeing the new appointees’ benefits. Inquisitors argued that if they were able to obtain a privilege from the Pope, its officials should be able to reside outside the Chapter for up to five years while still benefiting from privileges associated with their status as members of a Cathedral Chapter. Mayer, The Roman Inquisition. Ibid., 300–9. On the impact of this episode on Francesco Barberini’s visit in Spain see the letter sent by Philip IV to the Cardinal on August 9, 1626 from Madrid.

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knowledge. It is probable that during the 1620s, Nogueira served Pallota from the Chapter of the Cathedral of Lisbon by providing him with information about how papal diplomacy could avoid the political influence of the tribunal, and by default overcome Philip IV’s jurisdiction over ecclesiastical matters across and beyond Lisbon. These matters had profound economic and political implications. Nogueira’s closeness to Pallota probably contributed to building resentment among the inquisitors, who ended up seeing him as a pawn of papal interference in inquisitorial and Spanish royal affairs. These tensions were at the center of the puzzle which was Nogueira’s trial, and alerted Rome of the need to intervene. In 1626, Cardinal Giulio Sacchetti, Nogueira’s future patron in Rome – who at that time occupied the office of nuncio in Madrid – requested that the Portuguese Inquisition recognize through the “breves de nombramientos” the ability of papal representatives to appeal inquisitorial sentences, as long as they were not related to heretical matters or crimes committed against the tribunal itself.52 Nogueira sought to rely on this argument in 1631. The conflicts between the Chapter and the Inquisition provided an opportunity for the Pope to intervene in Spanish and Portuguese politics. Urban VIII had long aimed to undermine the privileges that Philip IV enjoyed thanks to the real patronato (a series of privileges granted to the Spanish and Portuguese kings to oversee ecclesiastical matters, mostly related to late fifteenth- and sixteenth-century “discoveries”).53 Institutions such as cathedral chapters and Inquisitions had benefited from the patronato while expanding their jurisdictions in legal and territorial matters. A conflict between these institutions thus provided an entry point for the Papacy to reassert its influence over Iberian territories, especially after the 1622 foundation of the Propaganda Fide, an institution that aimed to reaffirm the spiritual authority of the Pope across the world. The high level of interpersonal connections between the Papacy and Iberian men of letters became apparent when papal diplomacy expressed its concerns with Nogueira’s arrest. Nevertheless, this connection did not mean that the Papacy thought that the Portuguese was innocent. On the contrary, a ciphered letter sent from Rome in June 1631 recommended

52

53

BNE, Mss. 6734, ff. 11r–37v, Documentos relativos a los conflictos entre la justicia secular y el collector en Portugal en tiempos de monseñor Giovanni Battista Pallotto (1625). Quoted by López-Salazar Codes, Inquisición y política, p. 306. See Malekandathil “Cross, Sword, and Conflicts,” 251–67; and Paiva “Philip IV of Spain and the Portuguese Inquisition,” 364–85.

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his release from the Inquisition to avoid gossip which could reflect negatively on his papal patrons: Nogueira, who is the prisoner of the Inquisition, was a Referendary of both signatures. If dispossessed from his canonry, it would not be a good idea to release him to the minister of the Holy Office if the desire is to avoid rumors. The faith of this procurator of the Crown [Nogueira] is highly suspicious, and he has notorious bad habits. A man like this is likely to disturb the Church. He is very much hated, and even if remorse and bad conscience make him [seem] shy, he does not refrain himself from his bad spirit. With the help of our Lord, it would be good if Madrid could try to solve this situation.54

The Pope did not mean to protect Nogueira from the serious charges against him, simply from the public exposure of the trial. The Holy See recognized that he was a person who “was highly suspicious in matters of Faith” and notorious for his “bad habits.” Such a man should certainly not be given the opportunity to criticize or fuel criticism of the Church. Softer methods than those employed by the Inquisition should be used against him so that he would not retaliate against the Church.55 Even the court in Madrid was instructed by the Papacy to reconsider the political approach to Nogueira’s trial.56 The letter communicated that the trial should be carried out by civil authorities, considering Nogueira’s status as an honorary jurist working for the papal Cancelleria. In the hands of a secular justice, Nogueira’s influence as a pawn between ecclesiastic rivals would have been greatly diminished.57 Nogueira had his own incentives to politicize his trial, intending to draw attention away from the sexual aspects of his case by asking if 54

55

56 57

“Il Nogera, preso dall’Inquisitione, era anche Referendario di ambe le segnature e quando resti privo del canonicato non serà forsi bene conferirlo al Ministro del Santo Officio per non dar occasione di mormorare. Questo procuratore della corona è persona molto sospetta in fede e notoriamente malo in costumi et ad huomo tale si è dato il flagello da inquietare la chiesa. È odiato assai e se ne avvede e la mala coscienza lo fa timido se bene non tanto che freni il suo mal’animo se con le instanze di Nostro Signore si potesse da Madrid sperare rimedio si dovrebbe tentare, essendo notorie le cause di farlo rimovere, se non instare in genere per rimedio che non fa il tutto fa sempre qualche cosa.” AAV, Seg. Stato Portogallo 19, June 28, 1631, deciphered on September 27, 1631, f. 67r. I would like to thank James Nelson Novoa for this reference. AAV, Seg. Stato Portogallo 19, June 28, 1631, deciphered on September 27, 1631, f. 67r. Such a letter echoes others sent from Rome, asking inquisitors to not proceed against specific people. Lynn, “From Madrid to Rome,” 74. Ibid. In Rome, the treatment of faith crimes and mixed secular-ecclesiastical cases, especially sodomy, were processed by the Tribunale del Governatore and Tribunale del Vicariato. After Paul IV’s Papacy (1555–1559), the Inquisition would only process such crimes if they were connected to crimes of heresy or if the suspect “stated that he did not know that it was a sin.” Fosi, “The Inquisition in Rome,” 40; and Lavenia, “Indicibili ‘Mores’,” 513–41.

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sodomy was a social crime that in fact belonged to the jurisdiction of the civil courts. Indeed, it is undeniable that most of the inquisitorial pressure came upon him when it became politically convenient to do so. Nevertheless, it is also obvious that he was involved in the political instrumentalization of his case prior, during, and after his trial. His posterior claims about political persecution prove very little about the intentions of inquisitors and the legitimacy of the testimonies of his alleged victims, except that those claims became key for him obtaining fresh patronage outside the Catholic monarchy.58

3.2

Mapping Dissent(ers)

Inquisitorial trials against men of letters and letrados often knit together ecclesiastic, aristocratic, and scholarly networks across Iberia and beyond through a proxy competition for jurisdictional authority. These networks reached out to multiple centers of power and places, including courts, cathedral chapters, universities, monasteries, and Jesuit colleges. Inquisitorial investigations mapped these connections. Just as the deployment of inquisitorial activity was a collective process, so too were the targets imagined in collective terms. Although the trials certainly emphasized stand-alone sinfulness, what was most urgent was to identify a community of sinners that the process of inquisition could cast as a uniform group. Beyond targeting a community of political dissenters, one of the priorities of the inquisitors was to map a community of men involved in what they considered to be crimes against nature. The sexual dimension of Nogueira’s case remained at the core of the tribunal’s motivations. Nogueira never denied his sexual encounters. His sociability in Portugal and Spain, and later on in Brazil and Rome, depended heavily on his emotional and sexual orientations. His relationships provided him with support, especially among others who experienced similar persecutions. For example, after his trial and when in Rome, Nogueira came to be identified as a “Spanish cleric,” in close orbit with the Spanish Cardinal Cueva and the Spanish ambassador, the Count of CastelRodrigo. It appears that the count was reputed for his same-sex intercourse in Madrid, Lisbon, and Rome. Castel-Rodrigo also suffered from the political jealousies of the Count of Olivares, and suspicions about the latter’s sexual orientations came in handy as an excuse to send him away to Rome, far from the Spanish court in Madrid. Such connections 58

NA, SP 94/35.

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determined Nogueira’s tactics of self-reinvention. Upon arrival in Rome he declared himself to be a Spaniard so that he might ingratiate himself with Castel-Rodrigo. For Nogueira, there was no contradiction between being a Spanish Old Christian with Portuguese New Christian ascendency on his mother’s side and a Roman Catholic in constant conflict against the arbitrariness of the Iberian Inquisitions. Nogueira’s trial constitutes one more piece of evidence of the existence of robust same-sex communities across and beyond the Iberian Peninsula. Such communities were not limited to the geographical boundaries of the peninsula. They often extended to the other territories of the Catholic monarchy, while at the same time transcending the frontiers of Iberian power. Historian Giuseppe Marcocci has shown the existence of same-sex communities among Iberian people in ecclesiastical milieux of such communities in Rome. Marcocci explained that their “members were conscious of their actions, including gender reversal.”59 He identified one of the communities that gathered around the ancient basilica of San Giovanni a Porta Latina in Rome, where its members performed same-sex marriages around the year 1578. In his analysis, Marcocci considers what that might have motivated such performances, including their subversive character, but he ends up insisting on the importance of the emotional ties that made such communities. He considers that such marriages should be taken seriously from the point of view of men who experienced tensions between, on one side, their belief in sacraments that could eventually secure their salvation with on the other side, their socially induced conscience of the sinful nature of their sexual orientations. Beyond Rome, and for what concerns colonial Brazil, historian Luiz Mott unveiled the existence of early modern “crypto-sodomite” communities that provided refuge to exiles like Nogueira in regions such as Pernambuco.60 Before and after his trial, and throughout all his displacements, Nogueira relied on the solidarities and friendships provided by such communities. The fact that those same communities were persecuted added a religious and political component to their identities which meant that their emotions and sexual orientations, religious beliefs, and political engagements could not be separated, or by the same token torn apart, by their enemies. Such identities were

59 60

Marcocci, “Is This Love?” Mott, “Cripto-sodomitas em Pernambuco.” For a broader geographical coverage see Gruzinski, “The Ashes of Desire”; Garza Carvajal, Butterflies Will Burn; and Rocke, Fordidden Friendship.

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complex and functioned as shields against anyone who wanted to reduce these individuals to a single dimension. In Nogueira’s case, inquisitorial staff registered more than 452 reprehensible sexual encounters perpetrated with at least sixty-two different companions. The detainee faced a trial that dredged through the previous twenty-five years of his life and career (1605–1630). Although testimonies followed conventional formats, what stands out is their number and their regularity. A true information campaign was orchestrated against Nogueira, considering that documents had been accumulated since the early 1600s and oral testimonies were collected on a regular basis during the 1620s. Regularized allusions to Nogueira’s abuses of his moral authority as a canon and his profanation of sacred spaces fueled the scandalous dimension of his trial. Inquisitors built a case that would fit their jurisdiction – avoiding any legal loopholes and any jurisdictional interference from institutions and individuals that could have protected him – while establishing a precedent to adjudicate the activities of those same institutions and individuals.61 The profusion of testimonies in Nogueira’s dossier confirmed that institutions connected to ecclesiastical institutions – especially the cathedral, the Cartuxa of Laveiras, the University of Coimbra, and the Jesuit College in Valladolid – provided the main stages upon which the Inquisition accused him of having carried out his most notorious performances. Nogueira indeed spent time and lived in the Cartuxa intermittently between 1625 and 1629.62 In a letter he wrote from Lisbon in June 1626 to the historian of the Cathedral Chapter of Evora, Manuel Severim de Faria (1584–1655), Nogueira compared Laveiras to a paradise.63 In that letter he referred to his relationships with the Pope, the Cardinal Protector of Portugal (i.e. Francesco Barberini), and the General of the Cartuxa. In August 1632, the Inquisition found a way to neutralize any support he could receive from Laveiras when Thomas Pinto de Navaes’ testimony suggested that Laveiras was known for being a licentious space. On August 14, João do Spirito Santo, from the Capuchin hospital in Lisbon, mentioned how Nogueira once advised a Carthusian monk to escape the Holy Office via the Cartuxa. During his second confession, Nogueira admitted to having sinned multiple times in Laveiras, including with the monks’ mozos (pages) in 1627. During this 61 62

63

Mott, “O vício dos nobres,” 331–4. Gonçalves Serafim and Freitas Carvalho (eds.), Um diálogo epistolar, pp. 64–6; and the testimony that the Trinitarian Jacinto Sanchez gave to the Inquisition on June 25, 1631. ANTT, TSO, IL, proc. 4241. Nogueira to Severim de Faria, Lisbon–Evora, June 6, 1626, Gonçalves Serafim and Freitas Carvalho (eds.), Um diálogo epistolar, p. 64.

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period, the number of monks from Laveiras processed by the Holy Office ballooned. In a parallel campaign, inquisitors increased their financial donations to the Cartuxa to cement their control over the institution.64 In addition to time spent in Laveiras, Nogueira was also a regular fixture in the Lisbon Cathedral Chapter. Jealous of the privileged connections that the Chapter maintained with the Portuguese viceroy’s court, inquisitors wished for a better grasp over the institution. One way to accomplish this goal was to expose publicly the corruption of the Chapter’s members. The inquisitors followed a similar technique to the one they used to discredit the Cartuxa of Laveiras before expanding their dominion over it. Nogueira’s case was useful for such purposes. The inquisitors accused him of having used the cathedral to trap his victims and recruit young men for his scandalous practices. Manoel Perreira, whose uncle was the doorkeeper of the cathedral, told the inquisitors how the canon tricked him by asking to consult books supposedly waiting for him in the Chapter’s room inside the cathedral.65 The inquisitors used this testimony to extrapolate how Nogueira and other canons took advantage of the spaces owned by the Cathedral Chapter to indulge in sexual activities. It seems that Perreira’s allegations of forced sexual relations with Nogueira did not matter as much as the space where such acts were perpetrated. Without fully dismissing the physical and psychological violence experienced by Perreira, the inquisitors focused on the idea of the profanation of a sacred space. Although open to multiple interpretations, they likely emphasized the access to such spaces so as to damage the reputation of the Chapter just enough so that they could take over. Thus, the Lisbon tribunal took care to avoid discrediting too many religious figures. Except for a few allusions made to canons, Nogueira was accused of sinning against the lay members and personnel-in-training of the cathedral. The inquisitors presented themselves as the only ones able to operate the precise surgical extractions that would preserve the Chapter’s political body while reforming its institutional spirit. Nogueira’s trial put institutions that competed with the Inquisition for political influence in Portugal into difficult positions. Though the attacks were indirect, the Lisbon tribunal targeted a specific group of opposition to Olivares which included Nogueira. During the trial, this strategy was carried out by listing names that were representatives of the intellectual 64 65

Gusmão, A Cartuxa de Laveiras. Manoel Perreira gave his testimony to the Inquisition on December 4, 1630. His testimony echoed that given by Antonio Dalmeida, chaplain of the cathedral. See ANTT, TSO, IL, proc. 4241.

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links forged across Spain and Portugal by mercenaries of knowledge. For example, the names of the Count of Miranda, the Count of Tarouca (Captain of Tanger), the Count of Villamediana, and the Dukes of Peñaranda, Alba, and Feria stand out in Nogueira’s inquisitorial dossier. Not all of them were actively implicated in the Portuguese’s “scandals,” but the way the inquisitors compiled the testimonies brought to the surface subtle connections between these figures. Nogueira’s trial thus contributed to a campaign of damnatio memoriae, which aimed to eradicate the most active opponents to the political reforms that Philip IV’s favorite promoted after 1621. Through Nogueira’s trial, the inquisitors mapped opaque information networks and their connections to international communities of knowledge. For example, among the relationships to which witnesses alluded frequently was his friendship with the Count of Villamediana, the aristocrat and satirical poet assassinated in 1622 who provided him with a place to stay in the neighborhood of the Red of St. Luis in Madrid. In 1609, Nogueira was staying in the count’s house and maintained sexual relations with a Roman page of the Duke of Feria.66 Indirect allusions to the Nogueira–Villamediana relation reinforced the idea that a group of political dissenters with international connections due to the diplomatic profiles of its members had been operating around the count before the latter’s assassination. Even more significant, Nogueira’s trial brought to light evidence that this group survived its leader’s death in 1622. Whether these accusations were true or false did not matter for the inquisitors. It was the connection between the figures which proved convenient to persecute anyone who could harm Olivares’ reputation. In addition to framing Nogueira within a domestic network of opponents to Olivares, the inquisitors gathered evidence tying him to courtiers and agents connected to French and papal diplomacy. Several testimonies mentioned how he had perpetrated his crimes with a servant of both the Pope’s tax collector in Portugal and the Duke of Feria.67 Uncovering these latent connections between aristocrats who were known as notorious opponents of Olivares and agents of the Pope reinforced the defense of the Inquisition against Roman interference.

66

67

See Nogueira’s inquisitorial trial, ANTT, TSO, IL, Processo 4241. On his connections with Villamediana see Freitas Carvalho, “¿El club de los señores de las bibliotecas muertas?”; and Gil Fernández, “D. García de Silva y Figueroa,” 431. Nogueira confessed his relation with Pedro Soarez, son of Vicente Soarez, musician of the king. This example and his relations with other musicians speak about his interest in music that he would later use to strengthen his commerce of books and musical instruments between Rome and Lisbon. ANTT, TSO, IL, proc. 4241.

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Thus, an inquisitorial investigation into Nogueira’s intimate relations also exposed international networks of political opposition to Olivares. Such investigations revealed the existence of a group of anti-Olivares and anti-Inquisition diplomats and men of letters organized between Rome and the Iberian Peninsula. The inquisitors suggested that these men cultivated dubious intelligence through sexual encounters with foreigners and heretics. The inquisitors used the testimony of the Dutch agent Antonio de Torres to accuse Nogueira of being a licentious intelligencer working with New Christians. Torres explained to the tribunal that he had switched his own loyalty after the 1625 Iberian recuperation of Bahía in Brazil and traveled to Portugal and Spain with the governor of the Algarve, Alfonso de Noronha. He found himself in Madrid and Lisbon, where he served powerful patrons while attending to Nogueira’s sexual desires. The inquisitors arrested Torres in November 1630. He told his judges that Nogueira was responsible for preventing his complete conversion to Catholicism and the monarchy’s official political doctrine. He explained how the Portuguese helped him dissimulate his Dutch and Jewish origins by suggesting that he adopt a new name (Henrique Hugo) based on his original name (Abraham Hugo). This testimony echoed accounts given by Nogueira’s page, Correia da Silva, on June 3, 1632.68 Correia da Silva also described Nogueira’s relations with various pages working for other Cathedral Chapter canons, including several New Christians. Meanwhile, reports of sexual relations with conversos, such as Jacinto Cardoso or Domingo Fez, emerged throughout the trial. Nogueira’s New Christian origins were added to a long list of charges. Though sodomy was the official reason for his arrest, other charges, such as blasphemy, heresy, and solicitation, could further harm his case. Although the inquisitors ultimately did not press charges against him on the matter of Jewish origins, they followed this line of inquiry for some time, generating documents on the question and involving a range of witnesses. All told, they presented Nogueira as a disruptive agent to the good governance and public peace of the monarchy. His judges used his connections with Jewish and New Christian networks to confirm his portrait as a political and religious dissenter. Although it drastically changed his life and professional expectations, Nogueira’s trial offered him unparalleled experience with the agenda of an institution to which he would become a staunch adversary. If nothing else, more than a year in jail in Lisbon gave him time to acquire a

68

Ibid.

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thorough knowledge of inquisitorial procedures. He would later use this experience, as well as the solidarities which emerged in the evidence related to it, to advertise his services as a mercenary of knowledge. His ability to keep good track of the process while it was ongoing was also an immediate boon. Despite the secrecy that surrounded the instruction of the trials, Nogueira prepared a defense to counter the most dreadful scenarios and gain international reputation as an informed troublemaker. 3.3

Bring in the Accused! Defense and Sentencing

Despite warnings sent from Rome, in June 1631, the inquisitors formalized Nogueira’s arrest. In fewer than two decades, the former letrado and canon went from jurist to convict. Nevertheless, Nogueira mustered all his skills as a jurist to avoid capital punishment.69 His first move was to remind his judges that he had only been arrested once, without condemnation, by the Inquisition. This was the keystone of his defense. From a legal perspective, only those who had been condemned at least twice, risking a third condemnation, would qualify as incorrigible, and by default, deserve the death penalty.70 Nogueira did his best to make a case – in both inquisitorial courts and the international court of public opinion – that his long-premeditated trial was evidence of his framing by the Holy Office. When his page was arrested in November 1630 in possession of a letter that contained information about his sexual activities, this evidence became the catalyst for his trial. Before being sent to jail in June 1631, Nogueira filed a complaint against his servant, claiming that the latter had stolen 56,000 reis from him and escaped from his supervision.71 When asked about the 1630 letter, which appeared with his page on the day of his arrest, Nogueira dismissed it as a forgery made ex nihilo by the inquisitors to prove their accusations about his alleged scandalous habits.72 69 70 71 72

“[S]ería extraordinario rigor proceder a pena capital.” ANTT, TSO, IL, proc.l 4241, f. 136r. Jesus Gomez, “Justiça e Misericórdia,” 85–6. Francisco Correia da Silva’s inquisitorial process, ANTT, TSO, IL, proc. 1943. Nogueira tried to disqualify Correia da Silva’s remarks, claiming that the testimony of one of his worst enemies was biased. The inquisitors knew that Nogueira was the son of a famous lawyer and an expert jurist himself, and thus possessed the skills to take advantage of the institution’s legal loopholes. See the second confession given by Nogueira to the Inquisition on June 6, 1631. Ibid. I am following here the interpretation of Ana Leitão and Tiago Machado de Castro who also transcribed and contextualized the letters related to this particular case from Nogueira’s inquisitorial file. See the letter of Francisco Correia da Silva to Nogueira, Ibid., ff. 6r–v; and proc. 4241, f. 20v; and Nogueira to Álvaro Pires, ANTT, TSO, IL, proc. 4241, f. 73r. Such letters can be accessed online through the P.S. Post Scriptum. A Digital Archive of Ordinary

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The charges retained against him were based on disparate shreds of evidence and testimonies, the diversity of which made the preparation of his defense more difficult. Some of the earliest testimonies described him sinning with a Latin student at Coimbra in 1611.73 This student turned out to be none other than the nephew of the Viceroy of India. The Inquisition also accused Nogueira of taking advantage of a servant of the Captain of Tangiers, the Count of Tarouca. These two examples show how Nogueira was suspected to be a disruptor of the administration of the frontiers of the Hispanic monarchy, in addition to the empirical substance of the accusation of sodomy. By referring to his corrupting influence on the servants of royal officers, whose responsibilities ranged from the court in Madrid to the Estado da Índia in Asia, including North African Presidios, the inquisitors implied that his sexual practices reflected Nogueira’s violation of the political body of the monarchy. Although losing the battle of ideas, time became a valuable resource for Nogueira to avoid capital punishment. While pleading his case for almost two years, Nogueira identified with political dissenters who felt that their knowledge had been misused by the wrecked imperial machine which they once represented. During his trial, he refined antiinquisitorial claims that mercenaries of knowledge like him used their correspondence to reinforce their friendships with members of the Republic of Letters who despised Iberian Holy Offices. He sought any and all possible support, since he feared a sentence based on standards that corresponded to heresy instead of sodomy. If he could manage to avoid a death sentence, Nogueira hoped to commute his exile from the Island of Príncipe to Angola, where in cities such as Luanda it was easier to establish connections to plan an escape than in islands of the Gulf of Guinea. In São Tomé and Príncipe, harsh conditions in sugar plantations as well as an uncertain political climate awaited Portuguese exiles who found themselves in territories in the southern and central part of the Island of Príncipe where groups of former Angolan slaves had gained control.74 Exile to the islands was considered as a little-better alternative to the death penalty or lifetime imprisonment. Nevertheless, sites of production by forced labor functioned as complex ensembles of men, buildings, and spaces which might have offered some prospect for escape. More than just mills, fields, and orchards, these engenhos

73 74

Writing (Early Modern Portugal and Spain), http://teitok.clul.ul.pt/postscriptum/, accessed February 6, 2020. See the declaration given by Clemente de Oliveira against Nogueira in November 1614 and its transcription by the inquisitors on June 6, 1631. Ibid. ANTT, TSO, IL, proc. 4241, f. 165r. See Castro Henriques, São Tomé e Príncipe, pp. 48 and 95–6.

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functioned as information hubs and commercial site tied to the Atlantic world, especially Brazil.75 Nogueira finally heard his sentence on January 8, 1633, in a room of the tribunal in Lisbon. Once “convicted and confessed,” the Inquisition took his benefices, goods, and clerical “Orders” away from him, and he was condemned to exile on the Island of Príncipe, one of the outcomes he had feared.76 Though he avoided execution, many of his concerns were realized when he heard his sentence. He lost all his patrimony and his benefices, and he was suspended from his clerical appointments.77 The sole positive outcome of such condemnation lay in the fact that the inquisitors could not charge him with infamy or with a crime of lèse majesté.78 Such a crime would have caused political death within but also outside the Iberian monarchies. One factor contributing to Nogueira’s success in avoiding capital punishment was a line of defense through which he questioned his judges’ pretensions to evaluate his sinful intentions.79 He argued that secular authorities should be consulted when judging sexual acts since these acts were tied to the intentions of members of the civic body. For Nogueira, these acts had nothing to do with religious identity nor personal beliefs. He appealed to secular authorities as the only ones who could tame the creeping omniscience of the Inquisition concerning these matters. To further bolster this defense, the convict referred to papal edicts which undermined the jurisdiction of the Portuguese Inquisition over sodomy. In 1612, for example, the Pope had resolved that religious men condemned for such crimes should not appear in public edicts of faith.80 Nogueira’s status as a cleric and his reputation based on years of working

75 76

77 78

79 80

Ibid., f. 75. ANTT, TSO, IL, 004/0008, Livro II dos autos da fé 1629–1704, f. 19v. The condemnation was established on December 4, 1632 and registered by the notary of the Inquisition on January 18, 1633. The Inquisitors offered different options, including a six-year exile in Angola with no return possible to Lisbon while others proposed to send Nogueira to an enclosed monastery for ten years. See Gil Fernández, “D. Garciá de Silva y Figueroa,” 441–2; and Livro de Certidões e relação de sentenciados com confisco de bens, ANTT, TSO, IL, 005/0012, f. 85r. ANTT, TSO, IL, proc. 4241, f. 162r. Nogueira could then claim that he remained a “loyal subject of the Crown.” Paradoxically, his condemnation became evidence that he provided honest counsel; so honest that it had cost him his career and social life in the Hispanic monarchy. In consequence, other rulers and patrons, like Charles I of England, could trust him and rely on his well-informed criticism against the Inquisition and Spain. See NA, SP 94/35. Nogueira to Niza, Rome–Paris, May 4, 1648, Gonçalves Serafim and Freitas Carvalho (eds.), Um diálogo epistolar, p. 170. Salazar-López Codes, Inquisición y política, p. 297.

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across courts and ecclesiastical institutions, and through editorial markets, all helped mitigate his sentence. Because of those factors, his condemnation was not made public, unlike his cohort of inquisitorial victims, who were shamed for their crimes during a well-orchestrated auto-da-fé. The inquisitors pronounced Nogueira’s sentence in front of a limited audience. He was not required to attend the public auto-da-fé which followed at the monastery of São Domingos the next day. There, twenty-four men and forty-six women were exposed to the public by the Inquisition on this day. At the monastery, New Christians (conversos), French subjects (probably Huguenots judged as heretics), and bigamists were subject to public atonement. None of those compelled to participate were delivered (relaxed) to the secular justice by the Inquisition on this day. Old Christians were condemned to minor punishments such as lashes, compared to the men and women who suffered from the public humiliation of the auto-da-fé, exile, and severe corporal punishments.81 Whippings, exile for ten years in Angola, galley servitude, and limited exile constituted the most common punishments imposed on men and women who were part of that auto-da-fé and who had confessed to “crimes of sodomy.” Nogueira’s condemnation to permanent exile, on the other hand, was intended to be even more severe than those other terrible punishments. The only man convicted who received a sentence as severe or worse than Nogueira was his page, Francisco Correia da Silva.82 After playing a pivotal role in Nogueira’s arrest, da Silva was whipped and followed his former master toward a permanent exile on the Island of Príncipe. As serious and disruptive as this trial read for Nogueira, it was one among many other such events in this period, many resulting from growing criticisms cultivated by Portuguese subjects against inquisitorial interference in civil public affairs. Well after the 1630s, the Papacy and the Barberini in Rome kept receiving pleas of allegiance from Portuguese who felt unjustly prosecuted by what they described as a nonsensical machine. For example, in December 1671, freire Pedro Lupina reported on his “unjust and unfair inquisitorial” trial to Francesco Barberini.83 Lupina was none other than a former servant of Francisco de Castro, the general inquisitor responsible for Nogueira’s trial. In his report to

81 82 83

ANTT, TSO, IL, 004/0007, Listas ou notícias 1563–1750, f. 44r. Correia da Silva was an Old Christian, bachelor, son of the painter Miguel de Oliveira, and natural of Setubal with residence in Lisbon. Lupina to Francesco Barberini, Lisbon–Rome, December 15, 1671, BAV, Barb. Lat. 9893, ff. 204–6.

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Barberini, Lupina complained how, after the death of his master, his fortune had changed. He implied that the Portuguese Holy Office now prosecuted him for political reasons inherent to the new direction of the tribunal. Lupina was declared by the Inquisition a friend of the “people of the Nation (conversos)” who “revealed secrets and passed news” to them. He was forced to abjure, lost all his offices, and was forbidden to receive any new privileges, while also being condemned to five years of exile. Although he tried several times to appeal his sentence, especially after the death of his enemies within the Inquisition, nothing worked and he reached out to Rome as a last appeal. For many, Rome remained a beacon of hope which attracted Iberian mercenaries of knowledge to plead for support from afar, or even to provide a refuge. Between appeal and refuge lay a series of experiences related to exile. Those experiences bolstered the religious and political criticism of mercenaries of knowledge by providing more firsthand information concerning the dysfunctional governance of the Catholic monarchy. Testimony about Iberian imperial and colonial foibles were welcome to the many rivals of the Spanish monarchy, whether Catholics or Protestants. Taken altogether, their criticisms and experiences of exile formed a patrimony that mercenaries of knowledge capitalized upon when relocating to the fringes of seemingly boundless empires.

3.4

Softness and Power: Brazilian Sugar Mills, the Republic of Letters, and Imperial Conflicts

Exile to the Island of Príncipe was considered a drastic punishment.84 This cluster of islands was known for the harsh living conditions imposed on the degregados. Consequently, some exiles – those with enough resources – tried to escape their fate by bribing the ship captains in charge of this one-way trade to alter their course. Those captains could mitigate their exposure if caught, or if their cargo never arrived, since sea routes between Portugal and the west coast of Africa were not always direct. Ship captains often referred to unstable climate conditions or sea currents to justify a change of course.85 Nogueira was able to take advantage of this possibility to escape the full extent of the Inquisition’s plans for him. After embarking for the Island of Príncipe on August 28, 1633, 84

85

The section heading is a play on words on Sidney Mintz’s classic work on Sweetness and Power. In his book, Mintz emphasized how sugar production, circulation, and consumption changed European societies and politics. Mercenaries of knowledge used the language of softness when advocating for religious and political toleration. Johnson and Dutra (eds.), Pelo vaso traseiro.

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Nogueira next appeared in Brazil. Even though he failed when requesting in February 1633 that his exile be commuted from the Island of Príncipe to Angola, he or his friends must have negotiated a fortuitous route change between his condemnation and departure (January–August 1633).86 Indeed, before leaving for exile, he asked the inquisitors for extra time to take care of his “affairs,” while reaching out to his brother to secure an “esmola” (alms) and some “matalotagem” (provisions for the trip).87 His main concern was surely to secure enough money to pay for redemption fees or bribes.88 Banishment from Portugal was sometimes commuted to other Iberian territories, including Brazil, and thus even in exile Nogueira remained an object of inquisition. After his departure, the inquisitors in Lisbon, in cooperation with Madrid, kept his file open and tracked his movements during adventures in northern Brazil, using their transoceanic intelligence system to keep an eye on Nogueira’s activities.89 For example, in February 1635, two years after his departure from Lisbon, members of a ship’s crew gave testimonies to the Holy Office just after his own arrival from Brazil. They declared that their ship had transported an “energumen” called Nogueira back to Iberia.90 According to this testimony, Nogueira had returned to Spain from the Brazilian port of Mamanguape in September 1634. The members of the crew informed the Inquisition about Nogueira’s stay in the Captaincy of Paraíba, located in the northeastern part of Brazil. They told the inquisitors how Nogueira hid out in the sugar mills of the region, “wearing clerical clothes, a beard, a mustache [traditionally associated with jurists], and the new name of Domingo Perreira.” Such testimony, one of only a few traces left by his stay in Brazil, sheds lights on Nogueira’s social connections there. The distance seems to have been big enough that he could pretend to claim the offices and status from which he had been demoted and separated. However, the distance was not so big that he could appear in Paraíba in the open with no physical transformation. Nogueira’s escape echoed the experiences, real or fictionalized, of many Iberian protagonists who relied 86 88 89

90

87 Baião, Episódios dramáticos, vol. 1, p. 198. Ibid. On the political economy of captivity see Hershenzon, The Captive Sea. On inquisitorial communications see Bethencourt, The Inquisition: A Global History, pp. 54–60. On transatlantic inquisitorial vigilance systems see Castelnau-L’Estoile, Páscoa. On his stay in Brazil, see the inquisitorial files that were sent to the Spanish ambassador in Rome when reporting on what had happen after his departure from Lisbon. AHN, Estado, Inquisición, libro 82. Copies and summaries of Fray Bento Paes’ testimony were made at that time, including of the Denunciação contra Vicente Nogueira by his criado Nuñez despois do sentencia, ANTT, 4241, f. 173r; and the testimonies of the ship captain, Lorenzo de Brito and his servant on February 7 and 9, 1635, ANTT, 4241, ff. 176r–9r.

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on new names, cross-dressing, and other tactics to reinvent their lives in different parts of the Hispanic monarchy.91 Someone who returned with Nogueira to Spain provided additional information about how he escaped his original destination after the ship carrying him away from Lisbon faced poor weather.92 The most incriminating parts of this testimony were the references made to how Nogueira continued his activities with young men in Brazil and on the boat back to the Iberian Peninsula. In many ways, Brazil formed a transoceanic continuum for him where he could not only pursue his professional activities but also cultivate his emotional and sexual life. Some of the fellows who traveled to the Island of Príncipe and returned to Portugal with him complained about Nogueira’s scandalous habits and commented on his newly acquired mala fama in Brazil. Some even presented themselves as his victims. One claimed that Nogueira punched young men and attempted to rape them while on the boat, leaving the crew eager to throw him overboard. From a legal standpoint, the crew’s testimonies brought enough evidence to process Nogueira as an “incorrigible,” and rendered his safe return to either side of the Spanish–Portuguese frontier nearly impossible. Based on the evidence they heard, the inquisitors saw Nogueira’s return to the Iberian Peninsula as a threat to social order as well as a potential political agitation. Unfortunately, Nogueira’s stay in Brazil left few direct traces apart from testimonies given by the crew members of the ship he sailed in from America back to Europe, such as the priest, Fray Bento Paes, with whom he returned to the Iberian Peninsula from Brazil in 1634.93 What is known derives from those testimonies and the references to Brazil that Nogueira himself made in the letters he wrote after returning to Spain and finally moving to Rome in summer 1635. In this correspondence, Nogueira displayed for his new patrons (including John IV of Portugal) an acute sense of the strategic role that Brazil should play in the politics of the newly restored monarchy after December 1640. Though short lived (mid-1633–October 1634), his Brazilian adventure is crucial to

91 92

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See Miguel Martínez, Front Lines; and Martínez (ed.), Vida y sucesos de la Monja Alférez. “[C]ontra sua vontade foy embarcado em hum pataxo que fazia viagi para S. Thome para o lanfa na Ilha do Principe a comprir seu degredo, obrigo dos tempos foi o pataxo portar no Brazil.” AHN, Inqusición, libro 82. Information about Bento Paes is also scarce. I encountered his name in Portugal after 1640. If this is the same person, Fray Bento Paes was by then Provincial of the Brothers Hospitallers of Saint John of God, a Roman Catholic order founded in 1572. See Moutinho Borges, Azulejaria de S. João de Deus, p. 18.

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understanding his eventual position as a mercenary of knowledge amid imperial conflicts. In Brazil, Nogueira experienced firsthand transoceanic conflicts related to the Thirty Years’ War, including conflict between Dutch and Iberian forces.94 These conflicts also gave him opportunities to witness the enforcement of politics that were not dictated by an Iberian power or ecclesiastical interests. For example, Nogueira’s time in Brazil was conditioned by the expansion of Dutch forces from Pernambuco to Paraíba, one of the six northeastern Brazilian Captaincies they conquered.95 At the time, and from a Dutch perspective, Brazil was seen as a land of opportunity for soldiers, politicians, and scholars whose actions were driven by curiosity as well as political opportunism. For example, John Maurice, Prince of Nassau-Siegen (1604–1678), entered into contacts with native Luso-Brazilian, African, and New Christians when leading the Dutch military campaigns in northern Brazil. One outcome of the violent acts of European colonialism was to rely on such contacts to exchange collectibles and objects that would ultimately become part of collections back in Europe. Such collections offered different modes of access for anyone around courtly milieu who was interested in learning about Brazilian societies.96 Moreover, it was through this kind of collecting that the Dutch reputation for political and religious tolerance was publicized in Europe and in Brazil itself, undermining and erasing any reference, for example, to the relative degrees of freedom that New Christians enjoyed under Portuguese rule in Brazil. In the mid-1630s, Nogueira encountered this complex society and its diverse realities. When later reflecting upon the actions of the Dutch in northern Brazil during the 1640s and while in Rome, he was able to provide a nuanced view about experiences that he used to defend his own view on the role that New Christians should play in the politics and imperial projects of the restored monarchy of Portugal. When reflecting on the meaning of tolerance between Rome, the Iberian Peninsula, and Brazil, Nogueira witnessed how Dutch officers granted amnesty and liberty of conscience and cult to their rivals, much to the dismay of Dutch predikanten.97 Based on these experiences, his

94 95 96 97

On this particular conflict see the classic study of Cabral de Mello, Olinda restaurada. See Groesen (ed.), The Legacy of Dutch Brazil, especially the contributions by Stuart Schwartz, Wim Klooster, and Evan Haefeli. Françozo, “Johan Maurits,” 130. The Dutch also conserved the overall regime of property established across the Captaincy, including protecting the goods owned by Portuguese subjects. The Dutch

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time in Brazil strengthened his convictions that tolerance should be practiced for political ends. The commitment to tolerance as policy that Nogueira witnessed in Brazil shaped his later recommendations to John IV. Long after his departure, Nogueira kept himself informed about the ongoing developments of the Dutch–Portuguese conflict in Brazil. One of his strategies when in Rome was to refer to Brazil when explaining to John IV how he should affirm his sovereignty, including developing arguments based on his Brazilian territories. When invoking those colonial territories, Nogueira joined a chorus of Portuguese voices which advocated for John IV to take advantage of the Jewish and converso diaspora communities as a way to strengthen the restored monarchy’s economy via Brazil. Nogueira supported the association between the imperial project of John IV and enterprises conducted by merchants and other mercenaries of knowledge with the restored monarchy. From trading centers such as Hamburg or Amsterdam, New Christian merchants and their communities could provide the credit needed to support John IV’s politics.98 Nogueira suggested that such widespread commercial networks would help reduce the political influence of the Inquisition and limit the collaboration of those merchants with Spain. A new life in Brazil gave Nogueira the opportunity to use his longaccumulated Iberian experiences to rebuild his social capital in a new context. For example, although he had been cut off from his privileges and patrimony, he took advantage of his new identity as “Domingo Perreira” to reinvent himself in Brazil. His new name “Perreira” implied affinities with New Christian communities in the region as well as a recognition of their role in imperial economies and conflicts. He also quickly deployed his juridical formation and practice in Paraíba, a city which was still under King Philip IV’s jurisdiction. In Brazil, he learned that the world of letrados was much larger than the Iberian Peninsula. In fact, it was relatively easy for someone trained in laws to maintain jurist’s credentials elsewhere in the monarchy. Upon his arrival in Brazil, he acquired an office (cargo) of a lawyer, and most probably rented it to a

98

maintained the Portuguese laws in charge of regulating conflicts among colonizers and naturales in the region. Feitler, Inquisition, juifs et nouveaux-chrétiens au Brésil, p. 31. For a general take on the religious implications of these questions see Israel and Schwartz (eds.), The Expansion of Tolerance; and Ramada Curto, Imperial Culture and Colonial Projects, pp. 209–30. Freire Costa and Soares da Cunha, João IV, pp. 207–8.

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third person so as to live on the money that it generated.99 His double profile as a jurist and as a cleric became his principal asset for survival in exile.100 He relied on rents produced by legal offices that he had acquired after dissimulating his real identity and behaving as a jurist. The testimonies given by the members of the ship’s crew who sailed with him from Brazil to Spain underlined the fact that he wore a beard which was characteristic of legal professionals. This profit came in addition to the personal support he received from friends who offered him shelter, food, and more, in exchange for his company, conversation, and counsel. As an illustration of this kind of friendly support, the general captain of Paraíba, Antonio of Albuquerque Maranhao (1590–1667), ordered the ship captain, Lorenzo of Brito Correia, to take Nogueira with him on his way back to Portugal.101 That continuity between the peninsular and the colonial systems of justice, which allowed Nogueira to rely on his credentials as a jurist, could also be used against him. After all, he found himself in a city where royal and ecclesiastical administrations engaged in transatlantic conversations through interpersonal relations. Since Brazil never had its own tribunal, the Portuguese Inquisition used visitations to supervise Paraíba and its region from the Bishopric of Pernambuco. Inquisitorial commissaries, familiars, and qualificators surveilled the inland territories and port cities that were fundamental for colonial Brazil’s economic and intellectual life. This inquisitorial representation increased sharply by the end of the 1630s, adding pressure over exiles and mercenaries of knowledge who used the region as a refuge from the Inquisition.102 For this reason, Nogueira did not stay too long in Filipéia de Nossa Senhora das Neves, the capital city of the Captaincy. The experiences that Iberian intellectuals accumulated in colonial Latin America provided them with a decentered view over the global ramifications of European conflicts that influenced their perceptions of the roles that exiles, religious minorities, and diaspora communities played in conflicts of sovereignty. After leaving Filipéia, Nogueira hid out in the northern part of the Captaincy, a frontier area known for its

99

100

101 102

Gil Fernández, “D. García de Silva y Figueroa,” 443. On this practice see Rama, The Lettered City; and Schwartz, Sovereignty and Society in Colonial Brazil. See also AHN, Estado, Inquisición, libro 82. There were similar techniques to those that Nogueira would use during the first months that followed his arrival in the Italian Peninsula. There he also presented himself as a distinguished jurist and requested that his clerical status be restored, all while claiming to be a distinguished Christian Hebraist. Gil Fernández, “D. García de Silva y Figueroa,” 444. Feitler, Inquisition, juifs et nouveaux-chrétiens au Brésil, p. 75.

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fertile lands and quality sugar production.103 His urban life was short lived. Despite the fact that he knew some of the colonial elites, their support proved to be weaker than expected. Although he had avoided the sugar plantation of the islands of the Gulf of Guinea, he ultimately ended up in the ones of Paraíba. However, as was the case in the islands, Brazilian engenhos were spaces of intense contact between social actors who would not have met otherwise. From the sugar mills, Nogueira accessed an even broader set of experiences related to the entangled economic, political, and intellectual realities of Paraíba. There, Nogueira found another temporary patron. The inclination of mercenaries of knowledge to ally with patrons who were familiar with the local contexts they lived in was essential to their survival and constituted the main requisite to become informed local intermediaries. Nogueira stayed with Jorge Lopes Brandão, a sugar mill (engenho) owner. As a member of a powerful family of New Christians who owned multiple engenhos, Brandão abetted the development of the region’s sugar industry during the first part of the century.104 He owned the engenho Gargaú, considered the ninth most prosperous of the area during the early 1630s.105 The mill and its workers had faced several offensives led by Dutch forces during the previous twenty years. From Nogueira’s perspective, Brandão’s engenho was the ideal refuge in which to hide and remain safe against inquisitorial collaborators and foreign troops. At the same time, it was not so disconnected from urban spaces that Nogueira would be cut off from vital information networks. This episode provides new perspectives for studying how international conflicts – fought across the Atlantic during the mid-seventeenth century – fostered connections between European men of letters with colonial and transimperial actors in Brazil.106 In addition to the security offered by Brandão’s local power, the engenho was a microcosm of imperial politics. Along with other sugar-mill owners, Brandão formed part of a contingent of men involved in the slave economy and violent 103 104

105 106

On Paraíba and the idea of Brazil as a refuge for Portuguese see Fernandes Brandão, Diálogos das grandezas do Brasil, p. 58. Ibid., 28–31. For more information concerning Brandão, see BRASILHIS, Redes pessoais e circulação no Brasil durante o periodo da Monarquia Hispânica (1580–1640), http://brasilhis.usal.es/pt-br, accessed June 17, 2022. For a general understanding of how Portuguese and Brazilian colonial realities overlapped with macroeconomic realities, moving religious minorities, and the agency of individual cultural connections see Strum, “Institutional Choice.” De Laet, Historia ou annaes dos feitos da Companhia privilegiada das Índias occidentaes. See also Mota, Fortificações portuguesas no nordeste do Brasil. On networks between the Iberian Peninsula and Brazil see Santos Pérez, Megiani, and Ruiz-Peinado (eds.), Redes y circulación en Brasil.

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processes of territorial occupation and evangelization of the Captaincy’s frontiers.107 The people he enslaved provided economic and physical support in this process. Missionaries, which included priests and expert interpreters (línguas, many of them Jesuits), supplemented and channeled their efforts. Although all these actors were far from constituting a homogeneous group, most of them ultimately participated in the punitive campaigns launched against indigenous groups that opposed Portuguese authority or claimed their independence from its rule (including the Tabajaras and the Portiguares).108 Not unlike the aristocratic households or other courtly spaces with which Nogueira already had experience in his Iberian career as a letrado, Brazilian engenhos also functioned as spaces of learned exchanges that created a bridge between men of letters living in peninsular and colonial settings across the Catholic monarchy.109 The sugar mills of Paraíba were no exception. For example, in her study of Jorge Lopes Brandão’s trajectory within the Hispanic monarchy, Kalina Vanderlei observed that the population of the engenhos provides vivid illustrations of the circulation of people, goods, and ideas between sugar industry sites in Africa and the Americas and other territories of the Catholic monarchy. Such trajectories also suggest the dynamism of circulations (forced or not) between the Iberian Peninsula and the Estado do Brasil. The exchange of correspondence between courtiers, intellectuals, clerics, engenho owners, and court administrators strengthened news networks on both sides of the Atlantic.110 Nogueira benefited from and contributed to those networks, but such transatlantic flows of information could also pose a problem for a mercenary of knowledge in exile and, technically, on the run. According to Bento Paes, Nogueira left the engenho due to more scandalous behavior and distasteful habits.111 That testimony gave the inquisitors the ammunition they needed to process Nogueira as harshly as possible if he were ever to fall again into their hands. However, by emphasizing his bad habits, inquisitorial sources belie the potential for social and cultural

107

108 109 110 111

Seven owners were left at the head of a total of nineteen engenhos after the arrival of the Dutch in Paraíba. Two mills fell out of use. These engenhos had been concentrated in the hands of few masters (four). The heirs of Ambrósio Fernandes Brandão controlled three of them. Feilter, Inquisition, juifs et nouveaux-chrétiens au Brésil, p. 29. Torres Megiani, “Das palavras e das coisas curiosas,” www.scielo.br/pdf/topoi/v8n15/ 2237-101X-topoi-8-15-00024.pdf, accessed October 17, 2019. Vanderlei Silva, “De senhores de engenho a cortesãos,” 95. Gil Fernández, “D. García de Silva y Figueroa,” 443.

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connections like those that Nogueira established when circulating between Brazilian cities and sugar mills. Indeed, intellectual exchanges between Portugal and Brazil fostered a connected environment with European politics and scholarship. Manuel Severim de Faria’s correspondence with the Franciscan missionary and historian Vicente do Salvador, from whom the former commissioned a history of Portuguese America (the first history of Brazil, 1627), constitutes another good example of such contacts.112 Do Salvador was born in Matuim (near Bahía) on December 20, 1564. Initially, an engenho chaplain took charge of Salvador’s primary education before the latter eventually studied in the Jesuit College of Salvador and pursued his studies at Coimbra. Salvador established regular correspondence with European members of the Republic of Letters.113 He formed part of an elite group involved in sugar production who was educated in the engenhos and colonial institutions such as the Jesuit college of Bahía.114 During his formation, he bonded with other students, including New Christian families involved in transoceanic commerce. These same families habitually exchanged with local aristocracies, indigenous groups, and royal representatives in Brazil.115 Interactions with merchants, enslaved people, soldiers, and religious representatives fueled the social complexity that men of letters relied on when promoting communications between Brazil and Portugal. Men such as Salvador thought of themselves as agents in charge of surveying and interpreting the natural and industrialized world of sugar production.116 Through their writings – published and in correspondence – Brazilian examples and experiences revealed the importance of colonial society and an economy, such as sugar, in the making and unmaking of imperial frontiers and politics. Building on a similarly complex map of social interactions as that of Salvador, Nogueira’s stay in Brazil allowed him to accumulate firsthand experience of Iberian colonial politics. Since the creation of a Brazilian 112

113 114

115 116

Ibid. On the global network that Severim de Faria organized from Evora see Brockey, “An Imperial Republic,” 265–85. Nogueira and Severim de Faria also exchanged information about other parts of the Portuguese empire, including Mozambique and India. See “Carta a Manuel Severim de Faria tratando de livros, remetendo traduções de Vicente Nogueira e dando notícias de naus em Moçambique e do provimento do cargo de vice-rei de India,” Lisbon, 13 March 1636, BNB, mss. I-33, n. 20, ff. 79–80. Torres Megiani, “Das palavras e das coisas curiosas,” 25–6. Santos de Souza, “O colégio jesuíta da Bahia e a formação de círculos letrados,” 366–84; and O Mestre de Moços, especially chapter 2, section 2.3, entitled “O colégio Jesuíta da Bahia: a formação de letrados na sociedade do açucar,” pp. 102–20. See also Fragoso and Gouvêa, Na trama das redes; and Vanderlei, “Fidalgos, capitães e senhores de engenho,” 235–57. Fonseca Silva, “Cristãos-novos no negócio da Capitania de Pernambuco.” Salvador, História do Brazil.

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high court of justice in 1609, the increase of judicial communication and letrado circulations between Brazil and the Iberian Peninsula ran parallel to the strengthening of the sugar economy and the rise of conflicts of jurisdictions between secular and ecclesiastical institutions.117 In Brazil, then, Nogueira found himself in a familiar environment, but this time with his financial well-being and political refuge secure. He even encountered familiar inquisitorial acquaintances. For example, the former Lisbon inquisitor, Pedro da Silva de Sampaio, was appointed as Bishop of Bahía and Governor of Brazil (1635–1639) right after Nogueira’s trial.118 Pedro da Silva had been one of Nogueira’s judges in Lisbon. He arrived in Bahía just as the convict escaped to Paraíba. The coincidence of these two men’s trajectories, sailing almost simultaneously across the Atlantic, illustrates how channels of information and the career paths of officials and exiles overlapped between Brazil and the Iberian Peninsula. Though opposed in their political and religious views, both Sampaio and Nogueira adapted their agendas after the Dutch launched campaigns across the Captaincy. From Bahía, Sampaio organized the resistance against the Dutch while promoting politics against religious tolerance.119 Sampaio supported the project of colonial centralization to rebuff the Protestant advance. From his perspective in Brandão’s sugar mill, on the other hand, Nogueira must have realized the additional importance of organizing local acts of resistance against the Dutch. Both Jesuits and Indians resisted the Dutch using local networks, and Nogueira surely witnessed such operations. Patrols formed by hundreds of native Brasis were led by priests, such as the Jesuit mercenary Manuel de Moraes (1596–c. 1651). Moraes was born in São Paolo from “mixed blood” parents. He was a “mameluco” (first-generation child of a European and an Amerindian) who knew the “Indian tongue,” and was, in consequence, able to coordinate local resistance.120 From his exposure to such examples, Nogueira gained a sense of the role that indigenous groups played locally on behalf of the project of imperial conservation (a key component of the politics of reputation endorsed by Olivares). In the case of Brazilian resistance to the Dutch, religious and political tolerance provided the key to rallying such minorities to the cause of the empire’s

117 118 119 120

On the letrado culture in Southern American colonial contexts during this period see Rama, The Lettered City. Feitler, Inquisition, juifs et nouveaux-chrétiens au Brésil, p. 66. Vainfas, Traição, and Trópico dos pecados. On the Brasis and their relations with Jesuits see Alden, “Changing Jesuit Perceptions of the Brasis,” 205–18.

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defense.121 Thus Nogueira and Sampaio found themselves unwittingly on the same opposing sides of the political contest they had enacted through the proxy of Nogueira’s trial in the Lisbon Holy Office: one advocating for tolerance and the promotion of multiple voices from diverse sites in the projects of imperial reform, the other enforcing centralized power to coordinate a single response decreed from above. Many who experienced the interimperial contest in Brazil formed part of what historian Ronaldo Vainfas characterized as a “constellation of betrayers and collaborators” who acted either in search of riches or salvation.122 Such betrayers and collaborators recorded useful political and economic lessons. During the march of the Dutch from Pernambuco to Paraíba, for example, eyewitnesses on the Iberian side realized that the conquest was not wholly negative. The aftereffects of Dutch conquest reinvigorated the economies of Pernambuco and the six northeastern captaincies. Iberian eyewitnesses observed that many Catholics were living in peace alongside Calvinists and New Christians of Portuguese origins.123 For example, what happened to Manuel de Morais after his capture in Paraíba in 1635 illustrates how the climate of political tolerance established during the Dutch campaigns affected the loyalty of Iberian subjects. Upon capture, Morais renounced his faith, converted to Judaism, and traveled to Amsterdam, where he married twice. After abandoning his second wife, he decided to return to Brazil to participate in the lucrative brazilwood trade. The Luso-Brazilian resistance, which was still active during the 1640s, apprehended him for defecting. Moraes reconverted to Catholicism and began preaching in Brazil. He volunteered as a chaplain during a battle against the Dutch in 1645. He was eventually arrested and transported to Lisbon, where he faced an inquisitorial trial after being suspected of maintaining his Jewish faith. It is unclear if Moraes ever returned to Brazil, but his adventures offer another testimony of the lessons that men of letters learned about cultural relativism and the fluidity of political loyalties in Brazil during imperial conflicts. Exile could change the political loyalties of mercenaries of knowledge, even when their faith remained nominally the same. Perhaps because of their parallel trajectories, Moraes and Nogueira shared an opportunistic sense of politics. This kind of pragmatism did not always result in political or religious conversion. It could also result in a confirmation 121

122

In a different context and time, Nogueira would argue in favor of incorporating other minorities like the New Christian diaspora on behalf of protecting the restored monarchy of Portugal against Spain after 1640. 123 Vainfas, Traição, 85. Alden, The Making of an Enterprise, pp. 209–10.

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of previous positions, as demonstrated in the case of Nogueira’s former protector Brandão. At the same moment that Moraes departed from Brazil to Holland and Nogueira returned to Iberia, Brandão also sailed back to Iberia after the appropriation of the engenho of Gargaú by the Dutch West India Company. Brandão fought in northern Europe, Navarre, and Catalonia, instead of collaborating with the Dutch or moving south in Brazil, as other engenho owners did. On the European battlefields, Brandão cultivated his reputation as a veteran of the Dutch wars in Pernambuco. He led companies of soldiers and mercenaries to fight against the Dutch.124 Unlike Moraes and Nogueira, his loyalty toward the Spanish king was, if anything, reinforced by his commercial and intellectual life in Brazil. Nogueira, on the other hand, renounced his relation of service with the Catholic monarchy following his Brazilian exile and thus took the final step toward rebranding himself as a mercenary of knowledge. He returned to the Iberian Peninsula in 1634, reaching Galicia’s shores and the city of Mungia on October 24. Thus had Nogueira transformed his exile to the Island of Príncipe into a great escape to Brazil that lasted for about a year and a half. According to the testimonies of the persons who sailed back to Spain with him, and based on his correspondence, Nogueira’s original plan was to stay in Spain upon his return.125 He planned to join the Hieronymite community, which managed the royal library of the Palace-Monastery of the Escorial located near Madrid – one of the most enticing repositories for members of the Republic of Letters. It remains unclear what finally motivated him to move from Spain to the Italian Peninsula during the summer of 1635, though ongoing inquisitorial scrutiny must have been a factor. Indeed, the Inquisition continued to keep tabs on him, even after his move to the Italian Peninsula. The inquisitorial records of his Brazilian journey were transmitted to the Spanish ambassador in Rome after 1635. His Italian trajectory would be conditioned from its start by his dissent against Iberian Holy Offices and Spanish royal administration, as well as their enduring surveillance of him. After 1640, information concerning individual political dissenters such as Nogueira circulated briskly between Brazil, Spain, Portugal, and 124 125

See Feilter, Inquisition, juifs et nouveaux-chrétiens au Brésil, p. 31, quoting Elias Herckm, a Dutch intellectual and governor of Paraíba and his Descrição Geral (1639), 46–59. This bold aspiration reveals that he must have thought that he retained enough social capital and economic resources to remain close to the royal court. His brother, Paulo Alfonso, was, after all, a member of the Portuguese community in Madrid, and many of his friends at court still occupied prominent positions. Morel-Fatio, “Vicente Noguera,” 17.

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Rome. Nevertheless, the long engagement between mercenaries of knowledge and the Inquisition yielded unexpected benefits for their careers. Mercenaries often relied on their trial to expand their autobiography. In Brazil, Nogueira fashioned himself in response to the inquisitorial threat. He exposed himself to a colonial world which, even without a widespread print culture or universities, enriched the intellectual mestizaje of mercenaries of knowledge. Mercenaries of knowledge drew on these experiences to create a professional space for themselves once back in Europe, shaped by their access to examples drawn from sugar mills or Jesuits gone rogue, which gave new insight – they advertised – into imperial wars, intellectual exchanges, and political and economic reforms. This fashioning was made possible through the conversion of their mala fama in exile into a story of persecution when inscribing themselves back into the Republic of Letters and European politics.

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4

The Proving Grounds

Following his return from Brazil to the Iberian Peninsula and then his journey to Rome, Vicente Nogueira continued to experience displacement. He was not the only one. Amid the mid-seventeenth-century wars, mercenaries of knowledge passed through diverse, precarious situations and tried to make the best of them. In turn, many patrons who recruited or relied on mercenaries of knowledge experienced different kinds of exile. During the Thirty Years’ War, it was common – even for all-mighty ministers such as Olivares in Spain or cardinals such as Mazarin in France – to be removed from or forced to exit centers of power.1 A shared experience of instability thus conditioned patronage relationships between mercenaries of knowledge and those who employed them. A strong patron could offer safe harbor for a mercenary of knowledge, just as he could redeploy that mercenary to an unexpected – and perhaps undesired – site. On the other hand, patrons-in-exile could rely on ongoing contact with the mercenaries they had left behind to stay grounded even while removed from power. Upon his arrival in the Italian Peninsula in 1635, Nogueira sought to mitigate the characteristic instability of displacement for himself and potential employers by convincing prospective patrons that he could access archives of information whose appeal lay in their portable character. The displacement and improvisation which prompted Nogueira and his cohort to cultivate such archives also prevented those materials from becoming part of any single stable collection. Nevertheless, this instability was transformed into an asset. The information storehouses of a mercenary of knowledge could be solicited at any time, via a wide array of media, by employers who might face unexpected situations. Gathering and moving such eclectic archives on behalf of patrons constituted one of the ways through which mercenaries of knowledge influenced the making of early modern politics.

1

Elliott, The Count-Duke, pp. 600–62; and Parrott, 1652, pp. 44–75.

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Indeed, Nogueira’s return from Brazil to Spain in late 1634 brought a now-seasoned exile back into the heart of European politics with an arsenal of information about the Hispanic monarchy at his disposal. From Spain, he traveled to the Italian Peninsula in the summer of 1635, where he would recover some of the benefits he had lost after his trial and live out the last twenty years of his life.2 There he sought to cultivate the stability of powerful patronage, but he found himself once again embroiled in local and international political factionalism which played out on the Roman stage. Arriving in the Italian Peninsula at the start of a new war between France and Spain proved challenging even for the most hardened mercenaries. It took Nogueira five years to establish himself in the Eternal City, and his precarious position exacerbated a sense of exile as well as emancipation from the Catholic monarchy. Ironically, it was his longstanding ambivalent relationship with Spanish and Portuguese politics which would secure his position in Rome after 1640, but this time in the service of the not-yet-fully recognized King of Portugal, John IV. Entering into this new Portuguese service reconnected Nogueira to his homeland, at the same time that it ensured that he could never return. This chapter analyzes how, upon his arrival in Rome in 1635, Nogueira first sought to rekindle connections with the English and French monarchies before following Giulio Sacchetti into the latter’s self-declared “exile” in Bologna as Papal Legate from 1637 to 1640.3 By 1635, Roman intellectual circles either suffered from or collaborated with a process of remoralization of Urban VIII’s cultural and scientific endeavors. The marvelous convergence for the cultivation of the arts, letters, and philosophy that had conditioned the start of the Pope’s reign in the early 1620s had given way to a more polarized political and cultural landscape in the 1630s. Galileo’s trial in 1633 and the exile of some of his collaborators, such as the Pope’s secretary and cultural entrepreneur at the Vatican, Giovanni Ciampoli, transformed the city into a laboratory of Catholic Counter-Reformation politics and a production center for the ideals and media of Catholic universalism.4 To foster that universalism, mercenaries of knowledge were needed to consolidate a Republic of Letters whose main task was to reaffirm papal power, as a power inspired

2 3 4

On Nogueira’s resources when in Rome see Gil Fernández, “D. García de Silva y Figueroa,” 445. Nogueira stayed in Rome between 1635–1637 and 1640–1654. He lived in Bologna between 1637 and 1640. Favino, La filosofia naturale.

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by God but not dependent on it. That power should also be able to recognize the cultural diversity of the world.5 The Catholic Republic of Letters that was orchestrated from Rome and papal territories like Bologna collaborated and competed with other Catholic powers across the globe as the center of a universalist vision. For example, the start of the Franco–Spanish war in 1635 forced Urban VIII to take sides while undermining his propaganda in favor of papal neutrality. From Rome and its satellite cities, like Bologna, mercenaries of knowledge had to prove their worth as supporters of papal interests, especially those who aimed to elevate Rome as the reenergized center of the universal and spiritual reconquest of the world. This was the Rome where Nogueira struggled to find a place of refuge from Spanish and inquisitorial powers, and a position working for the rivals of those powers, whether English, French, or Roman. After discussing how Nogueira used the Roman platform to reach out to those rivals, the chapter turns to his activities during the three years that he spent in Bologna proving his worth in the Catholic Republic of Letters before ensconcing himself in the orbit of Pope Urban VIII’s nephew, Francesco Barberini, in Rome. It was in Bologna that Nogueira realized that his stay in Italy was likely to be long term, as his English and French interlocutors seemed to prefer to engage his services from afar rather than calling him to a new site of patronage. Once he realized that he would remain in the Italian Peninsula, he doubled down on his profile as a mercenary of knowledge. He actively sought redemption after being publicly shamed at his inquisitorial trial and tried to recover lost privileges, including family honors, honorific titles, ecclesiastical benefices, and rents, among others. Through his service to Italian patrons and burgeoning bibliopolitics, he found in the urgencies of local historical polemics and international political crises a way to cope with a world that oppressed him. In both Rome and Bologna, Nogueira encountered and competed with innumerable friends, rivals, and colleagues in various stages of exile and displacement. 4.1

Multi-situated Tactics of Self-reinvention

The Italian Peninsula would become Nogueira’s staging ground for selffashioning and competing as a mercenary of knowledge in an international market. Among his first audiences were interlocutors from the British Isles. English, Scottish, Irish Catholic, and Anglican pro-Catholic 5

Favino, “Un re-sole, un sole-re,” https://uniroma.academia.edu/FedericaFavino/Papers, DOI: 10.14615/enbach57, accessed November 11, 2021.

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representatives had long provided a vector for Ibero–Italian relations that Nogueira could draw on. For example, when still living in the Iberian Peninsula, Nogueira coincided with the Scottish Arabic translator and Catholic convert, David Colville (1581–1629).6 The overlapping trajectories of these two men contributed to the entanglement of networks between Iberia and Italy composed of diplomats, intellectuals, antiquarians, and orientalists. Nogueira and Colville shared interests in languages, had friends in common, spent most of their time in libraries, and both sought the librarian position at the Vatican.7 Before coming to Spain, Colville stayed in France and Rome where he gravitated around intellectual circles related to Jacques-Auguste de Thou. He moved to Spain at the end of 1617 where he formed part of the Scottish nation administered by the exile and colonel William Semple (1546–1633) at the Spanish court. During the 1610s and early 1620s, Colville taught Greek and Hebrew and worked on cataloging Arabic, Greek, and Hebrew manuscripts at the Escorial library, a site the Portuguese also frequented at that time. It was from the Escorial that both men gained exposure to critical scholarship about historical forgeries, including the Arabic Lead Books that appeared in Granada at the end of the sixteenth century. It was at the Escorial that both Colville and Nogueira met the Greek interpreter Vicente Mariner, as well as Francisco Gurmendi, the Arabic royal translator to whom Colville had succeeded, Marcos Dobelio, the Kurdish-born Christian and Arabic translator, and the Flemish scholars Andreas Schott, Robert Scheilder, and Luc van der Torrius, many of whom gravitated around Nogueira’s patron, Baltasar de Zúñiga.8 Thanks to their Iberian contacts and experiences, Colville and Nogueira each arrived well equipped in the Italian Peninsula to assess other forgeries.9

6

7

8

9

Worthington, Scots in the Habsburg Service; and Redworth, “Between Four Kingdoms,” 255–64. On Colville see Andrés, “Cartas inéditas del humanista escosés,” 83–155, and “Presencia de ilustres visitantes en El Escorial,” 183–202; Hershenzon, “Doing Things with Arabic,” 159–81; and Starczewska (ed.), Latin Translation of the Qur’ān. In a similar fashion as Nogueira would do almost a decade later, Colville asked Pope Paul V for privileges, including “concedergli la licentia, a fare ricopiare dalla Libraria Vaticana le opere Greche di Herone Alessandrino, le quali sono mathematiche.” See Grafinger, Die Ausleihe vatikanischer Hanschriften, p. 89. On this group see Entrambasaguas, La biblioteca de Ramírez de Prado; and Bouza, “Falsos, sin licencia, contra privilegio.” On its connection with Barberini and Pozzo see Cassiano dal Pozzo, El diario del viaje a España. On these orientalists see GarciaArenal and Rodríguez Mediano, The Orient in Spain; and Koningsveld and Wiegers, “Marcos Dobelio’s Polemics,” 203–70. On Colville’s connections with translators of “oriental languages” in Spain see Floristán Imízcoz, “Intérpretes de lenguas orientales,” 51–8.

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Meanwhile, Colville also began cultivating connections with Italian scholars and institutions even before his departure from the Escorial to Rome, Turin, and Milan in 1625. For example, Colville guided Francesco Barberini through the collections of the Escorial library during the latter’s 1626 diplomatic mission, reinforcing scholarly connections between Madrid and the British Isles with Rome. Colville showed the Italian visitors the manuscripts that the former physician of Philip II, Francisco Hernández (1514–1587), had compiled after his travel to the Americas. By doing so, Colville advanced a decades-long relationship between scholars based in the Iberian monarchies and members of the Roman academy of the Lincei who, during Urban VIII’s Papacy, worked under the patronage of the Barberini and aspired to reconstruct the diversity of the natural world.10 During the 1620s, the Lincei natural history project with its Iberian ramification was of high value for Roman politicians who aimed to reaffirm the Church’s sovereignty over places such as the Americas. One way to do so was to show that one knew and was able to present American natural history and characteristics to the public. Colville’s contacts with Barberini’s retinue contributed to the broadcasting of materials that informed this intellectual and political project. Replicating Colville’s trajectory ten years later, Nogueira selfconsciously promoted connections and parallels between their profiles. He even claimed that he had also been called to go work in Milan, just like his Scottish colleague.11 Like Nogueira, Colville experienced his move to Italy as an exile, complaining that after leaving Spain, he “never experienced tranquility again.”12 If Colville’s experiences in Spain provided a model for Nogueira and a reference point for potential patrons, so too did his connections with the British Isles. As part of a new patronage quest, Nogueira reactivated his 10

11

12

For the continuation of the Roman Accademia dei Lincei’s project to edit the Mexican Treasury see Freedberg, The Eye of the Lynx, p. 262; Cadeddu and Guardo (eds.), “Il Tesoro messicano” Libri e saperi; and Brevaglieri, Natural desiderio di sapere. On the connection of Francesco Barberini and Cassiano Dal Pozzo with English scholars in Rome and England see Cook, “A Roman Correspondance,” 5–23. “Muerto Filippe 3, el Duque de Feria que entonces governava Milan pidio a Filippe 4 que l’embiasse a don Vicente despachado en la presidencia del magistrado extradordinario que havia tenido el gran jurisconsulto Menochio.” “Brevissimo apuntamiento,” Rome–London, December 31, 1635, NA, SP. 85, f. 375v. This report was sent in parallel to his letter to Gage. Two years before his death in 1627, Colville tried his fate in Rome, though he ended up working as a librarian at the Ambrosiana Library in Milan. “My intention has always been to go try my fortune in Rome.” Andrés, “Cartas inéditas del humanista escosés,” 499–501. See Ravasi et al., Storia dell’Ambrosiana, vol. 1. On orientalists circulating between the Spanish and the Italian Peninsulas see Rodríguez Mediano, “Diego de Urrea en Italia,” 183–202. Floristán Imízcoz, “Intérpretes de lenguas orientales,” 57.

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correspondence with English agents soon after setting foot in Rome.13 On December 31, 1635, he wrote to the pro-Catholic English diplomat and art connoisseur, John Gage (c. 1582–1638), to offer his services at the English court or as an agent of Charles I in Rome.14 In his letter, the Portuguese inquisitorial convict argued that his request for protection belonged to a longer story of his service to and friendships with the English court.15 He commented to Gage about his “ruin,” insisting that the Portuguese inquisitors had orchestrated his public shaming in collaboration with Madrid. As an exile, Nogueira was now eager to pass sensitive information against Spain on to any prince willing to help him restore his reputation.16 With an abundance of caution that reveals the potential danger of his English appeal, Nogueira reached out to Gage through two mediators, an English priest and a Roman bookseller. Nogueira used the bookseller to mask his identity by giving a false name. The priest only knew that he received documents by a Spanish cleric named Francisco de Noya – the name Nogueira had chosen to dissimulate his identity in Rome.17 With this new name, Nogueira presented himself as a “spagnolo” who belonged to an idealized “Spanish Rome.”18 He was selling himself to English authorities as an intelligencer specialized in Spanish diplomacy in Rome.

13

14

15

16 17 18

See a reference to Nogueira’s connection with the King of England in the dedication that the heirs of Gil Bento wrote for Nogueira: “Iacobus I magnae Britanniae Rex, pro suo in literas literatosque ardenti amore vehementer te sibi adstare peroptavit; referente summae fidei teste (quicum de hoc saepè familiariter egit) illustrissimo Comite de Gondomar D. Didaco Sarmient de Acugna Hispanico legato, intimae admissionis amico.” Bento, Directorium advocatorum. Nogueira to John Gage, Rome–London, NA, SP 87–7, ff. 94r–v. Nogueira and Gage had met in Spain during the 1610s and early 1620s. They shared acquaintances among English diplomats who resided in Spain, such as another pro-Catholic ambassador, Francis Cottington (c. 1579–1652). Gage and Cottington were pro-Catholic and they both intervened in the royal marriage negotiations of the 1623 Spanish Match. Ibid., f. 94r. See Samson (ed.), The Spanish Match, introduction. In February 1623, Gage arrived in Rome to obtain the papal dispensations for the marriage of the son of James I of England with Maria Anna of Spain, daughter of Philip III of Spain, while Cottington negotiated in Madrid. On his involvement with Spanish Catholic diplomacy see Tobío, Gondomar y los católicos ingleses. On Gage’s participation in Anglo–Spanish politics see Jesús Jódar, Papeles sobre el tratado. Nogueira knew other English agents in Spain, which made him feel more secure in requesting new support, including John Digby (1580–1653), who was appointed ambassador in Madrid in 1610 and returned to Spain in 1622 to negotiate the Spanish Match alongside Gage and Cottington. Nogueira to John Gage, Rome–London, NA, SP 87-7, f. 94r. After using the name Domingo Perreira in Brazil, Nogueira reinvented himself in Rome as “Francisco de Noya, Spanish cleric.” Ibid., f. 94v. Spanish Rome formed an ensemble of solidarities that could be activated by a heterogeneous set of Iberian subjects. See Dandelet, Spanish Rome, pp. 109–59.

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The reasons behind Nogueira’s decision to choose the pseudonym Noya remain open to interpretation.19 However, it is difficult to resist the temptation to draw a parallel between the French Protestant soldier (i.e. Huguenot) François de la Noue (1531–1591) and the name of Francisco de Noya. De la Noue became famous after fighting in the wars of Italy and the French wars of religion and his deeds remained well known across seventeenth-century Europe.20 His mediations between French Catholics and Protestants, his intervention in favor of the Low Countries Protestants against Spain, his friendship with Englishmen, his episodes of captivity, and his support of the Protestant Prince Henri de Navarre (the future Henry IV of France) were commonplaces among scholars who read De la Noue’s Discours politiques et militaires. Since its first edition in 1587, the Discours became a bestseller. Nogueira probably came across one of De la Noue’s works during his bibliophilic activities. It seems that Nogueira intended his ironical reference to a French Protestant mercenary who had fought against Spain and religious intolerance to send its own message when seeking help from England. In his letter to Gage, Nogueira explained that his cover as a Spaniard in disguise was working well. It allowed him to “meet every day in his study” with the influential Cardinal de la Cueva and the Spanish ambassador in Rome, the Marquis of Castel-Rodrigo, who was one of his old acquaintances when at the Spanish court.21 By the end of 1637, however, coinciding with Nogueira’s departure for Bologna, CastelRodrigo received a copy of the incriminatory testimonies given to the Portuguese Holy Office by the persons who sailed with the convict from Brazil to Galicia.22 From this point onward, the relationship between Nogueira and the Spanish ambassador grew more complicated. CastelRodrigo’s official position forced him to keep an eye on Nogueira’s whereabouts.23 Though the latter hardly wished to be supervised, this

19

20 21 22

23

“Noia” is a synonym in Italian of other terms such as “boredom,” “trouble,” and “nuisance,” a series of meanings that could add another dimension to Nogueira’s choice. On De la Noue see Barakat, Edition commentée des Discours. On the tensions between Castel-Rodrigo and Olivares see Martínez Hernández, “La Cámara del Rey,” 68. A copy of the Relação da causa e procedimento de Vicente Nogueira depois de salir de Santo Oficio was conserved alongside other memorials that Castel-Rodrigo gathered in Rome to keep tabs on mercenaries of knowledge. AHN, Estado, libro 82. A copy of Nogueira’s inquisitorial condemnation was made on August 17, 1637. Castel-Rodrigo recruited informants who, as double agents, bolstered intelligence in and from Rome against Spanish enemies. On how Olivares conceived Italy as a quarry for intellectuals see Elliott, The Count-Duke, p. 17.

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relation was good evidence that he continued to have access to Iberian information networks. Along with his letter to Gage, Nogueira sent an autobiographical report to Charles I of England.24 In this report, he pointed out that he “owned” some of the “greatest secrets of the Spanish monarchy.” Although he had left the Iberian Peninsula, he remained informed about “Hespania.”25 He argued that there was no better place than England to release such secrets. As an avid reader of Francis Bacon (1561–1626), he claimed that James I’s and Charles I’s courts constituted a natural destination for him since both kings were committed to promoting arts and letters.26 The last part of his report focused on his friendships with other scholars, his readings of political authors from Tacitus to Machiavelli, and his intimate knowledge of the archives and papers of Spanish royal secretarial offices.27 Mercenaries of knowledge used their letters and reports to update their résumés and explain their current situation.28 When discussing his expulsion from “Hespania,” Nogueira noted that “even though it is a hideous sin, sodomy was not as bad and horrific as a crime of lèse majesté.” He pointed out that in “Hespania,” sodomy was often synonymous with “the almighty hatred which is often used to persecute those who are hated for other reasons,” that is, who had powerful political enemies who could persecute them by no other means.29 He insisted to English authorities that he had neither committed infamy nor lèse majesté, despite any rumors they might have heard regarding his condemnation. This point about infamy was crucial, since such offenders were considered to

24 25

26

27

28

29

“Brevissimo apuntamiento” and Nogueira to Charles I, Rome–London, December 31, 1635, NA, SP 85-7, ff. 96r–7r. “[I] ser injusticia los que padezco I todavia porque siendo yo tan originalmente informado de Hespaña pudiera causar grandes zelos en ella applicandome al servicio de aqualquiera otro principe, he hecho eleccion de ir a buscar a S. Mgd. De la Gran Bretaña.” Nogueira to Gage, December 21, 1635, Ibid. Ibid. and “Brevissimo apuntamiento,” ff. 375r–6v. On Bacon’s house of Salomon as a metaphor of the Republic of Letters see Grafton, “Where Was Salomon’s House?” 21–38. On Machiavelli’s reception in the Iberian monarchies see Howard, The Reception of Machiavelli; Puigdomènech, Maquiavelo en España; and Marcocci, “Machiavelli, the Iberian Explorations and the Islamic Empire,” 131–56. “Brevissimo apuntamiento,” ff. 376r–v. If Charles I wanted to recruit him, Nogueira explained that he would cost the King of England around 500 pounds or 2,000 scudi (de a diez reales), a generous stipend equivalent to the salary of a painter or sculptor, two other professional categories often associated with diplomatic tasks. “Hespaña me ha hechado de sy” “(sodomy) aunque es mui feo, no tiene la gravedad i horror de lesa majestad, antes es el ordinario con que el odio poderoso suele en Hespaña persiguir al que por otros caminos aborrecen,” Ibid.

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be untrustworthy.30 Nogueira knew how important it was to appear as a servant who always had his patrons’ best interests in mind. In his report entitled Very Brief Notes Concerning some of Don Vicente Nogueira’s Qualities, he attributed his condemnation instead to bad governance fostered by the Portuguese Inquisition and the “hatred of Madrid [i.e. Olivares],” rather than any lack of loyalty. Indeed, Nogueira made sure never to criticize Philip IV, even to the latter’s English rival.31 To assert his probity, he explained to Charles I that in everything he was doing, he was working for God, to whom he was “serving through the Roman Catholic Cult,” in which he planned to “live and die.” However, such views did not interfere with the fact that Charles could become his “earthly God.”32 The Portuguese’s distinction between earthy and divine gods reflects his pragmatism, moving confessional considerations to the margins of politics. Through his discussion of his trial, Nogueira positioned himself in a long line of Spanish and Portuguese political dissenters, including examples of those who had integrated themselves into foreign governments. Nogueira drew explicit parallels between himself and Antonio Pérez (1540–1611), Philip II’s royal secretary who had suffered from inquisitorial persecution and royal ingratitude. Pérez, like Nogueira, had escaped a series of conspiracies at the Spanish court. He found refuge in France and England. In exile, Pérez distinguished himself as a scholar ready to assist kings in their anti-Spanish propaganda. He even suggested to Henry IV of France that he would make available the archives he had brought with him from Spain.33 Pérez’s story was well known and Nogueira capitalized upon it. Pérez’s case provided a flagrant example of how the Inquisition had become an instrument of political abuses in the hands of a poorly advised king. Moving beyond this model, Nogueira insisted to his English correspondents that, unlike Pérez, he never plotted against his king and was a trustworthy agent.34 30

31 32 33

34

If Nogueira wanted to recover his privileges as a cleric, he needed to prove reliability. “[M]as no le condenaron en infamia ni la incurrio. Y aun la sentencia se la public a secreta y a puertas cerradas y no en acto public o, como se publican las demas de aquel tribunal.” Ibid., f. 375v. In a letter to Francesco Barberini, Nogueira referred to the fact that the cardinal wanted to be reassured that he had not suffered infamy. Nogueira to Francesco Barberini, Rome, July 3, 1636, BAV, Barb. Lat. 6472, f. 3r. “Brevissimo apuntamiento,” f. 375v. Nogueira to Charles I, Rome–London, December 31, 1635, NA, SP 85-7, f. 96r. Ibid. On Pérez see Ungerer, A Spaniard in Elizabethan England, II, p. 169; Pérez, Relaciones y cartas, II, p. 83. Along with Pérez, Nogueira mentioned dissenters such as the Count of Aranda, the Duke of Feria, Don Lorenzo the son of Madama Dormer, the Prince of Ascoli, and Pedro de Medici, uncle of the Queen Mother. “Con tanto señor pues a Antonio Pérez no fue obstaculo, ante la serrenissima reina Elisabeth, el haver sido rebelbe a su Dios i a su Rei, antes magnificamente le amparo, le honro, le sustento.” Nogueira to Gage, December 21, 1635, NA, SP 87, f. 96v.

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Nogueira’s letter and report to Gage and Charles I reveal the textual strategies he used to strengthen his position in Rome as a mercenary of knowledge, though we do not know if Charles I ever answered the Portuguese petitioner. Nevertheless, by writing to Gage in 1635, Nogueira consolidated his position by reconnecting himself to the diplomatic communities that he knew when living in Spain and Portugal. His choice to contact English Catholics was fitting because he shared with them interests that would become his bread and butter as a mercenary of knowledge. From London, Gage himself worked as an art broker on behalf of influential English aristocrats such as Carleton and Howard Count of Arundel. Gage also maintained relations with painterdiplomats such as Anthony van Dyck and Peter Paul Rubens, who were both well connected to the Republic of Letters and its leading intermediaries, such as the French antiquarian Nicolas-Claude Fabri de Peiresc.35 Nogueira and Gage shared acquaintances among the communities of Irish Catholics in Spain, Portugal, England, France, and Italy, who led book-hunting campaigns of the kind in which Nogueira would become involved in the Italian Peninsula. Following this overture to Gage, Nogueira then went on to use the same arguments with his French and Italian supporters that he had employed in his correspondence with England. 4.2

Deploying French Connections from the Papal Hive

At the same time that he reached out to English contacts, Nogueira reactivated his connections with France. Also in 1635, he contacted French representatives in Rome such as the General Procurator of the Order of the Carthusians in Rome, Christophe Dupuy, who was the brother of two French royal librarians, Pierre and Jacques Dupuy.36 The Dupuy brothers were blood relatives of his former French correspondent, Jacques-Auguste de Thou, and Nogueira did his best to leverage that connection, first by persuading Christophe to check with his brothers in Paris about the letter he had exchanged with the historian decades ago. In Paris, the Dupuys worked for Richelieu and occupied a central position in the Republic of Letters. Christophe recalled that De Thou 35 36

See Borusowski, “Peter Paul Rubens,” 25–35. He also entered into contact with the French libertine Jean-Jacques Bouchard (1606–1641). On the Nogueira–Bouchard connection see Gassendi, Viri illustris Nicolai Claudii Fabricii de Peiresc, p. 196. Quoted by Morel-Fatio “Vicente Noguera,” 17; and Christophe Dupuy to his brother Jacques, Rome–Paris, June 4, 1636, BNF, Dupuy 730, ff. 5–6.

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had spoken to him about a Spaniard who wrote well, spoke freely, and showed familiarity with the works late humanists such as the Calvinist scholar Scaliger and the jurist Pierre Pithou. Christophe Dupuy was letting his brothers know that this “Spaniard” showed some familiarity with the historical-legal tradition on behalf of which Richelieu’s hired pens promoted propaganda against Spain and Rome. Christophe Dupuy highlighted that Nogueira was well versed in Spanish intrigues, an asset in the international jockeying over reputation politics during the Thirty Years’ War. Additionally, Nogueira’s bibliographical and linguistic skills made a strong impression on Christophe Dupuy, particularly his ability to speak “without personal interest” about current and world affairs. This knowledge could be useful, especially when considering that Nogueira also knew a great deal about “many French families.”37 In July 1637, he wrote a report to Peiresc, in which he provided a list of books to inform his correspondent about the genealogies of Spanish aristocratic families, the histories of disputed territories between France and Spain, and past Muslim–Christian diplomacy in the Mediterranean.38 He was able to draw on his experience with genealogical and historical research cultivated while still in Iberia and in conversation with Flemish scholars. Mercenaries of knowledge were often expert historians and genealogists, or at least expert in moving genealogies, for the sake of families that wanted to consolidate their lineages across political and confessional borders (i.e. composite nobilities). Genealogical expertise was sought after, especially when the members of such families were trying to win legal cases and obtain privileges in foreign courts.39 In addition to his genealogical observations, Nogueira gave advice to Peiresc concerning the Arabic forgeries of the Lead Books of Granada and James I of 37 38

39

Ibid. Nogueira recommended to Peiresc works on Catalonia, Andalucía, and Valencia, including the chronicles of Ramon Muntaner (1265–1336). This historian had composed a chronicle of his life as the administrator of a fourteenth-century Catalan company of mercenaries led by Roger de Flor. Nogueira probably circulated Francisco de Moncada’s (a historian, diplomat, and neo-stoic thinker) 1623 partial Castilian translation of Muntaner’s chronicle related to the expedition to Greece. See Moncada, Espedición; Baró, La historiografia, pp. 125–8; Hillgarth, “Ramon Muntaner and His Chronicle,” 9–12; Rubiés, “The Idea of Empire,” 229–62; and Nogueira’s Discourse on Languages and Authors from Spain, Rome–Aix, January 7, 1637, BAV, Barb. Lat. 6472, ff. 4r–9r. Nogueira consolidated his genealogical knowledge through Spanish and Flemish scholars who were busy conducting genealogical business between Brussels, Paris, and Madrid on behalf of the composite nobilities affiliated with the Catholic monarchy. Morel-Fatio, “Vicente Noguera,” p. 16; and Montcher, “Politics, Scholarship, and the Iberian Routes of the Republic of Letters,” 224–5.

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Aragon’s Llibre dels fets, which included commentaries on the Christian conquest of the Mediterranean Muslim islands of Majorca (1229) and Ibiza (1235), and of the Kingdom of Valencia (1231–1258).40 The information he provided to the Aix-based information networks managed by Peiresc delivered key references for scholars interested in reflecting upon old vernacular language across the western Mediterranean and criticizing Spanish politics after the 1609 expulsion of the Moriscos.41 Since his correspondence with Peiresc passed through the hands of Francesco Barberini, Nogueira integrated into an informal Rome– Aix–Paris axis reinvigorated by the war between the French and the Spanish monarchy in 1635.42 He deployed his efforts on behalf of French politicians, knowing that these connections could highlight his value to the cardinal-nephew. French and Roman networks overlapped in their interests and agendas although they differed ideologically.43 For example, both papal circles and the broader Mediterranean Republic of Letters were keenly interested in languages and linguistic history. Peiresc asked for a report on Spanish authors and languages from Francesco in 1636. The cardinal in turn requested that Nogueira prepare a discourse on such matters. On January 27, 1637, Nogueira informed Peiresc that he had finished the report.44 This same day, Nogueira sent a note to Francesco, letting him know that he had attached a manuscript of the medieval Valencian poet, Ausiàs March, to his response to Peiresc. The Portuguese had found this manuscript among the books that belonged to the poet Alessandro Tassoni (1565–1635).45 Nogueira’s ability to locate Iberian literary materials was an asset for this audience. Comparisons with other languages related to Provençal, such as Catalan, were fundamental for scholars interested in reviving 40 41 42

43

44

45

See Smith and Buffery (eds.), The Book of Deeds of James I, pp. 1–10. On the use of Spanish materials by French historiographers see Villanueva López, Política y discurso histórico. Nogueira to Holstenius, Rome, January 27, 1637, BAV, Barb. Lat. 6472, f. 13r; and Nogueira to Peiresc, Rome–Aix, January 27, 1637, BnF, Fonds Français 9540, f. 176. Goncalves Serafim and Freitas Carvalho (eds.), Um diálogo epistolar, pp. 69–70. Nogueira and Colville were avid readers of the Mercure François. In his correspondence with Peiresc, Nogueira mentioned how he had benefited from the volumes of the Mercure published until 1632, thanking Peiresc for sending them. Nogueira to Peiresc, Rome– Aix, January 27, 1637, BnF, Fonds Français 9540, f. 176. On Nogueira and Colville’s attention to the journal see Andrés, “Cartas inéditas del humanista escosés,” 110; Gonçalves Serafim and Freitas Carvalho (eds.), Um diálogo epistolar, p. 160. Nogueira to Peiresc, Rome–Aix, January 27, 1637, BnF, Français 9540, f. 176. MorelFatio, “Vicente Noguera,” 19–21; and Gonçalves Serafim and Freitas Carvalho (eds.), Um diálogo epistolar, pp. 69–70. Nogueira to Francesco Barberini, Rome, January 27, 1635, BAV, Barb. Lat. 6472, f. 13r. The document bore comments by Tassoni regarding the “lingua limosina” (i.e. Catalan and Valencian).

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medieval Mediterranean literary traditions in connection with distinct political projects. This need was felt even more keenly as a new war between the French and the Spanish monarchy had just broken out. It was only a question a time before arguments about the frontiers between the two monarchies located somewhere between the French Midi and Catalonia would be challenged. Rescuing ancient texts and modern editions of those texts, such as the Book of the Deeds of King Jaime I of Aragon, allowed scholars between Rome, Paris, and Madrid to debate the boundaries in historical terms. The signing of Treaty of Corbeil (1258), for example, between Jaime I and St. Louis, showed that Louis IX had renounced to some of his rights in territories located on the northern side of Catalonia, while Jaime renounced claims over cities like Toulouse, Narbonne, and Albi, among other places. In the seventeenth century such history was fundamental, especially since it provided precedent for how medieval Popes intervened in such diplomatic negotiations. After 1635, Urban VIII was looking for relevant models since he needed to act as a mediator amid the Franco–Spanish conflicts. While geared toward Catalan interests, a text like the one circulated by Nogueira nevertheless made references to how Popes such as Innocent III or Gregory X played an important role in the life of Jaime I. In addition, such history spoke about how several vernacular languages increased in prominence during the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries. In seventeenth-century Rome, the members of the Barberini family were rescuing northern Italian and Tuscan vernaculars while showing great interest in recovering the links among these and other languages, and, by default, the longstanding Tuscan connections with a broader Mediterranean world. Meanwhile, the Medici Grand Dukes of Tuscany – longstanding Barberini rivals – were looking for means to project their power across the Mediterranean and beyond it as well, with the help or at least collaboration of the Hispanic monarchy. Pope Urban VIII – himself a poet – and polymaths such as Peiresc dedicated time to Provençal poetry and history.46 Recovering such a tradition constituted a political statement while the Papacy and the French monarchy were consolidating their positions in the northwestern part of the Italian Peninsula, southern France, and Catalonia during the Thirty Years’ War. Meanwhile, during the mid-1630s, the Pope and Francesco Barberini became interested in publishing medieval Tuscan poets and studying their connections with medieval Provençal history. The Barberini were concerned with the recovery of their family’s

46

Miller, Peiresc’s History of Provence.

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connections to Tuscany, especially as their rivals, the Medici, consolidated their power in the Grand Duchy. The Barberini associated their names with poets such as Petrarch, for whom Tuscany, Provence, and the western Mediterranean formed one coherent world. Resurrecting this world was of prime importance, especially when conflicts in northern and eastern Europe called for unified western Mediterranean Catholic powers. Collaborations between Roman and French scholars were crucial to achieve this project. It was within this political-literary context that Nogueira was commissioned to write his discourse on languages and Spanish authors for Peiresc.47 Francesco Barberini’s secretary, Federico Ubaldini (1610–1657), another expert in Provençal philology, kept track of Nogueira during this process.48 Through this kind of interaction, Nogueira’s scholarly connections in Rome deepened as he tried to get closer to influential politicians in the city. Ubaldini had worked on the annotations of Dante’s Divine Comedy and De vulgari eloquentia (c. 1302–1305). He was fascinated by Dante’s search for an “illustrious vernacular” in the Italian Peninsula and looked for connections between Dante’s writings and Provençal poetry, using the original manuscript of Petrarch’s Rimes. At the time he contacted Nogueira, Ubaldini was working with Francesco on the Documenti d’amore. This editorial project celebrated the “romana eloquenza” through textual research on Mediterranean vernaculars promoted by the Pope and several Barberini family members.49 Nogueira’s linguistic skills were of interest to scholars like Ubaldini, who were dedicated to researching the poetic history of southern European vernaculars so as to bolster the reputation of powerful patrons in Rome. Members of the Barberini family sought collaborators who would use their linguistic skills to shed light on the development of humanistic poetry in Italy. As representatives of a Florentine family, Urban VIII and Francesco Barberini worked hard to repatriate to Rome what they considered to be their literary pantheon and to associate Dante, Petrarch, and Boccaccio’s names with their own.50 Allusions to 47

48 49 50

Nogueira to Peiresc (via Holstenius), Rome, January 5, 1637, BAV 6472, ff. 4r–9r. Peiresc also counted on the help of the collaborator of Francesco Barberini, Cassiano Dal Pozzo, to access Iberian materials. On Pozzo sending rare books from Spain to Peiresc see Peiresc, Lettres à Cassiano dal Pozzo, p. 12; and BnF, NAF 5173, f. 14r. Mezzanotte, “Federico Ubaldini,” 459–70. See the dedication by Ubaldini in Documenti d’Amore. “Dei dunque ricordarti o lettore, che s’era dalla Corte di Provenza propagate una tale onesta allegria che teneva l’Europa in continue feste, si che I nobili d’allora havendo dedicato tutto il lor tempo ad aggradir alle Dame, s’intratteneuvano in conviti e musiche, essendo questi gli agi che succedevano a leggieri affanni di caccie, danze, di torneamenti, e giostre fatte ad onor di quelle.

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Provence and its linguistic connections, spanning the Tuscan to the Catalan coast, were fundamental for Francesco and Urban VIII who, as a poet, was interested in researching the history of the courtly love tradition. Alongside Francesco and Ubaldini, other men of letters deepened the study of these linguistic connections with the eastern coast of Spain and composed short essays such as the “Intorno alla lingua lemosina y valenciana, tolti da una historia di Valencia di Gaspar C. Escolano (1560–1619),” which dealt with the Catalan language’s connection with the Old Provençal language, and with the idea that it was in fact Catalan that made possible the cultivation of poetry in the Romance languages. Escolano emphasized the Valencian language’s merits in comparison with Catalan.51 It was Nogueira who provided the Barberini library with a copy of Escolano’s history.52 Nogueira’s knowledge of Iberian literatures and historiographies was a repository of useful information for language politics in southern Europe. Nogueira capitalized on every opportunity to make himself indispensable in Rome. The correspondence exchanged between Peiresc and Cardinal Francesco provided an occasion for the Portuguese to ask for the restoration of his honor in a semi-public forum. Nogueira called the Provençal polymath “the Maecenas of this era,” alluding to a desire to serve him as chaplain. More than seeking a patron outside Rome, however, and knowing that Francesco Barberini would read his letter before it was sent on, Nogueira reminded his readers that he had committed himself to stay in Italy in exchange for having his reputation restored. What he wanted from Peiresc was a letter of support that would benefit his position near the cardinal-nephew, and to remind Barberini of the unjust damage done to his reputation.53 These fama campaigns seem to have worked, and a few months after his arrival in Rome, Nogueira felt comfortable enough to sign his writings with his own name. During the first years of his stay in the Italian Peninsula, he went on to promote his reputation as a late humanist engaged in literary, linguistic, and historiographical conflicts of representation between Rome, France, Spain, and Florence. His ability to

51 52 53

Ne bastando l’opere, perche più altamente venissero onorate si trovarono le rime, invenzione molto confacevole alla tenerezza de loro ingegni.” See A’ lettori, Ibid. BAV, Barb. Lat. 3993, first six folios. See also Escolano, Decada primera de la historia; and Lledó-Guillem, The Making of Catalan, pp. 107–68. Mezzanotte, “Federico Ubaldini gli studi provenzali,” 469. Nogueira cultivated this relationship in a variety of ways. Along with the report for Pereisc, he sent the picaresque novel El Lazarillo de Tormes and a printed Spanish portolano to the Barberini library. On the Italian reception and translations of the Lazarillo de Tormes, including the one made by Pompeo Vizzani in Bologna in 1597, see Lattarico, “De Burgos à Venise,” 21–34.

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compare historical objects and ideas across geographical, temporal, spiritual, and linguistic boundaries constituted the keystone of his scholarly appeal. However, his Roman transition was not smooth. To climb the Roman ladder while finding his way across the fragmented world of the Holy See’s administration, he capitalized on his experiences as a former subject of the Hispanic monarchy. Based on the links he had forged earlier with papal emissaries in Madrid and Lisbon, he was able to join the service of Cardinal Sacchetti and attract the attention of Francesco Barberini. The deaths of influential politicians such as Cardinals Ludovico Ludovisi (1595–1632) and Scipione Borghese (1537–1633) had left the Barberini family and their clients – such as Sacchetti – in control of the distribution of privileges and offices across and beyond the papal estates. However, competition was fierce for such positions. Pope Urban VIII had just appointed Sacchetti as his legate in the northern reaches of the papal states, and the Portuguese followed the latter to Bologna toward the end of 1637.54 From Nogueira’s perspective, the move to Bologna was an exile within an exile, and his patron felt the same.55 Nevertheless, once again exile proved ambivalent, offering new opportunities to prove himself and gather new experiences and contacts on which he would later be able to capitalize as a mercenary of knowledge.

4.3

The “Bolognese Purgatory” (1637–1640)

Though mercenaries of knowledge affiliated with the Catholic Republic of Letters were rarely eager to quit the Eternal City, Bologna could prove to be a useful staging post for the next steps of their careers.56 The city constituted a strategic stronghold at the northern end of the papal states, near the Republic of Venice. Its university contributed to the city’s appeal for many as well as the connection to Rome. Bologna was a place where exiles arrived from northern, central, and eastern Europe and the 54

55 56

In a letter to Barberini, Nogueira recalled that he moved to Rome because he wanted to serve him “domesticamente.” He considered joining Antonio Barberini’s household or serving Sacchetti as his legal expert. Nogueira to Francesco Barberini, Rome, June 6, 1640, BAV, Barb. Lat. 6472, ff. 40r–3v. After his return from Bologna, he declared to have become not only Francesco’s “slave” but his “creature,” a term that reflected the fact that he distanced himself from Sacchetti. Nogueira to Francesco Barberini, Rome–?, May 1, 1644, BAV, Barb. Lat. 6472, f. 61r. On how Sacchetti felt, see what Nogueira reported to Dal Pozzo, Bologna–Rome, October 22, 1639, BANLC, Pozzo XII, vol. 10, f. 511r. The expression “Bolognese Purgatory” in this section’s heading comes from a letter from Nogueira to Dal Pozzo, Bologna–Rome, June 16?, 1637, BANLC, Pozzo XII, vol. X, ff. 423r–7r.

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Mediterranean, all seeking protection from the Pope.57 There, Nogueira learned how papal states formed a territorial ensemble within which mercenaries of knowledge could pursue their careers while remaining engaged with Mediterranean and European communities of knowledge. Urban VIII and his closest relatives used the papal states to recruit and test mercenaries of knowledge. Cities such as Bologna provided a laboratory in which those recruits could familiarize themselves with papal policies and prove their value. Some saw in Bologna a path to Rome. For example, in 1639 Paganino Gaudenzio (1595–1649), a Catholic convert, theologian, and former Greek professor at the University of the Sapienza in Rome, wrote to friends in Rome, including, the Greek expert, Leone Allacci, to let them know about his desire to leave Pisa and the Grand Duchy of Tuscany for Bologna.58 In the late 1620s, Gaudenzio had been expelled from Barberini circles after he had been criticized for merging the work of the Jesuit Bellarmine with “heretic ideas.” Mercenaries of knowledge such as Gaudenzio and Nogueira could enter and exit the same patronage networks several times. They knew that a return to Rome was possible, especially as the political tensions between the Grand Duchy of Tuscany and the Holy See were on the rise at the end of the 1630s.59 Nevertheless, Gaudenzio, like Nogueira, expected to reintegrate into the Barberini circles, and he conceived Bologna as his proving ground in which to do so. In addition to providing a refuge for scholars, the city was well known for its tradition of intellectual and artistic exchanges with the Iberian monarchies, including the New World.60 Nogueira discovered a venerable academic scene with long historic connections to other Italian cities, such as Venice, Padua, Verona, and Ancona. In Bologna, he participated in editorial projects such as the posthumous edition of several volumes of the natural history of Ulisse Aldrovandi (1522–1605), the famous 57 58 59

60

On the importance of Bologna for the papal states under Urban VIII see Fosi, All’ ombra dei Barberini, pp. 114–15. Paganino Gaudenzio to Leone Allacci, Pisa–Rome, March 8, 1645, BV, Allacci, ms. CLI, ff. 67–8. See also CLI, ff. 75–6v. Gaudenzio needed to win back the hearts of his Roman correspondents. In his letter, Gaudenzio criticized at length the preaching of a Jesuit priest against the work of Tacitus in Pisa. He made this reference to win the heart of Leone Allacci who, like other Barberini collaborators, maintained prudent relationships with Jesuits, understanding that such priests could either contribute to the remoralization process of the Catholic Church or undermine such a process against Urban VIII for the sole benefits of the Society. Ibid. On Aldrovandi and intellectual exchanges between Bologna and the Iberian worlds, including the Americas, see Laurenchich-Minelli, “From the New World to Bologna,” 145–58; Olmi, “Things of Nature,” 229–38; Horodowich and Markey (eds.), The New World in Early Modern Italy.

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botanist and university professor.61 From the editors’ and printers’ point of view, Nogueira’s collaboration provided access for information and materials exclusive to Spanish and Portuguese American territories. In exchange, the Portuguese strengthened his contacts with representatives of Roman academy of the Lincei, who saw themselves as competing with Spain for the advancement of natural history. The unexpected opportunities of exile meant that Bologna was in fact a new beginning for Nogueira. He found that he could shine under papal oversight in an intellectually active hub in which the competition among mercenaries of knowledge was less intense than in Rome. Nevertheless, there was a lot of work for mercenaries of knowledge to do at the intersection of scholarship, law, and politics. Bologna functioned as the Holy See’s prime satellite, from which papal diplomacy was conducted with Venice, the Duchy of Milan, and the Grand Duchy of Tuscany. The city also served as a center for Spanish politics in northern Italy, especially after the war of the Mantuan Succession (1628–1631).62 Agents fluent in multiple legal cultures, histories, and languages were needed to mediate these agendas. Spanish and Portuguese mercenaries of knowledge working for the papal legate were then as meaningful for Rome as Spanish envoys in northern Italian cities were for Philip IV of Spain. During his stay between 1637 and 1640, the city proved a fruitful intellectual entrepôt and the source of valuable new political experiences for Nogueira.63 While working alongside Sacchetti, Nogueira had a front-row view on papal–Venetian diplomacy. Since the beginning of the century, the Roman Curia and the Republic had engaged in a series of diplomatic confrontations concerning Venice’s unwanted intervention in ecclesiastical affairs. Pope Paul V issued an Interdict against the Republic and the Doge’s authority over religious affairs in April 1606. The Interdict promoted ecclesiastical censure and canceled the validity of Catholic rites conducted in Venice. It gave rise to an international 61

62

63

Thanks to his linguistic and etymological expertise, Nogueira intervened in the printing and diffusion of Aldrovandi’s volumes on De quadrupedibus (1637), De Piscibus libri V (1638), De Quadrupedibus solidipedibus volume integrum (1639), and Serpentum (1640). See Montcher, “Intellectuals for Hire,” 198–9. On the publication of Aldrovandi’s Encyclopedia in Bologna see Duroselle-Melish, “Center and Periphery?” 31–58; Olmi and Simoni (eds.), Ulisse Aldrovandi; Freedberg, The Eye of the Lynx; Brevaglieri, Natural desiderio di sapere; and Marcaida López, Arte y ciencia. This conflict redirected the pressure of the Thirty Years’ War toward northern Italy while it reactivated the old Franco–Habsburg contest for control of the region. On Bologna’s intellectual, artistic and political role amid seventeenth-century wars see García Cueto, “Seicento” boloñés; and Reinhardt, “Sotto il ‘mantello della religione’,” vol. 1, 81–95. On Nogueira’s role from Bologna as a broker of Iberian literature see Montcher, “Intellectuals for Hire,” 189–91.

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polemic that forced the Spanish monarchy to favor the Papacy, while Henry IV of France sided with Venice. The affair fostered jurisdictional and historiographical fights throughout the century. Sacchetti’s mission in Bologna was oriented toward managing the aftereffects of these conflicts.64 Urban VIII had appointed Sacchetti to deal with episodes of social unrest while enforcing civil and ecclesiastical law within his estates, including keeping an eye on the introduction of fraudulent money and foreign currencies from Venice to the papal states.65 To do so, the cardinal needed legal experts to communicate with local and foreign authorities and Nogueira had the ideal profile. When still a jurist-intraining in Spanish and Portuguese universities – also home to Bologna graduates – he must have heard about the Interdict which had such a stark effect on Spanish international relations. As a reader of Paolo Sarpi (1552–1623), a Venetian historiographer who wrote on the Interdict, Nogueira could summarize arguments made in its favor or against it.66 Thus, Bologna functioned as a platform from which a mercenary of knowledge could hone the legal and historical skills needed for a career that might lead to a well-paid post in the Vatican courts of justice. Nevertheless, Nogueira complained about not being fully incorporated into Sacchetti’s service and that his skills were undervalued.67 His fears were well founded: the Barberini wanted new hires, yet many competitors were in the running. While the Portuguese exile lived in Bologna, Urban VIII offered generous stipends to at least two other men of letters – Samuel Petit (1594–1643), a Huguenot pastor from southern France, who was also an expert in law, Greek, and Hebrew, and Andrea Argoli (1570–1657), a professor of mathematics in Padua.68 From Bologna, 64 65 66

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Nogueira to Dal Pozzo, Bologna–Rome?, July 16?, 1637, BANLC, Pozzo, vol. X. See Bouwsma, Venice and the Defense of Republican Liberty; and Vivo, Information. Sacchetti was also supposed to oversee the revitalizing of the university, a traditional center for legal scholarship. See Lumbroso, Notizie sulla vita di Cassiano, p. 30. On Sarpi see Vivanti, Quattro lezioni su Paolo Sarpi. On Nogueira as an admirer of Sarpi and his work see his letter to Pedro Mendez de São Payo, Rome?, January 20, 1646, ANTT, Miscelânea Mss., t. IV, f. 375. Gonalves Serafim and Freitas Carvalho (eds.), Um diálogo epistolar, pp. 79–82. “[N]essun conto se faceva da me.” Nogueira to Dal Pozzo, Bologna–Rome, November 21, 1637, BANLC, Pozzo, vol. X, f. 439r. Nogueira did not reside where the cardinal and his other servants did, and such a lack of physical proximity was a problem. One of his first requests was to secure a room in the papal legate’s palace. Nogueira to Dal Pozzo, Bologna–Rome, June 16?, 1637, ibid., ff. 423r–7r. Petit’s involvement in Richelieu’s failed project to reunite the French Protestant and Catholic churches had attracted the Pope’s attention, at a time when the Wars of Castro (c. 1639–1649) deepened the divisions within the Church across the Italian Peninsula. Nogueira to Pozzo, Bologna–Rome, August 12, 1637, ibid., ff. 428r–9v; and Loreto– Rome, April 20, 1639, ibid., ff. 423r–7r and 489r–90v.

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Nogueira followed the negotiations related to these potential hires very closely, feeling that he should have been one of the candidates. It was little satisfaction that, in the end, Petit declined the offer, and Argoli was hired but with a smaller salary than initially anticipated.69 For his part, Nogueira kept asking for a salary increase, while another jurist (and friend of Johannes Kepler), Besoldus (1577–1638), was considered for a chair at the university of Bologna after his conversion to Catholicism.70 Nogueira explained to the antiquarian and member of the Lincean academy, Cassiano dal Pozzo, how he saw himself as more deserving of the Pope’s favor than all these scholars.71 The Portuguese compared himself to the sixteenth-century Spanish humanist, Doctor Navarro (Martín de Azpilcueta, 1491–1586), a canon law expert and economist who went to Rome to defend the Archbishop of Toledo, Bartolomeo Carranza, charged with heresy by the Spanish Inquisition.72 Nogueira reminded Dal Pozzo that he had gone to Bologna with the understanding that he would receive a generous salary and honors equivalent to Azpilcueta’s. As he kept track of new recruitments between Rome and Bologna, Nogueira intuited that Urban VIII believed that the Holy See’s reputation campaigns would be more compelling if formulated by new converts, especially Protestants. It seemed, for example, that the potential to gain a convert as well as an expert is what had made the case of Samuel Petit so attractive to the Pope. Thus, scholars converted to Catholicism had an advantage over the Portuguese, who, after all, had spent decades insisting on his Old Christian origins in the face of inquisitorial pressure. Given the close attention he paid to his competitors, it comes as no surprise that, during his time in Bologna, Nogueira promoted himself as a Christian Hebraist while strengthening his relations with representatives of the Iberian Jewish diaspora. He was careful not to 69

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On the Petit and Argoli affairs see Nogueira to Dal Pozzo, ibid., January 20, 1638, ff. 446r–7v. On Andrea Argoli asking for more money, see his letter to Leone Allacci, Bologna–Rome, November 24, 1640, BV, Allacci, ms. CXLV. It is interesting to note that almost at the same time, his son Giovanni stopped teaching in Bologna and turned to practicing law. On Nogueira commenting on Besoldus see ibid., Bologna–Rome, February 1638, ff. 448r–9r. Nogueira knew that his letters were read in public in front of Francesco’s collaborators. For example, Count Federico Ubaldini, with whom the Portuguese interacted when preparing his report for Peiresc, followed the adventures of the Portuguese in Bologna thanks to Dal Pozzo. Nogueira to Dal Pozzo, Bologna–Rome, 16 June? 1637, ibid., ff. 423r–7r. Azpilcueta had been well received in Rome, giving Nogueira an important precedent upon which to base his requests. Azpilcueta was buried at the Church of Sant’Antonio dei Portoghesi. Nogueira to Dal Pozzo, ibid., January 20, 1638, f. 447r.

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overplay his cards, however, since he knew that it was a dangerous game for someone reputed to have New Christian ancestors.73 As he had so often done in previous letters, when writing to Dal Pozzo, Nogueira publicized his honors, this time with a view to a Roman return. He presented himself as a long-term papal collaborator, famous for defending the Papacy “with all his strength in jurisdictional matters while performing on its behalf many other things that only the papal collector in Portugal knew about.”74 With a return to Rome in mind, the former inquisitorial convict asked for the confirmation of a canonry at either San Eustachio or the Basilica of San Lorenzo in Dámaso.75 From Bologna, Nogueira was already working on obtaining Roman privileges while trying to restore his clerical status so that he could recuperate old benefices and obtain new pensions both in Portugal and Rome.76 As an unpublished author, however, Nogueira had little chance of increasing his stipend.77 He thus needed to diversify his support and promote the alternative services he could offer, including his private book-hunting enterprises. It was with this goal in mind that he contacted the astronomer and member of the Lincean academy, Galileo Galilei, to complain about their common lack of good fortune.78 Through his friendship with the physician and philosopher Fortunio Liceti, Nogueira familiarized himself with Galileo’s social universe while

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Nogueira referred to the convert Lucas Holstenius’ example as a book hunter and a successful librarian in Rome for leverage when asking for a similar promotion. On how Nogueira commented on Holstenius’ position see his letters to Dal Pozzo on November 14, 1637 and December 28, 1637, BANLC, Dal Pozzo, vol. X, ff. 438r and 440; and Nogueira to Dal Pozzo, Bologna–Rome, December 26, 1637, ibid., f. 444r. “Brevissimo apuntamiento,” December 31, 1635, NA, SP 94/35, f. 375r. San Lorenzo in Damaso was the church of the Palazzo della Cancelleria, the tribunal in which Nogueira would later work alongside Sacchetti. On his request for a canonicate in San Lorenzo see Nogueira to Dal Pozzo, Bologna–Rome, September 9, 1637, BANLC, Dal Pozzo, vol. X, f. 430. As he did in his correspondence with Charles I and John Gage, Nogueira compared himself with the Protestant Hebraist Isaac Casaubon when trying to recover his papal license to read prohibited books so that he could read the latter’s work. Nogueira told Dal Pozzo that Casaubon received a pension of 2,000 scudi per year for being appointed as a canon of the Cathedral of London and writing against Baronio. The Portuguese thought that he should earn an equivalent salary. See Nogueira to Dal Pozzo, Bologna–Rome, September 24, 1639, ibid., ff. 509r–10v. In 1639, Nogueira asked Dal Pozzo to seek the renewal of his license to read prohibited books which had been granted by Paul V and Cardinal Robert Bellarmine in 1617. See Nogueira to Dal Pozzo, Bologna–Rome, May 11, 1639, ibid., f. 493r; and Nogueira to Francesco Barberini, Bologna–Rome, July 20, 1639, BAV, Barb. Lat. 6472, f. 36r. Nogueira to Dal Pozzo, January 20, 1638, BANLC, Dal Pozzo, vol. X, f. 446v. Nogueira to Galileo, Bologna–Arcetri, October 28, 1638, Gonçalves Serafim and Freitas Carvalho (eds.), Um diálogo epistolar, pp. 71–2.

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reading across the trajectory of the book collector, mathematician, botanist, and Galileo’s master, Gian Vincenzo Pinelli (1535–1601).79 Pinelli’s ties with French humanists, such as Claude Dupuy or even Peiresc, also helped Nogueira familiarize himself with the connections that Galileo relied upon across the Republic of Letters.80 In addition, Nogueira’s connections with Galileo were reinforced by the Portuguese’s own family ties with the Grand Duchy of Florence. Nogueira’s father, Francisco, had served the interests of Ferdinando I (1587–1609) from the Iberian Peninsula when he met the grand duke’s brother, Pietro de’ Medici, after the latter brought Italian troops to Portugal during the Spanish conquest (c. 1579–80). Later on, Pietro married the daughter of the Portuguese Duke of Vila Real and spent most of his time in Spain until his death in 1604. Nogueira continued his family connections with Grand Duke Cosimo II (1609–1621) without commenting in detail on the nature of their relationship.81 He tried to take advantage of those ancient ties for social advancement when in Bologna, both before and after writing to Galileo himself.82 Indeed, such Florentine connections would ultimately prove vital to his ability to use the Bologna exile to return to Rome. His strategy to raise his political profile through these scholarly contacts finally bore fruit when Sacchetti requested his intervention in a striking episode of historical forgery which affected papal– Florentine affairs: the Etruscan forgeries of La Volterra.83 Nogueira’s subsequent report was a step toward new responsibilities in Rome that he so desired because it synthesized and displayed the skills and knowledge that he could offer as a mercenary of knowledge.

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The means to do so were accessible since the move of the Portuguese in Bologna coincided with the arrival of Liceti from Padua to the University of Bologna. When working in Padua, Liceti had cultivated his friendship with Galileo. In Bologna, he and Nogueira supported one another by sharing their contacts. Liceti dedicated his De Quaesitis per epistolas a Claris viris to Nogueira. On how Liceti introduced Nogueira to other physicians and scholars (e.g. Aquilino and Giacomo Boccardi) see Nogueira to Dal Pozzo, Bologna–Rome, June 16?, 1637, BANLC, Dal Pozzo, vol. X, ff. 423r–7r. On Pinelli’s library-making practices and his ties with French erudition see Nuovo, “The Creation and Dispersal,” 39–68. Nogueira declared to Dal Pozzo that he thought about going to Florence when looking for a refuge outside the Iberian Peninsula. Francisco Nogueira’s connection with Florence extended to other prominent figures, including the archbishop of Pisa. Nogueira to Dal Pozzo, Bologna–Rome, May 29, 1638, BANLC, Dal Pozzo XII, vol. X, ff. 450r–1r. Nogueira to Galileo Galilei, Bologna–Arcetri, October 28, 1638, Gonçalves Serafim and Freitas Carvalho (eds.), Um diálogo epistolar, pp. 71–2. On Sacchetti see Zirpolo, Ave Papa; and Fosi, All’ombra dei Barberini. On the full episode of the scarith see Rowland, The Scarith of Scornello.

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An Iberian Ghostwriter, Etruscan Archaeology, and Barberini-Medici Rivalry

Often perceived as unpublished authors, mercenaries of knowledge wrote manuscript treatises that were read and circulated across intellectual and political networks. References to those treatises in other correspondence also publicized their contents and their authors. Often, their opinions were adapted and digested by a collaborative chain of writings and references which united scholarly and political networks. Made from the front lines of polemics, the observations of those mercenaries of knowledge were communicated to other writers tasked to produce final written products. These publications often did not acknowledge the contributions made by their discreet collaborators. Mercenaries of knowledge thus ended up working as ghostwriters while hoping that their help would be noticed and rewarded somewhere along the chain of production. Nogueira’s report on La Volterra is an example of this fraught process. In 1637, while based in Bologna, Nogueira became embroiled in an historical polemic which surfaced in the Grand Duchy of Tuscany when Sacchetti asked him to compose a report on Etruscan archaeological discoveries that had recently been unearthed in Tuscany, near La Volterra.84 This episode was one among a series of Renaissance historical forgeries which had an irreversible effect on how Renaissance thinkers conceived of the world they lived in: an anachronistic ensemble which they struggled to order amid political and religious wars.85 From Bologna, Nogueira had been looking for opportunities to publicize his skills across the Republic of Letters as a scholar specialized in historical, legal, and bibliographical matters. The episode of the “scarith” at La Volterra provided a perfect opening. In 1634, a young Tuscan nobleman, Curzio Inghirami (1614–1655), unearthed hard capsules of hair and mud (scarith was the name given to these capsules by the texts enclosed in them) containing alleged historical and prophetical texts, written both in Latin and Etruscan. Most of the texts had been collected or written by an apocryphal first-century BCE prophet-in-training called Prospero of Fiesole, and included prophecies that anticipated the arrival of Christ. In fewer than two years, between 1634 and 1636, Inghirami

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Nogueira wrote his report in Bologna and sent it to Sacchetti on November 2, 1636. BAV, Chig. G. II-650, ff. 229r–35v. On the tensions generated by Nogueira’s intervention in the affair of the scarith see Nogueira to Dal Pozzo, Bologna–Rome, May 29, 1638, BANLC, Dal Pozzo, vol. X, f. 450r. Nagel and Wood, Anachronic Renaissance.

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recovered around 200 scarith on his family property of Scornello near La Volterra. Feeling protected by his family’s relation with the Grand Dukes of Tuscany, he published a work on the material aspects and textual contents of the scarith in a lavish edition that appeared in Florence in 1636 with a false 1637 Frankfurt imprint.86 The scarith offered a comprehensive history of ancient Tuscany, starting with the arrival of the Etruscans in the Italian Peninsula and finishing with their annihilation or forced integration in the Roman empire.87 In Rome, the intellectual debates around the scarith responded to Pope Urban VIII’s fight to impose his religious authority over Tuscany. The Papacy was eager to confront any power or person that pretended to have connections with prophetic revelations anticipating the rise of Christianity, and even more so when those revelations were said to have originated from their ancestral homeland, now ruled by a competing aristocratic family.88 For the Medici, the allusions to anti-Roman and early Christian revelations inside the scarith reinforced the linguistic, religious, and historical unity of Tuscany.89 The scarith offered the grand duke a ready-made Etruscan past anticipating a union of Tuscany in the face of Roman hegemony. According to the historical narrative surrounding the forgery, Fiesole allegedly buried the scarith before the arrival of the Roman legions who were searching for the men who tried to overthrow the Roman Republic during the Second Catilinarian conspiracy around 66 BCE. Many scarith referred to an Etruscan league formed among the cities of Etruria in order to resist the Roman invader. The scarith brought together the ancient past of the Etruscans to both sacred and modern Florentine history. Taken together, they formed a narrative about the anti-Roman and proto-Christian origins of Tuscan identity and an enduring political and religious legitimacy. The scarith explained how, after the flood, Noah traveled to the Tiber valley, changed his name to Janus, and fathered the Etruscans while founding the city of La Volterra. The idea underpinning the whole argument was linguistic evidence from the scarith which could be used to prove philologically that the Tuscan language had originated through linguistic exchanges between Hebrews and Etruscans.90 Although it remains 86 87 88 89 90

Inghirami, Ethruscarum antiquitatum fragmenta. On Florentine historiography and politics see Callard, Le prince et la republique. After the Venetian Interdict, the Holy See needed to reaffirm its power in northern Italy. Olds, “The Ambiguities of the Holy,” 151. Rowland, The Scarith of Scornello, p. 68. Nogueira pointed out the fact that the language used in the scarith was incompatible with the fact that in pre-Babel times Hebrew was the only spoken language. BAV, Chig. G. II650, f. 231v.

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unclear if the grand duke participated in the financing and making of the forgeries, he did not hide his support of Inghirami’s invention. Ferdinand II could not have hoped for a more exemplary history to emerge just as he engaged in jurisdictional fights with the Papacy.91 The Tuscan vindication of an Etruscan past offering an alternative to contemporary politics through its claims of connection with ancient Roman history gained traction in both Rome and Florence. Beyond texts, monumental and iconographic programs proclaimed the message of Tuscan unity and sovereignty before wide audiences. For example, between 1637 and 1641, Giancarlo de’ Medici (1595–1666) was restoring the Palazzo Medici in Rome with the new narrative of Etruscan history in mind. Sculptures representing Greek mythological figures such as Hercules and Omphale were installed around the windows of the noble floor of the Medici palace in Rome, known today as Palazzo Madama. These statues suggested an indirect reference to Hercules and Omphale’s son, Tyrrhenus, who was known for having led the Etruscans from the Anatolian region of Lydia to Tuscany.92 The motor behind this project was Giancarlo, the son of Grand Duke Cosimo II and a cardinal-deacon who in 1635 was named Cardinal Protector of Spain. He would eventually lead the 1644 conclave that elected Innocent X (Giovanni Battista Pamphilj), a rival of the Barberini family. In parallel, the grand duke established links of dependence with Catholic rulers outside the Italian Peninsula, including dynastic and matrimonial strategies to promote exchanges between the grand-ducal family, Florentine aristocrats, and French and Spanish princely and aristocratic figures. Faced with these outrageous narratives and their inconvenient display at his doorstep, the Pope sought to block the grand duke’s claims to control the idea of an Etruscan prisca theologia (e.g. pre-Christian revelation that connected all religions) by commissioning his own scholars to investigate the affair.93 Nogueira’s 1637 report constitutes one of the earliest scholarly responses to Inghirami’s forgeries. From the perspective of Sacchetti, relying on an expert in Andalusian forgeries to evaluate such a fraud was a good choice in the post-1635 political context, and not only because of the role of Spanish politics in the ongoing Medici– Barberini rivalry. As a former subject of the Spanish king, Nogueira had witnessed first hand the increase of historical forgeries and

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92 Blocker, Le Principe de Plaisir. Borsi et al. (eds.), La facciata di Palazzo Madama. On the political mechanics behind the scarith affairs and on discussions about the existence of any form of Christian revelation among Etruscans based on ancient authorities see Paganino Gaudenzio to Leone Allacci, Pisa-Rome, April 13, 1638, BV, Allacci, ms. CLI, ff. 61–2.

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prophecies across Spain after 1588, the year the so-called Invincible Armada was defeated by England.94 By the mid-seventeenth century, Iberian scholars enjoyed a privileged reputation in debates related to the question of prisca theologia. In Rome, among other places, it was public knowledge that those scholars had been exposed early on to historical forgeries and had thus been developing a method to evaluate them. After receiving Inghirami’s Ethruscarum antiquitatum fragmenta from Sacchetti, Nogueira opened his 1637 report by stating that the scarith were the results of a malicious “imposture.” He took advantage of this strong opening to praise the ability of Sacchetti to handle matters that exceeded “his professional duties.”95 Such a statement was also applicable to the Portuguese himself, who in absolute terms was close to being ignorant about Etruscan history. Nonetheless, he used this opening to describe his qualifications to assess the historical nature of the scarith. Nogueira argued that the use of Aristotle’s ethical principle of “common reason” – his primary tool of analysis – constituted a fundamental requisite for any man who pretended to act as an expert. This ethical definition of expertise could only work with someone who was prudent, well versed in politics, and attuned to the intricacies of moral philosophy. Such a man needed to be free of any passion. One way to sort out this latter problem was to rely on an individual of a “good age.” Nogueira believed that a good historian should have reached his forties before claiming enough experience of the world to distinguish reliable historical sources from mere inventions. At the time, he was in his early fifties.96 Nogueira’s reliance on the Aristotelian concept of common reason helped him deduce proofs about the scarith based on “clues” and “conjectures.”97 He distanced himself from the idea of mathematical analysis or a demonstration based on direct evidence that was nowhere to be found.98 Nogueira used the term “cognietture” to describe his method of analysis of the scarith.99 Close to another term, cogniturus, which implies

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95 96 Kagan, Lucrecia’s Dreams. BAV, Chigi G. II. 650, f. 229r. Ibid. On how Nogueira’s contemporaries, the librarian, Leone Allacci, and the Bolognese philosopher Camillo Baldi were interested in clues and fragmentary evidence see Ginzburg, “Morelli, Freud, and Sherlock Holmes,” 17–19. BAV, Chigi G. II. 650, f. 239v. Nogueira’s use of cognietture echoed the cognitive methods that the theologian Niccolo Cusano (1401–1464) developed to handle incomplete knowledge in his De coniecturis (1440). See Nicolas de Cues: Les Conjectures/De Coniecturis. Cusano argued that incomplete knowledge constituted the only proper form of human knowledge since both the nature and idea of God were infinite. The De coniecturis anticipated what Cusano formulated later with his Docta Ignorantia. Humans could only aspire to unveil tendencies toward truths. Cusano’s works had been well read across Iberia since the fifteenth century, equipping theologians with tools to deal with their

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“recognition,” he described the technique of the cognietture that consisted of following intuitions connected to past and present experiences that would awaken in the mind of the observer a sense of the true nature of the alleged historical documents under consideration.100 The scarith did not pass muster with this method. More than the falsehood of the scarith, Nogueira denounced their inauthenticity and artificiality. He lamented the imperfection of Inghirami’s inventions, and from a pure scholarly point of view, he would have preferred better forgeries. Nogueira’s engagement with cognietture aligned with the political reforms of the Papacy inspired by Platonic ideas during the 1630s– 1640s. Such reforms aimed to undermine universalistic claims made by Catholic powers such as the Iberian monarchies. These reforms reflected the idea that human cultures shared a standard set of critical judgment methods.101 These methods belonged to a common, but disputed, messianic framework. To inform his intuitions, Nogueira also relied on his previous reading experiences about forgeries in Spain, including during the affair of the Lead Books of Granada, to fashion himself as a debunker of historical frauds. For example, he had read Gregorio López Madera’s Discurso de la certitumbre de las reliquias descubiertas en Granada desde el año de 1588 hasta el de 1598, published in Granada in 1601.102 López Madera’s text was an opportunity for Nogueira to learn about the vernacular languages used in the Iberian Peninsula at the time of the apostle St. James’ alleged arrival in Spain. Consequently, Nogueira had developed an expertise that allowed him to think about vernacular languages’ chronological development in the western Mediterranean. In addition to his experiences with Andalusian forgeries and his alignment with a Rome-centric agenda, Nogueira’s linguistic skills underlay his intervention in historical polemics. As a dedicated interlocutor in the early modern debate of the Questione della lingua – testified already by his correspondence with Peiresc via Barberini – Nogueira extended his expertise in Iberian vernaculars with others such as Provençal, Arabic,

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imperfect knowledge of the world. As a first foray on the reception of Cusano’s ideas in Spain see Blanco Mourelle, “Every Knowable Thing,” pp. 51–2. Opposed to the stoic precept of “certezza,” the cognietture method echoed the Platonic concept of Eikasia, referring to the way through which human beings deal critically with appearances. For Nogueira, the cognietture was reminiscent of Cicero’s opinion about the fact that “the proper quality of the wise is to make conjecture about what he did not know.” See Oratio Pro L. Murena, chapter 63. See Mori, Le trace della verità, and I geroglifici e la croce. Nogueira’s Discourse on Languages and Authors from Spain, Rome–Aix-en-Provence, January 7, 1637, BAV, Barb. Lat. 6472, ff. 4r–9r.

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and Tuscan.103 His ability to establish connections between classic, modern vernaculars and biblical languages such as Latin or Hebrew constituted a sought-after skill for governments. In his report about the scarith, Nogueira pointed out the dissonances between the style of the Latin used in the texts and the Laconic style used during the first century BCE, the time during which the scarith were supposedly written. Nogueira dug further into the formal and stylistic analysis of the language employed by the scarith. For him, traces of Tuscan vocabulary that appeared from time to time among Latin sentences did not correspond to a language that had contact with ancient Etruscan any more than Tuscan. His linguistic skills made him aware of this problem after looking at the toponyms and proper names used in the scarith. After comparing these toponyms and names with what ancient historians such as Pliny had said about the same terms, Nogueira’s doubts about the linguistic veracity of the scarith corroborated his first intuitions about their forgery. To triple check such intuitions, he then focused on the visual aspect of the passages written in Etruscan. In the scarith, Etruscan sentences were written from left to right. Yet, by the beginning of the seventeenth century, scholars had become aware that Etruscan writings were composed from right to left.104 Indeed, building on philological intuitions, Nogueira’s main criticism of the scarith came to center around their material analysis. He pointed out the fact that some letters extracted from the scarith had been composed on rag paper (stracci), and that technique was “quite a modern invention.”105 To support his claim, he referred to Melchioris Guilandini’s (1520–1589) Trattado de Papyro published in Venice in 1572. He relied on Guilandini’s experience traveling through Asia and Africa, including Palestine, Syria, Egypt, and the Mediterranean (where he was captured and enslaved in Algiers), to argue that the materials that the scarith were made of did not correspond to the period they pretended to be from. Nogueira further supported his analysis by referring to the experience he gained on such matters after “seeing and using ancient archives” in the Iberian Peninsula.106 Nogueira claimed that he had 103

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Nogueira to Lucas Holstenius, Rome, May 1, 1637, BAV, Barb. Lat. 6472, f. 4r. Throughout his Italian correspondence, Nogueira alluded to the speaking modes and accents in use across Italy. See Nogueira to Niza, Rome, October 21, 1647, BPE, cód. CVI/2-11, ff. 533r–4v and 579r–82r. BAV, Chigi, G.II.650., f. 235r; and Rowland, The Scarith of Scornello, p. 110. Modern scholars praised other censors of Inghirami’s forgery for this observation, especially considering that later on, during the eighteenth century, it was shown that the stracci contained a modern watermark which belong to a Florentine printer. See ibid., p. 32. On Nogueira as an archival expert see ibid., p. 54; and BAV, Chigi, G.II.650.

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never encountered any historical documents composed on rag paper in Spanish archives that predated the eighth century – a somewhat anachronistic argument in itself since paper technology arrived via Muslim Spain only in the twelfth century. In his report, he explained that the known use of rag paper was posterior to the “year of Christ 714, during which the Mahometans expelled the Goths and occupied the province.”107 For Nogueira, the scarith did not bear any material signs of an appropriate patina of time. Building on his archival experience, he claimed that documents –especially letters – were hard to find before the eighth century.108 Few things in the scarith matched the historicity of other Etruscan artifacts or any other archival records of the same period. Nogueira’s report on the scarith echoed developments in comparative anthropology and history at the beginning of the seventeenth century. Historical thinking, based on critical reason, incomplete information, and transhistorical and geographical analogies offered an alternative way to evaluate sources from the past during a time when historians were coping with Pyrrhonist ideas concerning the impossibility of reaching true knowledge through historical inquiry and writing.109 Late Renaissance antiquarians and late humanists focused on the materiality of their sources when creating or reforming historical narratives. They reinforced a technique of historical criticism based on “chains of reason” and “material deduction” that did not contradict skeptical takes on the past. These principles called for a more prudent take on historical writings and the need to employ more specialists and experts like himself.110 Nogueira completed his criticism of Inghirami’s discoveries by stating that the continuous, almost too perfect, narrative offered by the scarith about Etruscan history was another sign of their falsehood. Inghirami’s scarith stood out for their lack of verisimilitude because they were too complete and polished. He argued that, more than merely being false, the scarith presented unlikely sources. Something looked and sounded wrong about them. They offered too smooth a story, without the usual gaps or imperfections that characterized other historical sources from this period.111 Besides engaging with a polemic within the polemic on who

107 109 110 111

108 Ibid., f. 229v. Ibid, f. 230v. Popkin, The High Road to Pyrrhonism. On the implications of such ideas in Spain see Cañete, Cuando África comenzaba en los Pirineos, pp. 9–62. On the contribution of antiquarians to the development of transnational forms of critical thinking see Schnapp (ed.), World Antiquarianism. Drawing on his readings of ancient historians such as Livy, Nogueira insisted that finding documents from the alleged period without narrative holes was improbable.

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fabricated the scarith, his report positioned him in the tradition of Etruscan studies that had been fueled by notorious Renaissance humanists and forgers such as Guillaume Postel and Annius of Viterbo.112 Both Postel and Viterbo had worked against or collaborated with the universalistic claims of the Spanish monarchy, and their activities were well known to the Portuguese. During the sixteenth century, the French scholar Guillaume Postel published his De Etruriae regionis in Paris in 1551. Nogueira was familiar with Postel’s work, but unlike his Roman friend, Cassiano dal Pozzo, he did not think that the scarith resulted from Postel’s invention. For him, the scarith were undeniably forgeries, but their low degree of wit hiding behind their invention did not match Postel’s profile as a high-quality forger.113 Nogueira’s report joined other voices and writings about the affair. He was not the only mercenary of knowledge familiar with Andalusian forgeries who had accumulated enough exposure to bring to the fore their expertise in the scarith.114 For example, the Lutheran-born Jesuit Melchior Inchofer (c. 1584–1648) also wrote about the scarith. Inchofer’s account sheds additional light on the context of Nogueira’s participation in the affair, and the Lutheran’s writings have even been mistakenly attributed to the Portuguese.115 Inchofer gained fame while living between Spanish Sicily and Rome, forging and publishing in 1629 a letter that the Virgin Mary putatively sent to the Sicilian town of Messina.116 The document intended to downgrade the importance of Messina as an episcopal see and city under the Philip IV’s ecclesiastical patronage. Soon after its release, the Roman Congregation of the Index censored Inchofer’s work.117 Nevertheless, Roman authorities also 112 113

114 115

116 117

See Stephens, “The Etruscans and the Ancient Theology,” 309–22; and Bouwsma, Concordia Mundi. On the political interests behind Nogueira and Dal Pozzo’s opinions concerning the attribution of the forgery of the scarith to Postel or Inghirami see Montcher, “Intellectuals for Hire,” 194–7; and BANLC, Dal Pozzo XII, vol. X, ff. 440r–5r. Other scholars, such as the French royal librarian Nicolas Rigault and Fortunio Liceti, corroborated Nogueira’s opinion. On the latter opinion about Postel’s contribution to the scarith see BAV, Chigi, G.II.650, f. 235. Olds, “The Ambiguities of the Holy,” 150–6. Durkhundurkhi, Pro Antiquitatibus Etruscis Inghiramiis. This anonymous treatise authored and published by Inchofer is still associated with Nogueira’s name by modern scholars, probably because of a note of the exemplar of the Biblioteca Vaticana. On the participation of Inchofer in the affair of the scarith and his defense of the Roman answer formulated by the late humanist working at the Vatican library, Leone Allacci, see Cerbu, ”Melchior Inchofer,” 587–611. See also Allacci, Animadversiones in antiquitatum etruscarum. Inchofer, Epistola B. Mariae Virg. The Jesuit was called back to Rome to pass an examination concerning his letter. See Gorman, The Scientific Counter-Revolution, p. 109.

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realized how valuable Inchofer’s forgery could be to challenge Spanish rule in Sicily. Ultimately, he was authorized to publish a second edition of his letter. By that time, Inchofer had worked on several cases of Spanish forgeries, such as the Lead Books of Granada and the history of saints Bonosius and Maximianus of the city of Arjona.118 Amid all these affairs, the scarith formed part of a set of historical polemics used as a proxy for Italian, papal, episcopal, and Iberian political jockeying. Of particular concern were the many forged narratives originating in Spain or Portugal that intended to draw a new map of Counter-Reformation devotions linked to the exaltation of local religiosity instead of committing to the Holy See’s universalistic project. Spanish experiences were relevant to the question of the Florentine forgeries. Inghirami had traveled through Spain in the 1620s in almost exactly the same period as forgery cases such as the one of the Lead Books of Granada were debated between Madrid and Rome. His visit coincided with the stay of Cardinal Francesco Barberini and Giulio Sacchetti – Inghirami’s opponents in the scarith affair – in the Iberian Peninsula. The legibility of the scarith as forgeries undoubtedly rested in part on the exposure that these men had to Andalusian forgeries. Meanwhile, in Bologna, Nogueira presented himself as a scholar attuned to forgeries that promoted an ancient Christian past for Spain in much the same manner as the scarith were intended to establish early Christian legitimacy for Tuscany. For example, Nogueira rejected the authenticity of the chronicle of Dexter, a forgery invented by another Jesuit, the Toledo-based Jerónimo Román de la Higuera (1538–1611), who claimed to have discovered unknown late antique texts in the German library of Fulda.119 Nogueira denounced Higuera’s forgeries and formulated a staunch criticism against the Aragonese historian Pere Antoni Beuter (1490–1554), who relied on Annius of Viterbo and the false chronicles of Berosius and Dexter.120 Nogueira never even considered printing his report. Concerned about weakening potential Florentine support as he sought to strengthen his

118

119 120

A forger himself, Inchofer defended Urban VIII’s interests in such cases and wasted no time before sending reports to support the veracity of the history of the saints of Arjona. Nogueira was connected to this case through his longstanding friendship with the Spanish royal historiographer, Tamayo de Vargas, who participated in legitimizing the cases of Granada and Arjona. On Holstenius’ praise to Nogueira for not buying into the forgeries of Granada and the false chronicle of Dexter see Morel-Fatio, “Vicente Noguera,” 21. Nogueira to Manuel Severim de Faria, Lisbon, June 6, 1626, Gonçalves Serafim and Freitas Carvalho (eds.), Um diálogo epistolar, pp. 64–5.

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still-precarious position with Francesco Barberini, he did all he could to limit the circulation of his text.121 Nevertheless, his work and ideas entered the fray. In 1640, Leone Allacci, a Roman scholar of Greek origins, published his Animadversiones in antiquitatum Etruscarum fragmenta as the official response from the Holy See to Curzio Inghirami’s uncoverings. Five years later, Inghirami answered Allacci with the publication in Florence of a 1,000-page treatise entitled Discorso sopra l’opposizioni fatte all’antichita toscane. In this treatise, Inghirami answered point by point Allacci’s criticism. Ultimately, and after Inghirami 1645’s publication, Allacci added to his Animadversiones extra comments and published them under the form of addenda in 1648. At every stage of this debate, Allacci relied on the ideas that Nogueira initially devised. Thus, what might have started as an erudite joke made by a young nobleman and would-be historian, ended up being taken seriously by scholars who put their reputations on the line when engaging with the case. Nogueira received threats from Florence despite his attempts to distance himself from the main criticisms of the scarith.122 Meanwhile, tensions between the grand duke and the Pope continued to mount after Galileo Galilei’s inquisitorial trial in 1633. Scholars and political authorities that intervened in the polemic of the scarith had all taken part in Galileo’s trial, including Inchofer and Allacci. Nogueira’s ties with Galileo and Florentine aristocratic families and his aspirations to Roman patronage all made him a perfect though expendable collaborator. During this affair, he learned to walk a thin line between new and necessary patrons and the constant threat of being dismissed or used as a shield by these same patrons. Despite acting as a ghostwriter, Nogueira was not anonymous. The imbrication of his work with that of Inchofer and Allacci also shows how the work of mercenaries was deployed by others, in ways which benefited men like Nogueira in their own time, but which have helped obscure their activities and contributions to later scholars of intellectual and political history. The report he sent to Sacchetti and his letters to Dal Pozzo were read, copied, and commented upon publicly and won him recognition among his peers in Rome and across the European Republic of Letters. Even his former competitor, Lucas Holstenius – now head 121

122

Nogueira thus sought to remain prudent when attributing the authorship of the forgery to Curzio, considering that he and his ancestors had benefited from the patronage of Tuscan families such as the Inghiramis. Indeed, until the publication of Ingrid Rowland’s work in 2004, Nogueira’s involvement in the affair remained unnoticed. Nogueira’s report was copied and circulated among the hands of Fabio Chigi who would ultimately became Pope Alexander VII in 1655.

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librarian of the Barberini library – celebrated the Portuguese’s skills as a forgery detective in the affairs of the Lead Books of Granada and the scarith of La Volterra.123 For Holstenius it made sense to merge in the same discussion cases such as the Lead Books, the Spanish falsos crónicones, and the scarith, especially when praising Nogueira’s involvement with all. Beyond Rome, the former exile became known as a resource for skills and ideas who could contribute to political-scholarly agendas, like forgeries debates. From France, the political philosopher and librarian Gabriel Naudé celebrated Nogueira’s skills.124 On January 20, 1638, Naudé commented on Allacci’s work on La Volterra while pointing out that the Portuguese “wrote a small censure, rather pretty, that he addressed to Sacchetti, to the service of whom he is attached now.” According to French bibliographer, Nogueira had joined a list of distinguished political dissenters and religious converts who fought with their pens on behalf of the Pope. After participating in the early debates concerning the scarith, Nogueira used the authority gained from confronting forgeries to assess more dubious discoveries and events throughout his career. For example, once back in Rome from Bologna, he immersed himself in a case related to the Virgin Mary’s appearance in Rome in 1647. His takeaway from this affair was that the apparition qualified as a “verasuperstitione.” Once again, factual (i.e. “mathematical”) truth did not constitute the core of the matter. Falsehood could be accommodated through the perspective of witnesses who considered this event as fundamentally true. For Nogueira, the beliefs generated around the Virgin’s miraculous appearance resulted from the “useful ignorance” of the Roman people.125 He considered this ignorance useful since the Papacy could at any time strengthen the faith of the people through questionable miracles. It was then crucial to make sure that the affair was treated as a case of “true superstition,” meaning that the beliefs generated by the miracle were commensurate with the precepts and the dogmas of the Catholic Church. Nogueira, among others, sought the tools through

123

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Holstenius indicated that even if the Antiquities of La Volterra contained an incredible number of stupidities, no book deserved a complete dismissal. Boissonade (ed.), Lucae Holstenii Epistolae, p. 499. When in Italy, Naudé informed his friends in Paris that Nogueira was “a Spaniard, strongly learned, and a refugee from Spain in this country.” Gabriel Naudé to Jacques Dupuy, Riète–Paris, January 20, 1638, Wolfe, Lettres de Gabriel Naudé à Jacques Dupuy, p. 44. See also Lettres de Mrs. Bouchard et Naudé, BnF, Dupuy 785. Nogueira to Francesco Barberini, Rome, February 25, 1647, BAV, Barb. Lat. 6472, f. 150v.

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which to create historical truth out of fragments of evidence and experience, the same way he would forge his future in Rome.

4.5

Expertise in Exile: Laying in Intellectual Arsenals

Historical polemics such as those that surrounded the scarith played a vital role in Nogueira’s learning curve about papal and European controversies between 1637 and 1640. In addition, they inspired him to seek out new materials and information to conjugate with his Iberian expertise. Indeed, it was in Bologna that Nogueira’s vision of the political importance of bibliographic management came to fruition.126 During his “exile” with Sacchetti, Nogueira became more involved in the commerce of books and manuscripts across the Italian Peninsula. Book hunters from across Europe were after second-hand books and manuscripts in Venice and the nearby papal port of Ancona, and Nogueira joined them.127 Nevertheless, he confessed his disappointment to Dal Pozzo concerning the second-hand book market of the Serenissima when he visited at the end of the 1630s.128 Putting aside books published by a series of authors that he described as the “Malvezzis,” “Loredanis,” and “Gabrielis,” he did not find much in Venice.129 Only cheap and lowquality pamphlets related to current events were widely available, like those inspired by pro-Spanish writers such as the Bolognese historian 126

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129

There, Nogueira’s devotion developed for men such as Cardinal Federico Borromeo (1564–1631), the founder of the Ambrosiana library in Milan. Through book recommendations, he positioned himself as someone who provided theoretical and practical advice in politics. See Nogueira to Francesco Barberini, Bologna–Rome, November 21, 1637, BAV, Barb. Lat. 6472, f. 29v; and Nogueira to Dal Pozzo, August 12, 1637, BANLC, Dal Pozzo, vol. X, f. 428v. Venice was still synonymous with the promise of accessing books from the Mediterranean and the Levant. In February 1646, the book hunter Gabriel Naudé reported that he had collected boxes of books all over northern Italy. Naudé collected small quantities of precious books and manuscripts in cities such as Viterbo, Siena, Pisa, Lucca, Florence, Perugia, Ancona, Ferrara, Mantua, Verona, and Padua, but it was Venice that came first in terms of quantity and quality. Naudé emphasized the presence of books authored by jurists and the importance of volumes in Hebrew. Years before, Nogueira had looked without luck for similar materials. See Christophe Dupuy to his brothers, Rome–Paris, February 5, 1646. Wolfe and Wolfe (eds.), Humanisme et politique, vol. 2, p. 10. On Nogueira’s hunts for Greek manuscripts in and around Bologna see Nogueira to Francesco Barberini, Bologna–Rome, October 24, 1637, BAV, Barb. Lat. 6472, ff. 21r– 4v. On his complaints concerning his search for books in Venice see Nogueira to Dal Pozzo, Bologna–Rome, August 5, 1639 and September 24, 1639, BANLC, Dal Pozzo, vol. X., ff. 505 and 509r–10v. On the decline of book production in Venice during this period see Barbierato, La rovina di Venetia. Nogueira to Dal Pozzo, Loreto–Rome, April 9, 1639, BANLC, Dal Pozzo, vol. X., f. 486r.

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Virgilio Malvezzi (1595–1654), who maintained artistic connections with the Sacchetti and Barberini in Rome thanks to his relations with artist such as Guido Reni while working as a hired pen for the Count-Duke of Olivares.130 Though he met with the city’s foremost authorities and figures such as the polemicists Kaspar Schoppe and the Venetian Rabbi Leone di Modena, and he did find a new edition of Machiavelli’s works, Nogueira’s trip to Venice ended up being disappointing in terms of his book-hunting business. He had better luck in other cities located near Bologna and Venice. In Padua, he discovered manuscripts related to Bologna’s general and political history and Venice’s most distinguished families that he thought would be of interest for Sacchetti when managing parts of the Pope’s diplomacy with the Serenissima.131 Beyond introducing himself into the Italian commerce of books and ideas, Nogueira saw how that same commerce offered opportunities to criticize the policies and institutions of the Spanish monarchy and Iberian Inquisitions. In a letter to Dal Pozzo, written in 1639, Nogueira complained that Giovanni Bonacorsi, a merchant, had been unjustly imprisoned in Alicante by the Spanish Inquisition.132 The Bonacorsis were key intermediaries between Rome and the Iberian Peninsula through the free port of Livorno and fundamental for making possible the commerce of books that mercenaries of knowledge would come to organize across the western Mediterranean, between Rome, Livorno, and Lisbon. Nogueira recommended that Pozzo send a letter to the inquisitors in Rome, using his authority to appeal against the Spanish Holy Office. It would not be the last time that the former inquisitorial convict would rely on the Roman Holy Office to undermine the Spanish and Portuguese Inquisitions while protecting his bibliopolitical interests. His base in Bologna also allowed Nogueira to explore bibliopolitics in Ancona and its surrounding region. There, Nogueira discovered a major gateway to and from the papal states through which an endless diversity of Mediterranean knowledge flowed. Ancona condensed the vibrancy of Mediterranean societies, where “all the Levantines” stopped. Thanks to its port, scholars could obtain essential collections of books, primarily written in Hebrew and Arabic.133 He described to Pozzo how the city 130 131 132 133

Colomer, “Peinture, histoire antique et scienza nuova,” 201–14. Nogueira to Francesco Barberini, Bologna–Rome, November 21, 1637, BAV, Barb. Lat. 6472, ff. 25r–9v. Nogueira to Dal Pozzo, Bologna–Rome, January 14, 1640, ibid., ff. 519r–20v. The city’s Ghetto was a mine for books. In Ancona, Nogueira found copies of Isaac Abravanel’s and Maimonides’ works. Ibid., April 9, 1639, ff. 486r–7r. On the multicultural world of Ancona see Lavenia, “The Holy Office in the Marche of Ancona”; and Calafat and Santus, “Les avatars du ‘Turc’,” p. 504.

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benefited from books arriving from Salonica and Istanbul. He relied on his friendship with the Jewish rabbi, Leone di Modena, to learn about the city and the books circulating through its streets. During his stay in the port, Nogueira also collected philosophical and political works authored by past members of these diasporas such as Isaac Abravanel (1437–1508), the Castilian-Portuguese Jewish merchant, philosopher, and court financier.134 Thanks to the time he spent in Ancona and Loreto, Nogueira established connections with the book markets of the eastern Mediterranean and merged them with an already robust knowledge of the bibliographic market of the western side of the sea. From Ancona, between March and May 1639, Nogueira established contacts with the Jesuits of the nearby House of Loreto. In Loreto, he witnessed how exiles and intellectuals arrived at Ancona from all over Europe and the Mediterranean, hoping to serve the Pope. The Jesuits in Loreto welcomed these refugees while ensuring those newcomers’ conversions.135 Nogueira thus became acquainted with religious conversion methods that contrasted with those used in Spain, which he perceived as forced, violent, and impersonal. His friendship with the Jesuit and former confessor of Cardinal Pier Luigi Carafa, Silvestro Pietrasanta (1590–1647), an expert in history and emblems,136 made him realize the importance of learning more about how Jesuits performed conversions in their missions in Protestant territories. Pietrasanta was in Cologne between 1624 and 1634, fighting Protestantism. He returned to Italy with strong opinions concerning the best conversion and preaching methods to Protestants. His Neapolitan family background and his stay in the Spanish Low Countries, especially Antwerp in the early 1630s, had made him aware of the stakes behind religious conversion politics in the Iberian monarchies. For Nogueira, the Jesuit became a source of political information concerning the “present.”137 Their friendships grew to such an extent that Pietrasanta wrote in 1639 on Nogueira’s behalf for his advancement near Francesco Barberini.138 Shortly thereafter, Nogueira found his way out of “purgatory.” 134

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137 138

Nogueira took advantage of his trips to Ancona to learn more about New Christians and Jewish Iberian diasporas. On Abravanel and his intellectual legacy see Cohen-Skalli, Don Isaac Abravanel. For an in-depth interpretation of how the medieval miracle of Loreto and the location itself fostered the spread of Catholicism beyond the Mediterranean see Vélez, The Miraculous Flying House of Loreto. Nogueira to Dal Pozzo, ibid., f. 487r. See the correspondence that Silvestro Pietrasanta, S. J., maintained with Dal Pozzo from 1635 to 1645, in BANLC, Pozzo XII, vol. 10, ff. 94r–140r. Nogueira to Dal Pozzo, ibid., ff. 486r–7r. Nogueira to Dal Pozzo, Loreto–Rome, April 20, 1639, ibid., ff. 489r–90v.

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His own and his patrons’ exiles marked Nogueira’s life during these turbulent Bolognese (1637–1640) and Roman years (1635–1637 and 1640–1654).139 His return to Rome, sometime between spring and fall 1640, coincided with Sacchetti being called back by the Pope and with the beginning of the Portuguese war of Restoration against the Spanish monarchy. His presence in Rome took on a new meaning in light of the confluence of these local and international political contexts. Ironically, soon after his return to Rome, the death of Urban VIII resulted in the exile to Paris of the Pope’s family in 1644, including Francesco. Finally established in the capital of the Catholic Republic of Letters, Nogueira was soon working for a now-absent patron. Members of the Barberini family in exile relied on mercenaries of knowledge in Rome to keep an active presence in the city for almost ten years. In some ways, this displacement and the patterns of patronage which stretched out across frontiers and large distances were becoming characteristic of an ever more unstable Europe within which Popes, princes, and princesses, among other influential figures, acquired a taste for traveling the roads of exile. Such situations of displacement could generate a more relativist view of the world among political rulers and mercenaries. The former needed skilled agents upon whom they could rely to improvise and find solutions for them, especially when they could no longer rely on rooted households and familiar spaces. Their needs explained in part the affinities they developed with mercenaries who walked on the fringes of what was socially and intellectually accepted in Catholic Europe. Building on their experiences, they occupied multiple positions at the margin of their roles as intermediaries and brokers. More than go-betweens, living between two worlds, mercenaries of knowledge like Nogueira were multi-embedded agents.

139

Nogueira would not return to Rome before the end of Sacchetti’s Bologna legation and the latter’s appointment as Prefetto della Segnatura di Giustizia at the Roman Chancellery on June 22, 1640. When Francesco Barberini moved to Paris, Nogueira confirmed his commitment with Sacchetti, signaling that he had been underused as political agent: “non essere incapacissimo di notitie anzi forse informatissimo, assai orginalmente, assai internamente de maggiori manegii non dico de Portugallo e Spagna, cominciando da 13 anni a scrivere nelio scrittorio di mio Padre, ministro tanto supremo che era compagno nello stesso officio e nello stesso banco col Padre del Marchese di CastelRodrigo ambasciatore ma ancorra di quelli di quasi tutta Europpa per theorica studiosissima per prattica applicatissima di havere negotiato con ministri di varii principi, letto le loro instruttioni ancora le piu ocule, le piu nascoste, le piu zifrate.” Nogueira to Francesco Barberini, Rome-Paris, February 1646, BAV, Barb. Lat. 6472, f. 76r.

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Part III

Bibliopolitics and Conflict Management

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5

Mercenary Diplomacy

Mid-seventeenth-century wars and revolts forced a constellation of intellectuals and their patrons into exile.1 After being tested and proving their worth through displacement, many sought permanent refuge in cities like Rome, Paris, and Lisbon. Such cities operated as centralizing sites for competing politics with a common desire to undermine Spanish hegemony and offer an alternative vision of the world which simultaneously claimed control over it. Mercenaries of knowledge did not necessarily craft discourses and representations related to those universalist visions, but they eased the circulation of materials (mostly bibliographical) and promoted the creation of sites (mainly libraries) that fostered the imagining and situating of universalistic sovereignties. Late Renaissance conflicts drew “refugee scholars” to act as informal mediators in a wide range of diplomatic interests and territories located around the Holy See.2 Since the sixteenth century, Rome had become a refuge for foreign subjects, many of whom worked over generations to Romanize themselves while securing their livelihoods across and beyond the city.3 Vicente Nogueira offered his services from his base in Rome to patrons and correspondents in Paris and Lisbon, as well as in the Eternal City. There he was well placed to intervene in such affairs. Internal and international polemics across Baroque Rome – Galileo’s 1633 trial being one the highlights – contributed to the diversification of information networks in which Spanish and Portuguese subjects found their voice and platform. Mercenaries of knowledge brokered information concerning different Iberian territories, while they worked to legitimize rivals, like France, or new powers, like Portugal, that had declared independence from the Hispanic monarchy. The working out of these polemics in Rome was accentuated by the fact that, during the Thirty 1 2 3

Mulsow, “What Is a Philosophical Constellation,” 81–109. Andretta and Brevaglieri, “Storie naturali a Roma,” 50. On the Romanization of Portuguese subjects and families in Rome see Nelson Novoa, “New Christian Memory in Dispute.”

177

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Years’ War, the Papacy advanced its own politics of territorial conservation and expansion in and beyond northern Italy. That expansion put a strain on papal relations with both France and Spain.4 Mercenaries of knowledge became key agents of the informal diplomacy that resulted from all these conflicts. When Nogueira returned to Rome in 1640, he found a composite political ensemble that ran on knowledge generated through the exchange of books and manuscripts.5 Bibliopolitics were a vector for diplomacy and patronage among members of the Republic of Letters and offered a channel to carry out political negotiations based on the circulations of knowledge objects, independently from confessional or national affiliations.6 Bibliopolitics gave mercenaries of knowledge a chance to broker political counsel through material forms. Such opportunities also provided them with resources to secure their vital survival.7 Bibliopolitics required access to capital, so mercenaries of knowledge relied on patrons and state intelligence systems to obtain funds for their investments and material exchanges. Hunting, buying, copying, and selling books, manuscripts, libraries, and archives constituted the most common bibliopolitical activities. Bibliopolitical practices offered avenues for exchanging political ideas through the production, editing, and even censorship of books and propaganda materials. Their influence on book censorship politics, for example, contributed to the expansion of the resources that a patron or a state could display when making sovereign claims supported by bibliopolitics. Among the political questions of the time, the need to redefine what diplomacy meant from a practical standpoint was felt acutely during the decades of the 1640s. In answer, bibliopolitics became a vector to learn about the history of diplomacy. The circulation of books and manuscripts related to past embassies fueled the need to master such a history while many men of letters and diplomats alike reflected on new forms of diplomacy.8 Many political powers in Europe strived to consolidate their 4 5

6 7

8

Fosi, All’ombra dei Barberini, p. 42. Visceglia, La Roma dei Papi; Fosi, Inquisition, Conversion, and Foreigners, and “The Plural City,” 169–83; Cabibbo and Serra (eds.), Venire a Roma; and Carroll, Exiles in a Global City. Montcher, “Iberian Bibliopolitics,” 206–18. Nogueira wished to receive monthly paychecks for a carriage, an essential tool for anyone who sought to participate in political negotiations and who needed to move quickly and with respectability across the city. Nogueira to Niza, Rome–?, February 8, 1649, Gonçalves Serafim and Freitas Carvalho (eds.), Um diálogo epistolar, p. 219. See Hunt, “Carriages, Violence, and Masculinity,” 175–96. See, for example, how a Portuguese diplomat in Paris and correspondent of Nogueira, Christopher Soares de Abreu, fostered bibliopolitics by pointing out in his ambassadorial

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sovereignty amid a new international order, including a restored Portugal, and were invested in inventing a tradition that would secure the future of European diplomacy. This chapter discusses the multivalent positions Vicente Nogueira occupied as a bibliopolitician in Rome after his return in 1640. Though he continued to present himself as a spagnolo, he found himself increasingly drawn into the politics of Portuguese Restoration. In December 1640, a small group of Portuguese aristocrats declared their independence from Spain, acclaiming the Duke of Braganza as King John IV of Portugal. The international community split over acknowledging Portuguese sovereignty. For nearly thirty years, Philip IV of Spain and several Popes refused to accept Portuguese independence while Portuguese ambassadors found havens in cities like Paris and Amsterdam from which to promote Portuguese sovereignty on an international stage. Meanwhile, a frontier war plagued Portuguese and Spanish relations at the same time that both monarchies were taxed by their engagements in long-running conflicts, including colonial wars such as the Dutch–Portuguese conflict that Nogueira had witnessed in Brazil. During this period, Portuguese mercenaries of knowledge maintained transnational channels of communication that allowed John IV to acquire a voice in the concert of nations and seek ways to have his sovereignty recognized. Europe was locked in a showdown of sovereignties during the 1640s as the Thirty Years’ War ground on. Portugal’s restoration put a new piece on the chessboard. The new Braganza dynasty reached out to Spanish rivals as potential allies. Spanish competitors like the French, Dutch, and English offered some informal support to Portugal, seeking to destabilize the Habsburgs.9 Such negotiations and alliances around the “Portuguese question” – whether formal or tacit – created the conditions for mercenaries of knowledge to transform their passion for books into a systematic tool for political negotiation. Roman bibliopolitics in the 1640s exemplifies how the broader history of diplomacy and the Republic of Letters overlapped during the Baroque era.

5.1

The Bibliopolitics of a Spagnolo in Rome

Nogueira joined an influx of Iberian mercenaries of knowledge to the Eternal City during the 1640s. That movement coincided with increasing

9

instructions to the Marquis of Cascais the importance of reading about the history of diplomacy. BNP, Caixa 14, n. 2. Montcher, “The Portable Archives,” 327–47.

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anti-Spanish feelings which brought home the reality that a Spanish Rome had become an ideal at best.10 As the historian Maria Antonietta Visceglia pointed out, “the city of the Pope, which especially during the reign of Philip II functioned as a site of aggregation of the Hispanic Kingdoms, became during the years of the Portuguese secession and of the Catalan revolt one of the spaces of the implosion of this unity [fracturing into] a Rome of the Iberian nations.”11 In response to that fragmentation, the Spanish monarchy sought to improve its position in the Italian Peninsula. Nogueira described his new home as a place where mercenaries of knowledge came to be recruited by or reported to Spanish authorities.12 By 1640, no power could claim monopoly over political communication in western Europe, although many tried. In this competitive landscape, papal networks remained robust vectors for information and disinformation campaigns at the close of the Thirty Years’ War.13 Although modern historians often interpret the Peace of Westphalia in 1648 as pivotal to the loss of influence of the Holy See in the arbitration of European politics, papal interventions in international relations remained significant until at least the end of the Spanish–Portuguese war in 1668. In general, the Italian Peninsula and Spanish and Portuguese actors living in it participated in the rebalancing of powers that took place during the seventeenth century. After all, cities such as Rome, Venice, Milan, Florence, Naples, or Palermo were connected politically to the Hispanic monarchy.14 The Papacy itself functioned as a hub specialized in handling Iberian information, ready to be redistributed across the world.15 Through seeking patronage at the Curia and near the Pope’s family, Nogueira participated in the consolidation of the Roman information market. Through his longstanding connections with Francesco Barberini he secured a position in the Cancelleria where, in 1633, Cardinal Francesco was appointed papal vice-chancellor. The Apostolic 10 11 12 13 14

15

For a nuanced interpretation of this turn see Colomer, “Arte per la riconciliazione,” 95–110. Visceglia, Roma papale e Spagna, pp. 42 and 48. Nogueira to Niza, Rome–Paris, April 30, 1650, Gonçalves Serafim and Freitas Carvalho (eds.), Um diálogo epistolar, pp. 353–9. De Vivo and Visceliga (eds.), “Guerra dei Trent’anni e informazione.” Boutier, Marin, and Romano (eds.), Naples, Rome, Florence. On the importance of Italian politics and territories during the Thirty Years’ War see Blum, La diplomatie de la France en Italie. On the news revolution see Helmers and Van Groesen (eds.), “Managing the News.” Soll, The Information Master, p. 22; and Burke, “Rome as a Centre of Information,” 253–69.

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Chancellery dealt with civic issues connected to papal justice, including hearing petitions and appeals and regulating papal benefices. In 1634, Cardinal Francesco Barberini became the Grand Inquisitor of the Roman Inquisition. In 1640, Francesco summoned Sacchetti back from Bologna to work alongside him at the Chancellery as Prefect of the Tribunal of the Apostolic Signature of Justice. Sacchetti arrived in Rome with Nogueira and the latter quickly picked up a Roman jurist’s routine based on his earlier experiences.16 Nogueira returned to the Basilica of San Lorenzo in Dámaso as a canon in its Chapter.17 Located in the palace of the Cancelleria, many creatures of Cardinal Francesco gravitated around this institution.18 The cardinal-nephew conceived the Cancelleria as a tandem site for political and cultural achievements.19 From San Lorenzo, the Portuguese canon cultivated the support of the Basilica Chapter, many of whom were jurists connected to the Cancelleria. For example, when sick, Nogueira delegated his correspondence to another canon, Marco Antonio Nobili, who spoke Portuguese and translated Spanish to Italian.20 Other members of the Chapter worked at the Supreme Tribunal of the Apostolic Signature of Justice and the Rota.21 At San Lorenzo, Nogueira joined a 16

17

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Nogueira received the title of Referendary of the Two Signatures in 1619 from Pope Paul V: “Illustrissimo Signore. D. Vincenzo Noghera Portughese natural di Lisbona prega a V. S. Illma. lo favorisca appresso nostro signore li facci grazia di crearlo Referendario utriusque signaturae. I motivi per questo sono qual infrascritti,” BPA, 46-XI-13, ff. 133v–4r. The title was granted following Nogueira’s petition, ibid., ff. 134v–35r. Nogueira’s canonry at San Lorenzo was mentioned as early as October 1637. Nogueira to Francesco Barberini, Bologna–Rome, October 17, 1637, BAV, Barb. Lat. 6472, f. 19r. In 1636, Francesco even considered establishing a printing press inside the palace to better coordinate his editorial projects. Francesco was Cardinal-Priest of San Lorenzo. See Barone (ed.), “La confraternita della SS. Concezione di San Lorenzo,” 69–135; Valtieri, La basilica di S. Lorenzo in Damaso; and Fortuzzi, “La bibliotheca Barberina,” p. 147. Nogueira’s colleague, the Catholic convert Lucas Holstenius, was regarded as the potential head of this press. Aware of the competition posed by better-positioned refugees such as Holstenius, Nogueira boasted that the discussion of literary matters constituted “the original reason why he had been hired by the Barberinis.” Nogueira to Francesco Barberini, July 16, 1639, BAV, Barb. Lat. 6472, ff. 32r–3v. On the palace and its library see Grafinger, “Kardinal Francesco Barberini und sein Bibliothekar Lucas Holstenius,” 284. Niza to Nogueira, Paris–Rome, September 4, 1648, Gonçalves Serafim and Freitas Carvalho (eds.), Um diálogo epistolar, pp. 183–5. On Andrea Nicoletti, who wrote a life of Urban VIII, and his ties with the Chapter see BAV, Barb. Lat 4730. Fortuzzi, “La bibliotheca Barberina,” p. 74; and Bauer, The Invention of Papal History, p. 209. It was not unusual for the canons to serve the Barberini in other sites under their protection, such as the abbey of Grottaferrata located in the Lazio. Carlo Moroni, an expert in Greek and Latin and a friend of Nogueira, was connected with this abbey. Fortuzzi, “La bibliotheca Barberina,” p. 132.

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heteroclite army of knowledge mercenaries who set up camp around papal institutions. Nogueira parlayed his connections through San Lorenzo and the Barberini into valuable professional contacts.22 For example, Carlo Moroni’s uncle, the Jesuit Alberto Moroni, was a historiographer of Urban VIII. As Alberto’s nephew, Carlo was placed at the Barberini library (1637–1684) as Lucas Holstenius’ assistant and, after 1653, became a library curator (a custodio). Through the 1640s, Moroni collaborated with other book experts known to Nogueira, such as the scriptor of Greek at the Vatican library, Leone Allacci.23 All these men shared a common interest in books and libraries. Nogueira relied on them to expand his bibliographic commerce as he integrated into the Roman political scene.24 Nogueira rarely commented on his life in San Lorenzo or on his work at the Cancelleria, though it was a valuable source of contacts. He stayed silent about any sensitive juridical tasks since he remained in a precarious professional position. Although he recovered former privileges and pensions and subsequently obtained new ones, his economic well-being remained vulnerable and he was often dependent on small loans from lenders in the Roman Ghetto.25 This precarious socioeconomic standing, unsurprisingly, conditioned his scholarly endeavors in Rome. Economic issues were a perpetual challenge for mercenaries of knowledge. Money had been scarce in Bologna, but there Nogueira could at least count on housing and a basic income. In Rome, he sought supplemental income to his affiliation with San Lorenzo. Competition for positions in the city forced him toward the twofold commerce of second-hand books and political counsel that was bibliopolitics. 22

23 24

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In 1642, Nogueira tried to join the Barberini’s library while promoting his name at the Dataria, a tribunal responsible for overseeing the concession of ecclesiastical benefices and fixing dates on papal documents. Such a position was appealing for someone who advocated on behalf of Portuguese sovereignty through papal authority and against Spanish and inquisitorial influence over ecclesiastical affairs in this same monarchy. See Nogueira to Francesco Barberini, Rome, September 10, 1642, BAV, Barb. Lat. 6472, f. 57. On Moroni see the correspondence between Francesco Barberini and Lucas Holstenius, BAV, Barb. Lat. 6490. On Nogueira’s request to Moroni to borrow works such as the Speculum Mariae Bonaventurae Baduarii Patavini Cardinalis (1474) see BAV, Barb. Lat. 6470, f. 59r; and ibid., f. 129. Through Moroni, Nogueira advertised his hate of the Spanish government. Nogueira to Carlo Moroni, Rome, December 4, 1642, BAV, Barb. Lat. 6472, f. 52r. While preparing his move from Bologna to Rome, Nogueira asked Dal Pozzo for help with a debt. Nogueira to Dal Pozzo, Bologna–Rome, June 26, 1640, BANLC, Dal Pozzo, vol. X., f. 524r.

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Holstenius noticed that, despite a penuria of bibliographic novelties, Nogueira’s “diverse boteghe” of books in Rome offered a great resource for other mercenaries of knowledge’s bibliopolitics. Holstenius described the Portuguese operation as a sizable business and criticized him for his high prices.26 He nevertheless underlined Nogueira’s talent for finding “good” books and confessed that he often relied on the latter’s stocks when something was nowhere else to be found. For Nogueira, searching for, writing, and exchanging bibliographical materials provided a resource for his survival. After all, mercenaries of knowledge could not rely only on aristocratic patronage. Their vision of the Republic of Letters was a marketplace from which to perform bibliographic businesses that was crucial for their economic well-being. The transactional dimension of their activities bolstered their immersion in a broader political information market. For example, even Leone Allacci’s relation with the Barberini was not as rewarding as it appeared. Holstenius commented that if it was not for his appointment as the Vatican library, Allacci would not have received much more than a room from the Barberini. Although Holstenius made this observation when the Grand Duchy of Tuscany was hoping to recruit Allacci, it does not obviate the fact that even men of letters who appeared consolidated in Rome saw themselves as precarious mercenaries.27 Francesco Barberini’s activities enabled the bibliophilia of his collaborators and created opportunities for them to earn vital support in the city.28 Near the cardinal-nepote, mercenaries of knowledge gained exposure to editorial projects and conducted a brisk trade in secondhand books. From regional poetry to natural history, they learned how savvy politicians such as Francesco declined their political ideas through different media. For example, Barberini sponsored the publication of the Jesuit Giovanni Battista Ferrari’s Hesperides (1646), a work of history and etymology, and an encyclopedia of citruses that complimented his earlier work on flowers and gardens.29 Other Barberini projects, such as the republishing of the Poemata of Pope Urban VIII (his Tuscan poetry), or 26 27

28

29

Holstenius to Francesco Barberini?, to Rome, November 2, 1647, BV, Allacci XCVI, f. 110r. “[E] se non fosse la scrittoria greca che gode nella libreria vaticana con provisione ed emolumenti ragionevolmente buoni, se la passare be male come tutti gli altri letterati di Roma.” Holstenius to Leopoldo de Medici, January 30, 1649, BV, Allacci, XCVI, f. 399v. After several attempts to establish his printing press – including the 1636 attempt in the Apostolic Chancellery – Francesco learned how to make other presses work for his projects, including the one at the Propaganda Fide. On the printing press at the Propaganda Fide see Petrucci-Nardelli, “Il cardinal Francesco Barberini,” 152–3. Ferrari, Hesperides. Nogueira collaborated in supplying materials for Ferrari’s study. See Montcher, “Bonds of Sweetness,” 155–7.

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the edition of the collective volume of poems (Panglossia) in memory of the French polymath and correspondent of Cardinal Francesco, NicolasClaude Fabri de Peiresc, all had had specific political purposes.30 From the Barberini circle, Nogueira and other mercenaries of knowledge learned how to be politically pragmatic even when dealing finer points of erudition. During the 1640s, Rome functioned as a sound box in which political news reverberated and was amplified.31 When conflicts rendered bilateral diplomacy difficult, the Pope wished to create a neutral stage where multiple intelligence systems could coexist. Perhaps unexpected in an age of confessionalization, the Papacy often adapted a forgiving posture toward what René Pintard described as a group of “atheists, sodomites, libertines, and many other rascals,” for the purposes of securing political communication flows with an international news market.32 Rome positioned itself as a capital of the Republic of Letters.33 Papal authorities of course upheld some limits when sustaining the intellectual vibrancy of the city. Isaac Casaubon, the Christian Hebraist who worked in France before moving to England and to whom Nogueira often compared himself, summed up the climate of dissimulation that resulted from these limitations by noting that “if you are an atheist, you must be in Rome.”34 In Rome, intellectual refugees of diverse backgrounds were used as go-betweens across clerical households. Nogueira complained that he still ran between Francesco Barberini and Sacchetti. Instead of having to visit the latter every day, Nogueira stated that he would have been more productive if he had stayed in his room pursuing his studies on Spanish matters for eight or ten hours.35 His knowledge had urgent value for his patrons when challenging Spanish sovereignty over the New World and the Portuguese monarchy, but they viewed him as a political informant rather than a study-bound scholar. Nevertheless, 30 31 32 33

34 35

Monumentum romanum Nicolao Claudio Fabricio Perescio. Castelnau-L’Estoile and Regourd (eds.), Connaissances et pouvoirs, conclusions by Sallman, p. 384. Pintard, Le libertinage érudit, p. 262. On Rome as an information platform see Petitmangin, “Recherches sur l’organisation de la Bibliothèque Vaticane,” 561–8. Quoted by Lerner in his 1998 edition of the Apes Urbanae, XIV–XV. See also, Bonnefoy, Rome, 1630. Research conducted by Brevaglieri, Natural desiderio di sapere; Visceglia, Roma papale e Spagna; Rietebergen, Power and Religion in Baroque Rome; and Romano (ed.), “La culture scientifique à Rome,” show the extent of the diverse and global intellectual and political world that animated Rome during this period. On Rome as a refuge for intellectual outcasts see Delumeau, El misterio Campanella, p. 121. Nogueira to Francesco Barberini, Rome, February 25, 1647, BAV, Barb. Lat. 6472, ff. 149r–50r.

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intellectual collaborations were necessary to thrive in the Roman information market.36 After his return to Rome, Nogueira consolidated his friendship with Holstenius, even though (or perhaps because) the new convert to Catholicism enjoyed the positions that Nogueira most wanted as head librarian of the Barberini and the Vatican libraries.37 Though well connected, Nogueira never felt redeemed from lingering suspicions related to his inquisitorial condemnation. Even after 1640, he continued to identify the Count-Duke of Olivares as one of the leading figures behind his inquisitorial troubles. In a letter to Carlo Moroni, written in 1642, Nogueira commented that Olivares, in addition to being “his sworn enemy,” had “stolen his honor” and his “relationship with his brother (Paulo Alfonso Nogueira), who was a great favorite of the CountDuke.”38 Nogueira converted even this bitter pill into an asset. Upon arrival in Rome, he reassured patrons that his intellectual connections with Spain – including with his brother – were alive despite the circumstances.39 As a later proof, Nogueira described receiving the news of Paulo Alfonso’s death in 1640 from Agustín de Barbosa (1590–1649), a Portuguese jurist and pro-Spanish agent.40 Like Nogueira, Barbosa hunted books and libraries. Unlike Nogueira, Barbosa dedicated his lexicographical and legal research, especially on canon law, to the 36 37

38

39

40

On Baroque Roman markets see Ago, Gusto for Things. Nogueira sought an appointment as Cardinal Francesco’s librarian, claiming that consideration of his linguistic skills and knowledge of arts, history, geography, and chronology should convince the cardinal that he had no peers. “Se V. E. mi havesse sentito nella biblioteca Barberina e vistome legger nelle lingue primarie e discorrer in tutte le arte liberali, historia, geografía, cronologia ed altre galanterie atra la propia professions, io crederei che V. E.non formaria minore concetto di me che d’Bembi, Sadoleti, Antoniani ne anche de Raimondi, Casaubon, o Scaligeri pure mai sono lasciato comparir inanzi a V. E. in forma che possa giudicar di vista, ma sempre de auditu et segnius erretant animos de missa per aures, quamd quae sunt oculis subjecta fidelibus e sono molti gli interessati in che V. E. non mi conosca affata precio humilissimente la supplico che sempre che andera alla bibliotheca mi mandi avisare pero un palafrendro che io andeco a pided ed havra V. E. piu gusto che di sentire una buena comedia.” Nogueira to Francesco Barberini, Rome, June 2, 1642, BAV, Barb. Lat. 6472, f. 56r. “[I]l conte duca nimico capitale mio, mi levo non solo la robba e lo honore ma anco il comercio del mio fratello, favorito grande suo.” Nogueira to Carlo Moroni, Rome, April 12, 1642, BAV, Barb. Lat. 6472, ff. 52v–3v. Nogueira’s brother lived in Madrid and remained close to Olivares after December 1640. Nogueira to Francesco Barberini, Rome, October 5, 1640 and ibid., December 17, 1640, BAV, Barb. Lat. 6472, ff. 44r–5r and 46r–7v. On Portuguese in Madrid who remained loyal to Philip IV see Bouza, “Entre dos reinos,” 83–104. Nogueira to Francesco Barberini, December 27, 1640, BAV, Barb. Lat. 6472, f. 46r. When arriving in Rome, Nogueira was hoping to receive 15 scudi a month from his brother. On this figure, I consulted Francisco Cuena Boy’s biographical entry published in the Diccionario Biográfico of the RAH, http://dbe.rah.es/biografias/57572/agustin-debarbosa, accessed January 18, 2022.

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Spanish king. Their correspondence shows how Nogueira obtained his information through the pro-Spanish-Portuguese community in Madrid and from men who often traveled to Rome.41 Nogueira used Olivares’ name to highlight the ambivalence of his choice to serve in Rome. Nogueira’s allusions to the Spanish royal favorite helped him position himself in anti-Spanish propaganda milieux without taking the provocative step of criticizing Philip IV. Publicity about his Spanish connections was vital to remain relevant in a city where politicians sought privileged information about the Iberian monarchies. Nogueira even looked for a refuge in Rome on behalf of his friend, Tribaldos de Toledo, one of Olivares’ former hired pens.42 By doing so, he showed his new patrons that he could recruit scholars tied to the Spanish intelligence system based on enduring ties to Spanish friends and family, as well as the titles he still held which bound him to Habsburg courts.43 Rather than dissociating himself from Spain, Nogueira worked as both a Spanish and a Portuguese agent in Rome.44 Moving fluidly across the registers of this multivalent identity, Nogueira used his position near Cardinal Francesco to become more involved in bibliopolitics, referring to his previous bibliographic writings in Iberia which – he claimed – had been a cause of his “ruin.”45 More than just treatises on how to construct a library, the political dimension of bibliographical writings helps explain the perilous bibliopolitical games that Nogueira played in both Iberia and Italy. By alluding to his library and the treatise he wrote about how to build libraries, Nogueira positioned himself within a tradition of political bibliographers such as Justus Lipsius and the book hunter Gabriel Naudé, who, through the art of bibliografia politica, composed useful reference lists on behalf of Reason of State.46 41 42 43

44

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Barbosa was consecrated Bishop of Ugento (Naples) on March 22, 1649, just a few months before his death. Nogueira to Francesco Barberini, Rome, October 5, 1640, f. 45r. Nogueira could have gone to serve the emperor in Vienna; however, he feared Olivares even there. On Nogueira’s Austrian titles, see Tribaldos de Toledo, Obras de Francisco de Figueroa. On the system that reinforced the geopolitical continuum of this dynastic ensemble, allowing Iberian subjects to circulate between empires, see Bourdeu, “Entre deux empires,” 59–72. Nogueira insisted that he was very well informed – “informatissimo, assai originalmente, assai internamente” – about Portuguese and Spanish affairs. Nogueira to Francesco Barberini, Rome, February 4, 1646, BAV, Lat. 6472, ff. 76r–7v. “[F]u uno de motivi che acceleraron la ruina.” Nogueira to Francesco Barberini, Rome, November 21, 1637, BAV, Barb. Lat. 6472, f. 29v. On library treatises as tool for the dissemination of Reason of State ideas see Naudé, Advis pour dresser une bibliothèque; and Damien, Bibliothèque et État. In 1633, Gabriel Naudé drew attention in his Bibliograhia politica to a list of books required for anyone

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Likewise, Nogueira’s references to his mastery of the art of political bibliography in his petitions for support in Rome functioned as multivalent discourses. On the one hand, they inscribed him into the market for intellectual and political projects that aspired to control historical knowledge. On the other hand, the story of his treatise and trial reinforced his profile as a practitioner of the law, engaged against the jurisdictional abuses of the Portuguese Holy Office. This attracted the sympathies of scholars and politicians who shared his hatred of Inquisitions. Nogueira supplemented his claims about inquisitorial injustice he had suffered in Portugal by recommending histories that dealt with other inquisitions, such as Paolo Sarpi’s history of the Venetian Inquisition.47 Mid-seventeenth-century book hunters were keen to comment on their own and others’ bibliographic practices. In Nogueira’s case, promoting his bibliographical expertise granted him an entry to local and international Roman affairs. He sent books to the Barberini library through Holstenius to contribute to its Spanish and Portuguese collections.48 He maintained his friendship with Dal Pozzo by sending him works by Spanish authors, including on literature and cosmography.49 Across the city, lists, catalogs, and bibliographic manuals became ubiquitous. Library auctions, editorial projects related to political propaganda, and researching in archives occupied most of Nogueira’s time. When not looking for or managing bibliographic references, he spent his days trying to get his own and others’ licenses to read prohibited books renewed.50 In the evenings, Nogueira attended to his correspondence, and reflected on all he had or had not accomplished during the day. This correspondence reflects how book and manuscript inventories invaded the written, visual, and oral worlds of scholars obsessed with the art of library making.

47

48 49

50

who wanted to accomplish a specific political vision, arguing that books and manuscripts politicized the world well beyond the information they contained. Naudé, La bibliographie politique. For interested patrons, he offered to acquire a copy. Nogueira to Sampaio, Rome, January 20, 1646, Gonçalves Serafim and Freitas Carvalho (eds.), Um diálogo epistolar, pp. 81–2. Nogueira to Francesco Barberini, November 21, 1637, BAV, Barb. Lat. 6472, ff. 25r– 6v. Ibid., November 15, 1638, f. 31r. Dal Pozzo furnished contacts with Roman and foreign aristocrats who wished to hire Nogueira for work on genealogical issues. Most wanted to secure the memory of their linages while negotiating a better position at the Curia. Ibid., July 15, 1636, f. 2r. Ibid., December 29, 1647, f. 172.

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Nogueira’s primary task in Rome on behalf of the Barberini and Portuguese correspondents was to survey the circulation of Iberian bibliographies across the Italian Peninsula and the European book market. One way to achieve this survey was by tracking book auctions related to conflict and looting. During the Thirty Years’ War, looting practices intensified. Many collections changed ownership and were displaced. The memory of the 1623 capture of the Palatinate library and its transfer to the Vatican provided a vivid recent episode of bibliopolitics. Bibliopolitics served to integrate a Protestant collection into the core of the Catholic Church’s archives as a potent source for propaganda. The librarian and mercenary of knowledge, Leone Allacci, ensured that the books and manuscripts from the seized Palatinate library traveled safely to Rome. This library also contained personal collections, such as that of the humanist Ulrich Fugger (1526–1584). Fugger was part of the powerful Augsburg banking family, who, after serving Pope Paul III (1468–1549) in Rome, returned to Germany and converted to Protestantism. Through the Roman transfer of the whole library, Fugger’s archives – which had long been a laboratory of Protestant polemics – were now in the hands of Urban VIII, ready to be used by Catholic polemicists against Protestant interests.51 In addition to the war, the conflagration of mid-century Iberian revolts caused rare books and artistic objects from private collections to become available at exceptional prices.52 Book and art hunters from all over Europe were interested in these collections in Spanish-Italian territories, including Naples, Sicily, and the Duchy of Milan.53 As the head of the Barberini library, Holstenius took advantage of this situation in which formerly hard-to-find books and manuscripts were to be had at low cost across Spanish Italy.54 Other book hunters, such as Gabriel Naudé and the Dupuy brothers, expressed their desire to travel to Naples and Sicily – both the sites of anti-Spanish revolts in the 1640s – to access

51 52

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Montuschi, “Le Biblioteche di Heidelberg,” 279–336; Allacci, Relazione sul trasporto della biblioteca Palatina; and Bepler, “Vicissitudo Temporum,” 953–68. Christophe Dupuy reported to his brothers in Paris on these opportunities. See the letter he wrote from Rome on March 23, 1648. Wolfe and Wolfe (eds.), Humanisme et politique, vol. 2, pp. 142–4. On how these materials ended up in the portable archives that ambassadors and scholars brought with them to negotiate peace treaties during these times of conflicts see Montcher, “The Portable Archives,” 348–70. Nogueira’s contributions to the library were regular and paralleled book-hunting campaigns that Holstenius conducted in Spanish Naples to collect manuscripts and books on Iberian matters. Recent upheavals in the Neapolitan kingdom facilitated Holstenius’ bibliographic explorations. Fortuzzi, “La bibliotheca Barberina,” pp. 101–3.

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rare bibliographic materials related to the history of Sicily and different parts of the Italian Peninsula. Their goal was to question the rights of the Spanish king over such territories. In Paris, Pierre and Jacques Dupuy expressed their interest in Spanish pamphlets circulating in southern and Spanish territories of the Italian Peninsula. It was vital to consult these propaganda materials to learn about recent political developments while adapting the information contained in these pamphlets to the antiSpanish discourses they were crafting in Paris.55 The Barberini library in Rome became another locus for knowledge about the Iberian monarchies and a laboratory from where to produce works and ideas that challenged the sovereignty and sacredness of the Spanish monarchs. Its personnel, and other scholars gravitating around it, played a critical role in the diffusion from Rome of news concerning the literary and political life of Spain and Portugal after 1640. During this decade, Holstenius and other book experts registered the arrival of books from Portugal to the library’s collection. Although their contents were eclectic, these books were carefully curated. They reflected the Iberian monarchies’ laws, its chronicles and histories of its kings, and the history of its bishops, including Rodrigo da Cunha’s Historia episcopus Portus, published in 1623. Compilations of sermons and Portuguese and Spanish literature edited in Portugal, such as the pastoral novel of the Diana of Jorge de Montemayor (Lisbon, 1621) or the Ulysippo (Lisbon, 1640), the heroic poem of the diplomat and polemist António de Sousa Macedo (1606–1682), completed the list. Such a list reflected the educated Roman public’s interests for Iberian literature as much as the normative works that writers in Rome needed when working on issues related to Spain and Portugal. Iberian scholars’ working materials – their drafts, notes, and commentaries – constituted essential acquisitions alongside printed books. For example, Holstenius incorporated notes on books that offered a nonCastilian-centered perspective on the Spanish monarchy into Barberini’s collections.56 His notes and compilations provided firsthand testimony regarding how Spanish historians composed their narratives about the Iberian monarchies’ recent and ancient history. When juxtaposed, these notes and commentaries formed an archive within the Barberini 55

56

On how these men of letters organized their personal archives by creating thematic dossiers on Spain which they then used to write histories and pamphlets see Montcher, “La historiografía real,” pp. 182–3. He extracted quotes and references from the work of the Aragonese and royal historiographer of Philip IV, Juan Francisco Andrés de Ustarroz (1606–1653). See the registers and the lists of books related to the Barberini library established between 1636 and 1661, BAV, Barb. Lat. 3075.

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library that mercenaries such as Nogueira could use when transforming and reediting books and manuscripts, creating anti-Spanish political propaganda. As a bibliopolitician specialized in Spanish and Portuguese matters, Nogueira found Rome to be the perfect platform from which to survey the ever-changing book market that became his bread and butter. Through that market, mercenaries of knowledge had access to a diverse repertoire of ideas and political models that circulated internationally. Nogueira used this repertoire to consolidate his profile as a legal and historical expert interested in France’s church–state relationship, a political model useful to anti-Spanish propaganda and claims of political sovereignty in post-1640 Portugal.

5.2

French Connection Redivivus: Gallicanism and Iberian Regalism

A turning point in Nogueira’s bibliopolitical role in Rome occurred when Cardinal Francesco retreated to France following the death of Urban VIII in 1644.57 While Rome fostered the mercenarization of men of letters by exposing them to international conflicts of sovereignty, their mercenarization was also consolidated through relations of patronage that implicated them in open conflicts. For example, during the first War of Castro (1641–1643), between Pope Urban VIII and Odoardo Farnese, Holstenius left his erudite occupations in Rome to become an army inspector. After the war and Urban VIII’s death, the Barberini were judged responsible for a senseless and costly conflict. This fallout allowed the new Pope Innocent X to send the remaining Barberini into exile after Urban’s death in 1644. Between 1644 and 1653, his family remained in Paris and mercenaries of knowledge such as Holstenius returned from the battlefields to Rome to organize the defense of the Barberini’s fame and patrimony. In 1640s Rome, mercenaries of knowledge were looking for books on behalf of the political programs of their patrons, near and far. These bibliopolitics allowed Cardinal Francesco to stay in touch with Roman politics and remain informed about who was printing what and for what

57

Members of the Portuguese embassy in Paris noticed how the relations between the Barberini family and the French royal court became closer after 1644. Moniz de Carvalho commented on the propaganda against the Barberini bees in Rome. As a learned man, he offered his services to counterattack such attacks. Moniz de Carvalho to the Marquis of Cascais, Paris, September 25, 1644, BNP, Caixa 14, n. 90.

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purpose.58 By keeping long-distance control over spaces of representation such as the family palace, library, and gardens, via their mercenaries of knowledge, the Barberini maintained a strong political status at the French court. They visited French state and ministerial libraries while – through their correspondences with agents such as Holstenius and Nogueira – they obtained materials they needed to carry on with their editorial projects in Paris. Those projects bolstered the family’s reputation, and of the Papacy, despite their rivalry with the new Pamphilj Pope. Barberini’s Parisian projects reinforced the spiritual authority of the Holy See over ecclesiastical matters, hoping that Innocent X would recognize their value and allow the family to return. In collaboration with French printers, Francesco Barberini promoted the edition of texts that showed how ancient Greeks and Romans dealt with heresies, while others explained the origins of the Reformation in England or criticized the work of French erudite and ecclesiastical figures, such as the bishop, historian, and specialist in Spanish affairs Pierre de Marca (1594–1662), who had defended the French royal ecclesiastical patronage in Catalonia against papal interventionism.59 This editorial program had the dual goal of promoting Barberini prestige in exile and providing a ticket back to Rome. While building collections from afar and keeping the political status of their patrons active in Rome and Paris, mercenaries working for the Barberini were also sought after by their enemies. Mercenaries such as Holstenius or Allacci commented on the difficulties they faced when caught between powerful patrons.60 The Medici, for example, tried to recruit both Holstenius and Allacci while surveying the Barberini editorial projects in Rome and Paris.61 Aware of these issues, back in Paris, the Barberini were on the lookout to recruit more mercenaries of knowledge. Between the 1640s and 1670s, Francesco Barberini maintained connections in Spain with a wide-ranging web of agents, including Nicolas Ricci in Madrid, who defended the ecclesiastical rents and privileges of the family.62 These agents also staunchly defended the Catholic Church in Spain. In Paris, a hired pen of the Portuguese ambassador, Francisco de Macedo, offered to look for Portuguese books for Francesco Barberini, 58

59 60 61 62

On the importance of Francesco’s exile for the development of the family library in Rome see Grafinger, “Kardinal Francesco Barberini und sein Bibliothekar Lucas Holstenius,” 292. Holstenius to Francesco Barberini, Rome–Paris, June 25, 1646, BV, Allacci XCVI, f. 100r and July 2, 1646, f. 102r. On Marca see Gaquère, Pierre de Marca. Paganino Gaudenzio to Allacci, Pisa–Rome, March 3, 1646, BV, Allacci CLI, ff. 95–6v. Holstenius to Carlo Dati, Rome–Florence, June 14, 1653, f. 197v. On this web see BAV, Barb. Lat. 9890 and 9891.

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while expecting to receive in return favors in Portugal.63 Macedo was hoping to be transferred to Rome to the service of a cardinal who needed agents like him. From the perspective of Portuguese representatives in Paris, Francesco’s contacts with book experts involved in promoting Portugal’s restoration against Spain was used as a sign of the proPortuguese affinities of a powerful family tied to the Holy See. The Portuguese ambassador in Paris declared that the pro-French affinities of Cardinal Francesco were synonyms of pro-Portuguese feelings.64 Even during exile, the bibliopolitics of mercenaries of knowledge offered shortcuts for diplomats to renegotiate alliances and promote new sovereignty by remapping who supported who amid conflicts. During his Parisian exile, Francesco requested that Sacchetti transfer Nogueira to Barberini’s full-time service. The Portuguese strengthened Barberini’s relationships with French and Portuguese agents in Rome and elsewhere in Europe.65 Thanks to Barberini, Nogueira established a fruitful correspondence about books with John IV’s ambassador in Paris, Vasco Luís da Gama (1612–1676), the first Marquis of Niza (and great grandson of the famous explorer). From Rome, he became part of a Portuguese ambassadorial propaganda workshop that in fewer than ten years produced more than thirty works that included legal treatises, political memoirs, histories, manifestos, chronicles, and edited documents and literary works written and translated in many languages. Thus, even from afar, mercenaries of knowledge contributed to the immersion of the Barberini into the Franco–Portuguese alliance against Spain. Meanwhile, even during the absence of their patrons, mercenaries of knowledge kept them informed about the Spanish economy and conflicts. For example, Nogueira provided vital information to Francesco about Iberian–Dutch conflicts in Brazil, while the cardinal sought strategic or politically sensitive materials to leverage his position in France. His report on cloves and mace allowed him to explain to Barberini that Brazilian lands could be used for similar spices as those located in the disputed Southeast Asian islands of Maluku and Banda, which by then were under the control of the Dutch East India Company. Nogueira had provided to the cardinal an idea then circulating among Portuguese 63 64 65

Macedo to Francesco Barberini, Paris, 23 February 164?, BAV, Barb. Lat. 9890, f. 153r. Niza to Francesco Barberini, Paris, November 10, 1645, BAV, Barb. Lat. 9891, f. 211r. Coincident to this request, a Portuguese agent in Rome, Nicolau Monteiro, commented that while Francesco Barberini was in Paris, Sacchetti deepened his connections with Spain. “D. Vicente Nogueira me escreve que o cardeal Francisco Barberini o pedira ao cardeal Sachete seu amo e que assi se avra de passer para elle e que estimaria esta mudanca por cessar com ella a rezao porque me nao vinha ver em public.” BPE, CVI/2-11, 926r.

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representatives to transplant cultivars of cloves and mace, among other crops, spices, and fruits, from Asian to American territories. This idea would have interested the cardinal for its potential political and economic significance to his hosts in France as well as for the intellectual impact on the study of natural history, one of the passions of the cardinal.66 Rome was also a pole of attraction for French politics and intellectual networks.67 Under Cardinal Richelieu’s and Cardinal Mazarin’s tenures as chief ministers in France (1624–1642 and 1642–1661), regalist principles advanced to the detriment of the Pope’s influence over French politics. Since the sixteenth century, the rising tide of Gallicanism and subsequent hostility toward Rome meant that papal agents such as Cardinal Francesco already sought to maintain contacts with French intellectual networks even before his eventual exile. Intellectual exchanges across the Republic of Letters contributed to harmonizing antagonistic political agendas between Rome and other Catholic powers. For example, from his residence in Aix-en-Provence, Peiresc spent considerable amounts of time trying to maintain collaborations among Richelieu’s diplomats and politicians with scholars working for the Pope.68 Shared concerns about Spanish hegemony held together this heteroclite political ensemble. Mercenaries of knowledge were ideally positioned to identify commonalties between what appeared as contradictory ideological movements among diverse Apostolic authorities, whether the French Gallican Church or the renewed universalistic hopes of the Portuguese monarchy.69 Portuguese mercenaries of knowledge recognized the political value of French histories, which depicted Philip II of Spain as having inherited the Crown of Portugal through violent means in 1580. Between Paris, Rome, and Lisbon, mercenaries of knowledge exchanged bibliographic references that criticized the legitimacy of Philip II’s Portuguese succession and what they perceived as the violent conquest of Portugal. Intellectual, literary, and political convergences fed antagonistic ideological movements with similar arguments. Mercenaries of knowledge 66

67

68 69

Nogueira to Francesco Barberini, Rome–Paris, October 23, 1646, BAV, Barb. Lat. 6472, ff. 144r–45r. See De Lima, Saveurs et savoirs du monde. Similar ideas were considered by Portuguese diplomats who, after Nogueira’s death, were influenced by political economy programs established by Jean Baptiste Colbert, the French minister of finances. Ribeiro Macedo’s (1618–1680) Observações sobre a transplantação dos fructos da India ao Brazil, May 10, 1675. Urban VIII’s pontificate (1623–1644) corresponded with a concomitant French turn in papal politics. The rule of this pope coincided with Cardinal Richelieu’s tenure in France (1624–1642). Poncet, “The Cardinal-Protectors of the Crowns,” 158–76. Delatour, “Les frères Dupuy et l’Italie,” 31–59. Pimenta, “Diplomatie, information et publication,” 332.

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operated as intellectual bridges and political firewalls between powers that strived to impose new hegemonies across Catholic Europe. By 1640, French scholars had diversified their connections with Iberian informants living outside Castile. The Italian Peninsula proved to be fertile ground. Spanish Naples and Sicily along with the Kingdom of Aragon and the newly restored monarchy of Portugal provided French scholars with the bulk of their informants. Meanwhile, one of the international centers of French anti-Spanish propaganda was Rome, and reference to Spanish sources were common. Around 1650, Christophe Dupuy financed the trip of a gentilhomme named Clemente del Campo from Rome to Paris to bring information concerning Spanish and Portuguese politics to Parisian propaganda workshops.70 At the same time, Cardinal Mazarin’s agents in Rome, such as Elpidio Benedetti (c. 1645–1661), as well as mercenaries of knowledge traveling between Rome and the Escorial, all fostered the dynamic circulations of Iberian books. In January 1651, the Dupuy brothers expressed their interest in the collections of the Spanish royal library to their brother Christophe, who in Rome was collecting books and manuscripts. Christophe mentioned that he had met with Father Sfondrato who, after spending time in Spanish Flanders, had been chasing Greek manuscripts in Spain. Sfondrato promised to show Christophe the copies he made of the catalog of the Escorial manuscripts, and told him that the Sultan of Morocco’s library was now in the Spanish royal collections at the Escorial.71 Beyond the French scholars’ interests in the Escorial collections, conversations about the ransoming of royal libraries across the Mediterranean facilitated opportunities to comment on the history of the circulations and lootings of book collections across the Mediterranean.72 Rome was indeed the hub of an Italian wheel that drove intelligence about Iberian collections among French politicians. Through personal connections in France, Nogueira also sent Iberian books and pamphlets from Rome to cultivate patrons and contacts outside the city. Some of these materials even made their way into the Mercure François, the leading newspaper in France, while others were 70

71 72

During the revolt of the Fronde in Paris, French historiographers and royal librarians gathered information on the territories of the Hispanic monarchy by compiling archival documents and historical evidence. On Del Campo see the letter of Christophe Dupuy to his brothers, Rome–Paris, November 9, 1648. Wolfe and Wolfe (eds.), Humanisme et politique, vol. 2, p. 180. See Sfrondato’s correspondence with Leone Allacci, BV, Allacci CLI, 1632–52, ff. 441–553. Christophe Dupuy to his brothers, Rome–Paris, January 1651. Wolfe and Wolfe (eds.), Humanisme et politique, vol. 3, p. 44. On books as captives see Zhiri, “A Captive Library,” 17–32.

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incorporated into works such as Louis Jacob de Saint-Charles’ 1644 bibliographical treatise on the most beautiful libraries of his time.73 Nogueira took advantage of his contacts in Rome, where Saint-Charles had resided as a Carmelite priest, to pass him information about his former library, distributed across Spain and Portugal.74 By sharing his story with Saint-Charles, Nogueira self-fashioned as a legitimate expert in bibliopolitics, and he also used evidence about his book collection to allude to Spanish abuses of power. Portuguese mercenaries of knowledge in Rome with Parisian connections formed an essential though discreet part of Cardinal Richelieu’s and Cardinal Mazarin’s international agendas. They supported the cardinals’ politics through scholarly publications, propaganda pamphlets, and responses to such materials. For example, in the context of the antiFrench propaganda campaign launched from Spain after Louis XIII’s declaration of war in 1635, Nogueira denounced the publication of Cornelius Jansen’s Mars Gallicus and the anti-French/pro-Spanish position of the author.75 However, though opposed to the pro-Spanish component of Jansen’s writings, Portuguese scholars such as Nogueira and the priest Francisco de Macedo used the work to analyze how Jansen’s view of regalism (the supremacy of the monarch over the Church) and episcopalism (the idea that Church government authority resides in a body of bishops and not in any one individual) might play in favor of John IV’s sovereign claims after 1640.76 The Portuguese king sought ways to sustain his rights to control episcopal appointments as a means of asserting his sovereignty. However, since neither Urban VIII nor Innocent X recognized his sovereignty, John IV was not granted this privilege.77 Meanwhile, the specter of a Spanish reconquest of Portugal moved individuals in institutions like the Portuguese Inquisition to prepare for that possibility, in part by making sure that John IV’s appeals for sovereignty in Rome went nowhere. For Nogueira, who was advocating

73 74

75

76 77

Saint-Charles, Traicté des plus belles bibliothèques. “Dom Petro Noguera [sic.] aussi jurisconsulte, n’estoit pas moins curieux que les autres, pendant son séiour à Madrid d’y instituer une curieuse bibliothèque mais ayant esté contraint de quitter cette ville, pour se retirer à Rome, où il vit depuis sept ou huit ans dans la maison du Cardinal Sachetti tout cet amas de livres qu’il avoit fait, fut confisqué.” Ibid., 320. Nogueira to Dal Pozzo, Bologna–Rome, December 12, 1637, BANLC, Pozzo X, ff. 441r–2r. In Bologna, Sacchetti introduced Nogueira to the Mars Gallicus by Cornelius Jansenius (1585–1638). This pamphlet criticized Richelieu’s alliance with Dutch Protestants against Spain. On Macedo’s connections with the Portuguese embassy in Paris, see Pimenta, “Diplomatie, information et publication.” Nogueira to Dal Pozzo, Bologna–Rome, December 12, 1637, BANLC, Pozzo X, ff. 441r–2r.

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on behalf of John IV in Rome, Jansen’s ideas could undermine the inquisitorial opposition to regalism, or even the Pope’s authority.78 Although the religious influence of Jansenism was far from reaching its apex, Nogueira communicated to the Dupuy brothers in Paris that similar religious polemics were taking place in Spain. From his perspective, these polemics announced what would later be systematized in the 1643 publication of Antoine Arnaud’s critique of Jesuit practices of penance and communion in the De la fréquente communion. Several Barberini collaborators were commissioned to further research the origins of the debate on frequent communion. The Pope created a commission for which mercenaries of knowledge such as Leone Allacci provided documents, including a list of Greek aphorisms in favor of the Digna et frequens communion.79 For his part, Nogueira explained how, during the first two decades of the century in a Galician monastery, a friar had defended the frequent communion, arguing that the sacrament should be given to anyone who wanted it. This principle was based on “sacred scriptures, traditions, councils, and the fathers of the Church” and was compatible with other forms of forgiveness such as absolution.80 Nogueira reported that this statement inspired both anti-Jansenists and Jansenists avant la lettre at the Spanish court. A Jesuit close to Olivares, Hernando Chirino de Salazar (1576–1646), was tasked with historicizing the controversy about frequent communion while answering the propositions made by the Galician friar.81 Rather than taking a stance on this question, Nogueira passed the book of Chirino de Salazar on to the Dupuys to learn from this polemic and feed their Gallicanism based on Spanish examples as they saw fit. In parallel, Nogueira shared the news with French scholars concerning the publication of Antoine Arnauld (1612–1694), a leading Jansenist who worked in Paris. His letters and reports on this affair ended up in a dossier entitled “Theologica. Concile de Trente. Colloque de Poissy.

78

79 80

81

Sales Souza, Jansénisme et Réforme, p. 109. During the 1640s, doubts persisted about John IV’s ability to affirm his sovereignty. The inquisition was divided between 1640 and 1668. López-Salazar Codes, “Puderão mais os inquisidores que o rey,” 137–63. April 22, 1646, BV, Allacci XCVI, f. 92. An Italian letter from don Vincenzo Noghera about Arnauld’s book with a note about Nogueira, January 12, 1644 BnF, Dupuy 641, ff. 141–2. The Dupuys in Paris noted that: “Le seigneur vicenzo noghera gentilhomme portugais dont je vous ai aultrefois parlé, ayant voulu avoir quelque information de ce que s’est passé à Paris sur le sujet du livre de mr. Arnaud de la Fréquente communion, à lui ayant rapporté ce que les avois a ? de vos lettres. Il me dit qu’en Espagne un livre sur cette même matière fu cause de beaucoup de bruit.” Chirino de Salazar, Práctica de la frequencia de la Sagrada comunión. The Jesuit dedicated his book to Doña Ynes de Çuñiga, the Countess of Olivares.

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Jansenists. De Daemonicis” in the Dupuy collection in Paris.82 In this context, Nogueira provided materials and examples that contributed to debates over how the French monarchy should interpret Trent’s outcomes, particularly the ritual and political implications. Indeed, beyond Jansen and Jansenism, Gallicanism was a weapon to fight the interference of the Inquisition with Portuguese Restoration politics. It offered Nogueira a historical tradition from which he could criticize the fact that John IV was not distancing himself enough from the Papacy. Regarding the need for kings to impose their sovereignty over their national churches while reinforcing the institutions in charge of defending the ruler’s privileges in matters of ecclesiastical patronage, Nogueira stated in a letter he wrote in 1651 to the secretary of the Portuguese embassy in Paris that: Because Pharamund started very early as a great king, and when Clodoveus was baptized like all his subjects, the French began to take their place in the Church, will all of that and the great sanctity and letters of their prelates, the Gallican church was founded on a great pattern. It was so great because it by far outstripped the Italian church in the personal aspect, and due to the great benefits and donations conceded by their Kings to the poor Popes, strengthening the jurisdiction of their secular parliaments against the usurpations from Italy and Rome. This was not the case in Spain.83

In this version of royal–papal relations in the history of European monarchies, national churches maintained their strength through deliberate but partial emancipation from papal control. This emancipation should be commensurate to tradition and the sovereign power of the monarch. It was this model that Nogueira and others advocated for the new Portuguese monarchy. Nogueira went even further by proposing in this same letter a governance model articulated around a king, his court, and a “secular parliament,” whose existence would remain under royal influence. Nogueira’s visions echoed those of French scholars who by 1651 were worried about the wrongdoings of parliamentary forces, especially amid the troubles caused by the English revolution and the revolts of the Fronde (1648–1653). In 1648, Christophe Dupuy expressed his concerns about the circulation in Rome of a Spanish pamphlet that used Omer Talon’s famous exhortation to the Parliament of Paris to attack Richelieu’s and

82 83

BNF, Dupuy 641. Nogueira to Soares de Abreu, Rome–Paris, February 6, 1651, Gonçalves Serafim and Freitas Carvalho (eds.), Um diálogo epistolar, p. 385.

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Mazarin’s absolutist form of governance.84 Although the Spanish monarchy under Philip IV never officially defended the interests of parliamentary forces over royal ones, its propagandists did not hesitate to refer to the French parliamentary dissenters such as Talon to weaken their French enemies. In Rome, Christophe Dupuy must have found some solace because some Spanish and Portuguese did not share the same political views as other subjects who remained loyal to Philip IV. For Nogueira, a strong monarchy needed to be tempered by intermediary institutions that secured its contractual nature. For him, the term secular in politics meant that institutions with religious mandates such as the Inquisition should not interfere with state affairs.85 During the late 1640s, Nogueira favored the reception of these ideas in Portugal through his French connections. French representatives and Portuguese agents in Rome exchanged advice concerning John IV’s claims. In 1645, the French ambassador in Rome recommended to Antonio Moniz de Carvalho, the secretary of the Portuguese embassy in Paris, that he read the letters of the former French ambassador in Rome, Cardinal d’Ossat (1537–1604), to draw useful comparisons between how Henry IV of France (1589–1610) and John IV negotiated the recognition of their sovereignty in Rome.86 As a former Protestant converted to Catholicism, Henry IV had his authority recognized by the Pope even though his sovereignty remained contested by many. A generation later, John IV needed to do something similar, and Henry IV’s Roman politics provided a model for achieving such a goal. Besides, Moniz de Carvalho believed that the Holy Office constituted a worrying impediment to royal absolutism. French scholars, in turn, relied on Spanish examples to reinforce the authority of the French king over his national church. In Rome, they accessed Spanish and Portuguese arguments that they used when contesting papal spiritual and temporal preeminence.87 Gallicans sought

84 85 86

87

Christophe Dupuy to his brothers, Rome–Paris, March 23, 1648. Wolfe and Wolfe (eds.), Humanisme et politique, vol. 2, p 144. Nogueira’s views echoed a line of thought defended by Jacques-Auguste de Thou and his predecessors in France. Memoria do que passou con conversação entre o marquez de Fontane embaixador de Francia que foy en Roma e D. Antonio Moniz de Carvalho secretario da embaixada de S. M. em Franca a 2 de abril de 1645, BPA, May 5, 1638, f. 38b. See Lettres de l’illustrissime et reverendissime cardinal d’Ossat, evesque de Bayeux au roy Henry le Grand et à monsieur de Villeroy depuis l’année MDXCIV iusques à l’année MDCIIII. When updating his brothers about the Roman Index, Christophe Dupuy noted that Spanish Jesuit authors were not exempt from censorship and that in consequence, their works could be of interest for his brothers. Christophe Dupuy to his brothers, Rome– Paris, March 18, 1647, Wolfe and Wolfe (eds.), Humanisme et politique, vol. 2, pp. 66–7.

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references to the Patronato Real that Spanish and Portuguese kings had enjoyed in their empire.88 Théodore Godefroy investigated the history of episcopal nominations in Spain to gather evidence to support Louis XIII’s claims of sovereignty over Spanish territories. The French royal historiographer, along with other family members, took advantage of the post-1640 Portuguese diplomacy and the bibliographic mining conducted by mercenaries of knowledge to seek out information on these topics.89 Iberian scholars kept Roman and foreign authorities informed about debates concerning the history of an incipient national church in Spain. The orientalist Diego Pérez de Mesa sent Francesco Arabic manuscripts and a treatise he wrote on Reason of State that illustrated ideas about Spanish regalism through references to historical forgeries and Arabic political treatises.90 Thanks to Pérez de Mesa’s relations with Leone Allacci, the Barberini library became a repository of materials concerning Spanish regalism. These materials could then be redistributed from there to scholars through the correspondence of Cardinal Francesco. The redistribution of the library’s contents toward France between 1645 and 1648 coincided with Francesco’s exile in Paris. Orientalism was another channel for diffusing political ideas from Spain. The fact that a Spanish dissenter, such as Nogueira, was interested in presenting himself as an orientalist indicates that he relied on scholars such as Pérez de Mesa when expressing his affinities with French Gallicans and promoting John IV’s regalism in Portugal. These scholarly exchanges came full circle when French Gallicanism became a source of inspiration for post-1640 Portuguese politics over the question of episcopal nominations. Since Spain did not recognize John IV’s sovereignty, Philip IV continued to claim that he was the legitimate authority with the right to nominate Portuguese bishops through the Patronato Real. Known as the Padroado Geral in Portugal, this privilege conferred to the sovereign discretionary power over bishops’ nominations. The post-1640 defense of the Padroado Geral echoed what mercenaries of knowledge in Rome and France discussed concerning the connected history of the Spanish royal patronage and French national Church. Like the Spanish and French monarchs, John IV claimed historical privileges granted by the Pope when it came to his authority over ecclesiastical administration. To do so, John IV needed to reconnect with 88 89 90

On tensions between Spain and the Papacy about the Real Patronato see Broggio, La teologia e la politica. On the family scholarly business see Sherman, “Genealogy of Knowledge.” See García-Arenal and Rodríguez Mediano, “Arabic Manuscripts in Motion,” 367–89.

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the Portuguese monarchy’s contributions to the expansion of Catholicism across the world. Portuguese in Rome offered support and provided evidence to bolster John IV’s claims. Through their bibliopolitics, they historicized John IV’s sovereignty over Church matters in Portugal. The question of the nomination of Portuguese bishops required delicacy after 1640.91 The Portuguese Inquisition promoted its members to episcopal seats and put pressure on Philip IV for their nominations. The Papacy stood to lose substantial revenues once the question was resolved. A significant source of income for the Holy See came from bishoprics in Portugal that remained unfilled while the Habsburgs and Braganza competed for the right to episcopal appointments. If the Pope were to recognize John’s right to nominate bishops, this would cut off revenue from the empty bishoprics, traditionally received by the Papacy during a vacancy. Nevertheless, Portuguese agents remained divided about John’s right to appoint bishops and some looked at French support to bolster their claims. The goal was to gain John IV the right to freely nominate bishops in his kingdoms without compromising the Motu Propio; in this particular case, the Pope’s prerogative over episcopal appointments in Portugal.92 Other Portuguese voices advocated in favor of the Motu Propio. For example, the assistant for the Portuguese Jesuits in Rome, Luis de Brandão, looked for allies across society to advocate for the Motu Propio. He recognized that it constituted a way for John IV to forge strategic connections with the Pope.93 Brandão’s opinion encountered stiff opposition. Francisco de Sousa Coutinho, a central figure of Portuguese diplomacy in Amsterdam and then after 1649 in Paris and a correspondent of Nogueira’s, opposed Brandão’s idea. Sousa Coutinho wanted instead to reclaim the Portuguese Padroado Geral. The position of ambassadors

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Sorge et al. (eds.), S. Sede e corona portoghese; and Poncet, “La politica dell’indulto,” 63–87. In 1643, theologians advising John IV pronounced themselves in favor of the Motu Propio. However, a group of diplomats, Jesuits, and mercenaries of knowledge, most of them living between Paris and Rome, encouraged the king not to accept this option. Sales Souza, Jansénisme et Réforme, p. 102. John IV’s ambassador in Paris called an assembly of jurists in Coimbra and Evora. Most of the participants were willing to act against the Motu Propio. Not knowing what to do, the king called for another assembly that decided against the Motu Propio. The royal court was divided between the party that advocated on behalf of John IV’s limited regalism and others who, on the contrary, defended John IV’s absolute sovereignty. Still others opposed any form of regalism while yet others worked on reconnecting Portugal with Spain. Soares da Cunha and Freire Costa, D. João IV, pp. 218–19. Sales Souza, Jansénisme et Réforme, p. 106.

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and mercenaries of knowledge living outside Portugal, such as Sousa Coutinho and Nogueira’s affinities toward French Gallicanism, favored their ability to reach out to multiple interlocutors and institutions in Rome to advocate for their ideas.94 Nogueira’s bibliographic research offered an instructive example to John IV of how the Pope had dealt with similar issues, especially when, between 1641 and 1651, the short-lived Republic of Cataluña was placed under the protection of the king of France.95 Regarding the nomination of bishops in Portugal, Nogueira sent gazetas to John IV that complemented his argument.96 He referred to Pedro de Villanueva’s inquisitorial trial (Villanueva had been appointed protonotary of Aragon in 1643) to explain how the Iberian Inquisitions always disturbed royal politics. By comparing the Portuguese Inquisition with the Spanish one, Nogueira warned John IV that both Inquisitions could impede the success of the Restoration. Nogueira’s pro-Gallican campaign invoked the efforts of French and Portuguese scholars to vindicate the rights and liberties of their respective sovereigns.97 Nogueira became an active distributor of books, news, and insights related to these topics. The fact that the Apostolic Chancellery and the church of San Lorenzo in Dámaso were located near the French ambassador’s residence in the city reinforced his political advocacy between Rome, Paris, and Lisbon.98 The physical closeness between Nogueira and the French embassy speaks to the daily patterns of a Franco-Portuguese-Roman universe in the Città Eterna. After the Barberini’s fall in 1644, Nogueira kept his distance from Pope Innocent X and explored Franco–Portuguese relations more directly. He did so by engaging with the historical arguments for French and Portuguese sovereigns to limit the Holy See’s influence in their affairs. As he strengthened his connections with France from Rome, he positioned himself as a Portuguese agent with an urgent vision for the future of the Portuguese Restoration.

94 95

96 97 98

Ibid. Nogueira sent these materials via Nuno da Cunha, who centralized John IV’s correspondence in Rome. John IV to Nogueira, Lisbon–Rome, October 1, 1648, Gonçalves Serafim and Freistas Carvalho (eds.), Um diálogo epistolar, p. 199. On this period see Elliott, The Revolt of the Catalans. Nogueira advised the king against being pressured by the Inquisition when deciding on this particular issue. Ibid. Delatour, “Les frères Dupuy et l’Italie,” 44–5. The Maréchal d’Estrees, the French envoy in Rome between 1636 and 1648, resided for a while at Palazzo Acquaviva, near the Cancelleria. That palace was owned by the Sacchetti. Poncet, La France et le pouvoir pontifical, p. 5.

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5.3

The Roman Side of the Portuguese Restoration

During the mid-seventeenth century, Rome became a negotiating hub for pro-Portuguese agents before the recognition of Portuguese independence by the Pope and the Spanish king in 1668–1669. After 1640, both Spain and Portugal extended their conflict to the Roman theater, where the mediation of mercenaries of knowledge remained critical for a generation.99 The Restauração affected the different Portuguese factions living in Rome in a variety of ways. By 1640, the Portuguese community in Rome was well established, diverse, and far from unified. It consisted of Portuguese Jews who moved to the Roman Ghetto after fleeing inquisitorial persecutions, the Nação of Portuguese conversos, Portuguese dissenters in exile such as Nogueira, Portuguese clerics, and even Portuguese aristocrats who remained loyal to Spain, such as the second marques of Castel-Rodrigo, Spanish ambassador in Rome until 1642.100 Nogueira had long used the vague category of a “Spaniard” in Rome to strategically conceal or exploit his Portuguese origins. Now, he publicly cultivated or activated connections with varied Portuguese constituencies in Rome, still hoping to become an influential librarian in the city or back in Portugal. As Barberini’s power waned and Portuguese propaganda campaigns gained traction, Nogueira’s Roman activities were increasingly shaped by the “Portuguese question.” Gradually, throughout the 1640s, he acted less and less like a “spagnolo” and more and more as a Portuguese, concomitant with a rising hope of finding a high-status position near John IV to allow him to return to his homeland. Iberian mercenaries of knowledge fueled political propaganda in a city where anti-Spanish rhetoric had become a commodity. Portuguese mercenaries of knowledge also competed with other agents, Portuguese or not, who wanted to contribute to John IV’s new monarchy. Nogueira competed with other mercenaries of knowledge such as Joan Baptista de la Torre, who, as the son of the “Italian” Agostinho de la Torre, appeared in Rome after 1645. Joan Baptista was looking for Portuguese protection, including from the Portuguese ambassador in Paris. He claimed to have access to information from the Spanish ambassador’s house in Rome, although other Portuguese agents in Rome did not trust Baptista de la

99

100

On the group of exiles that, from Rome, worked on behalf of the break with Spain during this period see Valladares, “Portugal desde Italia,” 231–76; and Pedro Cardim et al. (eds.), António Vieira, Roma e o universalismo. On the history of the Portuguese community in Rome during the Iberian Union (1580–1640) see Sabatini, “La comunità portoghese a Roma,” vol. 2, 847–74.

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Torre.101 Nogueira reacted against this competition by forming a friendship with Pedro Servio, the Pope’s physician, and developing friendships through New Christian networks. For example, Nogueira cultivated his relationships with Zacuto Lusitano, who was another Portuguese physician who dedicated to him his 1639 De Medicorum as well as the first book of his 1641 Praxis historiarum.102 Zacuto’s dedicatory words to Nogueira invoked familiar biographical tropes associated with Nogueira’s life. These tropes had been disseminated through letters, printed dedicatorias, and other authors, such as Gil Bento (1630) and Tribaldos de Toledo (1627), during the 1620s and 1630s. These tropes presented Nogueira as a new Seneca. They even compared him to the humanist and hermetic philosopher Pico della Mirandola (1463–1494), who was well known for his talents as a Christian Hebraist defender of religious syncretism. Once the propaganda campaigns supporting the Portuguese Restoration reached Rome, agents of Philip IV in the Italian Peninsula recruited scholars to counterattack anti-Spanish discourses.103 Of course, by the 1640s, anti-Spanish propaganda was not uniquely tied to the Portuguese Restoration. To combat widespread attacks, the Spanish ambassador in Rome considered buying the services of the Sicilian mercenary of knowledge Costantino Gaetano. In a report to Philip IV, Gaetano explained that he had worked as a Spanish spy in Cardinal Baronio’s historiographical workshop. In Rome, Italian scholars were also employed by Spaniards. Neapolitan and Bolognese men of letters, such as Joseph of Naples or the Marquis Virgilio Malvezzi, answered the call.104 From Naples and Madrid, the Spanish Marquis of Carpio relied on the help of the former Spanish extraordinary ambassador to France

101 102 103

104

Sampaio to Niza, ANTT, Miscelânea mss., t. IV, f. 121. Lemos, Zacuto Lusitano. During the 1640s, while acquiring books for Olivares, Spanish ambassadors in London tried to recruit the French royal historiographer, André Duchesne, to write Philip IV’s history. See Montcher, “Autour de la Raison d’État,” 375–81. Meanwhile, in Madrid, Spanish ministers centralized state historiographical production. Since 1644, Juan Antonio Calderón was in charge of coordinating the writing of a Compendium of General History that formulated answers against the arguments made by Portuguese pamphleteers. On Calderon’s project see Vidales del Castillo, “El VII Marqués del Carpio y las letras,” pp. 263–90. On Spanish campaigns to recruit jurists and scholars see Valladares, “Juristas por el rey,” 787–814; Hermant, Guerres de plumes; Volpini, El espacio politico del letrado. Kagan, Clio and the Crown, pp. 232–5. Additional scholars such as Vittorio Siri (1608–1685), Maiolino Bisacciolo (1582–1663), Galeazzo Gualdo Priorato (1606–1678), and Luigi Manzini (1604–1678) all participated in the wars of words that the Spanish monarchy fought by Italian proxy against French and Portuguese enemies. Bouza, “The Majesty of Philip IV,” 43.

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and late humanist Lorenzo Ramírez de Prado, one of Nogueira’s acquaintances, to conduct genealogical research and translation tasks of the work of the French jurist Jacques Cassan. Cassan’s work was used by the French to undermine Spanish claims, especially during the negotiations of the Peace of Westphalia. Spanish diplomats were eager to subvert and use Cassan’s work and arguments against their enemies.105 Counterbalancing pro-French and pro-Portuguese arguments in Rome became urgent, and these tasks fell to the Spanish ambassador in Rome. At the beginning of the Portuguese Restoration, the Spanish ambassador in Rome was a Portuguese nobleman, Manuel de Moura, Marquis of Castel-Rodrigo (1590–1651).106 Moura was a Portuguese noble who remained loyal to the Spanish Crown after 1640, even as he lived in Rome in a kind of gilded exile after falling out with Olivares and being tried by the Spanish Inquisition for sodomy.107 In Rome, Moura had been responsible for the supervising of both Spanish and Portuguese communities during the Union of the Crowns. He kept an eye on the interactions that the Nação of Portuguese conversos, including Nogueira, maintained with Roman officials. Many of these Portuguese advocated on behalf of friends or relations in the Iberian Peninsula facing trouble with the Inquisitions.108 Castel-Rodrigo also supervised members of the Portuguese national community in Rome who gathered around the Portuguese national church of St. Antonio until he departed from Rome in 1642. While the question concerning John IV’s legitimacy gained international exposure, Castel-Rodrigo sponsored the publication of historical materials in Rome against Portuguese interests. For example, before 1640, he financed a Roman edition of the Nobiliario of Count Pedro, which had been put together in 1622 by his former collaborator, the Portuguese historian-cosmographer João Battista Lavanha (a former acquaintance of Nogueira).109 This work would be the first genealogical repertory of Portuguese aristocratic families published in Rome, and its timing was significant. Castel-Rodrigo thought that this new edition could serve Philip IV’s interests against Portugal by granting his ambassador an

105 106 107 108

109

On the Spanish use of Cassan’s work see Vidales del Castillo, “El VII Marqués del Carpio y las letras,” p. 331. His father, Crístobal de Moura, was a Portuguese architect of the Iberian Union (1580). Martínez Hernández, “En los maiores puestos de la Monarchia,” 435–92; “Aristocracia y antiolivarismo,” vol. III, 1147–96; and “Don Manuel de Moura Corte Real,” 97–120. The Nação served as a platform for individuals and families to advance their own careers at the Roman Curia as well as their economic enterprises. See Nelson Novoa, Being the Nação. Nobiliario de D. Pedro […] con notas y indices por Juan Bautista Lavaña.

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overview of Portuguese aristocratic families who were loyal and those who were not. After 1640, Manuel considered many of these families as rebels and made the point that the Pope should also treat them as such.110 Portuguese mercenaries of knowledge also supported wars of words fought between Portugal and Spain by contributing to the edition of historical works and pamphlets. In one instance, Nogueira helped a certain Jorge de Albuquerque who left Madrid after 1640. Albuquerque stopped in Bordeaux and established ties with the community of Portuguese merchants and New Christians in that city. During his stay, he composed several petitions asking to return to Portugal.111 Notes about Albuquerque’s petitions are preserved in Nogueira’s correspondence, along with a c. 1647 print by the genealogist Alvaro Ferreira on the life of King Denis of Portugal (1261–1325). Nogueira himself had annotated and corrected the title page of this print.112 The Albuquerque name was connected through a matrilineal line to the Portuguese monarchy via a descendant of King Denis of Portugal (1261–1325). Nogueira gathered materials in Rome to rehabilitate Albuquerque in Portugal. In the aftermath of the Spanish ambassador’s campaigns against disloyal Portuguese aristocrats, Nogueira helped Portuguese subjects who renounced Spain through a range of media and networks. Due to the absence of a Portuguese ambassador in Rome, Portuguese diplomacy after 1640 relied on the Nação, religious orders, commercial networks, and mercenaries of knowledge such as Nogueira. The figure of the Cardinal Protector of Portugal, a title that Francesco Barberini had enjoyed in the past, was also important when it came to borrowing cultural information from the Iberian monarchies and fostering political communication between Lisbon, Paris, and Rome.113 Although some Portuguese in the city remained loyal to Spain – including Castel-Rodrigo – many others, who considered themselves refugees from the Catholic monarchy and its Inquisitions, gave their support to John IV. Portuguese authorities solicited their help to keep track of the others who were supplying information to pro-Spanish propaganda. John IV’s 110

111 113

See references to the political relevance of this work made later by the Marquis of Niza to Nogueira, Vidigueira–Rome, January 27, 1651, Gonçalves Serafim and Freitas Carvalho (eds.), Um diálogo epistolar, p. 378. 112 BPE, CVI-2/11, f. 575r. BPE, CVI-2/11, f. 590r–1r. However, the figure of the cardinal protector gained traction with the nomination of Virginio Orsini in 1652. Until then, such a figure in Rome had been problematic since its existence implied the recognition of John IV’s sovereignty by the Papacy. The possibility of instituting a cardinal protector in 1652 could be considered as one of the fruits of the negotiations fostered by men such as Nogueira. See Fosi, “Conoscere il mondo da Roma,” 79–98.

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agents abroad informed the court in Lisbon of the existence of Portuguese who met with other “Portuguese of their color” in the houses of Spanish ministers in Rome.114 For example, one of the pro-Spanish, Diogo de Sousa, predicted the imminent “return of the Castilians” in Portugal.115 Such fears about Portuguese “spies” or “traitors” indicate the Portuguese community’s fragmentation in Rome after 1640. Far from forming a coherent ensemble, what held such a community together were individual interactions and seemingly random acts of solidarity – like Nogueira’s bibliographic aid to Albuquerque’s genealogical arguments –among Portuguese living both in and outside the city. John IV sought to place agents in Rome who could negotiate, although not directly, his legitimacy near the Pope. In consequence, collaborations among these agents and Church authorities were fraught. In particular, the 1644–1648 period – between the election of a new pope, the exile of the Barberini in Paris, and the conclusion of the Thirty Years’ War – coincided with the attempt of the Portuguese authorities to reinforce their diplomatic presence in Rome. Were it not for the death of Urban VIII in 1644, Nogueira would have been in an enviable position. On the whole, Nogueira’s relations with Roman patrons deteriorated after 1644–1646.116 He did not switch his allegiances to the new papal family, the Pamphilj. Instead, this period coincided with his turn toward Portuguese politics. In a letter sent to the Portuguese ambassadorial retinue in Paris, one Gregorio Martinez Ferreyra noted sarcastically that Nogueira only became a dedicated servant of John IV when the Barberini touched rock bottom and fled the city (c. 1644–1645).117 Nevertheless, despite his allusions to Nogueira’s fair-weather loyalties, Martinez Ferreyra admitted that it could be advantageous if John IV might count on the full-time services of Portuguese agents well established inside the Roman Curia. Luckily for the fragile new monarchy, Portuguese mercenaries of knowledge had already embedded themselves in Roman networks. For 114 115 116

117

See a note about this episode contained among the letters of Fernando Brandão, BNP, cód. 4466, f. 308r. Ibid. Though disenchanted, he continued to serve Francesco Barberini after the election of Innocent X on September 15, 1644. Francesco’s relations with Madrid, at least up to the sending of Francesco Maria Mancini as nuncio along with Niccolo Ricci as Francesco’s agent to Madrid in 1654, reached their lowest point between 1646 and 1654. For a depiction of the state of Barberini’s affairs in Madrid around 1654, see the correspondence between Mancini and Francesco Barberini, Madrid–Rome, October 24, 1654, BAV, Barb. Lat. 9848, f. 137r. Gregorio Martinez Ferreyra to Soares de Abreu?, Rome, January 15, 1646, Ajuda, 49X-12, f. 369r–72v.

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example, in 1644, Nogueira learned about the growing influence of Gaspar Coelho in the city. Coelho was a jurist with useful contacts among the papal intelligentsia.118 Unlike Nogueira, Coelho joined the service of Cardinal Camillo Francesco Maria Pamphilj (1622–1666) who was well positioned through his wife and office to become the new cardinal-nephew, favorite of the Pope. Counting on someone such as Coelho, who was well positioned around Camillo, was an opportunity to reinforce Portuguese intelligence against Innocent X’s pro-Spanish inclinations. João de Matos, the Assistant of the Portuguese Jesuits in Rome, drew a portrait of a man of letters who was able to “give enough news about all kinds of state political matters,” and who was privy to many “principal persons of this court, and especially in the house of new cardinal nepote, Camillo [Pamphilj].”119 His profile was eerily similar to Nogueira’s, though the younger Gaspar Coelho had an updated knowledge of the laws of the kingdom of Portugal. The report read as if Coelho was likely to be Nogueira’s substitute in Rome.120 Considering the fragmentation of the Portuguese community in Rome after 1640, deciding to be loyal to John IV was not an obvious choice. For decades the success of the Restauração seemed far from certain. In addition, tensions with other Portuguese agents contributed to Nogueira’s marginalization among that robust community in Rome with its surfeit of Portuguese informants. For example, his Venetian counterpart, Francisco Taquett, summarized the situation by evoking the “strong competition there is among ours in Rome, and they are all disunited, and they all act as if they were ministers [i.e. state officials].”121 For his part, Taquett complained about the “Italian” ignorance of Portuguese affairs in Venice. 118

119 120

121

Ibid., f. 211r. Other Portuguese in Rome sent summaries of Coelho’s services to the Portuguese embassy in Paris. In these documents, Coelho appeared to be someone who worked relentlessly on behalf of Portugal in Rome. Before the Pamphilj, he served John IV’s interests with the Barberini, working for Cardinal Antonio (Francesco’s brother). He also served Miguel de Portugal, the Bishop of Lamego and Elvas, an early official representative sent by John IV to the city. João de Matos to Niza, Rome–Paris, November 20, 1644, BPE, CVI/9-2, f. 203r. Matos’ interest in Coelho’s services pointed toward the consolidation of relationships between Portugal and legal experts who had departed from the Hispanic monarchy before 1640 and whose loyalty toward the new regime needed to be confirmed. Recruiting men such as Coelho was a priority. In a letter to the Portuguese ambassador in Paris, Matos favored Coelho. João de Matos to Niza, Rome–Paris, January 2, 1645, BPE, CVI/9-2, ff. 209r–10v. “[G]randes competençias ha entre os nossos em Roma e todos andão desunidos a todos querem faser o ministro.” Letter of Francisco Taquett to someone at the Portuguese embassy in Paris, possibly Moniz de Carvalho or Soares de Abreu, Venice–Paris?, 8-VI-1647, BPADE, cód. CVI/2-11, f. 1. Taquett was a friar born in the Netherlands under the name of Fernando de la Houe, who later became the agent of John IV in Venice. In this

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Though in competition, mercenaries of knowledge in Rome capitalized on their experiences, seeking to advance their careers by securing new positions as librarians, papal administrators, and court counselors. For example, another Portuguese in Rome, Fernando Brandão, wrote to John IV’s Parisian ambassador at the same time that Matos and Nogueira did, trying to consolidate his position after the political changes that occurred at the Curia in 1644. Brandão complained about the fact that John IV did not consider him as his main agent. He underlined that his services – including moving money for the Portuguese Crown through his family commercial network, participating in the printing and translation of Portuguese propaganda, recruiting spies, and negotiating at the Curia on behalf of the Portuguese community of Saint Anthony in Rome – all seemed to count for nothing.122 In the end, and after leaving the community of Saint Anthony in 1641, Brandão would remain only one among many informal Portuguese agents in Rome. Two official delegates from John IV, Miguel de Portugal and Nicolau Monteiro, conducted missions to Rome in 1641–1642 and 1644–1645, respectively. Although, in April 1644, the king was supposedly about to send a “patent” that would formalize Brandão’s position as his primary agent in Rome, the arrival of Monteiro provoked a last-minute change of plans. Until that point, Brandão had considered his informal position to be an advantage, but in 1644 his patience was at an end. He could not understand why his king endured the formalities necessary for selecting Miguel de Portugal or Nicolau Monteiro instead of choosing someone who was already well positioned at the Curia. Indeed, neither of the two official emissaries managed to convince the Pope to recognize John’s sovereignty.123 Despite these official missions’ failure, the Papacy still wished to show neutrality in the Franco–Portuguese–Spanish conflict. In consequence, Innocent X tolerated the presence of informal representatives of John IV. The Pope even organized a congregation charged with overseeing Portuguese affairs.124 Thus, although the Papacy did not find it politically expedient to commit to the “Portuguese question,” informal Portuguese agents were not operating in a total vacuum.

122 123

124

city, Taquett coordinated the Portuguese propaganda and secured the communication between Lisbon and Dom Duarte. See Fraga, “Three Revolts in Image,” 204. Brandão to Niza, Rome–Paris, December 19, 1644, BNP, mss. 4466, ff. 171r–7v. The situation gained tragic proportions after Spaniards attacked Miguel de Portugal and his followers in the streets of Rome. See Hunt, “Carriages, Violence, and Masculinity,” 175–96. This congregation brought together cardinals Guido Bentivoglio, Aloisi Caetani, Marcello Lante, and Giulio Roma. Sabatini, “Entre o Papa e o Rei de Espanha,” 349–89.

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Indeed, it was in the Pope’s interests to find discreet ways to recognize aspects of Portuguese sovereignty. The Vatican understood the importance of the Portuguese question and used it to leverage its position of neutrality in the Franco–Spanish conflict. Direct opposition to John IV would have meant a loss of neutrality toward France and an emphasis toward support for the Spanish monarchy. Although Innocent X favored Spanish interests, as João de Matos reported in December 1644, the new Pope was interested in using Portugal’s negotiations about the Motu Propio to put pressure on Spain.125 Portuguese affairs in Rome could bring additional leverage that powerful patrons (local and foreign) sought in their relations with the Spanish monarchy. For this reason, the Papacy fostered Portuguese connections through mercenaries of knowledge and informal political agents, such as merchants and representatives of religious orders. In spite of their recognized value, Portuguese mercenaries of knowledge in Rome complained about intermittent communication with Lisbon and the paltry payments they received in exchange for their services.126 They also complained about John IV trying to subvert their accomplishments by appointing a permanent Portuguese ambassador.127 Among these agents, some, such as Brandão, had family networks between Rome and Portugal. With such a set of personal affiliations, Brandão threatened to serve another power if John IV did not promote him to a status similar to that of Monteiro.128 Meanwhile, Portuguese authorities tried to appease Nogueira’s complaints with the promise of returning to Portugal in exchange for his loyal services. Obsessed with the idea of return, Nogueira put his bibliographical skills to work to foster Portuguese propaganda across the international public sphere created by mid-seventeenth-century wars and polemics.129 125 126

127

128

129

João de Matos to Niza, Rome–Paris, December 19, 1644, BPE, CVI/2-9, ff. 205r–6r. Brandão to Niza, Rome–Paris, November 13, 1645, BNP, ms. 4466, f. 159v. On Nogueira’s payments in exchange for his services see the letters of credit he received from Portuguese agents and merchants in Hamburg, Francisco Nunes and Jerónimo Nunes Pérez, in November 1649. BPE, CVI/2-11, f. 629v. Some of them perceived Nicolau Monteiro’s mission as an insult to the work they had accomplished on behalf of John IV in the tribunals of the Pope (especially at the Dataria, where Brandão and others tried to orient the papal administration of ecclesiastical benefices in favor of Portuguese interests). Ibid., f. 160r. Fernando Brandão was appointed as Prefetto della composizioni in the Dataria in 1643. Brandão counted on the service of his brother Francisco in Lisbon, his brother Alexandro, who worked for the Habsburgs, and another brother who worked as a banker in Rome. On Brandão see Curti, “Il ritratto svelato di Ferdinando Brandani,” 54–67, especially 57; and D’Amelia, “La Dataria sotto inchiesta,” 319–50. On Spanish counterattacks see Vidales, “El VII Marqués del Carpio y las letras,” 330. On the use of the idea of Nogueira’s return to Portugal by Portuguese agents interested

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Portuguese mercenaries of knowledge in Rome advanced multilateral diplomacy since, out of concern for Spanish power, the Papacy avoided receiving an official Portuguese ambassador. After 1645, quasi-formal representatives such as the Augustinian Fray Manuel Pacheco, the Jesuits João de Matos and Nuno da Cunha, and the brigade of Portuguese mercenaries of knowledge supported diverse political opinions about the fate of Portugal. Indeed, in practice, Portuguese Jesuit representatives in Rome – such as Matos and da Cunha – monopolized Portuguese–papal diplomacy in favor of a Hispano-Portuguese reunion.130 They slowed the attempts of other agents, either sent from Portugal or living in Rome, to threaten the rupture between John IV and Spain. In correspondence with the Portuguese ambassador in Paris, Nogueira acknowledged being a less prominent “minister” than the Jesuits, who “needed to know (before everyone else in the city) about political news.” Nonetheless, Nogueira argued that he had rendered essential bibliographical services for Portuguese interests and deserved something in exchange.131 The litany of failed missions by Portuguese envoys, in addition to the mounting tensions between those envoys and informal agents such as Brandão and Nogueira, undermined John IV’s interests in Rome.132 Divisions among Portuguese agents increased to a point of no return at the end of the 1640s. Manuel Pacheco moved to Venice, while João de Matos advised the Portuguese ambassador in Paris to stop writing to Brandão if he wanted to keep anything secret in Rome.133

130 131 132

133

in his services see a letter exchanged between Niza and John IV: “A Dom Vicente tenho muito boa vontade, mas vós sabeis muito bem que seus trabalhos o fizerão incapaz de possuir comendas, beneficios, e pensões, não convem diserlhe isto, mas inteiray o pello modo, que vos parecer, de que estimo muito o amor que me tem a meu serviçio, e o zello que delle trata. Pella razão referida provi as comendas de Paulo Affonço a tempo que o estavão ja quando aqui chegou a primeira carta de Dom Vicente, tudo lhe dizey pello modo que vos parecer melhor para que se não desconsolar.” John IV to Niza, September 5, 1648, CDP, t. XIII, p. 166. On the hispanophile positioning of Matos and Da Cunha see Alden, The Making of an Enterprise, pp. 238–41. Nogueira to Niza, Rome–Paris, March 27, 1649, Gonçalves Serafim and Freitas Carvalho (eds.), Um diálogo epistolar, pp. 234–36. See the correspondence between Brandão and Niza, BNP, cód. 1977, “Cartas a diversas pessoas. Correspondencia de muitos fidalgos portugueses com o conde almirante D. Francisco da Gama.” Matos reminded Niza that information about the decision of the king to accept the Motu Propio had leaked – he observed some merchants talking about the issue – and he accused Brandão of being the source of the leak. Matos to Niza, Rome–Paris, April 10, 1644, BPE, CVI/2-9, f. 11r; and Nicolau Montero to Nogueira, Rome, c. 1645, BPE, CVI/2-11, f. 866r. The negotiations on the nomination of bishops in Portugal ran in parallel to the debate concerning the interdiction of the confiscations of New Christians’ goods by the Inquisition. See Sales Souza, Jansénisme et Réforme, p. 103.

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After Monteiro’s departure in 1645, conversations about who would be the next leader among John IV’s agents rose. John IV had expressed his discontent with Brandão but continued to pay his pension with funds proceeding from the diocese of Lamego in Portugal well after 1645.134 Finally, in 1648, the doctor Manoel Alvares Carilho arrived in Rome as the agent of the Portuguese clero but became effectively John IV’s semiofficial representative. He argued against papal Motu Propio as a signal issue in establishing Portuguese sovereignty.135 While Matos and Brandão fought for political prominence, the services of agents such as Nogueira became even more relevant. From their liminal position, they could release some steam from the Portuguese pressure cooker that Rome had become.136 During this tormented period (1645–1650), the Portuguese ambassador in Paris (the Marquis of Niza) recommended Nogueira’s zeal, prudence, and loyalty toward John IV to Nicolau Monteiro.137 Nogueira gained influence, while Brandão was hurt by the internal fight but not defeated. He held firm as both a Portuguese agent in Rome and a papalino working in the judicial administration of the Catholic Church. However, this situation was short lived. By April 1650, Nogueira, like Brandão, complained about being left outside Portuguese diplomacy.138 For both men, the specter of Spain resurfaced as an alternative route to the recognition these mercenaries so badly wanted. During these years, Brandão joined a larger group of Spanish and Portuguese agents who in Rome also worked for the Spanish Crown. They acted as procurators of privileges whose concessions depended on papal authorities and the tribunal of the Dataria. Brandão at the time specialized in the commerce of art objects between Rome, Madrid, and Lisbon. He maintained a close relationship with Velázquez, who visited the Italian Peninsula between 1649 and 1651 to acquire paintings and make copies of sculptures desired by Philip IV of Spain. Brandão facilitated the painter’s access to such objects and used his personal connections with Italian bankers to ease the financial aspects of such transactions.139 In Nogueira’s case, 134 135 136 137 138

139

John IV to Niza, Lisbon–Paris, January 1645, CDP, t. XIII, p. 3. Nogueira to Niza, Rome–Paris, December 7, 1648, Gonçalves Serafim and Freitas Carvalho (eds.), Um diálogo epistolar, p. 202. The tensions reached a point that John IV thought about sending Niza to Rome in 1649, but never followed through on the idea. Niza to Monteiro, October 13, 1645, CDP, t. XIII, pp. 104–6. Nogueira complained that, compared to Spanish agents in the city, it was harder for Portuguese to establish good communication with John IV’s court. Nogueira to Niza, Rome–?, April 30, 1650, Gonçalves Serafim and Freitas Carvalho (eds.), Um diálogo epistolar, pp. 353–9. Curti, “Juan de Córdoba,” 103–4.

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when it became clear that his ambition to be appointed as Niza’s librarian or as John IV’s archivist would go unrealized, he increased his political criticism against Portugal. Ultimately, Nogueira and his cohort, including Gaspar Coelho and Brandão, reflected in Rome the frictions inherent in unpredictable Portuguese politics conducted from the court in Lisbon after 1640.

5.4

The Roman Restauração on the International Stage

Often perceived as an asylum for men of letters abused by fortune, Rome became a principal vector of the internationalism of the Restauração. Given the connection of the city to international affairs, the years 1647 and 1648 marked a turning point in how Roman activities influenced Portuguese affairs around the globe. The signing of the Peace of Westphalia, the beginning of the Fronde in France, and the increasing tensions between the Dutch and Portuguese all had substantial repercussions for Portuguese affairs. Mercenaries of knowledge were the spokes in this wheel of negotiation, which united the fractured politics of European powers and their global interests. For his part, Nogueira took a more active role in channeling information from France and Holland to Portuguese authorities. Nogueira’s efforts to broker information about global encounters were meant to bolster the international recognition of the new Portuguese monarchy at a pivotal moment for all European sovereigns. The formation of precarious alliances between France and Spain, and Spain and Holland, during the negotiations of Westphalia concerned Portuguese agents in Rome. If, for example, a Spanish–Dutch reconciliation were to succeed out of the 1648 meetings, the Dutch in Brazil would find themselves with even fewer checks on their activities, likely leading to stronger offensives against the Portuguese colonial centers of sugar production in America. Men such as Taquett in Venice, Nogueira in Rome, or Niza in Paris kept in close contact with the Portuguese representatives that joined the Westphalian peace conferences under the French banner.140 Nogueira informed the Portuguese ambassador in Paris how

140

From Venice, Taquett maintained correspondence with Contarini, who along with the papal representative was one of the two mediators sent to arbitrate peace conversations in Münster. Taquett was in contact with the Portuguese representatives in Westphalia, including Luis Perreira de Castro and Andrade de Leitao. On his correspondence with the Jesuit Nuno da Cunha in Rome, and Portuguese diaspora representatives established in Amsterdam, Hamburg, or The Hague, see Israel, “Duarte Nunes da Costa,” 333–53.

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the Dutch seized Portuguese ships full of sugar in early 1647.141 He copied, annotated, and used the letters of Amsterdam-based Portuguese merchants to illustrate how the Dutch violated a series of agreements that, since 1641, had been reached in Amsterdam thanks to the Portuguese ambassador there, Francisco de Sousa Coutinho. The 1647 Dutch attacks against Portuguese ships were an aggression against those agreements. John IV’s monarchy was in a precarious position in the 1640s and 1650s, facing international competition for imperial hegemony and control over territories, resources, and trading privileges with the Dutch. The commercial competition between these two seaborne empires intensified during the early seventeenth century, as Nogueira witnessed during his stay in Brazil. After 1640, although Portuguese independence might have meant a common cause with the Dutch – who declared their independence from Spain in 1568 – in practice, it left valuable Portuguese territories and concessions vulnerable to Dutch predation or liberation. To mitigate their global losses, Portuguese representatives turned to the converso and Portuguese Jewish diaspora communities embedded in Dutch society, particularly those who maintained links with other communities of the diaspora and Nação outside of Portugal.142 Though the Dutch Republic was a Protestant empire, Rome was nevertheless an essential site for negotiating Dutch–Portuguese relations during the mid-seventeenth century. Close connections between the Dutch and representatives of the Sephardic diaspora, with its poles in cities like Rome, Venice, and Amsterdam, allowed mercenaries of knowledge to monitor Dutch interventions in Portuguese affairs. Since his arrival in 1635, Nogueira had cultivated contacts with merchants, most of them New Christians, and Jewish scholars living in the Italian Peninsula through which he could connect with representatives of the Jewish and converso diasporas in Amsterdam. Once the Restoration began in 1640, the former exile sought out, copied, and redistributed news about Portuguese diplomacy in Holland, including information about Portuguese agreements to cede access to spice markets to prevent conflicts in Asia and Brazil. More than just diversifying his personal and political connections, Nogueira enjoyed thinking about the fact that he helped Portugal reinvent itself as a global empire. Besides, Portuguese–Dutch diplomacy was of keen interest to the Papacy as a potential bargaining chip in the ongoing Franco–Spanish 141 142

Nogueira to Niza, Rome–Paris, April 8, 1647, Gonçalves Serafim and Freitas Carvalho (eds.), Um diálogo epistolar, pp. 91–6. See Bodian, Hebrews of the Portuguese Nation.

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conflicts. Nogueira was meticulous in selecting information for his Italian patrons, showing that both Dutch and Portuguese merchants were willing to support John IV.143 Nogueira argued that collaborations with the Dutch were vital. To demonstrate his point, he publicized the contents of letters written by Portuguese merchants that detailed the benefits of partnerships between Portuguese New Christians, the Prince of Orange, and France when confronting Spain on the battlefield, including the French attempt to capture Milan in 1653 and the French victories in northern France and the Low Countries between 1654 and 1656. For many political advisors to John IV, the importance of maintaining a strong Portuguese empire via interactions with diaspora networks for the eventual success of the Restoration could not be underestimated. For those advisors, including Nogueira, one partial solution to John IV’s weakness might be the creation of a commercial joint-stock company to manage imperial interests competitively. This company would focus on commerce with Brazil, and there were a variety of successful and competitive models that John’s advisors directed him toward.144 From Venice, Taquett informed the Marquis of Niza in Paris about the creation of a Genoese East India Company. Taquett commented that this company was composed of twenty-four investors, two ships, and a Dutch pilot.145 He used these details to criticize the fact that Portugal had all the means at hand to create a similar company and yet had not done so. The viceroy in Brazil and the governor of Terceira (the Azores) had recognized John IV’s sovereignty; it would be easy to reconstruct the sugar trade and commercial links between Portugal and Brazil and therefore draw economic resources to win the war against Spain. Consolidating Portuguese control over those links was urgent; the interference of Spanish, Dutch, and English ships in the commerce of Brazil was worrisome.146 Such a company would de facto rely on diaspora networks, particularly Iberian merchants in port cities. Those communities’ involvement was not a universally welcome initiative among those involved in rebuilding Portugal’s political independence and those hoping for a return of Spain 143 144

145 146

Nogueira to Francesco Barberini, Rome, June 14, 1641, BAV, Barb. Lat. 6472, ff. 49–50. Israel, “An Amsterdam Jewish Merchant,” 21–40, and “The Diplomatic Career of Jeronimo Nunes da Costa,” 167–90. See also Swetschinski, “An Amsterdam Jewish Merchant-Diplomat,” 3–30. Taquett to Niza, Venice–Paris, June 8, 1647, BPE, cod. CVI/2-11, f. 1r. The 7th Duque del Infantado to Alonso de Cárdenas, Rome–London, December 30, 1650, AHnobleza, OSUNA, CT. 13 D. 2, n. 17. On Nogueira commenting on the desperate situation in Brazil, see his letter to the Marquis of Niza, Rome–Paris, April 8, 1647, Gonçalves Serafim and Freitas Carvalho (eds.), Um diálogo epistolar, pp. 91–6.

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in Portugal. There were even divides among the Restoration architects, between those who wished to rebuild Portugal as a confessional monarchy with a strong Inquisition and those who advocated for religious toleration.147 Nogueira drew on his contacts with the Netherlands to reinforce the case that his defense of religious tolerance could be beneficial to John IV if merged with the blocking of inquisitorial attacks against Jewish families in Portuguese territories. Nogueira belonged to a group of thinkers and politicians who wanted to secure the collaboration of Jews and conversos in the Restauração project. Many Jews and New Christians fleeing Portugal over the last two centuries were already collaborating against Spain with John IV. Some provided ammunition and ships, while others secured tactical trades (e.g. sugar) and offered financial resources to articulate John IV’s diplomacy more efficiently. However, these communities required guarantees from John IV’s monarchy for their security and their returns on investments. A risk of moving back to Portugal would have been the threat of inquisitorial confiscations over their patrimonies if accused of Judaizing. There was reason to fear such a threat, and inquisitorial persecutions motivated Portuguese living abroad to choose exile. Accusations of Judaizing had come to be a standard political weapon in seventeenth-century Iberian societies.148 Indeed, for Nogueira and his allies, because of the unwarranted persecution of conversos among other communities, the Portuguese Inquisition was held responsible for the dire financial state in which John IV’s monarchy found itself when at war with Spain. They argued that the Holy Office blocked capital coming from expelled Jews who feared having their goods and patrimonies confiscated again if they returned to Portugal.149 Nogueira was one among many who advocated for a royal decree prohibiting the Inquisition from performing confiscations. By this period, such an initiative was not unthinkable.150 Scholars, nobles, merchants, and clergy supported different sides of this argument. In 1647, the Brazilian-born Jesuit and renowned preacher António Vieira (1608–1697) departed from Lisbon on a European tour.

147 149

150

148 Feitler, The Imaginary Synagogue. Swetschinski, Reluctant Cosmopolitans. Nogueira criticized King John III (r. 1521–1557) for having founded the Inquisition, and for being responsible for the fact that it did not reinforce the authority of the Portuguese kings. Nogueira to Soares de Abreu, Rome–Paris?, February 6, 1651, Gonçalves Serafim and Freitas Carvalho (eds.), Um diálogo epistolar, pp. 383–7. In Spain, for example, the slave contract (asiento) that the Crown would (1662) draw up with the Genoese merchants Doming Grillo and Ambrosio Lomelin (neither Jewish) gave guarantees about patrimonies to Jews and conversos. See García Montón, “The Cost of the Asiento,” 11–34.

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Vieira hoped to promote ideas such as the cession of Pernambuco to the Dutch in exchange for peace, the admission of Jewish merchants to Portugal with guarantees for their security from persecution, and a hypothetical Hispano-Portuguese marriage authorized by the Pope. In 1650, Vieira stopped in Rome, where he appropriated the papers left behind by the last Portuguese emissary in the city, Manoel Alvares Carilho. When in Rome, Vieira also contacted Nogueira. The latter remained prudent with his attacks against the Inquisition when corresponding with the Jesuit, confiding to his correspondents that “in inquisitorial matters be quiet.”151 In spite of his discretion, Nogueira realized that – now almost a decade after the start of the Portuguese Restoration – the moment to act against this institution had come. Nogueira wrote a letter to John IV’s royal secretary, António Cavide, to ask for the readmission of the Jews in the monarchy. Nevertheless, he remained ambivalent about the status of the Jews in Portugal.152 Like Vieira, Nogueira thought about the long-term objectives of a politics of reintegration. His and Vieira’s advocacy on behalf of political tolerance was indissociable from plans that aimed to convert such populations to Catholicism.153 A year later, in 1649, Nogueira solicited royal protection for New Christians in conjunction with signing the decree of creation of the Junta do Comercio.154 John IV was persuaded to sign a decree that, on February 6, 1649, eased the circulation of new capital flows in Portugal, guaranteeing that the Inquisition would not prosecute Jewish merchants. However, Francisco de Castro, inquisitor general of the Portuguese Holy Office, asked the Pope to react against the king’s decision. On May 16, 1650, Innocent X declared that John IV’s decree was null and void, which was a direct challenge to Portuguese claims to legitimacy. Portuguese agents in Rome became more active than ever, using the Curia’s tribunals to obtain leverage against the Portuguese Inquisition.

151 152

153 154

Nogueira to Niza, Rome–?, December 19, 1649, Gonçalves Serafim and Freitas Carvalho (eds.), Um diálogo epistolar, p. 321. Nogueira was consistently positive in the way he discussed conversos in his letters. Nevertheless, he often complained about the unreliability of news from Holland, saying that the problem was “the Jews.” Nogueira to Niza, Rome–Paris, May 4, 1648, ibid., p. 169. He expressed discontent about Jewish bankers in Livorno several times, adding that they charged high interest rates for the insurance he bought for his shipments of books from Rome. Nogueira to Niza, Rome–?, November 29, 1649, ibid., p. 305. On the circulation of antisemitic conspiracy theories at the time see Soyer, Antisemitic Conspiracy Theories, 213–27. Stuczynski, “Jesuits and Conversos,” 159–72. Nogueira to Niza, Rome–Paris, May 11, 1648, Gonçalves Serafim and Freitas Carvalho (eds.), Um diálogo epistolar, pp. 173–4. See also Valladares, La rebelión, 77–8.

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In Rome, meanwhile, Nogueira familiarized himself with the Ghetto. There he obtained small loans and listened to Rabbinic sermons along with other Catholic priests and subjects.155 Impressed with one rabbi’s rhetorical style, Nogueira used this example to criticize the rhetorical abilities of Spanish preachers.156 His relations with Jewish and converso communities and individuals were always ambivalent, due partially to the need to dissimulate his Jewish origins. Considering the doubts surrounding his mother’s genealogy, Nogueira maintained some distance with the Jewish and converso networks he used to such great profit for his bibliographic business.157 As powerful Portuguese nobles backed the philosophy of toleration, however, Nogueira grew more confident in his defense of these communities and more outspoken about his contacts with them. More than circumstantial, discussing these issues became central to the activities of a mercenary of knowledge who, after more than ten years involved in papal and Portuguese affairs in Rome, found a new way to challenge his demons; the very same demons that had pushed him out of the Catholic monarchy at the start of the 1630s. Mid-seventeenth-century diplomacy and bibliopolitics achieved their coherence when associated with his trajectory as a mercenary of knowledge trying to settle somewhere between empires, courts, and patrons. In Rome, mercenaries such as Nogueira were tolerated and perceived by European intelligence systems – new and old – as strategic agents of political communication in a world at war. However, as soon as the pressure of war lessened, these mercenaries and their bibliopolitics were left on their own. This was the moment when Nogueira was forced to reconsider his services in Rome, France, and Portugal. He looked for more radical ways to defend what was left of an identity that institutions such as the Portuguese Inquisition had long tried to tame. 155 156

157

Nogueira to Niza, Rome–Paris, October 21, 1647, Gonçalves Serafim and Freitas Carvalho (eds.), Um diálogo epistolar, pp. 129–34. In this way, Nogueira revived an old form of Portuguese criticism against Spain, used by another Portuguese chronicler, Thomé Pinheiro da Veiga, who explained why Portuguese preachers were superior to Spanish ones based on their compelling use of language. Pinheiro da Veiga, Fastigimia, 25. On preaching as a double-edged sword for Portuguese politics see the letter of Brandão to Niza, BNP, 4466, f. 308. “Don Diego de Sousa con queste nove de prosperi successi dell’ armi di Spagna predica in pulpito del presto ritorno delli Castigliani nel regno di Portogallo trattando frequentemente con ministri di Spagna facendosi consulte in sua casa per somministrar consegli con altri Portughesi del suo colore, con gran discapito dell interessi di S. M. in questa corte.” His 1617 application to become a collaborator (familiar) of the Portuguese Inquisition motivated genealogical enquiries that revived doubts about his identity as an Old Christian and his converso origins on his mother’s side. See Gil Fernández, “D. García de Silva y Figueroa,” 432–3; and Diligência de Habilitação de Vicente Nogueira, ANTT, TSO, CG, Habilitações, Vicente mç. 1, doc. 4.

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This radicalization happened during a time when the city suffered great hardships, such as the Roman famine of 1646 and 1651 and the 1647 flood of the Tiber. These natural challenges contributed to social and political disquiet, or were at least perceived as providential signs of crisis. It was within this disquieting context that Francesco Barberini returned to Rome, that the Spanish painter Diego de Velázquez searched there for paintings and statues on behalf of Philip IV, and that Nogueira repositioned himself again as a mercenary of knowledge hoping to contribute to a new universal political and religious order to tame the ills of his time.

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Mercenary Bibliopolitics

Through bibliopolitics, mercenaries of knowledge shaped the contours of a Republic of Letters which operated as a marketplace for materials that supported universalist aspirations. Mercenaries of knowledge also contributed to the advent of new sovereignties that emerged from revolts, like that of Portugal. Portugal’s fight to gain recognition and international support against Spain had plunged both monarchies into a war that would last until 1668. During that time, Portuguese mercenaries of knowledge were in an ideal situation to advocate on behalf of the new monarch before papal institutions that could not openly recognize the new sovereignty, but which were nonetheless interested in increasing communication with John IV’s monarchy. All kept a close eye on what was published on behalf of Spanish interests and relied on hired pens who worked to counter Spanish propaganda.1 Pro-Portugal agents used bibliopolitics to neutralize that propaganda and challenge the Iberian Inquisitions. Meanwhile, the growing universalistic pretention of Rome was deployed to legitimize renewed dreams of Portuguese imperialism. International centers like Rome were crucial for the success of the Portuguese Restoration. Political life in Lisbon was unstable while John IV’s political project remained unclear. Amid uncertainties, mercenaries of knowledge defended what they believed to be the right model for the new monarchy. Their views diverged when it came to defining the details but, in practice, most agreed that political tolerance toward religious minorities would provide the means to win the war against Spain and in the court of international public opinion where the new sovereignty had to be recognized. The legitimacy and economic power of the Portuguese empire were crucial, and if John IV wanted to deploy those resources, he needed to rely on converso commercial networks. In Rome, mercenaries of knowledge worked on securing this project across those 1

See how Portuguese diplomats hired Agostino Castelletti in Genova to work on downplaying Spanish propaganda. Pimenta, “Diplomatie, information et publication,” 303–5.

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networks while fighting to legitimize the restored monarchy through discreet means with the Papacy and foreign diplomats. On a personal level, some of these mercenaries relied on these projects to take their revenge against the Iberian Inquisitions. Vicente Nogueira’s desire to return to Portugal conditioned his advocacy on behalf of Portuguese affairs in Rome after 1648.2 In his letters, he confessed his hope to become the royal archivist in Lisbon and to be involved in consultative governmental bodies.3 This request was a long shot, and Nogueira knew it. He had already been thwarted in his ambitions to become a Vatican librarian. However, he still dreamed of succeeding Damião de Góis (1502–1574), who had lived in the Torre do Tombo while reorganizing one of the most important archival collections in Europe.4 Nogueira reminded his correspondents that, as a great collection builder, he was an indispensable figure for implementing state reforms during wartime. This chapter sheds light on how mercenaries of knowledge contributed to the negotiations on behalf of John IV’s sovereignty on the European political stage. Alongside books and manuscripts, they used their access to Portuguese products and luxury foods (preserved fruits, scented pottery, etc.) to improve their political leverage in Rome.5 For example, Nogueira had long relied on naturalia, including citrus and 2

3

4

5

In 1648, Nogueira reached out to the Marquis of Niza to ask permission to return to Portugal. Nogueira to Niza, Rome–Paris, October 19, 1648. Gonçalvo Serafim and Freitas Carvalho (eds.), Um diálogo epistolar, pp. 186–91. However, Nogueira had powerful enemies, such as Manuel da Cunha, a creature of Olivares and Bishop of Elvas, who remained influential in Portugal after 1640. Through Niza, Nogueira appointed a procurator who administered his affairs back in the Iberian Peninsula. He hoped to recover, among other properties, some “bienes raíces,” a “quinta” in Torres Nova, a “fazenda” in Ancas, near Coimbra, and a “juro” which was tied to the house of Villanova. “Informação para a pessoa que nomear para meu procurador o sor Marquez Almirante,” BPE, CVI/2-11, ff. 606r and 616r. Nogueira would only consider a seat as a counselor in the councils of Ultramar (Overseas), Mesa da Consciência e Ordens (Board of the King’s Conscience and of the Military Orders), and fazenda (Revenue Service). Notably, he did not want to serve in any unit that only required legal expertise. This stipulation was how Nogueira expressed his discontent with the meager compensations he received from Portugal. He enquired about the restoration of his benefices in Portugal. Although he had recovered his religious status in Rome, his inquisitorial condemnation remained in effect back home. Nogueira to Niza, Rome–?, February 8, 1649, Gonçalves Serafim and Freitas Carvalho (eds.), Um diálogo epistolar, p. 219. Ibid., p. 223. In Nogueira’s words, De Góis reached his full genius when working on achieving his plan for that collection. Unlike Nogueira, and notwithstanding his sympathies toward Protestant thinkers, De Góis ultimately returned to Portugal to work at the archive of the Torre do Tombo. On his trajectory as a mercenary of knowledge, see Wilson Lee, A History of Water. On the material dimension of exchanges enacted by mercenaries, see Montcher, “Bonds of Sweetness,” 143–4.

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citrus-derived products, to immerse himself in natural history projects patronized by Francesco Barberini. Nogueira deepened his reflections on the meanings of political tolerance, imperial commerce, and religious conversion while exchanging such products and engaging with such projects.6 Through the port of Livorno and in collaboration with commercially active families between Tuscany and Lisbon, he merged the Mediterranean and global exchanges of the Republic of Letters between the Italian Peninsula and the Iberian monarchies in favor of Portuguese projects. By facilitating access to specialty goods, he established friendships which yielded strategic information.7 By the 1640s, mercenaries of knowledge were operating in a new mode through which humanists interacted with one another through books and manuscripts. Alongside other natural and artistic objects, books and manuscripts passed through a process of dematerialization. On one hand, they were represented in lists and other bibliographic formats.8 Like the proliferation of seventeenth-century paintings that represented cabinets filled with other paintings and works of art, books within books multiplied, along with books and manuscripts about books and manuscripts. On the other hand, knowledge was embodied in diverse forms during this process. Like diplomatic gifts of specialty fruits and spices, in the hands and letters of mercenaries of knowledge, books worked as the “mute diplomats” and “political sweeteners” of Baroque international relations.9 Through their materiality and their representations, books and manuscripts fostered multilateral negotiations amid conflicts. Harmless in appearance, Nogueira’s books helped him navigate between confessional and social boundaries.10 His collaborations across the Republic of Letters allowed him to transform his bookish curiosity

6 7

8 9 10

Ibid. Nogueira used food products for diplomatic negotiations. Like embassies that relied on food stocks to bolster political negotiations, he requested a dedicated space for the conservation of his books and food products (separating the liquids from the solids). Nogueira to Francesco Barberini, Rome, March 31, 1647, BAV, Barb. Lat. 6472, ff. 155r–6r. On embassies as food shops see Alvar Ezquerra, Algunos aspectos de las despensas de los embajadores. On exchanges of food products in the creation of scholarly habitus see Algazi, Groebner, and Jussen (eds.), Negotiating the Gift; Gomes, “Um doce viagem,” 213–50. On this process of dematerialization see Marcaida López, Arte y ciencia. Osborne, “Anthony van Dyck: A Painter-Diplomat,” 185. In October 1647, the marquis of Niza mentioned to Nogueira how the Restoration leaders cultivated an interest in books. “Porque vejo que com a translação da coroa passada da casa de Áustria à de Bragança se tem alargado nossos corações e crecido os ãnimos até em livros.” Niza to Nogueira, October 11, 1647, Gonçalves Serafim and Freitas Carvalho (eds.), Um diálogo epistolar, pp. 336–7.

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into political acts.11 During this period, his book-hunting activities followed a frenetic rhythm and were wide ranging. He sent books such as the halakhic manual Thesouro dos Dinim as well as a Castilian translation of the Bible that he had received from the scholar and leader of the Jewish community in Amsterdam, Menasseh Ben Israel (1604–1657), to Portuguese officials in France.12 He searched for Moses Almosnino’s Hebrew translation of a manuscript of the Logic of the eleventh-century jurist and Sufi Al-Ghazāli. In parallel, he tracked the sale of Neapolitan libraries specializing in Greek and Latin collections on behalf of the Portuguese embassy in Paris.13 This constellation of bibliographic quests speaks volumes about how mercenaries of knowledge conceived the political foundations of their topsy-turvy world. In this context, seeking out religious texts was a good excuse to maintain good relations with the leaders of the Sephardic Jewish and converso diaspora, which Nogueira conceived as the keys to secure the success of the Portuguese Restoration after 1640. Nogueira would eventually collaborate in the making of John IV’s music library and the project of political representation it embodied. Such a collection would be dedicated to the universal harmony that John IV’s reign was supposed to restore. This chapter follows Nogueira and other mercenaries of knowledge’s bibliopolitics as the former sought, unsuccessfully, to leave Rome and his life as a mercenary of knowledge for the status of an expert statesman and librarian in restored Portugal.

6.1

Book and Pamphlet Diplomacy between Rome and Paris

During the 1640s, the Parisian embassy of Vasco Luís da Gama, Marques of Niza, functioned as an information center, a library, and an archive of political literature for the newly established Portuguese intelligence.14 In 1641, still in his early thirties, Niza was appointed as ambassador by John IV. He headed two permanent embassies in Paris, from mid-1642 to winter 1646 and from winter 1647 to mid-1649. The embassy was among the most important for the new monarchy, which sought European recognition and support against Spain, and was rivaled 11

12 13 14

He worked simultaneously with cardinals, members of the Jewish community in Amsterdam, Gallican scholars and politicians in France, and with the librarian of the Holy Roman Emperor in Vienna. Nogueira to Niza, Rome–Paris, February 17, 1648, ibid., pp. 158–65. Nogueira to Niza, Rome–Paris, February 10, 1648, ibid., p. 36. Nogueira to Soares de Abreu, Rome–?, February 6, 1651, ibid., p. 386. On Niza’s diplomacy see Pimenta, “O conflito politico português,” https://journals .openedition.org/nuevomundo/65837, accessed February 15, 2017. On his archive see Wilke, “Manuel Fernandes Vila Real,” 153–76.

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only by the Portuguese delegations sent to London and Amsterdam. During his second embassy, Niza acted as the chief diplomat of Portuguese diplomacy.15 Nogueira’s correspondence with the marquis was his key to the ever-changing world of post-1640 diplomacy. Niza’s embassy gave Nogueira stronger connections with French politics and state-sponsored scholarship. The embassy generated propaganda to win over French aristocrats, scholars, and politicians to John IV’s cause. For example, the secretary of the embassy and jurist, Soares de Abreu, coordinated the distribution of Portuguese news across European cities. Meanwhile, French scholars sent questionnaires to Soares and Niza so that they could collect information about Portugal to write in favor of the Franco–Portuguese alliance. The foremost French expert in Portuguese genealogies and dynastic relations with France, Théodore Godefroy, sent questions that focused on John IV’s biography, government members, and economic and military resources. The French historiographer asked about territories in the East Indies and North Africa that belonged to John IV but were occupied by Spain and the Dutch East India Company. Soares’ answers explained to Godefroy the situation in Pernambuco, the Maluku islands, Ceylan, and other African territories. Soares complemented Godefroy on the works in which the latter vindicated French rights over territories “unjustly” occupied by the Spanish.16 Godefroy was a close collaborator of Richelieu and a member of the De Thou–Dupuy circle who was frequently called upon to inform royal political decisions. He even attended the peace negotiations of Westphalia along with his portable archive, made up of materials from the Portuguese embassy in Paris.17 15

16

17

Niza relied on the Mourais family, the cousin of his wife, for financial support. Ibid., 157. He received help from secretaries such as António Moniz de Carvalho (1646–1648) and Soares de Abreu (1648–1650), and the Jesuit Francisco de Santo Agostinho de Macedo. See Labourdette, “La diplomatie portugaise,” 573. The Parisian embassy also relied on information relayed by extraordinary envoys such the Jesuit Antonio Vieira (1608–1697). Another Portuguese, Braz da França, who served the Grand Duke of Tuscany and favored anti-Spanish propaganda while reorganizing Portuguese diplomacy in Rome, also gave Niza a helping hand in Paris. Braz de França to Niza, Lisbon, October 17, 1644, ANTT, mss. da Livraria 1104, 125, n. 21–2. See Cardim, “História, política e reputação,” 91–130. On his family connections with Gabriel da Foncesa, physician of the Pope in Rome, see Niza to Pedro Mendes de Sampaio, s. d., BPE, cód. CVI/2-1, f. 304v. On this episode see Niza to Abreu, Paris, August 22, 1644, BPA, 49-X-12, f. 317. Niza’s embassy informed French historiographers about the history of Portugal. Godefroy to Niza, Paris, August 30, 1647, BPA, 49-X-13. On Godefroy see Sherman, “Resentment and Rebellion in the Scholarly Household,” 153–69; Montcher, “The Portable Archives,” 348–70; and Thompson, “Commerce, Law and Erudite Culture,” 407–27. On Godefroy in Westphalia and Portuguese propaganda there see Cardim, “‘Portuguese Rebels’ at Münster,” 293–334.

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With eyes on what was happening in Westphalia and Madrid, Rome, Amsterdam, and London, Niza’s embassy functioned as a workshop of literary and historical production. Niza counted on the services of mercenaries such as the Portuguese Jesuit Francisco de Santo Agostinho de Macedo, who composed poetry, legal and theological works, and histories for both John IV and Louis XIII.18 Macedo also went to Rome alongside the ambassador that John IV sent in 1641 to Urban VIII.19 His trajectory reveals that Portuguese embassies exchanged propaganda materials among themselves, in other places that refused to acknowledge Portuguese diplomacy. It was a common occurrence for Portuguese diplomats to ask agents like the Assistant of the Portuguese Jesuits in Rome, Nuno da Cunha, to publish and translate pamphlets written in French and Latin. While the Portuguese agent in Venice (Taquett) was editing the pro-Portuguese writings of the Genoese jurist and historian, Giovanni Battista Birago, Nogueira and Nuno da Cunha in Rome helped publish in Livorno the works of Juan Baptista Moreli.20 This editorial and translation work fostered the simultaneous coherence and polyphony of Portuguese propaganda across Europe.21 In its effort to gather forces around the restored monarchy, Niza’s embassy provided a haven to Portuguese in exile. This haven could be tangible – if one happened to pass through Paris – or epistolary, as it was for Nogueira. Niza and Nogueira exchanged letters that defined the cultural framework they each used to develop as John IV’s subjects. Nogueira relied on this framework to bridge his bibliographical management practices and political counsel in his letters to Niza. When Niza printed pamphlets in Paris, Nogueira kept the marquis informed about how those pamphlets circulated in Rome and what repercussions they created at the papal court. He sent materials to Paris that could be reused

18

19 20

21

On Macedo’s work as a poet, jurist, and historian in charge of celebrating the French monarchy, the Braganza, and the memory of Don Antonio in Portugal, see Pimenta, “Diplomatie, information et publication,” pp. 143–208; and Sousa Ribeiro, Fr. Francisco de Santo Agostinho de Macedo. His name should not be confused with the António de Sousa Macedo who served as the ambassador of John IV in England between 1642 and 1647. António de Sousa Macedo, along with Sousa Coutinho and Niza, was one of the main figures of John IV’s diplomacy during the 1640s. See Pimenta, “Antonio de Sousa de Macedo e as Flores de España,” 95–110. Following this mission, Macedo maintained a correspondence with Soares de Abreu between 1642 and 1649 and would ultimately return to Paris to serve Niza. Soares da Cunha and Freire Costa, D. João IV, pp. 200–2. On Nogueira’s editorial activities see the correspondence of Francisco de Sousa Coutinho. NL, Greenlee ms. 420. On Portuguese propaganda see Marquês, A parenética portuguesa. Among the pro-Portuguese works of Birago see his 1644 Historia di Portogallo and its 1646 reedition. Niza to Nuno da Cunha, Paris–Rome, March 1639, BPA, 49-X-12, f. 28r.

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by Niza’s collaborators. In this case, Rome functioned as a sounding board that amplified Portuguese public diplomacy. Thanks to mercenaries of knowledge, Niza surveyed the circulation of anti-Portuguese discourses across Europe. When, in March 1647, rumors about an alliance between the French and the Dutch transcended the cenacles of Westphalia, Niza wrote to Taquett in Venice enquiring about a print published in Amsterdam promoting such an alliance. From Holland, the Portuguese ambassador Francisco de Sousa Coutinho communicated to Niza about the print. Niza then ordered its translation into Portuguese to expose the pernicious intentions of the French to jeopardize their alliance with Portugal by allying with their enemy.22 The role of mercenaries such as Taquett in this affair revealed the polycentrism of Portuguese diplomacy when the only way to track political propaganda was to be familiar with the Republic of Letters’ printing centers. Meanwhile, in Rome, Nogueira specialized in the promotion of Portuguese propaganda generated by Italian writers. By sending propaganda materials to Niza, he expanded the collection of pamphlets, histories, and political literature that the embassy surveyed from Paris. In January 1649, Nogueira informed the marquis that the governor of the Portuguese Hospital and Church of Saint Anthony in Rome, and one of Nogueira’s rivals, Brás Nunes Caldeira, received texts that praised John IV. As the representative of the Portuguese community in Rome, Nunes Caldeira delegated the peer reviewing and financing of these pamphlets to other Portuguese agents in the city, namely Manuel Rodrigues de Matos and Manuel Rois.23 Following Matos’ and Rois’ advice, the manuscript of one particular pamphlet was printed at Ronciglione, a locality that formed part of the Duke of Parma’s estates. However, this enterprise was short lived. A spy denounced the business because the work came out without a license. The Master of the Sacred Palace (the authority that oversaw print production in and around Rome) sent a judge to investigate what had occurred at Ronciglione. The papal

22

23

Niza told Taquett that the French denied the Amsterdam print’s revelations. However, Niza knew that a French ambassador in Westphalia, Abel Servien (1593–1653), was engaged in peace negotiations with the Dutch. The Dutch ordered pamphlets to support the project. Niza to Taquett, Paris–Venice, c. 1647, BNP, cod. 2667, f. 41. On the opposing side, Spanish authorities in Rome were eager to debunk Portuguese propaganda centers. Spanish diplomats accused Manoel Alvares Carilho of being responsible for the affair. As John IV’s envoy in Rome, Carilho was the proxy target through which to harm Portuguese interests near the Pope. In defense of the former, Nogueira informed Niza that Carilho was in Lisbon when the pamphlets were printed.

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official did not encounter much once on-site, except some random papers and a printer, who he finally released with no charges. Nogueira reported the affair to Niza, letting him know that a stash of 500 copies of the pamphlet has been hidden in Florence.24 Nogueira’s report was doubly valuable for Niza. The ambassador was eager to learn about Portuguese propaganda in Italy, but he was also trying to learn about the institutions in charge of book censorship in Rome. From Lisbon and Paris, the Roman connection came in handy as a source for comparisons between historical and contemporary revolts that had happened or were happening in Spanish territories such as Sicily, Naples, and Milan. Portuguese in Rome were interested in the history of Naples and Sicily along with Aragonese and Catalan territories since recent revolts against Spain helped legitimize the Portuguese Restoration by providing historical context to acts of antiSpanish resistance. Through Nogueira, Niza surveyed from Paris what was happening with these other revolts across the Spanish empire during the 1640s. Drawn toward bibliographic materials produced in Milan, Sicily, Naples, and Flanders, Nogueira focused on providing history books that added a temporal perspective to the interpretation of contemporary upheavals. For instance, when discussing with Niza the Spanish empire’s situation in Flanders, he recommended reading De Bello Belgico, a history of the Netherlands revolt composed by the Jesuit and Barberini favorite, Famiano Strada (1572–1649).25 Nogueira and Niza knew the value of comparing events described in this book with the Portuguese case.26 A few months later, Nogueira informed Niza about the Italian tenants of the 1648 Aragonese plot, an episode during which two aristocrats, a “Castilian from Milan,” Dom Carlos de Padilha, and the Marquis de la Vega planned to proclaim the Duke of Híjar as the king of the independent kingdom Aragon.27 Nogueira was proving himself to be an expert in bibliographical references dedicated to the history of contemporary revolts, who knew how to use the European book market to support John IV.

24

25 26 27

Nogueira to Niza, Rome–?, January 11, 1649, Gonçalves Serafim and Freitas Carvalho (eds.), Um diálogo epistolar, p. 209. On Nogueira’s rivalry with Caldeira when fostering Portuguese propaganda see his letter to Niza, Rome–Paris, October 21, 1647, ibid., p. 130. “Esteja V. S. certo que nem Brás Nunes nem o Padre Pacheco sabem mais de livros que eu, e pois digo a V. S. que não há o ‘do grande direito em Rome,’ crea-mo.” Strada, De Bello Belgico. Niza to Nogueira, Paris–Rome, August ?, 1647. Gonçalvo Serafim and Freitas Carvalho (eds.), Um diálogo epistolar, p. 110. Nogueira to Niza, December 7, 1648, ibid., p. 199.

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Troubles in Paradise

Unsurprisingly, the men of letters who gravitated around Niza’s embassy jockeyed for position in the new Portuguese political landscape and were quick to criticize one another and sometimes even Portuguese politics and allies. Hispano–Portuguese wars of words depended on mercenaries who demonstrated varying degrees of commitment and enjoyed different, sometimes blurry, positions in the Portuguese diplomatic system.28 For example, in May 1647, Niza contacted the Iberian poet, dramatist, and novelist of converso origins Antonio Henríquez Gómez (c. 1601– c. 1661). At the time, Henríquez Gómez was living in France. Niza wanted him to know that he had read a preliminary version of his third and fourth Diálogos, which were sent to him by his collaborator, the writer Manuel Fernandes de Vila Real (1608–1652).29 Though he praised his work, Niza explained to Henríquez Gómez that he should not, under any circumstances, publish his Diálogos since they would cause scandal in Spain. The Diálogos of the second part of his Política angélica, published in Rouen in 1647, criticized the Spanish Inquisition while celebrating French politics and insisting on the primacy of the state over the Church. Even if at least four theologians approved the work, it would not be enough to avoid criticism in Spain, or in France, where pro-Spanish agents were legion. The Portuguese embassy ended up prohibiting the circulation of the print. As the ambassador explained to Henríquez Gómez, the alliance with France was uncertain and scandal should be avoided at all costs. Niza needed to be careful to not criticize Spain too openly, thereby risking tensions between France and Spain, especially if the latter found tangible proof that the French were supporting anti-Spanish propaganda. It was therefore crucial to serve John IV “with extreme softness” while trying to “satisfy” their allies.30 The production of empathy among John IV’s supporters was as crucial as the spread of anti-Spanish propaganda.31 Furthermore, Niza’s embassy had to muffle its agents’ criticisms to present a unified front on the international stage, as when the Jesuit Francisco de Macedo attacked Manuel Fernandes de Vila Real. Vila Real worked on behalf of Portuguese commercial interests in the city of Rouen and cooperated with the French government in the making of pro-Portuguese propaganda. Among other tasks, Vila Real defended state policies in favor of Jews and conversos in Portugal while contributing 28 29 30 31

Soares da Cunha and Freire Costa, João IV, pp. 197–202. Niza to Antonio Henríquez Gómez, Paris, May 7, 1647, BNP, cod. 2667, f. 67. Ibid. See Révah, Antonio Enríquez Gómez; and Wilke, Judisch-christliches Doppeleben in Barock.

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to the war effort against Spain by recruiting soldiers and collecting funds. Before moving back to Lisbon, Vila Real fought against Francisco de Macedo to play a part in the affairs of Niza’s embassy. Macedo denounced Vila Real to the Portuguese Inquisition for owning prohibited books of Jewish sacred literature and political theory.32 These books would provide an excuse for his arrest and execution after his return to Portugal. Back in Paris, and from a Portuguese perspective, Niza and his embassy were nearing their end and were too far away to provide the support Vila Real most needed. Personal enmities stoked by contrary political opinions about the Portuguese Restoration caused divisions. Even the new king was not exempt from criticism. Nogueira’s and Niza’s letters provided a safe space within which to criticize some of the political orientations of John IV. For example, when commenting on an attempt to assassinate the monarch in 1647, Nogueira jumped on the occasion to complain about how indecisive John IV was. He implied that this attitude harmed his image as a legitimate ruler outside Portugal.33 In Rome, similar tensions surfaced among Portuguese agents with connections to Niza. Around 1647, Fernando Brandão claimed to be the only subject who could represent John IV’s legitimacy near the Pope.34 In a back and forth series of letters and in a long-distance and indirect fight between him and Nogueira, the latter pointed out to Niza that only an official “minister” (such as the official delegate Nicolau Monteiro) and not a simple “subject” (like Brandão) could advocate fairly on John IV’s behalf. In the end, Nogueira and Brandão, like Macedo and Vila Real in France, were in competition for a privileged endorsement granted by Niza.35 Such an endorsement became even more crucial when the marquis returned to Portugal in 1649. These mercenaries of knowledge-turned-Portuguese loyalists would then fight to gain visibility in Lisbon through Niza’s mediation.36

32 33 34 35

36

Wilke, “Manuel Fernandes Vila Real at the Portuguese Embassy in Paris,” 156–7. Nogueira to Niza, Rome–Paris, November 12, 1647. Gonçalvo Serafim and Freitas Carvalho (eds.), Um diálogo epistolar, pp. 136–8. On tensions between Brandão and Nogueira see Brandão to Niza, Roma–Paris?, November 13, 1645, BNP, cod. 4466, f. 159v. Niza’s collaborator in Rome, the art and book dealer, Pedro Mendez Sampaio, criticized Nogueira for being too involved in Roman affairs. For the correspondence between Sampaio y Niza see ANTT, Miscelânea mss., t. IV, f. 375. When back in Lisbon, Niza encountered opposition at court. However, he continued through his library and academies in Lisbon to be politically active. Soares da Cunha and Freire Costa, João IV, p. 257.

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During this delicate period, Nogueira became sensitive whenever his correspondence with Niza seemed to be decreasing.37 In a letter to Niza, written in 1650, he complained about the terrible state of Portuguese intelligence in Rome, which was a not-so-veiled criticism of Brandão. His complaint paved the way for a request that consisted of establishing direct channels of communication between Lisbon and Rome.38 Worried about his status within the hierarchies of the Portuguese diplomatic system, Nogueira looked for alternative ways to make himself indispensable to Portugal.39

6.2

Imperial and Epic Portuguese Genealogies

Beyond interventions in diplomacy, mercenaries of knowledge participated in the revival of the Portuguese imperial imaginary after 1640. Nogueira worked via bibliographic recommendations to Niza while the latter sought to connect his family past with early stories of the Portuguese overseas expansion.40 Nogueira and Niza’s collaborations on the latter’s family history contributed to a post-1640 enterprise which aimed to reconnect the recent history of Portugal with its imperial past. The combination of Niza’s family history with epic tales related to the descobrimentos bolstered the international reputation of John IV’s monarchy and presented Niza as one of the key political players during a time of diaspora when Portuguese nobles competed for status in the absence of a clear-cut ruling elite. Epic stories served as much as to praise as to criticize.41 Niza’s collaborators relied on this epidictic literary genre to shape John IV’s reign and its representations, while paving the way for the triumphant return of their patron at the Portuguese court. Epic narratives and family genealogies formed an ensemble with other materials that men such as Nogueira used to reshape Portuguese politics from afar. Alongside 37

38 39

40 41

Niza expressed that he would rather support Nogueira than Brandão. Niza to Nogueira, Lisbon–Rome, December 12, 1649, Gonçalves Serafim and Freitas Carvalho (eds.), Um diálogo epistolar, p. 275. Nogueira to Niza, Rome–?, April 30, 1650, ibid., p. 359. After 1649, he communicated with Niza’s successor in Paris, Sousa Coutinho, seeking one more correspondent to express his opinions on John IV’s politics. Despite the uncertainties, Niza expressed that he wished Nogueira would be in charge of Portuguese affairs in Rome after 1647. Niza to Nogueira, Paris–Rome, October 25, 1647, ibid., p. 135. Cardim, “La aspiración imperial de la monarquía portuguesa,” 347–85. These lines have been inspired by the conversation I had with Aude Plagnard on Bibliopolíticas y creación poética at the Madrid Institute for Advanced Study and Casa de Velázquez in Madrid on June 6, 2022.

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chronicles, books of political theory, and bio-bibliographies, epic tales and genealogies revealed a constructed social and political order of informal connections that were supposed to help achieve the Portuguese Restoration project. Among other examples, Niza’s scholarly collaborators participated in the writing and also the visualizing of the epic and family history of the famous explorer, Vasco da Gama. This was a multimedia enterprise which called on the skills and connections of diverse mercenaries of knowledge. Certainly, the book business and bibliopolitics overlapped with literary and artistic exchanges, including the commerce of statues and paintings between Rome, Paris, and Lisbon. Such intersections fostered collaborations and also fueled rivalries. In Rome, Nogueira languished in the shadow of other agents such as Brandão as a source for Portuguese information for the Parisian embassy. Worse, Brandão was already involved in Niza’s genealogical and epic enterprise to fuse the latter’s family history with the future of John IV’s monarchy. Brandão contributed to several editorial projects, and he even took part in the scheme of building Niza’s library in Lisbon. Ultimately, both he and Nogueira, with other protagonists such as Mendes de Sampaio, supported the construction of a statue dedicated to Niza’s ancestor, Vasco da Gama.42 In Rome, Portuguese rivals worked on the inscriptions that would appear next to the statue.43 The revival of Da Gama would contribute to the imperial narrative of the Restoration.44 Nogueira’s participation in the exaltation of Niza’s linage required him to rekindle his Barberini connections at the end of the 1640s. On behalf of Niza, he reached out to the Irish exile Luke Wadding (1588–1657), who was also the main Franciscan historiographer in Rome.45 Niza wanted to know about the upcoming publication of the sixth and seventh 42

43

44 45

On the statue see Pedro Mendez Sampaio ANTT, Misc. mss. Convento da Graça, t. IV, ff. 45–7. On Nogueira’s interest for Niza’s genealogy see Niza’s letter to Nogueira, Lisbon–Rome, July 19, 1951, Gonçalves Serafim and Freitas Carvalho (eds.), Um diálogo epistolar, p. 408. Nogueira to Niza, Rome–Paris, July 15, 1647, ibid., pp. 102–3. On the construction of da Gama’s myth see Subrahmanyam, The Career and Legend of Vasco da Gama. On Brandão’s physiological research concerning Vasco da Gama see his letter to Niza, BNP, cod. 4466, f. 309. Marques (ed.), A Utopia do Quinto Império. Carroll, Exiles in a Global City; and Binasco (ed.), Luke Wadding. Wadding moved to Portugal from Ireland. He studied at Coimbra (c. 1604) and became a Franciscan friar in 1607. In 1617, he was appointed president of the Irish college in Salamanca. Later, he moved to Rome and promoted the creation of the college of Saint Isidore, which opened in 1625 under Spanish patronage. Between 1630 and 1634, Wadding became the procurator of the Franciscan minor friars in the city as well as vice-commissary of the order between 1645 and 1648. García Cueto, “Mecenazgo y representación,” 44.

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volumes of Wadding’s history of the Franciscan Order, entitled Annales minorum (1625–1654). These volumes covered the period during which Niza’s family support of the order had reached its apex. Nogueira contacted Wadding on behalf of Niza in September 1649, letting him know that the ambassador had bought the first five volumes of his history in Paris.46 In 1645, Niza had offered to finance the printing of the sixth volume of Wadding’s Annales based on his “adoration and devotion to the religion of Saint Francis.”47 Niza wished to see the deeds that his ancestors performed on behalf of Portugal as well as the Catholic Church registered within Wadding’s history. Backchannel endorsements of international religious orders – Franciscans and Jesuits mostly – were vital for the Portuguese political project. Wadding’s seats at the Congregation of the Index and for the Propaganda Fide also represented an asset for Niza, who wanted to obtain book privileges, while Nogueira used his connection with Wadding to influence the election of the Portuguese representative of the Franciscans in Rome.48 In addition, the order could pressure the Pope to recognize John IV’s sovereignty. Niza sought to rally Wadding, the historian, to the Portuguese side of the war of words against Spain. His own family provided the key to this dilemma. In the marquis’ mind, one central question determined his relation with Wadding: how could the Pope refuse to recognize John IV’s sovereignty when his subjects came from lineages such as the Da Gama who had played central roles in expanding the Christian faith across the world? The genealogical promotion that Wadding could offer in his global history of the Franciscans could be crucial to connect John IV’s

46

47

48

Nogueira reminded Wadding of common friends (e.g. Peiresc), and acquaintances they made when attending the sermons at Santa Maria sopra Minerva. Since the exile of Barberini to France, the two had lost track of each other, but Nogueira used their common bond with the cardinal to promote Niza’s projects. Nogueira to Wadding, Rome, September 17, 1649, Gonçalves Serafim and Freitas Carvalho (eds.), Um diálogo epistolar, p. 281. Niza told the Franciscan how his grand grandfather, the Almirante Francisco da Gama, and his grandfather had established two Franciscan convents in Palhay (Arrabida) and Vidigueira (the site of the family estate). His father had also been a supporter of these institutions. Niza to Mendez de Sampaio, Paris–Rome, June 23, 1645, ANTT, Misc. mss. Convento da Graça, t. IV, ff. 362v–3v; and Cartas para Joao IV y sus ministros, BPE, cod. CVI/2-1, f. 363v. Niza wanted to have an ally at the head of the Portuguese Franciscans to strengthen his position at court and his family’s religious patronage in Portugal. From Paris, Niza sought to influence the Roman elections of the Franciscans’ general commissary in Portugal. Nogueira advocated in favor of António de Sousa to replace fray Martinho do Rosario (an enemy of Wadding) in this position.

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imperial ambitions in Asia and South America with the Da Gama family and the foundational history of the Estado da Índia. More than just passing documents, mercenaries of knowledge managed the risks related to the uses of those same documents. Wadding answered Niza’s and Nogueira’s request with a letter – written in Spanish – informing his interlocutors that he was working on the eighth volume which would deal with the Franciscans’ role in the Portuguese Indies. He reassured Nogueira that he would speak “as he should (como debo)” of Niza’s antecessors’ tenures in India.49 To ensure that Wadding had access to the “right” information, Niza then asked Nogueira to transmit to Wadding a memoir about Franciscans in India and a Parisian edition of the Decades of the sixteenth-century Portuguese chronicler, Diogo do Couto, that the marquis himself had sponsored. Niza hoped that Wadding would make fair use of these materials for his ongoing historical research. Niza’s desire to control the memory of his family linage and religious patronage were two pillars of his proRestoration project. Niza mobilized all the resources he could to mix his family history with the Portuguese empire’s epic tradition. As a signal priority, Niza sponsored a Latin translation of Os Lusíadas written by the late sixteenthcentury poet Luís de Camões. The Jesuit Francisco de Macedo was in charge of translating Camões’ poem from Portuguese to Latin. Nogueira sent Macedo notes about how to proceed with the translation and edition of the text.50 This translation formed part of an editorial project known as the “Gameida.” Niza had instituted “an academy of learned men working on the translation of Camões’ poem.”51 In the meantime, the marquis kept Nogueira in the loop, reporting on what the “academy” was debating and producing.52 Overall, the project consisted of celebrating the epic accomplishments of the Da Gama family, especially the life of Vasco da Gama, the hero of Camões’ Os Lusíadas.53 With their bibliographical assessment, mercenaries of knowledge contributed to the politics of memory by offering to their patrons control over all possible genre and format declinations of historical accounts.

49 50

51

52

Wadding to Nogueira, Rome, after September 17, 1649, Gonçalves Serafim and Freitas Carvalho (eds.), Um diálogo epistolar, p. 281. It seems that the Jesuit followed Nogueira’s advice. “O Padre Macedo segue na tradução inteiramente o parecer de V. M.” Niza to Nogueira, Paris–Rome, September 13, 1647, ibid., p. 117. In addition to Macedo, the marquis counted on “three men who were copying manuscripts” for him continuously. Niza to Nogueira, Lisbon–Rome, June 29, 1649, ibid., p. 254. 53 Ibid., pp. 254–5. Ibid., p. 254.

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In addition to the statue of Vasco da Gama and the Latin translation of The Lusiads, Niza publicized Portuguese imperial memories through the filter of his family history. Before the ambassador’s return to Lisbon in 1649, Nogueira in Rome and Macedo in Paris collaborated on further projects related to Niza’s family history.54 Nogueira worked on the genealogy of the Tavora, a Niza relation, while Macedo edited their commissioned family history.55 Nogueira composed a draft in which he commented on the weddings and family strategies of the Tavora.56 Niza asked him to look for connections between his ancestor, Esteban da Gama, and the Tavora.57 In June 1648, Niza notified his cousin Ruy Lorenzo de Tavora that he was sending books on the Tavora to Nogueira, Fernando Brandão, and Francesco Barberini in Rome. Nogueira proclaimed the new edition of the Tavora genealogy as a monument to the glory of the subjects of John IV.58 Mercenaries of knowledge also contributed to updating historical accounts based on rapidly changing political contexts. After Niza’s return to Portugal in 1649, Nogueira cultivated projects dedicated to celebrating the marquis’ family while providing the marquis with readings that would help him secure his place at John IV’s court. In Lisbon, Niza sought the edition of the Wars of Granada by Hurtado de Mendoza that Nogueira had helped Tribaldos de Toledo put together. This edition generated a good deal of interest among Portuguese politicians after 1640.59 The marquis wanted to learn about episodes of civil unrest that had recently taken place in Andalusia.60 These revolts involved Iberian aristocrats commensurate to Niza, including the Duke of Medina Sidonia, a powerful territorial lord who controlled a good part of the Atlantic, North African, Portuguese, and western parts of the southern borders of the Iberian Peninsula and who was related to Olivares. To offer relevant political context to this history, Nogueira turned to the

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See Niza’s letters sent to Nogueira in which Macedo appears celebrating the memory of the “Gamas.” Niza to Nogueira, Amiens–Rome, July 25, 1647, ibid., p. 106. This history included notable family deeds along with political news concerning wars, peace, and dynastic ties. Niza to Ruy Lorenzo de Tavora, Paris, June 24, 1648, BPE, CVI/2-4, ff. 267v–8r. Niza to Nogueira, Lisbon–Rome, June 29, 1649, Gonçalves Serafim and Freitas Carvalho (eds.), Um diálogo epistolar, pp. 253–6. Historia de varoes illustres do appellido Tavora. On the interest that this edition generated in Portugal see Francisco Manuel de Melo to Nogueira, Lisbon–Rome, May 23, 1650; and Melo, Primera parte das cartas familiares, carta LVI, p. 12. Niza to Nogueira, Lisbon–Rome, September 12, 1649, Gonçalves Serafim and Freitas Carvalho (eds.), Um diálogo epistolar, p. 276. Niza to Nogueira, Paris–Rome, September 6, 1647, ibid., pp. 115–16.

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genealogical work of Argote de Molina, a reference he had also provided a decade prior to Peiresc.61 Nogueira’s collaboration with Niza’s family project illustrates how personal and literary memories connected to the history of the Portuguese empire were merged after 1640 by diplomats and mercenaries of knowledge working to secure John IV’s legitimacy across Europe. Nogueira’s correspondence with Niza about these matters was an occasion to engage with other mercenaries like Manuel de Faria e Sousa (1590–1649), who had published in Spain a critical edition of Camões’ Lusiads. Faria e Sousa died in Madrid in 1649 still loyal to Philip IV. Nogueira and his friends reacted against his works. Political divisions among Portuguese around 1640 unsurprisingly generated multiple interpretations of past imperial experiences. The Republic of Letters fostered a broader discussion between Spain and Portugal about this legacy of the Portuguese imperial past in the post-Westphalian world. 6.3

Political Negotiations in the Editing and Reading of Books

While building libraries on behalf of their patrons, mercenaries of knowledge fueled a renewed interest for political philosophy that nurtured debates about the fate of the Portuguese Restoration. They provided aristocrats and politicians with copies of the books they needed to read and display in their public collections. Mercenaries of knowledge favored useful comparisons between historical narratives and the Portuguese monarchy’s political situation amid the 1640s global crisis. For example, Nogueira recommended that Niza read the Mémoires du Duc de Rohan, sur les choses advenues en France (2nd edition, 1646).62 Rohan’s writings were pieces “of gold that [Nogueira] learned by heart just like Machiavelli.”63 Indeed, for Nogueira and his cohort, Machiavelli’s work acquired a special status, similar to a secular prayer that could secure the supremacy of state affairs over the spiritual agendas of the Catholic Church and the Inquisition. The reception of Machiavelli’s ideas into late sixteenth-century political thought had prepared Iberian men of letters for political debates on the benefit and limits of the Reason of

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63

Nogueira to Francesco Barberini, Bologna–Rome, October 24, 1637, BAV, Barb. Lat. 6471. Nogueira suggested the reading of the Duke’s preface that appeared in the 1640 Paris edition of the Gallic Wars. Nogueira to Niza, Rome–?, November 29, 1649, Gonçalves Serafim and Freitas Carvalho (eds.), Um diálogo epistolar, p. 306. Nogueira to Niza, Rome–?, March 8, 1649, ibid., p. 231.

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State.64 Nogueira even boasted that he could recite his “Machiavelli” as if it was the Pater Noster.65 Such references distinguished a group at the Portuguese court that advocated for mitigating the political influence of the Holy Office and increasing commercial connections with Jewish and conversos diaspora networks. As Niza was poised to reach an influential position at court and shape the Restoration project, Nogueira worked on familiarizing the ambassador with pragmatic thinkers including Spanish authors such as Fernando Alvia de Castro and the Spanish royal reformer Pedro Fernández de Navarrete (1564–1632). He added to the list the jurist and economic reformer Martín González de Cellorigo (1559–c. 1633) and the diplomat Diego de Saavedra Fajardo (1584–1648).66 By recommending these names, Nogueira secured the transfer of practical knowledge generated by artisans of Spanish reforms to post-1640 Portugal. The library-making activities of mercenaries of knowledge favored the creation of a political philosophy corpus which promoted their political views among Portuguese elites, including Nogueira’s hatred of the Portuguese Inquisition. After 1640, Portugal was not only under the influence of anti-Machiavellian thinkers, but also under the influence of those who read the Florentine secretary and used his works for political reforms.67 The collection of the different editions of Machiavelli’s works fascinated John IV’s closest officials.68 While in Paris, Niza received Machiavelli’s Discourses from Rome from Sampaio and on behalf of Nogueira.69 In return, Niza communicated to Nogueira that “there are 64

65 66 67 68 69

On the transatlantic and Portuguese circulation of Machiavellian ideas see Marcocci, “Construindo um império,” 57–80, and “Machiavelli, la religione dei romani,” 35–68. On the idea of a practical and moderate Machiavellian tradition across Portuguese diasporas and colonies after 1640 see Wilke, “Manuel Fernandes Vila Real at the Portuguese Embassy in Paris,” 78–79; Monteiro and Dantas, “Machiavellianisms,” 1–26. Nogueira to Pedro Mendez de São Payo, ?, January 20, 1646, ANTT, Misc. Mss., t. IV, f. 375. Saavedra Fajardo was an accomplished diplomat and member of the Republic of Letters. He spent time in Rome and Westphalia. Wilke, “Manuel Fernandes Vila Real at the Portuguese Embassy in Paris,” 71–3. The first envoy that John IV sent to France and Rome, the Bishop of Lamego, did all he could to acquire the Florentine secretary’s works. Niza to Nogueira, Paris–Rome, September 27, 1647, Gonçalves Serafim and Freitas Carvalho (eds.), Um diálogo epistolar, pp. 120–2; and Nogueira to Sampaio, Rome, January 20, 1646, ANTT, Miscelânea mss., t. IV, ff. 375–9. All Machiavelli’s texts were prohibited and only a few Italian editions of the Discourses appeared in the seventeenth century. In 1630 and 1648, the Venetian printer Marco Ginammi published the De’ discorsi politici, e militari libri tres, using the pseudonym of Amadio Niecollucci. Nogueira used this edition and probably sent its 1630 version to Niza. See Azambuja Ribeiro, “Livros proibidos e bibliotecas privadas,” 427; and Barbierato, The Inquisitor in the Hat Shop. On Nogueira’s reliance on Machiavelli’s works and his

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in Lisbon fidalgos who are reading Machiavelli without any licenses and they own his works without any scruples.”70 Nogueira’s interest in Machiavelli was exacerbated by the desire of a new generation of Portuguese politicians that “wanted to study and learn everything.”71 Portuguese politicians and scholars were hungry to historicize what they learned about Renaissance political philosophy. Along with Machiavelli’s Discorsi, Nogueira recommended works such as the Mémoires of the historian-diplomat Philippe de Commines. This history became a bestseller in European courts.72 At the Spanish court, since the reign of Emperor Charles V, the reading of Commines had been mandatory for any prince or politician who wanted to learn about the causes and consequences of Italian wars under the reigns of Louis XI and Charles VIII of France. Iberian politicians such as Baltasar de Zúñiga and Philip IV expanded this tradition by partially translating authors such as Guiccardini and Michel de Montaigne. By suggesting Commines to Niza, Nogueira injected this potent tradition into Portugal’s newly restored monarchy.73 In particular, mercenaries of knowledge contributed to the repackaging of Spanish Machiavellian tradition on behalf of Portuguese politics. In October 1647, Nogueira and Niza pursued their conversation on Commines by commenting on the two-volume edition of the French history prepared by Juan de Vitrian and published by Meursio in Antwerp in 1643.74 The promotion of a French author via a Spanish translation made by an Italian editor in Spanish Belgium was no accident. Vitrian worked as an assessor of the Spanish Inquisition and as the chaplain of Philip IV. Nogueira was well aware that Vitrian’s nephew had published an earlier translation of Commines in Zaragoza in 1636 in which the latter compared the signing of the 1609 Spanish–Dutch Truce to what Commines had written about Louis XII’s reign. Nogueira also knew that Vitrian took advantage of the new edition of his nephew’s translation to discuss how Philip II “conquered” Portugal and blocked papal mediation during this succession crisis. Comments in the edition also criticized the pro-war orientations of the later part of Philip II’s and

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fascination with Estêvão Roiz de Castro, a so-called Portuguese heterodox of Jewish origins, see his letter to Niza, Rome, February 1, 1649, Gonçalves Serafim and Freitas Carvalho (eds.), Um diálogo epistolar, pp. 213–8. 71 Ibid. Nogueira to Niza, Rome–?, March 5, 1650, ibid., p. 337. See the translation dedicated to the future Spanish king, Las memorias del Señor Phelippe de Comines, RBME, J-I-6. On the translation of histories as a princely exercise, especially in Spain, see Montcher, “La historiografía real,” 46–51. Niza to Nogueira, Paris–Rome, October 25, 1647, Gonçalves Serafim and Freitas Carvalho (eds.), Um diálogo epistolar, p. 135.

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Philip III’s reigns.75 The significance of the connections between those two editions was evident to Niza and Nogueira. They were used to reading between the lines and between editions. When discussing Commines’ take on the role of prince–parliament relationships, for example, Niza explained to Nogueira how important it was to read across editions while remaining prudent about their conversations, since in “matters of princes and parliament, there is a lot to talk about. However, we should not talk about it in letters.”76 The Rome- and Paris-based architects of the Portuguese Restoration continued to look abroad for information, including closer to home. Portuguese interest in Roman print materials was motivated by the necessity of accessing new and old references concerning Iberian histories. Such references were critical since they allowed Portuguese politicians to compare what the restored monarchy was accomplishing in relation to past and current Spanish politics toward Portugal. Accessing these materials had become more difficult in the Iberian Peninsula since 1640. From Rome, Nogueira kept an eye on international markets for Spanish authors. He received from Madrid via Paris, the Dutch Provinces, and Frankfurt, texts authored by the dramatist and his former acquaintance, Lope de Vega, along with Portuguese historical propaganda works.77 With Lope de Vega’s writings in hand, Nogueira cultivated the fascination in Europe for Spanish Golden Age literature among his patrons.78 With these references, Nogueira could fulfill the interests of amateurs of Spanish literature, such as Cardinal Francesco Barberini and Niza.79 In addition to Spanish works, Nogueira specialized in locating the writings of Jewish and New Christian authors. The Portuguese 75

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Feros, The King’s Favorite, pp. 262–3. Nogueira’s former patron, Juan Fernández de Velasco, recommended that Vitrian publish his commentaries on Commines. When suggesting to Niza Vitrian’s edition, Nogueira was reconnecting with the Spanish circles in which he had familiarized himself with political criticism. “[N]estas materias dos principes e parlamentos houve muito sobre que poder discursar, mas nao por cartas.” Niza to Nogueira, Vidigueira–Rome, January 27, 1651, Gonçalves Serafim and Freitas Carvalho (eds.), Um diálogo epistolar, p. 380. Niza to Nogueira, Amiens–Rome, June 13, 1647; and Niza to Nogueira, Morete–Rome, October 11, 1647, ibid., pp. 100 and 124–5. On this fascination see the observations that Sousa Macedo, a former ambassador, made about this topic in Eva, e Ave Maria Triunfante, part. I, cap. XXVI, p. 106. Rol dos livros que vao a o señor Dom Vicente Nogueira, BPE, cod. CVI/2-11, f. 629r–v. Among this list, the Sitio de Lisboa by Luis Mendez de Vasconcelos, the Suma Política of Sebastião Cesar, the Principios do reino de Portugal e de outros estados de Hespanha of Paiz Vegas, the Discursos varios of Severim de Faria, the Benedictina Lusitana of Joao de Sancto Thomaz, and the Chronica of Joao II by Rodrigo da Cunha, Archbishop of Lisbon, constituted the core references that fueled the circulation of Portuguese historical works and propaganda in Rome.

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Inquisition was monitoring the circulation of prohibited books to weaken the political position of men advocating on behalf of commercial enterprise between the Crown and diaspora communities. Nogueira informed Niza that he was in touch with the Jewish community leader in Amsterdam, Menasseh Ben Israel.80 Nogueira wanted to pass Ben Israel’s letters on to John IV via Niza. The rabbi complained about the fact that the Inquisition ousted merchants from Portugal. Ben Israel asked the king for freedom of conscience for the Jews in Portugal, similar to that granted by the Pope in Rome. The rabbi intimated that the Inquisition hurt Portuguese commercial interests, especially in Brazil. By strengthening his ties with diaspora communities, John IV would consolidate his monarchy’s economy. European powers would also recognize him as a legitimate ruler.81 Only by promoting such politics could Portugal claim to be the most “opulent kingdom on earth” in Ben Israel’s words.82 The fact that the Holy Office was acting against this kind of politics under the new king’s reign was intolerable, and inquisitorial trials were terrible press for promoting the king’s sovereignty across the world.83 The argument for reintegrating Jews and New Christians into the monarchy’s commercial and financial enterprise reached new heights of intensity in the late 1640s. For Niza and his collaborators, anyone who opposed that reintegration should be considered an enemy of the Crown, and if the Crown itself was responsible, it should be criticized. On June 29, 1647, Niza complained about how the Crown treated Jews in Pernambuco. More generally, the ambassador denounced the harsh treatment that Portuguese authorities imposed on these populations. Niza advocated for the integration of merchant families within the commercial networks supervised by the Crown. Conversos of Portuguese origins, like the grandson of the Count of Ataouiga, should no longer be mistreated by the Inquisition.84 In parallel to these complaints, Nogueira sought out the commerce and exchange of books written by members of these communities, such as Leon of Modena (1571–1648) or Isaac Lapeyrère (1596–1676), to publicize the desire of Jews and New Christians to join forces with John IV.85 Nogueira manifested an extreme curiosity after the anonymous 80 81 83 84 85

In Italy, Ben Israel was considered to be a “human gospel.” Ben Israel to Nogueira, Amsterdam–Rome, April 17, 1648, BPA, 51-X-16, f. 202. 82 On these issues see Poettering, Handel, Nation und Religion, p. 127. Ibid. Nogueira to Niza, Rome–Paris, May 11, 1648, Gonçalves Serafim and Freitas Carvalho (eds.), Um diálogo epistolar, pp. 173–4. Niza to Nogueira, Paris–Rome, June 29, 1647, ibid., p. 101. Christope Dupuy to his brothers, Rome–Paris, March 3, 1644. Wolfe and Wolfe (eds.), Humanisme et politique, vol. 1, p. 108.

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publication of the Rappel des Juifs (1643) by Lapeyrère. He praised the author while inquiring about his identity to the Dupuy brothers. This work was a tribute to religious tolerance. In his book, Lapeyrère commented on how the king of France had brought back the Jews to his kingdom. For Nogueira, there was much to learn in this text about the importance of being patient, tolerant, and pragmatic when converting Jews to Catholicism.86 Nogueira’s defense of Modena’s Historia de gli riti Hebraici (1637) against pamphlets such as the Synagoga Judaica, composed by the Christian Hebraist Johannes Buxtorf, was politicoeconomical as much as purely intellectual. In his history, Modena, a descendant of Sephardic Jews, explained Jewish religious rites to nonJewish readers.87 The book soon became a bestseller and a tool to advocate for the return of the Sephardic diaspora in the Iberian Peninsula. The intensification of these political debates quickened alongside the Restauração. Unsurprisingly, beginning in 1640, the Portuguese Holy Office increased its control over private book ownership, especially over the collections of prominent aristocratic families. Even someone of Niza’s stature was not exempt. In 1651, the Inquisition confiscated the books of the powerful Count of Cantanhede, one of the original supporters of John IV, after he returned from his mission to Holland. Even though he brought back no prohibited volumes, and although the count had been posted to such a center of religious toleration by the king himself, the provenance was enough to justify the confiscation of the collection.88 Niza sought to avoid a similar embarrassment. Though he enjoyed relative freedom of action in Paris, he planned to return to Lisbon with the books he had amassed while abroad – thanks in significant part to Nogueira and his cohort – where he and his collection would be subject to the jurisdiction of the Portuguese Inquisition and its means of enforcement. The marquis wanted to ensure that he could continue using such valuable materials safely as a courtier. Niza knew the perils of possessing books while living under inquisitorial jurisdiction; even powerful aristocrats like him needed permission to read them. Publishing or reading books without an inquisitorial license could be considered a serious offense in Portugal. Nevertheless, the jurisdictions of the Portuguese Inquisition and its monarchy were in a latent competition on book censorship matters. Particularly after 1640, ignoring the Portuguese Holy Office’s jurisdiction could be interpreted 86 88

87 See Morel-Fatio, “Vicente Noguera,” 23. Dweck, The Scandal of Kabbalah. Nogueira to Niza, Rome–?, May 21, 1651, Gonçalves Serafim and Freitas Carvalho (eds.), Um diálogo epistolar, p. 396.

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as a sign in favor of the recognition of John IV’s sovereignty over book censorship.89 It was within these troubled waters concerning the political use of licenses to read prohibited books that Nogueira again contributed to the affirmation of John IV’s legitimacy in his own kingdom from the Roman Curia.

6.4

Navigating Roman Censorship: The Quest for Licenses to Read Prohibited Books

Library making transcended bibliographic exchanges and conversations about book contents. The bibliopolitics of building a library involved obtaining the licenses to legalize the possession of specific references. Mercenaries of knowledge worked hard on behalf of Portuguese politics to secure access to useful books and reading licenses. However, the distribution of licenses to read prohibited books from Rome was not exclusive to Iberian agendas. Other mercenaries asked for them to access crucial materials when offering their counsel to politicians. The business that surrounded their distribution served to foster political connections while it reinforced the Barberini’s relations of patronage. For example, when the Jesuit Pietro Monod arrived in Turin in January 1634, he wrote to Cassiano dal Pozzo asking for a license so that he could read JacquesAuguste de Thou’s political history.90 He explained to Pozzo that since the Pope had canceled all perpetual licenses, he needed a new one to read prohibited histories. Other mercenaries of knowledge, who were well positioned at the Vatican and near the Barberini, such as Leone Allacci and Lucas Holstenius, worked on obtaining such licenses for members of religious orders and non-Roman elites like the Prince Leopoldo de Medici who wanted to read Erasmus’ letters.91 Princes, aristocratic families, diplomats, merchants, and mercenaries used the economy of favors that existed around the licenses to widened their circles of influence and collaborators in and outside the Italian Peninsula. The process that mercenaries of knowledge used to obtain such legal documents provided occasions to undermine the jurisdiction of the Portuguese Inquisition over book censorship. In addition, securing a license in Rome for a Portuguese individual could imply that the 89 90 91

Pereira, “Livros, livreiros e impressores,” 215–32. Monod to Pozzo, Turin–Rome, January 7, 1634, BANLC, Pozzo XII, f. 21r. See the letter that the member of the Holy Office, Angelico Aprosio Vintimiglia sent to the Congregation of the Index asking for a license to read books of history, politics, and poetry. Such a letter passed through the hands of Allacci who was working at the Biblioteca Vaticana. BV, Allacci, ms. CLIX, n. 17. See also Leopoldo de Medici to Holstenius, Siena–Rome, October 11, 1650, BV, Allacci, ms. XCVI, f. 184.

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Papacy recognized Portuguese petitioners as legitimate political subjects, notwithstanding what the Iberian Inquisitions and Spain had to say about the matter. Mercenaries of knowledge thus won small battles in the long campaign toward the eventual recognition of Portuguese sovereignty. In Rome, mercenaries of knowledge helped their patrons access privileges that determined their political positioning and standing abroad. As early as 1647, Niza manifested his desire to obtain a license to read prohibited books.92 Niza wanted the license to be operative in his home country so he could disregard what the Portuguese Inquisition might say about his rights to read. Nogueira was in a good position to obtain such a document on his behalf, having secured his own license in 1639. During his Bologna exile, Nogueira had made it his priority to secure such a papal permit for himself, a renewal of the one he had enjoyed when living in Spain as he once bragged to none other than Galileo.93 He quickly realized that such a license would be the keystone of the bibliographic business he wanted to expand. Based on his experiences, Nogueira knew both the institutional and extra-institutional paths through which he could help Niza obtain a license and its eventual renewal since they were often granted for two or three years only.94 In Rome, ecclesiastical officers and mercenaries often read prohibited books that did not directly engage with religious matters.95 One means to obtain a license to read such books was through a kind of Index arbitrage. Significant differences existed between indexes of prohibited books produced in Rome and by the Spanish and Portuguese Inquisitions, which also circulated in the Eternal City.96 Mercenaries of knowledge knew how to take advantage of the loopholes generated between Roman and Iberian regulations, focusing on references that were not listed in a given

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On book censorship in the Italian Peninsula see Marcus, Forbidden Knowledge; and Caravale, Libri pericolosi. In his 1639 letter to Galileo, Nogueira referred to the license he had received from Rome “per legger ogni cosa.” He reminded Francesco Barberini how Pope Paul V and Cardinal Bellarmine had granted him a license, “senza una minima riserba,” in 1617. He boasted that he was one of the few who enjoyed this privilege in Spain in addition to the Archbishop of Toledo. Nogueira to Galileo, Bologna–Arcetri, October 28, 1638, Gonçalves Serafim and Freitas Carvalho (eds.), Um diálogo epistolar, pp. 71–2; and Nogueira to Francesco Barberini, August 20, 1639, BAV, Barb. Lat. 6472, f. 36r. In 1647, Nogueira complained that his original license narrowed to exclude authors such as Machiavelli. He argued that such limitations were detrimental to his endeavors. For example, he could not compare the quotes of Machiavelli in Rafaele della Torre’s Astrolabo di Stato with earlier edition of the Florentine secretary’s works. Nogueira to Francesco Barberini, Rome, December 29, 1647, BAV, Barb. Lat. 6472, f. 172; and Sampaio to Niza, Rome–Paris, October 23, 1645, ANTT, Misc. mss. Convento da Graça, t. IV. 96 Brevaglieri, “Science, Books and Censorship,” 148. Ibid., 151.

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index to read those references under the umbrella of an authority that had not yet recognized their harmful contents. These strategies were fundamental since Pope Urban VIII had decided to cancel the concession of licenses to Iberian subjects with what Nogueira considered an unjustified papal brief.97 This brief forced mercenaries of knowledge to work around papal authority when it came to finding ways to obtain licenses to read prohibited books. Portuguese agents used their friendships to tailor their relations at the Curia to obtain licenses for themselves and their patrons. Although all kinds of prohibited books circulated in Rome, not least in order to be censored, licenses to read prohibited books were granted parsimoniously. The process was feasible so long as someone had the connections necessary to explore diverse institutional pathways to obtain licenses. In many ways, the books that appeared as censored or expurgated in the Roman Index and Iberian Inquisitions Indexes were highly collectible among Catholics and Protestants. For this reason, many mercenaries of knowledge specialized in learning about how to obtain licenses. The French book hunter and political philosopher Gabriel Naudé noted that the Master of the Sacred Palace was in charge of granting exceptions. At the Cancelleria, Nogueira entered into contact with this official.98 The Master trusted him to check on the books that were passing through Roman customs.99 Luckily for Niza and his compatriots, they found in Nogueira to be an agent who could move as needed between the Master of the Sacred Palace, the Roman Inquisition, and the Congregation of the Index when the time came to obtain licenses and advocate for the Portuguese cause.100 Nevertheless, obtaining a license required an agile team. Niza’s commission thus ended up persuading Nogueira to collaborate further with other Portuguese agents. In 1646, Nogueira asked Mendez Sampaio to list books that they would submit to papal authorities for

97

98 99

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“Nulli in partibus Hispaniae concedatur licentia prohibitus.” Nogueira to Niza, Rome–?, June 26, 1649, Gonçalves Serafim and Freitas Carvalho (eds.), Un diálogo epistolar, p. 244. Nogueira wished that Niza would return to Portugal. Nogueira to Niza, Rome–Paris, June 1, 1648, ibid., p. 177. “Que sendo todo este pontificado companheiro do Mestre do sacro-palácio escreveu em todas as aduanas ou alfândegas de Roma, que só com un rol assinado por mi se entregassem a todo o criado meu qualquer caixa, fardo ou bala de livros sem abrir-se. Esta cortesia e confiança se faz em Roma a um probre clérigo português, só porque o têm por homem de bem.” Nogueira to Niza, Rome–?, September 19, 1650, ibid., p. 365. On how these institutions were involved in the censorship of books in Rome see Caravale, “Censura romana e libri francesi,” 231–41; Pintard, Le libertinage érudit, p. 18; and Baldini and Leen Spruit (eds.), Catholic Church and Modern Science.

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consideration.101 He understood how crucial it was to avoid leaving the choice of which books to be included in the license in inquisitorial hands. Mercenaries of knowledge’s bibliopolitics secured the ongoing formation of new state ministers under the appearance of epistolary and commercial exchanges between book hunters and diplomats. Among the references that Nogueira and Sampaio selected for further consideration, the former sent Niza a list of ten books of history and political theory that, from his point of view, were fundamental for anyone who had political aspirations. He recommended that the ambassador read books beneficial to “an important lord who wanted to get used to governing.”102 The list included the history of De Thou, Paolo Sarpi’s History of the Council of Trent, and other works by authors such as the English historian William Camden, the French jurist Jean Bodin, the Protestant historian Johann Sleidan, Boccaccio as the author of the Decameron, the historian of Florence Guicciardini, and the Dutch librarian and book hunter for Queen Christine of Sweden Isaac Vossius. Nogueira and Niza enjoyed their discussions about the licenses since these exchanges gave them an additional opportunity to talk about politics. Nogueira even suggested that Niza interpret John IV’s actions through the lens of the books he recommended to him.103 By reading De Thou’s Historiae sui temporis, for example, Niza would learn how Henry IV reinforced his legitimacy during and after the French wars of religion. Sarpi’s and Sleidan’s dissertations on confessional issues and the conflictual relationship of Republican powers with the Papacy provided examples to Niza when reflecting on the place that religious institutions and minorities should play in Portugal. Further, Niza agreed with Nogueira that his application for a license should not reference authors such as Machiavelli and Bodin or works of judicial astrology.104 Besides, Niza should first apply for a license valid in France. Because papal licenses were geographically and temporally limited, the idea was to secure an initial license in France to get the ball rolling. Once the marquis was back in Lisbon, Mendes Sampaio and Nogueira would

101 102 103 104

Nogueira to Sampaio, Rome, January 20, 1646, ANTT, Miscelânea mss., t. IV, ff. 375–9. Nogueira to Niza, Rome–Paris, January 20, 1646, Gonçalves Serafim and Freitas Carvalho (eds.), Um diálogo epistolar, pp. 79–82. Niza to Nogueira, Paris–Rome, September 27, 1647, ibid., pp. 120–2. The Roman Inquisition automatically excluded Calvin, Luther, and any other Protestant leader. Access to Machiavelli, treatises of judiciary astrology, Marino’s Adone, the works of Carolus Molinaeus, and those of other jurists who wrote against the Pope were all out of the question. Few exceptions were granted. Pintard, Le libertinage érudit, p. 262.

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either ask for a Portuguese extension of the marquis’ permit or order a new one.105 Mercenaries of knowledge made sure that individual interests, such as Niza’s concerning books, would also benefit John IV. Requests for Niza’s license served as an excuse to develop Portuguese agents’ relationships with potential advocates of John IV’s cause. By fostering contacts between these agents and papal officials, the former would then be well positioned to discuss more pressing matters with Roman authorities, such as the papal mediation in favor of the liberation of John IV’s brother, Dom Duarte, from Spanish hands.106 To support these burgeoning papal–Portuguese relationships, Nogueira suggested that it would be prudent to distribute gifts to figures who could help advance Niza’s license. Cardinal Justiniano, along with the Marquis of Bufalo and Olimpia Maidalchini Pamphilj (1591–1657), the sister-inlaw of Pope Innocent X, were three of the most influential figures in the Pope’s inner circle.107 Nogueira’s relationship with his patron and Prefetto of the Holy Office, Francesco Barberini, would only play a secondary role in the affair.108 Around May 1648, the second phase of the negotiations concerning Niza’s license began. Nogueira identified Bufalo as a critical interlocutor and dismissed the importance of Francesco Barberini in the affair, describing him as a “very unreasonable man who did not follow fundamental principles in anything.”109 Meanwhile, Nogueira narrowed down the list of books for which Niza would ask for a license to essential references that matched his status as a high state minister.110

105 106

107 108

109

110

Ibid. Dom Duarte was captured while fighting in Germany on behalf of the imperial armies. After 1640, Duarte had been released by the emperor to Spanish authorities in Milan. Philip IV used Duarte’s imprisonment as a bargaining chip with John IV. Although Duarte would end up dying in prison, mercenaries of knowledge tried all avenues to beg in front of papal authorities for John IV’s brother’s release. Niza to Manoel Pacheco, Paris–Rome, November 20, 1648, BPE, CVI/2-4, f. 45r. Ramos Coelho, História do Infante D. Duarte. On Bufalo’s part in this affair see Nogueira to Niza, Rome–Paris, June 1, 1648, Gonçalves Serafim and Freitas Carvalho (eds.), Um diálogo epistolar, p. 175. Niza to Bufalo and to Francesco Barberini, December 6, 1647 and January 31, 1648, BPE, CVI/2-4, f. 148v and ff. 197r–v. Nogueira mentioned that if Barberini did not employ him more frequently, he would have to sell his library to resolve his debts (around 500 scudi). He estimated the value of his library around 700 scudi. Nogueira to Francesco Barberini, Rome–Paris?, 1646, BAV, Barb. Lat. 6472, f. 77v. “[U]n homem tão desprepositado, e tão sem fundamento em cousa algūa,” Nogueira to Niza, Rome–Paris, May 11, 1648, Gonçalves Serafim and Freitas Carvalho (eds.), Um diálogo epistolar, p. 173. Nogueira suggested removing from the list any mention of “heretics” and authors who dealt exclusively with religious matters. Nogueira to Niza, October 19, 1648, ibid., pp. 186–91.

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The petition process moved slowly. Nogueira later reported to Niza that the negotiations with allies such as Francesco Albizzi and Francesco Barberini had broken down, though it had been Barberini who had first advised Nogueira to prepare a selected list of books so that Niza’s application would have more chance of success.111 Even the fact that Nogueira had friends at every hierarchical scale of the institutions involved in this affair – such as the Jesuit Giovanni Battista Ferrari, who was secretary of the Congregation of the Holy Office and a Barberini agent with whom Nogueira had often collaborated – could not help accelerate the process.112 However, all these friends were valuable. Nogueira noticed that someone such as Ferrari would be eager to help on principle, considering that from his seat in Rome, he had often entered into conflict with the Iberian Inquisitions. Indeed, anti-Inquisition or anti-Spanish solidarity was another vector through which to negotiate for licenses. At the start of 1649, amid an administrative standstill concerning the licenses, Nogueira reached out to Father Juan Bauttista Marini. Marini was the secretary of the Congregation of the Index and the Master of the Chamber of Cardinal Justiniano, and one of Innocent X’s favorites. Nogueira tightened his relations with Marini. He learned that he was a Genoese from the island of Xio who had spent time at the Spanish court and the University of Salamanca. Marini’s background and professional experiences spoke to Nogueira. They reminded him about his youth, studies, and relations with his Greek master in Spain. In exchange for a few marmalades and preserved fruits imported from Lisbon, Nogueira asked his acquaintance at the Congregation of the Index to recommend a new list of books that would accompany Niza’s petition to ultimately be considered by Justiniano.113 While Marini put together this new list, Nogueira prompted Niza to consult scholars in Paris for recommendations about books that he should and should not include in his license proposal. He advised Niza to contact the Jesuit Jean Sirmond (1589–1649), Louis XIII’s royal 111

112

113

On Albizzi’s involvement in the tribunal of the Segnatura and in inquisitorial affairs see Ceyssens, Le Cardinal François Albizzi. Albizzi worked as secretary of the Congregations for Irish Affairs and in the Cornelius Jansen affair. “João Batista Ferrari, que desde este palácio está cada sábado mandando as ordems e despachos a todas as inquisições do mundo, excepto as de Castela e Portugal, que quiçá mais as haviam mister.” Nogueira to Niza, Rome–?, September 19, 1650, Gonçalves Serafim and Freitas Carvalho (eds.), Um diálogo epistolar, p. 366. On Nogueira and Ferrari’s collaborations see Nogueira to Niza, Rome–Paris, January 20, 1646, ibid., p. 81. Ferrari was professor of Hebrew at the Collegio Romano and the author with whom Nogueira and his friends, such as Pozzo, collaborated on natural history projects. Nogueira to Niza, Rome–?, February 22, 1649, ibid., p. 228.

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historiographer, and Denis Pétau (1583–1652), a famous theologian and expert in chronology. Nogueira’s goal was to associate Niza’s scheme with two prestigious scholars of the Catholic Counter-Reformation. Pétau’s reputation could counterbalance the opinions of pro-Spanish supporters who opposed Niza’s application based on the fact that he was Portuguese.114 Meanwhile, Marini offered valuable advice to Nogueira as he navigated the Roman politics of book censorship. If Nogueira wanted to renew talks with the Santa Inquizisione and Cardinal Albizzi, he needed to cultivate a relationship with the powerful Marquis of Bufalo. Marini promised Nogueira that if he could win over Bufalo, and if Niza excluded from his list of books all the “heretic” authors, they might be able to avoid the Pope’s brief against the concession of licenses to Iberian subjects. Later they could adapt Niza’s license for France to Portugal, though under no circumstances should Portugal be mentioned in the current petition. Nogueira learned that the Pope’s brief prohibiting Iberians from receiving licenses did not apply to licenses issued by the Congregation of the Index, only the ones granted by the Roman Inquisition. Nevertheless, Marini’s suggestion to bypass the Inquisition through petitioning the Congregation of the Index was risky. It could convert their ally on the Roman Inquisition, Albizzi, into an enemy. Following Marini’s advice, Niza and Nogueira took the risk and sent their proposal to the Congregation of the Index.115 Once sent, the memorial passed through Bufalo’s hands first, who gave it to Cardinal Spada so that the Congregation could discuss the matter in a meeting scheduled for June 8, 1649. The Roman political world was quite restricted, spatially and temporarily, and these negotiations brought Nogueira into renewed contact with old friends and rivals. Indeed, the vice-chancellor of the Cancelleria and Prefetto of the Santa Inquizisione was none other than Francesco Barberini. Francesco had been pardoned by Innocent X in 1648 and allowed to return to Rome from Paris. By 1649, he was living once again inside the Palace of the Chancellery, where the meeting was taking place. 114

115

Montcher, “La historiografía real,” 127. A decade earlier, Philip IV had considered Pétau for a chair of chronology at the Jesuit Colegio Imperial in Madrid. Asking Niza to rely on Pétau could be interpreted as a revenge against Olivares since the Colegio Imperial had been related to the count-duke’s cultural patronage. However, the Congregation and the Inquisition – though separate institutions – were connected. Five cardinals who sat on the Congregation were also members of the Holy Office (Spada, Barberini, Ginelte, Justiniano, and d’Este). Marini had advised Nogueira to win over Ursino, another member of the Congregation, through Manoel Alvares Carilho, the official representative of the Portuguese clergy (and therefore informally of John IV) in Rome.

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However, old acquaintance was not a guarantee of continuing support. Now the head of the Inquisition, Francesco’s intervention threatened Niza’s chance to obtain his permit since Nogueira had found a way to get around the institution his patron represented. Luckily, as a canon of a church located inside the palace, Nogueira was familiar with the space of the Chancellery.116 His knowledge of the ceremonial routine within the palace helped him craft a workable strategy. Once the meeting started, the members of the Congregation threw thirty proposals into a bag and ended up picking Niza’s petition. The Congregation secretary offered to pass Niza’s case on to Spada, who would ultimately decide in collaboration with Marini the next morning.117 The application was processed in secret, away from the supervision of Francesco Barberini as head of the Roman Inquisition. Nogueira did not even communicate the news to his collaborators in San Lorenzo in Dámaso. Despite such closed-door politics, Nogueira reassured Niza by saying that Marini promised that he should not encounter any problems renewing his permit later on. The multipronged strategy worked. Nogueira informed Niza in June 1649 that a license had finally arrived for him, his wife the marquise, and his head librarian. The Congregation had granted a permit to Niza for two years.118 The affair concluded with Niza sending a gift to Bufalo valued at around 200 ducats, a substantial amount for such a favor.119 The license had one caveat: Niza had to use it with parsimony. The papal authorities did not want to set a precedent. Discretion was vital since the Papacy did not wish this license to become a symbol of Roman institutions’ superiority over the Portuguese Inquisition, which was precisely how many Portuguese interpreted it. Indeed, in his interactions with Bufalo, Nogueira realized that Niza’s petition had the unintended benefit of communicating to the Papacy that the Iberian Inquisitions did not respect the Roman Office

116 117

118

119

Nogueira to Niza, Rome–?, June 26, 1649, Gonçalves Serafim and Freitas Carvalho (eds.), Um diálogo epistolar, p. 246. Ibid. When they met the following morning, Spada and Marini discussed granting a sixmonth extension to Niza’s French license, but in the end agreed to two years. The negotiation regarding Niza’s license was not registered in the minutes taken by the Congregation, and the details are only available in Nogueira’s report to Niza. Although the license might have to be renewed, it was common to keep licenses past the expiration date, asking for renewal only if necessary. Nogueira to Niza, Rome–?, June 19, 1649, ibid., 241–43; and BPE, CVI/2-11, f. 572r. In addition to economic compensation, it is not clear what Nogueira got out of this affair beyond the opportunity to prove himself as a negotiator. Nogueira to Niza, Rome, September 5, 1649, Gonçalves Serafim and Freitas Carvalho (eds.), Um diálogo epistolar, p. 273.

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when it came to following the Roman Index and regulating the circulation of prohibited books. After 1640, many Portuguese aristocrats lost trust in the Portuguese Holy Office. It also became clear that Roman institutions such as the Congregation of the Index and the Roman Inquisition could function as appeal courts against their corrupted Portuguese version if navigated appropriately.120 In his correspondence with Niza, Nogueira bluntly stated that burning books was uncommon in Rome, implying a contrast with his experiences in Portugal.121 His main takeaway here was that “only God could criticize the interiors of men, even the Church did not pretend to do so. Only the Portuguese inquisitors were doing otherwise.”122 The Portuguese Inquisition was always Nogueira’s primary antagonist, and if he could damage its reputation, all the better. The Roman Inquisition relied on the Republic of Letters to undermine institutions that did not recognize its leadership, which could include other inquisitions. Mercenaries of knowledge favored strategic connections between the Roman Holy Office and cultural capitals of the Catholic world such as Lisbon, along with knowledge agents in Protestant countries.123 Nevertheless, Roman resolutions could only reach so far. Soon after his return to Portugal in 1649, Niza sent a copy of his license to Nogueira for its renewal. The matter was delicate, considering the pressure that the Portuguese Inquisition was putting on Niza. At the Portuguese court, the marquis gained a reputation as a staunch critic of the economic policies of John IV and clashed several times with the Holy Office. Niza’s need for a license thus transcended the intellectual sphere. It constituted a crucial piece of the intellectual and political platform that he gathered around his library and academy in Lisbon. Nogueira’s fight against the Portuguese Inquisition continued as he used the strategies of Index arbitrage on behalf of other diplomats after 1650. When Niza returned to Portugal, his secretary, Soares de Abreu, 120 121

122 123

On this issue see Feitler, Inquisition, juifs et nouveaux-chrétiens, 115–21. Prohibited books, like those that were caught by book hunters when transiting through Roman customs, were kept. The confiscated books remained available in the archives of the Holy Office to anyone who could present a license to consult them. “Em Rome não se queima livro, mas se metem no Arquivo do Santo ofício onde ficam perpétuos, com o nome de seu dono, em tal modo que se daqui a quarenta anos V.S. ou seus herdeiros tiverem liçenca, lhos tornarão.” Nogueira to Niza, November 29, 1649, Gonçalves Serafim and Freitas Carvalho (eds.), Um diálogo epistolar, p. 303. “So Deus poder julgar os interiores, pois nem a Igreja se mete neles, except os Inquisidores de Portugal que saiem da regra.” Nogueira to Niza, Rome–Paris, May 4, 1648, ibid., p. 170. On secret collaborations between Dutch booksellers and the Roman Inquisition see Stolzenberg, “The Holy Office in the Republic of Letters.”

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asked for a Roman license to read some of Justus Lipsius’ censored works and editions.124 Nogueira followed Soares’ petition closely, worried that it would affect the Portuguese’s reputation in Paris, Lisbon, and Rome. Considering Lipsius’ fame, Nogueira could not believe that Soares de Abreu had asked for a license to read works that, he claimed, should be known already by any serious minister.125 Once again, the shadow of the Portuguese Inquisition and its uncompromising posture toward more moderate political ideas were the real targets of Nogueira’s criticism. For Nogueira, Soares de Abreu was one more collateral victim of the ignorance imposed by the Inquisition on Portuguese subjects. Thus, the reading of prohibited books and the concession of licenses to read them provided an avenue through which mercenaries of knowledge in Rome fought for Portuguese emancipation from the Inquisition.

6.5

Building and Shipping Libraries across the Mediterranean

As Niza began to lay the groundwork for his return to Lisbon, he wanted to bring with him the intellectual patrimony he had amassed from France: his library.126 Such a project would burnish his reputation as a courtier in Lisbon. It would also provide the Portuguese court with a public space in which to display the historical and literary foundations of John IV’s sovereignty. Nogueira helped the marquis manage his library starting in 1647, and he remained involved until 1651. Mercenaries of knowledge were ideally placed to support such projects since they had practical and theoretical knowledge of what a public library could signify. In Rome, libraries such as the Angelica, founded in 1614, were among the first of their kind (i.e. public libraries) in achieving an international reputation. For Nogueira, what Niza needed was a bibliotheca selecta.127 Instead of a bibliotheca universalis – which had been the early Renaissance gold standard and would again become the ideal of the early enlightenment – Niza’s library 124

125 127

Soares de Abreu’s ignorance of the Roman indexes became a motive for mockery between Niza and Nogueira. “Hão-de rir aqui muito na congregação quando ler o Cardeal Ursino a petiçao de Cristóvão Soares para ler as obras de Lipsio, mas são ingnorâncias nossas de chorar.” Nogueira to Niza, Rome–?, January 9, 1650, Gonçalves Serafim and Freitas Carvalho (eds.), Um diálogo epistolar, pp. 324–5. 126 Ibid. Nogueira to Niza, Rome–Paris, November 12, 1647, ibid., pp. 136–7. “E fez o P. Possevino ūa biblioteca selecta dos melhores autores e livros que havia em cada profissão, mas despois sobre aquelas notícias, hão os doutos acrescentado muitas aventajadas com as quais se riem das livrarias muito numerosas, porque sabem que o mais é palha, reduzindo-se todo o grão a pequena soma.” Nogueira to Niza, Rome–Lisbon, March 5, 1650, ibid., p. 333.

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should be discriminating and agile. Nogueira insisted that it should be free from all nonessential works so that it could operate as a political workshop. For example, he criticized Niza’s acquisition of the Flandria Ilustrada (1641) of Antonius Sandero. For him, the Annales de Flandres by the Portuguese historian, Manoel Sueiro, offered more substantial political considerations. Nogueira qualified this latter work as a more appropriate acquisition.128 He wanted authors willing to put their “hands in the dirt,” not “idle men disconnected from the realities of how the world was governed.”129 For him, Niza’s library was meant to publicize the reputation of a statesman versed in legal intricacies and a good Christian, familiar with Catholic Reformation literature.130 As any politically attuned scholar knew, the most effective library should be strategic, not comprehensive, and it must demonstrate selectivity and taste. These qualities – selection, taste, and effectiveness – were vital to Niza’s reputation as he prepared for his reentry into Portugal. Nogueira insisted that the marquis should not seek out books in different languages.131 When it came to reading useful works, it was more efficient to rely on a good translation. Of course, Niza’s linguistic skills allowed him to possess volumes written in foreign languages. But Nogueira advised Niza to be prudent when acquiring books written in Latin, especially theological works limited to “sermons (pregações).”132 Niza’s library project was political in spirit. For this reason, Nogueira encouraged Niza to donate his books of theology to Franciscans under his family patronage to avoid being perceived as a patron with no taste and, even worse, as a politician who was unable to discriminate between useful and useless knowledge. On the other hand, Nogueira congratulated Niza on the good taste he displayed by showing that he would soon own works such as the one on the Trajan’s Column that included drawings by artists such as Rafael and Giulio Romano.133 In Nogueira’s mind, Niza’s library was a public mirror of his ideas about governance. As such a mirror, the ambassador’s library should embody the areas of expertise that a statesman needed, and thereby represent the embodied 128 129 130 131 132

133

Nogueira to Niza, Rome–Paris, March 8, 1649, ibid., pp. 229–33. Nogueira to Niza, Rome–Paris, June 29, 1649, ibid., pp. 257–8. Niza searched for Spanish spiritual and mystical books for Niza’s wife, especially Santa Teresa’s works. Niza to Nogueira, Paris–Rome, August 15, 1647, ibid., pp. 109–10. Nogueira to Niza, Rome–Paris, February 2, 1647, ibid., pp. 83–7. Ibid. For example, Jerónimo del Prado and Villalpando’s commentaries on Ezechiel was a work that Niza could legitimately own. After all, the third volume contained information on architecture, mathematics, and references to Salomon’s temple, all of which would be useful for the library. Nogueira to Niza, Rome–Paris, February 17, 1648, BPE, cód. CVI/2-11, ff. 634–41v.

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knowledge of the monarchy itself. Advising and buying from Rome, Nogueira was engineering what the political routine of the administration of the restored monarchy should look like. Niza’s library would incarnate a vision of the Restoration based on the defense of John IV’s sovereignty against any institutions (i.e. the Portuguese Inquisition) that tried to undermine what should constitute the king’s political vision (i.e. religious tolerance and political prudence). Niza’s library would also provide a reference tool for all learned aristocrats and scholars of the restored monarchy.134 As an appropriate organizational model for Niza’s library, Nogueira recommended the Spanish royal library of the Escorial.135 The Escorial library functioned as a space where Spanish kings staged their skills as statecraft experts. Opened in the 1570s, the Escorial library was one of the first public libraries in Spain, located in the heart of a monument which was also a palace-monastery and Royal Sepulcher dedicated to the glory of the Spanish Habsburg dynasty, complete with a royal crypt. At the Escorial, Philip II had gathered men of letters and books, manuscripts, scientific instruments, and artwork to support his rule. The books and manuscripts housed in the Escorial reflected the virtue of a monarch who was able to articulate a network of ambassadors and book hunters across the world to gather this collection in record time. The Escorial modeled how books and manuscripts became bargaining chips in the international games of political representation.136 Nogueira presented the Escorial as not only a model but also a counter model for Niza. The marquis should under no circumstances imitate Philip II’s infamous choice to cut and gild his books. The visual homogeneity yielded by this choice was not worth the valuable information lost by the overexuberant trimming of book margins.137 Aesthetic principles should never work against the fundamental precepts of preserving the contents of library materials. Mercenaries of knowledge thus supplied useful comparisons between their patrons’ collections and those of their competitors. Nogueira had made similar arguments about the model of the Escorial to previous patrons. For example, in Bologna, he acquired globes for the Barberini 134

135 136 137

To reinforce the library’s public mission, Niza and Nogueira considered organizing an academy around the library. The academy would provide a space for elites to discuss literary and political matters. Nogueira to Niza, Rome–?, September 5, 1649, Gonçalves Serafim and Freitas Carvalho (eds.), Um diálogo epistolar, pp. 271–3. Nogueira to Niza, Rome–Paris, February 2, 1647, ibid., pp. 83–7. For a similar use of books by state ministers see Soll, The Information Master, p. 102. Nogueira to Niza, February 2, 1647, Gonçalves Serafim and Freitas Carvalho (eds.), Um diálogo epistolar, p. 83.

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library, which had been promoted in Amsterdam by the Dutch cartographer and publisher Johannes Janssonius (1588–1664). These globes were inspired by Johannes Kepler’s De Stella Nova in Pede Serpentarii and developed based on the observations of the Danish aristocrat and astronomer Tycho Brahe (1546–1601).138 His recommendation was based on Philip II’s commission of terrestrial and celestial globes to be placed in the Escorial library gallery. Francisco Barberini relied on the services of engravers and mapmakers to take care of these globes while producing others for the library. Libraries functioned as symbol of universal power. Barberini’s library, for example, became a place where all the agents involved in the editorial projects of the cardinal met as well as a place that, from a visual standpoint, displayed the ability of its owners to represent their control over the knowledge of the world on a global scale. Years later, Nogueira alluded to his experience curating Francesco Barberini’s library when recommending that Niza rearrange the middle space of his library’s galleria to showcase globes and other scientific instruments.139 That allusion was an example of how such models were often copied and exchanged between multiple sites, within which political representatives aimed to affirm their sovereignty on the international diplomatic stage. By synthesizing different library models, Nogueira put at Niza’s disposal his knowledge of the history of library building and place making. This history was inseparable from a broader political history that required being familiar with ancient and recent examples of library organization. In Nogueira’s hands, such knowledge formed a crucial component of his bibliopolitical practices. His mastery of the history of Spanish libraries allowed him to comment on the governance style of a wide array of politicians. As far as the Iberian worlds were concerned, Nogueira provided examples related to the collections of Fernández de Velasco, the Duke of Alcalá in Seville, or the Duke of Sessa, suggesting to Niza that his library would continue this Spanish and Portuguese tradition of library making. Finally, to further inscribe Niza’s family identity into the library project, Nogueira suggested the creation of an ex libris stamp derived from the ambassador’s family arms.140 This mark would provide a harmonious and recognizable sign stamped on all of Niza’s books and antiques. 138 139 140

Nogueira to Francesco Barberini, Bologna–Rome, October 24, 1637, BAV, Barb. Lat. 6472, ff. 21r–4r. On the influence of the Escorial library on the Barberiana see Fortuzzi, “La bibliotheca Barberina,” p. 41. Nogueira to Niza, Rome, March 5, 1650, Gonçalves Serafim and Freitas Carvalho (eds.), Um diálogo epistolar, p. 341.

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Nogueira also followed the recommendations of Justus Lipsius with regard to the role of portraits in a library. He recommended that Niza should visually associate his family history with ancient authors such as Seneca and Pliny as well as more recent scholars. The ambassador should hang their portraits in his library alongside those of his family. Nogueira offered to Niza copies of eighteen portraits of contemporary men of letters that were hanging in the Barberini library in Rome.141 Niza’s representation strategies should promote his image as a classic Renaissance patron of the arts and as the heir of a family committed to the heroic projects of his time. By commenting on Niza’s genealogy and library management, based on his reading of library-building treatises written by the Spaniards Diego de Arce and Cardona, Lipsius, and the French scholar Gabriel Naudé, Nogueira combined Niza’s family narrative with distinguished provinces of the Republic of Letters and the international horizons of the Portuguese Restoration. Of course, it was not only the Portuguese who deployed mercenaries of knowledge for their bibliographic goals. After 1648 and at the end of the Thirty Years’ War, Nogueira’s bibliopolitics had placed him at the center of transnational competitions among state ministers eager to accumulate a wide but selected array of books and art pieces. Nogueira entered into a game of emulation and a battle for books with the agents of statesmen such as Cardinal Mazarin (1602–1661).142 At the same time that Nogueira was helping Niza build his library, the French librarian turned mercenary of knowledge Gabriel Naudé was explaining to Allacci, the Greek scriptor at the Vatican library, how the composition of Mazarin’s library in Paris was driving him crazy. In addition to having to design catalogues and deal with books held in different places, Naudé complained about having to take care of the artisans who were in charge of creating bookshelves and other issues related to the transformation of an ideal space into a concrete space that would open soon to the public.143 Later on in his correspondence, Naudé communicated about how the revolts against Mazarin provoked the dismemberment of his patron’s library. As a mercenary of knowledge, Naudé was responsible for reuniting the parts of the bibliographical body erected by Mazarin and, by default, to restore the symbolic political body of the minister who had been forced into exile and pushed away from the body politic of the monarchy.

141 143

142 Ibid. Nogueira to Niza, Rome–Paris, February 10, 1648, ibid., p. 154. On Naudé’s experience when building Mazarin’s library see his letter to Allacci, Paris– Rome, December 9, 1643, BV, Allacci, ms. CXLVIII, ff. 341–2.

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Aware of other library-building projects such as the one orchestrated by Naudé, Nogueira used Mazarin as a counterexample to communicate to Niza about the importance of being selective when looking for books for his Lisbon library.144 He had long criticized the French minister for desperately trying to collect everything he could (as well as the aesthetic choice to bind all his materials in red).145 Such criticisms resulted from the intensification of the competition Nogueira faced in Rome when looking for books that interested foreign state representatives. In addition to the French royal collections, the recent construction of the Palace of the Buen Retiro in Madrid reinforced a craze for libraries and collections across Europe, especially in Rome. Portuguese agents in the city, such as Brandão or Nogueira, were forced to deal with Philip IV’s bibliographic and artistic emissaries, and sometimes compete with them for materials. Men such as Juan de Córdoba, or the famous court painter Diego de Velázquez, were sent to Rome at the end of the 1640s to collect artifacts for the royal collections and new palace.146 Building a library in Lisbon from Rome on behalf of a Portuguese aristocrat during the 1640s thus constituted an anti-Spanish political act. Nogueira insisted that a statesman such as the marquis needed to own complete sets of appropriate works in the areas and themes that would define the collection’s style and structure. Missing out on any opportunity to acquire materials could create awkward situations.147 For instance, Nogueira told Niza about how a group of “Tudescans” laughed when they noticed the absence of Quintilian, the famous Roman Latin grammarian, among the collection of Roman and Greek classics of the Barberini library.148 Nogueira’s takeaway from this anecdote was that if 144

145

146

147

148

Letters exchanged between Naudé and Nogueira remain to be found. Nogueira was also getting his information via the information networks of the Barberini, including via Allacci. Nogueira to Niza, Rome–Paris, July 15, 1647, ibid., pp. 102–3. For another Portuguese take on Mazarin’s greed for collectibles, see Brandão to Niza, Rome–Paris, November 6, 1645, BNP, cod. 4466, ff. 155r–v. Curti, “Il ritratto svelato,” 54–67. Niza informed Nogueira that Mazarin faced the troubles of La Fronde (1648). In consequence, the pressure Mazarin exercised over the book market decreased. Nogueira informed Niza about the rising Spanish competition for books in Rome. Nogueira to Niza, Rome–Paris, February 10, 1648, Gonçalves Serafim and Freitas Carvalho (eds.), Um diálogo epistolar, p. 152. Around 1651, Nogueira realized that his book acquisitions for libraries such as the Vaticana and the Barberiana clashed with Portuguese interests in the race to amass the best bibliographical collections. Nogueira to Niza, April 3, 1651, ibid., p. 390. In the summer of 1647, Niza missed the sale of the library of Sebastião Cesar de Meneses that ended up in the hands of Fernando of Avila. Niza to Nogueira, August 23, 1647, ibid., pp. 112–3. This absence would have pained Pope Urban VIII, who had built his reputation as a poet versed in Latin and Greek. Nogueira to Niza, February 17, 1648, ibid., p. 159.

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Niza wanted to be taken seriously as a patron of the arts, he needed to be both selective and comprehensive in his acquisitions. Luckily, scholars who surveyed the competitive rise of new public libraries and the reform of old ones kept records reflecting who needed what and when. In this competitive field, Nogueira’s reinforced his bibliopolitics from Rome by making the point that Niza would be unable to build a library in Lisbon from scratch without relying on the Roman market.149 Unlike Paris, Roman booksellers offered affordable prices. Both Nogueira and Niza decried the monopoly of printers and book dealers, such as Cramoisy, who contributed to the price inflation in Paris. There Niza could not obtain the two volumes of Cardinal Cesare Baronio’s Annales Ecclesiastici (1588–1607) due to prohibitive prices.150 Nogueira did not see the point in looking for such books outside Rome, especially Baronio’s history. What was more, a continuous stream of libraries owned by cardinals and aristocratic families flooded the Roman second-hand book market with novelties and rare opportunities.151 The most precious service Nogueira offered to Niza was his ability to locate great finds amid an ocean of useless references.152 He also provided Niza a chance to intervene in a market that attracted many foreigners. As he told Niza: “it is a thing of wonder that there is no foreigner who arrives in Rome without bringing the best book of his homeland.”153 Rome provided unparalleled opportunities for Niza to expand his collection and his international networks through contacts made with influential library owners and book hunters. In addition to Italian materials, the Roman second-hand book market was also an excellent resource for Spanish references. Collections formed across the Mediterranean through the ties that Spanish elites maintained with Italian Spanish territories and others, such as the Papacy. Naples, Milan, and even Florence and Rome contained libraries and archives owned by the governing elites of Spanish Italy. In May 1648, Nogueira became excited about acquiring the books of the Prince of Butera, Federico Colonna (1601–1641).154 He focused on buying hundreds of Spanish books that he “never could obtain in Madrid or Lisbon,” 149 150 151 152

153 154

Nogueira to Niza, Rome, November 29, 1649, ibid., pp. 303–9. Niza to Nogueira, Paris–Rome, September 6, 1647, ibid., pp. 115–16. Nogueira to Niza, Rome–Paris, November 23, 1648, ibid., p. 194. When looking for books in the library of the Archbishop of Rhodes, Nogueira reported that only half of the books were worth Niza’s consideration. Far fewer would eventually arrive in Lisbon. BPE, CVI/2-11, f. 574r. Nogueira to Niza, Rome, March 8, 1649, Gonçalves Serafim and Freitas Carvalho (eds.), Um diálogo epistolar, p. 232. Nogueira to Niza, Rome–Paris, May 4, 1648, ibid., p. 169. On this episode see also BPE, CVI/2-11, f. 643r.

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including some he had never seen before. The Princess of Butera and Pietraperzia, who was also the niece of John of Austria, the bastard son of Emperor Charles V, was selling her husband’s collection. Practically, this meant that the books and papers of Colonna, as Great Constable of the Kingdom of Naples and the former Viceroy of Valencia (1640–1641), were for sale.155 Portuguese interest was high for the book and manuscript collection of a high-status witness to Iberian revolts that took place simultaneously with the start of the Portuguese uprising. Niza probably enjoyed the idea of integrating this collection into John IV’s patrimony, just as the Papacy had done years earlier with the library of the Palatinate. At the time, the ideal of a Republic of Letters was highly mediated by anti-Spanish feelings across Europe. Federico Colonna’s collection was only one piece of a puzzle that redistributed historical knowledge and government papers among the new political entities created after the 1640s fragmentations of the Hispanic monarchy. Mercenaries of knowledge were likewise interested in gathering books from territories that had recently revolted against Spain. Rome provided them with the contacts they needed to access these materials within but also outside the city. Nogueira counted on nominal Roman neutrality to reach out to Hyacinthe Serroni, Bishop of Orange (south of France) and Vicar of the Pope in Tarragona (Catalonia), to access the papers of the former assistant-secretary of the Inquisition and royal historiographer of Philip II in Aragon, Jerónimo Zurita y Castro (1512–1580). Nogueira’s interest in Zurita’s papers after 1640 coincided with the book-hunting campaigns that his archenemy, Olivares, promoted from Madrid.156 Considering Olivares’ past involvement with Zurita’s papers, by acquiring these materials, Nogueira aimed to hit two birds with one stone. One of these birds was related to the ad hoc attack that Nogueira launched against Olivares’ bibliophilia. Second, obtaining some of Zurita’s papers would be considered a war trophy in Portuguese hands, especially when Portuguese scholars were actively researching the history of Aragon and the defense of its privileges and rights against Castile. By contacting Serroni, Nogueira entered into a network of state officials, who, like the French bishop and historian Pierre de Marca (1594–1662), were sent to southern France and Catalonia to chase legal documents and historical sources to support political agendas. The hope was that these materials 155

156

Colonna had been the Viceroy of Valencia during the Catalan revolt in 1640. He was in charge of preventing the expansion of the revolt in Valencia and died during the FrancoCatalan assault of Tarragona in August 1641. Nogueira to Niza, Rome, November 23, 1648, Gonçalves Serafim and Freitas Carvalho (eds.), Um diálogo epistolar, pp. 192–5. On Olivares’ quest to obtain Zurita’s papers see Elliott, The Count-Duke, pp. 24–6.

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would bolster French territorial claims over the region.157 From Rome, Nogueira heard about what other book hunters who specialized in historical propaganda were doing in the Franco-Catalan context. Through his correspondence with Serroni, politicians such as Niza could compare the advancement of Portugal’s restoration with other uprisings happening across the Spanish monarchy.158 By the late 1640s, Nogueira’s Roman bibliopolitics were mainly focused on Portugal. Those activities influenced his critical views of a Papacy that failed to benefit Portugal’s interests against those of the Spanish. In summer 1649, Nogueira chased after another library specialized in history.159 He asked Niza for money to buy 300 books from a library owned by a Florentine noble. In the end, however, Nogueira did not receive the money in time and was unable to seal the deal.160 A few months later, another opportunity arose. After the execution of Giovanni Carnillo Zacanho, the secretary of the Count of Urbino, the latter’s library was for sale. Zacanho had been condemned to death by the Pope following a series of dubious financial affairs, resistance to papal authorities, and accusations of crime of lèse majesté. Simultaneously involved in shady business at the Roman Curia, Nogueira saw value in a library that represented the state of mind of a man unjustly condemned by the Pope. The bibliopolitics of mercenaries of knowledge thus provided occasions to reflect retrospectively on the meaning of lives shattered by corrupted institutions and authorities. Ultimately, Nogueira acquired some of Zacanho’s volumes for himself, not for Niza.161 If his purchases mirrored his state of mind, Nogueira was in the mood to complain about the lack of papal justice. He conceived Zacanho’s books as the legacy of a

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The opportunity to rely on religious orders for intellectual pursuits, principally Dominicans and Franciscans (considering the links of reciprocity that tied both orders to Francesco Barberini and Niza), was reciprocated by Nogueira when these orders asked for his support in Rome to elect a new representative for Portugal. See Nogueira to Niza, 27 September and November 22, 1649, Gonçalves Serafim and Freitas Carvalho (eds.), Um diálogo epistolar, pp. 282–5 and 291–302. On Nogueira’s searching for the Franciscan’s Castilian chronicles in Rome on behalf of Niza, see Nogueira to Niza, March 8, 1649, ibid., 229–33. On Pierre de Marca’s legal and antiquarian research on the history of Catalonia after 1640 see Villanueva López, Política y discurso histórico. On the connected history of mid-seventeenth-century revolts see Fraga and Lluís Palos, “Trois révoltes en images,” 119–38. Nogueira to Niza, Rome, June 26, 1649, Gonçalves Serafim and Freitas Carvalho (eds.), Um diálogo epistolar, p. 250. Nogueira to Niza, Rome, July 4, 1649, ibid., pp. 257–60. Nogueira to Niza, Rome, November 22, 1649, ibid., pp. 291–302.

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distinguished man of letters who, through no fault of his own, suffered the ills of Fortuna at the hands of ecclesiastical justice.162

6.6

Bibliographic Shipwrecks: Rumors about Libraries Lost, Captive, and Ransomed at Sea

John IV’s monarchy relied on intellectual networks across Europe and the Mediterranean to empower its politics. Far from being separated from the political and economic interests of the Atlantic-facing country, the Mediterranean put its sea lanes between Livorno and Lisbon at the service of intellectual exchanges as well as commerce and warfare. The sea itself became an archive to access the documents necessary for establishing new genealogies of power and to resolve international conflicts of jurisdictions and sovereignty through bibliopolitics.163 Nogueira’s bibliophilia and his bibliopolitics on behalf of the Portuguese Restoration eventually merged. By the end of 1649, Nogueira was shipping and selling books to a wide array of Portuguese representatives, including Fernandes de Vila Real, John IV, and Prince Teodósio, all via Niza. In February 1648, he prepared an inventory of his Roman library for sale to Niza for a sum of 1,300 escudos.164 This list contained all the necessary details for shipping books in the right conditions and following port and import regulations.165 The list included the titles of the books, their printing places, the name of the printers and authors, the year of publication, and the numbers of volumes. It also included information about prices while signaling the books that had been prohibited and expurgated.166 Ultimately, Nogueira communicated to Niza information that aimed to facilitate the incorporation of his books into the ambassador’s library in Lisbon while signaling the relevance of each book to their recipient. For example, Nogueira emphasized the rarity and political usefulness of books such as Camillo Porzio’s

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163 Ibid., pp. 292–3. See Calafat, Une mer jalousée. In his letters, he complained about delinquent payments. Niza sent money to Nogueira via the Hospital of St. Anthony of the Portuguese in Rome. Nogueira to Niza, Rome–?, January 4, 1649, Gonçalves Serafim and Freitas Carvalho (eds.), Um diálogo epistolar, pp. 203–5. Nogueira’s letters were accompanied by notes and lists of expenses related to his book hunts. They constitute a testimony of his dependence on Portuguese patronage. BPE, CVI/2-11, ff. 610–1. Nogueira to Niza, Rome–Paris, May 4, 1648, Gonçalves Serafim and Freitas Carvalho (eds.), Um diálogo epistolar, p. 170. Nogueria’s comments about this sale were reminiscent of the treatise (now lost) on library building he wrote before his inquisitorial arrest in the early 1630s. Nogueira to Niza, Rome–Paris, February 10, 1648, ibid., pp. 152–7.

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La congiura de’ baroni.167 By reading it, Niza would enrich his historical vision of revolts that happened under Spanish rule, in this case Aragonese, during the previous 200 years.168 However, Porzio’s history offered no model for thinking about resistance against Spain since it was prejudiced in favor of the royal power of Ferdinand I. What it provided was an example of how John IV and his ministers should position themselves with respect to conspirators involved in the failed attempt to kill the new Portuguese king. The shipment of Nogueira’s library consisted of six groupings of boxes, organized thematically to facilitate integration with the books in Niza’s Lisbon collection. The first group included in-folios and quartos that dealt with theological matters. The second group gathered books of theology in-4, -8, -12, and -16. It also included a large number of references dedicated to canon and civil law. Books in Hebrew, Chaldean, and Arabic, plus other books written in an “oriental language,” completed the ensemble. The third and fourth groups contained Greek quartos and in-folios, and more in-folios in other languages plus in-8, -12, and -16. References in mathematics and medicine were added to the fourth group (except octavos dealing with medical topics). The leftover in-8 in medicine formed part of a fifth group composed of Latin history and moral philosophy books, including in-4 works written in French, German, and Spanish. Nogueira added to the last group works in humanities written in Latin plus his Spanish and Portuguese in-folios and all the Italian books he owned. Nogueira’s rival and collaborator Fernando Brandão received the books in April and took charge of the shipping. Brokers such as Brandão helped find a boat in Livorno and negotiate freight prices and insurance policies.169 From Livorno, representatives of the Bonacorsi family were in charge of carrying the books to Lisbon. This merchant family had increased its commercial activity with Portugal after 1640, taking advantage of the grand duke and Florentines’ interests in opening

167 168

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Porzio, La congiura de’ baroni. This sixteenth-century history, written by a nobleman and Neapolitan jurist (1525–1603) who had access to the files of the trials that followed the upheaval it depicted, told the story of the 1485 failed conspiracy of the Neapolitan barons against the illegitimate son of Alphonso V of Aragon, Ferdinand I of Naples. This book echoed other historical writings by Commines and Machiavelli. On brokers finding boats for personal shipments see Calafat, “Être étranger dans un port franc,” 103–22. On insurances see Ceccarelli, Risky Markets. In Paris, Niza sent the credits necessary to his agents in Livorno so that Nogueira could send his boxes from Rome. See Niza to Manoel Roiz de Matos, Paris–?, November 13, 1648, BPE, CVI/2-4, f. 46.

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their commerce through Livorno to the Portuguese sugar trade.170 By establishing direct commercial relationships with Portugal, the Bonacorsi did not have to answer to Spanish controllers. They were also in contact with foreign merchants shipping cargoes between the western coasts of the Italian and Iberian peninsulas.171 After packing the books in Rome and sending them to Livorno, while keeping Niza informed in Paris about their inventory, Nogueira confirmed to Niza that the library would depart from Livorno in the spring of 1648. Soon, his library was en route from Livorno to Lisbon. Despite all the precautions they took and all the relationships they activated, the western Mediterranean had a well-earned reputation as a graveyard for books. On September 28, 1648, six months after the departure of the shipment from Livorno and with no news, Nogueira feared the library was lost at sea. Nogueira shared his concern with Niza, explaining that such accidents were terribly common.172 Among the potential losses was a 300-year-old manuscript written by the fourteenth-century Jewish polymath Levi Ben Gershon. Gershon’s works, sought after by scholars and politicians, strongly influenced thinkers such as Leibniz and Spinoza when reflecting on Maimonides’ take on religious syncretism. Nogueira recounted prior losses to reassure Niza by letting him know that his knowledge of past episodes of shipwrecked libraries would allow them to recover part of their investment through an insurance claim. The 1648 episode prompted Niza and Nogueira once again to activate contacts across the Mediterranean to get information about the lost books. Not long after notifying Niza of the loss, Nogueira both heard and spread rumors about the books being retained in Andalusia, and he held Philip IV and the Spanish Inquisition accountable.173 Nogueira used correspondence about the cargo’s disappearance as a platform from which to broadcast anti-Spanish and anti-inquisitorial feelings.

170

171

172 173

The Bonacorsi enjoyed a good relationship with the Portuguese consul in Livorno during the 1640s, Pedro Silva Henriquez. The latter was in charge of facilitating contacts between Florentine and Portuguese authorities on behalf of the Bonacorsi. Zamora Rodríguez, “Interest and Curiosity for American Products,” 175. They relied on foreign boats. The Nogueira–Niza bibliographic cargo traveled on the Fairfax. This English ship was scheduled to stop in Lisbon on its way to England. Nogueira to Niza, Rome–Paris, March 30, 1648, Gonçalves Serafim and Freitas Carvalho (eds.), Um diálogo epistolar, pp. 166–7. He referred to the loss at sea of the Venetian manuscripts of Gian Vincenzo Pinelli, Galileo’s master. Ibid., pp. 28 and 184–5. For Nogueira, this episode was reminiscent of what happened when his books were confiscated while he lived in the Iberian Peninsula. October 19, 1648, ibid., pp. 186–91; and BPE, CVI/2-11, f. 602.

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He complained that if the books had fallen into the inquisitors’ hands, his enemies would make an exorbitant profit out of them. From Paris, Niza wanted to find out about where the books went and if the persons who found them had sold them already. He asked Nogueira to contact a “merchant friend” to buy the books back for him, hoping to pay no more than 300 or 400 escudos and alleging the fact that many were not or poorly bound.174 In a letter sent to another Portuguese agent in Rome, Niza alluded to Nogueira’s fear about the library being held captive in Spain.175 The marquis emphasized in his letter how eager he was to recover a collection that included key opuses for his library, especially histories written in foreign languages.176 On March 5, 1650, Nogueira informed Niza that the shipment was, in fact, stuck in France.177 The secretary of the Portuguese embassy in Paris worked on recuperating the books that the French had taken from the English boat. Notwithstanding these negotiations, Nogueira was offering a new shipment of books to Niza.178 He was ready to send to Niza around 500 or 600 books for the sum of 500 cruzados.179 Even though the shipment of his Roman library in 1648 constituted Nogueira’s most significant sale to Niza, his book-hunting campaigns continued afterward. He kept Niza informed about new finds and arrivals. For example, when he learned that books in Hebrew had arrived in Holland from Poland, he inquired if the marquis was interested in acquiring them, recommending that either Niza or Nogueira himself should order them directly from Amsterdam.180 In 1650, Niza’s library was finally in place in Lisbon. Having worked so hard to curate a public display of his learned and political interests, Niza complained to Nogueira about the absence of an audience. Except for a few curious minds, the public showed little interest. Indeed, it took years for Niza’s career to take off in Lisbon and attract the hoped-for public to his temple of knowledge. Nevertheless, the many epistolary and

174 175 176 177 178 179 180

Ibid. Niza to Fernando Brandão, Paris–Rome, April 4, 1648, Evora, CVI/2-4, f. 7. On the same day, Niza informed Francisco Taquett in Venice about the loss of the books. Niza to Agostinho Castellete, Paris, September 4, 1648, BPE, CVI/2-4, ff. 6v–7r. Nogueira to Niza, Rome–?, March 5, 1650, Gonçalves Serafim and Freitas Carvalho (eds.), Um diálogo epistolar, p. 334. Nogueira had accelerated his book purchases during 1649, while recovering from the economic loss of 1648. Nogueira to Niza, Rome–?, March 8, 1649, Gonçalves Serafim and Freitas Carvalho (eds.), Um diálogo epistolar, pp. 229–33. Nogueira to Niza, March 30, 1648, ibid., pp. 166–7. At that time, Nogueira shipped books to Vila Real and Niza including the second part of Ben Israel’s Judaicas that he had received from Amsterdam. BPE, CVI-2/11, f. 644.

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bibliographic exchanges he had with Nogueira allowed him to reinforce his political vision upon his return to the Portuguese court. The conversations that accompanied the varied book lists annotated by Nogueira and Niza promoted the idea that building libraries was necessary for anyone who sought to play an essential role in the monarchy’s new government. Networks of bibliophiles across the Mediterranean made possible the political importance that bibliographic exchanges organized between Rome, Lisbon, and Paris played in the fate of the Portuguese Restoration. This Restoration could only succeed if preceded by an intellectual and individual restoration, and that restoration relied on access to the international book market and full access to prohibited books.

6.7

Political Counterpoint: Tolerance in the Making of King John IV’s Music Library

The urgency of acquiring pertinent, rare, and often prohibited bibliographic references on behalf of state ministers converted book hunters into political advisors. Library inventories, which on the surface might seem an ancillary genre, in fact helped define new directions of Portuguese diplomacy. For Nogueira, the process of becoming indispensable to the Restauração via bibliopolitics rekindled his hopes to return to his homeland. After 1648, Nogueira’s connections to the court in Lisbon flourished. Nogueira had multiple meetings with the Jesuit and confident of John IV, António Vieira, in Rome in 1650.181 In September 1649, Niza responded to a letter in which Nogueira suggested that he would retire in Venice. Niza told him that he should not plan to do so since John IV needed his Roman services to enhance his library. By then, the king was merging his collections from the family palace of Vila Viçosa with the family books of Nogueira’s childhood companion and later Roman rival the Marquis of Castel-Rodrigo. The bibliographic tasks of such a merger would have justified Nogueira’s return to Portugal. Besides, Niza confirmed to Nogueira that he still intended to employ him as his librarian.182 In the meantime, Nogueira became involved in the royal collections, buying books for John IV and sending them to the royal 181

182

These encounters gave the Portuguese excuses to comment on how the Jesuit recognized in him a valuable servant of his majesty. Nogueira to Niza, Rome, September 19, 1650, Gonçalves Serafim and Freitas Carvalho (eds.), Um diálogo epistolar, p. 367. Niza to Nogueira, Lisbon–Rome, September 12, 1649, ibid., p. 277.

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librarian, Father João Álvares. In his letters, Nogueira built a case to replace Álvares. Even Niza was concerned that the royal collection had become disorganized during the move from Vila Viçosa and Lisbon, noting that João Álvares “knew little,” and that a “maior pessoa” was needed near the monarch.183 After he had built Niza’s library, Nogueira concentrated his Roman bibliopolitics on John IV’s needs. Most of his letters now traveled directly to Lisbon rather than via more circuitous European networks. By 1652, Nogueira cast himself as a regular correspondent of John IV.184 Although he provided urgent bibliographical advice and geostrategic observations to the king, it was a long-running epistolary conversation about music that allowed Nogueira to get closer to John IV. The king was fascinated by how music could convey and translate complex political concepts to its audiences.185 In many ways analogous to Louis XIV’s use of ballet after the Fronde’s troubles in France, John IV’s search for musical scores and instruments was tied to his will to tame the contradictory opinions and emotions that plagued the first years of his reign. He sought harmony amid the dissonances of war. Music was another area of expertise for Nogueira.186 As a former Canon of the Cathedral of Lisbon and a member of San Lorenzo in Dámaso in Rome, Nogueira had long experience with vibrant musical environments. When living in Lisbon, he coincided with the glorious years of the early Baroque composer Duarte Lobo (c. 1565–1646).187 In Madrid, Lisbon, and Rome, Nogueira moved among musical composers influenced by the leader of the Roman school of sacred music, Giovanni Pierluigi da Palestrina (c. 1525–1594). This master of Renaissance polyphony taught several generations of musicians about the importance of counterpoint when thinking, feeling, and interpreting sacred texts and human emotions. The master’s teachings on polyphony and counterpoint resonated in men of letters and politicians attuned to wars, revolts, and the contradictory and ever-changing nature of Baroque politics. John IV was no stranger to Palestrina’s musical legacy, including in the Iberian polyphonic tradition. At court, the king surrounded himself with

183 184 185 186

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Niza to Nogueira, Vidigueira–Rome, December 26, 1651, ibid., p. 415. Nogueira to Niza, Rome–?, November 30, 1652, ibid., p. 440. On João IV’s interest in music see Vieira Nery, “The Music Manuscripts.” In his correspondence with Galileo, Nogueira tried to buy the writings of Galileo’s father on “ancient music.” Nogueira to Galileo Galilei, Bologna-Arcetri, October 28, 1638, Gonçalves Serafim and Freitas Carvalho (eds.), Um diálogo epistolar, pp. 71–2. Lobo formed part of Lisbon Cathedral, where he was the Master of the Chapel from 1591 to 1639. Considering these dates, Nogueira must have crossed his path several times.

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musicians who followed Palestrina’s teachings as well as those of Portuguese composers such as Gil Vicente. John’s vision of sacred music helped him represent himself as the chief restorer of Portugal’s lost political harmony.188 The king relied on diplomacy to involve scholars in his musical project.189 When combined with post-Trent liturgical reforms, polyphonic sacred music formed part of the ceremonial program dedicated to enhancing the sacred representation of Iberian monarchs. Nogueira told John IV how García Loaysa (1534–1599), the tutor of Prince Philip, had advised the future King of Spain in political matters by merging his knowledge of the Church’s councils with an expertise in music. Loaysa had contributed to the practical formation of the prince by modeling his voice. Likewise, with his letters to John IV, Nogueira reinvented himself as a court reformer who used music to comment on its practical impact on the daily life of court politics. In the Italian Peninsula, mercenaries of knowledge mingled with Palestrina’s heirs and accessed rich collections of music books, manuscripts, and instruments. Nogueira advised John IV about the king’s choice of musicians. He compared the music played in John’s royal chapel to Venetian and Roman traditions of sacred music. Armed by Nogueira with the right materials and comparisons, John IV presented himself as a king who knew how to compose music and politics. Like Emperor Ferdinand II, John IV used music to strengthen his portrait as a “composed” ruler.190 The Roman book market was well curated when it came to specific and rare musical references. Nogueira’s access to it was an invitation for Niza and John IV to dig deeper into the most arcane mysteries of Late Renaissance Roman and Venetian music.191 For example, John IV ordered Nogueira to look in the Vatican library for a manuscript that contained treatises on counterpoint, including one

188 189

190 191

On the political importance of liturgical celebrations and central role of the Chapel at John’s court see Soares da Cunha and Freire Costa, João IV, pp. 293–5. For example, Antonio Sousa Macedo, Portugal’s ambassador to England from 1642 to 1647, had contributed to the reconstruction of the Chapel in Lisbon while working as the secretary of the Portuguese embassy in London between 1641 and 1642. Nogueira to John IV, Rome–Lisbon, December 2, 1647, Gonçalves Serafim and Freitas Carvalho (eds.), Um diálogo epistolar, pp. 146–9. Vasconcellos, Ensaio critico sobre o Catalogo d’El-Rey D. João IV, p. 46. Nogueira collected musical books from the consistorial lawyer, Monsignore Cortelli, who was curious about music and rare books such as would befit a king: “curiosíssimo de música e tendo centenas de cruzados de cravos, órgãoes, violões e instrumentos, tinha os livros tão pedintes, sendo exquisitos e raríssimos como se vê de faltarem a Rei e tal Rei.” See Nogueira to Niza, Rome–?, May 15, 1649, Gonçalves Serafim and Freitas Carvalho (eds.), Um diálogo epistolar, p. 240.

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entitled Sequitur Regula Organi. The goal was to identify all the parts of this manuscript that dealt with music and to prepare a full copy of it.192 Nogueira also saw in John IV’s passion for music an opportunity to fix the political dissonances that impeded the harmony of Portuguese international relations and domestic policies of toleration toward Jews and conversos. When reporting to the king about his musical search, he was preparing John IV’s ears for a different melody, that of his advocacy against the Inquisition and in favor of the return of Jews and conversos to Portugal. A close analysis of Nogueira’s letters to Niza and John IV reveals how Nogueira took care to intersperse political suggestions with more pleasant conversations about musical instruments and rare music books. During his book hunts, Nogueira paid attention to how musical content generate sound political recommendations for John IV. In addition to books and manuscripts, musical instruments played a crucial role in Nogueira’s epistolary conversations with Niza and John IV. They also factored into Nogueira’s professional rivalries in Rome. In fact, Portuguese agents in Rome were not the only ones who were offering their services as mercenaries of knowledge to John IV. The famous Roman antiquarian and traveler Pietro Della Valle (1586–1652) bypassed Nogueira’s relation with John IV to sell to the king a “triarmonici e panaromia.”193 Della Valle’s friendship with Nogueira suffered during this episode.194 Nogueira chided the king that he should count on his services instead of those offered by a foreigner who tried to use other Portuguese agents in Rome (e.g. Manoel Alvares Carilho, representative of the Portuguese clergy in Rome, and Nuno da Cunha). Besides, Della Valle did not know enough – as Nogueira did – to prevent the king from being charged an indecent price for the instrument. From a political standpoint, Nogueira suggested that a foreigner like Della Valle would never be as useful and loyal to the king as a natural subject like himself. The king should count on the services of men he trusted when establishing the musical foundations of his power.

192 193 194

John IV to Nogueira, Alcântara–Rome, October 17, 1648, ibid., p. 199. On this episode see Barbieri, “Pietro Della Valle: the Esthèr oratorio (1639),” 83–5. Nogueira commented on how his longstanding friendship with Della Valle ended after competition over who could supply the king with musical instruments: “Muito tinha que contar a V. S. de ūa ribalderia que me fez P.o de Lavalle, a quem em dez anos de amizade fiz muitos e muitos serviços, não fazendo se não louvá-lo a El-Rei sem nunca receber dele nem um inviter-me a ūa comédia sua. E agora descobrindo-lhe um gusto que El-Rei tinha de receber de mim um instrument, me furtou o aviso e quis ele fazer o presente por ambição de se fazer seu valido.” Nogueira to Niza, Rome–?, July 4, 1649, Gonçalves Serafim and Freitas Carvalho (eds.), Um diálogo epistolar, p. 258.

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John IV had been looking for this “triarmonici e panaromia” while working on the edition of the Index of his musical library and supporting musicians such as João Álvares Frovo (1608–1682), a former student of Duarte Lobo and member of the Lisbon Cathedral.195 Indeed, John IV was eager to publicize his musical interests and collection. The printing press gave him an occasion to associate his name with prestigious works while also advertising his ability to increase an artistic patrimony considered as proper to an age that aspired to peaceful harmony after long periods of war. It was thus a musical form of bibliopolitics, rather than his transoceanic experiences or status in the Republic of Letters, that ultimately endeared Nogueira to John IV. Though still in Rome, Nogueira became a trusted agent with whom the Portuguese king could share passions for music, music books, and musical instruments. Vicente Nogueira served John IV until the end of his life. Only a few months before he died, in May 1654, he was still communicating with the king about “news of the world” and looking for books dedicated to Greek music on his behalf.196 Beyond musical bibliopolitics, and especially after the Thirty Years’ War ended, Nogueira put his contacts in Rome to work to consolidate John IV’s diplomacy with foreign rulers. In 1651, for example, Nogueira established contact with the agents of Christine of Sweden. The 1654 conversion of the queen to Catholicism and her subsequent peregrination to France and Rome offered Portugal a potential new ally and Nogueira a potential new patron. Nogueira’s bibliopolitics put him in a position to collaborate and compete with Christine’s other book agents. His correspondence with humanists such as Isaac Vossius or Nicolas Heinsius shows how they competed to buy collections such as the Altempsiana Library – which Nogueira inventoried for the queen – or individual books, such as the two-volume Harmonie Universelle (1636–1637) of the French polymath Marin Mersenne.197 The intellectual circle around Queen Christine promoted a universalist and relativist understanding of world affairs to which Nogueira sought to contribute.198

195

196 197

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See Primeira parte do index da livraria de música de el-rei D. João IV (Lisbon: Paulo Craesbeeck, 1649); and João Álvares Frovo, Discursos sobre a perfeição do Diathesaron […] com hum encomio sobre o papel que mandou imprimir […] D. João IV. en defensa da moderna musica […] (Lisbon: Antonio Craesbeeck, 1662). Niza to Nogueira, Lisbon-Rome, May 31, 1654, Gonçalves Serafim and Freitas Carvalho (eds.), Um diálogo epistolar, pp. 446–7. For an allusion to Nogueira and his involvement in bibliographical businesses in Rome in Vossius’ correspondence see BAV, Vat. Lat. 7882, 76. See Morel-Fatio, “Vicente Noguera,” 16. Åkerman, Queen Cristina of Sweden and Her Circle.

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During his last years in Rome, Nogueira grew detached from general politics, coinciding with a period in which Portuguese politics became increasingly polarized and violent. Such politics left little room for the views of a mercenary of knowledge who spent his life exploring a third way between religious intolerance and the cruelties of war. Perhaps intuiting the sea change to come, he sought to protect new mercenaries of knowledge. For example, in Rome, he protected Francisco de Azevedo, a priest charged with editing Portuguese propaganda in the city and sending it to the Portuguese ambassador in Paris, now Francisco de Sousa Coutinho.199 When Azevedo faced trouble in Rome, Nogueira ensured that the young cleric received a stipend from John IV in exchange for his services.200 Though protecting men like Azevedo, Nogueira could imagine that his improvised heritage might survive the coming changes facing the next generation of mercenaries of knowledge. By the close of his life, Nogueira came to believe that “he who is satisfied does not have to move.”201 His dreams of returning to Portugal slowly withered with his health, though returning to the Iberian Peninsula was never a real option because of the Inquisition. Vicente Nogueira died in 1654, an old man who likely succumbed to illnesses inherent to scholarly sedentarism, sped up by a plot that sent him back to jail. By 1654, he experienced what many Baroque writers described as disenchantment. But even then, he continued, as he had done all his life, to find solace in the abstract but comforting idea of a sweeter and softer elsewhere.

199

200 201

On this episode see the correspondence of Sousa Coutinho. I consulted later manuscript copies of his letters in Diplomatic Correspondence with the King of Portugal between 1651 and 1658 at the Newberry Library (Chicago), Greenlee ms. 420, f. 174r. On this figure See Mattos, “A Inquisição contestada,” 185–203. Nogueira to Niza, Rome–?, September 19, 1650, Gonçalves Serafim and Freitas Carvalho (eds.), Um diálogo episolar, p. 362.

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Conclusion Portraits from a Mercenary Age

The conflicts that roiled Europe and the Mediterranean world in the early seventeenth century continued into the 1650s. The agreements signed in 1648 in Münster and Osnabrück failed to bring about longdesired peace either across Europe or among global empires. The French and Spanish monarchies remained at war until 1659 and the Dutch– Portuguese conflict endured. Philip IV and John IV continued to challenge each other’s sovereignty until the signing of the Treaty of Lisbon in 1668. On the Roman side, the Papacy refused to acknowledge John IV’s sovereignty until 1669. The start of the decade of the 1650s marked a challenging period for mercenaries of knowledge who found it harder and harder to improvise at the service of multiple patrons and intelligence systems. After 1648, intensifying state campaigns to recruit of trustworthy men of letters shrank the ranks of mercenaries of knowledge that had emerged during Late Renaissance conflicts. Although Nogueira did not live to see this era unfold, the remaining portraits of his final years show how he anticipated changes that altered the roles and power of mercenaries of knowledge. Three portraits of Vicente Nogueira remain as representative of those mercenaries of knowledge who lived through the wars of the seventeenth century. The first portrait is a discursive one that some of Nogueira’s closest, although not friendliest, Portuguese collaborators in Rome and Lisbon made of him through their letters in the final years of his life. Taken together, and reading between the lines, they reveal Nogueira as a plotter. Nogueira the plotter dabbled in scandals that occurred at the Roman Curia at the start of the 1650s among Portuguese circles interested in defending oppressed religious minorities and same-sex emotional communities against the Portuguese Inquisition. Nogueira’s closest frenemy, Brandão, circulated the rumor that the former had been put in jail after being accused of bribing Roman officials with the hope that the abilities of the Portuguese Inquisition “to delve into cases of sodomies” would be 268

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revoked.1 Whatever the issues might have been in fact, such scandals returned Nogueira once again to jail where he nursed his hatred against the forces and institutions that he had fought earlier in his life. The second portrait is the visual depiction that once hung in the Barberini library. This now-lost painting of Nogueira represents a man of letters where he most wanted to stand: in a library. His painting appeared in a gallery of portraits that featured the most distinguished representatives of the Republic of Letters and illustrious Spanish writers and humanists. Despite tensions between Spain and Portugal, for those in charge of the iconographic program of the Barberini library it was Nogueira who incarnated the world of the Iberian Union. The third portrait is the funerary epitaph that appears in an undisclosed location in Rome, probably either in the church of San Lorenzo in Dámaso or that of St. Anthony. The epitaph was engraved in stone by his friend, servant, and collaborator Marco Antonio Nobili. This epitaph conveyed with subtlety the profile of a man of letters who lived on the fringes of dangerous and heterodox ideas as well as at the limits of morally and socially acceptable behavior. This last portrait is the final result of the extreme care that mercenaries of knowledge took throughout their lives to present themselves as pious and virtuous men, despite being inveterate nonconformists.

The Discursive Portrait By 1650, Nogueira was well established in Rome and in the informal diplomatic networks of John IV’s monarchy. Despite (or perhaps because of ) his improved yet perpetually improvised connections with Portuguese elites, in 1651 he found himself jailed once again.2 Very little is known about this episode, though it appears that Nogueira was released some time between spring 1652 and winter 1653. This new misfortune was connected to the infamous “Mascambruno affair” of administrative forgeries produced at the papal Dataria.3 This affair consisted of an attempt to manipulate the judicial system of the Roman 1 2

3

Brandao to Niza, Rome, January 21, 1652, BNP, cod. 4466, f. 376r. On Niza discussing Nogueira’s time in jail see Niza to Nogueira, Lisbon–Rome, March 18, 1652, BNP, cod. 1977, f. 137. Research in the processi (files) of the Tribunale Criminale del Governatore at the Archivio di Stato in Rome for the 1633–1659 period has not yielded further information to date. It is possible that due to his ecclesiastical status and for holding minor orders, Nogueira was detained in a room of a convent or elsewhere. See Sivo, “Sulle carceri dei tribunal penali a Roma,” 9–22. For a general understanding of administrative interactions between the Papacy and the Iberian monarchies see Díaz Rodríguez, El mercado curial.

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Curia to falsify the signature of the Pope. Portuguese mercenaries of knowledge played an important part in this episode. Nogueira was arrested at the beginning of the investigation, suspected of having made fraudulent payments to the Dataria officials.4 The goal of the forgeries was to produce documents with the Pope’s signature on them to free friends and conversos held prisoner by the Inquisition in Portugal.5 The Mascambruno affair was yet another example of the proxy wars between mercenaries of knowledge and the Portuguese Inquisition. The future of the new Braganza monarchy and its confessional politics remained uncertain in 1650. Both mercenaries of knowledge and members of the Inquisition in Lisbon wanted to take advantage of the inner tensions at John IV’s court to influence his politics.6 The immediate catalyst was the death of the soldier and writer Manuel Fernandes de Vila Real in 1652.7 Vila Real had been one of the most active Portuguese agents of John IV in France (Paris and Rouen), from where he collaborated with Niza and Richelieu in fomenting anti-Spanish propaganda. He and Nogueira were also acquainted and exchanged books. In 1649, Vila Real returned to Lisbon, where he was imprisoned by the Inquisition for possession of prohibited books without a license. Also enduring an inquisitorial process at the same time was Duarte de Silva, an importer of Brazilian sugar and moneylender to the Crown.8 The trials of Vila Real and Silva, among others, culminated in an auto-da-fé in 1652 at which Vila Real was killed and Silva publicly shamed. Silva was spared because of direct intervention from the Crown to mitigate his sentence and he even managed to regain his former position. After receiving news about the auto-da-fé, Portuguese agents in Rome feared that the trials of agents like Vila Real and Silva reflected a new confessional turn in John IV’s uncertain politics. From Rome, it looked as if the monarchy had given up on the idea of promoting collaborations with Jewish and New Christian diaspora networks. Nogueira perceived this turn as a sign that the Inquisition was gaining in the internal war that was fought at the Portuguese court since 1640. After Vila Real’s death and Silva’s scandal, Portuguese agents near the Roman Curia brought their support to help Rodrigo da Câmara (c. 1594–c. 1662), the third 4 5 6 7 8

Fernando Brandão to Niza, Rome, January 21, 1652, BNP, cód. 4666, ff. 376r–9r. On how these questions were debated by conversos in Rome see Díaz Rodríguez, “Papal Bulls and Converso Brokers,” 203–23. Feitler, “Le refus de la communion aux nouveaux-chrétiens,” 199–227. Wilke “Manuel Fernandes Vila Real,” 153–76. Just prior to being arrested by the Inquisition in 1647, De Silva financed a Portuguese expedition to reconquer Angola from the Dutch. At the same time, he arranged for the purchase of ships built in Amsterdam to defend Bahia.

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Count of Vila Franca, an early supporter of John IV who had served at the Spanish court and as Captain of Ponta Delgada in the Azores during the Iberian Union. After being accused of acts of “sexual depravity,” allegedly committed during the decade of the 1630s, Vila Franca shrewdly allied with the newly acclaimed king.9 Soon enough, however, Vila Franca’s past caught up with him. Like Nogueira twenty years earlier, one of his pages denounced him to the Holy Office in May 1651. Inquisitors charged him with crimes of sodomy. The accusations were difficult to explain away, since Vila Franca was known for his sexual escapades with nuns and servants of both sexes. Vila Franca’s inquisitorial trial coincided with a moment during which the Marquis of Niza and his allies were under threat at the Portuguese court. From Rome, an inquisitorial trial using the crime of sodomy against a man who probably sympathized with Niza’s political views, due to close family ties between the two men, appeared as another example of the arbitrary rule of the Inquisition.10 His case was worth fighting for from Lisbon and Rome. Near the Dataria, other protagonists, such as Fernando Brandão and Francesco Canonici (the Sottodatario (head of the tribunal), known as Mascambruno, 1609–1652), participated in the forging of the papal signature on documents asking for the transmutation of Vila Franca’s trial from inquisitorial jurisdiction to a civil court, where his allies (including Niza) could more easily influence the outcome.11 In all cases, not too long after being asked to forge the documents needed on behalf of Vila Franca, Mascambruno was jailed, tortured, and sentenced to death in 1652. His body suffered dismemberment and public exposition across the city due to this and other crimes. Quickly, the Mascambruno affair revealed divisions among the Portuguese. For example, since at least 1647, the Portuguese Jesuit Assistants Nuno da Cunha and Luis Brandão had denounced attempts made from the Dataria to attribute benefices to Portuguese New

9

10

11

Vila Franca was put in charge of the Casa da Misericórdia in Lisbon. This institution founded by Portuguese royalty at the end of the fifteenth century cared for sick and abandoned newborns. The institutional mission allowed the count to publicly demonstrate his devotion and commitment to charity. After 1640, he participated in military campaigns against Spain. At the end of the decade he went to the Azores before returning to Lisbon in 1650. In 1628, Vila Franca married the daughter of the Count of Vidigueira, Niza’s sister. This explains why Niza put pressure on John IV and on agents such as Nogueira to defend Vila Franca’s case. Niza to Nogueira, Vidigueira–Rome, December 28, 1651, BPE, cód. CVI/2-11, ff. 220r–1v. This demand of jurisdictional transmutation echoed the arguments that Nogueira used in his trial. On this affair see D’Amelia, “La Dataria sotto inchiesta,” 319–50; and Curti, “Il ritratto svelato di Ferdinando Brandani,” 54–76.

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Christians while trying to bypass the jurisdiction of the Portuguese Inquisition on cases related to New Christians.12 Fernando Brandão had been shown to have participated in the falsification of the signature of the Pope. After the Jesuits Luis de Brandão and Nuno da Cunha denounced Brandão, others, such as Nogueira, turned their back on him.13 The situation was so dramatic that he compared the divisions among the Portuguese with the discord that Portugal had experienced after the death of Philip II of Spain.14 He also acknowledged that it was an awkward moment for those defending conversos and alleged “sodomites” against the Inquisition in both Rome and Portugal.15 Nogueira repeatedly condemned the violence of the Portuguese Inquisition against New Christians and the seeming acquiescence of John IV.16 Proxy conflicts with the Portuguese Inquisition – whether seeking (forged) privileges for conversos and aristocrats, influencing the distribution of benefices from Rome, or preventing the confiscation of Jewish and New Christian patrimonies – all ran in parallel to the ongoing tensions around the debates concerning the selection and election of bishops in Portugal after 1640. In addition, Portuguese critiques against the Inquisition intensified after the arrest and condemnation of the Count of Vila Franca and the death of Vila Real in 1652.17 After the Pope dismissed John IV’s decree granting a general pardon to Jews and conversos in Portugal in 1650, the political lobby that had gathered around Niza’s embassy in Paris radicalized its positions against the Inquisition on behalf of conversos who in Portugal kept suffering from the institution.18 All of these tensions weighed on John IV. Nogueira even criticized the king for remaining at court instead of traveling 12 13

14 15 16 17

18

Sabatini, “Entre o papa e o rei de Espanha,” 377. On Brandão’s opposition to the Portuguese Assistant of the Jesuits, between 1647 and 1651, see ibid., 378. Nogueira was reporting to Niza about the tensions between Brandão and other Portuguese, such as Diogo de Sousa. Nogueira to Niza, Rome– Paris, November 23, 1648, Gonçalves Serafim and Freitas Carvalho (eds.), Um diálogo epistolar, pp. 192–6. Nogueira to Niza, Rome, August 8, 1649, ibid., pp. 269–70. Nogueira to Niza, Rome, September 5, 1649, ibid., pp. 271–3. Valladares, La rebelión de Portugal, pp. 77–8; and Gonçalves Serafim, “Cardeais, reis e senhores pelas cartas,” 29–56. Niza to Nogueira, Vidigueira–Rome, November 1652, Gonçalves Serafim and Freitas Carvalho (eds.), Um diálogo epistolar, p. 432. The count was condemned for sodomy on December 20, 1652 and sentenced to life in prison. The Vidigueira family, including his wife and Niza, found a way to commute Vila Franca’s prison from the inquisitorial jails to the Convent of Cabo de São Vicente in 1658. Nogueira complained that the Jesuits had had a bad influence over John IV’s son, the Prince Theodosio. Nogueira alluded that Don Sebastian had suffered from a similar negative influence. In consequence, Nogueira attributed what he considered two of the major tragedies of the recent history of Portugal to the society: (1) the tragic end of Don

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through his kingdom.19 Disenchanted, his hope to one day return to Portugal continued to fade. Nogueira’s exact involvement in the Mascambruno affair remains a mystery. Rumors that circulated in letters among Portuguese agents speak about pecuniary contributions. However, his release from papal prison suggests that the charges against him were weak. Considering his early arrest, there is also the possibility that he received a benevolent treatment after ratting out other agents involved in the affair to save himself.20 In an undated note written during that period, Fernando Brandão wrote to Niza painting the portrait of Nogueira as “a very pernicious man who, among the most pernicious, is the worst of all.”21 After collaborating with Nogueira and maintaining some kind of friendship with him, Brandão’s portrait of Nogueira echoed the sulfurous reputation that accompanied the mercenary of knowledge in Rome after 1650. This affair coincided with the Roman jubilee and the official mission of Diego de Velázquez to Rome to gather artistic findings on behalf of Philip IV of Spain. At that time, agents such as Brandão, who were specialists in procuring official papal documents for third parties, along with art objects and books, and financial resources, all saw an opportunity to strengthen an additional channel of revenue and strategic alliances with Spanish patrons.22 The increasing social complexity and political diversity of Spanish and Portuguese representation in Rome made it more difficult for men such as Brandão and Nogueira to promote their services as mercenaries of knowledge through the exclusive commerce of art and books. From Spanish and foreign Protestant perspectives, the affair of the Dataria generated welcome occasions to criticize papal politics. Mercenaries of knowledge such as Theodore Ameyden, the former secretary of the Spanish embassy in Rome and exile in Florence, published a treatise conceived as an answer to Protestant criticism toward the Dataria in Venice in 1654, the year of Nogueira’s death.23 Ameyden’s treatise was dedicated to Pope Innocent X but published without a permit. It can be read, if not as a pro-Spanish opus, at least as a work that exposed the

19 20

21 22 23

Sebastian and (2) the premature death of Theodosio. The chronology between these two events corresponded with the start and the end of the Iberian Union of the Crowns. Nogueira to Niza, Rome, October 12, 1652, Gonçalves Serafim and Freitas Carvalho (eds.), Um diálogo epistolar, pp. 427–52. It is possible that Nogueira avoided most of the tension generated by the Mascambruno affair while in jail. Niza to Nogueira, Vidigueira–Rome, November 1652, BNP, cód. 1977, ff. 159r–63r. Brandão to Niza, Rome, s. d., BNP, cód. 4466, f. 355r. Curti, “Juan de Córdoba,” 108–9. Ameyden, De Officio et iurisdictione datarii et de stylo datarie.

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jurisdictional abuses and the corruption that Roman and Portuguese mercenaries of knowledge had fostered around the Dataria. It was during these years that Nogueira looked for more direct ways of communicating with Lisbon, and it was also when his letters became more critical of Portuguese affairs. Before his arrest, he corresponded with the Portuguese royal secretary Antonio Cavide. The two men discussed the Vila Real and Duarte da Silva cases. Nogueira was willing to put the converso debate at the center of the politics of the monarchy, while complaining about the passive attitude of Portuguese state officials on these matters.24 To anyone who would listen, Nogueira declared that everybody in Portugal was born under the Inquisition and was made a slave of that institution. The time had come to find a remedy to this situation.25 Surviving correspondence affirms that Nogueira, Niza, and their interlocutors sought to influence John IV to be more pragmatic than confessional in his rule. Specifically, they wanted John to rely on commercial networks run by conversos who had been working with Dutch interests over the previous century while Portugal had been subsumed by Spain during the Union of the Crowns. Such a transnational diaspora community, if well treated, could provide additional avenues for bilateral diplomacy while Spain and the Papacy did not publicly acknowledge Portuguese sovereignty. Even in 1652 it was uncertain whether Portuguese claims to sovereignty would endure. Political and religious elites thus hedged their bets in case Philip IV of Spain became king of Portugal once again. One way to harm John IV’s government was to imprison important financial and military figures – like Silva, Vila Real, and Vila Franca – via inquisitorial charges of Judaizing or sodomy. Nogueira and others sought to dampen the power of the Inquisition to intervene in political issues through moral charges, which would have the additional benefit of making room for more participants in the Portuguese political project. The death of Vicente Nogueira in 1654 did not mark an end to the activities of Iberian mercenaries of knowledge in Rome. In fact, Roman and Portuguese relations increased from the foundations laid by Nogueira and his colleagues. At the start of the 1650s, Portuguese affairs 24

25

Nogueira to Niza, Rome–Paris, May 11, 1648, Gonçalves Serafim and Freitas Carvalho (eds.), Um diálogo epistolar, pp. 173–4. Nogueira and Niza continued to correspond about the scandals at the Dataria after Nogueira’s release from jail. When discussing these matters, Niza and Nogueira sent their letters directly through the royal secretary, Gaspar de Feria, trying to avoid inquisitorial censorship. Niza to Nogueira, Vidgueira– Rome, December 26, 1651, ibid., pp. 415–16. Nogueira to Soares de Abreu, Rome, February 6, 1651, ibid., p. 386.

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reverted to the hands of the Cardinal Protector of Portugal, Virginio Orsini, who was appointed in 1652.26 This nomination marked a step forward in the consolidation of John IV’s legitimacy in Rome. As cardinal protector, Orsini received a pension from John IV. He was in charge of facilitating the coordination between the different units of Portuguese representation in the city (e.g. the conversos of the Nação, the Hospital and Church of S. António, and royal envoys such as the Jesuit Vieira). He oversaw the distribution of ecclesiastical benefices and promoted the defense of the Portuguese Padroado. He also mediated on behalf of Portuguese affairs related to the nomination of bishops and the promotion of Portuguese nationals in Rome and Portugal. Orsini did so when John IV’s sovereignty remained unacknowledged by the Popes. From a practical point of view, Orsini’s tenure as Cardinal Protector of Portugal consolidated longstanding triangular relations among scholars and politicians between Rome, Lisbon, and Paris.27 Orsini increased the number of agents working within this triangular system of information, especially by sending his representatives directly to Lisbon. Although Orsini remained careful when problems at the Dataria surfaced, he used his position as well as the mercenaries who worked for him to foster the circulation of books, food products, and animalia coming from the East and West Indies. By default, these activities expanded his collections and gained him political fame in Rome. After 1654, Orsini and a new Catholic convert and libertine, Queen Christine of Sweden, secured funds from Italian cities to support antiSpanish upheavals, including in relation to the Portuguese War of Restoration. Orsini and Christine of Sweden reassured those cities that supported Portugal that they would be paid with Brazilian sugar.28 If anything, the years following Nogueira’s death saw aristocratic and political figures become more mercenary themselves while they strengthened their control over mercenaries who worked for them. Both Orsini and Francesco Barberini lived until the second half of the century was well advanced. They both had the time to institutionalize the crucial channels of communication opened by mercenaries of knowledge during the time of the Thirty Years’ War. Mercenaries of knowledge prior to the 1650s paved the way for these interactions by providing the 26 27

28

Fosi, “Conoscere il mondo da Roma,” 79–98. Until the end of his life, Nogueira was connected to Orsini. See the missing letter that he received from Alcântara (by John IV?) on June 2, 1654, just before his death, and which was curated among Orsini’s papers. This letter is today missing from the volume. ASC, Orsini, I serie, Archivio Segreto e domestic, Corrispondenza Diplomatica Dalla Corte Austriaca, vol. 61, part. I, ff. 1512–1655. RAH, ms. 9-7120, n. 34.

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information necessary to elaborate a system of services and payments that spanned the world from Goa to Brazil and from Rome to Lisbon, and vice versa.

The Visual Portrait Vicente Nogueira’s discursive portrait emerged from a series of entangled correspondence through which Portuguese agents tried to protect their reputations during convulsive times. Nogueira’s visual portrait in Rome was produced in parallel to such tensions but reflected a more Roman take on his accomplishments. His friendships with the custodio of the Barberini library, Carlo Moroni, and Spanish intellectuals in the city, such as Agustín de Barbosa, all facilitated his access to local and international politics through the Roman book market. Nevertheless, Nogueira was hardly the sole Iberian resource in Rome for Iberian bibliopolitics. For example, Moroni maintained his own literary correspondence with Spanish scholars. At the end of his life, what Nogueira needed the most was to distinguish himself from up and coming actors. One path to that renown lay in positioning himself in the gallery of portraits that celebrated the memory of the men of letters who secured the continuity of an invented intellectual tradition patronized by the Barberini between the late sixteenth and the mid-seventeenth century. Nogueira’s painting hung on the walls of the Barberini library which were dedicated to the memory of illustrious Iberian scholars. His portrait appeared next to illustrious Spanish scholars, including the humanist Juan Luis Vives (1493–1540), the mathematician and theologian Pedro Chacón, who died in Rome in 1581, the Jesuit historian Juan de Mariana (1536–1624), the historian of Spanish councils García de Loaysa y Girón (1534–1599), and the Viceroy of New Spain and library builder Juan de Palafox y Mendoza (1600–1659). Contemporary seventeenth-century European scholars such as Peiresc, Schott, Galileo, and the Irish Franciscan historian Luke Wadding, completed the Barberini galleria.29 Nevertheless, though Nogueira had achieved a longed-for spot among the Iberian men of letters recognized in Rome, his place among his peers was short lived. At the start of the 1650s, in the last years of Nogueira’s life, Cardinal Francesco strengthened his connections with Spain. The bibliopolitics he once used to work as an expert in Iberian books and politics in Rome 29

Catalogue des portraits de savans et hommes illustres placés sur le haut des tablettes de la bibliothèque Barberini, 2de Chambre, BAV, Barb. Lat. 3105, ff. 194r–5v. Fortuzzi, “La bibliotheca Barberina,” p. 199.

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were now rerouted through bilateral connections between the Iberian and Italian Peninsulas. For example, Francesco Barberini sent a variety of agents to the Spanish court during that decade. Niccolò Ricci and Carlo Pellegino (1613–1678) followed the papal nuncio, Francesco Maria Mancini (1606–1672), to Madrid. Mancini arrived at Philip IV’s court and ensured that Cardinal Francesco would recover the rents sequestered during his exile in Paris (c. 1645–1648).30 Ricci and Pellegino also informed their patrons about bibliographic and political news. Between Spain and Rome, these new agents relied on bibliographic exchanges to consolidate interpersonal relations that were mutually beneficial for the Spanish monarchy and Francesco Barberini. These ongoing political and bibliographic relations between Rome and Spain transcended the Roman sphere of patronage to which Nogueira once belonged. During the 1650s, Nogueira’s colleague, Carlo Moroni, exchanged letters with Nicolás Antonio (1617–1684), a young Spanish bibliographer sponsored by Philip IV and the future author of a comprehensive bibliographic repertory entitled Bibliotheca Hispana Nova (1672) and Vetus (1696). After 1654, Antonio spent years living in Rome as an agent of the Spanish Inquisition and as a collaborator of the Spanish ambassador in the city. During his stay, Antonio looked for books and manuscripts that he would later on use to build a library, compose bibliographies, and denounce historical forgeries, three areas in which Nogueira had excelled. After Moroni was appointed a custodio of the Vatican library, Nicolás Antonio contacted him about the portraits of famous Spanish literati in Rome. Antonio asked Moroni – in his role as library staff in the Vatican – for the portraits of sixteenth- and seventeenth-century humanists such as Juan Luis Vives, the playwright Lope de Vega, the Aragonese historian Jerónimo Zurita, and the Flemish-Spanish promoter of Iberian historiography Andreas Schott, all authors with whom Nogueira had been familiar. Antonio also discussed the work of an earlier Spanish bibliographer, Tomás Tamayo de

30

For example, after 1659, they requested the Franciscan friar Pedro de Aranda Quintanilla y Mendoza to make copies of manuscripts by authors such as the Italian historian of Spanish explorations Peter Martyr d’Anghiera (1457–1526). Once ready, the cardinal’s agents sent the copies to the Barberini library. In Rome, Moroni took advantage of the cardinal’s networks to contact theologians and priests, such as the Franciscans Pedro Alva y Astorga (1602–1667) and Pedro de Aranda Quintanilla y Mendoza. The latter came to Rome (1650–1659) to participate in negotiations for the canonization of the Spanish Cardinal Francisco Jímenez de Cisneros (1436–1517). On Ricci and Pellegino’s role assisting the cardinal on Iberian matters see Fortuzzi, “La bibliotheca Barberina,” pp. 140–1; and Jones, Hispanic Manuscripts and Printed Books, p. 12.

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Vargas, in his correspondence with Moroni.31 Tamayo de Vargas had been a friend of Nogueira. When conversing about Tamayo, Antonio and Moroni were likely aware of Nogueira and Tamayo’s collaborations on several editorial projects during the 1620s. However, the absence of reference to Nogueira in Moroni’s and Antonio’s letters is striking, especially considering the contacts and practices that these men shared. Antonio seems to have been interested in all the portraits, except one: Vicente Nogueira. Ironically, although the ex-exile left strong marks of his presence in both Rome and Spain, the next generation of Iberian bibliographers, including Antonio, would not register his contributions. Instead, Nogueira appeared to them as an unpublished and unsung participant in the mid-century wars of words. Nogueira’s damnatio memoriae, and that of many other mercenaries of knowledge, was the product of a time when state-sponsored scholars such as Antonio were becoming domesticated extensions of the royal court. This was also a time when the memory of a common Hispano-Portuguese cultural patrimony, reinforced by the Iberian Union was downplayed. Nevertheless, interactions between these two monarchies persisted, even if a collective memory experienced difficulties when trying to transcend the ongoing Hispano–Portuguese conflict. After his death in 1654, Nogueira’s portrait in the Barberini library was not enough to propel him into the new literary and Spanish Republic of Letters’ pantheon that men such as Antonio worked to build in the second half of the seventeenth century.

The Legacy Portrait Vicente Nogueira spent his adult life pursuing a skeptically informed political pragmatism that veered, if not into the religious relativism of “all can be saved,” at least toward a strong and proactive advocacy for toleration.32 His endless quests of self-fashioning to atone for what seemed to be endless cycles of fall and redemption never returned him to Portugal. Neither did his memory come to occupy a place in the Portuguese political library and intellectual pantheon. He died in 1654 and was buried in Rome. His friend, Marco Antonio Nobili, transformed Nogueira’s lifelong ego-narrative into an epigraph: Vicentio Nogueirae Ulyssiponensi Hereditario in Rios Frios Domino 31 32

BAV, Barb. Lat. 3157, 242r. Quoted by Fortuzzi “La bibliotheca Barberina,” p. 133. Schwartz, “The Contexts of Viera’s Toleration,” 38–9.

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Utriusque Signaturae In Romana Curia Referendario: Caesarae Catholicaeque Maiestatis A Consiliis; Leopoldi Austriae Archiducis Clavis Aureae Cubiculario. Animo Forti in Adversa Fortuna, Moderato in Secunda; Liberalium Artium Et Linguarum etiam Orientalium Peritissimo, Profusa in Pauperes Pietate, Magnificencia in Amicos Singulari, M. Antonius de Nobilibus Bononiensis Grati animi monumentum posuit.33

This funerary inscription summarized what Nogueira and his friends repeated throughout his life. The first part of the epitaph alludes to his family patrimony in Portugal and to his activity as a jurist in Rome and at the service of the Catholic king and Holy Roman emperor, including a mention of the title which connected him to the Archduke Leopold. Although conventional when compared with similar texts dedicated to him earlier in his life, it is significant that the first part of Nogueira’s epitaph downplays his Iberian trajectory. The second part of the inscription insists on his profile as a man of letters specializing in liberal arts and languages, with special emphasis on “oriental” expertise. What stands out from this part are the complaints about a world that cut short his ambitions. Nogueira appears as an “animo forti,” who struggled all his life against bad fortune. The mention of an “animo forti” is particularly significant during a time when the ideal of the “esprit fort” was reminiscent of mercenaries of knowledge often described by their enemies as freethinkers and libertines. The epitaph nevertheless nuances Nogueira’s portrait as a freethinker by underlining his dedication to Christian piety. This legacy portrait embodies the constitutive tensions of his life as well as the ego-narrative framework he used to argue on behalf of the legitimacy of his mercenary trajectory in a world that counted on mercenaries without ever recognizing them. When Vicente Nogueira passed away, a generation of informal diplomats and mercenaries was nearing its end. Back in Portugal, the Marquis of Niza – who was younger than Nogueira – would come to embody a new phase of the Portuguese Restoration project through the tandem of his political and scholarly activities. In Rome, tensions 33

Bernardes Branco, Portugal e os estrangeiros, vol. 2, p. 167.

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between the closest advisors of Pope Innocent X, including the papal nephew and the Pope’s sister-in-law – who was suspected of having had a love affair with Mascambruno – opened doors for a man like Fabio Chigi to condemn to death Mascambruno on the way to becoming the new Pope, Alexander VII. Both Niza and Chigi, among many other politicians of the second half of the century, had enough experiences with mercenaries of knowledge to appreciate their services but also to realize that the activities of such men needed to be channeled, if not fully controlled. The mercenaries of knowledge who continued to live past the mid-1650s experienced the direct consequences of a generational shift. Nogueira’s cohort had produced influential political architects who showed that bibliopolitics could be a viable path along which to advance projects such as the Portuguese Restoration. Nevertheless, by the late 1650s, the world had moved on without mercenaries of knowledge but with the memory of their legacy written into the very architectures of power. By then bibliopolitics had changed from being the loose patrimony of intellectual and diplomatic outcasts to becoming a central part of state governance and intelligence systems.34

The Lost Generation of Mercenaries of Knowledge It can be tempting to compare the situation in Europe between the end of the French wars of religion and the signing of a peace between Philip II of Spain and Henry IV of France (1598) and the end of the Thirty Years’ War (1648) with the mid-twentieth century, when European wars between 1914 and 1945 devolved into the brutalization of societies and led to the destruction and reinvention of an international order. Historian Enzo Traverso posited that these periods of “cold war” – more so than the Cold War itself – witnessed local and transnational jurisdictional abuses, as well as the banalization of physical and intellectual violence, which forced political actors and intellectuals to redefine their positions.35 Likewise, the early seventeenth-century brutalization of western European societies forced many men to act as mercenaries of knowledge before a time of absolutism. Forged during conflicts, often through inquisitorial trials, and on the roads of exile, this generation of mercenaries relied on traditional early modern forms of social and political bonds via patronage systems and 34 35

Soll, The Information Master. Traverso, The European Civil War. On the fragmentation of the literary field, its relative autonomy, and its transnational impact on politics when multiple powers compete for its control see Sapiro, “La raison littéraire,” 3–35.

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gift-giving strategies, while simultaneously bolstering the mercantilization of political information and negotiations via the intellectual networks of the Republic of Letters. Such networks were managed and used by a wide diversity of actors, not all of them intellectuals nor men of letters. Nevertheless, these actors shared what is best described as an ambivalently masculine universe. Masculinity defined the possibilities of education, career, and patronage, and was used against them as a moral and political weapon to define the moral boundaries of their sexuality. Mercenaries exploited those boundaries to resist political attacks and, sometimes, to publicize their fame as mercenaries of knowledge and create social connections at the margins of oppressive forms of social, religious, and intellectual discipline. Across the Republic of Letters and on the political stage, such masculinity developed mechanisms of peer pressure and generated its own mechanisms of exclusion among its members. As historian George Mosse explained for the twentieth-century “interwar period,” the idea of manhood and reactions against it were constitutive of times during which violence was made banal; when men were forced to improvise in the face of ever more brutal societies.36 The alternating peace and conflict of the seventeenth century also contributed to the commodification of political information across networks defined by exclusion as well as negotiation. The history of mercenaries of knowledge is fundamental to understanding the entanglements that the Republic of Letters maintained with politics, knowledge and information exchanges, and conflicts during the early modern period. Because of the dynastic and religious wars fought across Europe, political communication was conditioned by the high numbers of rulers and princes in exile. Many deposed rulers operated as stateless powers and itinerant courts. Indeed, even in a period traditionally conceived as the “era of definitive state hegemony,” many groups, bands, and individuals remained outside the reach of old and new state formation, and mercenaries of knowledge were a product as well as legacy of this context.37 Mercenaries of knowledge connected would-be rulers with political powers that could help them consolidate their claims of legitimacy and best their enemies. They managed the information that these exiles offered in exchange for protection and refuge. Their familiarity with genealogical and legal documents, along with their linguistic facility, meant that mercenaries of knowledge had the skills to interpret, translate, and even shape the raw materials and experiences contained

36

Mosse, Fallen Soldiers.

37

Scott, Against the Grain, pp. 14–15.

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within the archives of these courts in exile.38 Mercenaries of knowledge sought out and provided documentary evidence on behalf of the campaigns of propaganda orchestrated by these exiles.39 In addition to courts and rulers in exile, the circulation of composite nobilities reinforced the need for mercenaries of knowledge amid conflicts. Aristocratic families were sensitive to changes of sovereignty affecting the status of the territories they lived in. Like mercenaries of knowledge, they served multiple nodes of power, especially during the sixteenth century, when frontiers were changing based on a succession of wars, periods of peace, and truces.40 Numerous families settled in new territories, often marrying and spreading family connections into nonconcomitant parts of a composite monarchy. Mercenaries of knowledge who had access to foreign information and contacts with local and regional networks of erudition secured their patrimony and memory.41 It is thus through their trajectories that it is possible to understand the underworld of the circulation of ideas and materials that sustained an illusion of human coherence among early modern conflicts. Inspired by their relationships with such aristocrats, mercenaries of knowledge compared themselves to actual military leaders, able to guide entire generations out of wars thanks to their polycentric knowledge of politics. Nogueira viewed contemporary figures such as Maurice of Nassau, Prince of Orange (1567–1625), the Genoese Condottiero, Ambrogio Spinola (1569–1630), the Duke of Rohan (1579–1638), and the Duke of Lesdiguières (1543–1626), as the most modern examples of savvy warriors, who made as good a use of their skills as writers and scholars as their military prowess. They were astute politicians who knew how to rely on intelligence provided by intellectual networks.42 This Late Renaissance generation of military leaders understood, following models of ancient manly heroes such as Alexander the Great, that the cultivation of letters was a crucial instrument to secure an idea of European politics during troubled times across two renovated ideals, the one of a universal 38 39

40

41 42

On the mobility of early modern archives see Friedrich, The Birth of the Archive, pp. 135–8. Exile played a strong role in the history of ideas during the early modern period. Burke, What Is the History of Knowledge?, p. 84; and Exiles and Expatriates in the History of Knowledge, pp. 39–81. As an example of the extensive literature dedicated to religious exile, see Mansel and Riotte (eds.), Monarchy and Exile. On “composite nobilities” and their impact on intellectual practices across western Europe and the Iberian empire see Yun Casalilla (ed.), Las redes del imperio; and Soen, Junots, and Mariage (eds.), L’identité au pluriel. Montcher, “Autour de la Raison d’État,” 353–82. Nogueira to Niza, Rome-Lisbon, March 5, 1650, BPE, CVI/2-11, 683r–95v, Gonçalves Serafim and Freitas Carvalho (eds.), Um diálogo epistolar, p. 337.

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Christianity and the one of a Catholic Republic of Letters. From the perspective of mercenaries of knowledge, the seventeenth-century debate concerning the path of arms or the way of letters was a false dichotomy. Both were complementary and essential to politics in wartime. Their views were essentially practical and often looked beyond the limits of the two aforementioned ideals. Like other kinds of mercenaries, the existence of mercenaries of knowledge echoed the temporary lessening of political control over cultures of knowledge. During the Thirty Years’ War, wars of words took on another dimension due to the intensification of the circulation of news across the world. Wars were won on battlefields but also with the printing press and through words and ideas. The intensification of exchanges and the popularization of opinions across a nascent public sphere pushed men of letters such as the Portuguese António de Sousa Macedo to declare that “war would be better conducted by learned men.”43 The divide between internal, external, and physical wars became more blurry during Baroque conflicts. In this fraught period, and often while on the path of forced or selfimposed exiles, mercenaries of knowledge became the handymen of powers endangered by wars and sovereignties gone adrift. More than focusing exclusively on the ideological contents of their scholarship and ideas, they brokered information between intellectual and political networks. They transformed what they learned into an art of information, library, and archival building, and more importantly into practices of hunting, buying, collecting, and displaying all kinds of books and manuscripts. They became expert negotiators across spaces that official and regular diplomacy could not reach. More than just feeding competing state propaganda systems, mercenaries of knowledge posited themselves as the experts in information management avant la lettre. Their experiences clarify understandings of the entangled story of the Republic of Letters and state-formation processes during the seventeenth century. They also challenge modern preconceived notions of national cultures of knowledge. Mercenaries of knowledge expanded the reaches of a transnational and transconfessional literary-scholarly field dedicated to the promotion of new sovereignties and the reform of old ones. By the conclusion of the Thirty Years’ War, the need for a new intellectual order emerged in reaction to the patchwork that mercenaries of knowledge had previously held together as a heteroclite ensemble of practices and ideas that defined local and international spaces of political 43

Sousa Macedo, Eva, e Ave Maria Triunfante, part. I, cap. XI, p. 35. Sousa Macedo was quoting Pomponius Laetus.

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negotiations. The next generation of jurists, scholars, and diplomats was drawn into the programs of political economy established by the successors to the Westphalian negotiators: state ministers such as Jean Baptiste Colbert in France (1619–1683) or Duarte Ribeiro de Macedo (1618–1680) in Portugal.44 Nevertheless, the alleged bureaucratization of scholarship within state institutions such as Colbert’s new royal academies, and central governance spaces such as royal libraries, was not the exclusive harbinger of the modern state system that the post-1648 political world was supposed to incarnate. If anything, absolutism and confessionalization, along with skepticism against such phenomena, were reinforced in the late seventeenth century. Nogueira’s generation, the mercenaries of knowledge who fueled and fled from state conflicts, worked through decades of conflicts that paradoxically favored their relative liberty from state control as sovereign powers reconfigured themselves and the means through which they related to one another. The personal price of that liberty was high, as Nogueira’s life shows: marked by professional uncertainty, penury, inquisition, imprisonment, and exile. Nevertheless, he and his cohort thrived in their freedom of thought and expression. The Late Renaissance generation of mercenaries of knowledge may have been lost to the twists and turns of the midseventeenth-century global crisis, but this contingent of middlemen fostered the multivalence and diversity of ideas, space, and objects that nurtured and nuanced intellectual and political debates across all kinds of boundaries. Political elites and canonical thinkers, such as Montaigne or Descartes, were themselves connected to this “lost,” weird, and moving generation so imbricated in a Baroque age of improvisation and doubts.45

44 45

Homem Leal de Faria, Duarte Ribeiro de Macedo. On the idea of a lost generation of knowledge agents between Montaigne and Descartes, see Miller, Peiresc’s Mediterranean, p. 1.

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Index

Abravanel, Isaac, 172 Acosta, José de, 89 Aesop, 50 Agustín, Antonio, 59, 84 Agustín de Barbosa, 276 Aix-en-Provence, 193 Alba, Duke of, 46, 118 Albizzi, Francesco, 245 Albuquerque, 205 Albuquerque, Jorge de, 205 Albuquerque Maranhao, Antonio of, 129 Alcalá de Henares, 17, 32, 35 Alcalá, Duke of, 252 Alcalá, Pedro de, 90 Aldrovandi, Ulisse, 153 Alenquer, Marquis of, 33 Alfonso Henriquez, 49 Alfonso X, 95 Aliaga, Luís de, 30 Allacci, Leone, 153, 156, 161, 166, 168–9, 182–3, 191, 194, 196, 199, 240 al-Mansur, Ahmad, Sultan of Morocco, 35 al-Shaykh, Mohammed, Sultan of Morocco, 35 Alvares Carilho, Manoel, 211, 216 Alvares, Henriqué, 14 Álvares, João, 263 Alvia de Castro, Fernando, 235 Ameyden, Theodore, 273 Ammirato, Scipione, 89 Amsterdam, 17, 128, 134, 179, 200, 213–14, 222–5, 238, 252, 261, 270 Ancona, 153, 170–2 Andalusia, 35, 41, 233, 260 Angola, 121, 123 Antonio de Torres, Antonio de, 119 Antonio Furtado da Rocha, Antonio, 76 Antwerp, 71, 172, 236 Aquin Mustapha, 13 Arabic, 4, 35, 58, 68, 90–1, 140, 147, 163, 171, 199, 259

Aragon, 42, 80, 148–9, 194, 201, 226, 256, 259 Aranda Quintanilla y Mendoza, Pedro de, 277 arbitristas, 26, 48 Argennes de Rochepot, Charles d’ (Count of Fargis), 81 Argensola, brothers, 42 Argoli, Andrea, 155 Argote de Molina, 95, 234 Arnaud, Antoine, 196 Arundel, Count of, 146 Ataouiga, Count of, 238 Austria, John of, 256 Azevedo, Francisco de, 267 Azores, 271 Azpilcueta, Martín de, 156 Bacon, Francis, 144 Barberini, Antonio, 152 Barberini, Francesco, 7, 10, 17, 79–81, 116, 123, 139, 141, 148–52, 163, 167–8, 172, 180, 183–4, 191–2, 202, 205, 218, 221, 226, 233, 237, 244, 246–7, 252, 275, 277 Barbosa, Agustín de, 185 Baronio, Cardinal, 203, 255 Barrientos de la Torre, Francisco, 45 Barros, João de, 72 Bavaria, 54 Bellarmine, Robert, 78, 153 Benedetti, Elpidio, 194 Bento, Gil, 203 Besoldus, Christopher, 156 Beuter, Pere Antoni, 167 bibliographer, 21, 57, 169, 277 bibliography, 2, 6, 99, 187 bibliopolitics, 6, 11, 13, 19, 21, 99, 139, 171, 178–9, 182, 186, 188, 190, 192, 195, 200, 217, 219, 222, 230, 240, 243, 253, 257–8, 262–3, 266, 276, 280 bibliotheca universalis, 249

326

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Index Binio, Severino, 77 Birago, Giovanni Battista, 224 Boccaccio, 150 Bodin, Jean, 88, 91, 243 Bologna, 138–59, 167, 169–71, 181–2, 241, 251 Bonacorsi, family, 259 Borghese, Scipione, 81, 152 Borja y Velasco, Cardinal Gaspar de, 106 Botero, Giovanni, 37, 89 Bouchard, Jean-Jacques, 15 Bourbon, Isabella of, 66 Braganza, Duke of, 55, 179 Braganza, House of, 56, 179, 200, 270 Brahe, Tycho, 90, 252 Brandão, Fernando, 208–12, 228–30, 233, 254, 259, 268, 271, 273 Brandão, Jorge Lopes, 130–1, 133, 135 Brandão, Luis de, 200, 271 Brasis, 133 Brazil, 17–18, 99, 101, 114–15, 119, 122, 125–6 Briceño de Córdoba, Luis, 93 Brito, 49 Brito Correia, Lorenzo of, 129 Brito-Nigueira, family, 49, 74 Brussels, 36, 47 Bufalo, Marquis of, 244–7 Butera, Prince and Princess of, 255 Buxtorf, Johannes, 239 Caccini, Francesco, 81 Calderón de la Barca, Pedro, 32 Camden, William, 75, 91, 243 Camões, Luís de, 232, 234 Campanella, Tommaso, 9, 14–15, 90, 107 Campo, Clemente del, 194 Canonici, Francesco. See Mascambruno Affair Cantanhede, Count of, 38 Cardano, Girolamo, 40 Carnillo Zacanho, Giovanni, 257 Carpio, Marquis of, 203 Carranza, Bartolomé, 70, 91, 156 Casaubon, Isaac, 184 Cassan, Jacques, 204 Castel Rodrigo, Marquis of, 31, 143, 202, 205, 262 Castile, Council of, 38 Castro, Francisco de, 109, 123, 216, 235 Castro, Jerónimo Zurita y, 256 Castro, War of, 190 Castro McGowan, Regina, 52 Catalan, 148–9, 151, 180, 226, 257

327 Catholic Monarchy, 16, 20, 27, 31, 43, 46, 50–1, 55, 72, 87, 95, 100–1, 114–15, 124, 131, 135, 138, 205, 217 Catholic Reformation, 5, 81, 250 Cavide, António, 216, 274 censorship, 60, 63, 65, 72, 102, 178, 226, 239–40, 246 Cervantes, Miguel de, 63 Ceylan, 223 Chacón, Pedro, 276 Charles V, Emperor, 54, 236, 256 Charles VIII of France, 236 Chifflet, 80 Chinchón, Counts of, 32 Chirino de Salazar, Hernando, 196 Ciampoli, Giovanni, 138 citrus, fruits, 183, 220 Coelho, Gaspar, 207 cognietture, 162–3 Coimbra Cathedral of, 108 College of Santa Cruz, 91 University, 17, 28–9, 32, 37, 88, 103, 108–9, 116, 121, 132 Colbert, Jean Baptiste, 283 Coligny, Admiral, 73 Cologne, 172 Colonna, Federico, 255 Colville, David, 4–5, 80, 140–1 Commines, Philippe de, 236 composite nobilities, 282 converso, 17, 37, 70–1, 106, 119, 123–4, 128, 202, 204, 213, 215, 217, 219, 222, 227, 235, 238, 265, 270, 272, 274–5 Córdoba, Juan de, 254 Correia da Silva, Antonio, 119 Costa, Bartolomeu da, 79 Count Henry, 49 Couto, Diogo de, 232 Craesbeeck family, 92 Cramoisy, Sébastien, 255 Crato, Antonio Prior of, 11 critical reason, 21, 96, 165 Cueva, Cardinal, 114, 143 Cujas, Jacques, 88 Cunha, Nuno da, 210, 224, 265, 271–2 Cunha, Rodrigo da, 189 Dante, 88, 95, 150 De Thou, Jacques-Auguste, 64–75, 88, 91, 140, 146, 223, 240, 243 declinación, 43 Delrio, Martin, 36 Denis of Portugal, 205

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328

Index

Descartes, René, 6, 19, 284 desembargador, 28 Duchesne, André, 75 Dupuy, brothers, 15, 146, 188, 194, 196, 223, 239 Dupuy, Christophe, 16, 146–7, 194, 197–8 Dupuy, Claude, 158 Dupuy, Jacques, 146, 189 Dupuy, Pierre, 146 Dutch, 14, 17, 37, 99, 119, 127, 130, 133–4, 179, 212–16, 223, 225, 236–7, 243, 252, 268, 274 Dutch East India Company, 192 Dyck, Anthony van, 146 Edict of Nantes, 65, 68 El Greco, 35 engenhos (sugar mills), 99, 121, 130–2 England, 4, 42, 51, 53, 58, 75, 143–6, 162, 184, 191 epic, 59 Erauso, Catalina de, 9–10 Espina, Juan de, 86, 108 Estado da Índia, 77, 121, 232 Etruscan forgeries, 158 exile, Nogueira’s, 16, 85, 100, 121, 125, 135, 138, 241 exile, rulers in, 90, 100, 115, 177 Fabri de Peiresc, Nicolas-Claude, 13, 146, 184 falsos cronicones, 59 Faria e Sousa, Manuel de, 105–6, 234 Farnese, Odoardo, 190 Ferdinand II, Holy Roman Emperor, 161, 264 Feria, Duke of, 47, 118 Fernandes de Vila Real, Manuel, 227–8, 258, 270, 272, 274 Fernández de Navarrete, Pedro, 235 Fernández de Velasco, Juan, 46, 55, 252 Ferrari, Giovanni Battista, 245 Ferreira, Alvaro, 205 Fiesole, Prospero of, 159–60 Figueroa, Francisco de, 45, 91, 93 fixers, 81, 101 Flanders, 36, 46–7, 62, 75, 80, 92, 194, 226 Florence, 54, 83, 151, 158, 160–1, 168, 180, 226, 243, 255, 273 Forgeries, 45, 54, 58–9, 76, 90, 140, 147, 159, 161, 163, 166–7, 169, 199, 269, 277 France, 14, 53, 62, 70–2, 80, 89, 106, 138, 140, 145–7, 151, 155, 177, 184, 190, 193, 199, 201, 203, 209, 212, 214, 227, 234, 243, 246, 256, 266, 270, 283

Frankfurt, 160, 237 French monarchy, 149, 197 Fronde, 197, 212, 263 Fugger, Ulrich, 188 Gaetano, Costantino, 203 Gaffarel, Jacques, 15 Gage, John, 142–6 Galilei, Galileo, 6, 84, 107, 157, 168 Gallicanism, 193, 196, 199, 201 Gallicans, 67, 71, 198–9 Gama, Esteban da, 233 Gama, Vasco da, 230–2 Gameida, 232 Garcilaso de la Vega, 57, 91, 93 Gaudenzio, Paganino, 153 Gayt, Abraham, 13 genealogy, 27, 48, 50, 52, 54, 217, 233, 253 Genoese East India Company, 214 Giraldes, Francisco, 53 Goa, 75, 276 Goa, council of, 77 Godefroy, Théodore, 199, 223 Gois, Damião de, 220 Golden Fleece, 36, 46 Gomes de Silva, Juan, 53 Gondomar, Count of, 45, 47 González de Cellorigo, Martín, 235 Granada, Lead Books of, 58, 147 Guicciardini, Francesco, 88 Hamburg, 80, 128 Hamen, Juan Van der, 80 Heinsius, Nicolas, 266 Henri IV of France, 68 Henríquez Gómez, Antonio, 227 Hernández, Francisco, 141 Herrera, Fernando de, 57 Herrera y Tordesillas, Antonio de, 89, 95 Híjar, Duke of, 226 Hispanic monarchy, 15, 17, 19, 25, 28, 36, 44, 47, 52, 60, 62–3, 65, 67–9, 77–8, 81, 89, 94, 100, 103, 105–6, 121, 126, 131, 138, 149, 152, 177, 180, 256 Hobbes, Thomas, 6 Holstenius, Lucas, 7, 80, 168, 182–3, 185, 187–91, 240 Homem, António, 107 Hurtado de Mendoza y Pacheco, Diego, 91–2, 233 Iberian monarchies, 12, 15–17, 19, 21, 25, 27–8, 47–8, 50–1, 62, 75, 99, 122, 141, 153, 163, 172, 186, 189, 205, 221

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Index Iberian Peninsula, 5, 14, 20, 45, 51, 54, 57, 62, 66, 70, 83, 90–2, 95, 100, 107, 115, 119, 126–8, 131, 133, 135, 137, 140, 144, 158, 163–4, 167, 171, 204, 233, 237, 239, 260, 267 Iberian Union, 5, 16, 26–7, 29–30, 40, 52–3, 60, 72, 106, 269, 271, 278 Ibiza, 148 Inchofer, Melchior, 166, 168 ingenio, 8 Inghirami, Curzio, 159, 161, 163, 165, 167–8 Inquisition, 16, 20, 70, 84, 102, 105, 111, 197–8, 215–17, 236, 238–9, 241, 245–6, 249, 256, 265, 270, 272, 274 Portuguese, 38, 44, 68, 79, 99, 106–7, 109–10, 122, 129, 145, 171, 195, 200–1, 215, 228, 238–40, 248–9, 251, 268, 272 Roman, 181, 242, 248, 271 Spanish, 72, 76, 156, 171, 204, 227, 260, 277 intellectual personae, 8–9 Israel, Menasseh ben, 222, 238 Istanbul, 35, 172 James I of Aragon, 147 James I of England, 58, 144 Jansen, Cornelius, 195, 197 Janssonius, Johannes, 252 Jaúregui, Juan de, 93 Jesuits, 224 John III of Portugal, 28 John IV of Portugal, 21, 54–5, 126, 128, 138, 179, 192, 195–202, 205–6, 235, 238–40, 243–4, 248–9, 251, 256, 258, 262–3, 272, 274–5 Justiniano, Cardinal, 244–5 Kepler, Johannes, 90, 156, 252 La Volterra, 158–60, 169 Lamego, 211 Lapeyrère, Isaac, 238 Larissa, Bishop of, 34 Lavanha, João Baptista, 47, 52, 55, 92, 204 lei régia, 59 Leibniz, Gottfried Wilhelm, 260 Lemos, Count of, 33, 35, 42 Leopold V of Austria, 39, 279 Lerma, Duke of, 30, 33–4, 36, 40–2, 44, 54, 56–7, 68 Lesdiguières, Duke of, 282 Lèse majesté, 122, 144, 257

329 letrados, 26–7, 29–30, 33, 40, 42, 48, 60, 87–9, 94–5, 106, 114, 125, 128, 181, 204, 284 Levant, 35, 171 libertines, 2, 8, 20, 184, 279 librarian-travelers, 2 Library Altempsiana, 266 Barberini, 151, 169, 182, 185, 187–9, 199, 251–4, 269, 276, 278 Escorial, 80, 140, 251–2 Fulda, 167 John IV’s music, 222, 266 Lisbon, 90, 230, 254–5 Nogueira’s, 84, 87, 89–90, 92–3, 95, 259, 261 Palatinate, 188, 256 portable, 84 public in Rome, 249 Spain, 195 Vatican, 182–3, 185, 253, 264, 277 licenses to read prohibited books, 107, 187, 236, 240–6, 249 Liceti, Fortunio, 157 Lincei, 35, 58 Lipsius, Justus, 33, 36, 46–7, 51, 186, 249, 253 Lisbon, 14, 17, 26–7, 38–9, 46, 59, 62, 65, 71, 76, 78, 81, 92, 99, 101, 106, 109, 111, 114, 116, 119, 122, 125–6, 133–4, 152, 171, 177, 189, 193, 201, 205–6, 209, 211, 215, 219–21, 226–30, 233, 236, 239, 243, 245, 248–9, 255, 258–63, 268, 270–1, 274–5 Cathedral, 108, 111–12, 263, 266 Cathedral Chapter, 17, 110, 117 court of, 212, 262 State Council of Portugal, 25 Treaty of, 268 tribunal of, 103, 107, 117 tribunal of the casa de suplicação, 26, 38–9, 41, 71 Livorno, 171, 221, 224, 258–9 Loaysa y Girón, García de, 276 Lobo de Silveira, Luis, 73 Lobo, Duarte, 263 London, 223–4 Lope de Vega Carpio, Félix, 32, 42, 57, 80, 93, 237, 277 López de Aguilar, Francisco, 57 López Madera, Gregorio, 163 Loreto, 172 Louis IX of France, 43, 149 Louis XI of France, 236

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330

Index

Louis XII of France, 236 Louis XIII, 199, 224 Louis XIII of France, 195, 245 Louis XIV of France, 263 Luanda, 121 Lucena, Francisco, 74 Ludovisi, Ludovico, 152 Lupina, Pedro, 123 Lusitano, Zacuto, 203 Macedo, Francisco de, 224, 227–8, 232–3 Macedo, Francisco de Santo Agostinho de, 224 Machiavelli, 78, 89, 91, 144, 171, 234–6, 243 Madrid, 17, 25–6, 30, 38–9, 41, 43–4, 46, 57–9, 62, 71, 74, 79–86, 92, 105–6, 112, 114, 118–19, 121, 125, 135, 141–2, 145, 149, 152, 167, 186, 191, 203, 205, 211, 224, 234, 237, 255–6, 263, 277 Jesuit Imperial College, 31 Palace of the Buen Retiro, 254 Red of St. Louis, 43–4 Royal Court, 31–2, 92, 101, 105, 108, 113–14 Maguy, Jean, 13 Maidalchini Pamphilj, Olimpia, 244 Majorca, 148 Maluku, 192 Malvezzi, Virgilio, 170–1, 203 Mamanguape, 125 Mancini, Francesco Maria, 277 Mantuan Succession, war of the, 154 Mantuano, Pedro, 56–8 Marca, Pierre de la, 191, 256 March, Ausiàs, 148 Mariana, Juan de, 35, 47, 56, 76, 276 Mariner, Vicente, 140 Marini, Juan Bauttista, 245–7 Mármol Carvajal, Luis del, 90 Marseille, 13–14 Martinez Ferreyra, Gregorio, 206 Mascambruno Affair, 269–71, 273 masculinity, 8, 281 Masson, Jean Papire, 88 Matos, João de, 207–11 Mazarin, Cardinal, 11, 193–5, 198, 253 Medici, 149, 160–1, 191 Medici, Giancarlo de’, 161 Medici, Giovani de’, 83 Medici, Marie de’, 11, 64 Medici, Pietro de’, 158 Medici, Prince Leopoldo de’, 240 Medina del Campo, 33 Medina Sidonia, Duke of, 233 Melo, Francisco Manuel de, 233

Mena, Juan de, 95 Mendez Sampaio, Pedro, 242–3 Mendoza, Bernardino de, 32 Menochio, Giacomo, 47 Mersenne, Marin, 266 Mexico, 9 Milan, 46, 62, 141, 180, 214, 226, 255 Milan, Duchy of, 46–7, 154, 188 Miranda, Counts of, 32, 118 Mirandola, Pico della, 203 Modena, Leon of, 171–2, 238–9 Moniz de Carvalho, Antonio, 198 Monod, Pietro, 240 Montaigne, Michel de, 40, 70, 236, 284 Monteiro, Nicolau, 208–9, 211, 228 Montemayor, George de, 189 Moraes, Manuel de, 133 Morales, Ambrosio de, 95 Moreli, Juan Baptista, 224 moriscos, 13, 33, 148 Morocco, 35, 53, 96, 194 Moroni, Alberto, 182 Moroni, Carlo, 182, 185, 276–7 mos gallicus, 89 Moura, Crístobal de, 30–1 Moura, Manuel de, 204 mozofidalgo, 26 Münster, 268 Nação, 79, 202, 204, 213 Naples, 35, 42, 58, 62, 180, 188, 194, 203, 226, 255–6 Nassau-Siegen, John Maurice, Prince of, 127 Naudé, Gabriel, 14–15, 169, 186, 188, 242, 253 New Christians, 106, 123, 127, 130, 134, 205, 215 Nicolás Antonio, 277 Niza, Marquis of, 223–39, 241–65, 270–2, 274, 279 Nobili, Marco Antonio, 181, 269 Nogueira, Francisco, 29–30, 73, 158 Nogueira, Francisco Alonso, 28 Nonii, Petri, 72 Noronha, Alfonso de, 119 Noya, Francisco de (Vicente Nogueira), 142–3 Nunes Caldeira, 225 Olivares, Count-Duke of, 36, 41–5, 47–8, 51, 54, 57, 69, 82, 84, 87, 99, 103, 105–8, 114, 117–18, 133, 137, 171, 185–6, 196, 204, 233, 256 Oliveira de Cantanhede, Clemente de, 38, 103

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Index Orléans, Gaston de, 11 Orsini, Virginio, 275 Osnabrück, 268 Ossat, Cardinal d’, 198 Osuna, Duke of, 33, 35, 42 Ovid, 50 Pacheco, Manuel fray, 210 pacificación, 42, 54 Padilha, Carlos de, 226 Padroado Geral, 199 Padua, 153, 155, 171 Paes, Bento, 126, 131 Palafox y Mendoza, Juan de, 276 Palestrina, Giovanni Pierluigi da, 263–4 Pallota, Giovanni Battista, 81, 107, 111 Pamphilj, Camillo Francesco Maria, 207 Pamphilj, Giovanni Battista, 161, 191, 206 Paraíba, 99, 125, 127–31, 133–4 Parma, Duke of, 225 Patronato Real, 199 Pax Hispánica, 19, 54, 62, 66 Peiresc, Nicolas-Claude Fabri de, 14–15, 80–1, 147–51, 158, 163, 193, 234, 276 Pellegino, Carlo, 277 Peñaranda, Dukes of, 118 Pérez, Antonio, 88, 145 Pérez, Diego, 199 Pérez de Mesa, 199 Pernambuco, 115, 127, 129, 134–5, 216, 223, 238 Perreira, Domingo (Vicente Nogueira), 125, 128 Perreira, Manuel, 108, 117 Persia, Don Juan de, 90 Pétau, Denis, 246 Petit, Samuel, 155–6 Petrarch, 88, 150 Philip II of Spain, 29, 53, 70, 180, 193, 236, 251, 256, 272, 280 Philip III of Spain, 29–30, 34, 41, 54, 58, 73, 237 Philip IV of Spain, 44, 49, 54, 83, 99, 112, 154, 179, 198–200, 203, 211, 236, 260, 268, 273–4, 277 Pietrasanta, Silvestro, 172 Pinelli, Gian Vincenzo, 158 Pinheiro da Veiga, Thomé, 33 Pires de Tavora, Lourenço, 52–3 Pliny, 88, 164, 253 Poitiers, 66, 71 Poland, 261 political tolerance, 62, 76, 133, 216, 219 Politiques, 65, 67, 69, 74, 143 Pope Alexander VII, 280

331 Pope Clement VIII, 107 Pope Gregory X, 149 Pope Innocent III, 149 Pope Innocent X, 190, 201, 244, 273, 280 Pope Paul III, 188 Pope Paul V, 78, 107, 154 Pope Pius IV, 111 Pope Urban VIII, 5, 15, 81, 106, 111–12, 139, 141, 149–50, 152–3, 155–6, 160, 173, 182–3, 188, 190, 195, 206, 224, 242 Portiguares, 131 Portugal, 5, 17, 26, 29, 38, 42, 47, 49, 52–3, 55, 68, 84, 95–6, 106–7, 111, 114, 116–19, 124–6, 132, 157–8, 167, 187, 189, 193, 195, 198, 200, 202, 204, 209–11, 213–16, 219–20, 223, 225, 227–9, 231, 233–6, 238, 246, 248, 259, 266–7, 272, 274–5, 279 empire, 214, 219, 232, 234 monarchy of, 48, 55, 59, 184, 193, 197, 200, 205, 212, 234, 236 Portugal, Sebastian of, 28 Portuguese Restoration, 16–17, 179, 197, 201, 203–4, 216, 219, 222, 226, 228, 230, 234, 237, 253, 258, 262, 279–80 Portuguese sugar company in Brazil, 214 Porzio, Camillo, 258 Postel, Guillaume, 166 Pozzo, Cassiano dal, 156–7, 166, 168, 170–1, 187, 240 Prete Jacopín, 37 princes of Portugal, 11 Príncipe Island, 99, 121 prisca theologia, 161 Protestants, 66–8, 73, 106, 124, 143, 156, 172, 242 Provençal, 148–51 public sphere, 1, 12, 26, 60, 76, 92, 209, 283 Quevedo, Francisco de, 32–3 Quintilian, 254 Rafael, 250 Rámirez de Prado, Lorenzo, 80 Reason of State, 16, 19, 37, 89, 186, 199, 234 Relação do Porto, 33 Reni, Guido, 171 Renzi, Matteo, 82 Republic of Letters, 3, 5, 7–8, 10, 13–20, 27, 33, 35–6, 41, 51, 57–8, 67–71, 74–5, 77, 80–1, 83–5, 89, 91–5, 99–103, 121, 132, 135–6, 138–9, 146, 148, 152, 158–9, 168, 173, 178–9, 183–4, 193, 219, 221, 225, 234, 248, 253, 256, 266, 269, 278, 281, 283

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332

Index

reputación, 42 Ribeiro de Macedo, Duarte, 283 Ribère, Miguel, 65 Riccardi, Niccolo, 82–3 Ricci, Nicolas, 191, 277 Richelieu, Cardinal, 15, 146, 193, 195, 223, 270 Rodrigues de Matos, Manuel, 225 Rohan, Duke of, 234, 282 Rois, Manuel, 225 Román de la Higuera, Jerónimo, 59, 167 Roman law, 59, 89 Romano, Giulio, 250 Rome Baroque, 177 Basilica of San Giovannia a Porto Latina in, 115 benefices from, 272 burning books in, 248 Cancelleria, 113, 180–2, 246 Church of Saint Anthony, 225 Dataria, 211, 269, 271, 273, 275 mercenaries of knowledge in, 173, 199, 208–10, 219, 241, 249, 256, 273–4 Portuguese agents in, 202, 265, 270 Portuguese collaborators in, 268 Portuguese community in, 204, 207–8, 225–6 Portuguese intelligence in, 229 San Lorenzo in Damaso, 157, 181, 201, 263, 269 Spanish ambassador in, 106, 135, 143, 203–4, 273, 277 Rubens, Peter Paul, 6, 146 Sa, João de, 59 Saavedra Fajardo, Diego de, 235 Sacchetti, Giulio, 79, 81, 112, 138, 152, 154–5, 159, 161, 167–73, 181, 184, 192 Saint-Charles, Louis Jacob de, 195 Salamanca, University of, 17, 28–9, 32, 36–7, 45, 87, 245 Salinas, 33 Salonica, 172 Salvador, Vicente do, 132 same-sex relationships, 8, 15, 18, 104, 114–15, 268 San Román de Ribadeneyra, Antonio de, 55 Sánchez de Badajoz, Garci, 95 Sandero, Antonius, 250 Santillana, Marquis of, 95 São Tomé, 99 Sarpi, Paolo, 155, 187, 243

Savoy, 4, 54 Scaliger, 147 scarith, 159–70 Scheilder, Robert, 75, 140 Schoppe, Kaspar, 9, 171 Schott, Andrea, 76, 140, 276–7 Scornello, 159 Sebastianism, 52 Séguier, French Chancellor, 13–14 Semple, William, 140 Seneca, 203, 253 Senecey, Marquis of, 71 Serroni, Hyacinthe, 256–7 Servio, Pedro, 203 Sessa, Duke of, 42, 54, 252 Severim de Faria, Manuel, 59, 116, 132 Seville, 41, 46, 57, 252 Sfondrato, Father, 194 Sicily, 32, 166–7, 188, 194, 226 Sigonio, Carlo, 89 Silva de Sampaio, Pedro da, 133 Silva Figueroa, García de, 32, 75–6 Silveira, Miguel de, 93 Sirmond, Jean, 245 Sleidan, Johann, 88, 243 Smyrna, Constantino Sofia of, 34 Soares de Abreu, Christopher, 223, 249 sodomy, 17, 38, 44, 81, 99, 103–6, 110, 114, 119–23, 144, 204, 271, 274 Sousa Coutinho, Francisco de, 200, 213, 225, 267 Sousa, Diogo de, 206 Sousa, Manuel Faria de, 9, 40, 106 Sousa Macedo, António de, 189, 283 Spain, 9, 14, 16, 20, 29, 34, 36, 47, 58, 63–6, 70, 73, 76, 80, 82–4, 92, 95–6, 99, 106, 109, 118–19, 125–6, 129, 135, 146–7, 151, 154, 158, 162, 165, 167, 179, 189, 191, 193, 195, 199, 202, 205, 211–15, 219, 223, 226–7, 234, 241, 259, 269, 274–7, 280 Spinola, Ambrogio, 282 Spinoza, Baruch, 260 St. Bartholomew, 73 St. James, 56, 58, 163 Stella, Petrus, 72 Strada, Famiano, 226 Suárez de Figueroa y Córdoba, Lorenzo, 32 Sueiro, Manoel, 250 Sweden, Christine of, 11, 19, 243, 266, 275 Tabajaras, 131 Tacca, Pietro, 83 tacitists, 89 Tacitus, 37, 88–9, 144

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Index Talon, Omer, 197–8 Tamayo de Vargas, Tomás, 57, 93, 95, 278 Taquett, Francisco, 207, 212, 214, 224–5 Tarouca, Count of, 118, 121 Tassoni, Alessandro, 148 Tavora, 233 Teodósio, Prince, 258 Thirty Years’ War, 5, 7, 69, 127, 137, 147, 149, 178–80, 188, 206, 253, 266, 275, 280, 283 Toledo, 47, 57, 167 Toledo, Archbishop of, 69, 156 Toledo, Luis Tribaldos de, 33, 49, 58, 92, 186, 203, 233 toleration, 25, 64–8, 102, 215, 217, 239, 265, 278 Torre, Antonio de, 119 Torre, Joan Baptista de la, 202 Torrius, Luc van der, 140 Trent, Council of, 36, 77, 197, 264 Turin, 4, 141, 240 Tuscany, Grand Dukes of, 149, 153–4, 159–61, 167, 183, 221 Twelve Years’ Truce, 36 Ubaldini, Federico, 150–1 Urrea, Diego de, 35, 58 Vair, Guillame du, 13 Valencia, 45, 148, 256 válido, 33 Valladolid, 17, 32–5, 45, 53 Jesuit College, 116 University of, 33, 82 Valle, Pietro Della, 265

333 Vane, Thomas, 7 Vaucelas, Baron of, 74 Velasco y Girón, Ana de, 55 Velázquez, Diego de, 6, 86, 211, 218, 254, 273 Venice, 6, 152–5, 164, 170, 180, 207, 210, 212–14, 224–5, 262, 273 Verona, 153 Verospi, Fabricio, 111 Verreycken, Louis, 36, 47 Vicente, Gil, 264 Vieira, António, 216, 262, 275 Vila Franca, Count of, 270–2, 274 Vila Viçosa, Palace of, 262–3 Villamediana, Count of (Juan de Tassis), 44, 118 Villanueva, Pedro de, 201 Viña, Giraldo de la, 92 Viterbo, Annius of, 166–7 Vitrian, Juan de, 236 Vives, Juan Luis, 276–7 Vossius, Isaac, 243, 266 Wadding, Luke, 230–2, 276 walnut tree, 50–1 Westphalia, Peace of, 180, 204, 212, 223, 225, 234, 283 Ximenez, family of, 71 Zacchia, Ludovico, 111 Zaldierna, Juan de, 86 Zidan, Muley, 35 Zúñiga, Baltasar de, 36, 41, 46–7, 58, 70, 82, 140, 236

https://doi.org/10.1017/9781009340458.013 Published online by Cambridge University Press

https://doi.org/10.1017/9781009340458.013 Published online by Cambridge University Press