Meeting the Intercultural Challenge: Effective Approaches in Research, Education, Training and Business [1 ed.] 9783896447876, 9783896730114

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Meeting the Intercultural Challenge

SIETAR Society for Intercultural Education, Training and Research

Karlfried Knapp ♦ Bernd E. Kappel Karla Eubel-Kasper ♦ Liisa Salo-Lee (eds.)

Meeting the Intercultural Challenge Effective Approaches in Research, Education, Training and Business

Verlag Wissenschaft & Praxis

Die Deutsche Bibliothek - CIP-Einheitsaufnahme

Meeting the Intercultural Challenge : hrsg. von Karlfried Knapp ... Mit Beiträgen von: Michael Berry ... - Sternenfels ; Berlin : Verl. Wiss, und Praxis, 1999 ISBN 3-89673-011-8 NE: Knapp, Karlfried [Hrsg.]; Berry, Michael [Mitverfasser];

ISBN 3-89673-011-8

© Verlag Wissenschaft & Praxis Dr. Brauner GmbH 1999 D-75447 Sternenfels, Nußbaumweg 6 Tel. 07045/930093 Fax 07045/930094

Alle Rechte vorbehalten Das Werk einschließlich aller seiner Teile ist urheberrechtlich geschützt. Jede Verwertung außerhalb der engen Grenzen des Urheberrechtsgesetzes ist ohne Zustimmung des Verlages unzulässig und strafbar. Das gilt ins­ besondere für Vervielfältigungen, Übersetzungen, Mikroverfilmungen und die Einspeicherung und Ver-arbeitung in elektronischen Systemen. Printed in Germany

Meeting the Intercultural Challenge

Proceedings of the SIETAR Congress 1996 Munich, 28 May - 2 June, 1996 SIETAR - The International Society for Intercultural Education, Training and Research is an interdisciplinary professional and service organization established in 1974. The SIETAR global network counts with over 3000 members in more than 60 countries.

Members of SIETAR are professionals from a variety of academic and practical disciplines who share a common concern for intercultural understanding. Their objective is to encourage the development and application of knowledge, values and skills which enable effective intercultural and interethnic actions at the individual, group, organization, and community and national levels. Interculturalists affiliated with SIETAR are educators, trainers, researchers, consultants, counselors and managers. They perform such specialized multiculturally-sensitive activities as conflict-resolution, international consulting and training for intercultural communication in a wide variety of settings such as business, government, education, health care, non-profit organizations, law enforcement and more.

The SIETAR Congress 1996 in Munich was a joint venture of SIETAR Deutschland, SIETAR Europa and SIETAR International. SIETAR Deutschland e.V.

SIETAR Europa

SIETAR International

c/olSDGmbH Alexanderstr. 42 D-70182 Stuttgart Germany

c/o ICHEC Boulevard Brand Whitlock 2 B-1150 Brussels Belgium

P.O. Box 467 Putney, Vermont 05346 USA

Tel.++49-711-238820 Fax++49-711-2388228

Tel.++ 32-2-7393743 Fax++32-2-7393743

Tel. ++1-802-3874785 Fax++1-8202-3875783

[email protected]

[email protected]

[email protected]

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Contents

Contents 1

Introduction: The Intercultural Challenge Meeting the Intercultural Challenge (Kari F. Knapp)

2

10

The Host Country: Germany Welcome address (Gertraud Burkert)

15

German identity in the 1990s (Karl F Knapp)

18

One Germany: United but still divided? Verbal and non-verbal approaches (Gerd Antos / Christine Kühn)

34

The unification of Germany - Perspectives for the unification of Europe? (Kurt Biedenkopf)

3

48

Global and Societal Challenges Perspectives on the intercultural challenge (Y.R.lsar) The infotainment explosion: Intercultural challenge or invasion (P.B.Nayar))

59 70

Political issues in community based research in poly-ethnic Australia (Anne Seitz)

4

80

European Challenges: Eastern and Southeastern Europe Matrix of identity (Darko Strajn)

95

Eastern Europe meets the West: Cultural misunderstanding over women’s issues (Elena Gapova)

105

Russia and Russians in Western orientation literature (Anna Pavlovskaya)

114

Meeting the intercultural challenge in Hungary: Intercultural conflicts in British-Hungarian and American-Hungarian international organisations (Klara Falk-Band)

5

128

Challenges of Diversity Theory, change agency and managing diversity (Philomena Essed)

6

138

Contents Effects of ethnic diversity in work organizations {Sjiera de Vries)

148

Intimidation and discrimination in the workplace. A diversity approach {Lida M.v.d.Broek)

6

156

Challenges for Organizations Stimulating intercultural development in welfare organizations in the Netherlands {Jan Hoogsteder / Jan Verhoeven)

165

In search of cultural synergy in multicultural organizations {Hossein Dadfar / Claes Moberg / Anders Törnvall))

175

Intercultural synergy in professional teams: Views based on practical experience {Ulrich Zeutschel)

191

About dialogue- and learning-oriented project management {Peter L. Fedon)

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200

Challenges for Business Intercultural business communication: An interactive approach {Jürgen Bolten)

212

Constructing cultural distance: power and cultural issues in acquisitions and other project activity {Kenneth David)

234

Impact of national business cultures on East & West joint ventures {Marie-Joelle Browaeys)

243

Globalisation and indigenous management models: the periphery talks back {Peter Prud’homme van Reine)

252

Culture and management in the South Pacific

{Narendra Reddy)

8

263

Challenges for Education and Training Intercultural toolbox - developing seminars for individual needs {Andrea Wolf / Nicole Eulenburg / Karla Eubel-Kasper)

272

Intercultural coaching. A workshop {Maria Elena Hoffmann / Sonia Kook / Diana Miguel de Mey)

279

Intercultural learning in a short-term international program {Jane Orton)

284

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Contents Teaching business students intercultural communication: An experiment in skills acquisition (Roberta Wiig)

299

Reflecting on reflections: Integrating pedagogical and research agendas to meet the intercultural challenge (Michael Berry)

312

Evaluation eines Trainings zur Erhöhung interkultureller Kompetenz (Astrid Podsiadlowsky)

319

State of the art: A survey of intercultural communication

courses (Alvino Fantini)

9

338

Challenges for Language Teaching Interrogation, denial, silence and other intercultural communication strategies (Dana Sleicher / Wayne Jacobson / Maureen Burke)

348

How culture influences practice in the foreign language classroom (Dominic Cogan)

355

American multicultural texts in the German EFL classroom (Sharon Wotschke)

366

Training the trainers: Developing cross-cultural competence in the culturally homogeneous workplace (Vivien Lee Jensen)

375

Developing a multicultural E-mail network (Michael Berry)

381

10 Challenges for Research: Approaches and Studies Consecutive translation in intercultural communication (Kristin Bührig)

389

Culture shock: Empirical evidence supporting the W-curve hypothesis (Bernhard Haupert)

401

Exploring the meaning of culture shock through culture bump analysis (Kunyu Bu-Zielinski)

415

Living abroad - the adjustment experiences of children during international relocation (Enid Alston)

426

Self-disclosure as a therapeutic technique in Eastern and Western cultures (Nancy Bragard)

434

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Contents Stereotypes, national identities, values and Europeanness (Chris Leeds)

444

The use of stereotypes in intercultural communication

(Oyvind Dahl)

453

11 Challenges for Research: Theories Cultures don’t meet - people do (Edwin Hoffman)

464

Concepts of paradise and intercultural communication 476

(Richard Harris)

12 Challenges for Us Ourselves: Reflections Über das Gewöhnliche am Umgang mit Fremden (Irmgard Sollinger)

491

Working interculturally: A call for continuous self-development (Michael H. Hoppe / Meena S. Wilson)

498

Munich 1996: THE intercultural challenge (Ruth Mastron)

504

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Introduction: The Intercultural Challenge

Meeting the Intercultural Challenge Karl F. Knapp Erfurt

The subsequent chapters of this book are all based on presentations at the 25th Annual Congress of the Society for Intercultural Education Training and Research (SIETAR), which took place at Munich, Germany, from May 28th to June 2nd, 1996. For various reasons, this was a very special event. Firstly, it was the 25th of SIETAR’s international congresses and as such it reflected the changes and developments in the field of interculturalism over the past quarter of this century. What had begun originally as dealing with problems of adequate training for development and other overseas personnel - recall that the first conceptualizations of what now is termed “intercultural competence” were then frequently conceived of as “overseasmanship” - over the years evolved into a vast and complex area of multifacetted problems and activities. For example: - The gobalization of the economy and the ever growing cooperation across national and cultural borders in education, business, science and technology create increasing dependencies among nations unparalleled in history and necessitate a hightened awareness for intercultural issues and a substantial competence to deal with intercultural problems both in the political, educational, business and science organizations and in the individuals involved.

- Political developments like the unification process in Europe - as symbolized e.g. by the forthcoming introduction of the single European currency - call into question long established features and boundaries of national identity. Similarly, the fall of the Iron Curtain suddenly enables or even enforces intercultural contacts between close neighbours who had been separated for almost two generations and who lost their knowledge of each other if not, under the influence of the long ideological confrontation, even developed negative stereotypes of each other. - Technical developments - the most recent ones being satellite TV and the Internet - spread culturally loaden information all over the world, but it is still unclear as to what extent it is understood in a culturally appropriate way by its recipients and what effects it may have on their world views, values, norms and ways of life. - Ethnic conflicts such as in Bosnia, Rwanda, Indonesia, Afghanistan or in

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Introduction: The Intercultural Challenge the former Soviet Union flare up worldwide, and so do cases where fanatics of whatever religious or ideological conviction terrorize their compatriots, all causing a rising stream of refugees fleeing persecution and poverty, leading to immigration and frequently to minority problems in other countries.

- The preferred goals of many of the recent refugee movements, postmodern Western societies, are in a process of social change. The old assimilationist model for the relationship between majorities and minorities does not predominate any more: the metaphor of the “melting pot” increasingly is being replaced by the mosaic. Multiculturalism as new model is emerging, with different social groups claiming an identity of their own in a pluralistic society, an identity based on their respective ethnicity, race, gender or sexual orientation. This diversity imposes an intercultural perspective on most intrasocietal contacts, too. - The question of identity is one of the issues that are related to ethical problems people working in the intercultural field have to face, be they policy makers, researchers or practitioneers in business, training or education. Does for example tolerance suffice to solve problems arising from clashes of conflicting group identities? Or: To what extent is it legitimate to change individual identities by education and training? - Politicians, managers, trainers and teachers have to implement the changes in groups or individuals, changes that are deemed to enhance intercultural communication. Although there is meanwhile a large variety of strategies for change, of methods for intercultural management, training and teaching available, in many cases the adequate means to solve conflicts or to build up the necessary knowledge, the appropriate attitudes and skills still have to be developed. And even more: for many of the strategies and methods used a reliable evaluation is still lacking.

- It is obvious that decisions on social or managerial policies, that objectives and methods of training and teaching should be based on or supported by research. Given the complextiy of the cognitive and behavioural dimensions that constitute a culture and the complextiy of the situations of intercultural contact, it has become obvious, too, that research to describe differences across cultures, to analyse and explain intercultural communication problems or to develop strategies and methods for changes in groups and individuals has to be interdisciplinary. Monocausal explanations and one-dimensional, polarized models clearly are not sufficient any more. Therefore, new approaches are necessary - approaches that account for the complexity and diversity mentioned before. These kinds of problems pose considerable challenges to all those working in the field. It was against this background that this anniversary congress

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Introduction: The Intercultural Challenge was put under the motto “Meeting the Intercultural Challenge”. Second, this congress was special because of its venue in Germany. Part of the recent history of this country, in particular during Nazi rule, was in extreme contrast to humanistic values and, of course, to the values shared by interculturalists today. Coming to Germany offered the opportunity to see how a society can change fundamentally - a positive sign for all those who, looking at countries like Bosnia or Rwanda, hope for changes for the better and reconciliation. Coming to Germany at this point in history also offered the unique opportunity to observe, in a real life laboratory, as it were, intra-national and intra-ethnic intercultural communication: how East and West Germans, after an enforced separation of forty years, in their interactions attempted (and still attempt) to deal with all the differences in knowledge and behavior that evolved during these years due to their belonging to different ideological systems and despite their having their cultural history and language in common.

Thirdly, the congress was unique in that it was organized jointly by three SIETAR organizations: SIETAR-Deutschland, SIETAR-Europa and SIETARInternational. The Organization and the Program Committee - both composed of one representative of each of these organizations - managed to handle all the problems resulting from geographical distance and cultural difference during the preparation phase and were happy to realize the success this congress eventually became: more than 900 participants from 54 different countries all over the world attended more than 200 workshops, presentations and special events. This success, however, could not have been possible without the help of the sponsors to the congress: - Robert-Bosch-GmbH, Stuttgart

- SIEMENS AG, Munich

- Swiss Bank Corporation, Zurich - City of Munich - VHS-München

Their generous support is gratefully acknowledged. The contributions to the congress captured much of the complexitiy and diversity typical of the field, aptly representing the multitude of challenges interculturalists have to meet today. It is the intention of this book to present an exemplary selection of reactions to these challenges. Therefore, it was the policy of the editors to select contributions that represent the variety of topics delt with at the congress and the range of different approaches, methods and styles used. Thus, the reader will find academic papers alongside with

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Introduction: The Intercultural Challenge reports from practical experience or personal reflections. In addition, the contributions should be self-contained texts and readable on their own, which excluded e.g. most of the materials from workshops, and they should not have been published before. Taking into account that most interculturalists nowadays are multilingual, the editors also chose not to adopt a strict “English only” policy. As a kind of extended introduction, this volume begins with four contributions related to the Host Country to Germany, its history, identity and its problems resulting from the reunification. It seems particularly apt to start with the welcoming address of the Mayor of Munich, Frau Burkert, who pointed out that the very place of the welcoming reception in the City Hall once had played a sad role during Nazi barbarism. She thus reminded the congress participants of the dangers humanism and intercultural understanding were and in today’s world still are - exposed to and ultimately of the most severe challenges the ideal of interculturalism has to face. Gobal and Societal Challenges for intercultural communication are the ties that hold the next group of papers together. Isar in his contribution outlines the position of the UNESCO concerning the global competition of different ethical standards, while Nayar deals with consequences the infotainment explosion has on societies and Seitz discusses political aspects of intercultural issues in Australia.

The following papers are more regional in focus: they cover European Challenges for intercultural understanding, in particular with respect to the intensified contacts with cultures in Eastern, East Central and Southeastern Europe, contacts that became possible for the West after the end of the Cold War, and with respect to the changes that since then took place in these cultures.

Next are grouped together papers that explicitly deal with the challenges of diversity, i.e. issues related to ethnic minorities, issues that are also relevant for part of the contributions in the subsequent section Challenges for Organizations, which focus on intercultural organization development, team building, synergy and other aspects of project management.

Managerial aspects are at the core of the articles under the headline Challenges for Business, which range from a scholarly discussion of very general aspects of intercultural business communication to an empirical study of very area-specific management strategies in the South Pacific. Probably for the majority of SIETAR members, Challenges for Education and Training are the ones that they themselves have to meet most frequently in their professional lives. Under this heading are grouped together papers that

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Introduction: The Intercultural Challenge represent a wide variety of training methods and approaches as well as a survey article on the types of courses offered to teach intercultural competence.

Reflecting the increased interest in the language teaching profession for aspects of intercultural communication, evident from a larger number of presentations to this topic area than at earlier congresses, it seems justified to publish a selection of language related papers in a separate section Challenges for Language Teaching.

Like education and training, research, too, is a key area of activities for SIETAR members. Research in particular is variegated which respect to interests of study, to methods and theories. Some of the issues persued, however, have a long tradition in the field. This applies e.g. to culture shock, adjustment, self-disclosure or stereotyping - social-psychological subjects dealt with in the group of articles headlined by Challenges for Research: Approaches and Studies. Less conventional in this context is the contribution by Bührig, which represents the micro-ethnographic, conversational analysis approach typical of empirical studies of intercultural interactions in European linguistics. One of the most important challenges for research, of course, is to arrive at generalizable explanations of intercultural phenomena. Given the complexity of intercultural situations, it certainly is not too pessimistic to admit that in many areas relevant to the field we still are far from well founded theoretical generalizations. Nevertheless, as examples for possible forms of theorizing, the section Challenges for Research: Theories comprizes two completely different papers: one outlining a system-theoretical approach, the other one using the concept of “paradise” in different cultures as an explanatory device.

The closing section of this book is reflexive in that the articles presented here are intended to make all interculturalists reflect on themselves. In Challenges for Ourselves: Reflections Sollinger sensitizes us for the usual pitfalls we step into when dealing with strangers, and Hoppe & Wilson convincingly point out that all those who are working interculturally have to strive for continuous self development. Finally, Mastron takes up the topic already introduced in the welcoming address by the Mayor of Munich - the fact that once in history intercultural contact has failed so dramatically that it resulted in the Holocaust - and, in view of todays’ genocides in Bosnia, Rwanda and elsewhere, she asks why people obviously do not learn from history, and how interculturalists can cope with this distressing fact. That, indeed, should be a key intercultural challenge also for the readers of this book.

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The Host Country: Germany

Welcome address Gertraud Burkert

Ladies and Gentlemen, distinguished guests!

I am very pleased to be able to welcome all participants of the SIETAR World Congress 1996 here tonight, on behalf of Mayor Christian Ude, who is on vacation at present, in the name of the Munich City Council, and personally!

No doubt, we feel very proud that the first united SIETAR Congress is now held in our city. The inauguration of your congress is held here in the Old City Hall, a place which is often described as Munich’s “most cosy corner”.

However, I do not want to conceal the fact that this very hall is just as connected with the darkest period of the more recent history as the City of Munich itself, with the time of the Nazi regime. And we have no intention of hiding the fact that this is the place where the Progrom Night was proclaimed on November ninth 1938, - which demonstrated how easy it is to kindle nationalism and racism, how easy it is to seduce people from such a mentality into inhuman acts. Let me say that because of the history of this hall and as a result of the deplorable past of Munich as "the capital of the movement” we have used this hall again and again as a place to point out to the dangers of nationalism and racism.

It was here that exhibitions were held on the Third Reich, it was here that commemorative functions were held and it was here where numerous discussions were held concerning the issues of prejudice against minorities and discrimination against the unfamiliar, the unaccustomed. But this hall is also the place were it is made clear that Munich was not just the “capital of the movement”, but that our city also harboured powers which were determined to resist and fight against the deplorable activities of the Nazis while risking their own lives.

A citizen of Munich by the name of Georg Elser committed the unsuccessful attempt against Adolf Hitler not far from here, and at the University of Munich the “Weisse Rose”, the circle of Sophie and Hans Scholl had set a historic signal in favour of humanity and democracy. To be sure, the City is conscious of the fact that a tremendous amount of responsibility comes as a result of this history. And we are astonished and pleased time and again to see so much commitment of the people of Munich in favour of

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The Host Country: Germany a peaceful coexistence of the cultures.

To give an example: in nearly all parts of the city where shelters for asylum seekers were erected the people of the neighbourhood, from the parishes and self-help groups have come to give a helping hand, being determined to reduce prejudice and discrimination in the area where they live. And this civic commitment and the support of the City of Munich which guarantees comprehensive care around the clock make sure that, unlike in other German cities, the hatred of strangers does not flare up.

Thus, the City of Munich is a little bit proud that the idea of forming a “chain of lights” against racism and nationalism was born in this city where thousands of people had followed this call which goes to demonstrate willingness to live together in peace with people from different countries of origin, races and religions. And the City of Munich takes every opportunity to commemorate this chain of lights and to point out that tolerance and openness to the world are part of the most important political aims of our urban policy. However, to maintain Munich as a tolerant and open city requires a great deal of efforts. The more our society develops into a so-called “elbow­ society” in which the weakest are left out, the more difficult it is to maintain a sense of humanity and openness towards foreigners. Many who come under pressure in the heat of competition and the abolishment of social standards are looking for scapegoats. And irresponsible politicians are sometimes too willing to blame it all on the foreign citizen.

Not long after the year 1945 the City of Munich began to encourage its citizens and young people in particular to become familiar with other cultures and thereby break down prejudice. This was achieved by establishing sister city relationships - last year a new twinning link with Harare in Zimbabwe was set up - but also by introducing programs of international youth exchange and by establishing a regular exchange between young people from Israel and Germany.

No doubt, new problems had arisen with the migration of guest workers in the sixties. After it became clear that these people would not just be with us for some years it became an important issue of local government policy to work towards their integration. In the meantime, nearly one fifth of our population is of foreign origin. And many have been living here in the second and third generation. We started very early in our kindergardens which have a high percentage of foreign children to employ so-called multicultural educators. In municipal schools the City of Munich introduced separate classes for

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The Host Country: Germany Turkish pupils in which Turkish is taught as foreign language instead of English, as an option.

Youth centres were set up to promote the peaceful living together of young people from different cultures. And only recently the regional youth organisation and the University launched a series of discussions on this subject. In the meantime we are confronted with new problems, however, for example to care for our elderly citizens who have come to us 20, 30 years ago and who are at home in this city, but who are under the threats of discrimination by the society and of loneliness.

Our municipal department in charge of these matters was asked to work out a concept of how to meet their special needs. And yet, we are always confronted with the question to what extent we can promote integration, to what extent we can expect integration, or do the people who have come here have the right to preserve their own culture. These problems become most apparent in schools which have girls of Islam belief. And this subject will remain difficult, no doubt, as it will not permit detailed solutions which can be applied in every case.

However, the key issue still is: How can we create conditions which will keep up the social peace in our city. And I feel that the future will even require more important contributions than in the past, in the face of open boarders in Europe, in view of the migration of seasonal workers from the east and with a continuing and ever growing flow of refugees from former east block countries and poverty areas of the third world.

And we will have to discuss these problems again and again for the individual groups and in view of the social problems of our German population. We will not be able to find suitable answers in the field of politics alone, I feel. We will need expert knowledge of many disciplines, we will need expertise and the exchange of experience from different countries and we will need advice and help from organisations like your own, SIETAR. Let me therefore thank you once again for having selected the City of Munich as your congress venue. We take it as an honour and an obligation at the same time.

Thank you very much for your attention.

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The Host Country: Germany

German identity in the 1990s Karl F Knapp Erfurt

The following paper1 is intended as a very brief sketch of some basic characteristics of what, from the past to the present, constitutes German identity. For this purpose, I shall firstly outline some of the major historical factors that are part of the determinative substrate of this identity; secondly, I will point out some of the more concrete consequences resulting from these factors and, finally, touch upon problems Germans themselves have with their cultural identity - or identities, after the unification of the two Germanies, West and East, in 1989 and the potential consequences these problems might have for Germany’s role in the process of European union at the turn of the millenium.

Some fundamental determinants According to present currents in anthropology (e.g. Keesing 1974) a culture can best be described as a system of knowledge shared by its members. Such a system is broadly determined by the global views and values rooted in the history of ideas of the respective community. One important area of this history is the development of the prevailing ideology. This is true, of course, also of the German culture, and in fact it can be said that religion is historically the first and by far the most influential ideological factor in shaping German identity. However, it is not Christian Occident that matters here; an origin it shares with all other Western cultures. Rather, it is the impact of the Reformation, particularly of Lutheran protestantism. The Reformation exerted an important influence on many European cultures. However, its results were different according to whether it was the Lutheran or the Calvinist version. There are fundamental differences between these two, differences that explain many cultural distinctions, especially between AngloSaxon and the German culture.2

In Calvinist Protestantism, the individual is expected to participate in the shaping of the social world around him or her. By contrast, in Lutheran Protestantism there is a separation of public administration and the church from the individual’s private inwardness and spirituality. This contrast can be traced back to the biographies of these two religious founders. While Calvin, as a free citizen of Geneva exerted an active influence on the development of his community, the monk Luther sought refuge with his sovereign against persecution by the Pope. Luther’s version of Protestantism did not spread because of the individual’s conviction, but as a result of the protection of the respective sovereign on the

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The Host Country: Germany basis of the principle cuius regio, eius religio, a principle founded in the Treaty of Westphalia, 1648, at the end of the Thirty Year War. Where Calvinist communities put up religious freedom as part of political rule, Luther legitimised political rule as God-given and therefore not to be questioned by any subject. Luther made a distinction between the two dominions (die zwei Königreiche) which an individual is subjected to: the political, which is a matter of the state; and the spiritual, which is reserved for God. For Luther, the political dominion, the rule of the sovereign, was set up by God to control and overcome human imperfection by the force of the state. Therefore, subjects owed gratitude and obedience to the sovereign. Only where worldly authority obviously offended against God’s commandments, were subjects allowed to withdraw their allegiance. This could never lead to open restistance, since this might destroy God-given political rule altogether. The only form of worldly disobedience permitted was either to point out to the sovereign his offences, or to flee from him .3 For Luther, the freedom of a Christian was a spiritual, inner freedom, a belief in God, not a set of civil rights. This freedom required a being to follow the Lord’s commandments and to abide by worldy laws. As a consequence, and different from Calvinism, the ideas of an independent citizen, acting on his or her own responsibility, as well as of a political community as a union of free individuals, could never develop. Under this line of reasoning, political legislation has always remained the task of the feudal sovereign or of the state only.

Luther’s concept of job or profession had the same effect. To him, having work was not an obligation to change and shape the material and social world according to the divine commandments, but a calling for a place in a given corporative structure predetermined by tradition. In this case, it was performance of one’s duty and obedience to the existing norms of the professional environment and to the laws of the state only that mattered. Quite obviously, it is a very small step from here to what later became known as Prussian discipline and subservience. This view of work as duty is in line with Luther’s conception of private inwardness or spirituality, a conception of equal importance to the shaping of the German identity. To Luther, an individual does not realize him- or herself in external doings, by acting in the social sphere, but rather by an inner attitude that directs his or her way to God. It is not so much that acting properly leads to the Lord, but rather trust and belief in God. This attitude, this spiritual identity, has to have priority over mundane achievements. Personal identity is thus separated from society and the individual is neither responsible for society at large nor for his or her position in the social context. Against this background, it is does not come as a surprise that even today political participation in Germany is more a matter of duty than of personal involvement.

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The Host Country: Germany However, the influence of Lutheran protestantism would not have been that pervasive had it not been secularized by the German intellectual reaction to the enlightenment, especially in the form of German Idealism. Idealism therefore has to be regarded as the second most important shaping force of the German identity. As Krieger (1957) points out, this becomes especially obvious in the idealist view of the relation between the individual and the state. Thinkers like Kant and Hegel justified the state as being an institution of a higher moral status than a mere collective of individual beings. According to them and to their followers, the state had to grant freedom to the individual. Echoing Luther’s ideas, in Kant’s philosophy this freedom, however, was viewed first and foremost as an abstract inner freedom which in concrete dealings in the social sphere had to be realized by an adherence to the laws of the state. This inner freedom was equated to orienting oneself to the moral law originating from true practical reason which is universally valid and independent of sensual desires or the desire to achieve material advantages. But where an individual in his or her concrete actions deviates from true practical reason, he or she is forced to follow this reason by obeying the laws of the state. For Kant, this was more of a help on the way to moral perfection than a restriction of individual rights, because for him, the legislation of the state had itself to be based on the general principles of practical reason. Hence the laws of the state had to be most general and not geared towards individual cases; the state had an outstanding moral status, and - different from Anglo-Saxon thinking - the freedom of the individual did not need to be protected against any encroachments by the state, because it was implied in the general legislation.

The special position attributed to the state is also evident in the views idealist thinkers had on education. In 1772, in his book On the Origin of Language (Über den Ursprung der Sprache), the philosopher Johann Gottfried Herder exposed the idea that a language expresses the collective experiences of the group of its speakers, thus breaking the way for German romantic linguistic nationalism. He also claimed that in analogy to naturalistic language acquisition and its concomittant acculturation, the creation of a national identity is a project of education. The foundation of the University in Berlin early in the 19th century, which was set up according to the ideas of idealistic reformers like Fichte, Schelling and von Humboldt, reflected the conviction that this education should be organized by the state. Being the prototype of the self-image of German universities until the sixties of this century, it was intended as a place of true education and culture for an elite, independent of practical needs of society, and from its beginning reflected the high preference among German intellectuals for philosophy and the humanities and their disdain for technical and more mundane subjects - an attitude which still prevails today.

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The Host Country: Germany As a secular variant of Lutheran inwardness and spirituality, Idealism lead to the search for universal and eternal truths, separated from the profane necessities and contingencies of everyday life and the rest of society. Again this can be demonstrated by the works of Kant and Hegel. They are typical in that they exhibit the highest level of abstraction possible, but that their theories - particularly in contrast to that of Anglo-Saxon philosphers of their time, e.g. Hobbes - are more or less empirically void. Due to his closer affinity to an empirical reality, it is true that Hobbes in his writings on the social contract can be caught in empirical contradictions. This could hardly happen to German idealist philosophers, because it is hard to imagine how their theories could ever be put into empirical practice. For example, it is hard to conceive that any human being, and even more a society, could live up to the moral standards set by the universal principles of true practical reason. To the German idealist, however, it is only the internal consistency of his theory that matters. The neglect of empirical contingencies together with the rigorism of thinking could therefore lead to the fact that an abstract humanistic universalism found to be theoretically true can - in its practical consequences, which are outside the idealist’s consideration - be accompanied by a concrete inhumanity. A case in point here is Communism - which can be regarded as a continuation of Hegel’s philosophy by Marx - and its practical consequences for all those living under the dicatorship of the proletariat.

For German Idealism, the search for universal and eternal truths is not a collective project. They can be found by an individual thinker only, concentrating on himself and his subject matter in seclusion and - as it was called - ’’heroic loneliness” of his study. A loneliness, in which the points of reference for the scholar were quite naturally the established great works of the titans of thinking of past millenia rather than the immature and incomplete thoughts of contemporary colleagues.4 Truths are not hypotheses you could discuss, let alone in public discourse. Truths have to be maintained with rigour. It is not intersubjectivity and critical evaluation by others that counts, but the conscience - convincingly and impressively presented - of being right. Therefore, the concept of a competition of ideas - instead of conflict of ideas - has long remained foreign to Germans, and a discussion culture did not develop. Also, this neglect of a public discourse has led to the well known lack of comprehensibility of German academic discourse, which makes the ideas presented accessible to a small group of initiated experts only, but at the same time increases the prestige of the expert in the rest of the society. All this is also a reflection of the idealist assumption that a more advanced knowledge is accessible to a small, chosen elite only. From the beginning of the

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The Host Country: Germany 19th century, this was the educated bourgeoisie, the Bildungsbürgertum, which separated itself from other groups of society not so much on the basis of its economic position but rather on the basis of its education. This education, mirroring the idealistic ideas that led to the foundation of Berlin University, was humanistic, with an emphasis on philosophy, history and the classical languages.5

The most typical representative of the Bildungsbürgertum was the university professor. Apart from his education and his subject area in the humanities he was typical, too, in that he was a civil servant, since in Germany - with very few exceptions today - universities are run by the state. The bond of Idealism and the Prussian state made the university professor the most important and most influential personification of the intellectual, with the consequence that intellectuals were acceptable in German society as civil servants only.6 Being supported by the state, in the comfortable position of a public office, the German professor did not need to care for his material subsistence, and was thus largely relieved from running the risk of being confronted with the empirical realities that might question the validity of his universal truths. On a lower social stratum, the same is true for the parson and the teacher, whose role it was - as more public opinion leaders - to transport the ideas of inwardness and obedience to the idealised state into the minds of the less educated classes. Both through the ideology that resulted and by the persons it brought into important functions in society, Idealism was affirmative for the state and the ruling castes. It is no surprise that quite independent from Prussian influence on German history the values and behaviours associated with it were adopted also in the non-protestant areas of Germany. The outstanding position attributed to the state and its justification by Idealism suggests to regard the role of the state in the 19th century as the third important determining factor in the development of the German identity.

As a result of the Napoleonic wars and in reaction to French imperialism quite in agreement with the Lutheran world view and Idealism - early in the 19th century the idea of a ’’strong state” developed. German intellectuals felt that in the competition among the emerging European nations a strong Germany was necessary. The practical consequences of this idea were the militarization of the state and the enhancement of governmental effectiveness by introducing codified laws, rules and objective procedures for the functioning of an efficient, pervasive bureaucracy. For these laws and rules to be effective, they had to cover all possible bureaucratic decisions. Under the influence of Idealism, this meant that they had to be numerous, general in their coverage, and neither favour nor discriminate against anybody. A corollary of this modernization, then, was equality before the general law. It

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The Host Country: Germany is worth mentioning here that different from, e.g., France or the Anglo-Saxon countries, it was not an emancipated bourgeoisie who took the lead in this development, but the ruling caste. It was particularly the Prussian noble Freiherr von Stein who was influential in this reform. The development of the German bureaucracy, certainly the first step towards modernization and one that has been so important for what even today is regarded as typically German, thus was introduced top down, as it were. Quite in line with this ’’top down” approach to modernization, it was the state itself that was the most important driving force, the largest entrepreneur, behind the industrialization of Germany during the 19th century, supported by major banks and huge industrial trusts. Part of the leading role of the state was the fact that laws introducing social security and the protection of women and children against dangerous work and exploitation were not that much introduced as a result of class struggle, than by a paternalistic Bismarck - who, of course, by this intended to anticipate pressures from a slowly, but steadily increasing union movement among the growing working class.

The German welfare state thus had its origin to a large extent in this caring attitude of the state and its leaders. That it was - at least in the 19th century - not the working class or the bourgeoisie that pushed this social achievement through, can again be seen as a consequence of the Lutheran world view: the active shaping of the world is a task of those put into the position of political leadership - subjects should not participate in such public affairs, but obey. This holds for all the other areas of modernization mentioned. However, modernization and industrialization more and more dissolved the traditional corporate structure of German society, where every individual had his or her predetermined place, knew howto act in social life and could concentrate on his or her inner religious or moral perfection. Industrializiation caused an enormous migration of population within the borders of the state thereby changing the traditional surroundings not just because of large technological plants such as coalmines and steel works, but also by reshaping the social structure. Social groups such as the workforce and/or the craftsmen - also from which latter group some developed into an affluent section of a productive middle class - still had to find their place in society. The development of a new social order required individuals to see to their own social welfare and to the practical details of their lives much more than ever before, and so, they had to take a public stance on these issues. The educated middle class in particular felt alienated by these effects of modernisation. This led to a tension between the Protestant inwardness and Idealism on the one hand, and the perspective based on a modern, social and technical rationalism on the other hand. This tension between religious and philosophical ideals and the consequences of social and technical progress are characteristic features of a fourth and undoubtedly very important determining

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The Host Country: Germany factor of German identity

This developed in the second half of the 19th century. In the cultural sphere, it had its culmination in the glorification of the past first as a nostalgic and then as a reactionary movement. This attitude is expressed in late Romanticism and particularly in the works of Richard Wagner. In the social sphere, there arose an increasing preference for a particular form of social organisation, i.e. for ’’community” (’’Gemeinschaft”). This concept can be traced back to Ferdinand Tönnies. Tönnies (1887) made the distinction which still holds in present-day sociology between ’’society” (’’Gesellschaft”) and ’’community” (’’Gemeinschaft”). To put it simply, ’’society” refers to the free organisation of individuals at the level of a state based on a social contract whereas ’’community” refers to the organisation of individuals in a manageable social unity based on primordial bondings and affiliations. In a ’’community”, trust, intimacy, agreement and shared moral values are dominant, all the social actions are honest involving the whole personality of the individual. In a ’’society”, however, anonymity pre-dominates and social actions are motivated by changeable, arbitary goals and utilities, so that dishonesty and hypocrisy can be used as means to attain these ends and that social participation can be motivated by sheer vanity. In short, ’’community” is warm and personal, but ’’society” is cold and impersonal. Both a hostility to technology disguised as idealism and a preference for community are still very common in present-day German society.

In conclusion, another determining factor should be mentioned if at least the contemporary manifestations of German identity are to be adequately covered. This consists in the consequences of the Third Reich after 1945. The defeat of Nazi barbarism cast doubts upon an uninterrupted continuation of the traditional, cultural ways of thinking and behaving and opened up Germany to other cultural influences. A by no means unimportant factor was the influence of American culture working through the ’’re-education” programme carried out by the Anglo-Saxon victors and also through the present socio-cultural internationalism.7 This is not only obvious in the „Mac-Donaldization“ of society, as George Ritzer (1993) puts it, which has since then taken place in Germany, too. The external consequences of the social rationalisation of people’s life-styles are accompanied by a widespread acceptance of values oriented more towards ’’society”. The willingness to participate in the political process has increased so that even the forms of civil disobedience of the protest movements are now very common. The developments described by Inglehart (1977) as the change in values of the modern age have not left Germany untouched. In upbringing, for example, today’s German parents place more value than only twenty years ago on the development

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The Host Country: Germany of their children to become self-motivated, independently minded individuals with the result that values such as order, obedience and a sense of duty quite clearly are of less importance than was previously the case. As is pointed out by Klages (1984) or Schuppe (1988), in contrast to the traditional German stereotype, a large part of the younger generation is surprisingly hedonistic; they see the state less as a community to which they are bound by their membership, and more as a service organisation which they call on very unemotionally and with their personal advantage in mind. For most of today’s Germans, individualism is no longer primarily rooted in private inwardness or spirituality, but is more a case of an individualistic and rather self-centred participation in public life. However, one positive consequence of this orientation toward ’’society” is Germany’s firmly based democracy.

Some consequences of German culture These basic factors determining the history of ideas produced numerous features of thinking and behaving which, in intercultural comparison, can be described as ’’typically German”.8 Thus the Protestant inwardness or spirituality, for example, can be seen as the basis for the German conception of a Christian religion. Different from cultures influenced by Calvinism, for Germans leading a life pleasing to God and material well-being are completely independent from each other, and quite logically to them denominations like Scientology which run businesses to gain profit and promise material success to their members cannot be a religion. Also, these Protestant values are fundamental for the German attitude to work, in regarding it as a duty rather than a means to self-fulfilment. Similarly, being serious at work, giving an impression of ’’gravitas” and the separation of work and private life are all connected with the effects of Lutheranism.9 Also, the influence of Protestantism led people to accept established authorities and to prefer clear rules and guidelines - attitudes which are part of the value Hofstede describes as high uncertainty avoidance. This preference to avoid uncertainty is also influenced by the philosophy of idealism which brought about the tendency always to find general and basic solutions to problems and to rely on experts rather than to trust in common sense.

This preference for general rules is also reflected in the significance of the state which riddles all areas of life with its laws, not least because the citizens themselves demand rules and regulations, as, for example, in the field of environmental protection, which must be implemented with the full authority of the state itself rather than trusting in people to negotiate a mutual agreement among the parties directly concerned. The idealistic scepticism towards modernism meant that the ’’two cultures” conflict as described by the British physicist and philosopher C. P. Snow (1967)

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The Host Country: Germany was fought out in Germany with greater ferocity than in any other country. This conflict - arts versus sciences - exists, according to Snow, in all highly developed western societies. However, despite the indisputable dominance of the scientific and technological culture in everyday life and despite its contribution to the welfare of everyone in Germany, the vocal intellectual leaders of public opinion together with the others in the media, schools and churches, have cast doubt not only on the consequences of science and technology, but also on the legitimacy of the scientific world view itself. This explains, for example, the influence of the ecology movement in Germany. The second consequence of anti-modernism, i.e. the preference for community, has led to the popularity of the numerous clubs and associations in Germany which are so important to everyday life, particularly at a local level. The noticeable social distinctions in other areas of German life such as between the boss and the worker almost completely disappear amongst club members. This helps to lessen the existing class distinctions in society.

It was particularly in the social and economic areas that the basic principles derived from the history of ideas proved to be very positive for Germany’s development. The Protestant work ethic explains why German workers and employees act in a very independent and self-motivated way within clearly demarcated areas of responsibility. The Protestant attitude of handing over the political negotiation of interests to those people and institutions responsible, also explains why labour relations in Germany have always been relatively harmonious. Negotiations for wages and social benefits take place less by direct confrontation between management and workers, and far more by negotiations between the union representatives responsible for large sectors of the economy and their counterparts in the corresponding employers’ associations. Whatever is agreed upon by the representatives responsible for a particular economic sector is generally accepted by their members, who usually have played no part in the decision process. Compared with other countries, this results in relatively stable and calm industrial relations - at least until the 1990s. Another consequence of the basic attitudes arising from the history of ideas is German thoroughness. This is the practical aspect of philosophical profundity and and uncertainty-avoidance. Much of Germany’s industrial success can be explained by the high quality of its products and, in turn, much of this quality is due to a systematic approach to design and production as well as to allowing wide safety margins to ensure nothing goes wrong. The same applies to the German cultural standard of sticking to rules whether pre-determined or agreed upon. The reputation of Germans in business of constantly fulfilling the terms of contract has proved to be advantageous for international competition.

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The Host Country: Germany History also shows, however, that the consequences of the fundamental determining factors in German culture can also be rather negative. This is illustrated, for example, by the effects Protestantism and Idealism had on individual ethical responsibility. Quite in keeping with this way of thinking, the sociologist Max Weber, at the end of the nineteenth century, summed up the division between religious and philosophical subjectivism on the one hand, and the objectivism necessary in modern society on the other, in the statement that ethics are ultimately a private matter.10 This released, for example, Prussian civil servants or officers from the obligation to justify their behaviour in their professional life as long as they acted within the law and obeyed the orders of their superiors. In fact, they only had to bear responsibility if they, in any way, deviated from this course of action. And amongst those who did not withdraw into their private inwardness or spirituality but were active in the political and social sphere, a type of person could develop whom Max Weber designated as the moralist of conviction (Gesinnungsethiker): a person who sticks to his convictions quite independently of the practical consequences of his ideological motivation and, moreover, quite independently of the consequences for other people.

Against this ideological background, characteristics such as servility, blind obedience, dogmatism, inflexibility and discrimination against others originated, characteristics the Nazi ideology exploited to the most horrifying extreme. The frightening success of this ideology also resulted from its extremely skilful coupling of the anti-modern feeling in the German population with a romanticising appeal to the idea of ‘community’, with the notion of peoples' community (Volksgemeinschaft), instead of society. At the same time, it also managed to direct both the ‘community’ ideal and the reactionary component of anti­ modernist thought into obedience to a totalitarian regime and into an enthusiastic approval of technology based on the idea of a ‘strong state’. The development of German history is a good example of the fact that the ideological heritage of any culture constitutes a potential which is not always used by its members in the same way, be it positively or negatively. It is not interpreted in the same way, but differently in different periods in history. Which particular form this interpretation assumes is influenced by the concrete, ecological, economic and (geo)-political external circumstances of the particular period in question. It is also important to note, however, that the relevant current interpretation is made by the intellectual leaders of public opinion and commentators who therefore bear a particular historical responsibility. What the ethnologist Barth (1969) describes for ethnic groups - namely that a group at various particular times makes use of different components of its own repertoire of values and behaviours in order to differentiate itself from other groups and to bind its own members to its own group - also applies to cultures. Cultures also

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The Host Country: Germany determine their own identity, set up boundaries against other cultures, exercise pressure on members to conform and they do this by emphasising features of their cultural repertoire which is decided by their leaders of public opinion, an emphasis which alters in the course of history. Current trends

If the basic determining factors producing cultural identity are not a historical constant - how then can today’s ’’German identity” be envisaged?

The first response to this obvious question can only be answered by the words: ”as ambivalent” - and this is not merely because the basic determining factors of any culture can be Janus-faced in its effects. Present-day German identity is characterised by several ambivalences. I shall pick out only three examples in this paper. How these kinds of ambivalence develop and then how these ambiguities are resolved is quite clearly of crucial importance for Germany’s role in the process of European unification.

The first concerns the problem of the attitude of the Germans themselves towards their national identity and concerns the question: after re-unification - how far is it at all possible to talk about one German identity? It is, in fact, difficult to talk about ‘a’ or ‘the’ German identity because many Germans themselves are uncertain about how far they do have a national identity and whether they actually want to have such an identity at all. The misuse caused by the Nazis rendered impossible the uninterrupted continuation of traditional German ways of thinking after 1945. Similarly, the re-education programme of the western victors contributed to the Germans becoming alienated not only from the potentially negative effects of their cultural determining factors but also to quite a large extent to their becoming alienated from these factors themselves. For the post-war generation in their fifties and for most of the younger generation it is now accepted that any form of nationalism is bad - even more strongly: that everything national is suspect.

They regard themselves to be more West Europeans than Germans. This attitude has been re-inforced by all the governments since the founding of the Federal Republic with their policy of Western integration and their energetic support of European integration. West German politics always aimed at the Germans being ’’good Europeans”.

One effect of this policy can be seen in the way national symbols are dealt with. Unlike in the USA, for example, the national flag is rarely seen in any official rooms. Although, for instance, the approximately 100 million German speakers are the largest language community in the EU, unlike France, Germany does not pursue any clear policy with the aim of implementing a

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The Host Country: Germany proportional use of German in the European institutions. The governments and the economy in West Germany always eschewed huge technological projects which, in other countries, would have been objects of national pride. German participation in aeronautical and space projects, such as the Airbus and the Ariane rocket projects, resulted from French pressure.

Generally, to most Germans explicit manifestations of patriotism are suspect.11 Patriotism in Germany usually takes the form of constitutional patriotism - i.e. being proud of the Basic Law (Grundgesetz) set up by the founding fathers (and mothers) of post-war Germany to lay the constitutional foundations for modern, democratic Germany. The Grundgesetz is generally seen as the arbiter for all political activities and is regarded by the public as largely sacrosanct. This is also reflected in the fact that it is very difficult to implement any changes in the Grundgesetz or even any changes in its interpretation. Therefore, the political participants in Germany are very restricted in their sphere of action. Even more, any replacement of the Grundgesetz by another constitution is completely out of the question. Although in 1949 the Grundgesetz was envisaged merely as a provisional constitutional structure for West Germany to be replaced after the re­ unification of the two German states by a common constitution, any attempt after re-unification in 1990 to put a new common constitution of this kind on the political agenda was doomed from the start. Thus, the Germans’ uncertainty about their national identity is counterbalanced to a large extent by a clearly codified set of laws. It is important, however, to note that this uncertainty applies only to former West Germany. Whereas the Federal Republic was exposed to the cultural influences of the West after the Second World War, which triggered a change in values, East Germany was generally left untouched by foreign influences - except, of course, for the adoption of numerous external formal features and structures in the economic and social spheres taken from the Soviet Union. Many of the old Prussian values and virtues, however, were able to survive beneath this surface. They were kept alive by the communist regime and used to their advantage, as in the distribution of awards for doing one’s duty, for discipline and for order. The orientation towards ‘community’ was highlighted in the socialist collectives and the welfare state structures were further developed into all areas of life almost to the point of depriving people of their independence.

This cultural continuity became possible for the East German rulers because they ascribed the negative effects of German cultural history - such as the Holocaust - to western capitalism and held capitalist West Germany responsible for this history whereas they claimed the positive aspects of German cultural history for themselves. With this background, values such as individualism,

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The Host Country: Germany initiative and self-reliance were much less frequently identified with by adults in the East than in the West. Particularly among the members of the public state services in the former GDR, there are still many who regret the state’s loss of total power and who nostalgically identify with the old system. However, the most interesting difference between East and West Germany concerns the significance of the nation for its own cultural identity. This is the second aspect of ambivalence to be dealt with here. Unlike Federal Republicans with their bias towards the West, East Germans tend more towards defining themselves as members of the German nation. This is not very surprising in view of the fact that very few international and intercultural contacts were possible for them under communist rule. In addition, East Germany was scientifically and technologically superior to all the other states in the former Eastern Block, resulting in its privileged position in COMECON and giving rise to national pride among the citizens. For this reason, an inconspicuous national consciousness is more obvious in the new federal states than in West Germany. Because of re­ unification, the idea of nationhood as a feature of cultural identity is once again entering the consciousness also of West Germans. It is, however, still unclear what significance this will have for the growth of a future ‘pan-German’ identity and for the practical policies of German governments. It is certain that this development will not lead to a revival of the former chauvinistic nationalism. It must be conceded, of course, that there are in Germany - as in other countries - acts of violence against foreigners and minorities and that many of these violent acts are accompanied by Nazi symbols. It is understandable that, in the context of German history, these sad events are a cause of concern, particularly in other countries. As sociological studies show, however, these - apparently - extreme right-wing actions and acts of violence are usually a result of juvenile delinquency and are not politically motivated.12

These actions are generally caused by the hatred in frustrated young people with no future. Although this hatred and anger is vented on foreigners, it is, however, directed not primarily against the foreigners but against the society to which the youths ascribe their frustration. These youths do not use neo-Nazi symbols because of their historical content - which most of them do not even understand - but because these symbols are so vehemently rejected by the adults in society. In East Germany, there is the additional factor that these kinds of actions can be seen to provoke the West Germans who pretend to be so sophisticated and who like to regard themselves as morally superior.

A third feature of ambivalence in the current German identity concerns the influence of internationalization, which opens the society to other economical and societal models. In 1996, for example, the chairman of Daimler Benz caused massive protests and strikes in the Mercedes factories when he

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The Host Country: Germany publicly supported political moves to cut the workers' wages in case of illness by a general law, and by justifying his position - explicitly taking recourse to international or more exactly: American standards of management - with his primary responsibility for the interests of the shareholders. This was seen as a breach of the implicit consensus in Germany that the management should feel responsible for the workforce as well and that conflicts in industrial relations should be negotiated between the unions and the employers' associations. The effects of international influences on the German culture cannot, in fact, be underestimated. Since the 19th century, the craftsmen - and later: the skilled workers -, the lower level employees and low ranking civil servants have been the backbone of the German society. In line with the Protestant heritage, once they had completed their education and vocational training, they could live a modest, but secure and respected life. However, technological progress calls into question now the lifelong value of the skills acquired in the extended periods of vocational training that are so typical of Germany, and internationalization puts German workers into competition with cheaper labour all over the world. Similarly, economic developments that lead to a privatization of public services such as the mail, the telecom or the national railway, suddenly confront the staff with career prospects that are not seen as a positive challenge by many: Instead of becoming a civil servant - which means modest pay but a lifetime job - they experience a reduction of social benefits that used to be self-evident before and even have to face unemployment. According to a recent study, the economic position and the social status of this sector of the German population in particular has become increasingly precarious in the 1990s (Hübinger 1996). This causes considerable social insecurity in a culture which is known for its high degree of uncertainty avoidance, and it is completely uncertain how the Germans especially the groups immediately concerned - will react to it.

Only the future will show whether and how those areas of ambivalence are resolved and what effects the basic determining factors of German cultural history will have on the further development of a German identity. It is, however, obvious that this development will have a crucial influence on Germany's role in a united Europe. Notes 1 This paper developed from a brief oral presentation given at the round table "European Identities for Peace and War” at the 3rd SIETAR-EuropaConference at Prague, March 1995, when I was asked to present - in a nutshell, as it were - an account of German identity. As my professional background is in sociolinguistics and communication, the subsequent

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The Host Country: Germany remarks should not be regarded as an authoritative statement of an expert in culture theory, but rather as a description of some fundamental characteristics of the German culture based on some knowledge of the past and the role of a participant observer of the present. I admit, however, that part of what is presented here is influenced by seminars conducted by the eminent sociologists Ralf Dahrendorf and Richard Grathoff on Max Weber and the Protestant Ethic when I still was a Ph.D. student at the University of Constance many years ago, and by discussions with Richard Münch who was a colleague of mine while I was teaching at the University of Düsseldorf. Because a larger part of the audience at Munich were Americans, some of the aspects decribed here particularly emphasise German / American differences.

2 The following characterisation of Calvinism and Lutheranism is based on Weber (1920,1972), Troeltsch (1925) and Plessner (1959). 3 The influence of this thinking on German society can explain, why most of the - especially more conservative - German intellectuals and leading figures in the civil service and the military who opposed the Nazi regime and who could not emigrate did not enter into open resistance against Hitler, but rather withdrew as far as possible from active participation in the intellectual life and in the political administration of the Third Reich - an attitude which later became known as "inward emigration” ("innere Emigration”).

4 This explains why the humanities in Germany are much more oriented towards history than e.g. in Anlo-Saxon countries. 5 It was offered at an elitist institution of higher education: the "Gymnasium”. Other, more practical forms of knowledge were taught at less prestigous types of schools. The status attributed to humanistic education becomes apparent, too, in that science and technology were not included into the idealist concept of culture and that - on the tertiary level of education - up to the middle of this century these subjects were not taught at universities but at "Technische Hochschulen” and "Ingenieurschulen” - the very designations indicating their inferior reputation.

6 Even today most theatres, museums and other places of intellectual activity other than universities are run by the state, federal state or town. 7 This applies mainly to former West Germany; reference can also be made to the next section (section III); cf. also Dahrendorf (1965).

8 As is done, e.g., by Hofstede (1980), Mole (1990), Loewenthal (1990) 9 This separation is captured nicely in the Geman saying Work is work and Schnaps is Schnaps.

10 Of. Weber (1971: 377-379; 545-560).

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The Host Country: Germany 11 Any salute to the flag as for example is the case in many USA schools would be regarded by most Germans of today as an attempt at nationalistic indoctrination, and the enthusiastic patriotism which the American public displayed towards the invasion of the tiny island of Grenada or in the war against Saddam-Hussein’s Iraq had, to put it mildly, a very embarrassing effect on the German post-war generation. 12 cf. Thüringisches Ministerium für Justiz (1993).

References Ammon, U. (1991) Die internationale Stellung der Deutschen Sprache, Berlin Barth, F. (1969) Introduction. In: F. Barth (ed.) Ethnie Groups and Boundaries, Oslo, 9 - 38 Dahrendorf, R. (1965) Gesellschaft und Demokratie in Deutschland, München

Herder, J.G. (1772/1877-1913) Sämtliche Werke. 33 Bände, hrsg. von B. Suphan, Berlin Hofstede, G. (1980) Culture's Consequences. International Differences in Work-Related Values, Beverly Hills, CA Hübinger, l/V. (1996) Prekärer Wohlstand. Neue Befunde zu Armut und sozialer Ungleichheit, Freiburg

Inglehart, R. (1977) The Silent Revolution. Changing Values and Political Styles among Western Publics, Princeton, N.J

Keesing, R.M. (1974) Theories of Culture. Annual Review of Anthropology 3,73 - 97 Klages, H. (21985) Werteorientierungen im Wandel, Frankfurt

Krieger, L (1957) The German Idea of Freedom. History of a Political Tradition, Boston Loewenthal, N. (1990) Update Federal Republic of Germany, Yarmouth, ME.

Mole, J. (1990) Mind Your Manners, London

Plessner, H. (1959) Die verspätete Nation, Stuttgart

Ritzer, G. (1993) The MacDonaldization of Society, Newbury Park Schuppe, M. (1988) Im Spiegel der Medien. Wertewandel in der Bundesrepublik, Frankfurt

Snow, C.P (1967) Die zwei Kulturen. (Translated from English), Stuttgart Thüringisches Ministerium für Justiz (ed.) (1993) Jugendgewalt, Erfurt

Tönnies, F. (1887/1963) Gemeinschaft und Gesellschaft, Darmstadt Troeltsch, E. (1925) Calvinismus und Luthertum. In: Aufsätze zur Geistesgeschichte und Religionssoziologie, Tübingen, 254 - 261

Weber, M. (1920/1972) Gesammelte Aufsätze zur Religionssoziologie, (31971) Gesammelte politische Schriften, Tübingen

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The Host Country: Germany

One Germany: United but still divided? Verbal and non-verbal approaches Gerd Antos University of Halle

Christine S. Kühn Humboldt University Berlin

Introduction

Just imagine the following scenario: The Civil War (1861 - 1865) has led to the division of the USA into two countries: the Confederation and the Union. The relations between these two countries is characterized by enmity, the atmosphere is that of a „Cold War“. Briefly before the outbreak of World War I, the reunification of the USA and their markets is achieved under the presidency of Woodrow Wilson. The result: in the South, the economy collapses and huge amounts of money have to be transferred there by investors from the industrialized North in order to build up a competitive industry. Still, many people in the South lose their jobs.

Just go on imagining we would now be living in the difficult times of World War I. The feelings of joy about the unification are gone, heavy financial burdens cause the standards of living to decrease also for the people in the North, for the residents of cities like Pittsburgh and Chicago. What would Boston citizens feel and say about those of Atlanta and vice versa. What would the citizens of Richmond say about those of New York? But most importantly: How would they live, work, enjoy themselves? What would they think about the world, their friends, and their former opponents? In what way would they talk to each other?

Germans in the West and Germans in the East have never raised arms against each other - but there was the Cold War. The two countries were at the front line in a confrontation between two antagonistic political blocks - for 44 years. In consideration of this long period of time, one must ask: For how long will the „wall in the heads“ remain? When will Germany be united in the minds of all Germans? Will they stay united but divided? It is these questions that we would like to raise by discussing some classical examples of the differences between the East and the West.

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The Host Country: Germany Differences in life-styles between the East and the West

First of all, the West and the East share a lot of commonalties: their history, their language, their love of order, a certain trust in authorities, their predilection for their cars, for spending their vacation abroad. There are hardly any differences with regard to their consumption habits and to what they watch on TV.

And what about the differences? East Germans get up and start their work earlier in the day. They leave the bars and go home earlier in the evenings as well. On average, East Germans are more sociable, they feel more respected during work, they enjoy sex more, and are one centimeter (= 0.39 inch) shorter, they are a bit fatter, and they die two years earlier than West Germans (DER SPIEGEL 29/1995: 50). They find more support and security in their families, at work they show more solidarity. „Until today the majority of East Germans avoid competition with one another. Privately, they feel closer and they are more human as colleagues, often they are more spontaneous and do not only think of their own interests“ (DER SPIEGEL 29/1995: 51). On closer examination, we are witnessing a clash of two cultures: a community of members who feel solidarity with each other and a society of competitors. The differences are observable on at least three levels:

1. Life-style: The Eastern German prefers to remain low profile when part of a larger group. She or he, for instance, does not dress fashionably, she/he speaks with a lower voice, more slowly, and more cautiously. In spite of increasing TV consumption, she/he still prefers to read books, to listen to music, and go to the theater time and again. In her/his leisure time and at work she/he loves tried and tested things. Self-importance and vanity are considered ridiculous. The majority of East Germans do not want to appear better than they really are. All that is summarized in the cliche of the „gray mouse“ that many West Germans consider their Eastern compatriots to be. The East German typically expresses what he really means in an outright manner. But if the situation is getting dangerous, he keeps quiet or he grumbles afterwards. He does not show the permanent optimism and the tactical friendliness he perceives as a typical property of the West Germans. He does not share their liking for a hectic pace, being stressed, and being efficient. He does not understand their ignorance and coldness towards their neighbors, colleagues, and acquaintances. 2. Values: Consumption, success, and self-realization at the work place, in sports activities, and in private relationships: these are typical values of the West. In the East, on the other hand, contemplation, satisfaction, and the social network of family, friends, and colleagues are still of predominant

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The Host Country: Germany importance. It is not the struggle of everyone against everyone else but mutual solidarity.

3. Flexibility and frustration tolerance: Since the so-called „Wende“ (‘turn around“, i.e. the „Silent Revolution“ in 1989), the East Germans have endured unprecedented historical and biographical turmoils - without major strikes, without terrorism, without waves of suicide. For the most part, they have stoically lived through the transformation of their lives. They experienced that many of the best jobs in the economy, in the administration, and in politics were taken by West Germans. They often feel that what they consider their most valuable experiences that have made Silent Revolution possible are no longer valued in the present society. The feeling of almost complete security is gone. The GDR government planned and regulated almost everything, and in return it provided a secure and reliable frame for whole individual lives. There was no unemployment, the children were taken care of in kindergartens so that both wives and husbands could pursue a professional career, young people had their clubs, families had their vacation resorts. At school, the choice of courses and educational tracks were extremely limited; individual decisions were hardly possible and necessary. At a young age, youngsters were fixed to an educational track that also determined their career opportunities for later. Everything went its „socialist way“. Today, however, the freedom desired by so many has turned out to be a gamble. Chaos instead of security, this is the way a lot of people, especially in the East, see it. West Germans typically comment: „All that had to happen eventually! The GDR system was broke. Its structures were ruined. The GDR society was unable to reform their economy and politics drastically. As a - some may say - cruel but necessary consequence, whole regions have to be de-industrialized in order to make possible a fresh start.“ All this leads to the cliche of the „Besser-Wessi“ (the „better-knowing Westerners“), a term alluding to the derogatory word „Besserwisser“ („know-it-all“).

At the same time, East Germans see how the prosperous West German society refuses to reform its own out-dated structures: „vested rights“ in the area of ideology are defended as tenaciously and with the same absurd sustenance as „vested rights“ at work, in the economy, and in politics. Thus the Germans apply two standards when evaluating the ongoing changes: East Germans are adopting to the new situation and West Germans often comment on this development with an encouraging smile and maybe applause. In the East, however, the outlines of a future still largely unknown to West Germans can already be seen. De-industrialization of unprofitable industrial branches and of whole regions, high unemployment rates especially among

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The Host Country: Germany women and public poverty. On the other hand, we find there the most modern factories and, accordingly, high productivity, the best infrastructure in the field of telecommunication (e.g. fiberglass networks), the longest working hours and, most importantly, people who have proved one thing: they are flexible, patient, and proficient enough to meet the challenges of a new era. Despite the fact a period of little more than seven years is not long, the living-conditions have come considerably closer to those of the West, even though it would be an exaggeration to call them equal. But the process of assimilation is proceeding in both directions. In view of the present economic crisis, the West will inevitably adapt to the living conditions of the East to some extent. And what is more, a 1995 representative study by the Department of Business at Halle University indicates that a new dynamism can clearly be recognized both in the economy and the society. The West struggling with problems of its own is not any more the role model that is copied uncritically, but there are also successful attempts to meet the new challenges on the basis of knowledge, attitudes, and procedures that are typical for East Germany. „To consider East Germany on its way to a true image of the West German economy and society would be completely wrong“ (Professor Rüdiger Pohl, Department of Business at Halle University). In the light of this assessment, it is not surprising that in the East new optimism and pride are arising side by side with GDR nostalgia a more or less ironic nature. The East has already accepted the challenges of the future, whereas in the West people seem to be still arguing whether it is really worth taking up the new challenges. Eastern moms and western feminists: Gender issues in Germany

While the women of the world appear to be struggling together for their rights, in Germany there seems to be a fight of going on women against each other. At least this is the first impression one gets when reading current publications on women's issues titled like: „Stepsisters. What East and West women think of each other“ (Rohnstock 1994). Expecting slogans like „sisters united in the fight“, it rather seems East and West German women do have huge communication problems. They just don't understand each other and that makes a discourse impossible. On the one hand, West German women ask: "What’s wrong with those East German moms? Don’t they realize, what’s being done to them? Don’t they realize that they are the slaves of men in this society, that they are treated as baby producing machines? Why don’t they stand up for their rights with loud voices and aggressively?”

Then again, East German women complain: "What’s all this ego-struggle for? Wouldn’t it be easier to solve the problems together with husbands and

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The Host Country: Germany children? Why ail these theoretical discussions Western feminists get involved in? We don’t care whether we are called workers or female workers -1 want to be treated equal - that’s all...” Regine Sylvester, an East German journalist, sums up this attitude: the West German sister seems to be stranger than a strange man (Sylvester 1994:129).

Let us take a look behind the stereotypes and ask what might cause those different perceptions of one another. Maybe East and West German women are not that different. Maybe they just have to get to know where they come from respectively ; maybe they must find a way to communicate with each other, but first they, like all of us Germans, should learn to listen. Let me point out some rather obvious differences that characterize the experiences of East and West German women and that might cause some basic problems in understanding each other. A major difference can be found regarding reactions to the question that is still of fundamental importance to the lives of women: „kids or (professional) career?“. While West German women have struggled with that decision, East German women seem to have rejected it and changed the „or“ in the question into an „and“. Let us consider this issue in the light of some statistics. A look at the figures quoted from the Schering Frauenstudie 1993 (see Figure 1) reveals some actual differences (Rohnstock 1994: 120): 1. Kids: In East Germany 91% of all possibly child bearing women had children, in West Germany this was true of only 68%. So far the mommy stereotype seems to fit the Easterners.

2. Career: In 1989, 91% of all East German women in the age of 15 to 60 were professionals, in West Germany 54%. In the East, most employed women had full time jobs, only 27% worked part-time. In the West, 74% of the working women had part-time jobs. Of the women working full-time, 77% were raising children in East Germany compared to the 36% in West Germany. Given these facts, one may ask what made them possible and what created those differences they represent? A closer look at the living conditions in the two parts of Germany as far as raising kids and professional careers are concerned is certainly helpful here. This may also shed some light on the changes East German women had and still have to go through:

1. While it seems that East German women don’t have a lot in common with their Western sisters, they obviously share one thing with East Germany as well as West German men: their attitude towards their jobs. A 1993 Schering survey showed that 51% of the East German women consider professional success as a source of happiness in their lives. In contrast, only 27% of West German women did so (Rohnstock 1994: 121). In 1995, two thirds of

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The Host Country: Germany all East German unemployed were women (DER SPIEGEL 36/1995: 128). 2. In the GDR, it was a matter of principle that pregnant and breast-feeding women and mothers of children under one year could not be laid off. During the so called „baby year“, working mothers who wanted to stay home to look after their babies were entitled to a paid leave up to the child’s first birthday. During that period they received up to 90% of their normal income. Further, working wives and women raising children under the age of 18 and living in their own apartments were given one paid day off every month, the so called „Haushaltstag“ („house keeping day”). East German women found their husbands able to take care of the babies, and it was possible also for the husbands to take off the "house keeping day” and the ’’baby year”: a father at the end of the mother’s 26 weeks of full paid maternity leave and at the time she returned to her work place - could stay home up to the first birthday of the child. 3. Another institution that has changed dramatically is child care. In the GDR, 80% of the two and three year olds were taken care of in creches and all children could attend a kindergarten. Today the situation is quite different, especially for children under the age of three for only 1.6% of whom there are creches available (Meier 1994: 103).

4. Yet another new experience women in East Germany have a hard time dealing with is the loss of their freedom of choice with regard to pregnancies. It is no longer legal to decide autonomously whether to carry out a child or not. While the women's movement in West Germany has been fighting for decades against the „Paragraph 218“ (which dates back to the year 1871), women in East Germany had available contraceptives free of charge. Also, a woman had the choice to have an abortion up to the 12th week of her pregnancy with no further conditions involved and free of charge. These abortions were performed in hospitals and the women were entitled to all benefits available. Maybe these are some of the reasons why East German women didn’t want and maybe still don’t want „separate women dreams“ as Katrin Rohnstock calls it (Rohnstock 1994: 122). They don’t have a tradition of fighting for their rights against discrimination in the way that is now expected them by Western feminists. They didn’t learn how to struggle loudly and aggressively in the way their West German sisters did. So they react differently being insecure about the new situation.

But things are changing. Since 1989, the East German birth-rate has declined by about 50%! In 1993, only 77% of the East German women had children (DER SPIEGEL 36/1995: 134). As the birth-rate becomes similar in both parts of the country, other differences will diminish. The girls and young

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The Host Country: Germany women who are now growing up in the same system under almost the same circumstances will develop other interests than their mothers and older sisters. Neither will international fashion and trends divide German women along the lines of East and West, but rather differentiate social groups across the country with different attitudes, values, and aims. The „girlie“ generation for example, is not split anymore: the phenomenon does not only unite all MTV-watchers worldwide but also the girls in the two parts of Germany.

Language and identity in East Germany

„East Germany and West Germany are divided by a common language!“, the East German author Christoph Hein recently claimed. He thus described a widespread feeling about the relationship between language and identity in East Germany. Newspaper articles with headlines such as „East-German - West-German: Two languages?“ point in the same direction. One can reduce the feelings about language and communication in East Germany today with the formula:“Feeling foreign in one’s own mother tongue“.

1. The adoption of Western living and working conditions in East Germany has inevitably led to an adoption of the entire specialized language and thus far unknown discourse traditions in the domains of politics, economy, social life, media, and consumption. 2. A creeping expropriation of the disliked but familiar ‘public language’ of the GDR has been taking place in the East. On the other hand, the new linguistic situation is also forcing speakers to take over linguistic patterns from the West German repertoire of public language. In this domain we are thus observing two corresponding processes which mutually influence each other: the ‘amputation’ of relevant parts of the ‘mother tongue’ and - for a transitional period - the use of „West German“ as a kind of linguistic ‘artificial limb’. This has led to a widespread feeling of ‘incapacitation’ and linguistic insecurity in the East.

3. The acquisition of new vocabularies and new language games as well as the use of foreign discourse traditions are causing considerable identity problems for a large number of the East Germans. A new form of estrangement to the own language is developing. 4. This insecurity is increasing due to the ongoing adoption and partial internalization of new language games and communication patterns (especially in professional environments) by more and more East Germans. As a consequence, the linguistic difference is developing from one between East and West into one between East and East that even increases the feeling of insecurity within some parts of the East German population.

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The Host Country: Germany 5. One form of compensation for this feeling appears to be the development and/or cultivation of elements of linguistic loyalty (such as dialects) as a means of preserving an (old) identity. As part of a research project entitled „Transfer of knowledge and values as a communication problem“ that was funded by the „Deutsche Forschungsgemeinschaft“ (DFG), we analyzed question and answer sequences in the context of a „telephone forum“ organized by an East German newspaper in Halle from the fall of 1993 to the fall of 1995 (cf. Antos/Schubert 1997). The East German callers from the region around Halle and Leipzig seeked advice from both West and East German experts on topics which were completely new, essential, and rather unclear to them including traveling, inheritance laws, career choices, professional training and retraining, the legislation concerning their pensions, insurance, setting up new businesses, and the financing of construction projects. The sequences lasted between 2 and 20 minutes.

To summarize the communicative setting: The conversations took place in East Germany, the callers were from the Halle region, the experts from the West were guests invited by the newspaper and hence influenced by the newspaper’s interest in capitalizing on the service later (e.g. in the form of selected publications of the conversations in newspaper articles). In spite of these communicative conditions, many of the Western experts executed their own patterns of behavior even though they were quite different from those of the callers. The findings: Experts from the West and the East exhibit hardly any differences in their technical vocabularies. However, they certainly differ with respect to their organization of the discourse, which has a noticeable effect on communication. For instance, Westerners and Easterners adopt different communicational perspectives: they diverge somewhat in regard to the what, the when, the how and the how much. Although the interactions are not necessarily laden with (explicit) conflict, the differences mentioned still impede and disturb mutual understanding. Let’s be a bit more explicit about these results: Experts from the West prefer an advisory strategy displaying more of an algorithmic character - both in the explication of the problem to the advice-seeker and the presentation of the solution to the problem. In the course of the problem explication, experts from the West ask more questions, are more systematic and precise than the experts from the East. Hence, there are clear dialogue sequences between advisors from the West and their callers from the East. Experts from the East do not ask many questions and appear to assume that they can immediately identify the problems of the caller which often proves to be wrong in later phases of the conversation.

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The Host Country: Germany In problem solving sequences, the experts from the East tend to give quick answers including concrete instructions concerning the actions to be taken by the advise-seeker. Advising in favor of or against a particular action often going along with explicit value judgments - is not uncommon. Now and then advice is given when it hasn’t even been asked for. Typical of such East-East conversations is the expansion on the original advice that generally is divided up into easily understandable „portions“. We call this „supplementary advice“. One consequence of this strategy is that, on average, the East-East conversations are longer than conversations between West-East partners. What are some of the details that distinguish the East-East pattern from the typical question and answer sequence involving experts from the West? The expert from the West presents his knowledge in a relatively comprehensive form and structures it systematically in a kind of „lecture style“ and this means: a distinct monologue. Owing to a socio-cultural understanding of roles that obviously arises from a fairly homogeneous mold, Western advisors set up their „expert position“ in the sense of „informing as a contribution to individual decision-making“. At the behavioral level, Western experts exhibit a marked reservation in giving the advice-seekers a „sense of security in taking a certain course of action“, which perhaps is what most of them are really looking for. Clearly, the professional image Western experts construct of themselves does not involve providing anything more than information. Hence, they make almost no predictions about the outcome of the course of action preferred by the advice-seeker, they avoid assessments concerning the chances of the individuals to realize their projects, and they avoid evaluating alternatives relative to each other and pointing out the possible consequences of the actions recommended. To exaggerate the point somewhat: experts from the West prefer a purely informative advisory style and shy away from making concrete suggestions in terms of a particular course of action, especially in cases where moral (perhaps even legal) obligations may arise for the expert. Experts from the East, on the other hand, prefer authoritative instructions. Their advisory style implies both a „bureaucratic dismissive attitude“ and the expression of solidarity with the advice-seeker. The advice-seekers’ responses to this behavior is very interesting: they exhibit a much more interactive feedback („back channel“) behavior towards „Eastern“ advisory strategies than towards „Western“ suggestions. Such reactions seem to indicate that, in our project, the callers value the classification and assessment of information and predictions about the practical use of the information higher than the presentation of the information in its bare form.

Our findings support two hypotheses:

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The Host Country: Germany 1. The continually reasserted claims of differences in communication styles between the West and the East refer to a level of discourse organization that is difficult to „monitor“ and hence doesn’t readily lead to an „awareness“ of the factors involved.

2. The differences are essentially due to the different understandings of the participant roles in lay-expert communication. The Western experts’ interactive strategy of imposing their pattern of understanding on their Eastern callers is likely to contribute to systematic misunderstandings. This, in turn, reinforces diverging attitudes towards language and mutual prejudices. Both can lead to divergent communication perspectives that considerably influence factual interactions. Conclusion: (In contexts involving social asymmetry like the ones we looked at,) the West Germans take it for granted that their way of communicating is appropriate. Hence, they often dominate West-East communications with their kind of discourse behavior. Their aim and ideal is to convey precisely the relevant facts - and only those. They provide reliable and competent information but they do not attempt to help the East Germans cope emotionally with the new and confusing information. In short: Other than the Eastern experts, the experts from the West do not try to convey a feeling of security and solidarity. This, however, is exactly one of the things that many East Germans seem to be seeking today.

Body politics or: the real distances among Germans We have been focusing on the differences between East and West Germans, especially on the walls in people’s minds that are relies of some 40 years of different living conditions. Analyzing in a rational manner broad social processes in which they themselves are involved is probably typical for Germans. In doing that, we tend to overlook the little phenomena that - in sum - make a big difference, especially in situations of interpersonal communication.

In that context the often neglected complex of nonverbal communication should be briefly discussed and, to pin this issue down to a specific and characteristic question, we may ask: How close do Germans really get? The following examples might help to visualize the actual distance between Germans, the distance Germans still have to overcome. Let us first take a look at proxemics, the Germans’ perception and use of space. In the chapter on Germans proxemics in his famous book „The hidden dimension“, Edward T. Hall states that „... the German’s ego is extraordinarily exposed, and he will go to almost any length to preserve his ‘private sphere’ (Hall 1982: 134).

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The Host Country: Germany Reading this made me recall one of my most puzzling experiences in the re­ united Germany. For two years as a visiting scholar (from the GDR) at an American college, I (Christine Kühn) had taught my American students that „Germans get closer than you do, they don’t have such a big space bubble around them“. Back to Germany that had been united for two years, I wondered whether this was still true. I noticed a certain fear of proximity. In the United States, I used to teach students who had grown up on ranches in Montana, Idaho, Oregon. It seemed quite reasonable to me to assume that they had developed a completely different sense of space than I had and I was convinced that distances, territoriality and the use of space have something to do with the space available. In Germany I realized that West Germans and Americans are more alike in their ways of treating space than West Germans and East Germans are. This first impression has since been supported by further observations. The past years of separation have caused divergences in the domain of spatial communication between Germans including differences in their uses of public and private space. Scientists from a joint East and West German research project found that the distances between people standing in line, e.g. in front of a bank or a post office counter, is three times as big among West Germans than among East Germans. Statistically, the distance between two East Germans is 15 cm (6 inches) and between a West German and another West German is 45 cm (18 inches, DER SPIEGEL 29/1995: 52).

The larger West German space bubble that shows their need of privacy is also reflected by the number of people living under one roof (see Figure 2). In the 80s, in East-Berlin, 32.7% of all homes were single households, the corresponding figure for West-Berlin is 51%. By 1993, gradual changes had occurred (East Berlin: 36.8, West Berlin: 50%). In comparison, 60% of all homes in Munich were single households (Sylvester 1994: 129).

From „coming close“ to „getting in touch“ is just a short step. Hence, we should have a look at haptics, the tactile dimension of nonverbal communication. Jourard’s famous study on haptics (see in Thayer) compared the touch behavior of people in coffee shops around the world. Jourard distinguished between what he called contact cultures and noncontact cultures according to the extent to which body contact occurred between persons. In San Juan, Puerto Rico, for instance, he observed couples and found that body contact was made about 180 times an hour; the corresponding figure for Paris, France, was 110 times an hour. In contrast, in Gainsville, Florida, only two touches an hour were observed and no touch at all in London, England (Thayer 1990: 218). Unfortunately, neither East nor West Germany were

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The Host Country: Germany included in those studies. Hence we need to find evidence of some other kind to account for the haptic behavior of Germans. Haptics, no doubt, is the most restricted and socially normed domain of behavior all over the world. In most cultures, interpersonal touch is restricted and tactile communication, especially alter adaptors, are ritualized. Germany is no exception to that rule. But what seems surprising is that even with regard to ritualized tactile behavior, East and West Germans have developed differences.

A typical kind of ritualized tactile behavior that has caused many problems in interpersonal communications among Germans is the handshake. While West Germans used to shake hands only in either very formal or very private situations, people in East Germany shook hands whenever they greeted somebody. It did not matter whether you came across somebody inside a building or outside in the street, just passed by in a hallway or on the stairs wherever you were you shook hands. Also most employers shook hands with their employees everyday, for example, when arriving at the work place in the morning. After the wall had come down, in „mixed work places" the handshake ritual caused considerable trouble. I (Christine Kühn) vividly remember situations in our department when an East German came across a West German colleague going down the hallway. The East German holds out his hand while the West German starts talking. The East German slowly withdraws his hand - as you may imagine, not only body movements were blocked in this process. We have been going through a real learning process. The East German realized quickly that the West German seems not to like the handshake ritual. At the same time, the West German colleague realized that it might be easier „to get in touch" with the East Germans on the basis of the handshake. This way, the whole problem turned up side down. The next time they see each other, the West German holds out his hand to the East German who, trying to hold his hand back, is standing there insecurely wondering: what is going on here?

Although anecdotes like this may sound rather funny, the situation was not at all amusing for those involved. Both of them sensed insecurity and most people in similar situation are either not able or hesitate to verbalize the problem in order to find a solution or an agreement. Another domain where different ways of treating closeness that are more or less ritualized become apparent is the use of the mother tongue. The German language itself provides one means of keeping one’s distance and another means to establish closeness that, unlike your hand, one cannot easily

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The Host Country: Germany withdraw in a greeting sequence: the personal pronouns used to address another person in a informal or in a rather formal manner. While modern English has just one form „you“ for the second person, singular as well as plural, in German there are three mutually exclusive forms: „du“, „ihr“ and „sie“. The difference between „du“ and „sie“ is of special interest to us. A 1989 German text book for American students explains the difference as follows:

„du is singular. It is used to address family members, close friends, and all children up to the age of about fourteen or fifteen. It is also used among members of certain social groups, such as students, blue collar workers, and soldiers“ (Lohnes/Strothmann/Petig 1989: 5).

In contrast: „Sie is used in speaking to all those one does not address by du, that is, the majority of people one comes in contact with“ (Lohnes/ Strothmann/Petig 1989: 5). This was written by West German authors with West German standards in mind. In East Germany, however, it was quite usual to address not only family members, close friends, or children by the informal „du“, but also colleagues, neighbors, and, in certain situations, even strangers, for example waiters, bartenders, etc. Not knowing this background, many West Germans are still frequently offended by the East German use of „du“.

Conclusion

Germany: united but still divided? All the facts and opinions rather point to an answer in terms of: united but different! The walls in the minds still continue to exist. Just as there is a Bavarian identity of its own, an Eastern identity may continue to exist for a long time.

’’Kids and / or Career”

Figure 1

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The Host Country: Germany

Singles

Figure 2

References Antos, G./Schubert T. (1997) Unterschiede in kommunikativen Mustern zwischen Ost und West. In: Zeitschrift für Germanistische Linguistik, ZGL (in press).

DER SPIEGEL 29/1995: Vor den Kopf geschlagen, 50-53

DER SPIEGEL 36/1995: Auferstanden aus Ruinen, 118-139

Hall, E. T. (1969/1982) The Hidden Dimension. New York/ New York: AnchorPress. Lohnes, W.FW./Strothmann, FW./Petig, W.E. (1989) German. A Structural Approach. Fourth Edition. New York, London: W.W. Norton & Company. Meier, U. (1994) Die Allzuständigkeit der Frau für die Familienarbeit in Ost und West. In: Rohnstock, K. (1994) (ed.) Stiefschwestern. Was Ost-Frauen und West-Frauen voneinander denken, 96-105, Frankfurt am Main: Fischer.

Rohnstock, K. (1994) Die verschwiegene Ost-Frau. In: Rohnstock, K. (1994) (ed.), 115126 Sylvester, R. (1994) Man sieht sich auf die Beine. In Rohnstock, K. (1994) (ed.) Stiefschwestern. Was Ost-Frauen und West-Frauen voneinander denken, 127-129, Frankfurt am Main: Fischer. Thayer, St. (1990) Close Encounters. In: DeVito, J. A. and Hecht, M. (eds.) The Nonverbal Communication Reader, 217- 225. Prospect Heights, Illinois: Waveland Press, Inc.

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The Host Country: Germany

The unification of Germany — Perspectives for the unification of Europe? Kurt Biedenkopf Minister-President of the Sovereign State of Saxony

Ladies and Gentlemen, I feel very privileged to be here. Thank you very much for inviting me to this conference, the subject matter of which I am indeed very interested in. I would also like to thank SIETAR for the work you are all doing. I was invited to give a few remarks on the process of unification in Europe and in Germany and of course I am happy to have the opportunity to relate to you some of the experiences we have been going through.

Introduction

Before entering the subject matter, I would like to make a few introductory remarks on the subject. The unification processes in Germany and in Europe obviously are very different. In Germany what we are doing, in effect, is reinstituting a country that has been one country for a long time, and by so doing overcoming an ahistoric separation. Even though it lasted 45 years, it was very unnatural; it was not a natural separation in the sense that there were two cultures that had been united in the nation of Germany but were not really similar cultures. For at least the past thousand years, Germany has defined itself as an entity much more through its common language and its common culture than it has through the idea of the nation state. So the reunification process in Germany is not a question of cultural coexistence within a nation state. Instead, it is the reinstitution of a nation state on the basis of a common culture.

This is important if you want to understand what is happening in Germany and what has happened in Germany historically. It is important to see how Germany differs in this sense, to, say, France or Great Britain. France is defined by a nation state much more than it was defined in its process by a common culture. The nation state of France has integrated in the nation state different languages, for instance, while an integration of different language areas in Germany was never an issue. Nonetheless, German reunification has been a very difficult process.

The unification of Germany

The reason for this is that the separation of Germany—which de facto began

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The Host Country: Germany in 1945 and formally was instituted in 1948 and 1949 — led to the existence of two very different forms of government and economy. One, in East Germany, was a communist dictatorship, with the economy being organized on the basis of central planning. This part, the Eastern part of Germany, the former Deutsche Demokratische Republik or GDR was totally integrated into the Soviet system or the COMECON system. There was hardly any trade between East and West Germany. The trade that West Germany had with the totality of the Soviet system, of the COMECON system, was comparable to the trade West Germany or the former Federal Republic of Germany had with Switzerland. It was very little, it was negligible.

There were very few cultural and scientific relations between East and West Germany, especially after the building of the Wall in 1961. There were hardly any connections, and if so, they were confined to the areas of natural science and engineering, and to languages. But the social sciences, the legal sciences, and economics, etc. had no relations whatsoever. So there was a strict separation from West Germany in major areas of culture.

This separation was a condition on which the effort was based to institute a nation state in the Eastern part of Germany — which totally failed. It simply didn’t work. And it couldn’t work. When Germany was united in the fall of 1989 i.e., when the Wall came down, East Germans and West Germans found that they had the same culture, the same history, but very different experiences. And since the separation had lasted, as I said, de facto for almost 45 years, de jure for 40 years, most of the working generation had either been born at the time of separation or had grown up and had their working life during the time of separation.

This meant that the non-economic factors of German unification were at least as important as the economic factors, although this is something that we only found out in the course of events.

As I said, the actual unification took place in November of 1989, when the Wall came down. Now why is this so? The formal date of unification of course is October 3, 1990. To answer, let me give you a few factual notes on the unification process. West Germany had never recognized East German citizenship. Instead, it had always maintained that East Germans were citizens of the Federal Republic of Germany, separated by the Wall and by the Communist regime. When the Wall came down, all East Germans were potentially citizens of West Germany. So all they had to do was move across the border line and go to the next county office and get the German passport. This process could not have been turned back. After the Wall came down the

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The Host Country: Germany real issue was not the unification of Germany but how to bring it about. And of course it would have been totally impossible to reinstitute the Wall in November or December 1989, and much less in January, February and the following months of the next year. It is interesting that this very basic fact was not recognized at the beginning of the unification process. In January 1990, our council of economic advisors issued a special opinion on the problems of coexistence of the two Germanies in which it based its considerations on the assumption that the GDR would continue to exist for a long time and then it would therefore be possible to rebuild the economy in the Eastern part of Germany relatively independently of the unification process.

A theory was developed that total or final unification would only take place a couple of years later and that even the introduction of a common currency in reunited Germany should wait a couple of years until the East German economy had revitalized itself, had reorganized itself from a centrally planned economy to a market economy, had gained strength, had built the currency which could be traded on the world market, and then in the end would allow the introduction of a common currency similar to what we are now experiencing in West Europe.

It was quite obvious that this would not work. Just a few weeks after this special opinion was issued, it became apparent that the economists had misinterpreted the facts totally. This became apparent by an increasing flood of people moving from East Germany to West Germany. These people were sick and tired of continuously living under the conditions of the former GDR. They simply wanted to get away. So in February 1990, the West German government decided to go into immediate negotiations with the East German government on the institution of a common currency union, an economic union, if you like, in order to stop the flow, and to give the people in East Germany some kind of perspective that made them understand that it will take a while to build up East Germany but that it made sense to stay.

From what you can see in these very few remarks on the economic basis and on the political basis of the whole process, you will probably understand that this unification process did not allow a lot of time. It had to be negotiated, it had to be accepted by our neighbours, by the former allied nations (the Soviet Union at that time, the United States, Great Britain and France). Formal unification was a very delicate process, but it did not allow a lot of time. The reunification process actually took place in a very speedy way. Later there were a lot of critics saying: ’’you did this all much too fast”. But actually, there was no alternative.

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The Host Country: Germany And when in March 1990 — end of March/April 1990—the first treaty between the former GDR and the former Federal Republic of Germany was signed on the institution of an economic and currency union between the two parts of Germany, unification for all practical purposes was completed. The legal completion, as I said, took place in October after the Soviet Union had consented to this process and after the very difficult questions (which I shall not be dealing with here) had been solved, such as the NATO membership of Germany, the consequences of NATO membership for the unification process, and the relationship of the additional part of Germany to the integration process of Germany into the European Union.

West Germans make up 80 percent of the German population, East Germans 20 percent. So it is quite obvious that East Germans were looked upon by West Germans as an addition to West Germany. At the beginning of the unification process West Germans were not aware of the fact that this was a merger and not a takeover, or an addition to an existing unit. What’s the difference? The addition idea (in German it was called ’’Beitritt”) was looked upon as an adding of East Germany to West Germany with the consequence that West Germany would not change, but that West Germany would continue to be the way it was, that East Germans would become part of West Germany and would as fast as possible accept and adopt the ways of life that had developed in West Germany over the last 40 years. Many East Germans felt colonized. They felt they were being subjected to an experience which they had never shared, or most of them had never shared. Only the older ones had memory of and experience of a non-divided Germany, but the majority of the population, of course, did not. Now, it was easy to think that everybody wanted to get away from the dictatorship and so it was, indeed. People in Leipzig, in Dresden and later in other cities, in Berlin, before the wall came down, had overcome the fear that they had been subjected to for many, many years. They had overcome their fear of the State Security Police, of the party hierarchy, and of course of suppression.

This was a voluntary process. And this is very important for understanding the whole unification process, it was initiated not by West Germany but by East Germany. The West Germans were very much surprised — as much as the East Germans were surprised — about their success. But what they wanted was quite clear: they wanted to get rid of a governmental system of suppression and, more, incarceration into a system walled in by the Berlin Wall, which became symbolic for the whole condition.

Now since they wanted the change even though they did not know what it meant, they knew quite well that they wanted freedom, and symbolic for

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The Host Country: Germany freedom was the freedom of movement, or the freedom to travel, and of course to speak one’s mind. But they wanted it peacefully. One of the very important and outstanding qualifications of this process was its peacefulness. It was not a bloody revolution, it was a very fascinating process of bringing a system down that had been eroded internally to such an extent that even though it maintained a very impressive front, it no longer had any power.

This is very much similar to what happened in Czechoslovakia (at that time it was Czechoslovakia), in Poland, in Hungary and elsewhere. The real unification process if you like actually did not take place when the wall came down but earlier, in September when the then Foreign Minister of Hungary, Mr. Horn, who is now Minister President of Hungary, decided to cut down the fence that separated Hungary from Austria, and to allow East Germans who had travelled to Hungary to go to Austria and then to West Germany — thus violating the treaty obligations that Hungary and others had entered into in the system of the Soviet Union and the Soviet Block. It is told — if it is not true, it is a very good story anyway — that when Horn cut down the fence someone next to him said: Tight now the Wall in Berlin came down, they just do not know it yet.” This was indeed a process of overcoming an unnatural ahistoric, unbearable (in the sense of human rights unbearable) condition.

Now, as I said, West Germans thought this was an addition to their country and not a merger, and it took about three years, until 1992/1993 before responsible people in West Germany began to realize that they had really participated in something entirely different. They had participated in a merger and even though one part was very small and the other part was large, the merger means that a new entity comes into existence, something different. And indeed, this united Germany has a different quality. It is not an enlarged West Germany. The unification of Europe

And the fact that this is so has to do with Germany itself, its history on which I am going to say a few words, but it also has a lot to do with the fact that at the same time Germany was united, the division of Europe was eliminated. Now I do not want to talk about the unification of Europe in the sense that East and West Europe are being unified, because I am very hesitant of whether this is true and I am going to make a few remarks on that later. But of course one of the most important consequences of the elimination of the division of Europe was that the position of Germany, of the united Germany, changed fundamentally. The divided Germany was a border country. It was a border country bordering on the Soviet system, on the Soviet Block, as it was usually referred to, of which the GDR was part.

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The Host Country: Germany So the dividing line through Germany was also the dividing line through Europe. When Germany was united and Solidarnost was successful in Poland in shedding the communist dictatorship there, Germany suddenly found itself not only united but in the center of what was now again a larger Europe, not united but a larger and open Europe.

In other words, most important was at that time and is today the elimination of bipolar Europe — meaning the confrontation of the Cold War. Now, this elimination of the confrontation of the Cold War has very, very important consequences. One of the consequences of the existence of bipolar Europe or the Cold War was the threat emanating from East Europe towards West Europe. West Europe was threatened by the Communist system or it at least felt threatened. And of course it was threatened. Take the nuclear issues, take the issues of the missiles, the medium range missiles, the so-called double track position of NATO, etc. Suffice it to say that one definite condition of Western Europe, of the European Community (which is now the European Union) was the common threat emanating from East Europe.

Now that common threat worked like a force of cohesion in Western Europe. If you are all in the same boat, threatened by the same danger, your cultural differences, your political differences, your historical differences are relativized, and the common threat pushes you together, unites you. It works like the force of cohesion within a community of nations that had been going at each other’s throats for quite a long time and had been fighting for territories, for influence etc. for almost a thousand years.

Now this common threat, in all its immediacy, in all its plausibility, has disappeared. And the question has not yet been answered on what the disappearance of this threat means for the cohesion of Western Europe. It is going to be very important whether Western Europe will be capable of replacing this force of cohesion by other common goals, common objectives and common issues of similar cohesive strength or whether the increasing absence of this force of cohesion will allow the revitalization of the conflicting structures in Western Europe, of the rivalries, of the different historical interests, that are still implanted in European culture. One of the reasons why the further integration of Western Europe is considered to be so important and why therefore also the political aspects, let us say of the currency union, are considered to be so important is the belief, the conviction, that this integration process will be able to supply the kind of cohesive forces which are necessary to keep West Europe together. But what we will find in the negotiations of Maastricht, too, as they now take place, will be a continuous tug of war, ifyou will, a pulling in various directions

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The Host Country: Germany on the question how intensive should this integration be and how should it be brought about. Should it be an institutional integration, an integration through a common bureaucracy, a common government, a common parliament? Should it basically be an institutional integration? Should more and more sovereignty rights be transferred from the nation states or from the member states to the European Union? In other words, should integration be supported and secured on an institutional basis? Should it be secured as a continuous condition on the basis of common culture, or will it be constituted and to what extent will it be constituted on the basis of common threats? Now there are of course new threats for Europe. One of the very important threats for Europe is overpopulation. There will be vast problems of immigration from North Africa and the Middle East to Europe. These immigrations will raise cultural questions that you concern yourself with of very fundamental importance. And all this takes place in an area where the European population as such is an ageing population, an ageing population which means that it is also a diminishing population.

In Germany — just to give you an idea of the scope of that change — the average age of the German population at the beginning of this century was 25 years. The average age of the German population at the beginning of the next century will be 50 years. This is a revolutionary change that we are only beginning to understand in its long-range consequences for European and German culture.

There are people who say, “well, if the German population is ageing, let us allow others to come in.” But what is the consequence? If we were to allow others to come in at a rate which would be necessary to compensate for the demographic decline of the German population, the consequence would be that in about 25 to 30 years half of the population of our larger cities would be non-German. And that, of course, would mean a tremendous change in the cultural substance of a country. Because when immigration reaches that scope and these dimensions, an integration of immigrants into the base of the existing culture is almost impossible. So you would have a co-existence of many different cultures and most of them would be non-European, at least non­ Roman European. Now coming back to the German integration process. The German integration process of course is basically considered to be an economic problem. And economics and finances therefore dominate the discussion on the integration process. As I said, formal integration was completed at the end of 1990, and what we are engaged in now is actually the rebuilding of a devastated part of Germany, devastated by 45 years of mismanagement of the economy, of

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The Host Country: Germany suppression of elite formations, and of a loss of elites. One of the most difficult and long-lasting consequences of the separation of Germany and the domination of the Eastern part of Germany by Communist government is the loss of elites. West Germany was built, rebuilt in 1945, even though it was terribly destroyed and had suffered a tremendous loss in population, was rebuilt under very different conditions.

West Germany after 1945, until 1949, received 13 million refugees from the Eastern part of what at that time used to be Germany, reaching way into what is now Central and Eastern Europe. And these refugees increased the West German population from roughly 40 million to roughly 53 million. And of course it brought in a lot of initiative.

If you have such an influx of refugees you turn the social structures practically upside down. And one of the very important consequences of that influx of refugees was that the existing structures — social, religious, regional, etc. — were turned upside down because the refugees of course did not fit into that pattern, they changed the pattern, and thus created or unleashed, I would like to say, social forces, and innovative initiatives which would have never been generated by the old Germany, had this influx of refugees not taken place.

And then until 1961, many of the elite groups in East Germany left and came to West Germany. When I travel to West Germany today and meet people I can almost bet my bottom dollar that in any larger group I will meet people who tell me that they come from Saxony and that they had their families there and that they had their family business there, that they had lived there for many generations and had left after 1945 because they were no longer allowed to develop their faculties and their possibilities, that they were suppressed, that their children were not allowed to go to universities (which was policy of the former GDR government — if you came from a bourgeois family you were not allowed to study). There was a very distinct suppression of elite formation outside the party structure. Now, with the reunification of Germany that deficit became apparent because there was a tremendous lack of people who were capable, who had capabilities to operate a market economy system, and who operate this system under conditions that require a strong personal initiative in order for the whole system to work. Our free societies are based on the assumption that the citizens will participate in the solution of public affairs and will participate in the development of society.

Now, if you have lived in a society for 45 years, where the state is the guardian, the sole guardian of the population, and the population is not allowed outside of well-defined party-influenced spheres to develop private initiative, you lose

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The Host Country: Germany the capability to develop private initiative and thus form a civil society. And you have to regain these capabilities, you have to redevelop them. Fortunately — and this is one very important consequence of the common German culture — this revitalization of the capability to generate the kind of initiative on which civil societies are based is taking place rather quickly, and it is surprising to what extent people who had been deprived of that opportunity are now developing these capabilities.

But to develop these capabilities is one thing, to have the material knowledge you require to handle them in a constructive way, is something else, and you cannot speed up the process of acquiring new knowledge indefinitely. In other words, it takes time for people to reacquire the kind of basic knowledge how to operate small or medium-size units, how to operate a community, how to run a community, how to set up budgets, how to administer — especially self­ administer — activities of all kinds. The experience with this kind of activity has to be redeveloped, revitalized, and this is one very important aspect of the integration process, the transfer not of money from West to East Germany, but of knowledge. Economic integration — I do not want to dwell on that too long — I would like to say that it is going ahead much faster than economic integrations of similar dimensions in former times. When we began to work in Saxony in East Germany I asked one of my people in the State Chancellory to study similar integration processes. One of them was the reintegration process in the United States after the Civil War, where two very different economies had to be merged, reintegrated. And the interesting thing is that the reintegration process after the Civil War in the United States took just about one hundred years. When I was in the United States in 1945/50 in North Carolina, you could still see visually the differences between that part of the United States and the industrial areas in the United States, and only in the sixties and seventies of this century did the reintegration really take place with full force in the sense of industrialization and extension of the political system into what used to be a totally rural and undemocratic South of the United States.

Now, I am not considering to allow the German reintegration process to take up the same span of time. But I suggested from the very beginning that it will take much longer than three, four, five years. Asking our own people regularly in Saxony by poll-taking how long they think it will take from the start they answered — always in the same way: they said ten years.

They said it will take ten years in 1991, and in 1996 they still say it will take ten years. With other words, ten years seems to be a conceivable time period which you adjust to but you sort of push it ahead of you because you feel it will still take a long time.

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The Host Country: Germany Culturally, the real problem — and with this I would like to close — the real problem is not the integration of Germany, it is the integration of Europe. And I do not mean West Europe, I mean West and East Europe. One of the possibly dangerous misconceptions in West Europe — and in Germany, but in West Europe — of that integration process in East Europe is the idea that East Europe more or less quickly will become democratic. Now, that assumes that you have a democratic tradition and a democratic culture in Russia. I am very doubtful whether this assumption should be made. If you look at Russian history, and if you look at Russia’s politically and historically defined culture, you will of course find a lot of similarities but you will also find a lot of very distinctive differences.

Russia was a feudal country when the Communist revolution took place in 1917, and there was an immediate step from feudalism to Communism. Russia does not have as yet the basic material for what we refer to as a civic society. This has to develop. But to develop this kind of basis for a civic society is a long cultural process. That cannot be speeded up at liberty. That will take generations. My assumption is that it will take two to three generations to attain the kind of solid base where civic society can develop in Russia.

That does not mean that Russia is going to be chaotic. But it is going to have very different institutional arrangements from the ones we consider to be necessary prerequisites for political culture in a civic society. I would think that we would be very well served if there were some kind of an autocratic government in Russia for some time to come which stabilizes the country, which does not suppress the freedoms that are necessary for the development of a civic society and that we will have to have a lot of patience and tolerance with what is going to happen let us say east of Poland. As I said at the beginning, German unification and European unification are quite different things. German unification I have elaborated on in the time span available. As to European unification: this unification will first and foremost have to be an extension of a European peace order. A European peace order in territories where cultural and political backgrounds are very different. They are substantially different and as such can be even disuniting. In the populations of all European nations, there are shared, uniting and diverse, potentially disuniting characteristics. This is even true for West Germany. But as long as West Germany was West Europe, and was under a threat from the East, the cohesion was very strong. The pluralities were not recognized as much as the similarities. And of course in a country where you have a continuous increase in the standard of living the similarities become more dominating than the cultural differences.

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The Host Country: Germany You will find, quite certain, I am quite sure, in the coming years when growth rates will be rather small — if they are there at all — we will have a more distinct realization of pluralities in Germany than in the past, and of course unification also leads to that. In Europe the cultural tolerance and the tolerance vis-a-vis cultural differences will be very important. And I am convinced that it will be difficult enough for Western Europe (including those countries that I would consider to be part of Latin or Roman Europe like the Czech Republic, Poland, and Hungary), to integrate ourselves into what is more than the Common Order of Nation States. If we are capable of integrating ourselves in the sense that we feel we are a unit vis-a-vis the rest of the world, that will be extremely successful. But to assume that the same thing or the same process is possible with the Ukraine or Bela Russia or Russia or other parts of East Europe, would be an illusion. There we will have to form institutional arrangements which secure the peace and which are based on the tolerance of different ways of life, different ways of government, different historical backgrounds, of course, which appear in all these differences. And that we spend a lot of time understanding one another, and why this is so, in Russia, in Moscow, why it is so different let us say from Paris, London or Berlin. Now if your work contributes to that it will be very welcome.

Thank you.

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Global and Societal Challenges

Perspectives on the intercultural challenge Y R. Isar

Fifty one years ago the United Nations was created in the name of “We the Peoples”. But it has been “We the governments” ever since. Today we know that things are changing. The long-accepted notion that world governance was a matter for governments alone is being replaced by a view that is based on new partnerships. Because of the increasingly important and organized “communities of interdependence” such as SIETAR’s worldwide network, the role of governments as well as intergovernmental bodies such as UNESCO is being subtly modified. The idea of new alliances is one of the points of principle for the twenty first century that is stressed in Our Creative Diversity, the report of the World Commission on Culture and Development. So it is a special privilege, on behalf of the Commission, to speak to some of the issues before this Congress.

The Commissioners aimed to put culture squarely on the international policy agenda — as the “last frontier” of development, as one of them put it. So their main hope for their report was that it generates broad international debate. That is why they focused more on asking the key questions than on providing answers; on recognizing the multiple readings and possibilities inherent in culture and cultures, rather than on proposing single solutions. They sought deliberately to provoke strong reactions. Their report has crystallized the concerns of many different sets of actors — the arguments it puts forward and the moral stands taken by the Commission may well correspond to beliefs and findings already accepted by many of you. This is normal and is all to the good. After all, one of the functions of bodies such as the World Commission on Culture and Development is to express and to validate the advanced thinking of specialists such as yourselves. Many will recall the stirring phrases that open UNESCO’s Constitution: “That since wars begin in the minds of men, it is in the minds of men that the defences of peace must be constructed; that ignorance of each other’s ways and lives has been a common cause, throughout the history of mankind, of that suspicion and mistrust between the peoples of the world through which their differences have all too often broken into war”.When, in 1945, those words announced the post-war moral charter, the kind of inter-cultural praxis which all of you carry out, and indeed the term “intercultural” itself, were yet to be invented. But the idealistic rhetoric at the macro level clearly provided the context and the moral grounds for the kind of work all of you do at the micro level and from what I have heard

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Global and Societal Challenges already this morning it certainly continues to do so. As your field of inter-cultural research, education and training has developed, much of the impetus has been provided by the practical imperatives of commerce as well as of the many other exchanges, flows and processes in which people in so many different walks of life intermingle internationally so intimately today. Hence the focus of your work is practical as well; as to seek to build bridges of better communication and shape shared understandings between people working together, individually and in groups, at the inter-personal level. At this level, I have so much to learn from all of you. Why, then, am I up here on this podium today? The answer, of course, is that I have been asked, as you begin your discussions, to speak to the global setting and issues against which “meeting the intercultural challenge” is so essential today.

Challenges, tensions and opportunities By the time the Commission began its work it was evident that development was a far more complex undertaking than had been originally thought. It could no longer be seen as a single, uniform, linear path, for this would inevitably eliminate cultural diversity and dangerously limit humankind’s creative capacities. To counter this hazard, a vigorous cultural response to the monism of the development discourse had taken place. Among other things, it had led each people to challenge the frame of reference in which a single system of values generated rules assumed to be universal and to demand the right to forge different versions of modernization. It had led peoples to assert the value of their own cultural wealth, of their manifold assets that could not be reduced to measurement in dollars and cents.

The Commission began its work in a world full of the promise and opportunity of newly unlocked doors but also charged with uncertainty and frustrated hopes. Across the world, as peoples mixed as never before, all began to be drawn into broader and more empowering and participatory frameworks. But for most of them the world system itself appeared increasingly unbalanced, unfair, indeterminate and incoherent, leading many to turn to culture as a means of resistance, as a bulwark and as a refuge. The confrontations of the Cold War blocs had long masked a multitude of local claims and tensions over scarce resources or over the sharing of newly acquired ones that now pushed people into the narrow walls of group identity, feeding a new tide of smaller confrontations between ethnic, religious and national communities. The logic of rejection and “the narcissism of small differences” began to threaten peace and security, to undermine both economic growth and social harmony, to violate the inherent dignity of the person, to diminish each society’s faith in its own resources and to threaten the diversity of cultures that

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Global and Societal Challenges is vital to the well-being of the human race.

If cultural diversity is “behind us, around us and ahead of us," as Claude Levi-Strauss has put it, we must learn how to let it lead not to the clash of cultures, but to their fruitful coexistence and to intercultural harmony. As Mr Javier Perez de Cuellar put it in his Foreword to the report, The challenge to humanity is to adopt new ways of thinking, new ways of acting, new ways of organizing itself in society, in short, new ways of living. The challenge is also to promote different paths of development, informed by a recognition of how cultural factors shape the way in which societies conceive their own futures and choose the means to attain these futures. We have a long way to go. We have not yet learned how to respect each other fully, how to share and work together. This truly exceptional time in history calls for exceptional solutions. The world as we know it, all the relationships we took as given, are undergoing profound rethinking and reconstruction. Imagination, innovation, vision and creativity are required. International partnerships and interaction are an essential ingredient for creativity in problem-solving, a quality that requires a willingness to frame bold questions instead of depending on conventional answers. It means an open mind, an open heart, and a readiness to seek fresh definitions, reconcile old opposites, and help draw new mental maps. Ultimately it will be the honesty of introspection that will lead to compassion for the Other’s experience, and it will be compassion that will lead us to a future in which the pursuit of individual freedom will be balanced with a need for common well­ being, and in which our agenda includes empathy and respect for the entire spectrum of human differences.

Towards a global ethics It is in that spirit that Mr Perez de Cuellar and his colleagues came to share the conviction expressed by the Commission on Global Governance, that the realities of the emerging global neighbourhood require a "global ethics that applies equally to all those involved in world affairs. Its efficacy will depend on the ability of people and governments to transcend narrow self­ interests and agree that the interests of humanity as a whole will be best served by acceptance of a set of common rights and responsibilities.”

As the globalization of markets, technology and information sweeps the world, there is a profound need for a new global scale of values. Growing homogenization is countered by accelerating fragmentation: as people are brought increasingly together they are also driven apart. Bridges must be built between them. What values can provide shared points of reference, the minimal moral guidance the world must heed? Clearly, the role cultures may play in the search for a global

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Global and Societal Challenges ethics is complex and the Commission also sought to dispel the kind of widespread misunderstandings that you must often encounter in your work. Cultures are often regarded for example as unified systems of ideas and beliefs, with sharply delineated boundaries. But cultures overlap. Basic ideas may, and do, recur in several cultures which have partly common roots, build on similar human experiences and have, in the course of history, often learned from each other. Cultures usually do not speak with one voice on religious, ethical, social or political matters and other aspects of people’s lives. What the meaning of a particular idea or tradition may be and what conduct it may enjoin is always subject to interpretation. This applies with particular force to a world in rapid transformation. What a culture actually “says" in a new context will be open to discussion and occasionally to profound disagreement even among its members. Finally, cultures do not commonly form homogeneous units. Within what is conventionally considered a culture, numerous “cultural” differences may exist along gender, class, religion, language, ethnicity and other fault lines. At the same time, ideas and clusters of beliefs may be shared by people of the same gender and of similar ethnic origin or class across cultural boundaries, serving as bases for solidarity and alliances between them. What about recurrent themes that appear in nearly all cultural traditions? Could they serve as building blocks for a global ethics? The first such source, in the opinion of the Commission, is the idea of human vulnerability and the attendant ethical impulse to alleviate suffering where such is possible and to provide security to each individual. Some notion of this is to be encountered in the moral views of all major cultures. Similarly, it is part of the fundamental moral teachings of each of the great traditions that one should treat others as one would want to be treated oneself. Some version of this “Golden Rule” finds explicit expression in all faiths. The deeply human urge to avoid avoidable suffering and some notion of the basic moral equality of all human beings together form an indispensable point of reference and a strong pillar of support for any attempt to work out a global ethics.

Many different sets of values would have to be brought to this common ground. But for the Commission, the following five principles together should form the basis for a global ethics: human rights and responsibilities; democracy; the protection of minorities; commitment to peaceful conflict resolution and fair negotiation and the promotion of equity, today as well as for future generations. With regard to each point, however, the Commission recognized the difficulties inherent in the diversity of viewpoints, no more clearly visible perhaps than in the notion of human rights. Let me quote therefore a very powerful passage from the report that is characteristic of its approach :

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Global and Societal Challenges At the same time it should be recognized that rights have to be combined with duties, options with bonds, choices with allegiances, liberties with ligatures. Bonds without options are oppressive; options without bonds are anarchy. Modernization has widened choices, but destroyed some connections. Indeed, choices without bonds can be as oppressive as bonds without choices. The aim should be a society in which liberty is not libertine, authority not authoritarian, choices more than actes gratuits, bonds more than painful restrictions. There has been little examination of how different people perceive human rights or of the dynamics between the rights of individuals and collectives. In many cultures rights are not separable from duties. In South Asia, for example, human rights activists have discovered that indigenous people often find it difficult to respond to a general question as to “what are your rights?" in the absence of a contextual framework (such as a religion, a family, or some other institution). Second, they have found that in responding, people begin by explaining duties before they elaborate on rights. Third, people may resist speaking of rights with reference to instruments such as the Universal Declaration of Human Rights that are either unknown or perceived as remote from their own experience.

From cultural pluralism to new research The Report’s remaining chapters explore key areas in which the Commission found the interactions between culture and development to be particularly acute or especially pertinent. Deliberately concise, each chapter is a "snapshot” of the current situation of good and bad practice as well as recent thinking. Let me now give you an overview of each chapter. The second chapter affirms a “commitment to pluralism”, which was of course the Commission’s basic tenet, its core value. Pluralism is an all-pervasive and enduring characteristic not only of global society but also of almost all of the some 190 nations that make up the world community. But ethnic and other forms of group identification can act as triggers for violent conflict when mobilized and manipulated to do so. Hence “nation-building” that seeks to make all groups homogeneous — or by allowing one to dominate — is neither desirable nor feasible. How, rather, can a nation create a sense of itself as a civic community, freed from any connotations of ethnic exclusivity? How should it deal with issues such as the cultural rights of minorities, xenophobia and racism, religious revivalism or fundamentalism and the situation of the world’s indigenous peoples? Let me share with you here some of the ways in which Our Creative Diversity diverges from the conventional wisdom with regard to the issue of respect for the diversity of cultures.

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Global and Societal Challenges The need for people to live and work together peacefully, says the Commission, should result in respect for all cultures, or at least for those cultures that themselves tolerate and respect others. There are some cultures that may not be worthy of respect because they themselves are intolerant, exclusive, exploitative, cruel and repressive. Whatever we may be told about the importance of “not interfering with local customs,” such repulsive practices, whether aimed at people from different cultures or at other members of the same culture, should be condemned, not tolerated. Even individuals from the intolerant cultures should, however, be left free to express their views, as long as their actions do not infringe on the rights of others who do not agree with them.

But for the rest, more than tolerance for other cultures is required. We should rejoice at cultural differences and attempt to learn from them. Governments cannot prescribe such attitudes and behaviour as respect and rejoicing, but they can prohibit attacks on people from different cultures and their practices and they can set the legal stage for mutual tolerance and accommodation. Intolerant cultures become particularly pernicious when they become the policy of intolerant governments. Discrimination, segregation and exclusion based on cultural traits then become official policy. In these cases strong international pressures should be used to denounce and punish such policies, including all forms of racism, persecution of people because of their beliefs, and the curtailment of freedom of their own people. The diversity and plurality of cultures has benefits comparable to those of bio-diversity. Pluralism has the advantage that it pays attention to the accumulated treasure of all human experience, wisdom and conduct. Any culture can benefit by comparison with other cultures, as it discovers its own idiosyncrasies and peculiarities. This does not imply cultural relativism: it is entirely consistent with an assertion of the validity of some absolute standards.

Liberalism, tolerance and pluralism incline us to find pleasure in the idea of a multiplicity of visions; the desire for objectivity, and universality, on the other hand, leads us to desire that truth be but one, not many. The difficulty with relativism is that it must also endorse absolutism and dogmatism; absolutism does not have to endorse relativism. Since many past and alien visions are intolerant, if we endorse them, in our tolerant, liberal way, we endorse intolerance. There is no room for the assertion of relativism in a world in which relativism is true. Cognitive relativism is nonsense, moral relativism is tragic. Without an assertion of absolute standards, no recommendation of this Commission would be possible, indeed no reasoned discourse could be conducted. Let us rejoice in diversity, while maintaining absolute standards of judging what is right, good and true.

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Global and Societal Challenges The Commission then takes up “creativity and empowerment”, calling for the notion of creativity to be more broadly applied to problem-solving in every field, not just in the arts and cultural expression, but also in technology, in politics and in governance.

In its treatment of the “challenges of a media-rich world”, the Commission observes that within countries, governments, citizens and the media have together defined and accepted the principles of competition, diversity, the need for minimum moral standards, and a balance between equity and efficiency. Why can’t such principles can be applied internationally? The airwaves, for example, should be seen as a collective asset, a “global commons”. The Commission proposes that public resources be used to promote a publicly defined global media system that would allow many voices to be heard and many different points of view to be expressed. While standards of decency, respect for others and self-restraint vary from country to country, nowhere is freedom unqualified or allowed to operate regardless of consequences. Here too, the chapter argues that measures taken nationally should be applied internationally as well. Development is changing the cultural perceptions of women’s and men’s life cycles as well as the patterns of gender relations. It is time to develop agendas which would avoid the dual pitfalls of ethnocentrism and Western bias on the one hand, and unprincipled forms of cultural relativism which deny women their basic human rights in the name of ‘difference’, on the other. Hence the chapter on “gender and culture” explores four specific areas in which policies can be devised and applied: women’s rights as human rights; reproductive freedom; gender-aware planning and civic and cultural participation. Regarding “cultural heritage for development” the Commission has stressed the new challenges for the conservation and revitalization of the cultural heritage, presented by rapid change as well as the range of what needs to be preserved : from highly visible and glorified monuments to the intangible values of disappearing languages and folklore. Apart from the huge discrepancy between ends and means, the major need is to do justice to the sheer diversity of the cultural heritage. Conceptions of it remain biased towards the elite and the monumental, the literate rather than the oral, the ceremonial rather than the workaday, the sacred rather than the profane.

Humanity’s relationship to the natural environment has so far been seen predominantly in biophysical terms; but the growing recognition that societies themselves create elaborate procedures to protect and manage their resources which are rooted in cultural values is explored in chapter entitled “culture and the environment”. The cultural dimensions of environmental management are

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Global and Societal Challenges examined in relation to indigenous knowledge, the urban environment, population growth, poverty, economic growth and the biosphere, and finally to issues of intergenerational justice. As a corollary of the preceding chapters, the Commission advocates “rethinking cultural policies”, i.e. a radical broadening of the concept of cultural policy. Recognizing, however, that most cultural policies remain focused upon the arts and heritage, the chapter suggests broader and more interactive frameworks for arts and heritage policies themselves. These include the economics of the culture sector, policy challenges in urban settings, the need for more pluralistic fostering of individual and group creativity, and the urgency of forging new alliances to fund cultural activities in response to an ever-growing level of social demand. The report’s final analytical chapter advocates interdisciplinary work at a deep level. A comparative research agenda is proposed that might help integrate culture, development and forms of political organization. What policies might promote sustainable, human development that encourages the flowering of different cultures?

Whither intercultural education? To conclude this overview, let me refer now in greater depth to the way in which the Commission explored our current cultural responsibilities towards “children and young people” which is the title and subject matter of chapter 6 in its report. No generation has ever been so numerous and so young: roughly one-fifth of the world’s population is between 15 and 24 years old. While the number of young people in the high income countries will decline between now and the year 2000, there will be a large increase in the young age groups in the developing countries. In these countries, young people and children will make up over 50% of the population as the third millennium begins.

No generation in the history of humanity has been faced with such swift and sustained transformations as the present one. How can societies ensure the economic inclusion, civic and cultural participation, health and educational needs of all? How can they best respond to the aspirations and dreams of the young? Most importantly perhaps, and certainly for all of you gathered together here, how can the new generations learn to get along in the future, how can we construct a world in which the defences of peace are built in institutional settings and in their minds?

Some answers to this question are attempted by the Commission in the section of its report entitled ’’Growing up in a pluralistic world: an intercultural education”.

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Global and Societal Challenges Having experienced globalization, the media revolution and increased opportunities for access, the Commissioners observed, young people are now better able than their parents to appreciate the diversity of cultural values and forms of expression. In high income countries they are increasingly “plugged in to the world,” comfortable with technology, more tolerant of different forms of expression, more open with regard to cultural difference. This process should be encouraged, for if the young are to know where they stand themselves, they need to acquire an understanding of the function of culture in general. With this in view, they must be helped to realize that, to the extent that it is a process and, in a sense, a “language”, no culture can ever be thought to invalidate another - though it may often be able to enrich it by new concepts, categories, insights. While cultures are as relative and numerous as languages, they are as operative as languages. They do not embody the truth ~ not even the truth of the speaker. Instead, they refer idiomatically and allusively to truths, by expressing values and norms which are common to all. But pluralism in education is also a translation of the natural dispositions of children. Young minds accept diversity. Their natural response to anything different is curiosity, followed by exploration. Children are eager to understand and to enjoy their new discoveries. Schools can easily encourage positive exposure to diversity. While the physical frontiers dividing nations will not soon disappear, education can help dismantle the barriers that separate and oppose people in their minds. Young minds do not have a problem with multilingualism. In a recent survey of 104 countries, 31 countries reported two official languages of instruction, and 15 reported three languages or more. In a multi-cultural, multi-lingual world, the earlier one initiates the young to other languages, the better the results will be. The Commission therefore recommends the development of multilingualism from the earliest age, along with classroom initiation to the plurality of language, cultures and religions. Languages should not be simple linguistic exercises, but opportunities to reflect on other ways of life, other literatures, other customs. The teaching of subjects such as history and geography should also be revised to reflect this exigency, and rather than concentrate on warriors, conquerors and great men, introduce the students to all the actors of history, to the encounters of cultural traditions, and to interdisciplinary approaches. This should lead to co-production of textbooks favoured to foster an awareness of a common heritage, shared values and a common vision of the future. Exchange programmes for young professionals (study tours, work stays, co-operation for cultural development) should also be multiplied. Professionals in education should be trained to teach and set examples in intercultural sensitivity.

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Global and Societal Challenges The young also need to be initiated to the notion of complexity, to the complex workings of personalities and cultures, to the multiplicity of forms and means of expression, to the infinite diversity of individualities, temperaments, aspirations and vocations. Only through a clear understanding of this complexity can they apprehend the notion of interrelatedness. “Education everywhere,” says David Hamburg, President of the Carnegie Corporation of New York, "needs to convey an accurate concept of a single, highly interdependent, worldwide species -- a vast extended family sharing fundamental human similarities and a fragile planet. The give-and-take fostered within groups can be extended far beyond childhood to relations between adults and to larger units of organization, even covering international relations.” In an increasingly interdependent world, education also plays a central role in the prevention and resolution of conflicts through the exercise of rational thinking. As stressed in a recent OECD report, education should promote “rational understanding of conflict, tensions and the processes involved, provoke a critical awareness of cultural interactions, and provide a basis for the analysis of concepts that will prevent obscurantist, chauvinist and irrational explanations from being accepted. School is above all -- or at least should be - the place of rational knowledge; its primary task is thus to provide information, explain and analyse problems and subject them to criticism.”

Education should therefore inculcate a certain sense of relativity, of diversity and tolerance, by emphasizing both the oneness of humanity’s experience, the variety within cultures, and the long historical record of interrelations between human groups. Identity is a relationship, not a fortress, and such recognition implies a mutual openness, a relationship which is by definition a two-way street. Minority children (and their parents) must be helped to realize that the deepest attachment to the spiritual wealth inherited from the past does not exclude the notion that this inheritance can come to terms with some of the newest and most disturbing aspects of the present. They should be encouraged to learn the dominant language as well as their own, just as the majority should be encouraged to learn the languages of the minority.

In the multi-cultural societies of the present, diversity is often a fact of daily life which needs to be handled in school with intelligence and sensitivity. The earlier one begins doing so, the better the results. But, as the Commissioners observed, the discovery of many cultures on a planetary scale can also reach across the world to people living in unfamiliar circumstances and with a quite different conception of existence, exhibiting the variety of human responses to the challenges of human existence and to those of the environment. The more unfamiliar the environment and way of life, the more instructive it can be in revealing the very essence of a

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Global and Societal Challenges culture: the culture of the Inuit, may thus hold a special fascination, say, for European children because of the extreme conditions Inuit have to face. Let us avoid the mere romanticization of otherness: learning does not necessarily lead to tolerance. What counts is the critical discovery of the functional nature of different cultural patterns in the study of human societies.

We must avoid the mere romanticization of “otherness”. Let me close on this point. For there is a new avatar of this abroad. It is the lumping together of related cultural groups into blocks, whether in the negative manner of a Samuel Huntington waving the bogey of a coming "clash of civilizations” or in the apparently positive manner of those who impute economic success entirely to cultural factors, e.g. the "Asian values” that explain the booming East Asian economics. As a perceptive Asian businessman pointed out recently, there are a number of reasons why the latter approach is inadequate on intellectual grounds. Such single categories ignore the intra-regional diversity behind the appearance of homogeneity; they ignore huge disparities of economic performance between countries; they cannot explain why the same values — Confucianism for example — cause economic success in one historical period and failure in another. Remember Max Weber!

But morally and politically, I would look for a different message. Why not de-emphasize uniqueness and emphasize interdependence? What separates Asians, or Latin Americans or Southern Africans, or for that matter, Northern Europeans from the rest of humanity, is less important than what they have in common with it. “Asians should not aspire to an Asian century; that is a futile dream in an interdependent world. We should aspire to a global century in which Asia with its cultural richness has pride of place anf'so much to offer.”1 And I for one would like that to be said and believed by all of us — whether from Africa, Europe, Latin America and the Caribbean or the vast and distant Pacific.

Notes

1 “All this Talk of‘Asian Values’ Sends an Unhelpful Message”, Timothy Ong, International Herald Tribune, 20 May 1996.

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Global and Societal Challenges

The infotainment explosion: Intercultural challenge or invasion? P. B. Nayar University of Humberside, England

There has been an explosive expansion in the visual infotainment media in the III world, particularly in South and South-East Asia in the last two decades and the (in)famous idiot box as well as the screens of countless video monitors have been making more people square-eyed in the last decade than ever. This in itself, like all matters of international development and progress, would only be a matter of pride and joy were it not for some dark, hidden side effects that are now being slowly discovered and articulated, effects and issues that need very sensitive and careful handling as the international integrity and self-respect of several nations may inextricably be involved in it. The TV revolution has put an aerial on top of even a lot of rural roofs in South and South-East Asia, and the urban skylines of many cities are also being dotted with satellite-receiving dishes. Even so, most of these countries, caught in the sweep of the rising technological tide, are having difficulties producing enough programs at home to fill their transmission times, and for various social and econo-political reasons, end up having to import TV programs, mostly from the West. For the developed Western nations, particularly the English-speaking ones, this TV explosion provides opportunities of economic expansion through the transfer and sale of the relevant technology or hardware. For the newly-arrived consumer industry of packaged English television program, there is a profitable market of hungry customers in these countries. The impact and implications of what Sen (1993:209) calls this „global leisure empire of media products“ need to be properly investigated, certainly from the perspective of the long-term cumulative effects on the consumer nations. In this paper, I would like to point out, among other things, that this particular stream of infotainment effluence from the West to the East is different from other, more traditional kinds of existing traffic like aid packages, or transfer of technology/expertise or even straightforward sale of consumer goods. In particular, this global one-way flow of mass media fodder raises some delicate cross-cultural issues, which, if ignored, may have serious repercussions for international relations. In a way, the communication explosion, the dominance of the Eastern media by the West and the effects and consequences are perhaps not new sub­

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Global and Societal Challenges jects. But what is noteworthy is that most of it is happening with little overt razzmatazz, and in a very rapid, unpublicized, near-conspiratorial way. About five years ago, AsiaSat, a giant communication satellite went up in space over Singapore. Unlike most other previous ones, AsiaSat has a footprint (what an interestingly apt word!) covering 38 nations in the Pacific and Asia with at least half the population of the world falling under its domain, and a Hong-Kong based satellite TV service called STAR TV has been impacting the audience through AsiaSat for more than five years now. (See Wang 1993 for a fuller description of AsiaSat; Bernstein 1991, Reeves 1993, Jamieson and Campbell 1988 etc. for some of the implications of the communication explosion and mass media for the III world; and for the exponential increase in satellite development in the Asia-Pacific region and the stakes involved see Gibbins 1994).

As can be expected, television programs in developing countries are dominated by imported fare. For instance, as early as 1976, a Unesco survey found that imported TV programs in Guatemala occupy 84% of total broadcast time; in Singapore 78%; Malaysia 71%; Zambia 64% and Hong Kong 40%. (Adnan 1991). A recent rapid survey of TV programs that I did of the three channels in Singapore and the two channels in Malaysia showed a slight reduction in the percentage of imported programs with a small corresponding increase in locally made programs. But the apparent quantitative reduction in the market share is purely temporary as major expansions in both countries are in the offing. Malaysia has announced (Straits Times 18/6/94) that it may have up to 30 TV channels by 1996, of which at least 25, being cable or Satellite channels, will no doubt exclusively show foreign fare. And if one is to go by recent trends, foreign generally means American. Singapore is planning a multi-channel network to be fully operational in two or three years. A report in The Straits Times, Singapore’s national newspaper said in no uncertain terms that the cable menu was likely to resemble America’s not only because the underlying economic logic is similar, but also because the US is likely to be the main source of programming. Singapore’s domestic production capacity strains to supply even SBC’s existing channels with home-grown programming. The cable channels will be even more dependent on imports. The report also said that the cable operator(s) could buy virtually most of programs off the shelf from the US Even India, which has been churning out films annually more than any other country in the world, is reportedly facing the difficulty of having more TV channels than material to feed them with and many middle-class homes in India are hooked up to the Hong Kong-based Star TV already. (For issues relating to the advent of the Star TV in India, see Kishore 1994.) Cable companies in China are reported to have started contracting with American Soap distributors.

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Global and Societal Challenges Western countries long used to the TV as an essential feature of life may not today fully realize the intensity and severity of the impact of TV in large parts of Asia. The average Euro-American is in a stable relationship with the idiot box. Like in a long, stable marriage, there is a symbiotic mutual dependence and a recognition of the dependence based on a good realisation of each other’s strengths and weaknesses. There is also a healthy ambivalence of mutual trust and suspicion, carefully balanced for symbiotic survival. In a lot of Asian countries, where the masses have only recently had free access to an expanded TV, the viewer is in a honey-moon relationship with it. Like a marriage in late maturity, both partners are eager to catch up with what they think they may have lost out on and are thoroughly involved in the enjoyable process of exploring each other, totally enamoured of each other. Luckily, as dependence on imported, largely Anglo-American TV fare increases so does awareness among the intelligentsia of the recipient nations as to their possible deleterious effects. For instance, Bhatia (1993) talks about the prospects, concerns and apprehensions of the multi­ channel TV in south Asia and to what extent it is affecting the socio-cultural life of the region. Karthigesu (1991) talks of the implications of the painful mismatch between the values of the imported TV programs and the national value system of Malaysia, and Sen (1993) analyses the nature, scope and impact of media imperialism and the so-called global pop culture on III world countries. There seems to be an emerging general consensus in quite a few countries that in as much as dependence on and use of foreign television channels and imported programs are necessary and to some extent inevitable and unavoidable, all precautions that are associated with necessary evils need to be accorded to them too. Such imported programs, particularly from the United States have been accused of promoting several things like cultural and religious hegemony and imperialism, sexual permissiveness and promiscuity, violence, alcohol and drug abuse, ideological non-conformity and in general values disruptive of the ethno-cultural identities and traditions of non-Western countries. (Karthigesu 1991, Adnan 1991, Frith and Sengupta 1991, Sen 1993, Rockwell 1994, Souchou 1994, Yeo 1993). Malaysia’s Prime Minister and Singapore’s Minister of Information have both spoken out vociferously against the West’s domination of the world’s media, defending the right of nations to recognise and retain fundamental cultural differences. I would like to explore some of the possible cumulative effects of the „hidden agenda“ that get subliminally transmitted through a number of these programs, unobservedly promoting value judgements and world views that are incompatible with the traditions of the recipient cultures, leading to conflict and disharmony on a much greater scale than is usual and normal between

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Global and Societal Challenges generations. An irresponsible attitude to the situation would be to trivialise matters by laughing at the status of Miss Piggy in Saudi Arabia or the Cosmic Cow in India. An alarmist view would be that there is a First World conspiracy to destabilise the Third World by undermining their economy, values and ways. But to me, a realistic view would be to think that there is an incipient challenge if not an outright threat to the social and cultural integrity of some groups and indirectly therefore even to the political integrity of some nations, whose main weakness may just be that they are too poor or unorganised or both to look after their interests. It might be useful to remember here that there is a connection between socio-cultural destabilisation/insecurity and political instability, and that as Sen (1993:216) shrewdly says, the issue of communication and cultural integrity was a dominant theme in the Iranian Revolution.

Generally there are two ways in which Western programs can have a deleterious and pernicious effect on the consumer Eastern nations and cultures. Firstly, they represent a factual scheme and present a world view, both of which are biased towards the mainstream political, social and cultural values that are currently fashionable in the West and much of which are often in conflict with what is believed and practised in the East. Secondly, the ideological loading in the content of many of these programs is such that non-Western communities and the cultures they represent are associated with negativity and undesirability and are often held to disapproval and ridicule. It is demoralising and self-denigrating for the Asians to see themselves constantly in negative stereotypes through the eyes of Westerners, whose knowledge and expertise they are conditioned to trust and respect. Their dignity, self-respect and self-esteem are thus constantly being subverted and undermined subliminally. I shall now briefly look at some of the hidden agenda in the English programs from Euro-American sources. In doing so I would like to treat news programs separate from entertainment because I believe the two are both qualitatively and quantitatively different in their impact. Commercials form a third genre, which I shall for now leave out. There is no doubt that there are quite a large number of TV programs in English, serious and light, that are informative, educational and entertaining, and so are highly respected as such in the world. But what tops the lists in imported programs are often the so called TV „space fodder“, mostly from the US: soap operas, sitcoms, crime buster series, game shows etc. that even many Americans would admit to be trashy, and of a kind whose main objective appears to be winning the ratings war with a TV viewing public who are not very well known for their viewing discernment. Even in countries which have historical connections with Britain, and which at one time used to depend at least partially on imported British

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Global and Societal Challenges programs, the trend now is to go American not just in content but also in the general ethic of commercial broadcasting as well as in the rhetoric, style, tenor and lingo of TV broadcasting. In many parts of the former British Empire, for instance, time was when nothing but standard British R.P. was to be heard on the TV even in local transmissions. Of late, not only is Standard R.P. discounted, but sounding American is getting to be trendy as well. This shift is more than a mere linguistic whim but is quite likely a sociolinguistic index of prevalent changes in geo-economic forces. The influence of news broadcasts is more in the image of the world and the perspective to facts and events in the world that are projected through the news. The Hong Kong-based STAR TV caused quite a stir in South Asia because of direct availability of news from no less a source than the „legendary“ BBC. Similarly, recently there has been much „jubilation“ in many parts of the world because of the so-called direct accessibility to CNN news. But, blinded by the whipped-up, bluff international prestige of these news sources (possibly more an index of their political influence and publicity machinery than actual reliability), very few of the actual viewers in these countries realise that the credibility of the truth value of news in today’s world has become a function of the hearer’s evaluation of and loyalty to the source of the news. Virtually every time, what comes through as news over the media is not neutral, objective reality but rather a socio-political reconstruction of it by the newscaster and the organisation (s)he represents (see Bell 1991, Hartley 1993). Decisions about priorities in coverage of events and issues are made under the influence of cultural, political, and commercial interests. News broadcasts from a nation like, say, the United States which has a strong, inflexible and fanatical commitment to a certain political and economic order, and an avowed interest in influencing the politics and economy of other nations, notwithstanding the claims of a free press, are bound to perceive and propagate reality in an ideologically biased manner. They support, socio­ political conditions and systems that ensure their own survival and discredit events or facts that threaten the ideologies of Western corporate free marketing or the credibility of Western institutions and administrations. I have also found American news broadcasts eminently insular and inward-looking, and as it says on one in-house TV commercial of one of the US networks, the news „puts America on top of the world“. Cable and satellite network news that are meant for home consumption are also beamed abroad with only slight modification. As a result, the rest of the world see themselves through American eyes, often perceived and portrayed on these news broadcasts as subsidiary and even subscribing to American interests, which, in turn, are shown to be central, crucial and dominating the whole world. The international perspective is painfully skewed and priorities or international

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Global and Societal Challenges importance of events are decided by their newsworthiness to a ratingsoriented local viewership, or by the US State department’s listing of preference of nations. Goonasekera (1992) shows how in a bibliometric study of the US media during the Gulf crisis, the word that occurred most frequently in the US media did not have anything to do with protagonist or participants of the war, nor the causes leading to the conflict. The most frequently cited word was Vietnam! A recent Harvard study has found that the US media, CNN included, had seriously distorted its reporting of the Tiannamen Square incident. There were significant lapses of factual accura­ cy, events were distorted to suit political expediency and the facts were drowned in a heavy tide of democratic optimism (Straits Times 3/6/1994). Often Western, predominantly American media interpretations have doctored the realities of what should otherwise appear to many uninvolved III world countries to be comparable and similar events and incidents. For instance, Super power presence in Vietnam and Afghanistan, student unrests and demonstrations in South Korea and P.R.C., Indian blockade of Nepal and the US mining of the Nicaraguan coast, Kashmir and Northern Ireland; Foreign interference in Czechoslovakia in the 60’s and Panama in the 80’s, the shooting down of Korean and Iranian civilian aircraft by Russians and Americans, and many other such events the Western news media have treated with insidious and clear discrimination. My own study of news reporting originating from Western sources (Nayar 1991) agrees with Parenti (1986) that on the whole, the philosophy, ideology, framing, presentation and phraseology of the news show a consistent bias: Euro-America over the rest of the world; Israel over the Arab world; capitalist interests over socialist interests; dictatorships and pseudo-democracies that are clients or allies of the West over neutral real democracies; Judaeo-Christian values over other religions; whites over non-whites; and Western political dogma over individual rights of nations to deviate.

The impact of sitcoms, quiz shows and featured entertainment, though less insidious can be equally invidious and perhaps culturally more subversive. The undesirable impact of the imported Television movies and other programs on III world societies have slowly started getting some attention. Karthigesu (1991), for instance, gives a list of what are considered „undesirable behaviours“ exhibited in American programs by just Malaysian audiences. Sitcoms, Soaps and TV movies consistently, promote, legitimise and glorify certain socio-cultural values and hold them out as ideal target models. In quiz shows, the nature and phraseology of the questions show consistent correlation with the political bias of the news reports. For example, a question on Eastern religions will invariably embody some negative Western stereotype, while Judaism or Christianity will usually invite scriptural/historical

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Global and Societal Challenges questions. Even “harmlessly humorous” sitcoms like the Cosby Show, from an Asian point of view, are full of permissive promiscuity, where the parents not only are openly demonstrative about intimate physical contact in front of the children but also acquiesce to and encourage the children’s dating game. Where shows are said to promote good family values, the values promoted are Euro-American values and these are by no means universal. For instance, there is a great difference in the priorities of family loyalty between the East and the West. In the West, where families are getting sub-nuclear, the primary (and often the only important) family loyalty appears to be spouse to spouse and then perhaps parent to child. But in the East, parent-child loyalty is necessarily reciprocal, and is even today the most important of all. Often, spouse to spouse loyalty comes as third, behind sibling to sibling, at least in terms of open social demonstrability. Again, the culture and values projected in these programs are obsessively youth-centred and juvenocratic, where young people, rebellious, insolent and disdainful of authority are glorified, and elders (oldies!) are shown as antiquated, anachronistic, out of touch and hence unwise, ’’uncool” and unfit to be anything but deferential to the demands of the young (’’Sorry, son, for a moment I sounded like a real father there”). There is a glorification of wise-cracking over-mature, precocity in several shows. [(„You know your father doesn’t like you saying that!“ „Why do you think I said it?“) (“Mom, this is my life, and I want to make my own decisions with it, so, butt out!”) ] Many Asian cultures cherish, value and enforce concepts of filial obligations and self-effacing humility, and have well-established ethnographic codes of verbal and non-verbal conduct. These concepts and codes clash with the filial indifference and insolence, self-promoting aggressiveness and an undisciplined, free-for-all, self­ selecting interactional ethics glorified in many sitcoms and Soaps. It is this overglorification of Americana that has come under attack as media imperialism or cultural hegemony or cultural invasion or cultural synchronisation. The prevalent general notion in the world that what comes from the West is necessarily the best for Asia (The McDonnell Effect) encourages a trend of general occidentation of the value systems, and this will either create serious conflicts and ultimate erosion of much of the tested social heritage of Asian nations or can result in a fundamentalist backlash. There are of course two answers to the charge that these values are inexorably imposed and that consequently the Asian cultures are being threatened or victimised. After all, the incipient threat need be neither inevitable nor unavoidable. One answer is that there is an ambivalence among the recipient nations regarding imported TV fare, and that as Karthigesu (1991: 104) says, „the influx of Western cultural elements does not take place without some amount of willingness from the receiving countries“.

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Global and Societal Challenges The other answer is that faced with any kind of threat, it should be well within the power of these countries to institute measures to protect themselves against the threat. But these again are not simple straight-forward issues as they appear to be. The same principles of power dynamic that apply to racial or other discriminations against the disempowered that exist in the free world can be said to operate here too. What Kartigesu (1991: 104) says about Malaysia is probably true about many other countries: “The place occupied by American imported programs was therefore not a simple matter of being air time fillers. It appeared that commercial considerations, especially the complex economic relationship with capitalistic countries of the West, made it impossible for Malaysia to simply throw out the American programs.” Another quote from Sen (1993: 210) about the Indonesian Movie industry drives the point home further: “Indonesia at one time produced over 100 films a year. But today the industry is said to be dying. The US Motion Picture Export Association threatened to complain to US trade representative, Carla Hills, whose office has the power to include Indonesia in a „watch list" of unfair markets. Jakarta caved in. In May it gave the US film industry greater access — in return for a 35% increase in US quotas for Indonesian textile producers....Local film makers see it as a death blow.”

There is some evidence that audience by and large everywhere tend to favour programs from their own cultural background (Lee 1990). The fact that Britain prefers US or Australian programs to sub-titled programs from other European languages proves this even more. It is anthropological common-sense that when culture is imported voluntarily, preference will be to import it from what are perceived as superstrate cultures. Conversely, as long as one’s exported "culture” is in demand, one’s cultural superiority and prestige will be retained. In spite of some attempts to restrict the import of TV programs in some countries (Bhatia 1993), imported Euro-American programs continue to enjoy high popularity, I think, for mainly four reasons: One is what I want to call the “McDonald Effect”, that is their exotic trendiness caused by the geo-political importance and the perceived avant garde status of the source nations. Second, as Bhatia (1993) says, superb technique of program production and the use of latest technology in program production provides an excellent fare to the eye even when they are culturally irrelevant or difficult to understand. Three, the techno-economic situation and the marketing expertise of the producer countries in the West enable them to push the produce with superb marketing techniques; and fourth, these are available at such competitive prices that they cost only a fraction of what it would take to make a comparable one locally.

Obviously no country can be expected to make entertainment programs to humour or suit the tastes of other countries. It would be ridiculous to expect

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Global and Societal Challenges the Western countries to make programs that are intended for their own domestic use in any manner other than what their home audience would prefer them. But surely there should be some way modifications could be made when the same programs are sold for external consumption at least as a good marketing strategy. With communication explosion some form of common globalized culture is bound to evolve at least in certain restricted domains of intellectual activity, but with some mutual understanding, mutual respect and with some greater geographical and cultural literacy, it shouldn’t be impossible to cut some of the jarring corners and make western programs less socio-culturally threatening and hence more acceptable to most societies, particularly if these are foisted on them. Surely in the realm of news broadcast, a more responsible global perspective and a more ideologyfree approach can be adopted. There is an old Indian saying that understanding and tolerance is a necessity and a source of strength for the weak but for the strong , they are a virtue and accomplishment! References Adnan, Haji M.H (1991) ’’Development and anti-development messages in film, television and advertising”. Media Asia ,18.2,63-72 Bell, A. (1991) Language in the News Media, London: Routledge Bernstein, C. (1991) ’The Leisure Empire". Global Issues, 91/92, Guilford: Dushkin

Bhatia, B. (1993) "Multi-channel television delivery opportunities in the South Asia Region”. Media Asia, 20.1,10-15 Frith, Kt/Sengupta, S. (1991) "Individualism and advertizing”. Media Asia, 18.4,191-194

Gibbins, M.P (1994) "Crowded skies: Issues in Asis-pacific satellite Development”. Media Asia, 21.2, 92-95 Goonasekera, A. (1992) ’’News as a social construct”. Media Asia, 19.1,9-12

Hall, E. T (1979) The Silent language, New York: Anchor Books Hartley, J. (1993) Understanding News, London: Routledge Jamieson, K.H./Campbell, K.K. (1988) The Interplay of Influence, Belmont, CA: Wadsworth Karthigesu, R. (1991) ”US Television Programmes and Malaysian Audiences”. Media Asia, 18.2,103-108 Kishore, K. (1994).”The Advent of Star TV in India: Emerging policy issues”. Media Asia; 18.2; 96-103

Lee, C.C. (1990) Media Imperialism Reconsidered, Beverly Hills: Sage Nayar, P.B. (1991) ’The Dynamoglossia of Mediaspeak”. Paper presented at the III International Conference on Cross-cultural Communication, Tainan, Taiwan Parenti, M. (1986) Inventing Reality, New York: St. Martin’s Press

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Global and Societal Challenges Reeves, G. (1993) Communications and the ‘Third World’, London: Routledge Rockwell, J. (1984) ’’American popular culture: Is it so bad?” The Straits Times, March 3 Sen, A. (1993) ’The impact of American pop culture in the Third World”. Media Asia, 20.4, 208-217

Souchou, Y (1994) "Asia feels ambivalent towards Western mass media”. The Straits Times, March 30

Wang, G. (1993) ’’Satellite television and the future of broadcast television in the AsiaPacific”. Media Asia 20.3,140-8 Yeo, G. (1993) ’’Controlling the influence of Western pop culture”. Speech delivered at the Conference of ASEAN Ministers of Information, Manila. Dec. 16

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Global and Societal Challenges

Political issues in community based research in poly-ethnic Australia Anne Seitz Swinburne University of Technology, Australia Introduction

Cross-cultural education, training and research in contemporary definitions is, historically, a fairly recent phenomenon. The recognition of and the need for such cross-cultural endeavours is largely due to the massive migration movement after World War II. More recently the increasing ethnic and cultural diversity and globalization of migration, including the internationalisation of the professional and managerial labour market has contributed to the demand not only for cross-cultural education and training but also for cross-cultural research.

Earlier attempts of what may be termed forms of cross-cultural education and training seem to have originated from, and been mainly confined to, colonial or semi-colonial situations. The training emphasis was to ensure an adequate supply of native servants and a workforce attuned to the needs of the dominant power. Cross-cultural education (if it was provided at all) for the children of the indigenous population tended to focus on teaching Wester paradigms in philosophy, science, culture and religion, i.e. on „Westernising“ the next and subsequent generations of the native population. Any crosscultural education for the children of the dominant colonising groups was usually in terms of trying to understand the quaint and inferior habits of natives. That is, the approach was not characterised by a relatively equal exchange of cultural knowledge or by being open to positively appreciating and experiencing cultural and ethnic differences. Cross-cultural research was essentially the domain of Anthropology and to some degree of politics and perhaps business / trade. Anthropologists concentrated on smaller, manageable and preferably „exotic“ tribes and societies in countries geographically distant from their own and politicians and business I trade made use of anthropological studies (at times even commissioned such studies) to further their own ends. Of course some anthropologists also used their research findings to substantiate and promulgate their own ideologies. Franz Boas and Margaret Mead for example, used the studies of Western Samoa in their attempt to change Western, and particularly American, sexual mores, attitudes and behaviour.

In contemporary Western societies cross-cultural research, education and training activities are often inter-disciplinary and tend to be focused on the

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Global and Societal Challenges need to successfully manage a culturally and ethnically diverse workforce in order to enhance efficiency and profitability, and also to ensure at least a modicum of social cohesion, politcal stability and societal harmony. This paper concentrates on and outlines some of the strategies and experiences that impact on cross-cultural research, and by implication on cross-cultural education and training, in Australia.

Because all intercultural activities take place within and are shaped by the social, political and economic structures and climate of societies it is necessary to provide a short overview of Australia’s development and stance towards its non-English speaking background (NESB) immigrant population. Australia - historically and contemporaneously

History From its inception as a white European colony in 1788 Australia was a country of immigration, drawing its population from a variety source countries. It remains and identifies itself as a country of immigration. Initially the different colonies,with the exception of South Australia, were settled by convicts from England and Ireland and by their guards. Most of the officers, guards and colonial rulers and administrators were British. Given the numerical superiority of British immigrants, together with the fact that the colonies were under British rule and that policies affecting Australia were formulated in Britain and implemented in Australia by British officials and administrators it is not surprising that British-type social institutions and laws were established and perpetuated and continue to dominate the political and social landscape of Australian society [Appleyard in Roberts (1972: 13)].

Thus, the colonial society of Australia was the deliberate creation the British government of the time and has remained one of the most regulated and managed industrialised societies in the English speaking free world [ Seitz (1993: 34)]. Throughout its history as a white settlement Australia’s race and ethnic relations, and by implication its immigration policies and practices, have been informed by the belief in British racial and cultural superiority and the desire to create and maintain a racially and ethnically homogeneous society. This found expression in a narrow assimilationist approach on the one hand and in what may be termed an „exclusionist“ stance on the other hand [Seitz I Foster (1985: 414)]. The latter led to the suppression of Aboriginal culture and the annihilation of large numbers of the indigenous population and to very restrictive immigration policies. All colonies either prohibited or severely restricted even the temporary immigration of Asian people. The fear of Asiatic immigration contributed strongly to the formation of the Commonwealth of

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Global and Societal Challenges Australia. Indeed the very first piece of legislation passed in the new Federal Parliament was the Immigration restriction Act of 1901 which become as the “White Australia Policy“ [Willard (1978: 120)]. Although the the Immigration Act was amended from time to time to take account of changing circumstances and British international relations, the “White Australia Policy“ continued to be officially in force until 1972 when the then newly elected Labour Government formally abolished it.

Two fundamental principles informed Australia’s immigration and settlement policies - exclusivist and assimilation - and these are heavily influenced by assumptions and perceptions of which individuals and ethnic/cultural groups are worthy of and able to assimilate into the superior British/Australian society. ( No racial group or individual was ever considered to be either worthy or capable of total assimilation into the British “race“). Although assimilation is a somewhat ambiguous concept with a variety of meanings in the Australian context it has always meant that settlers are to “give up their language, behaviour, norms, loyalties and affiliations and change everyday habits acquired in their country of origin“ [Kovacs / Cropley (1975: 15)]. This rather virulent assimilationist ideology and policy continued to be the governing principle of immigration and inter-ethnic relations till the mid 1970’s when it was modified to an integrationist approach and later still found expression in a relatively benign form of assimilation, that is, a particular form of multiculturalism. An integral part of all these policies is that immigrants should not only conform quickly and as completely as possible to the AngloCeltic core culture but also that they should become “naturalised“, that is, Australian citizens as soon as possible.

Naturalisation was perceived by the government and the general public alike as being both the measure for and the sign of successful assimilation. Kunz suggests that “public opinion equated the act of naturalisation as an approval of all things Australian, and, conversly, non-naturalisation as a rejection of the Australian way of life, ingratitude, and a silent expression of animosity to Australia [Kunz (1980: 5)]. The equation of naturalisation with assimilation/ approval of Australia led the various governments to approve a number of measures to encourage immigrants to accept Australian citizenship. Conventions, prizes for the “best assimilated migrant of the year“ [Jupp (1966: 442)] and most recently the 1995-1996 Citizenship Drive, initiated by the then Minister for Immigration, testify to the continued importance and pre­ occupation of Australian governments with both assimilation and citizenship. Cross-cultural research was, up to approximatley the late 1970s and early 1980s, unambiguously oriented towards measuring the degree and rate of assimilation of different ethnic communities.

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Global and Societal Challenges Post World War II immigration and settlement

The government initiated, planned and controlled mass immigration program immediately after the war transformed Australia from an essentially monocultural, mono-lingual society into one of the ethnically and linguistically most diverse countries in the world. Approximately five million people from some 130 countries have settled in Australia since 1945 [BIR (1990: 32)]. They account for about 40 percent of the population increase from 7.5 million in 1947 to 17.5 million in 1991 [NPC (1991: 21)]. In 1993, 22.5 percent of the population were overseas born and of these 13.5 had been born in non-English speaking (NES) countries [ABS (1994: 4)].

Although the long established explicit preference for British immigrants continued, declining numbers of these preferred settlers led to recruitment from a variety of countries—initially from Northern and eastern Europe and later, and with significant reluctance, from Southern Europe and eventually from Turkey and Lebanon. During the 1950s and 1960s the largest number of NESB settlers came from Greece, Italy and Malta. From the mid-1970s onwards the arrival of Indo-Chinese and South American refugees, and substantial chain-migration under the Family Re-union scheme from various asian countries contributed to a greater „cultural mix“ and transformed Australia into a multi-ethnic society. Nevertheless, settlement policies remained strongly assimilationist, with some modification towards integration, but essentally aimed to ensure that Australia continued to be a highly integrated, monolingual, monocultural society that might selectively incorporate and absorb “deserving” sections of the migrant population.

But a number of developments during the late 1970s and early 1980s contributed to the adoption of multiculturalism as the official settlement policy of major political parties.

Internationally the period witnessed an “ethnic revival". Racial and ethnic groups reclaimed their cultural rights and governments in a number of countries came under pressure to recognise the rights to cultural/ethnic integrity of minority groups.

Nationally, Australia recognised that assimilation/integration was a failure, there was a growing awareness of and desire to capture the ethnic vote among politicians, and there was the emergence of a Migrant Rights Movements which had the support not only of immigrants but also of influential non-immigrants and organisations such as the Centre for Urban Research and Action (Seitz 1996). In addition number of ethnic leaders argued successfully for ethnic/cultural

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Global and Societal Challenges rights and social justice. They also formed organisations such as Ethnic Communities Councils on both the state and federal level to give an institutional voice to the needs of NESB settlers.

The government responded slowly but favourably to the NESB immigrants and their supporters call to support ethnic pluralism and acceptance of cultural diversity. Eventually the term and concept of „multiculturalism“ became the dominant paradigm. Multiculturalism The national agenda for a multicultural Australia: Sharing our future [Office of Multicultural Affairs (OMA) (1989)] contains the three dimensions of multicultural policy, its eight goals and the purposes of multiculturalism as a public policy. The Agenda also states the limits of multiculturalism, in particular that all Australians must accept the basic structures and principles of Australian society, including equality of the sexes and English as the national language. The least mentioned, but most important, element of the National Agenda is the statement that „it is a policy for managing the consequences of cultural diversity in the interests of the individual and society as a whole“ [National Agenda (1989: viii)]. Thus multicultural policies are designed to „help us better manage our diversity in the interest of social cohesion and justice; harness the skills, education and entrepreneurial ability of all Australians for the national good“ [National Agenda (1989: 1)]. While these statements show some recognition of the potential contribution of NESB immigrants to the common good, their input and participation in the decision making structures and processes of society are still restricted.

Overall, multiculturalism is perhaps most realistically seen as a less virulent form of assimilation policy, a bipartisan political response to increasing numbers of NESB votes, and as a managerial tool to deal with the unintended consequences of the post war mass immigration program. Australia is most accurately described as a poly-ethnic or multi-ethnic society rather than a truly multicultural one. Despite much publicity and ideological posturing crosscultural research is still mainly dominated by Anglo-Celtic paradigms and researchers. Political issues in cross-cultural research Although it is usually agreed that all research takes place in a particular political context and climate, and that all research undertakings have to address methodological issues, there is not much public discourse on how and to what degree the various political, that is, power structures and influences impact on and shape both the subject/topic of the research, the methodologies/research techniques and the eventual use of the findings.

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Global and Societal Challenges While political issues and influences are of importance in all research endeavours they seem to be especially so in cross-cultural research because of the often very significant power differences between particular NESB immigrant groups and the mainstream society.

The multi-dimensional politics of cross-cultural research Although one or two dimensions of a study may become of paramount importance at a given time or stage for a particular project, more often the various influences tend to be mutually re-enforcing elements in the political web in which the research takes place.

In cross-cultural studies, as in other research, there are a number of stakeholders. This paper will deal with the following:

Politicians Public Servants and Ministerial Advisers Government and Semi-Government agencies

NESB Community Leaders and Spokespersons NESB Social Welfare,Social Work and Community Development Workers

NESB Community Members Academics

Politicians Politicians are probably the most obvious and readily identifiable power brokers. They often have, especially those whose portfolio and/or interest is in this area (immigration and settlement), a keen desire to see certain topics explored and to have particular outcomes/results. Although particular findings cannot be totally guaranteed, research and (some) researchers can at least be encouraged and guided to produce „ acceptable“ findings. For example, currently it is highly unlikely that support and funding would be given to projects that may question the benefits of large-scale immigration or the perceived success of multiculturalism for all Australians. Indeed there would be limited, if any, co-operation in regard to access to government documents, to key bureaucrats and politicians as part of the research endeavour.

Public servants and ministerial advisers These officials play a very important role in setting the research and funding agendas. They not only „advise“ but frequently decide which projects

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Global and Societal Challenges should be approved and perhaps funded and which researchers should be engaged for the project. My experience as a member and/or chair of a number of committees charged with selecting projects for research and allocating funding is, that political considerations and „guidelines“ are always clearly articulated and firmly established. Needless to state that such guidelines are always protected by unspoken assumptions about confidentiality and by committee regulations and are thus not readily accessible to „outsiders“. Issues that committees have to take into account include party-political considerations, the seat in which the research will take place, geographical issues eg. rural/urban and/or state and territory, Trade Union wishes (particularly under a Labour government) the researcher’s political affiliations and last, but not least, the relevant Minister’s preferences.

Thus, politicians and public servants influence, if not determine, not only funding levels but also almost all other areas and dimensions of cross-cultural research projects, including whether and in what manner the findings may be used. Government and semi-government agencies

In Australia there are a range of such organisations both on the State and the Commonwealth level. For example, the Bureau of Immigration, Multicultural and Population Research (BIMPR), the Office of Multicultural Affairs (OMA), the Office for the Status of Women (OSW), the Affirmative Action Agency (AAA) operate in the federal dimension, while the Ethnic Affairs Commissions (EAC), the Equal Opportunity Commissions and various other agencies are responsible for State issues.

These organisations are by definitions key players in the power game of - setting research agendas

- determining methodologies

- determining the sample - selecting the researchers - editing of project reports - controlling publication - determining policy and program impact and

- implementation - controlling conference presentation and participation

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Global and Societal Challenges Many of these agencies work in close relationship with Ministers and Ministerial Advisers and researchers perceived as not conforming to the dominant ideology and discourse tend to be excluded from access to such funding sources. NESB community leaders and spokespersons

The perceived or actual influence these people have in their own communities and how large and powerful the community is in itself will determine the influence such leaders have on politicians and public servants etc. Office bearers in organisations such as the various Ethnic Communities’ Councils’ (ECCs), the Federation of Ethnic Communities’ Councils’ of Australia (FECCA), and a number of ethno-specific organisations, e.g. COAS-IT (Italian) Australian Greek Welfare Society (AGWS), the Vietnamese Welfare Society also exert considerable influence.

In addition to exerting influence on politicians, advisors and public servants these leaders act also as gate-keepers of their communities. That is, they also have a say on who is acceptable as a researcher, on what should be researched (what issues, which communities), and often too on methodological issues even though most of them have little if any, idea about research methodologies and research techniques. Any researcher—however reputable as a professional—who is considered ideologically unsound or politically not correct, will have enormous difficulty receiving funding or even obtaining the necessary co-operation in accessing community members. A number of these ethnic leaders have black-banned both certain projects and particular researchers.

NESB community members and inter- and intra- NESB group politics Apart from NESB leaders and spokespersons at the ECO and FECCA level there are numerous other people and issues that influence research endeavours, not the least of which are community members. Their perceptions of a particular project, their willingness to participate and general intra-ethnic relations are vital to the success or otherwise of a study.

For example, researching aspects of the Yugoslav community immediately raises the whole problem of tensions between the Croation, Serb and Bosnian sector. This situation requires not only a researcher who is not a member of these communities but who has also has exceptional tact and the ability to actually gain approval for the project, and receive co-operation in carrying out the study.

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Global and Societal Challenges Research involving the Indo-Chinese communities needs recognition of the tension within these groups, e.g. between Ethnic and Chinese Vietnamese, as well as between the Cambodian, Lao and Vietnamese groups. The tensions between the Turkish and Greek communities and between the Christian and Muslim Lebanese groups are now reasonably well recognised if not always acknowledged. Some of these problems and the politics involved can be minimised by involving representatives of the various communities even in the planning of the projects as colleagues—not as unskilled and ill paid (if at all) workers. Of course, the subject matter of the research and how the findings may impact on the community will be a major concern, as is the ever present ethnic community competition for funding research and other programs.

NESB welfare, social workers and community development workers Most cross-cultural research in Australia requires the assistance of bi-lingual and bi-cultural personnel. This is because many ethnic community members either do not have sufficient English language skills or are not confident enough to use English, they may be distrustful of „outsiders“, and/or non­ community members do not know how to behave in culturally appropriate and acceptable ways. In addition, NESB workers are themselves stakeholders in the research game. They may wish to obtain funding for projects themselves, they may wish to protect their position within the community as the expert mediator between their community and the mainstream society, and they may desire to shield their community from potential exploitation. Thus, ethnic community workers may be both stakeholders and gate keepers in their communities.

The essential role of the ethnic community worker in cross-cultural research will be demonstrated in more detail in the section on Community Based Projects. Academics

Australia’s relatively small population and the public nature of many crosscultural research projects allows for ready identification of key academic researchers, players and stakeholders. Australian academics in general, as well those in one’s own institution tend to be territorial, proprietorial, competitive and political in regard to research, particularly to issues of research funding. As funding for research in general, and cross-cultural research in particular, has steadily declined over the last ten years or so, competition for status and funding has become increasingly fierce, destroying

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Global and Societal Challenges in the process much of (the perceived) academic collegiality. For example, who is accepted or acknowledged as an expert in cross-cultural education, training and research, who is seen as a potential co-researcher, ally or referee for a project, will heavily influence the success or otherwise not only of any funding application but also whether the project will be approved at all. Recognition as an expert researcher, achieving academic status, access to ethnic communities, membership in influential academic (and other) networks, access to powerful and respected referees, receiving not only formal but also informal information, and collegiality are all very important, indeed essential, ingredients for successfully participating in and playing the research funding game. Instances where a member of a funding allocation committee withholds support for a very meritorious and methodologically sound project of a colleague and speaks repeatedly against the project in favour of funding his/her own study or that of friends are well known. As such un-collegial colleague usually have good connections to, and supportive relations with various other power brokers they are often able to continue to exercise such undue influence for significant periods of time.

In Australia these power networks are tight, limited in number and dominated by Anglo-Celtic Australian males—and thus there are few other alternative networks and access to academic status and research funding. Research issues in community based projects Although this paper does not address the education and training elements of inter-cultural communication it must be acknowledged that cross-cultural research is often generated from cross-cultural education activities, and in turn feeds back into educational and training curricula.

My own experience as a lecturer and cross-cultural consultant and trainer has demonstrated how important valid and reliable research is for curriculum development and for teaching and training. It is of course also extremely important for social, welfare and other policy development and policy implementation programs. A recent example of research undertaken for policy and program development has been a three year project seeking the definitions and perceptions of Family Violence and Child Abuse, including Child Sexual Abuse among three major NESB communities in Melbourne. This project was completed in July 1995. This project was the first qualitative study of NESB communities that received funding from the Victorian Health Promotion Foundation (VHPF), a body

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Global and Societal Challenges which uses the very positivistic National Health and Medical Research Council methodological model. Over the last decade or so family violence and child sexual abuse has received considerable public, professional and academic attention. Concurrent with the perception that this contributes significantly to a range of other problems such as homelessness, suicide, delinquency and poor mental health has been the recognition that their occurrence is more prevalent than previously thought.

Despite the fact that Australia proclaims that it is a multicultural society, very little has been known about the situation of NESB communities with regard to family violence and child sexual abuse. Not only has there been a lack of knowledge about how NESB groups define the problems and their particular needs in relation to them, but also about the extent to which NESB communities know about existing services or how they perceive them.

This has led to either not providing services at all or to the provision of culturally inappropriate services which fail to meet the needs of particular groups and are therefore neither cost-effective or efficient. The process of developing the research project confirmed that NESB service providers and community members are either absent or significantly under-represented in decision-making processes, and that most mainstream policy developers do not have sufficient intercultural understanding of pertinent issues. NESB workers were very much aware of, and concerned about, the absence of culturally distinct definitions of family violence and child sexual abuse and the lack of culturally appropriate services. Although there was considerable interest in ascertaining the rate and pattern of abuse, the project deliberately did not seek to enquire into this for a variety of reasons. Some of these reasons are outlined below.

Firstly, attempts to measure the rate and degree of family violence and child sexual abuse without having established the community’s perception and definition of these problems not only imposes mainstream cultural and social meanings on minority groups, but they are also scientifically meaningless and unacceptable. Secondly, services developed on inadequate information are unlikely to be used by the target group and are thus inefficient and wasteful. Thirdly, as there are to date no accurate and comprehensive statistics for the general community which would permit comparison, attempting to collect ethnic specific abuse rates would not be particularly useful.

Fourthly, the sensitive and delicate topic of the project made disclosure of incidents to anyone, including community workers unlikely.

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Global and Societal Challenges Fifthly, workers, community members and the researchers shared the well founded fear that research findings about occurrences of abuse can easily and readily be used to stigmatise particular NESB communities.

The funding agency, mainstream welfare workers, ethnic workers and the researchers agreed that the research should focus on obtaining culturally specific information about identified forms of abuse from community members and ethnic community workers and to present an opportunity for both to express their views, define their service needs and contribute to the decision making and planning process by providing valid and reliable information to aid:

- policy development; - service development

- the development of culturally sensitive community education programs Thus one of the important purposes of the research was to provide an opportunity for community members and community workers to have a voice in the definitional process. The overall aim was to explore community conceptualisations and definitions of family violence and child sexual abuse which derive from culturally distinct meaning system,and to seek information about the types of culturally appropriate services the various communities would access if the need to do so arose.

Cross-cultural research - some practical considerations

It must be acknowledged that many NESB communities in Australia suffer from what might be termed Consultation Fatigue. They are tired of being asked to participate in academic research projects (Honours, masters, Ph.D thesis work)

- funded research - government research

-curiosity driven research Participation in such research endeavours means that community members and community workers give of their time, make their insights available, recount often painful and unpleasant experiences, and often provide hospitality. Yet in most instances they do not even receive the courtesy of getting a copy of the finished report, let alone have the opportunity to read and comment on a draft document.

Many ethnic workers, translators and interpreters are either not paid at all or paid a pittance for their contribution to the research-community members are hardly ever reimbursed for their time. Perhaps most disappointing of all

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Global and Societal Challenges for ethnic communities is that very often the research findings are ignored and policy implications and recommendations are not followed up.

To carry out responsible, valid and reliable research in the complex and competitive setting outlined in this paper requires that attention be given to a number of issues, practices and approaches. We have found that in the Australian setting qualitative cross-cultural research requires the following if it is to produce reliable and valid results:

- a good reputation by the researcher, being widely known and accepted in the ethnic area, know the key people/players in the various communities; - involve the key players (priests, ethnic workers, community leaders etc) in the project at appropriate levels and at different stages of the project;

- talk the project through with these leaders, and the ethnic workers to be employed for the project. This includes discussing the aim and purpose of the research, the actual topic, the research methods, the sample, the questionnaire etc; - treat NESB workers as valuable colleagues whose expertise and access to the community are of vital importance to the success of the project; - pay NESB workers well in line with their expertise and the difficulty of the task, e.g. translating, interviewing and so on;

- provide a draft report and positively encourage feed-back from workers and if possible from a number of community members; - be culturally aware and sensitive and respect the relationships between communities, e.g. the tension between the Vietnamese and Cambodians, Christian and Muslim Lebanese; - acknowledge the culturally specific power structures and stances on gender issues. The permission of the Imam or priest may be necessary to interview women (and in some communities men);

- know and respect that different communities require different ways of doing things: teamwork among the Vietnamese, no teamwork between the various Arabic speaking groups, some collaboration, but basically tension among the Latin Americans; - employ appropriately trained, culturally knowledgable and linguistically competent workers; - train the community workers in all the relevant aspects and areas of the project;

- incorporate the community workers input particularly in the formulation of questions and interviewer selection;

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Global and Societal Challenges - invite workers and selected community members to the launch of the report; - provide a copy of the report to the workers and a copy to the community;

- select ethnic workers with the same care as all other workers are selected; - trust your ethnic workers. Of course, implemeting all this is difficult and requires a great deal of patience. It also requires not only an acceptance of diversity but an actual appreciation and valuing of ethnic and cultural differences. But if the validity of research findings is to be sufficiently high to make a positive contribution to knowledge and to be useful in policy and program development then such an approach is essential. Such an approach to crosscultural research also reflects a move from multi-ethnic to multi-cultural understandings and has the potential to improve societal relationships overall. While this approach is both personally and professionally demanding it is also very rewarding and enriching in the non-monetary sense.

Summary Very few writers and researchers seem to have acknowledged and addressed the problem and issue of the political dimension in cross-cultural research. This may be due to either a lack of awareness (the fortunate members of the power clique?) or refusing to see the obvious. Alternatively, it might be out of concern over possible negative results and consequences when publicly dealing with practices that just about every power broker small and large - refuses to acknowledge. Yet it seems clear that politics (defined as power relationships and the exercise of power) in cross-cultural research affects ultimately not only the particular researcher, the NESB communities researched and the ethnic workers but also the wider society and predominantly in negative ways. References Australian Bureau of Statistics (1994) Australian Social Trends, Canberra: AGPS Australian Council of Population and Ethnic Affairs (1982) Multiculturalism for All Australians, Canberra: AGPS

Australian Ethnic Affairs Council (1977) Australia as a Multicultural Society, Canberra: AGPS Borrie, W. D. (1947) A White Australia: Australia's Population Problems, Sydney: Australasian Publishing Co. Borrie, l/V D. (1954) Italians and Germans in Australia, Canberra: Australian National University Press

Bureau of Immigration and Population Research (1994) The Social Characteristics of

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Global and Societal Challenges Immigrants in Australia, Canberra: AGPS

Federal Race Discrimination Commissioner (1994) State of the Nation - A Report on People of Non-English Speaking Backgrounds, Canberra: AGPS

Grasby, A. (1973) “A Multicultural Society for the Future”. Immigration Reference Paper, Canberra: AGPS Hugo, G. /Maher, C. (1995) Atlas of the Australian People, Canberra: AGPS

Jupp, J. /Kabala, M. (Ed.) (1993) The Politics of Australian Immigration. Bureau of Immigration Research, Canberra: AGPS Jupp, J. (1966) Arrivals and Departures, Melbourne: Cheshire-Lansdowne Kovacs, M. /Cropley, A. (1975) Immigrant and Society: Alienation and Assimilitation, Australia: Me Graw Hill

Kunz, E. (1980) “Transit Naturalisation: A Bid for the Right to Seek the Right Place to Live“ . Journal of Intercultural Studies, 1,2,5-14 National Population Council (1991) Population Issues and Australia's Future, Canberra: AGPS Office of Multicultural Affairs (1989) National Agenda for a Multicultural Australia. Sharing Our Future, Canberra: AGPS

Price, C. (Ed.) (1979) Australian Immigration, Canberra: Australian National University Press Seitz, A. /Foster, L. (1985) “Dilemmas of Immigration - Australian Expectations, Migrant Responses: Germans in Melbourne". Australian and New Zealand Journal of Sociology. Vol.21, no.3,414-430

Seitz, A. (1993) “The Construction of Australian Society: A Socio-Historical Analysis". In: S. Gamage (Ed.) A Question of Power and Survival? Une Symposium Group on Assimilation, Pluralism & Multiculturalism Seitz, A. (1996) Multiculturalism - Rhetoric and Reality. Paper delivered at the Ecumenical Migration Centre, Melbourne

Seitz, A. /Kaufman, T. (1993) Too Shameful to Talk about It. Victorian Health Promotion Foundation, Melbourne Seitz, A. /Kaufman, T. (1994) Dirty Linen Should Be Washed at Home. Victorian Health Promotion Foundation, Melbourne Seitz, A. /Kaufman, T. (1995) Who Will Protect Her? Victorian Health Promotion Foundation, Melbourne

Wilton, J. /Bosworth, R. (1984) Old Worlds and New Australia. Ringwood, Australia: Penguin

Willard, M. (1978) History of the White Australia Policy to 1920, Melbourne: Melbourne University Press

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European Challenges: Eastern and Southeastern Europe

Matrix of identity Darko Strajn Abstract

The paper takes into account some theoretical generalisations and some empirically based insights into the political culture of Slovenian „new democracy." In that liberal democracy rests upon the principle of the primacy of individual and citizen, and considering that the very first decrees of new governments proclaimed adherence to this principle, we may find ourselves somewhat amazed by the intensity in progression of nationalist (substitute) ideologies leading to segregation of citizens into at least two categories in the name of a collective entity. In some complex social, cultural and political situations of post-socialist countries, a new construction of nationalist ideology proceeds in various successions. So we claim that any nationalism (in a series of equivalencies with intolerance, xenophobia, authoritarianism, totalitarianism, racism, sexism, segregation, etc.) is always specific nationalism of the particular nationality. If we observe a matrix of national identity in „objective“ way, we would of course determine many of elements in its construction (equivalencies, attributes, etc.) as at least unreasonable, founded on prejudices and above all on a complex psycho-social differentiating pattern. Legacy of communism

Whenever we speak about the huge social changes which peaked by the end of the last decade, we refer to them as „events". This reveals changes that escape proper concepts; the „events" surprise us in a moment when we had not perfected clear concepts and notions to determine or define them. Among all the „events“ one brought a definite meaning. We are referring to the fall of the Berlin wall. This symbolic event marked not only the end of communism, but the end of the bipolar world. The dismantling of the Berlin wall has been a destruction of a range of ideologies and political attitudes, as well as theoretical (philosophical, sociological, etc.) paradigms that evolved during the epoch of modernism. The ideology of Marxism within communist countries was socially integrative. This has not been sufficiently analysed, so now many say, that Marxism - as any other ideology - founded and enabled the functioning of a social, political and economic system, integrated into the daily life of people. Marxist ideologies and mechanisms of single party power were broadly analysed by the intellectual core groups within the social movements that brought about the „revolution against socialism". The downfall of the socialist system has been introduced by a decades long softening and finally outright decay of the Marxist

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European Challenges: Eastern and Southeastern Europe ideology. So called reform factions within the communist parties - appearing, perishing, and reappearing as „winters and thaws“ - gradually erased all meaning of the Marxist ideals and theories supporting systems of power in Eastern and Central Europe. (Ironically, the critical and intellectual capacity of Marxist theory has been better preserved within the left wing movements and in academic Marxism in the West.) Since the socialist systems became unable to compete with the market economies (this fact was clearly perceived by the ruling parties as well as the opposition movements) the reasons for largely peaceful retreat of communism are obvious. This explains the ease with which former party chiefs were transformed either into capitalist managers or into democratic politicians. This historic movement made any prospects for a „restoration“ of communist system in its surpassed structure unlikely. The only possibility in some former communist countries, is a return of the „disguised communists“ who are quite comfortable with the undisguised capitalism.

We may assume that nationalism, and the ethnic rights with it, were suppressed by the communist states. But an implicit nationalism and even explicit anti-semitism happened to be in a number of the historically proven cases, a part of the „Marxist“ ideological discourse. It goes without saying that in the multi-ethnic conglomerates a kind of domination of stronger nations over smaller ones and over ethnic minorities has been incorporated in the „internationalist“ ideology. In different countries, this kind of implicit suppression was happening in various degrees and different forms. In almost all former communist countries, we find nationalism, which finds it’s expressions in a whole spectrum from mild emphasies on cultural traditions to a highly hostile chauvinism. In some countries it takes forms of well organized political movements and parties. The problem exists even in the predominantly mono-ethnic states. Early in the time of socialism’s decay some strategies in the Western politics, that were meant to prevent social dissolution, proved to be insufficient. The support for economic and political reforms in the socialist countries was a mistaken supposition that ethnic concerns could be diminished by a swing towards full scale market economy. In the case of former Yugoslavia, where in an interim period of the federal government of the reform minded technocrat Ante Markovic such policies were tried, some success in stopping inflation and improving the economic output was visible. But it demonstrated that the growing Serbian nationalism and the reacting politics and movements in other federal republics at the end of the eighties, could have not been stopped.

We remark as well that a wide intellectual stream in the West (composed of theories, political movements and ideologies), following the path of New Left, confronted the bitter reality of new social circumstances at the time of the fall

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European Challenges: Eastern and Southeastern Europe of the Berlin wall. A vague version of a modernist projection, based on a criticism of capitalism as well as “real socialism”, pointed towards a coalescence of socialism and democracy. What actually happened - at least in the beginning - was a victory of capitalism and democracy. It became doubtful whether this is indeed a fact - especially the question whether the democracy prevailed in former communist countries or not. We can illustrate this ambiguous aspect by remarking on a recent article written by Nicos mouzelis, referring to two Talcott Parsons’ articles published in the mid-sixties. The main point in Mouzelis’ article is that Parsons has, on the ground of his „evolutionary universals” (that were developed at the time of the appearance of both articles), foreseen the descent of communism. According to Mouzelis,

„central to this perspective are the notions of structural-functional differentiation (as this has been developed by classical sociology and anthropology), and of society’s adaptive capacity." (Mouzelis, 1993: 147)

These „universals” indeed enabled T. Parsons to give a new assessment to the possibility of development in the future. „ He (Parsons) did not regard the communist societies as simply qualitatively different from the capitalist ones (as the opponents of the convergence thesis were implying), but above all as more archaic: from an evolutionary perspective they were at a lower level of differentiation and adaptive capacity. So if there was going to be a diminution of the differences between capitalist and collectivist societies, this would not be the two-way process of the convergence theorists, but a one-way move. He predicted that if the collectivist societies wished to avoid peripheralization, they would be forced to open up and adopt more liberal, democratic forms of organisation.” (Mouzelis, 1993: 148)

The discovery of Mouzelis, concerning Parsons’ predictions, does not enlighten us, since notions supporting the predictions cannot entirely clarify the „events” of the years 1989 and 1990. According to the logic of Parsons’ predictions, we could count on a leap into liberal democracy, a gradual appropriation of mechanisms of social organisation, such as those in capitalist societies were adapted by former communist countries. In theory we would ascertain that reality did not escape the rationality of Parsons’ predictions which were made even more probable by a widely accepted similar conviction before the fall of the Berlin wall. The same type of rationality supported Gorbatchev’s reform. However, after the fall of the wall a plain passage from communism to democracy did not happen - although in most of the Eastern countries elections were being held. We confronted something that side-steps any conceptualisation. To say „chaos” or „anarchy” emerged only implies an acknowledgement that we do not know what is going on. Critical points of irrationality or outright madness again followed as „events”: fortifying of populist totalitarian regime in Serbia by Slobodan Milosevic, a communist leader turned

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European Challenges: Eastern and Southeastern Europe nationalist, outburst of the conflict between Azerbaijan and Armenia, aggression of the Yugoslav army against Slovenia, the failed coup in Moscow, outrageous expansion of the war in former Yugoslavia, and many of the events may develop furthermore. One aspect is certain. The dynamic of these events is apparently associated with nationalism or in other words, ethnic concerns. We cannot stay confident that less conflict-prone post-socialist countries (mainly those situated in the region of Central Europe) are out of the realm of irrationality and secure in a democratic order, immune against regressive symptoms. Even more complicated, concurrent social changes in the West emphasise the point, that so-called traditional democracies feel certain effects of these changes. Using Parsons’ terms we could say that the „adaptive capacity“ in the western systems approaches its limits, while the symptoms appear to be much less dramatic. The intellectual criticism of the Western democracy - in spite of the fact that a loosely enunciated modernist project of its reform seems to be gone - may still provide some notions to understand the situation. Without taking this point any further, we may say that the brusque changes in the East in a way externalised the flaws of the political, cultural and economic systems in the West.

New ideology in the making What we termed as „irrational“ should be taken in a sense, for example, of Karl Mannheim’s distinguishing between ideology and utopia. Another description of general features of the present state was given early 1990 in Newsweek by Aleksey Izyumov suggesting the notion of an ideological vacuum. Since this metaphorical concept cannot be understood in a static sense, it implies a process of filling up of the ideological vacuum by new ideology. The emerging ideology or ideologies deny rational projections (such as the Parsons’), in which single party systems should be substituted by a liberal democratic type of social organisation. In that liberal democracy rests upon the principle of the primacy of individual and citizen, and considering that the very first decrees of new governments proclaimed adherence to this principle, we may find ourselves somewhat amazed by the intensity in progression of nationalist (substitute) ideologies leading to segregation of citizens into at least two categories in the name of a collective entity. Naturally, in some complex social, cultural and political situations of post-socialist countries, a new construction of nationalist ideology proceeds in various successions. In Serbia and several former Soviet republics the construction of nationalism as a straightforward State ideology arose without any interval of serious democracy. In Serbia it is obvious that the nationalist and populist regime indulged in a luxury of a democratic form only after it had become innocuous not posing a threat to the government nor to the standing ideology among the people. In the Central European region, much less appallingly,

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European Challenges: Eastern and Southeastern Europe nationalism invades a domain of the political dialogue and the ordinary discourse, yet represents a real threat to democracy. Human and citizens’ rights are naturally the main targets of this threat. In this respect, social scientists and journalists draw historical analogies between the „Weimar democracy“ and contemporary fragile „new democracies.“ In light of these analogies the future of Eastern Europe and sometimes Europe as a whole is painted in grim colours of a coming cataclysm.

Although many empirical facts substantiate such a train of thought, it is more conceivable that many countries’ politics can be constituted along the lines of nationalist ideologies. The consequence might be the onset of regimes that we can label - lacking more accurate terminology - fascist or „fascistoid“. It’s likely that this „post-modern“ fascism will be able to coexist externally with other countries and could even maintain some particles of democracy. If such a coexistence could ensure a level of political stability, it would bring about an even greater productive economic co-operation with the democratic countries. All of these prospects are of course only hypothetical. I put them forward to point out that miscellaneous historical outcomes, other than a cataclysm, are possible. It is doubtful to make any far reaching conclusions on the ground of analogies with the Weimar democracy, yet it’s feasible to claim some constancy within nationalism of all ages - including the „post-modern“ one. One constant feature, appearing in former socialist countries, makes it to an extent more serious phenomenon than the Western European neo-nazism. We come across charismatic leaders offering radical solutions for a myriad of problems, but above all for the ethnic disputes. Differing from similar leaders in Western European countries, these leaders are playing a much more important role in politics and rally an impressive support by one or more political parties. Mannheim’s formula of defining an ideology as a relationship between existential situations and beliefs can help to explain the surge of nationalism. We must take into account that we are dealing with the reconstituting of the „Gemeinschaft“, the society in a new framework. The idea of liberal democracy does not seem to be powerful, nor fully integrated to fulfil this task. Politics based upon it accomplish ambiguous results. With some remarkable exemptions in the implementation of democracy it represents only a transition to a „fascistoid“ society that retains vague forms of democracy. This prospect may take place in manifold ways, with a range of different motives in various countries. Segregation of minorities may be larger or narrower. Different historical and cultural traditions play very important roles in any particular instance. This makes any definition of any given particular cases much more complicated since many single social situations comprise a system of symbols and social dispositions that are perceived as „self-evident“, not discriminatory or racist. The case of Slovenia is not a typical one. But the tendencies and outcomes may be compared to the extent to which we may find out patterns

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European Challenges: Eastern and Southeastern Europe of „translating“ certain social attitudes and beliefs into politics, where any supposed „normalcy“ might turn into a danger for the democracy.

„We“ are others for „them“ A range of historical experiences support an idea that such phenomena, as in an extreme case fascism, are a consequence of economic and/or social crisis, characterised by high figures of unemployment, widespread insecurity, and genuine feelings of uncertainty about the future among youth. The ascent of nationalism, racism, and xenophobia is supposed to be an outcome of the discharge of psycho-socially definable anxiety or general frustration against an „ersatz object“. Although such a conviction is well-founded, we must raise the question whether the phenomena can be exhaustively defined? In this way the question may be important due to an expectation that by merely a turning up of the economic indicators will eradicate the phenomena itself. The mistake could be determined only in a retrospect when it’s often too late. The mistake follows from a misjudgement of specific attributes of a particular political movement and from underestimating a legitimacy of a combination of nationalism, authoritarianism, and intolerance, acquired through the elections, means a positive shift within a „quality” of the phenomena. As a legitimate political option the nationalism gains a new dynamic in its development. At the end of the process there is a narrowing of democracy, a denial of its universality through an affirmation of particularism, segregation, etc. Especially a „weak democracy” in its initial period is vulnerable due to a paradox that marks democracy in general: tolerance for intolerant, freedom for those against it... But a problem, that may become a dilemma of an ideological reality, cannot be solved on the level of a conflict between abstract principles - as much as such conflicts are beloved by intellectuals. Far from proclaiming a „capitulation of Reason”, we must stress that a solution should be sought for also in a dimension which becomes history in the course of time. This is to say that there is no other real way out but an effective political answer. So we claim that any nationalism (in a series of equivalencies with intolerance, xenophobia, authoritarianism, totalitarianism, racism, sexism, segregation, etc.) is always specific nationalism of the particular nationality. Let us take a look then into some specific features of the Slovenian nationalism. Although we may not give its complete description (which would require a wider sociological insight based on a proper research), we may at least make a point by designating a starting definition. But before we try to do that, let us first introduce one more conceptual distinction to better distinguish the properties of the phenomena. The distinction between fundamental and operative ideology was elaborated by Martin Seliger:

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European Challenges: Eastern and Southeastern Europe ... . to whatever degree policies conform with fundamental principles, ‘operative ideology' denotes the argumentation in favour of the policies actually adopted by a party. It is ‘ideology’ because it devises, explains and justifies action. It is ‘operative’ inasmuch as it is predicated on what is actually done or recommended for immediate action. Moreover, the explanations and justifications offered in operative ideology contain all the structural components of fundamental ideology. Operative deviates from or corresponds with fundamental ideology according to whether or not the specific contents (and the emphases of structural components) in one dimension are congruent with those found in the other." (Seliger, 1976: 175)

The ideology of nationalism therefore plays a role on the fundamental level of a wider construction of social reality. At the core of any nationalism there is the fundamental problem of identity. On the abstract level identity is connected to difference, which is supposed to be eliminated by a simple negation, as it is shown in the formula: A = A and A not= B. But it is exactly the negation that brings the difference into identity, and so - as Hegel points out in his criticism of Fichte’s philosophy - reveals the formula of identity as formula of „weak infinity“. Out of realm of the problems of abstract philosophy the national identity, although containing this basic incongruity, cannot be explained through this simple formula only. Instead of being only an equivalence, the construction of the national identity can be rather described as a complex matrix with an array of equivalencies, attributes and predicates. If we observe a matrix of national identity in „objective“ way, we would of course determine many of elements in its construction (equivalencies, attributes, etc.) as at least unreasonable, founded on prejudices and above all on a complex psycho­ social differentiating pattern. The very consciousness of the fact that ,,we Slovenians are a small nationality“ promulgates a feature of stronger xenophobia within the matrix of Slovenian identity. Further on we find another special feature. The Slovenian xenophobia quite obviously is not a balanced „strong dislike or distrust of all foreigners“ but it’s emphatically directed against „foreigners“ who entered this category only after Slovenia became an independent state. Only a little difference brought by the change of legal and political framework enabled a breakthrough of a negative determination within identity, as opposed to generally positive determination of national identity exhibited in the process of gaining the independence. Subsequently a conception, elaborated by Daniel Sibony (1978) may contribute to understanding of the particular Slovenian nationalism. What Sibony stated is that the reason for intensity of the German anti-Semitism had not been any obvious racial difference between the Jews and Germans. The reason has been exactly the fact that this difference was not apparent. The horror of which the Nazi ideology made use of has been in the possibility

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European Challenges: Eastern and Southeastern Europe that a Jew could be mistaken for a German. Today in Slovenia it is obvious that the strongest appeal to the public manifests itself in a slogan about the „effortlessly gained Slovenian citizenship" by some 150.000 immigrants from other former Yugoslav republics. The fact is that most of these immigrants were arriving in Slovenia to seek employment in the decades after the second world war, when Yugoslavia had been existing as the federal multi-ethnic state. These people (many of them second or even third generation) were given assurances of „good intentions" at the time of the referendum on independence in Slovenia, that for about half a year preceded actual declaration of independence in June 1991. Assurances were kept by the Act of the Parliament that pledged that all immigrants having the permanent residence in Slovenia may acquire the Slovenian citizenship, if they wish so. The decisive ingredient of the Slovenian nationalism is hence a supposition that in view of the other (in this case „the other" is European who „is equal" to ,,us") „they" seem no different since „they" enter into the category of the Slovenian citizen. „They" are then called all kinds of names that in the Slovenian imaginary evoke negative emotions: „Southerners", „Balkanians“, „Byzantinians", etc. But ,,we" - Slovenians marked by narcissistic traits „know" that „they" are different. This notion of difference is typically enlarged by a number of usual stereotypes: „they" are „criminal elements", „they are stealing our jobs and social security benefits", „they" form a support to a plot against the Slovenian State, „they“ are dirty, base characters, etc. Within the frame of political controversies in Slovenia „Southerners“ gain also some more attributes, since „communists" and Slovenian „traitors who yearn for Yugoslavia“ are made responsible for giving „them the privilege of our citizenship“.

Considering some historical facts that mark the decline of Yugoslavia as multi­ ethnic federal state and considering the particular place of Slovenia in the process of decline, the construction of matrix of fresh Slovenian identity acquired the attribute of „European". Hence the „European" categories of civilisation and culture represent to a Slovenian an instance which legitimates the difference in the formula of identity. The basic formula within matrix of Slovenian identity does not consist in a simple ascertaining the „other" as just someone not being a Slovenian. This „other" is, through intervention of the European cultural disposition, on the Slovenian side. The most important feature within such mechanism of identification is its determination of „Slovenians“ as „others“ for „them“. Members of Slovenian nation (that is ethnic Slovenians) are directed by nationalists to prevent „them" to identify with the other, that is with ,,us". A complex matrix of identity lays the foundation for an elaboration of the nationalist ideology, that functions as the fundamental ideology and acquires new attributes in the narcissistic discourse. This

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European Challenges: Eastern and Southeastern Europe ideology then determines who is a „real Slovenian“ using a number of traditional and new attributes, such as: Slovenians are good workers, Slovenians tend to be successful, Slovenians are civilized people etc. The basic paradigm of the Slovenian nationalism, founded on the formula ,,we are others for them“, could be further explained by a historical constitution of the Slovenian ethnicity that for milleniums existed under foreign rule. The historical fact that Slovenians existed as dominated folks designates them as we could say in a psycho-analytic lingo - as the people with an amplified super-ego. Also in the best Slovenian literature as in plays and novels of early modernist writer Ivan Cankar, we may find a metaphorical portrait of a Slovenian as a serf. The national ideology, now in the making, demonstrates a shift from the serfdom to lordship - but in the servant’s manner. The formula that defines nationalism mainly as a product of social crisis and of its consequence, a widespread frustration, intersects with this denotation of the fundamental ideology of Slovenian nationalism. However such a formula proves to be too narrow and it does not cover a range of anthropological or cultural determinants of the society. The problem therefore cannot be easily attributed to a „lumpen-proletariat“, or the deprived or underprivileged stratum, or to some inbred aggressive patterns of behaviour, etc. The core of the problem may be found within the cultured middle class that identifies itself in the formula: ,,we are others for them“. But such a mechanism of identification perhaps would not start to work, unless it had been put to work by practical policies of some parliamentary groups and by their discourse that trespasses boundaries of democracy.

Such a supposition is moreover sustained by some manifestations of „operative ideology“ of the Slovenian nationalism that can be deciphered in the rhetoric of almost all political parties, although it appears in the most appalling articulation - with a militant emphasis - within the discourse of right wing parties. These parties identify themselves with the fundamental nationalist ideology and they boast at the same time to adhere to the „Slovenian“ attributes of being civilised, tolerant and even open for a dialogue. It is also clear that these political groups shifted the accent of their politics from sheer anti­ communism that quite quickly became functionless as a means of the ideological interpellation. But the anti-communism added by nationalism, or better to say incorporated within nationalism, succeeded to break through into the domain of realpolitik. It secures its position in a dialogue with liberaldemocratic parties on the „European“ presuppositions of the legal State and the rule of law, interpreting them in a context of the right wing understanding of the national sovereignty. This understanding turns the connotation of democracy around this notion, so that anything what a majority could be persuaded about, could be accepted. The construction of fundamental

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European Challenges: Eastern and Southeastern Europe ideology that is built upon a repudiation of the assumption that „they" are made equal to „us“ in the category of citizenship, acts as the signifier. According to the nationalist discourse the rule of law can be accomplished only by a solution of the „problem" of citizenship. The citizenship seizes to be only a formal aspect within the constitutional and legal setting but it becomes moreover a problem of content, that is to say the problem put forth by the attributes of citizenship as it is defined within the matrix of identity. The latter of course presumably contains the „crucial difference". On the ground of it then a demand for a revision of citizenship is being persistently put forward in the Parliament as well as in the civil society. This „content", the nationalist ideology in its operative mode, is constantly interfering into on-going process of the construction of State of law, suggesting restrictions in a phrasing of legal acts, bills and edicts. One can imagine what kind of consequences this activity may have on the micro-levels of administration and social relations. As we can see nationalism operates within tactics of short pragmatic steps, taking as well into account a pragmatism of the moderate opponents, otherwise disdained by nationalism. The moderate liberal-democratic attitude declares itself as non-nationalist but in the day to day practice accepts compromises or even in advance incorporates nationalist elements into texts of their parliamentary motions to - as they use to say - „disarm the opponent". On the other hand some moderate liberal-democratic factions like to point their fingers to a danger of nationalist incidents, to a danger of some „Slovenian Rostock". Unfortunately this seems to be only a gesture of cover-up, since they are entangled in a „civilised" dialogue and compromise with nationalism. It’s clearly visible that on the level of operative ideology nationalism is succeeding to maintain its presence in a symbiosis with moderate liberaldemocratic majority. The tactics of small changes, short steps, compromises and occasionally major breakthroughs (the most desired one being the revision of citizenship), accompanied by a number of candidates for a position of charismatic personality, could lead Slovenia into a democracy with strong authoritarian components. However at the moment it seems that moderate attitudes prevail. But recent results of the annual opinion poll show that one third of those surveyed think that a strong leader would do better than the Parliament. This may represent a reason for a sober concern.

References Manheim, K. (1965) Ideologie und Utopie, Frankfurt/M: Verlag G. Schulte-Bulmke Mouzelis, N. (1993) "Evolution and Democracy: Talcott Parsons and the Collapse of Eastern European Regimes”. Theory, Culture & Society. Vol. 10, No 1, London, Newbury Park and New Delhi: SAGE, 145-152 Seliger, M. (1976) Ideology and Politics, London: G. Allen & Unwin Sibony, D. (1978) La haine du desir, Paris: Seuil

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European Challenges: Eastern and Southeastern Europe

Eastern Europe meets the West: Cultural misunderstanding over women’s issues Elena Gapova

The paper attempts to decode the most powerful messages concerning women when trying to adapt Western values to East/Central Europe reality. History, culture, traditional mechanism of interpreting the man/woman duality and the general social context in Eastern Europe may be so different from the Western one that to many it would seem a reality behind the mirror.

Although issues involved with gender inequality as a social phenomenon are not the primary focus of the paper some general remarks are quite necessary. For different reasons people in the West, especially the US, have a perception that women everywhere, Eastern Europe included, are terribly oppressed. This is a false assumption for two main reasons. First: the position of women in a society is based not on one thing, but several interrelated phenomena. These may be history of the family system, cultural values based on religion, art, media etc and how they respond to change, the type of economic changes that take place, class structure and hierarchy in society and political system. All these make a mixture of good and bad and we seldom encounter societies with only positive or only negative factors. The second reason takes into account whether a country went through independence movements that demanded political participation. Which is certainly the case with Poland where thousands of women have a Solidarity activist past. Post-communist countries are an area of considerable diversity. The socialist experience was to a large degree based on the Soviet pattern but the cultural and historical backgrounds to the superimposed ideology were often extremely different. So, the focus is on two factors: the traditional set of cultural values and the superimposed communist ideology which had to be observed.

On the other hand, the West is also a generalization and Western values may imply a lot of things. Without a strict distinction between legislation, political institutions or public discourse, the framework significant for this presentation should include the ideas of liberal democracy, the principle of a constitutional state and the rights of man. They constitute the standard against which ideologies in post-communist states are measured. Women, Nationalism and the Constitutional State

Since the ‘revolutions’ of 1989, much has been said both by researchers and journalists on the identity, role and position of women in East/Central Europe in

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European Challenges: Eastern and Southeastern Europe relation to the emergence of civil society, democratization and expression of diverse social identities. The one trend observed in all post-communist countries includes new forms of exclusion, an emerging debate on women’s reproductive rights and giving the unity or even the idea of the nation a higher at priority than women’s individual rights. The trend varies in intensity; to understand and realistically assess it, one should take into consideration the link between contemporary political cultures and the more general Orthodox tradition which shaped ideological values and which dates back 1000 years. The very idea of the constitutional state, which implies not only ’’laws on paper” but legal awareness of the people and constitutes the core of the Western concept of democracy, is regarded with suspicion in Eastern Europe, especially in Russia. The latter is not only known for its disregard for law, but seems to be proud of it. The famous Russian satirical writer of the XIX century, Saltykov-Shchedrin, observed that the severity of Russian laws could be compensated for by the absence of an obligation to observe them. Andrzej Walicki a researcher into national issues writes: ’’The ’’spirit of law” was perceived as something peculiarly Western, or peculiar to capitalism and condemned for various reasons and from various quarters...’’(Walicki 1987: 11).

For centuries the social context in Eastern Europe was characterized by the absence of civil society and a domineering mentality - by the absence of legal conscience. Only those Russian social philosophers who favoured the Western development pattern considered it a serious shortcoming, while their opponents,’’slavyanofils”, in their search for a specific Russian way, regarded the same phenomenon an advantage. The Slavic opposition to the Western-type state based on individual right and a treaty between citizens is based on informal trust and love, on moral values on the societal level. Slavaynofils regarded this type of social structure as characteristic of Russian historical culture. In Eastern Europe the rule of law was a mere abstraction at best, something beyond the experience of most East European nations, but it was more often regarded as an evil, for it went hand in hand with the idea of a strong state which had always been perceived as the greatest oppressor and liberation of the individual with superiour values. Russians, and quite often other Slavs, would rather prefer subordination of the individual to something great and ulterior like the general good, justice, salvation of mankind and other noble abstractions. This provides an ideological base for any kind of authoritarianism as there is no concept of the constitutional state, and there is no concept of a citizen in the Western meaning of the word, of citizens being equal in the eyes of the law (Lazari 1994: 77).

The set of noble abstractions is rather limited, in the XXth century it was the brave new world of Communist society. The communal ideology can be

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European Challenges: Eastern and Southeastern Europe traced back to the Russian middle ages (village inhabitants were united by the concept of constituting a village community), the very possibility of creating a communist society in this part of the world being very strongly related to the specific Slavic communal way of thinking and living. Community may stand for different things. While it implied the “working class” or the oppressed people of the world, during the years of the communist regime after 1991 it was premised on the idea of the nation. The unity of the nation was given a higher priority than individual rights and traditional disregard for law was combined with nationalism instead of communism. Where class stood previously, there is now nation. With differing intensity, nationalist ideas are alive practically everywhere in Eastern Europe, representing a kind of drive toward differentiation after a period of imposed homogenity with no reference to culture or local conditions: ’’Since 1989, the cultures in the region have begun a delirious rush to become seperate, to establish differences, to separate their histories, to develop peculiarities of all kinds different temperaments, different myths of origin” (Snitow 1993: 41). So nationalism in Eastern Europe is, on the one hand, his regard of individual rights, on the other - a recognition of variety of nations.

What does all this have to do with women? The actually aggrect deal both practically and ideologically. Ideologically, the woman becomes the symbol of the motherland, Barbara Heldt calls this strategy “iconization of the feminine”. On the practical side, women supply the nation with children and this is taken as their main role in life, they are seen and represented as mothers or potential mothers. This part of their being is emphasised at the expense of women’s other social identities. Which, to be logical, deprives women of any kind of self-determination, thus enslaving them and justifying the right of the nation to mobilize all its resources, even its unborn members (Tsagarousianou 1995: 289). Hence a whole volume of quotations: 1.Martin Libicki, Polish representative to the Council of Europe ”lt is impossible to speak of discrimination against women. Nature gave them a different role from that of men. The ideal must be the woman mother...” 2.Ceausescu in 1986 ’’The foetus is the socialist property of the Romanian nation” 3 Don Bacovic, President of the Croatian Population Movement said at a meeting on January 30, 1996 that abortion in Croatia had killed 180,000 children and, ’’The second evil of the Croatian nation after abortion is contraception”.

The link to treating women as state property is absolutely clear; women are seen as resources to be put under national control. During public discourse on population, declining birth rates and their link to national disasters women are often defined as criminals. This is exactly the case with abandoned children who became a serious problem in many countries: mothers leave their new born and often healthy babies at hospitals having signed a statement

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European Challenges: Eastern and Southeastern Europe of abandonment. For example, 18 such cases were reported in a rather small area of Belarus over several months of 1995. These facts are evidence that something is deeply wrong with society; the mass media is rather of the opinion that it is women who have forgotten their natural duties and should be punished.

Having been turned into creatures for reproducing the population women are at the same time deindividualized, deprived of any specific identity and spoken and written for by men. This is not new, communists have done it before. Ironically, this is a point which former communists and contemporary nationalists share; indeed many former communists turned into the most ardent nationalists, they deny women any female reality. An odious Moscow newspaper "Zavtra, viewing Western goods on the Russian market and democratic ideas in people’s heads as a threat to Russian national values, started a crusade against the advertising of Western goods on TV. TV people quite often overdo it with ads, but what infuriated communist­ nationalists were ads for women’s sanitary napkins. The topic was declared immoral and indecent, the very word impossible to utter in public. For them, it was absolutely natural to pretend that specific women’s need for such things did not exist. The redefinition of femininity in terms of female subordination, their reproductive roles and a return into the home as their real vocation is taking place at the same time as the rise of masculinism which is considered a merit and counterposed to female ’’weakness”. For example, Nikita Mikhalkov, a world-famous film producer, (his ’’Burnt With the Sun” got an Oscar as the best foreign film of 1994) said in his speech at a meeting during the presidential campaign in April 1996: ’’Yeltsin is such a manly male and Russia is a noun of feminine gender”. The phrase, which is a clear case of the use of female symbolism, probably implies two things: 1. Private sphere is for women, the public sphere is for men. It comes from a non­ Western approach to women’s emancipation. In the West, ideas of emancipation went hand in hand with rights and law, thus being within political and legal perspective, which, as pointed out earlier, was regarded as evidence of the general moral weakness of Western civilization. Women’s emancipation in Russia was to many not a legal, but a moral and philosophical issue, the issue of of female purity, ethics, compassion; it does not deal with equal rights but with equal moral duties of men and women in the family and in bringing up children. It is a completely different world outlook, a different paradigm of discussion where the duality of sexes is the representation of the creative will of God. The family is a practical way of overcoming of their antagonism; the woman with her moral superiority is naturally confined to the family.

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European Challenges: Eastern and Southeastern Europe 2. The phrase reminds one once again who is the master in the home, which is within the mainstream of rural ideology; at the same time it is a reaction of East European societies against their traumatic past.

Peasant mentality and state-sponsored emancipation

In speaking to various people on women’s issues, I have encountered not a few who know nothing at all about women in the former Soviet Union or socialist block, except the fact that they are terribly oppressed. And this fact often makes them recoil in horror, though they rarely admit having been appalled by the fact that the Equal Rights Act was only adopted in the US in 1964 - similar bills became a reality in Russia as far back as the 1920s. When discussing what socialism did to women, and not only to women, let’s see what was their status prior to it. As Maria Todorova of Bulgaria asked: ”Do we blame the system for what it has done, or for what it has not done?”(Todorova 1993: 31). Before the revolution of 1917, Russia was mostly a peasant country. The now independent states of Belarus and the Ukraine were then parts of the Russian empire and also rural the situation was similar. In other countries of the former socialist bloc, like in pre-WWII Bulgaria, 85% of the population worked in agriculture; agricultural workers outnumbered industrial workers and the middle class in Romania, Hungrary and Yugoslavia. Most of the farms could be classified as small, where only members of one extended family worked; hired workers were the exception. It is not possible to assess such families only in terms of power relations and female subordination: men and women to a great extent integrated their activities. In that system women did about 50% of work: "The description of village women by agronomists, sociologists, ethnographers, and folklorists attests to the fact that women’s roles and their status were functions of being perceived first and foremost as producers, partners in the labour process” (Todorova 1993: 31). There certainly was a double burden, a rather high mortality rate and low life expectancy. But at the same time, participation in production secured women recognition of the importance of their work and respect in their families and in rural life. Ideologically of course, the village society was maledominated. The Bourgeoisie, i.e. a class where women did not normally work for pay but were confined to the role of wife and mother, were not numerous in the smaller countries of Eastern Europe. It could not provide a strong role model for other social strata.

After the 1917 revolution in Russia, village women, who were mostly illiterate, entered en mass into industry in a very short period of time. One might say that

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European Challenges: Eastern and Southeastern Europe the state just needed cheap labour, but again it was a mixture of good and bad. Having moved to the cities, women preserved their peasant mentality and the notion of ’’women’s work”. The process of industrialisation in East European countries after 1945 was in a similar way accompanied by a dramatic flow of the labour force from the countryside to the cities. On the other hand, for women it meant education. In all countries of Eastern Europe women represent a large share of the intelligentsia, which was recruited not from middle class or the aristocracy, as was the case with Western Europe, but from working class and peasantry. Socialism never gave women much in terms of money or positions but they earned their own living and in general were even better educated than men. In the former'USSR 58% of all engineers were women, compared with 3% in the US. Most working women were married with children - hence the double burden. It did not cause much resistance at first as, from the point of view of cultural tradition, the concept had been deeply embedded in rural life and the alternative model was not known. Besides, Marxism never recognized that women could have social interests different from those of men, it never recognized any diversity. In the 1970-1980s, when the decline in birth rates became threatening to the future of the nations, a system of maternity benefits was developed which makes any public discourse on women extremely difficult today. With between the different countries they were as follows. Fully paid maternity leave for 4 months; partially paid maternity leave for 3 years (now the allowance is very small); usually a mother can stay on leave until her child is 6. It is not possible to fire a woman during all these years and she can discontinue her leave and return to the workplace any day. In addition, women with little children were entitled to additional days off; they could go on yearly paid holidays at any time which they found convenient; they could refuse to work night shifts or go on a business trips. Naturally, now their position at the labour market is really difficult.

To crown it all, medical service, good or bad, was free; and there was an extended system of day-care centers. Such an arrangement encompassed women and children on the one side and the state on the other, with the absence of a parallel conceptualization of men’s role. Men were not viewed as providers because women also worked and they were not supposed to take a great part in childrearing. The family as a traditional social unit degenerated, while in a deficiency economy women often had to rely on each other. I remember that as far back as 1991, a woman with a baby said to me: ”We Soviet mothers should keep together". Women share survival strategies - hence maternalist feminism, e.g. self-help and charity groups the main form of women’s interest articulation in contemporary Eastern Europe.

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European Challenges: Eastern and Southeastern Europe Extremely protective legislation, viewing women as mothers or in other kinds of family relations served a good basis for their exclusion from the public domain, politics and well-paid jobs. Propaganda represented it as the utmost achievement of equality, party and state’s care for mothers and would-be mothers. Most women were firm in their belief that they never experienced discrimination and everywhere in East/Central Europe there was a strong sense of gender equality enhanced by the fact that in all parliaments (which did not have any real power or say) women had a 33% share of the seats. People hated those iron ladies who were supposed to represent the socialist equality ideal. Now their extremely negative image serves as one more, and rather strong emotional, if not intellectual, argument in the debate on women’s participation in politics and taking leadership positions. In brief, the system can't be judged as a one-dimensional phenomenon, but women as a group did not experience any periods of the ’’cult of domesticity” or the "beauty myth” - neither prior to socialism nor during it. So the trends that became visible after perestroika - a return to traditional gender roles, essentialism in relation to women and the renewed value of the family, the equation of women’s interests with the interests of their families - all these things signify a return to peasant ideology and a kind of post-socialist belch, a rejection of socialist emancipation. Under socialism, work was always a must and quite often a drudgery. The theme of exhaustion arises every time when Western feminists preach the emancipatory value of work for pay. "If it is possible to call emancipation and independence a condition during which women really cannot count on men to rear the children and provide material well-being, then Soviet women, more than women in any other country, are emancipated against their will” (Lissutkina 1993: 278).

Sexual

issues

Another issue of misunderstanding, and a rather hot one, is sex. Both the peasant mentality and Christianity strongly support a "sex for procreation” ideology, while the socialist point of view was: we do not have sex here. This is not a joke, but a phrase that has became notorious since 1988. It was uttered with great dignity by an elderly woman, who was a guest at a joint American-Soviet TV program with Donahue and Pozner as hosts. The audience laughed, and a group of young journalists sought to pursue the issue. They polled people in the streets on sexual matters; a man of about 50 explained with pride in his high morality. ”l have been married for more than 25 years and I have never seen my wife naked”. It all looks like some absurd reality with its own crooked logic, for it is an expression of the collective unconscious of our culture; a representation of the phenomenon that is both evident but not regularly noticed.

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European Challenges: Eastern and Southeastern Europe So what happened to sex? Gender eqality was proclaimed as one of the goals of the new socialist society, its ideal - a woman-comrade. What it turned into was rubbing away sexual difference, motion into sameness. Family was turning into a socially necessary and ideologically regulated function and sex itself into something unpleasant but necessary. At the same time, those in power and power itself was perceived as devoid of any sexual component. When leaders of fraternal socialist parties visited the Soviet Union the ritual of handshaking also included exchange of long vampiric kisses between them and secretaries of the Soviet Communist party. All that was very often on TV and became the topic of numerous jokes, but there was never even a hint at homosexuality or anything to do with sex.

Probably, for the simple reason that asexual people are easier to control, Soviet people were supposed not to have such low things as bodies or bodily functions; personality included only ulterior images of mind and soul. Larissa Lissutkina, a researcher into women’s issues, writes about the deritualization of sexual behaviour, meaning courtship, marriage, etc. Besides, both rural ideology and socialist culture were strongly opposed to the pleasure principle which is a regular component of contemporary Western civilization. With perestroika, when society became more open to Western ideas and experience, public attitude to sex began to change, the turning point was marked by the novel ’’Intergirl”, which, far from being a masterpiece, became etremely popular. Its main character, a girl from Leningrad, is a prostitute, who sells her services to foreign males for hard currency. The males symbolize plentitude of consumer goods, the possibility of foreign travel and, not the least, Western democracy. Previously, images of prostitutes in both classical literature and public conscience included either a fallen immoral creature in pursuit of her dirty goals or a victim driven into the streets by poverty and male lust. With the Intergirl it is different. She is well educated, speaks foreign languages and knows only too well what she is doing. Her main wish is to marry a Westerner, which she eventually does. The novel initiated an unexpectedly active public debate. The profession of a prostitute instantly became glamorous; it was earning money with hard work. Prostitutes began writing letters to mass media dwelling on their human rights, difficult working conditions and the necessity of their contribution to society. One letter was published in a Belarussian newspaper ’’Znamya unosti”. Its author, a certain Tamara, wrote that when she lost her job, her male friend to whom she would always be grateful helped her get a job at a cooperative of ’’intimate services” which is a euphemism for sex for pay. The coop had beautiful name of Crocus, the atmosphere there was always joyous and friendly, the girls did the work for which society has a great need, helping busy and tired,

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European Challenges: Eastern and Southeastern Europe hardworking males relax and feel the joy of life. But, alas, the militia came and closed the business down. The author wrote that the girls could do what they liked with their bodies; that was a case of the violation of individual rights and they would appeal to the UN Committee on human rights. Funny and tragic as the letter may seem, it makes evident two trends related to sex, to say nothing of female unemployment, which comprised about 60% of unemployed; most of these are women from 30 to 40 with college education. One of the trends is the misrepresentation of Western democratic ideas on the rights of Man so as not to include the personal responsibility component, freedom understood as ”1 do what I like”. Second, commercialization of the female body is perceived as an element of the transition to market relations. But it is not only that. People realized that they had sexuality; bodily reactions became part at their personality. It was overcoming a totalitarian human identity, however crooked it may seem.

There is a similar in the cultural significance of other anti-feminist things such as the use of make-up, a desire to seem weak and fragile, the emerging cult of domesticity and the "women back home” movement: post-socialist belch and overcoming the totalitarian ideology of sameness. References Lasari, 4. (1994) Contemporary Russian Nationalism and the Idea of a Rule-of-law State, Minsk Lissyutkina L. (1993) Soviet Women at the Crossroads of Perestroika: Gender Politics and Post-Communism, Routledge

Snitow, A. (1993) "Feminist Frontiers in the Former East Bloc”. Peace and Democracy News, Vol. YU, No 1, Summer Tsagarousianou, R. (1995) "National Redefinitions of Women in East/Central Europe.” Social Identities, Vol.1, No2

Todorova, M. (1993) The Bulgarian Case: Women’s Issues or Feminist Issues” Gender Politics and Post-Communism, Routledge

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Russia and Russians in Western orientation literature Anna Pavlovskaya Moscow State University There are three main types of orientation literature: General guidebooks (e.g. Berlitz, Baedeker, Michelin series of travel guides). They are aimed for an ordinary traveller who is going to a foreign country for a short visit with different purposes, mostly for sightseeing and pleasure. They contain general information about the country and are primarily focused on culture, arts, architecture, history and entertainment.

Guidebooks for special purposes (Business Guides, Students Guides etc.). These guides tend to combine information on both - places and people. As a rule they have lots of practical information including recommendations on social behaviour and national customs. Orientation books based on research or personal accounts. In such books, authors try to present people of different countries, their character, traditions and values, their inner world. They may be placed between guidebooks proper and research literature. My paper is based mostly on the first two groups: traditional and special guidebooks, published in various Western countries (especially in England, the USA and Germany) since 1991. Travel guides give some very interesting material for interculturalists. They are a unique source of information about how one nation perceives another, a kind of ’’encyclopaedia of stereotypes”. As their aim is to teach the reader to communicate with another culture, to behave in alien environment, they reflect two cultures in a condensed, concentrated form - one of the home country of the traveller and another of the country where he happens to be. Guidebooks play an important part in cross-cultural communication. It is evident that in most cases, the communication of different cultures takes place while travelling from one country to another. Going to an unknown country, a traveller needs a guide-book, a reference book : what to see, how to behave, where to go, how to communicate with the locals. For the majority of travellers and tourists it is a guide-book that is a source of information about another country and its people, it is the main compass, the guiding star in the strange, alien, foreign ocean where another language is spoken. The more ’’mysterious”, incomprehensible the country is, the more important and significant is the role of a guide-book, the more attentively the traveller reads it, the more attention he pays to the information that it contains.

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European Challenges: Eastern and Southeastern Europe The task of the authors of guide-books is both noble and very complicated : in a brief, condensed form they have to introduce the reader to the history, culture, sights, traditions, specific features of the country he is interested in. The guide-book has to give confidence to a tourist who is leaving for the unknown. It is especially important for the tourists who decided to go to Russia, where a guide-book is often the only source of information about the country.

At the beginning of my paper it is necessary to underline the positive moments in Western guidebooks. Probably the most important one is the attempt to show not only places and sightseeing, but the people, their traditions and way of life, their social customs, their national characteristics. In one of the series of guidebooks there is even a chapter called "How to be a local” which advises what to do if you want to understand the soul of the people, not only to see but to feel the peculiarities of national life. For comparison it may be mentioned that guidebooks published in Russia are only concerned with the history, arts and architecture of the country they are writing about, one gets no idea from them about the people who live in this country. Among other merits of Western guidebooks, there is a thoroughly selected practical information covering almost every issue that an ordinary tourist needs to know while staying in a different country. They usually have a very good and convenient structure, which allows a reader to find every necessary information without any difficulty. They really help people to find their ways in an unknown world. The first thing that attracts your attention while reading Western guides on Russia is an atmosphere of mystery and vagueness that surround it. Almost inevitably all books about Russia are opened up with famous words of Winston Churchill who once called Russia ”a riddle wrapped in a mystery inside an enigma”. From this comes the main aim of a travelling to Russia: if there is a mystery, it is necessary to solve it: "Moscow and St Petersburg have always offered an intriguing and challenging destination for travellers, and in these times of dramatic change, the challenge and intrigue are perhaps even greater. Cast aside all your preconceptions and bring along an open mind and a sense of adventure - then you can begin to explore the heart of this vast enigma called Russia, and perhaps shed a little light on its mystery”. (Berlitz Pocket Guides 1994,1995: 10)

Russia has always been a mystery for foreigners - both an attractive and repulsive. But it is now, with the beginning of Perestroika and Glasnost, that the idea about some special secrets, that one can now reveal in Russia, is being forced upon a reader: “After 70 years of communism, collectivisation, censorship and Five-Year Plans, Russia is changing fast. For many tourists it is an unforgettable experience as at last the country which has had such an

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European Challenges: Eastern and Southeastern Europe influence on the shaping of this century allows its secrets to be examined by visitors.” (Discover Europe 1994: 463) I am afraid that disappointment is inevitable. There is no special secrets or mysteries in Russia, not more than in any other country. The mystery of Russia in most cases comes from misunderstanding of its culture and tradition but not from some specific characteristics of its national life. What are the ways of demonstrating the ’’mysterious Russian soul” to a reader of Western orientation literature? There are two main extreme and contradictory tendencies in portraying Russia and Russians today. On the one hand, Russia is shown as a backward and crippled country, the former ’’Evil Empire”, with wretched fate and people. Travel guides on Russia are filled with unpleasant descriptions, frightening scenes, dark sides of city life. The authors use different methods: from over-stressing and emphasizing real drawbacks to open lies. Just a few illustration.

’’More than 8,5 million people live in Moscow, a strange but fascinating metropolis that lacks the efficiency, comforts and conveniences that are commonplace in nearly every other world capital. Even the most wellinformed tourists are taken aback by the city’s comparative backwardness. In many shops and restaurants, prices are totaled on abacuses, not machines. Common amenities taken for granted in the West, like taxi cabs, restaurants, mail or travel by air, often involve hassles and disappointments for the business visitor.” (Harper Collins 1990: 13) ’’Despite the recent changes, Soviet citizens endure hardships unknown in any other industrialized country. They wait longer than ever in lines for such basic products as milk, fish, meat and vegetables. These foods, as well as sugar, flour, cooking oil and fruit, are scarce and expensive.” (Harper Collins 1990: 14) ”A housing shortage, shop queues, ecological pollution, an increasing crime rate, speculation, prostitution and racketeering are just some of the problems.” (Bloch 1995: 9)

’’Until relatively recently, central Moscow was a scene of shoving shoppers, crowding into dusty, virtually empty stores to fight for the right to buy a piece of meat for the family dinner” (Insight Guides 1994: 70) ’’Shortages also sapped the flavours of Russian cuisine. Even the famous Russian beet-root soup, borscht, appeared in restaurants as cabbage soup without a single beet.” (Insight Guides 1994: 91) ’’Everything can be bought in Moscow ... A kilo of sausage costs a week’s wage, luxury goods such as bananas cost a third of an average month’s salary.” (Baedeker 1994: 19)

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European Challenges: Eastern and Southeastern Europe Here we find everything from exaggeration (there were shop queues for meat few years ago but I don’t remember fights for a piece of meat), misunderstanding (Russian beet-root soup borscht without a single beet is called schi, also very traditional Russian soup), to open lies (sausages and bananas have never been that expensive). On the other hand, very often Russians are romanticized. The idea is that inspite all hardships, hunger, darkness and harshness of life, Russians are very warm-hearted people, that they have a "mysterious soul”. By the opinion of the authors of guidebooks, Russian people spend all the time they can spare from fighting for a piece of meat, talking philosophy, reading intellectual books, reciting poetry. They are surprisingly generous: they are ready to share everything with you even if they have nothing. "Late into the night, educated Russians debate philosophical dilemmas ... worrying at each point and fuelling the furious discussion with copious amounts of vodka. They buttress their arguments with lengthy quotations from the world’s greatest books. Western visitors are often surprised to find Russians more well-read than they are, even in their own language's literature." (Insight Guides 1994: 69)

"Guests in a Russian home warrant a feast, even in times of shortages. There is always a spare bed, even when a family of four lives in a single room." (Insight Guides 1994: 80)

"...If a Russian associate invites you to his or her home, to a restaurant or to a reception, be aware that Russians are well informed on a vast range of non-business topics - an airline pilot will be able to tell you about Pushkin, for example.” (Guide for Tacis experts 1995: 24)

"...put these same people in a living room, or in any one-to-one situation, and the rude street fighters become generous and welcoming.” (Insight Guides 1994: 80) All this is good as an illustration of the mysteriousness of the Russian soul, but very contradictory and doubtful. It is obvious that a character of any nation like a character of any person is full of contradictions. But in all this conglomeration of mysteries and contradictions while reading about Russia one idea lacks - it is just a country as anywhere else, and just people as anybody else. As I have mentioned before, the mysteriousness of Russians in most cases comes from misunderstanding of their culture and traditions. One of my favourite examples of cultural misunderstanding deals with a smile as part of behaviour. Foreign visitors always complain about strange behaviour of Russians in the streets and public places. They say: "Russians are wonderful

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European Challenges: Eastern and Southeastern Europe people, but they never smile to a stranger, they look so gloomy and serious when they are walking down a street”. Travel guides justify this behaviour on the ground that Russians are too overburdened with everyday hardships and sorrows to feel like smiling.

”If crowds on Tverskaya Street or Nevskiy Prospekt look dour and miserable, spare a thought for the hardships they must endure, and remember that their glum faces conceal the true warmth and hospitality of the Russian character.” (Berlitz Pocket Guides 1994,1995: 10) A similar opinion have my students at the University about the famous Western smile: ’’They are so strange, they smile all the time, even to an absolute stranger without any reason or meaning”. In Russia a person who smiles without any reason is considered to be stupid and light-minded. In some situations, smiling to a stranger in Moscow may turn out to be dangerous as it may be considered as an invitation to some intimate relations. This makes the reaction of Russian McDonald’s employee more understandable:

The company even taught them [McDonald’s Russian employees] to smile confounding the fear of one of the first employees who shock his head at the notion and said, ’’People will think we’re idiots.” (Insight Guides 1994: 72) Western travel guides on Russia are always extremely ideologically oriented. Every side of Russian life is explained by the totalitarian regime, despotic government, 70 years of soviet power. The fact that many things are international and do not depend on the system of government, or have much deeper historical roots, is simply ignored.

”ln the Soviet Union, you will find that offering the right amount of money will often get you anything you want or need.” (Harper Collins 1990: 50) This sounds international to me.

’’There is still a ban on filming or photographing military and industrial installations, airports, train stations, bridges and radio transmitters." (Baedeker 1994: 165) I have a feeling that the filming of military objects is banned everywhere in the world and I can’t think of any reason for filming radio transmitters just for pleasure. ’’The reformers are still battling against a Russian character formed during 70 years in which anyone who stuck out from the crowd ... was struck down” (Insight Guides 1994: 77) Everybody who knows Russian history would tell you that for centuries Russian peasants (the overwhelming majority of population) lived in peasant communes where the principle of egalitarianism and uniformity was predominant.

Even Russian hospitality, which is so praised in guides, has its political side:

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European Challenges: Eastern and Southeastern Europe "Officialdom went to great effort to keep tourists so busy at palaces, monuments and ballet performances that they had no opportunity to mingle with ordinary people on the street and in the shops.” (Insight Guides 1994: 79)

And here is the final conclusion about Russian history: ’’Russia’s history of unforgivable horrors, official anti-Semitism, the crushing of religion and its morals, discrimination against various minorities, as well as an entire way of life based on privileges for the few and corruption for the many, has left the country with a basketful of prejudices.” (Insight Guides 1994:79-80) It seems to me that the history of other nations was sweet and sunny, that they never knew blood or injustice, cruelty or violence. The worst result of such a ’’political approach” to the Russian life is that Russian people are very often looked upon with horror or with pity: they are the people who lived through hell and obviously they all have a wretched life and character. I am giving an “Orientation Course” for foreign students coming to the Faculty of Foreign Languages at Moscow State University. When I am telling them that I consider my childhood and student years to be the happiest time I can imagine, they don’t believe me. I think about happy days, my large and united family (family in the Russian sense of the word including various kinds of relatives), lots of friends, joyful trips to our datcha (little summer house) and to the sea-side, beautiful bright dresses that my grandmother used to make for me. For my students from different countries it was the time of Khruschov’s voluntarism, Brezsnev’s stagnation, all-embracing KGB rule, dark and dangerous period. In the recent Russian history there is no place left for people, their normal ordinary lives with everyday joys and sorrows.

There is a lot of wrong ideas and misunderstandings between Russia and the Western world. When I was lecturing in the United States one of my students who was in her fifties once said to me: "When I was a girl I always felt so sorry about your people. I used to cry when I was thinking about your miserable lives”. I told her that this was exactly how I felt about Americans when I was a girl: I couldn’t listen to the terrible stories about racism, and poor people sleeping in the streets, and unemployment, and many other unbelievable things. We both had only one piece from the huge picture of national lives of both countries. Unfortunately, instead of trying to overcome the misunderstandings existing between Russia and other nations, the Western guidebooks published during last five years, make their contribution to fixing the stereotyped image of Russia that was formed long ago. They collect only those facts and figures that fit into this image. All the rest is ignored, even if it is essential for

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European Challenges: Eastern and Southeastern Europe understanding the Russians.

The other important problem is that life in Russia during the last ten years has changed enormously and every month brings something new. The most important and the best part of Western guidebooks - accurate practical information - doesn’t work for Russia. They can’t keep track of every change in Russia. That is why almost every guidebook has useless and sometimes harmful information. Some ideas are very old like the idea that in Russia it is customary to drink tea from samovar. It was true 100 years ago, but today you can find one only in a remote village or its electric version in an expensive restaurant for foreigners. The following descriptions of Russian eating habits would also make many Russians laugh: "Caviar should not be eaten with lemon but with blini (buckwheat pancakes), potato fritters or pancakes, and connoisseurs scoop it out of the tin, chilled in ice, with a horn, mother of pearl or tortoiseshell spoon.” (Baedeker 1994: 141)

’’Fish plays an important part in Russian cuisine, especially sturgeon in various guises. Salmon, trout and pike-perch also figure prominently on the menu." (Baedeker 1994: 145) That could be true for the noble characters from Tolstoi’s novels but modern Russians have never heard of such traditions and sturgeon cannot be called "an important part in Russian cuisine” as it is rare and very expensive (the same is true about trout). Speaking about more "dangerous” examples, almost every guidebook recommends its readers to take lots of Western cigarettes to Russia to use them as ”a universal currency”. "Many business visitors have discovered that cabbies are well satisfied with a carton of cigarettes for the trip between Moscow and Sheremetyevo.” (Harper Collins 1990: 50) I wouldn't recommend anybody to follow this advice. In the best case you will be just laughed at. That was true for a very short period some time ago but today you can buy any blend of Western cigarettes in Moscow. And of course ”a package of foreign cigarettes, a disposable lighter, a ballpoint pen, a cassette tape of Western music, an inexpensive pocket calculator, a key chain or a nail clipper” (Harper Collins 1990: 56) are not the best things to give to your Russian business partners as it is recommended by the Business Guide to Moscow. It reminds me of episodes from the World’s history: Western sailors exchanging mirrors and glass necklaces for diamonds and gold with Papuans. A distinctive feature of the guide-books on Russia (and this is getting on the nerves of the authors and tourists) is the lack of accuracy and exactness which are so important for foreign visitors, the impossibility to calculate and predict everything. The guide-Books on Germany or England punctually indicate everything from a train schedule to prices and a menu in a certain restaurant, but the description of travelling around Russia is constantly

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European Challenges: Eastern and Southeastern Europe interrupted by reservations like: "it is better to ask at the Hotel about this or that”.

While writing a guidebook about Russia it is very important to check all practical information just before publishing, to avoid mentioning exact prices (the level of inflation is very high not only in roubles but in dollars as well), not to generalize one’s personal impressions. At the same time it is necessary to pay more attention to more constant things such as character and values. Life in Russia changes very quickly, Russian character - very slowly. Unfortunately in most guidebooks it is the other way round. As a rule, guidebooks to Russia are extremely uninviting. One must be really brave to go there after having read them. From the first step till the departure, a foreign visitor is surrounded with horrors and inconveniences. This is how a typical stay in Russia is described step by step by travel guides. Gifts

All guidebooks give a list of things to bring to Russia. Besides common things that are necessary for every traveller to a foreign country "the Russian list” includes: "any medication, can opener, mosquito repellent, plastic shopping bags, ...nappies, creams and everything for the baby, tampons or sanitary towels, male and female contraceptives, deodorants, toilet paper, etc.” (Rice 1996: 104); "...Small tube of laundry soap...; Spare roll of toilet paper; ...Universal flat bathtub stopper if you expect to do laundry in your sink (a golf ball also works)” (Richardson 1994: 5); "Experienced travellers to Moscow often stuff their suitcases with as much food as clothing.”; "it is a good idea to pack granola bars, canned tuna and canned fruit ” (Harper Collins 1990: 40) One of the lists of that kind includes 48 items! I have to repeat again that now it is possible to buy almost everything in Russia and I quote only guidebooks published during the last two or three years. On the other hand I think it is possible to survive one week without your favourite tea blend and trying a local one. Here we come across another very important feature of Western travel guides to Russia - their striving for separation of their readers from the native life. Accommodation

That is how a "typical” Russian hotel looks in these guides: "The beds are small, cot-like and low to the floor. ...Towels are small and coarse. Lighting is poor... Electric power, outlets and electrical fixtures are not always reliable, so it is not a good idea to depend on appliances like an electric razor, or hair dryers. Hot water may not be available throughout the day, and if it is available at the peak hour for morning showers, the water pressure may be weak.... If you prefer room service dining, bring your own food.” (Harper Collins 1990:

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European Challenges: Eastern and Southeastern Europe 35) Entertainment

The situation is not better with entertainment in Russia. Even famous Russian culture, museums, arts and architecture look rather boring in these guides. ’’There is so much to see and to do in Moscow that even the most durable tourists find sightseeing exhausting.” (Harper Collins 1990: 62) ”An evening out in Moscow can result in culture shock.” Not because there is so much to see, but because restaurants and bars in Moscow are not that widespread as in the Western countries (that is true). ’’For those who do not speak Russian, the nightlife choices are limited: you can attend operas, ballets, concerts, sporting events, circuses or restaurants with musical entertainment and dancing.” (Harper Collins 1990: 73) Seems to be enough for a short visit. Shopping

Shopping in Moscow brings no relief to an exhausted western traveller. ’’Shopping in Moscow is more of a cultural and educational eye-opener than a treasure hunt. ... If you have time for leisurely shopping and are up to the adventure, explore some Soviet stores.” (Harper Collins 1990: 69) Transport

Finally, the descriptions of conveniences and transport in Moscow only add some unpleasant touch to a supposed visit, "...this is a country where nearly everyone - from common citizens to wealthy tourists - must beg for service, worry about the next meal, wait hours or days for a telephone connection, wait in line for hours for inferior food products and ride on aeroplane seats with missing seat belts.” (Harper Collins 1990: 19)

Even such a promising beginning ’’Moscow’s widely acclaimed metro system is cheap, fast and reliable,” ends up with the sad "... Perhaps the metro’s only drawbacks are that it is often overcrowded and that its directional signs are only in Russian.” (Harper Collins 1990: 51) After such stories the conclusion is not surprising: ”A trip to Moscow is more of a challenging adventure than a relaxing vacation.” (HarperCollins 1990:14)

A very important problem that arises during foreign travel abroad is the problem of food. Every country has its own traditions and it is easier to adjust to any inconvenience than to change your eating habits. In Russia there is an ancient saying ’’What is good [to eat] for Germans is poison for Russians”. At the same time food is obviously a very important part of peoples’ culture and if you want to understand the nation it is important to try national food.

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European Challenges: Eastern and Southeastern Europe In Western guide-books it is persistently recommended to withdraw from tasting traditional Russian cuisine. This recommendation is followed by the recipes of the most popular dishes of Russian cuisine :

’’Okroshka: something of an acquired taste, this summer soup is served chilled, and contains cucumber, onion, hard-boiled egg, thin slivers of meat, and the secret ingredient, kvass, a beer-like beverage made from fermented rye bread”. (Berlitz Pocket Guides 1994: 101) "Moscow’s restaurants should be sampled, if only for a cultural experience or a good laugh (for example, try forcing down a typical Moscow breakfast of sardines, pickled garlic cloves and beef tongue)”. (Harper Collins 1990: 40)

"botvinya (cold smoked fish soup with radish, cucumber, onion and kvas) Kvas is a type of lemonade made from dried black bread fermented with yeast and raisins”. (Bloch 1995: 83)

’’You can have it all in”...stolovaya, a dirty Russian workers’ cafeteria, where the proletariat is served cheap slop like a plate of rice topped with a few bits of fat and ladle of grease.” (Insight Guides 1994: 93) In these recipes everything is directed towards keeping the careless traveller from taking a risk ; everything - the intonation, choice of words, sometimes open lies (like ’’traditional” Russian breakfast). However it is well known that a benevolent mood is extremely important for the perception of another culture. Many foreigners, horrified by the description of botvinya in a guide­ book, would certainly like to try it, having read the following phrase from family chronicles by S. T. Aksakov: ” After it (Shchi) came botvinya with ice, with transparent balyk [cured fillet of sturgeon], with as yellow as wax salted sturgeon and with scaled lobsters.”

The following description reminds me of bad old comedies with everybody covered with cream or mud, with fun caused by people falling down trying to help each other:

"One Western businessman tells of waking up in his hotel room covered with round bruises under his wet, muddy clothes, with a roaring hangover headache and no memory of how he wound up that way. ... It seemed that on the return bus trip from a factory with their prospective Russian business partners, the Russians had cracked open an entire case of Konyak and passed one bottle out to each man. Then they stopped for a roadside picnic, and the Westerner ended up falling down a hillside into a muddy river. His partner, trying to help, leaned over the embankment to look and tipped over too, rolling down the rock-covered hillside to join him. Hence, the round bruises, wet clothes and hangover.” (Insight Guides 1994: 92)

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European Challenges: Eastern and Southeastern Europe Just a short comment. The way of drinking brandy in this episode sounds very unrussian to me. Russians would never pass one bottle out to each man, it sounds too individualistic! If they took no plastic glasses with them (which I doubt in this situation), they would rather send around one bottle after another until the whole case is finished.

In this strange and unattractive world of guidebooks live rather strange and unattractive people. ”To Westerners, Muscovites are unusually warm and forthcoming, but with one another they are often churlish. A ride on the subway or bus during rush hours can be bruising, and don’t expect to hear an ’’excuse me” ... from a Russian who accidentally jabs you with an elbow on a crowded bus or train.” (Harper Collins 1990: 15)

’’The inefficiency of the system causes low morale, and Soviet citizens seem to take every opportunity to complain about their lives, jobs, government and fellow countrymen. Many may annoy and depress you with their repeated requests for help in leaving the country. Employees in restaurants and shops may shock you with their blatant dishonesty. Often, they lie because they are too lazy to make an extra effort. ” (Harper Collins 1990: 18)

’’Muscovites tend to be rather rude in the streets but this comes from spending a quarter of their lives in shop queues.” (Bloch 1995: 10) Thus the picture is complete. The people seem to deserve the country they live in. At the same time the simple premise is lacking. Russian people are neither good nor bad, they are just humans, without any special mysteries, paradoxes, faults or merits. Russians can’t be called ’’minorities” but they quite often seem to be treated like that, with a great amount of prejudices and stereotypes in mind. National characters are my favourite subject and I believe in their existence, but I don’t believe in existence of good or bad nations. As long as the Russians are treated like a special, strange species, it is not possible to write a good book on them. Although ethnocentrism is typical for all guides, characteristics of other people sound more attractive and mild: From Berlitz Travel Guides: Finns : Ch.1 - Helsinki and the Finns - ’’..aesthetic sensitivity; courage, ...tenacity and endurance in the face of adversity...; Finns love nature...; humour and simplicity; resourcefulness; ...one of Europe’s least known, least explored ... countries”. (Berlitz Travel Guide: Helsinki and Southern Finland, 1990: 11-12) Hungarians: Ch1. - Budapest and the Hungarians - ’’the people of Budapest maintain a relaxed good cheer. They find time to smile, help stranger, watch the city lights sparkling on the Danube.; ... the chic women of Budapest;

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European Challenges: Eastern and Southeastern Europe ...notoriously intellectual country”. (Berlitz Pocket Guides: Budapest, 1994: 7, 10)

Italians: Ch. 1 - Italy and the Italians - ”No people more joyfully lives up to its legendary image than the Italians. ...The Italian people, with Latins and Etruscans mixing over the centuries with Greeks, Lombards, Normans and Spaniards, are as diverse as this panoply of landscapes. ...patriotic sense; ...naturally cheerful and friendly... An Italian designer observed that a nation’s cars are like its people: Scandinavian and German models are solid, strong and reliable, built to resist an accident; Italian cars tend to be more fragile, but slick and spirited, built to avoid an accident”. (Berlitz Pocket Guides: Italy, 1994: 9, 14, 10)

Swedes: Ch. 1: The City and Its People - ’’they are a very pragmatic, orderly and perhaps overly reserved people with a strong sense of social consciousness. If the Swedes appear to be very materialistic, they also remain close to nature". (Berlitz Travel Guide: Stockholm, 1992:12) Germans: "In spite of the reputation for hard work and earnest efficiency, the Germans have a strong romantic streak and relax quite unreservedly at Carnival time”. (Discover Europe 1994: 345)

How does an ideal Western traveller look like in these guides? To begin with, there is quite a number of restrictions imposed on him by the guide-books. Things to avoid in Russia are:

’’...greasy, fatty foods (e.g., red meat, gravies, sauces, cheese, and nuts), foods that are high in sodium ...; desserts...; alcohol and coffee; and carbonated sodas, especially diet sodas...” (Harper Collins 1990: 30) ”... travelers should drink only bottled carbonated water, beverages that have been boiled... Bottled water should be used for brushing teeth. Salads, fruits that cannot be peeled, and uncooked vegetables should be avoided.” (Harper Collins 1990: 78) "...Don’t drink the water.... take along what you will need and boil any water for brushing your teeth, and avoid uncooked fruits and vegetables that cannot be peeled.

...Salmonella can be found in chicken, eggs and cheese ... Pork and game should also be cooked thoroughly to avoid trichansis. Raw fish, a delicacy in some regions... can be dangerous.... make sure all fish is thoroughly cooked through. ...Problem salt. Long term residents will want to bring Western-made salt, fortified with iodine.” (Richardson 1994: 145)

While being in Russia a foreign visitor must behave himself:

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European Challenges: Eastern and Southeastern Europe "The Russians... appreciate politeness, so try to learn the words for ‘please’, ‘thank you’ and ‘excuse me’ before you arrive. ... Don’t wait to be asked to offer your seat to an elderly person and never put your feet on the seats (in Russia this is considered a particularly rude act).” (Rice 1996: 103)

’’Never drop anything, not even an old cinema ticket, in the street - it’s both offensive to Russian tidiness and illegal.” (Berlitz Business Travel Guide 1994: 288) “...It is best to try and dress conservatively and smartly.” “...If you try [alcohol] and refuse, you risk offending your Russian associates so accept a drink but be careful not to consume too much.” (Guide for Tacis experts 1995: 24) Some of these recommendations seem to be more suitable for young children than for respectable businessmen or wealthy tourists. Or is this to remind them that in Russia they must behave themselves the same way as in their native country?

Now try to imagine what Russian people will think about their guests from the West when, according to recommendations taken from guidebooks they: try to pay for a taxi with a package of cigarettes, bring with them huge bags full of golf balls for their sink and canned tuna, as a present give a package of salt or sugar (I had that kind of experience), never touch food till they check whether it is thoroughly cooked through and use only their own salt. The guide-books which are supposed to be the manuals on culture of communication become an obstacle on the way of communication of cultures. Instead of creating a positive platform for communication, understanding and contact with another culture, very often they spread the idea that different means bad. The guide-books urge the travellers to look at the pieces of art and to study the customs from aside, being under a sort of bell-glass, not mixing with, but keeping away from another culture. Guide-books of this kind prevent their readers from perceiving another culture. They vividly create an image of an ideal traveller - an "unseen observer”. The noble task of introduction to other culture, description and study of national cultures and traditions in most guide-books turns inside out. Step by step the authors make the travellers create a little world of their own. For example, it is recommended to travel only in a group of compatriots, which usually excludes communication with the locals.

Not so long ago in America a book was published called "From Nyet to Da”, which is an attempt to write a sort of guide-book on the ’’Russian soul”. I would like to draw attention to the main idea of the book that is given in the preface: ” Moscow can be a cold and impersonal place, where a visitor’s requests all too often meet with automatic nyet. But Russians respond to a

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European Challenges: Eastern and Southeastern Europe human approach, and they can be warm and helpful once a good interpersonal relationship has been established. When that point is reached, their word is good, nyet becomes da, and deals can be done. This is the key to understanding the Russians.” (Richmond 1992: 3) This statement can not be argued. Communication of cultures, as well as satisfaction with travelling is only possible with a setting of mutual comprehension or at least with a desire to understand each other, to try to look at each other without prejudice and ideas which the guide-books impose. Here lies the key to understanding any other culture.

References Berlitz Pocket Guides (1994/1995) Moscow and St. Petersburg. Berlitz House; England, USA: Berlitz Publishing Co Ltd.

Discover Europe (1994) Berlitz House, England: Berlitz Publishing Co. Ltd.

The Harper Collins Buisiness Guide to Moscow Theroux, E. (1990) Guide to Moscow. The Complete Guide for the Business Traveler, New York: Harper & Row, Publishers, Inc. Bloch, L. (1995) Insight Compact Guides: Moscow, England: Apa Publications (HK) Ltd. Originally published in Munic: Polyglott-Verlag Dr Bolte KG

Insight Guides: Russia (1994) APA Publications (HK) Ltd. Baedeker’s Moscow (1994) New updated edition, Baedeker Stuttgart - Original German (1995) United Kingdom and Ireland: The Automobile Association

Guide for Tacis experts working and living in the Russian Federation (1995) Tacis Services DGIA, European Commission Rice M. /Rice C. (rev. 1996) Moscow and St Petersburg, England: The Automobile Association (AA)

Richardson, RE. (51994) Russia Survival Guide. The definitive guide to doing business and traveling in Russia, Montpelier, VT, USA: Russian Information Services, Inc. Berlitz Business Travel Guide: Europe (1994) Berlitz House, England: Berlitz Publishing Co Ltd.

Richmond, Y. (1992) From Nyet to Da. Intercultural Press

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Meeting the intercultural challenge in Hungary: Intercultural conflicts in British-Hungarian and American-Hungarian international organisations Klara Falk-Ban6 College of Foreign Trade, Budapest, Hungary (The research described in this paper was supported and enhanced by a six-week British Government Know How Fund Senior Faculty Award received from the British Council and spent at the University of Humberside, Hull from January 20 to March 2,1996, and also by two earlier, twelve-week and four-week awards of the same type and placement in 1993 and 1995, respectively.) Introduction In the last decade, cross- and intercultural communication studies have been at the forefront of academic research. This is quite understandable if we consider the efforts made towards achieving a harmonised European Union and the globalisation of the world economy. Research in this field can provide very helpful guidelines for people as they interact in a fast-changing world marked by increasing intercultural contact. Meeting the intercultural challenge is of utmost importance in regions which increasingly face conflicts of this type. There is little data or information on Hungarian cultural and business cultural characteristics and the intercultural communication problems and frictions that arise during daily interaction with members of other cultures, though due to the political changes in East Central Europe, the number of greenfield starts, foreign takeovers, foreign joint ventures and partial cooperations with foreign partners has been rapidly increasing in Hungary over the last six years. According to information received from the Commercial Sections of the British and the American Embassies in Budapest, there are 250 British-Hungarian and 350-400 American-Hungarian organisations operating in Hungary at present. (Registration is not compulsory with the embassies, therefore the figures are not complete.) This study aims to explore and analyse the main causes of intercultural communication gaps, conflicts and management problems in these Hungarian based British-Hungarian and American-Hungarian organisations, on the basis of two years of academic research and interviews conducted with 96 senior managers and employees of 22 organisations of varying types and sizes during the thirteen months up until May 10 1996. In addition to the above managers and employees, several British, American and Hungarian

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European Challenges: Eastern and Southeastern Europe individuals, including my colleagues at the College of Foreign Trade and at the University of Humberside, contributed to this research. I am very grateful to all the interviewees for their kind help, and especially to my colleagues, Dr David Foster and Mo Grimble of the University of Humberside, and also Ian Shires, owner-manager of a small British-Hungarian company in Budapest, for their support and useful advice. Research methods and key concepts

Extensive desk research was carried out on the subject before starting fieldwork. Data was collected from 96 subjects, members of 22 organisations. The interviews consisted of two parts: a guided first part with questions pertaining to the respondents' earlier experience or expectations, prior to interacting with members of the host or the visitors' culture, and how these expectations compared with the actual experiences in their organisation. Questions were also asked concerning the length of time spent in the organisation, the position occupied in the organisational hierarchy and the command of the language, taking into account that Hungarian is a minority language that is extremely difficult to master and English is the lingua franca of our age. In the second part of the interview, the respondents were asked to mention cases of obvious miscommunication from their experience with representatives of the foreign culture. The level of culture examined in this study is the national cultures. Regional, societal (class), gender, generation, religion and individual differences were outside the scope of research. The organisations involved mainly operate in the capital city of Budapest, or in large provincial cities. The interviewees were mostly between their late twenties and early fifties, mainly white collar workers, middlle or upper middle class intellectuals. The database was analysed along different dimensions of national culture, as identified by Hofstede: small versus large power distance, collectivism versus individualism, femininity versus masculinity, weak or strong uncertainty avoidance (Hofstede 1994); by Trompenaars: universalism versus particularism, neutral or emotional, specific versus diffuse, achievement versus ascription (Trompenaars 1995); and by E.T.Hall: high-context, lowcontext, (E.T.Hall 1989/i) and monochronic, M-time versus polychronic, Ptime (E.T.Hall 1989/ii) cultures. These dichotomies describe the two opposite extremes; the country scores on the dimensions show that most national cultures are somewhere in between these extremes.

Combining Hofstede's and Trompenaars' dimensions with E.THall's concepts, we can provide a useful framework to prepare for intercultural interactions.

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European Challenges: Eastern and Southeastern Europe It should be pointed out that these dimensions and the country scores can be helpful tools if we do not judge individuals on their basis. They should rather serve as guidelines in preparing for intercultural interactions. “Effective stereotyping allows people to understand and act appropriately in new situations.” (N.J.Adler 1991: 72). Also, the meanings we attach to categories and dimensions are based on our cultural background, and this applies to the researcher as well no matter how objective and neutral he or she wishes to be.

Fieldwork findings

1) A British junior manager of a Hungarian-based British organisation said the following: “Hungarians have quite a hierarchical attitude to the way that a company is organised. I was a little bit surprised by how they treat drivers and cleaners, people at the bottom of the pile. Not in a cruel way of course, but ...British people would go out of their way to be polite to these people." 2) The American general manager of an American-Hungarian company said: “In Hungary, people are more formal,...and they use titles a lot. ...In the States, the head of the division, the Vice President, would go out and make coffee himself, here it would definitely be the secretary." 3) A senior Hungarian manager of a British-Hungarian company commented: “A technician comes from England and dictates to the Hungarian general manager of a factory. This is appalling.” 4) The British owner-manager of a British-Hungarian company told me the following story: “We worked for a large multinational company, which had a British manager here in Budapest and all the staff were Hungarian, and they were allowed to work in the way that people work in the west. The managing director was responsible for managing the whole company, going out and buying a new factory, whatever managing directors should do, and the product managers were responsible for their individual products, and really responsible. They worked very well for years. Six months ago the English manager left and a Hungarian manager was appointed. It was immediately apparent to everybody that this system was now lost. All the product managers had lost their independence, they had to go and check with the managing director about every little thing that they did and they were very annoyed by it because over four years they had learned to be independent, creative and to use their own initiative. I, as a consultant for them, had to go through the managing director every time: he was occupied with things which he shouldn't really be bothered with: he was responsible for everything: nobody was allowed to make decisions of their own. It was a very sad state of affairs. Eventually we lost the business completely because he brought his friends in.” These are typical examples of a culture which has a much higher score on the power distance dimension than British or American cultures.

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European Challenges: Eastern and Southeastern Europe As regards uncertainty avoidance, which is strongly related to the power distance dimension, we can say that Hungarian culture would have a much higher score than Britain and the US. The Hungarian educational system, based on the German-Prussian model and also the very high suicide rate in Hungary, which shows a very high anxiety level, indicate this tendency. Of course with a geographical position at the crossroads between east and west and our historical background (Turkish rule for 150 years, then Austrian rule for 230 years and recently 40 years of Russian rule), it may be understandable that there is a great deal of uncertainty in a country which is at present reconciling a disappointing past with a developing future, both economically and culturally (USA and Europe in Business 1996: 144). In connection with uncertainty avoidance levels, Laurent's study is an interesting example. He asked managers to respond to the statement: It is important for a manager to have at hand precise answers to most of the questions that his subordinates may raise about their work. Only 10 per cent of the Swedish, 18 per cent of the American, 27 per cent of the British, but 46 per cent of the German, 53 per cent of the French, 66 per cent of the Italian and 78 per cent of the Japanese managers agreed with the statement (Laurent 1983). These data show a correlation between the percentages and the uncertainty avoidance index values of these countries. By comparison, in my sample about 60 per cent of Hungarian managers over the age of 42-45 agreed with the statement, but only about 35 per cent of those under 35-38 did so. This may show a tendency towards lower uncertainty avoidance index scores for younger Hungarian managers than older ones. Another interesting study, which included Hungary, was carried out by Don Elizur and colleagues on the importance of work values for respondents from eight countries in 1989, with Martin Corbett's later contribution with the UK sample:

Corbett comments: “So we see, for example, that interesting work was considered to be the most important work value by respondents from the US, Germany, and the Netherlands. Yet the same item was considered to be much less important from the viewpoint of the Hungarian and Chinese respondents.” (Corbettl 994: 259). My results, on the basis of responses from 92 subjects, indicate very different tendencies. Interesting work appeared as the most important work value for about 30 per cent of the respondents, use abilities and autonomy were most important for about 40 per cent. Good boss, which on the basis of the above table seems to be the most important work value in Hungary, appears to be less important, it is the most important or the second most important value for only about 10 per cent of the respondents. Job security and good pay seem to be the most important factors for more than 60 per cent of respondents above 35-40 years of age. These findings also seem to indicate a high uncertainty

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European Challenges: Eastern and Southeastern Europe avoidance score. On the other hand, I believe the different findings also reflect the changes in Hungary since 1989. In 1989 unemployment just started to emerge as a problem, while in 1996 the rate of unemployment is 12-13 per cent. As regards payment, one of my respondents said: 7 years ago salaries were roughly the same everywhere but now there are marked differences. I do care about good pay now. Rank ordering of work values for a sample of eight countries:

USA

UK

Germ.

NL

Taiwan

Korea

Hungary China

Interesting work

1

2

1

1

2

3

6

5

Achievement

2

6

7

2

1

1

2

1

Advancement

3

7

10

5

4

7

10

6

Self-esteem

4

5

9

9

3

9

7

3

Use abilities

5

4

6

6

8

4

5

2

Autonomy

6

9

5

4

7

10

9

4

Job security

7

8

4

8

5

2

8

10

Good boss

8

10

3

7

6

6

1

7

Good pay

9

3

8

10

10

8

4

9

Co-workers

10

1

2

3

9

5

3

8

There is empirical evidence for the relationship between a country's position within the PDI-UAI matrix, and models of organisations implicit in the minds of people...(Hofstede 1994: 140) In the USA and Britain, characterized by small power distance and weak uncertainty avoidance, people see an organisation as a "village market” in which the demands of the situation determine what will happen. The implicit organisation model of countries characterized by large power distance and strong uncertainty avoidance, e.g. France, Italy, Spain, is that of a ’’pyramid of people”. Empirical evidence indicates that Hungary can be identified in this quadrant of the matrix near France, I would suggest. This may lead to friction within international

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European Challenges: Eastern and Southeastern Europe organisations, as in examples 3) and 4). (It may be a mere coincidence, or maybe some American senior managers are of the same opinion, but quite recently I found that in three large Hungarian-based American-Hungarian companies, the top human resource managers are French.) If we take Trompenaars national patterns of corporate culture (Trompenaars 1995:161), I suggest we could also identify Hungary with the "family” type, characterized by power-priority and informality, together with France and Spain, as against the task-orientation and formality of the "guided missile” form, characteristic of Britain and the US. In terms of individualism vs collectivism, we can say that Hungarian culture tends more towards collectivism, as demonstrated by the last part of example 4), or the following ones, 5) and 6), though there are individualistic tendencies as well, more so in the cities and with the younger generation. 5) A British manager in the British subsidiary of an American company said the following about Hungary: “This is a different territory here, it's all about emotional contacts and personal relationships here. Keeping deadlines is difficult...but American companies are aggressive, they can even lose business.” 6) The manager in example 1) said: “The use of the telephone and the fax for private purposes is not considered wrong here....Hungarians are supportive of their colleagues, which is nice,... they may know a lot about each other's personal lives, they chat together quite a lot.” One of the characteristics of individualist cultures is low-context communication, while collectivist societies are characterised by high-context communication. This may also lead to clashes in an organisation where Americans and British, both low-context cultures, work with Hungarians who are much higher contexted. In the following example the employee thinks he gets too detailed explanations as to what to do, which is typical of low context communication and irritating to a higher contexted person; this coincides with what Hall found: „Talking down „ to someone is low-contexting him, telling him more than he needs to know (E.T.Hall 1989/i:92). 7) A Hungarian employee of a large British-Hungarian company, who earlier worked for three different American-Hungarian organisations as well, said the following: “They think everybody is an idiot who is not American, and if in addition the person happens to come from behind the former iron curtain, he probably can't read or write either. Perhaps the British don't think so but even for them we are a different category. We are the natives... even the British explain to us quite obvious things sometimes.”

In terms of masculinity, there seems to be no difference between the cultures in question. Having lived all my life in Hungary leads me to say that Hungary would score at least as high as Britain, and definitely higher than the US, in this dimension. An obvious example to support this statement

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European Challenges: Eastern and Southeastern Europe may be the Hungarian translation of the Wilkinson Sword advertisement: The best a man can have as: "Ferfiasan tökeletes”, which means ’’manly perfect” or "as perfect as a man”. When I draw people's attention to this ’’masculine” translation, they say I am right and they did not even notice it; I think probably because they are so much used to male dominance.

Along the short-term orientation vs long-term orientation dimension, which was later added to Hofstede's original four dimensions, (Hofstede 1994: 14), there is again a difference between the cultures concerned. Hungarian culture in general, and business culture in particular, is more long-term orientated, as opposed to British and American short-term orientation. Americans especially want quick results and profit. Remember that American business works in a short time frame. Its executives and managers want immediate results and are not as interested in building long-term relationships as Europeans are. (E.T.Hall/ M.R.Hall 1990: 175)

As regards Trompenaars dichotomies, Hungarian culture tends to be more particularist, as examples 5) and 6) demonstrate, more emotional, as all the Hungarian examples, especially 7) show, and more diffuse, as in examples 5) and 6), than British and American cultures which tend to be more universalist, neutral and specific. In terms of according status, Hungarians seem to be more orientated towards ascription rather than achievement. To support this statement, David Wheatley of British-based Employment Conditions Abroad is quoted as saying in the August 17th 1990 issue of ’’The European”: [research evidence suggests that] Nine out of ten Hungarians will expect to be judged on the basis of who they are, rather than what they do. As regards monochronic, M-time, vs polychronic, P-time models, Hungarian culture tends to be more polychronic, while British and American cultures are monochronic. This difference seems to cause several problems, as in example 5), or in the following examples: 8) Comment from the senior executive of a British organisation operating in Hungary: A general problem in many places is that there doesn’t seem to be the same detailed level of planning in people’s work in Hungary. We have set standards of our job descriptions, e.g. that mail should get to people’s desks within two hours of arrival. We agree on these standards with the people concerned, which helps us set realistic targets and gives feedback on their performance. We’ve tried to introduce these agreed targets and reviewing processes in Hungary but the initial reaction was: „We just got away from this, this is communism. This is big brother watching us telling us what to do." We’ve tried to persuade them that this is not meant to be a critical tool but a constructive tool on both sides. 9) The British Chairman of a British-Hungarian company said: ‘Tm fairly aggressive in terms of getting things done quickly. In England there is

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European Challenges: Eastern and Southeastern Europe a much greater feeling of responsibility that people will accept, they’ll make sure the subject matter is exhaustively dealt with before the file is put back in the drawer. The attitude here is that we must get over the immediate problem and as long as we can get over it, we put the file back in the drawer until the problem comes back again rather than deal exhaustively with it until it is resolved.” 10) A senior manager from the organisation in example 8) commented: “I think Hungarians in general have the reputation of being intellectual, very thoughtful and concerened about perspectives, and about the macroshape of what they're doing: but I am also concerned with the constituent details of every element. E.g. when planning a conference or a workshop, I’m very concerned about details like venue, speaker, participants for the workshop, timely preparations. The Hungarian attitude is to spend quite a long time on the subject area covered, the intellectual framework of the event, and then settle the details.” 11) A Hungarian employee in an American-Hungarian company said: “It was very difficult to get used to these tight work schedules. They expect us to stay after working hours and there’s no extra payment.” 12) An employee in a British-Hungarian company expressed a similar opinion: “It’s difficult to get used to giving your whole life to a company. You can forget about your personal life, but you also have a family. ... When I worked in a state-owned Hungarian company it wasn’t like this. Of course I have a higher salary now, but not that much higher.” As regards problems with taking responsibility, there seem to be marked differences between age groups, as indicated in the following comment from a British junior manager: 13) There’s a big difference between older Hungarians and younger ones. Under the age of 30-35 people are pretty ambitious, and will take responsibility but I find older people less willing to take responsibility; they wouldn’t go outside what they feel is their responsibility. Older people are more rigid and inflexible , they have a set routine in their day, e.g. they don’t like to stay beyond working hours. Of course one must not forget that these differences are all relative; as a Dutch businessman told me: 14) We always make a distinction between Central Europe and Eastern Europe. Doing business in, say Russia, and in Hungary is night and day difference. It is much easier in Hungary, the whole culture is somehow nearer to our culture. What he was referring to can partly be explained in terms of the even wider gaps between Russian and western cultures along these cultural dimensions. As E.T. and M.R. Hall point out: “It is difficult for polychronic people to accept the importance of schedules and the extreme compartmentalization in monochronic culture. ... When a polychronic Frenchman is late to a meeting, the monochronic German is likely to misinterpret the tardiness as irresponsibility,...or rudeness.” (E.T.Hall/ M.R.Hall 1990: 37) The quotation is valid for many different cultures. As regardstaking responsibility, and hierarchical attitudes, the American opinion

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European Challenges: Eastern and Southeastern Europe is that the French have a negative attitude about taking responsibility generally. They are very sensitive to hierarchy and status, (ibid :130) It coincides with what the British managers said about Hungarians in examples 9) and 13).

Another aspect of intercultural conflicts is expressed in the following example: 15) The Hungarian general manager of a British-Hungarian company said the following: “A British manager explained to me that the western attitude is what we were learning and teaching in the 40 years of the communist era was totally irrelevant to real life, as regards business. If we express an opinion, they ask at least for a second opinion. They can't imagine that we might be right and what they think would be right may not be valid for this country.” Trompenaars also has doubts whether any of the American management techniques ...would apply in the Netherlands...or indeed in the rest of the world. (Trompenaars 1995: 1)

The aim of this research was to explore the causes of conflicts in these organisations, thus the examples have been selected accordingly. Nevertheless, in most of the organisations, especially greenfield sites, there are examples of very good cooperation between members of these quite different cultures. The western influence on Hungarian business culture is advantageous for the country. An important benefit is the impact foreign investors have had on Hungary's human resources and corporate culture. “Five years ago, if I asked one of my staff to order supplies, he would have forgotten to check prices," says Peter Kraft, head of American Express in Budapest. “Now he's telling me where I can cut costs." (Business Central Europe, December 1995/January 1996) On the other hand, some of the examples show that there are issues of power and status between different cultures that need to be addressed. This can also be related to the use of language. During negotiations British and American managers cannot be called to account or challenged because of the language barrier. Hungarians, however good their English may be, speak a learnt, not their native language. A possible solution to most of these problems could perhaps be to have training in effective communication skills across cultures, to raise the intercultural awareness of all managers and employees in these, or rather in all organisations which wish to do business with clients from foreign cultures.

Summary The empirical findings presented in this paper seem to support the hypothesis that Hungarian culture can be identified according to Hofstede, Hall, and Trompenaars dimensions as follows: In contrast with British and American cultures, Hungarian culture tends to be higher power distance, more collectivist, particularist, emotional, diffuse, high-context, polychronic, ascription and long-term orientated, and can be characterized by a higher

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European Challenges: Eastern and Southeastern Europe uncertainty avoidance level. The only dimension is that of masculinity where there is no real difference to be found. It is understandable that with so many differences between these cultures, there are frictions and conflicts in most of the 22 British-Hungarian and American-Hungarian organisations involved in the research process. It should also be pointed out that as regards reactions to changes, there are marked differences between age groups. A possible solution could be intensive communication training with a view to raising an awareness of and sensitivity to other cultures. References Adler, N.J. (1991) International Dimensions of Organizational Behavior, Belmont, California: PWS-Kent Corbett, J.M. (1994) Critical Cases in Organisational Behaviour, London: MacMillan Press Ltd.

Hall, E.T. (1989a) Beyond Culture, New York: Anchor Books, Doubleday Hall, E. T. (1989b) The Dance of Life, New York: Anchor Books, Doubleday Hall, E.T./Hall, M.R. (1990) Understanding Cultural Differences,Yarmouth, Maine: Intercultural Press Inc.

Hofstede, G. (1994) Cultures and Organisations: Software of the Mind, London: HarperCollins Publishers Laurent, A. (1983) "The cultural diversity of western conceptions of management.” International Studies of Management and Organization, 13 (1-2), 75-96

Trompenaars, F. (1995) Riding the Waves of Culture, London: Nicholas Brealey Publishing Berry, R./McCorquodale, A.(1996) "USA and Europe in Business.” The European Council of American Chambers of Commerce, Sterling Publications Limited

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Challenges of Diversity

Theory, change agency and managing diversity Philomena Essed Introduction

Among the most important developments in the last 30 years in Western Europe are the migration and settlement of racially and culturally marked different populations. In the 1960s and 1970s workers from the poorer and less industrialised periphery and populations from the former colonies moved to the more consolidated European welfare states. The period since the 1980s has seen the emergence of new patterns of migration and settlement. Chain reactions to previous migrations, growing economic disparities, environmental disasters, wars, political instability and the threat of genocide have produced refugee movements from the South to the North, and within Europe, from the East to the West (Castles 1993, Castles/ Miller 1993). In the course of this process the constitution of new minorities in Europe has become an irreversible given. Ethnically relatively homogeneous societies have changed into multiethnic ones. Notions of ethnic and national identity have become part of our everyday discourse, and new policy words and concepts have been introduced, such as minority policy, positive action and multiculturalism. The quest for equal or fair representation, in particularly in the labour market, is a hot item. Experts agree that diversity is headed for, because it is likely to follow from existing wider societal pressures: continual population movements on a global scale, the communications revolution, the disintegration of the nation-state, the empowerment of ethnic minority groups and their struggle for recognition, the diversification of the workforce, as well as from the greater demands from employees who want to be acknowledged not just on the basis of race, gender and ethnicity, but also on a variety of other dimensions such as age, education backgrounds, lifestyles, and geographic origins, to name just a few (Thomas 1991, Sekaran et al. 1992).

The issue of ethnic minority participation is on many agendas, notably in education, public health, local, municipal and national governments, political parties, corporate business and in small organisations in the non-profit sector, including women’s organizations, social work and youth work. Organisation consultant agencies who claim to be experts in ‘multi-’, ‘inter-’, ‘trans-’ or ‘cross-’ cultural communication and interaction are shooting up like mushrooms. Some select one of these hyphenated terms to denote specific models of group emancipation, anti-racism, integration, or organisational transformation. Others use any of these terms to simplistically mean exposure to difference or to the ‘Other’. Probably the most popular word used to

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Challenges of Diversity express the intent to include other cultures is multiculturalism. The term multiculturalism emanates from the concept of cultural pluralism. But it has gone through such a degree of cooptation that it is used to denote a wide variety of politics and perspectives, ranging from intercultural communication to Afrocentrism (Asante 1980) and cultural synthesism (West 1992). With the emphasis on MULTI-cultures achieving popularity and respectability, the idea of diversity has attained a certain trade market value.

As a researcher with a background in critical theory of race and ethnic relations I am ambivalent about what I feel is becoming a 'diversity hype’: I share a certain amount of optimism, but I also feel scepticism. I welcome the fact that racial and ethnic dimensions of human resource management are coming more into focus in organisation theory and practice (Thomas 1991, Cox 1993, Nkomo 1988, Bell et al. 1993, Ferdman 1992). My reservations have to do with the fact that diversity as a marketable concept creates a ‘free for all’ atmosphere, where people jumpin-to-get-a-piece-of-the-pie in an area with a long history of serious theory and practice. In the field of race and ethnic relations theory, patterns of migration and government and civilian reactions to the constitution of ethnically diverse societies, in Europe and the US, have been the object of many studies (Mitter 1991, Castles 1993, Castles/ Miller 1993). Moreover, neoconservatism, the attacks on affirmative (positive) action1’, the persistence of racism, the dismantling of welfare provisions, and other issues have kept critical scholarship more than active. In all fairness to the many professionals who claim expertise in the dynamics of race, gender, and ethnicity: some have committed many years of their lives to the cause of racial, ethnic and gender equity and justice. They have worked against the mainstream in times when race and ethnic issues were not popular at all. Others are new in the area. They may have perfectly honest and legitimate motivations to act upon the fact that the awareness has grown, in the last 10 years, that most organisations are insufficiently equipped to create and manage a divers work force (Chemers/ Oskamp/ Costanzo 1995). In light of the above, I focus, in this paper, on a cluster of approaches, which some identify as management approaches to diversity (Thomas 1991) and others as leadership approaches to diversity (Morrison 1992). I am referring to pioneering and more recent studies including Beyond Race and Gender (Roosevelt Thomas 1991), Managing a Diverse Work Force (John Fernandez 1991), The New Leaders: Guidelines on Leadership in a Diverse America (Morrison 1992), Cultural Diversity in Organizations (Taylor Cox 1993) and Diversity in Organizations (Chemers/ Oskamp/ Costanzo 1995). Whereas some use 'diversity management’ as a central concept, others prefer to speak about ‘leadership diversity’ and still others use ‘diversity in organizations’ as a key concept. The emphasis different authors place on

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Challenges of Diversity either the management aspects or leadership aspects of diversity development does not mean to imply disagreement about the fundamental principles of diversity development. The conceptual and practical differences between leadership and management are a complex and controversial topic (Schein 1985, Syrett/ Hogg 1992, Adler/ Izrael 1994, Henry 1991, Yuki 1994, Tichy / Devanna 1986). I suffice to point out that both managerial and leadership qualities are essential for making diversity happen. Leaders challenge the organizational status quo. Management operates within the status quo. In a diversity process leadership can mean that the rejection of exclusion and of cultural homogeneity is explained and accounted for in a visionary framework of inclusion picturing the preconditions for optimizing the quality of work, work relations and products of work. For leadership, achieving a vision requires motivating and inspiring others to make the changes to achieve diversity their own. Managing diversity development means coping with the complexities involved in the change process, such as controlling the plans and strategies and solving implementation problems.

A more comprehensive discussion of management and leadership approaches to diversity development will be discussed in more detail later. Here, I mention only two significant characteristics. First, management and leadership approaches consider racial, ethnic, gender and other group representations a business concern, rather than a moral issue. Second, these approaches aim at changing the root culture of organizations. Concrete and inspiring examples of change agency in organizations are numerous, and so are good intentions and creative ideas to diversify (Fernandez 1991, Thomas 1991, Cox 1993, Morrison et al. 1993). Moreover, reading about diversity development in organizations feels like inhaling a rich dose of commitment, motivation and unyielding optimism. Given the more pessimistic overtones of critical theory it is almost irresistible not to get carried away.

In light of this, the mode of this paper is one of reflection. Questions I will address are: What are the aims of management and leadership approaches to diversity, in which vision of organizational change can these aims be placed, and which strategies do advocates employ in order to reach their aims? I do not intend to make systematic assessments, but to raise relevant questions and to provoke, hopefully constructive, discussion of implications and consequences of diversity development in corporations and other organizations. Research background

My own interest in the role of organizational management and leadership follows naturally from the direction my research has taken in the last fifteen years. A brief discussion might be helpful by way of further introducing the

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Challenges of Diversity problems I address in this paper. In the 1980s my main research activities involved the study of contemporary racism. For that purpose I conducted comparitive empirical projects between the Netherlands and the United States. My theoretical aims were to conceptualize racism as a systemic process. This process covers sites and situations throughout our society, where racism is integrated in the routine of everyday life (Essed 1990,1991). In subsequent publications about everyday racism as experienced by Dutch and U.S. black women, I have analyzed how racism operates, often in subtle ways, in direct and indirect encounters with ordinary people, ranging from neighbours and salespersons, to secretaries and teachers, students and professors, supervisors and managers, directors, medical doctors, journalists and politicians. One of the conclusions is that among the most damaging practices of racism are those involving individuals in positions of authority, whose decision-making power has the potential of making or breaking study and work careers and opportunities. Consciously or unconsciously, race or ethnicity serves as a determining factor when teachers, job interviewers, supervisors, managers, or directors decide to reject or to include, encourage or discourage, motivate or de-motivate, punish or reward their dependents. In a recent book called Diversity (Essed 1996) I further address everyday dynamics of color and culture, in particular in the way these factors relate to gender.

In the 1990s, my focus of attention turned more strongly into the direction of organization studies. I was specifically interested in how authority and decision making power can be used, (a), to counter discrimination and, (b), to utilize the full potential of all members of an organization, regardless of gender, color, culture, ethnicity, age, or other differences. I had the opportunity to further elaborate upon the crucial role of authorities in either perpetuating or countering racialethnic inequality when we were asked to do a racial-ethnic audit for a Dutch corporation where racial conflict had come to the open. This was happening a few years after the introduction and implementation of positive action (Essed/ Reinsch 1991a,b, Essed 1993). To cut a long story short, apart from a number of other problems related to the company culture, it seemed that the middle management, with few exceptions all white and all male, formed a stumble block against racial progress. Few, if any, showed commitment to counter discrimination and there was a general lack of competence to manage a diverse work force. We found that the majority of the managers were prejudiced against ethnic minority men and women and, as well as against white women. But we were also able to identify a number of change agents, a small minority among the managers, with a more flexible, thoughtful and open approach to diversity. We thought that the development of diversity leadership qualities in these change agents could contribute to a more adequate organizational response to diversity mixtures. These and other aspects of diversity development are discussed below,

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Challenges of Diversity where I also briefly review some of the philosophical underpinnings of organizational interventions in the area of race, gender and ethnic relations.

Early frameworks for diversity

The first US and European programs of diversity in the work place originate in the 1970s, where they appeared in the context of legal or moral imperatives. These programs have been formulated from a number of different perspectives (Ferdman / Brody 1995, Thomas 1991); from a civil rights perspective, from the point of view of women’s rights, from humanitarian, moral and social responsibility perspectives, and from management and leadership points of view. The civil rights perspective seeks to end racism at the workplace through legal requirements. A women’s rights perspective focuses at the elimination of gender discrimination. A humanitarian point of view emphasizes tolerance and understanding of individual differences. From a moral responsibility point of view interventions will concentrate on ameliorating oppression, because it is considered “the right thing to do” (Thomas 1991:16, Morrison et al. 1993:21). Organizational interventions formulated from a social responsibility point of view seek to act in ways that benefit society. All of these interventions fall under two umbrellas: affirmative action (civil rights, women’s rights, moral responsibility) and cultural awareness or valuing differences (humanitarian, social responsibility). Affirmative action and positive action appeal to assimilative and/or integrative aspects of race and ethnic relations. Humanitarian interventions or organizational policies motivated by social responsibility are more indicative of the valuing diversity aspects of a multicultural framework. The valuing differences perspective assumes that discrimination of ethnic minorities results from a lack of awareness and understanding of cultural difference (Thomas 1991). Valuing difference programs have often been helpful in creating greater receptivity of affirmative action and in increasing mutual respect among workers of diverse cultural background. There are, however, also a number of undesirable side-effects. Affirmative action programs reinforced the problematization of competence of the target groups, and the overemphasis of difference in valuing difference approaches reinforced the tendency, among dominant groups members, to associate the ‘other’ with ‘deviant behaviour’ or with ‘problems’. Most importantly, however, neither affirmative action, nor valuing differences approaches sufficiently questioned the root culture of organizations. In addition to the legal and moral frameworks of diversity, there have been developed, in the 1980s and 1990s, a number of new programs, which have been referred to as a management or leadership perspective of diversity (Thomas 1991, Fernandez 1991, Morrison 1992, Morrison et al. 1993). Rather than restricting interventions to one dimension only, such as racial discrimination

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Challenges of Diversity or gender, these approaches are inherently concerned with the elimination of multiple forms of collective discrimination (gender, race, ethnicity, age, physical ability, or sexual orientation). All of the management and leadership approaches agree that diversity development requires long term commitment at all levels of the organization, and that system changes require the deliberate and personal involvement of management and leadership.

The role of change agents We had the opportunity in 1992 to address some of the above considerations in a research project, in which we focused on a wider range of ‘positive action', and other 'diversity' interventions, initiated by a small number of, what we called, change agents in public and private companies in the Netherlands (Essed/ Helwig 1992). It was an exploratory undertaking, in which we identified and interviewed relevant change agents in the participating organizations: the ones who advocate racial and gender equity or antiracism, and have the stamina to initiate, formulate, struggle for, work on and to persevere in order to organize support for organizational policies aiming to increase the number of ethnic minority employees. The findings of the project suggest that change agency by itself can be considered a diversity concept. The change agents which we identified in the organizations are from different ethnic, gender, and age, backgrounds. Just as diverse are their functional positions in the organizations, ranging from union spokesperson, to equal opportunity officer, and from personnel manager to chief executive officer. The kind of diversity initiatives we have come across are varied, and the numbers of change agents small (25, spread over 20 organizations). Therefore we could not draw any definite conclusions about measures of success. Among the number of interesting suggestions and findings we selected, two are relevant for the purpose of this paper.

Firstly, the experiences of the change agents confirm our expectation that the active commitment of organizational management and leadership is a necessary condition. But support from the top does not necessarily guarantee success, which depends, among other things, on the ability to communicate ideas, motivate others and get support organized. Secondly, the ideology behind specific policies and interventions might be an important indicator of whether the change process will attain broad support within the organization or not. This can be explained as follows: We categorized the range of diversity interventions under two policy models according to differences in motivation, definition of the problem, solutions opted for, means, and overall goals of the initiative. The first, we called a Minority Management model2». This model is based in the perception of ethnic minorities and white women as disadvantaged groups. The strategies we

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Challenges of Diversity identified aim at achieving equality by means of programs targeting these group only. The second model, which we called Diversity Management, perceives the input of as yet underrepresented groups as a business value. Initiatives taking place in the Diversity Management model are motivated by the idea that diversity improves the quality of company products and labour relations (Thomas 1991, Morrison et al. 1993). Our findings, though tentative, suggest that support for diversity efforts is likely to be more broadly based in the Diversity Management model than in the Minority Management model. Let us take a more closer look on what the literature has to say about the plans and strategies involved in management and leadership approaches to diversity.

Plans and strategies Leadership and management commitment, says one author, must be reflected in several ways (Cox 1993: 230). Resources must be made available in order to implement diversity efforts. Managing diversity must be incorporated into the business strategies of the organization. There must be a system of performance appraisal and other human resource management practices in order to introduce accountability for the achievement of specific diversity goals. Efforts must be maintained over longer periods and, gradually, diversity must be established as a core value with the same priority as other values, such as safety, integrity, and total quality. Additional steps comprise a variety of interventions, including the formation of employee groups that advocate change; consistent monitoring of statistical representation; inclusion of diversity in performance evaluation goals and ratings, in promotion decisions and criteria; targeting non traditional employees in succession planning process; diversity awareness training programs; employee networks and support groups; and work-family policy programs to address issues of day care centres, parental leave and other working conditions (Morrison et al. 1993: 112).

Once the transformational process is set in motion, it is imperative to develop indicators to monitor progress. As indicators of progress one can think of the statistical representation of different levels or functions, in particular in highpotential programs; worker satisfaction, absenteeism; complaint or grievance rates; the number of employees completing diversity training; or the extent to which diversity is included in business strategy policies, to name just a few (Morrison et al. 1993:113).

Although commitment from the top is essential for diversity efforts, the undertaking can only be successful if the rest of the organization supports the interventions. Here, several experts suggest that diversity efforts must not be directed to women, ethnic minorities or other ‘target’ groups exclusively,

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Challenges of Diversity because women and minorities alone cannot make diversity happen (Morrison et al. 1993). The diversity policy must be an inclusive one that empowers the entire work force, including potential resisters, because their exclusion fuels discontent, whereas inclusion may weaken the potential danger of backlash. One can encourage participation in diversity interventions by offering training and by integrating diversity efforts with team-development practices. Conclusions It has been pointed out that it is possible to identify employees, some of whom may have visionary or leadership potential, who are willing become agents of change. Bringing together existing enthusiasm among members of the organization and the strength of positive will can be a firm basis from which to articulate a vision of change. Chances are great that the formulation and spread of alternative ideas motivates others to join, including those who did not feel strong enough to come forward on their own with alternative views. Having this said, I hasten to add, that organizations where diversity programs are in the making are still in the stage of experimental application. We need more feedback as to the reliability of management and leadership approaches. Few, if any, long term research has been done on the life cycle of diversity interventions, in terms of qualifying the organizational conditions step by step and measuring the process of progress (Morrison et al. 1993). We need more detailed investigation of how diversity transformation takes place. Among the many questions in need of answering are the following: What are the necessary conditions for a diversity process, who are involved in which stage, why and how? How exactly does diversity management get integrated into organizational culture, while at the same time transforming prevalent norms, values, expectations, and other dimensions of the dominant culture. Does participation in this process affect ones engagement with diversity issues outside of the work place?

Diversity efforts include strategies to diminish the impact of group prejudice and stereotypes on organizational functioning. Care must be taken, however, that dealing with group images does not evolve into an obsession with group differences. I agree with some of the authors who suggest that claims of difference must be placed in a visionary framework, whereby organizational leadership also highlights similarities in needs, values and abilities between members of the organization (Chemers/ Murphy 1995). Moreover transformative change requires the balanced utilization of differences as well as similarities between groups and individuals. In conclusion, it can be stated that the literature is generous in describing numerous diversity efforts that can be undertaken, and in insisting that diversity

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Challenges of Diversity brings competitive advantage. I have found but little feedback with respect to the question of how management commitment is attained in the first place. It may be true, as some have stated, that organizations which do not discover the positive connection between quality and diversity are making a big mistake (Morrison et al. 1993: 41), but it is relevant to know under which conditions management and leadership are ready to link diversity goals to company culture and business goals. To put it differently, the experts in diversity management are good instructors in showing ‘how to drive the car, once it is running’, but still far from explaining how to ‘get the car going’.

Notes 1)The European equivalent of ‘affirmative action’ is called ‘positive action’. Because I refer to both systems, later in the text, I am using both terms here. 2)The original names for the models were in Dutch. For the sake of clarity I adapted, in the translation, to the terminology used in the present paper.

References Adler N. J./Izraeli, D. (1994) Competitive Frontiers, Women Managers in a Global Economy, Cambridge, Mass.: Blackwell Asante, M. (1980) Afrocentricity. A Theory of Social Change, New York: Amulefi Publishing Company Bell, EJ Denton, T./Nkomo, S. (1993) ’’Women of Color in Management: Towards an Inclusive Analysis”: E. Fagenson (ed.). Women in Management, Newbury Park: Sage, 105-130

Castles, S. (1993) ’’Migrations and Minorities in Europe. Perspectives for the 1990s: Eleven Hypotheses”: J. Wrench/J. Solomos (eds.) Race and Migration in Western Europe, Oxford: Berg, 17-34

Castles, SJ Miller, M. (1993) The Age of Migration, London: MacMillan

Chemers, M. MJ Oskamp, SJ Costanzo, M. E. (1995) Diversity in Organizations, New Perspectives for a Changing Work Place. Thousand Oaks: Sage

Cox, T. (1993) Cultural Diversity in Organizations, San Francisco: Berrett-Koehler Essed, P. (1990) Everyday Racism: Reports From Women In Two Cultures, Claremont, CA: Hunter House

Essed, P. (1991) Understanding Everyday Racism: An Interdisciplinary Theory, Newbury Park, CA: Sage Essed, P (1993) ’’The politics of Marginal Inclusion: Racism in an Organizational Context": J. Wrench/J. Solomos (eds.) Racism and Migration in Europe, Oxford: Berg, 143-156

Essed, P (1996) Diversity: Gender, CoIorand Culture, Amherst: University of Massachusetts Press

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Challenges of Diversity Essed, PJReinsch, P. (1991a) Etnische Verhoudingen Binnen het Gemeentevervoerbedrijf Amsterdam. Deel I’ Research report, Amsterdam: Centre for Race and Ethnic Studies Essed, PJReinsch, P (1991b) Interculturalisering: over oude en nieuwe routes bij het GVB. Research report, Amsterdam: Center for Race and Ethnic Studies Essed, PJHelwig, L. (1992) Bij voorbeeld: multicultureel beleid in de praktijk. Multicultural policy in practice, Amsterdam: FNV Fernandez, J. P (1991) Managing a Diverse Work Force, Lexington, MA: Lexington Books

Ferdman, B. M. (1992) "The Dynamics of Ethnic Diversity in Organizations: Toward Integrative Models”: K. Kelly (ed.) Issues, Theory and Research in Industrial Organizational Psychology, Amsterdam: Elsevier Science Publishers, 393-384 Ferdman, BJBrody, S. E. (21995) ’’Models of Diversity Training": D. Landis IR. Bhagat (eds.). Handbook of Intercultural Training, Sage: Thousand Oaks, (Chapter concept)

Henry, J. (1991) Creative Management, London: Sage

Mitter, S. (1986/1991) Common Fate, Common Bond: Women in the Global Ecomony, London: Pluto Press Morrison, A. M. (1992) The New Leaders, San Francisco: Jossey-Bass

Morrison, A. MJ Ruderman, M. NJ Hughes-James, M. (1993) Making Diversity Happen. Controversies and Solutions, Greensboro, NC: Center for Creative Leadership

Nkomo, S. (1988) "Race and Sex: The Forgotten Case of the Black Female Manager”: S. Rose/ L. Larwood (eds.) Women’s Careers: Pathways and Pitfalls, New York: Preager, rev.ed.,133-150 Schein, E. H. (1985) Organizational Culture and Leadership, San Francisco: Jossey-Bass

Sekaran, UJ Leong, F.T.L. (1992) ’’Womanpower and Changing Demographics: Introduction”: U. Sekaran/ F. T. L. Leong (eds.) Womanpower: Managing in Times of Demographic Turbulence, Newbury Park: Sage, ix-xvii Syrett, MJ Hogg, C. (1992) ’’Introduction”: M. Syrett/C. Hogg. Frontiers of Leadership, Oxford: Blackwell, xix-xxii Tichy, N. M/Devanna, M. A. (1986) The Transformational Leader, New York: John Wiley &Sons

Thomas, R. (1991) Beyond Race and Gender. Unleashing the Power of Your Total Work Force by Managing Diversity, New York: AMACOM West, C. (1992) "Diverse New World”: P. Berman (ed.). Debating PC, New York: Laurel, 326-332

Yuki, G. (31994) Leadership in Organizations, Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice Hall International

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Effects of ethnic diversity in work organizations Sjiera de Vries1

University of Leiden, The Netherlands The Netherlands has a wide variety of ethnic groups in its population. Gradually, more members of ethnic minority groups are entering work-organizations, and these organizations are becoming ethnically diverse. What is the effect of this change in the workforce? Do people like working in ethnically diverse groups? Is there a difference between the performance and well-being of workers from ethnic minority groups and their majority colleagues? Is there a difference between ethnically homogeneous and ethnically mixed groups in productivity?

This paper discusses two research projects that address these issues. For the first project, majority and minority colleagues were interviewed about their experiences with working in ethnically diverse groups. Further, evaluations of the performance and well-being of the majority and minority workers were compared. The second study compared the performance of ethnically homogeneous and ethnically mixed groups. The focus was on productivity of the group and satisfaction of the group members. The paper concludes with directions for practical use: what can be learned from these results for working with ethnically diverse groups? What do we know and what needs further attention? Comparing majority and minority workers in ethnically diverse groups2

Now that the workforce is becoming more diverse, organizations become interested in the effects of this change. Is there a difference between majority and minority workers? Do ethnically mixed groups need a different treatment, and does the change require a different form of management? In orderto answer these questions we looked at research done in the United States, a country with a much longer experience with ethnic diversity in the workplace. In an extensive overview of the research on the position of black Americans in organizations, Pettigrew and Martin (1987) concluded that minority workers in predominantly white organizations are confronted with several problems that make their position more challenging than that of their white colleagues. The authors summarize these problems as the so called “triple jeopardy”: - the “normal” prejudice and discrimination that most minority employees face;

- the strain of the solo-role among those minority employees who are the only minority workers in their group;

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Challenges of Diversity - the token-role, the special role which arises when one is an affirmative action candidate.

The problems summarized in the triple jeopardy concept suggest that the position of minority workers in organizations is more difficult than that of their majority colleagues, and even more so when the minority worker is a solo and/or a token. This difficult position may have negative effects on the performance and well-being of minority workers. In the present research, we tried to test this assumption. Our main hypothesis was that, as a result of their position, minority workers will perform less well and feel less well in their jobs than their majority colleagues. Since the Dutch situation is quite different from the situation in America ( De Vries/ Pettigrew 1994), it is not clear that the problems of the triple jeopardy are present in the Dutch context. The research tried to investigate that, too. Apart from these questions, we were interested in the general evaluation of ethnically diverse groups. Do people like working in them, and do they see an effect on the quality of the work? These questions made up the third part of the research.

In order to compare the position of minority and majority workers, research was carried out in the Dutch police force in a number of bigger and smaller cities, and in several health care institutes (mainly nursing homes) in Amsterdam. In the police, interviews were held with 31 minority officers, a majority colleague of each of them, and their supervisor (31 groups of 3 persons). In health care we interviewed 32 minority nurses, and again we had interviews with a majority colleague and a supervisor of each of them (32 groups of 3). Each person was interviewed individually. This procedure enabled us to compare three views of one situation. Our data show that the problems summarized in the triple jeopardy indeed occur in the Dutch situation. In the police sample, about two-thirds of our minority respondents reported incidents of discrimination. In the health care sample these incidents were reported by one-third of the minority respondents. Also, in both samples it was clear that respondents were not reporting on isolated incidents but that discrimination was part of their daily life. This shows in the words of one of the majority officers: “Minorities in the police need to have a skin like a rhinoceros. Sometimes remarks are made that make me very angry, and then my minority colleague tells me to forget it, that he hears things like that so often“

Earlier research ( Kanter 1977, Ott 1985, 1989, Taylor 1981) has pointed out the difficulties of being in a solo-position, of being the only minority in the group. In our research, half of the minority officers were in such a solo-position. In health care, there were only very few solo minorities. Apparently, in some organizations the risk of becoming a solo is much bigger than in others.

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Challenges of Diversity Even though many minority officers were in a solo position, we did not get the impression that they saw this as a problem. In fact, some minority officers pointed out that they preferred a solo-position. Since the minority officers come from various ethnic backgrounds, in most groups with more than one minority officer the minority officers are from different ethnic backgrounds. Several respondents pointed out to us that this situation was even more difficult than being a solo: majority officers mix the minorities up and assume they are similar, that they are natural allies. But the minority officers usually feel closer to the majority officers and know their (Dutch) culture and habits better than those of their minority colleague.

In the police, almost all minority officers came in under an affirmative action program and can be considered tokens. More than half of them reported the expected token problems. They experienced a negative effect of the affirmative action program on how they were accepted. They explained that some of the majority officers are jealous because of the special attention given to minority officers. They also mentioned that the changes in the selection procedure and in the training program caused doubts about the quality of the new minority officers. None of the health care institutes included in our research had a program of affirmative action, so there were no tokens in the health care sample. We have seen that the problems mentioned in the triple jeopardy indeed occur in the Dutch situation, especially in the police: many minority officers reported discrimination, half of the minority officers were in a solo position, and almost all of them came in under an affirmative action program. In health care, the triple jeopardy seems less applicable. Though discrimination was reported by one-third of the minority nurses, there were very few solo minority nurses, and no tokens. From this we can conclude that the triple jeopardy can, but not necessarily will, play a role in Dutch organizations. Our next question concerned the performance and well-being of minority and majority workers. Based on the idea of the triple jeopardy we expected minority workers to do less well and feel less well then their majority colleagues. To test this hypothesis, we asked the minority workers, their majority colleagues and their supervisors to rate the performance of both the minority and the majority worker, and we asked minority and majority workers about their well-being.

Comparing the performance ratings of majority and minority workers did not reveal consistent differences between these groups. No matter whether the rating was done by the minority workers, the majority workers or the supervisors, the mean performance ratings of majority and minority workers did not differ. There was only one exception: minority officers received lower ratings for their writing abilities. As for well-being, we found no differences in the police sample and only a few differences in health care. Minority nurses scored lower on the frequency of

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Challenges of Diversity informal contacts with colleagues, on how well they got along with and work with their colleagues, and on how well they fitted in the group. Still, on most well-being ratings no differences appeared. In the police, we also compared solo minority officers and non-solos, to see whether their performance is rated differently and whether there are differences in their reported well-being. This was not the case. No differences between solo and non-solo minority officers were found. Since there were only a few minority nurses in a solo position, we could not compare solos and non-solos in the health care sample.

The third part of this research consisted of questions on how people evaluate working in an ethnically diverse team. All three groups of respondents were positive about the ethnic diversity. They liked this diversity, and found it stimulating and interesting. They also saw positive effects on the quality of the work. The positive effects mentioned with the greatest frequency concerned the variety of cultural backgrounds and language capacities. Differences in cultural background are interesting topics to talk about, and these talks can also have a positive effect on how the work is done. Majority respondents reported that they learned better ways to relate to minority clients and public, and had become less prejudiced as a result of working in multi-ethnic groups. Both minority and majority workers felt that the different viewpoints and experiences in ethnically diverse groups lead to productive discussions about how the work should be done. The risk of overlooking certain aspects of a situation is smaller in diverse groups. Further, the different languages in a diverse group can be handy when dealing with clients who do not speak the Dutch language. An interesting point is that cultural and language differences, though the most frequently mentioned positive points of multi-ethnic groups, were also the most often mentioned reasons for negative effects. Not everybody liked the discussions, based on cultural differences, about how to do the work. Having to reconsider all kinds of practices and procedures takes time and energy, and not everybody was prepared or able to do that. Cultural difference can also be a source of misunderstanding and miscommunication, as can be said of language differences.

From the first study we can conclude that the dangers pointed out in the triple jeopardy are potential dangers in Dutch organizations, but that they do not always occur: in the police most minority officers were indeed confronted with all three problems, in health care only one of the problems, discrimination, seemed to play a role, and only for a small group of minority nurses. By comparing performance and well-being of minority and majority workers we learned that there are only small differences between the groups. Also, there does not seem to be a relation between the problems mentioned in the triple jeopardy and performance and well-being. Apparently the minority workers who face (parts of) the triple jeopardy have found ways to overcome these difficulties.

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Challenges of Diversity Another important conclusion is that both the minority workers, the majority workers and the supervisors in our sample were positive about working in ethnically diverse teams. They found it pleasant and interesting and reported positive effects on the quality of their work.

Comparing ethnically homogeneous and ethnically diverse groups3 In the previous research we saw that members of ethnically diverse groups see a positive effect of ethnic diversity on the quality of their work. They feel that their results are better because of the ethnic diversity. In this research we elaborated on this finding and tried to make a more direct comparison between ethnically homogeneous and ethnically diverse groups. Since it is very difficult to find groups that differ only in ethnic makeup and not in other respects, we created new groups for this research. These groups consisted of police students who had just started at the police schools. They were assigned to small groups, some consisting of students from various ethnic backgrounds (Dutch and minority, the mixed groups), while other groups consisted of white Dutch students only (the homogeneous groups).

Based on our earlier research we would expect better results in the mixed groups, because the differences in background should give a richer resource to work from. Other researchers (Watson/ Kumar/ Michealsen 1993) however warn that these positive results only come about after the group has learned how to work together. They say that the differences in mixed groups mean that these groups need more time to get used to each other, so that their results will in effect be less satisfactory in this first period. Since we worked with newly formed groups, we expected the homogeneous groups to do better on a task that requires cooperation. On a task that requires creativity, but no real cooperation, we expected better results from the mixed groups.

In order to test these hypotheses, both homogeneous and mixed groups were given two tasks. The first was a brainstorm task, where the group needs to come up with as many solutions for a presented problem as possible. Here, people can react to each other, but do not really need to cooperate. On this brainstorm task we expected more ideas from the mixed groups since they have a broader set of ideas, and thus potentially a broader set of solutions. For the second task cooperation was essential. Here, the group had to decide what items would be most useful for an expedition to the moon. In this task, the so-called NASA-task, the assumption is that each group member has his or her own ideas about why a certain item is important, and that discussing these ideas will lead to a better solution. This means real cooperation: a good discussion on the usefulness of each item, and a final decision of the whole group about the best order for the items. We

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Challenges of Diversity expected this task to be more difficult for the mixed groups, leading to less satisfactory results. In addition to comparing results of both types of group, we compared the satisfaction of the group members with the group process. We expected members of mixed groups to be less positive, because of the assumed difficulties in getting used to the different ways of thinking in these groups. The results do not confirm our expectations: we found no differences between homogeneous and mixed groups. The groups came up with the same number of ideas, the quality of the solutions of the NASA-task were the same, and in both groups the members evaluated the cooperation positively.

The conclusion of this second study must be that we did not find support for our expectation that groups with more ethnic diversity are more creative and can find more solutions for a problem because of the broader range of perspectives in these groups. Neither did we find support for the expectation that in new groups ethnic diversity, and with it the greater variety in ways of thinking and acting, hinders cooperation and leads to less satisfaction with the group process. Maybe the main conclusion has to be that, at least in the population of this research, the ethnic background of the group members did not seem to have an effect on the product nor on the group process. Discussion and conclusions

The main conclusion from the research projects presented in this paper is that the performance of majority and minority workers, and of ethnically mixed and ethnically homogeneous groups, did not differ. We do not claim that this holds for all situations, for all groups. First, more research is needed, in different organizations, with different tasks, and with groups of different levels of experience. But we can conclude already that there does not have to be a difference between both types of workers and both types of groups. The absence of a difference between majority and minority workers, between ethnically homogeneous and ethnically mixed groups, does not mean that ethnic diversity is without problems. From the first research we learn that many minority workers are confronted with discrimination, and many face negative stereotypes and negative expectations based on false assumptions about affirmative action. We feel that employers should take steps to minimize these problems. An active anti-discrimination policy, with a clear code of behavior, good grievance procedures and sanctions, is necessary for this. Further, majority workers should be made aware of their own discriminatory behavior and should learn to feel what it means to be treated in this way. Negative expectations about affirmative action candidates have to be limited. This can be reached by good, and timely, information about what affirmative action really is. This information

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Challenges of Diversity should stress that the standards are not lowered for minority applicants, and that the new minority workers are qualified for their jobs. As for the solo-effect, more research is needed. In the police, no difference between solos and non-solos was found. This finding may be explained by the diversity among the minority workers. Because of this, only three have a colleague who is of the same sex and same ethnic background. This means that in practise most of the minority officers in our sample are still in a solo-position, and in fact a position that can be as difficult or even more difficult than that of “real solos”. We need to know more about these effects, and about when a solo is a solo. The findings that in both research projects our respondents were positive about working in ethnically diverse groups, and in the first project saw positive effects on the quality of their work, are assuring. These findings are in line with findings of van Twuyver (1995) in the Netherlands, and Cox (1993) in the United States. Still, in the second project, with a direct comparison of homogeneous and mixed groups, we did not find any evidence of these positive effects, nor of any negative effects.

More research needs to be done on when positive and negative effects occur: in what kinds of groups, with what kinds of tasks, etc. Also, we need to know more of what exactly the experienced positive or negative effects are encouraging. In practice, it seems wise to stress the potential positive effects and try to benefit from them as much as possible, and to reduce the negative effects. Since cultural and language differences are among the most frequently mentioned positive and negative aspects of ethnic diversity, these aspects will need most attention. Minority workers may need help in learning the specific language used in a certain profession, while majority workers may need more insight into the difficulties of working in a second (or third) language. More knowledge about different cultural habits, and especially more flexibility in deciding what is good and what is not, needs extra attention as well. Notes

1 Dr. Sjiera deVries, Department of Social and Organizational Psychology, PO Box 9555,2300 RB Leiden, the Netherlands. E-mail: [email protected]. 2 This section is based on de Vries (1992).

3 A more detailed description of this research project can be found in de Vries, Monden, de Graaff and van Vierssen (1996).

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Challenges of Diversity References Cox, T. jr. (1993) Cultural diversity in organizations: Theory, research and practice, San Francisco: Berett-Koehler Publishers De Vries, S. (1992) Working in multi-ethnic groups: The performance and well-being of minority and majority workers. Arnhem: Gouda Quint De Vries, S. etal. (1996) "Effectiviteit van etnisch heterogene groepen”. Submitted for publication De Vries, S./Pettigrew, T. F (1994) ”A comparative perspective on affirmative action: Positive aktie in the Netherlands”. Basic and Applied Social Psychology, 15,179-199

Kanter, R. M. (1977) ’’Some effects of proportions on group life: Skewed sex ratios and responses to token women”. American Journal of Sociology, 82, 965-991 Ott, E. M. (1985) Assepoesters en kroonprinsen: Een onderzoek naar de minderheids-positie van agentes en verplegers, Amsterdam: Sua

Ott, E. M. (1989) ’’Effects of the male-female ratio at work: Policewomen and male nurses”. Psychology of Women Quarterly, 13,41-57 Pettigrew, T E/Martin, J. (1987) ’’Shaping the organizational context for Black American inclusion”. Journal of Social Issues, 43 (1), 41-78

Taylor, S. E. (1981) ”A categorization approach to stereotyping”. In: D. L. Hamilton (ed.) Cognitive processes in stereotyping and intergroup behavior, Hillsdale, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum, 83-114

Twuyver, M. van (1995) Culturele diversiteit in organisaties: Een kansrijk perspectief. Schiedam: Scriptum Book

Watson, W EJKumar, K./ Michealsen, L. K. (1993) ’’Cultural diversity’s impact on interaction process and performance: Comparing homogeneous and diverse task groups”. Academy of Management Journal, 36 (3), 590-602

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Intimidation and discrimination in the workplace. A diversity approach Lida M. v.d. Broek Kantharos-Amsterdam NL 1

The last drops that filled the cup led to the formation of a working-group ‘Intimidation/Discrimination’ at Hoogovens Package Steel (HPS)2. For all people involved these ‘last drops’ were different: for one worker, remarks made after the Bijlmer-disaster (a plane crashed in an area where many foreign people live, many were killed) such as: “I wouldn’t mind a few more plane crashes”. For someone else, it was the case of a transfer of a colleague who was a victim of harassment, while the offender was left alone; for a third, a black colleague's 50th birthday, when a poster saying ‘today free negroe-kisses’ (a Dutch chocolate eclair was called ‘negroe-kiss' for a long time) was hung up. On the management level, the immediate cause to support the initiative by the workers (to start the working-group) was a racist menu that all of a sudden appeared in the restaurant. Of course, all of the examples mentioned were ‘jokes’ and not really meant to be an insult, but the cup was full and the working-group against intimidation/discrimination was installed. The working-group came into contact with Kantharos when it looked for a consultancy firm that could help to make a discussion program with playful elements. The colour-test3 is one of the products of Kantharos: it is a game that stimulates discussion about discrimination and racism and it has turned out to be very appropriate for large groups of people. This paper contains the theoretical framework, the process and the implementation of the project ‘Intimidation and Discrimination’ as carried out by Kantharos from the summer 1995 until May/June 1996. A diversity perspective

Topics such as intimidation and discrimination usually are associated with women and people of colour in their (perceived) position as victims of rude treatment. But it appears that also white men are affected by the problems people of colour and women are confronted with. Very often this remains unnoticed, because over the years it has become ‘taken for granted’. Although in the beginning the working-group at HPS devoted itself to the problems of people of colour and women, during discussions it became clear that anyone within the company could become a victim of bullying. From time to time everybody is object of ‘jokes’, everybody can be addressed with nicknames and contemptuous terms. Depending on one’s reaction or one’s skill to

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Challenges of Diversity answer back, one is either accepted or one becomes the next target for bullying. Uncertainty, outward characteristics and personal preferences are mercilessly taken into the centre of the daily culture of joking. Women and people of colour are not exceptions, they rather prove the rule. Generally known, and more or less accepted stereotypes, prejudice concerning women and people of colour are easily used here, as in society. To take the issue of bullying and intimidation as a starting point is of strategic importance in the interest of solving the specific problems of women and people of colour as well. After all, why would the majority of white men be concerned with better treatment of women and people of colour and thereby weaken their own position in times of uncertainty, if not for the sake of their personal interest? Ideologically or ethically some reasons could be given, but ideology doesn’t pay and it doesn’t feed you either. During our preliminary inquiry for this project most employees claimed that women and people of colour are not treated differently. “Whoever conforms to the culture and adapts him- or herself, grows into it; if you don’t, you are ‘out’, but then you asked for it!” Also women and people of colour say that dealing with the culture goes with the work: “Yes they constantly make sexuallyinspired remarks, but I can handle that, I even join in from time to time. It’s just fun, it keeps us going as the work is dull enough.” Or, like a coloured man said: “Yes, of course they make racist remarks and jokes; that’s for a laugh; they don’t mean me!”

Another reason not to take women and people of colour as separate groups is caused by the discussion about affirmative action. There is a growing resistance against preferential treatment on the labour market. Contemporary forms of affirmative action are often of a fragmented character because they are usually not embedded in organizational policies, but restricted to personnel policy. Affirmative action is directed at “making exceptions for others”, usually women and people of colour. “How can they join the firm and what is their ‘extra’ need to function in the firm?” The focus then is on the problematic aspect of the new group who temporarily need a special policy to be able to adapt. No one wonders why the organization would need a ‘special policy’ and what organizational changes would be necessary to have the organization function well for everybody. The interests and the needs of white men who are already part of the organization are not considered. In this way, the dominant group in the organization gets in a position of competitiveness with the ‘new’ groups; without wanting to, they are forced into the counter offensive. Strategically, this is not particularly desirable. Actually, this can be considered as the lesson learned from the first years of affirmative action. At the same time it has brought about ideas on ‘diversity’: management of diversity involves the creation of organizations that provides

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Challenges of Diversity benefit for everybody, for the ‘newcomers’ as well as for the ‘oldtimers’ (compare Cox, 1993).

So, we had enough reason to develop a program that would not only put the problems of women and people of colour in focus, but that would particularly deal with bullying in general. Within such a program we would be able to treat and present the specific problems of women and people of colour as part of the whole and as specific ‘illustrations’. Preliminary investigation. A project about intimidation/discrimination should first of all bring about a change of attitude which precedes a change in behaviour. Although this is a long term goal and it cannot be fully reached in a one year project, we felt this to be the direction to aim at, while the short term goal was to start dis­ cussion about intimidation/discrimination in the whole company of ± 1400 employees.

Organizational changes can only be brought about if they match elements of the existing culture or when cultural elements are inconsistent with the desired change. It is necessary to make them visible and to discuss them (compare Roosevelt/Thomas 1991) During the period of preliminary investigation, the goal of the research was to find both the productive and the counterproductive factors in the organizational culture. Analysis of strengths and weaknesses.

Within a short period of about three weeks, we gathered our information in a way similar to anthropologists: walking around, talking to people and trying to find ‘patterns’ in what people said and did; after gathering the first data we prepared longer interviews with some people. It enabled us to acquaint ourselves with the production process, people in their workplace, the language used and daily routines. We found a number of things the employees of HPS feel very strongly about. Firstly, it is striking that the employees from the production level as well as from the offices and the management level are proud of their product and the production process. With lots of enthusiasm and with great pride we were shown around the production lines: people saying how hot and how dangerous parts of the production process were, how accidents in the assembly-line were coped with, how the quality of products as desired by the customer was permanently taken into account. There were a lot of complaints about the company, the working-conditions, shifts, heat in summer, cold in winter in the assembly-halls and management. However, the workers were proud of their products and the production process and

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Challenges of Diversity proud to work with HPS. Secondly, a good working climate was felt to be an important factor and also in order to compensate for other inconveniences. Many mentioned the culture of joking and having fun as necessary to keep up spirits. All kinds of ‘jokes’ were played on everybody. This made the daily routine pleasant: there was a lot of laughing and action. One could have water poured over one’s head in various ways, oil and grease could be put into someone’s pockets, or gloves on a chair - these are some of the typical examples of how someone can obtain an ‘audience’, which is a very important part of the humour. Thirdly, safety is considered very valuable. In some parts of the assembly-line, human lives are at stake, but you cannot make an omelette without breaking eggs... So safety was considered to be crucial and this is one of the reasons for fostering fellow-feelings. A last good point to take up in order to discuss intimidation is what we have called the caring­ culture. Every time we entered the company, we found something from which fellow-feelings emerged. Sometimes individual or personal problems were involved and solutions had to be found, such as someone who temporarily needed a roof over his head or, in another case, someone who had had an accident and his fellow workers were concerned if he would ever be able to do his old job again ”we will take care of that; we’ll have him back and therefore work a bit more ourselves” was the opinion of his fellow-employees. The extra effort is taken for granted and solutions are discussed among each other. The four factors presented here we have taken up as ‘strong points’ to support the process during the following project. Furthermore, we found three characteristics which reinforced intimidation at HPS. Firstly, we found distrust on all levels, within the shifts, between shifts and up and down the hierarchy people tend to be constantly on their watch and ready to strike back. Distrust towards management is very common. From managament to employees it usually takes the shape of lack of trust. For us as outsiders, it was striking how small incidents, which could be interpreted in more than one way, were usually taken up from a negative perspective: "They do it on purpose”. Secondly, we found the ’’loud mouth" aspect. Someone with a loud mouth is noticed and respected. People who do not manifest themselves explicitly, who are uncertain, who think twice, who need a little more time to react, are excluded. If you want to be part of the group, you have to adapt and either develop a loud mouth yourself or keep your mouth shut and do your job quietly. People who stand up for different opinions or who react against abuse are unpopular and they are in the latter case considered to be back stabbers. Finally we found the strong group atmosphere. This element can work for or against intimidation; at the moment, it is reinforcing intimidation. Everybody has to adapt to the group’s values; mavericks are not tolerated. The best strategy to survive is to conform

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Challenges of Diversity to the group and this implies accepting the ‘humour’ and being involved in it, even if it means going along with bullying and jokes that are not funny. Pride in the product and the production process, the desire for a good work atmosphere, the emphasis on safety and the aspect of care and concern on the one hand, the distrust, the loud mouth climate and the emphasis on ‘grouping’ on the other hand considerably influenced each other. At the beginning of the project, the negative aspects predominated over the positive aspects. During the development of the program, the main aim was to bring about a turning point in this equilibrium. Our strategy is to maximize the positive aspects in the first place, to give them a lot of attention and emphasis and to show how the negative aspects can be minimized.

Intimidation? We’ll knock it down! “We will knock it down” turned out to be a slogan that best summarizes the way intimidation is perceived in the company. The occurrence of intimidation is confirmed and denied at the same time. A lot of jokes and tricks are played on people and a lot of rough language is used, but no harm is meant. Tricks should not be at someones expense. “If someone can’t bear it, you should stop”, we were told in all honesty. But if someone breaks down, the current view is that “they asked for it” or “he is a bastard anyway, who deserves a lesson” or “she cannot take it”. It is important that “no harm is meant”. Starting from the ‘good intentions’ of the offender, the effects of intimidation remain unnoticed. People tend to be blind to the effects and the victim is rendered guilty. But if people really mean what they say, and we have no reason to doubt that, the main task is to highlight the effects of what was regarded to be a joke. Starting from the opinion described above, we developed an exercise with a list containing various intimidating and discriminating incidents at HPS. The participants then had to indicate whether the incidents really took place or were made up and if they were admissable. From the lists, it turned out that the participants thought most cases were inadmissable and at the same time believed that the incidents did not take place at HPS. In the seminargroups usually someone could confirm from their own experience that the incident had actually happened. This way of confronting people with the everyday reality produced sudden insight for many. After the seminars, participants often came up with examples of intimidation which they would not have labelled as such before the project, but which subsequently were believed to be the case. The program What HPS wanted was a program of half a day for all 1400 employees. For

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Challenges of Diversity a short program like that to have any effect, it should be incorporated in a larger project and broad support in the compagny is needed. So we developed a program in stages. First a publicity campaign and a series of ‘basic-seminars’ were planned. In order to create the broad support, the ‘basic-seminar’ was offered to a large group of employees (± 140 = 10%); participants came from all hierarchical levels and from all units. The publicity campaign provided for a ‘poster-line’: for six months. In the company’s period, articles appeared about intimidation and people reported on the seminars and the program. Secondly, the one-shift program was planned to be carried out by participants of the basic-seminar: two extra seminars were given to train thirty people. Thirdly, the shopfloor program was set up. Over a two­ month period, all work units could participate in the program. The program contained an ‘intimidation/discrimination’-game, followed by discussion groups. And finally a selection procedure was started for a mediator involving confidentiallities on intimidation/discrimination. This person was to be responsible for special help, spotting and mediation in case of complaints and was to develop a more structurally embedded approach to intimidation.

Effects During all parts of the project, groups were formed with the widest possible diversity. The most important diversity factors are hierarchy, education, bluecollar versus white collar, age and also gender and ethnic background. During the basic seminars, this diversity produced an important surplus value. Office personnel and management generally thought intimidation a non-issue whereas factory personnel and lower staff felt that the things that happened went with the job. Reactions like from the factory: “Do you think it doesn’t happen? Of course it does!” and from the office: “But do you think that’s normal? You must be joking!” made many people think. It turned out to be a unique experience to get in touch with each other and to be confronted with the different insights, experiences and opinions. Later on, during the shopfloor programs, the experiences of both the factory and staff were used in an equivalent and complementary way. Cooporation and solidarity arose through differences and this had great impact on the quality of the support created to minimize intimidation.

When participants of the first basic-seminar met, most of them were more or less sceptical: “What do we need an effort like this for?”, “Isn’t this a bit overdone?”, “There is no discrimination in our team”, “Why have I been invited? - I don’t discriminate, do I?” Participation was voluntary, but the importance of participating was emphasized. At first some people tried to avoid participating. The second and the third group still reacted in a similar way. But then all of a sudden the fourth group turned out to be partly

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Challenges of Diversity enthusiastic: “They told me it was interesting, that one could learn something here, so I thought ‘let’s have a look’”. After the seminars, statements were made like: “I usually fall a sleep halfway educational seminars - well that didn’t happen this time!”. The last basic seminar groups got larger can my colleague join in? So we can tackle intimidation in our team together. What are the main ingredients of the basic seminar? We start with an introduction in which the positive aspects of the company receive full attention. We talk about our experiences with the company and how we were received. Then we show the negative aspects in order to point out how they influence each other. The seminars’ goal was to maximize the positive aspects by minimizing the negative ones. Next, we broke the ice by remembering good and funny jokes as they took place in the company. Then we turned the focus to experiences with bullying in our schooldays, in sports, from other people’s children. Inevitably, then also examples of bullying at work were narrated. In the afternoon of the first day, we did exercises to reveal group mechanisms, shut-out behaviour and the origins of distrust. A striking aspect during one of the games was the high degree of risk-avoiding behaviour: during one part, all the groups played it ‘safe’, even though it was obvious that this would mean a loss. When a little later a sub-group would start taking risks and try cheating, that is what the game is about, this group was excluded immediately and was from then on treated with distrust, even though they tried to regain confidence. The clue of this exercise turned out to be, that at HPS distrust is created very easily and that it is very difficult to regain confidence. It was clear that distrust can be caused by an individual, while confidence needs the cooperation of everyone. So during the first day of the basic seminar, we succeeded in building some safety and trust, while at the same time ideas and opinions about intimidation were gathered. The second day racism and sexism were addressed as specific forms of exclusion, which illustrate how intimidation and discrimination work, how we were brought up with them and how we tend to reproduce them without being aware of it. As mentioned before, in all groups, a sudden insight was brought about by presenting examples of intimidation from the company. Experiences that were not considered to be intimidation, as they were not meant to be, were gradually seen from a different perspective. An important issue concerning sexism is: suppose your wife or your daughter are treated that way... what would you say then? Finally the participants practised acting against intimidation/discrimination in a role-play.

The effect of the basic seminars was amazing. Almost all the participants reported that they started to perceive intimidation differently; even one of four ‘die-hards’, who came to the seminar to have ”a paid two day rest”, said afterwards: “I am one of these bullying jokers, but I never realized the effect

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Challenges of Diversity of my behaviour on my colleagues. I don’t say that I will change my behaviour right away, but I will think about it”. And someone else said: “Well, I must admit you have achieved at least one thing; it was consciousness-raising -1 do things like that!”. At the following seminar several people told us that change starts later on: “I begin to remember all kinds of incidents to which I never reacted - now I realize they all concern intimidation”.

Part of the succes of the project was due to the anthropological approach during the preliminary research. We want to get to know the everyday culture of the organisation so that we can link up our program to it and adapt our behaviour and language. Considering our own backgrounds, we did not have to adapt that much. During the first basic seminar people already told us ”lt feels as if you have been part of the company for years”. Concerning the seminar’s content, the participants recognise their work situation; they then feel comfortable and at ease. Another important aspect is our attitude of taking participants and their views seriously, even if we don’t agree. The main goal of the seminar is to start discussion; the outcome of the discussion is not to be determined beforehand by us. All the participants offer their own opinions or points of view, based on their own unique experiences and information. In addition, the participants have their expertise on the company, we as trainers have expertise on the topic. Nobody teaches anybody a lesson, nobody knows all the answers and nobody imposes their convictions on someone else, these are important conditions for learning.

After the basic seminars, the ‘executing’ group was formed and trained to conduct and 'execute' the shopfloor-program for the whole company. The enthusiasm for the basic seminars led to a group of thirty volunteers, rather than twenty as expected. Many employees considered this an opportunity to learn more about the topic and as a possibility to contribute to something important. The three teams felt responsible, individually as well as a group, for executing the program and for its further development. This responsibility was shown by the wish to evaluate the program every five times and by the action of motivating colleagues to participate in the program. The solidarity and joint responsibility emerging from the project may be continued for the rest of the process and support the work of the mediator of confidentialities.

Only a few preliminary remarks can be made about the effects of the shopfloor-program; the program is running now and it will be completed in June. Observations show divided reactions: the attendance is not bad but not very big either - from 40-70%, with an average of 51% up to now. The program takes place during working hours, in the morning, for office staff this means regular working hours, but for shift -workers this usually means extra hours, after the program their eight-hour shift begins. Nevertheless the worker’s attendance is (also in terms of percentage) bigger than that of the

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Challenges of Diversity office staff. The game is usually played with amusement. Still reactions vary: some find it ‘childish’, but are content with the discussion. Others think that both form a good contribution and find it has changed their point of view. And some find both the game and discussion superficial and ask what will happen next. There are a lot of rumours and this may influence the percentage of attendance: “it’s a waste of time”, “a childish performance, it doesn’t do you any good”. It is hard to determine how seriously these remarks should be taken. Should the program be adapted, does it not fit or are these remarks utterances of the loud mouth climate, and one cannot admit “there is something good in it”. The ‘executing’ group thinks the latter. They also report that some people beforehand say “I will not go there”, “You will not see me there” - and when it comes to the crunch, they turn out to be present. If we only regard the original goal which was to start the discussion about intimidation/discrimination, we may state that this goal has been achieved. The company is buzzing with stories and experiences. From parts of the company, complaints are now being lodged, they are sometimes officially reported and sometimes remain in a team or in a discussion group. This happens when the accuser is not yet ready to act officially. The fact that a lot will depend on acting upon these reports is obvious for the whole company. When this article is published, the mediator of confidentialities will have been appointed. The shopfloor program runs until the end of June. There is a positive mood, especially among those most involved, the paticipants of the basic seminar and the executing group, but there is also some fear: “Will it fizzle out like a damp squib?” or “If only, it won’t just turn to the negative” and “If only the little fish will be not caught again leaving the big ones to survive". Time will tell. Notes 1 Kantharos: consultancy and research for multi-cultural policy and diversity in organi­ zations. 2 Hoogovens Package Steel is one of five companies which together form ‘Hoogovens Netherlands’. All branches within Hoogovens have become ‘business units’ since 1994 This means they have become economically independent units. ‘Our’ business unit HPS has about 1400 workers; as its name suggests it produces steelplate and tinplate, which are (elsewhere) wrought to all kinds of tins and cans like beercans, fruitcans etc.

3 The ‘colour-test’ was developed in cooperation with (and after an idea by) Marleen Heeman, who is a specialist in playful, game-like exercises for workshops.

References Cox, T. jr. (1993) Cultural Diversity in Organizations. Theory, Research and Practice, San Francisco: Berret Koehler Publ

Roosevelt, R.jr. (1991) Beyond Race and Gender, Unleashing the Power of your Total Workforce by Managing Diversity, New York: Amacom

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Challenges for Organizations

Stimulating intercultural development in welfare organizations in the Netherlands Jan Hoogsteder, Jan Verhoeven

In The Netherlands there is a general consensus that people from ethnic groups should participate equally in Dutch organizations. On average about 6% of the Dutch population has an ethnic background, but in the big cities this figure is between 15 and 20%. In other words, we feel that for instance a welfare organization in Amsterdam should have about 20% of its clients from ethnic groups and also 20% of its personnel should have an ethnic background. This is how we feel it should be in the future, but in most organizations this is not the situation for the time being. Organizations seem to have problems, especially with equal representation of ethnic personnel. In general the unemployment figures for ethnic minority groups are a lot higher than for the white Dutch ethnic majority.

Recently a law was passed called ‘Wet BEAA’. The purpose of this law is to stimulate organizations to employ ethnic personnel. It is a kind of ‘soft’ affirmative action law. All organizations with 35 employees or more have to register every year how many members of ethnic groups they employ. These reports have to be sent to the local chambers of commerce. There are no legal sanctions. Last year in the sector of social welfare an intercultural development project was started by three kinds of organizations: The VOG, a Dutch organization for employers of social welfare organizations, the unions and the national ministry for this field. The project is carried out by the Institute for Inter-Ethnic Management. The goals of this project are to help organizations:

- to realize equal representation of ethnic groups as clients and as personnel and, - to become more intercultural. Of course an intercultural organization is not just a matter of numbers. To have people with different cultural backgrounds as clients and as employees does not automatically mean that you also have an intercultural organization.

Three steps were chosen to work on goals mentioned above:

- Do a national survey to find out what the situation in organizations is in the intercultural field.

- Develop tools to help organizations with this process of working on equal

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Challenges for Organizations representation and becoming intercultural.

- Implement these tools, in other words make sure that organizations use them.

In this paper, a summary of the results of the research will be presented. Next some examples are given of tools that we developed to help organizations to become more intercultural and finally the plans for the implementation of these tools are described.

A national survey of Dutch social welfare organizations In this first part of the project we tried to answer the following questions:

- What is the actual situation in social welfare organizations in The Netherlands as far as equal representation of ethnic groups is concerned? - What are the general policies and educational tools that are used by organizations to reach equal representation and to become more intercultural?

- What are the effects of these policies and educational tools on the intercultural climate of the organization? Are intercultural services, cooperation and communication actually improved by these measures? In this paper only the first two questions will be answered. The answers to the third question are being analyzed at present.

The total number of welfare organizations in The Netherlands is about 2700. The survey of this study was a sample of about 200 organizations which were approached with an extensive questionnaire. The same questionnaire was sent to the director or manager and to a representative of the unions, or of the personnel. The response was 115 organizations. Of 25 organizations both management and personnel responded. In 80 organizations only management and in 10 only the representative of the personnel reacted.

Representation of ethnic groups The average percentage of immigrants from ethnic groups in The Netherlands is 6. But as most of these immigrants live in the cities, the organizations were split up into three groups:

- The four biggest cities in The Netherlands: Amsterdam, Rotterdam, The Hague and Utrecht. Together these cities form a kind of huge circle around a green area of meadows (‘polders’). This rim-shaped agglomeration of cities is called the 'Randstad Holland’. In the ‘Randstad Holland’ the average percentage of ethnic inhabitants is 17.

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Challenges for Organizations - The second group are 16 other big cities with more than 100.000 inhabitants who have an ethnic population of on average 6%.

- The rest of the country where the average percentage of ethnic immigrants is 3,5%.

Representation of clients from ethnic groups On average, welfare organizations have more ethnic clients then the average

percentage of ethnic groups in the population. This is a finding for all the three groups that were mentioned. An explanation for this could be that social welfare organizations work mostly for groups in society with lower social and economic positions. And ethnic groups are over-represented in these layers of society.

Another factor is that the distribution of figures is very unequal. The standard deviation is very high. This means that because a few organizations have many ethnic clients, the average percentage for all organizations in a specific group is rather high. When we do not look at the average percentage for all organizations but at organizations separately we find that most organizations in the ‘Randstad Holland’ (58%) and in the other big cities (65%) have less ethnic clients than the average percentage of the population. Table 1: Ethnic representation of clients in areas of The Netherlands

Randstad Holland

Other big cities

Rest of country

3.5

% ethnic population

17

6

average % ethnic clients

22

19

14

% organizations below average

58

65

27

n=24

n=17

n=52

Representation of ethnic groups as employees

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Challenges for Organizations The representation figures for ethnic employees are lower than the figures for ethnic clients. But here the distribution of these figures is very unequal as well. The average percentages of ethnic employees for all organizations together in the ‘Randstad Holland’ is 10%. For equal representation it should be 17%. The other big cities reach an equal representation of 6%, while in the rest of the country the average percentage of ethnic employees is 5%, which is an over-representation. However the total percentage of organizations that are below average is in the rest of the country 64%. Table 2: Ethnic representation of employees in areas of The Netherlands

Randstad Holland

Big cities

% ethnic population

17

6

average % ethnic personnel

10

6

% organizations below average

Rest of country 3.5

5

81

50

64

n=26

n=18

n=52

Both for clients and personnel we find an over-representation in the third group ‘rest of the country’. There are two explanations for this finding. The first explanation is that we do not find welfare organizations in villages. So in the survey small towns with less then 100.000 inhabitants are overrepresented. In these small towns the percentage of ethnic inhabitants is higher than 3,5%. The second explanation is a distortion by small numbers. In smaller places we find smaller organizations and in an organization with for instance four employees, where one is from an ethnic group, the percentage of ethnic representation is 25.

External and internal representation So far all comparisons have been made externally. The average percentages of representation of ethnic clients and personnel in the organization have been compared to the ethnic representation in the population of an area. In the beginning of the process of organizations becoming intercultural this can be the first goal, when organizations have reached this goal for ethnic clients. The next step could be to look at internal representation. With this concept we mean a comparison within the organization between the percentage of ethnic clients and the percentage of ethnic employees. For instance when

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Challenges for Organizations 10% of the clients of an organization are from ethnic minority-groups, 10% of the employees should also be from these groups. In the whole sample 84% of the organizations score below average on internal ethnic representation. So there is a lot of work to be done.

Seven stages of intercultural development

Organizations do not become intercultural overnight. This is a gradual process, that is described for instance by Jackson & Hardiman (1981), Bennett (1986), Katz (1989), Van der Linden (1993) and De Jong (1994). For this survey a new seven-stages model was constructed to show how organizations move from mono-cultural to intercultural. Intercultural management is used to direct this process of intercultural development. The tools of intercultural management are policy-measures and educational measures. The model was tested in the survey and proved to be useful. Of all organizations 87% could be placed in the model. For some organizations data were missing and only a few did not ‘fit’. These stages are:

intercultural organization total quality management

intercultural man. of personnel

employment of ethnic personel

24%

23%

intercultural man. of services providing services to ethnic clients

mono cultural organization

8%

- In the first stage there is only one culture in the organization. Ethnocentric policies and behavior are common. The organization has no contacts with ethnic clients and there are no ethnic employees. - In the second stage ethnic groups settle in the environment where the organization provides its services and gradually people from these groups contact the organization. Slowly these contacts create a need within the

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Challenges for Organizations organization for intercultural policies and/or intercultural education to improve these services.

- The third stage begins with the first steps of intercultural management. The organization takes general policy measures and/or educational measures to improve services to ethnic clients. The focus is on externally directed processes and on cultural differences. - In stage four a policy is started to try and employ members from ethnic groups. Sometimes this is an affirmative action policy. The focus is on numbers. - Intercultural management in stage five is internal management of personnel. Policy and/or training measures are taken to improve the communication and cooperation between Dutch and ethnic employees in the organization. These are internal measures and the focus is not so much on cultural differences, but on ethnocentrism. - In stage six specific intercultural policies and education become integrated in the general policies of the organization. Intercultural management is linked to diversity management and to total quality management. - Stage seven is the intercultural organization. Cultural diversity has become an additional value and the benefits for the organization are obvious and experienced by everyone. This model was constructed on the basis of three assumptions:

- First ethnic groups will use services provided by social welfare organizations and the employment of members from ethnic groups will take place afterwards. - Usually organizations take policy measures after demographic changes in the organization have taken place. So stage three comes after two, and five follows four.

- Specific attention for intercultural or inter-ethnic issues (stages 3 to 5) is necessary, before these issues can become an integrative part of organizational policies (stage 6). In the survey the first two assumptions proved to be correct. To test the third one, another study has started. Findings in the survey were:

1. Monocultural organization Untill about 30 years ago, organizations in the Netherlands were completely monocultural inter-ethnically speaking. There might have been regional cultural differences, gender cultural differences, etc., but no cultural differences between ethnic groups, because there were none. Immigration of ethnic

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Challenges for Organizations groups is a recent phenomenon in Dutch history. In mid-1995, at the time the survey-data were gathered, 8% of all organizations in social welfare were still monocultural. There were no clients from ethnic groups and there were no ethnic employees. Mostly these are small organizations, located in smaller places. Still this finding came as a surprise.

2. Providing services to ethnic ciients The next stage comes when ethnic clients start to use services that are provided by the organization. In the survey 22% of the organizations are in this stage. They are also mostly smaller organizations. There is no specific policy for ethnic clients, because numbers are still very small.

Stages one and two taken together add up to about 1/3 of all organizations that do not have intercultural management (intercultural policies and/or training).

3. Intercultural management of services In stage 3 intercultural management is started, but it is limited only to the external component: improving services to ethnic clients. 10% of the organizations are in this stage. Some general policy-measures are taken and/or intercultural training starts. Policy measures are for instance the translation into other languages of leaflets or intake forms. Sometimes the possibility of using interpreter services is introduced.

The first intercultural education or training is about knowledge of cultural differences.

Policies to improve services to ethnic clients do not stop when the next stage is introduced. This goes on during stages 4 to 6, but the content changes. Later on there is more attention given to working with an intercultural methodology and providing intercultural services to Dutch clients as well. For instance: providing Dutch clients with information about other cultures, organizing multi-cultural activities to meet people from other cultures or providing intercultural meals. Another issue is that later on ethnic personnel do not automatically work only for ethnic clients, but for Dutch clients as well.

Problems related to intercultural services are, for instance, language problems, financial problems (implementing a policy costs money) and the resistance of Dutch clients to ethnic groups.

4. Employment of ethnic personnel One way to improve services to ethnic clients could be the employment of ethnic personnel. This is the motive of some organizations for an ethnic employment policy. Others feel that equal representation of ethnic groups is

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Challenges for Organizations socially desirable. About 1/3 of the organizations that work on the employment of ethnic personnel (stage 4 and 5) mention legislation (wet BEAA) as a reason for this policy. So this law does have a positive effect.

The focus in this stage is on numbers and not on organizational change. 23% of the organizations are in this stage.

For hiring new personnel, there has to be a vacancy. When there is a vacancy in the organization, most organizations put an add in the paper and/or look for internal candidates. For organizations that have no or hardly any ethnic employees, working with internal candidates is of course not the road to be taken to increase ethnic representation. But working with an advertisement is mostly not very effective either. Mostly an extra line is used like ‘candidates from ethnic groups are explicitly invited to react’. Organizations usually do not make adaptations in job application interviews with ethnic candidates. Adaptations, like paying attention to language­ problems, cultural differences and inviting external experts, are made by only 14% of the organizations in stage 4 and 5.

When ethnic personnel is hired, mostly they are introduced into the organization the same way new Dutch employees are introduced. In 30% of the organizations there is a specific introduction. Sometimes this introduction is longer or more frequent. One problem that many organizations in this stage mention is that there are not enough ethnic candidates and they do not have the right education. So organizations can remain in this stage for a long time.

Just as the presence of ethnic clients leads to policy-measures and a need fortraining, the presence of ethnic personnel leeds to policies and training in intercultural management of personnel. So after a while an organization with ethnic employees moves to the next stage.

5. Intercultural management of personnel For organizations in the survey, this is the last stage. These are 21% of the organizations. In this stage the focus of intercultural management is internal, instead of external as in stage three. Policy measures and/or educational measures are taken to improve internal communication and cooperation between Dutch and ethnic personnel. Dutch welfare organizations in this stage focus on horizontal intercultural cooperation between colleagues. The vertical intercultural communication between manager and personnel is not seen as an issue .

Most organizations (87%) define intercultural management as a tool to prevent problems with intercultural cooperation, 47% see it as an instrument to solve these problems. Often these answers are given together.

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Challenges for Organizations Almost 40% of the organizations do not have ethnic personnel at all. In only 10% of the organizations ethnic personnel is represented in management. Yet affirmative action to increase the numbers of ethnic personnel in the higher levels of the organization is found in only 8% of the organizations that have ethnic personnel.

- Policies for adaptation In half of the organizations, from stage 3 onward, the policy is that ethnic employees have to adapt to the culture of the organization, because the same goes for Dutch employees. On the other hand some adaptations from the organization towards ethnic personnel are mentioned as well. For instance: Flexible arrangement of holidays (42%), having a commission or work group for intercultural affairs (25%) or having a support group for ethnic employees (15%).

Job evaluation interviews are not adapted. The style of management is adapted in 1/4 of the organizations. Mostly these are adaptations in communication styles: take more time, be more open, be more careful, etcetera.

- Policies against discrimination More than half of the organizations that have intercultural policies say that the organization has taken measures against discrimination, or to prevent discrimination. An anti-discrimination-code was introduced by 17%.

- Educational measures

Education or training in this stage is not only about communication with ethnic clients, but of course also about intercultural communication between colleagues. There is a shift from knowledge-oriented learning to learning skills. The subject is no longer only cultural differences, but learning about discrimination issues as well. Problems with intercultural management related to personnel are mentioned by just a few organizations. All but one of the organizations in stage five mention problems related to providing intercultural services.

6. Total quality management There were no organizations in the survey where intercultural policies and intercultural management is an integrated part of the general policies of the organization. However there are a few organizations in the country who are experimenting with this. They try to translate intercultural management into diversity management. Then issues of gender and all kinds of other differences are involved as well. The Institute for Inter-Ethnic Management is preparing a project to monitor this process.

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Challenges for Organizations 7. The intercultural organization. So far this is only the goal for the future.

Table 3: Content of intercultural training per stage

stage 3 %

stage 4 %

stage 5 %

knowledge cultural differences

100

64

80

dealing with cultural differences

67

82

92

knowledge prejudices

50

45

77

knowledge discrimination

17

9

54

dealing with discrimination

17

18

31

dealing with inequality problems

17

9

48

n=6

n=11

n=26

Conclusions and recommendations

- Welfare organizations should be stimulated to start or to continue policies to improve intercultural services. - Because the average percentage of ethnic personnel is lower than the average percentage of ethnic clients policies to increase the introduction of ethnic employees are important. - Organizations should register the country of origin of clients and personnel.

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Challenges for Organizations

In Search of Cultural Synergy in Multicultural Organizations Hossein Dadfar, Claes Moberg, Anders Tömvall Linkoping University, Sweden

Many studies have generated valuable inputs to multicultural organization, claiming cultural diversity is a competitive advantage and can lead to cultural synergy. However, they often fail to provide both theoretical and empirical information needed to manage such diversity to achieve synergy effect. This paper proposes a stepwise project-based framework as a conceptual and analytical tool for understanding and creating cultural synergy.

Introduction Multicultural organizations' work forces are becoming increasingly diverse. This has led to calls for effective management of cultural diversity in organizations as well as views that cultural diversity is a competitive advantage if managed properly (see e.g. Copeland, 1988; Nelton, 1988; Cox and Blake, 1991; Dadfar and Gustavsson, 1992).

People of different cultural backgrounds retain different attitudes, values, norms, behaviors, and ways of doing things that reflect their cultural heritage. Many authors have tried to demonstrate how beneficial it is for business and industries to have a culturally diverse work force. They argue that managing cultural diversity should be directed towards creating cultural synergy (Adler 1980,1984, Harris/Moran 1991, Hofstede 1993). This means that managing cultural diversity has gone beyond cultural awareness. Cultural diversity is considered as an advantage for organizations which, if managed properly, can lead to cost reduction and an increase in effectiveness, productivity and creativity.

However, in spite of a recent rapidly growing interest in managing cultural diversity, the study of cultural synergy at international project level has been largely neglected. This is perhaps due to the complexities of culture, project management and synergy. Therefore, the cross-cultural and comparative management researchers have either excluded international projects from diversity studies or have sacrificed some aspects of this complexity to simplify their work. This study is designed in the light of the above discussion. It is our ambition to explore the possibilities of creating cultural synergy in multicultural organizations with emphasis on international projects. The initial questions are: if and how cultural diversity can be managed in order to create synergy

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Challenges for Organizations and how can synergy be operationalized and measured? How can culture be operationalized to be workable? The list of questions is long. We also deal with the temporary organization, project and work group, composed of members of different cultures, who are working together on a temporary basis. A multicultural organization, as Fine (1995) characterized it, is an organization that: 1) values, encourages, and appreciates diverse cultural modes of being and interacting, 2) creates an organizational dialogue in which no one cultural perspective is presumed to be more valid than other perspectives, and 3) empowers all cultural voices to participate fully in setting goals and making decisions. Cultural synergy focuses on the process and interaction of people using their cultural diversity for a common work.

Background and purpose of the study Background Although the importance of cultural awareness and human behaviour aspects of project management have been emphasized by earlier writers (Cleland 1988, Harrison 1981, Stallworthy/ Kharbanda 1983), effective management of cultural diversity has received attention only in recent years ( Cox/ Blake 1991, Jackson 1989, Hofstede 1993). To our knowledge, there is still a lack of systematic and scientific studies on managing multicultural groups in international projects in general and creating cultural synergy in particular.

This is, perhaps, due to the complexity of the „project" (Stallworthy/ Kahrbanda 1983), the nature of project organization, the concept of „culture" as well as the concept of synergy. In addition, earlier researchers on project management, coming mainly from industrial engineering, have concentrated on technical aspects and showed less interest in the human aspects of project management. Therefore, the issues of cultural management, particularly creating cultural synergy, have not yet been seriously tackled.

Cultural synergy refers to using cultural diversity in a positive way, the ability to deal with differences in cultural styles among the workforce. The question is how to make people of different cultures learn to cooperate and be aware of the benefits of each culture, mix and use the elements of (different) cultures to create synergy effect. This is not an easy task, as Redding (1994: 333) stressed: „ What we do not yet know enough about is how the synergy works and thus how to determine the components of the mixture". This study is an extention of the authors’ earlier work in cultural study (Dadfar 1990, 1992, 1993, Moberg 1990, Törnvall 1996) and a part of a larger programme called Cross Border Studies (CBS). It can also be traced back to recent trends in studying business culture and comparative management

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Challenges for Organizations (Adler 1984, Adler/ Graham 1987, Beaty/ Mendenhall 1990, Black/ Mendenhall/ Oddou 1991, Brewster/ Tyson 1991, Doktor 1990, Fairchiled 1989, Hofstede 1991, Jaeger 1990).

Purpose of the Study This study tackles management of cultural diversity in multicultural organizations with special emphasis on managing multicultural groups in international projects. The main purpose is to examine: „How cultural diversity is managed and if a synergy effect can be created. “

The above purpose can be further broken down into the following objectives:

- To develop a theoretical foundation which, in turn, facilitates the study of managing cultural diversity as well as temporary/project organizations.

- To explore and describe the problems of managing cultural diversity. - To explore cultural similarities and differences at project level. - To explore if and how cultural synergy can be created. - Last but not least important, to suggest cross-cultural training for international executives for better management of cultural diversity. Delimitation

The scope of this study is restricted in two aspects: 1) Since its primary interest is to explore management of cultural diversity and the ways of creating synergy in multicultural organizations at project level, the permanent organizations and monocultural groups are examined to the extent needed to support the primary research interest.

2) Geographically, the study is focused on three areas: Far-East, MiddleEast and Europe.

Framework The views on effective management of diversity in general, and cultural diversity in particular, vary greatly and it is hard to find a common line of agreement among the earlier writers. In one stream, there are writers arguing that a culturally mixed workforce holds a competitive advantage for organizations ( Copeland 1988, Nelton 1988, Mandrell/ Kohler-Gray 1990, Cox/ Blake1991). In another stream are the writers who stress that similarity helps to develop cohesion which, in turn, is related to the success of a group. There are some other authors whose position lies between these streams (Adler 1991). However, there seems to be a general opinion that, if diversity is managed well, it can be an asset to performance and, if the diversity is overlooked or misdirected, it may diminish the performance.

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Challenges for Organizations Among others, Cox and Blake (1991) stressed that cultural diversity creates competitive advantages. The authors highlight six areas where the „sound“ management of cultural diversity can create a competitive advantage. These areas are: cost, resource acquisition, marketing, creativity, problem-solving, and organizational flexibility. However, the authors did not specify the criteria for „sound“ management. Similarly, views on project management are varied and do not establish a congruous body of knowledge. Packendorff (1995) formulated the shortcomings of organizational research on projects as: a) the research on project management is not empirical enough, (b) projects are seen as tools, not as organizations and (c) project management is seen as a general theory.

To avoid a lengthy discussion, we found it necessary to build up our own theoretical framework. We built our framework around a combination of views from project management, culture, synergy and other fields. In this respect three clusters of theories and views were found relevant to the study: 1) Project management and (temporary) organization theory

2) Theories of culture 3) Views on synergy effect.

Project Management

A project is a complex entity that can be conceived as a system. Accordingly, the system approach has been used as a point of departure to tackle this complexity. This approach has been adopted by several authors in studying various aspects of management for projects (Walker 1984, Walker/ Hughes 1986). Besides being inspired by Thompson (1967), a project can be conceived as a socio-technical system. Both social and technical systems are important but our problem lies on the social side of the project. As Harrison (1981) stressed, „people problems“ are much more difficult to solve than technical problems in the short life span of a project. Thus, for alleviating these problems, skills in managing people are critical. For this purpose we are focusing here on the social aspects of Project Management System (PMS). We have also assumed communication as central to the management of the social system, and culture as a vehicle for this communication.

In most project management literature, the notion of project refers to a given unique task, time-limited and complex, being subject to evaluation (Harrison 1985, Dinsmore 1984). In this study we have chosen the Project Management Institute's (PMI) definition: „Project Management is the art of directing and coordinating human and material resources throughout the life of a project by using modern

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Challenges for Organizations management techniques to achieve predetermined objectives of scope, cost, time, quality and participant satisfaction." (PMI, 1987: 4-1)

According to the above definition, the main elements of project management are: - Predetermined objectives of scope - task - Participants - satisfaction. - Subject to cost and quality - performance - Predetermind time - delivery time

Theories of Culture Many studies, both theoretical and empirical, have expanded our knowledge of cultural influences as determinants of individual and organizational behavior. For instance, several cultural perspectives have been developed within organization theory (Smircich 1983 for review), sociology and anthropology (Keesing 1974), cross-cultural management ( Adler 1984, Redding 1994) and managing cultural diversity ( Cox/ Blake 1991). In spite of this growing interest, project-management is far behind other fields in incorporating cultural perspectives. This is perhaps due to the fact that the field of project­ management is mainly dominated by views from industrial engineering based upon the assumption of „rational behaviour“ which largely disregards the cultural context within which the behaviour is shaped. Instead, a comprehensive frame-work should cover the „cultural reality" of the project management as well.

Culture is a complex concept. There is no common view on its definition nor on the way it should be operationalized. The definitions vary from a narrow to a very wide sense covering all aspects of life. However, most definitions used currently in social science are modifications of the definition of E. B. Tylor (1871), who is considered to be the father of antropology. He defined cultures as: „That complex whole which includes knowledge, belief, art, morals, law, customs, and any other capabilities and habits acquired by man as a member of society." (p. 1)

Theories and definitions of culture are reviewed elsewhere ( Dadfar 1990). Accordingly, three aspects of culture can be delineated. First, central to the concept of culture is the notion of system: culture can be divided into parts or elements. Second, central to both anthropological and sociological uses of the term is the integrative concept of custom, i.e. traditional and regular ways of doing things. Third, a distinction can be made between material or objective culture and subjective (nonmaterial) culture.

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Challenges for Organizations The material culture refers to the aspects of culture which concern artifacts and material products of society, e.g. tools, materials, techniques, technology, science, literature, etc. By contrast the ideational aspects of culture comprises values, beliefs, ethics, ideas, philosophies, morals, rules and conventions about behavior.

As a working definition, we found the definition presented by Ferraro (1990: 18) interesting. He says:

„Culture is everything that people have, think, do as members of their society.“ (italics are made by the authors) As in other definitions, the main analytical function of the concept of „culture“ in this definition is the notion of „system.“ Therefore, we have further broken it down into the three following main categories, each of which is an important component/aspect of the cultural system: 1) What people think — ideational dimension

2) What people do — behavioral dimension

3) What they have — material dimension Similarly, Ting-Toomey (1985) offers a simple working definition of culture as: „patterned ways of thinking, acting, feeling, and interpreting of particular groups" (p. 75)

The above definition suggests an interpreting (assigning meaning) dimension to culture as well. This adds „the meaning of meaning“ complexity (Aasuutari 1995) and puts emphasis on subjective culture as discussed earlier. For the purpose of this study the working definition suggested by Ferraro (1990) is sufficient.

Cultural synergy

As with culture, there are many definitions and illustrations of synergy. The word synergy originates from the Greek language and means working together. The dictionary definition refers to cooperative or combined action. It can occur when diverse or disparate groups of people work together. The objective is to increase effectiveness by sharing perceptions, insight, and knowledge. Synergy can be positive as well as negative. Here the idea of synergy is associated with a positive outcome, while the opposite effect or ‘negative synergy’ will be defined as „dysergy“. Like culture, synergy is a complex whole. In other words, it makes sense in its totality. The problem arises when this complex whole is broken down into parts and the sum of the parts does not equal the synergy. In other words, synergy is an entity which creates a whole that is more than the sum of its parts.

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Challenges for Organizations Synergy is an effect rather than a cause. That is, what causes synergy is unknown in many cases or can not be well formulated. For example, when it concerns cultural synergy, as Harris and Moran (1991: 92) stressed: „Cultural synergy is not something people do, rather it is something that happens while people are doing something else that often has little to do with culture.“

According to Moran and Harris (1982:5) the following characteristics describe the essence of cultural synergy: 1) It represents a dynamic process.

2) It involves two, often opposing, views. 3) It involves empathy and sensitivity. 4) It means interpreting signals sent by others.

5) It involves adapting and learning. 6) It means combined action and working together. 7) Synergy involves joint action of discrete agencies in which the total effect is greater than the sum of their effects when acting independently.

8) It has a goal of creating an integrated solution.

9) It is sometimes related by the analogy that 2+2=5 instead of 4, but given the various cross-cultural barriers, cultural synergy may be the equation 2+2=3. If the cultural synergy sum is not negative, progress has been made. 10) For two prospective synergists to synergize effectively, true and complete understanding of the other organization and especially of the culture is necessary. 11) Cultural synergy does not signify compromise, yet in true synergy nothing is given up and lost.

12) Cultural synergy exists only in relation to a practical set of circumstances, and it takes place by necessity when two or possibly more culturally different groups come to the mutual conclusion that they need to unite their efforts in order to achieve their respective goals. The Conceptual Model The foregoing discussion leads us to search cultural synergy in the process of people’s interaction when using their cultural diversity for a common job. This requires, as Adler (1980, 1984, 1991) stressed, comparative research as a prerequisite to a synergetic study. Accordingly, it is important for a cultural synergetic study to understand similarities and differences before using them as a source (Adler 1984: 35). Therefore, we see a necessary connection

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Challenges for Organizations between the comparative approach and the synergetic one. That is, after the search for similarities and differences, we use them as a basis for creating cultural synergy. This discussion leads us to suggest our conceptual and analytical tool as illustrated in figure 1:

Fig. 1 CBS conceptual and analytical model of cultural synergy

According to the suggested model, the process of creating cultural synergy might include the following steps: 1) Drawing a total cultural picture of the organization/group based upon background, i.e. national identity or ethnicity.

2) Identifying the cultural elements that can be used advantageously or have potential for synergy effects. 3) Drawing the comparative/diversity map in order to find out the similarities and differences between /among the identified elements of different cultures. 4) Developing managerial tools to use cultural diversity synergetically to create social and economic values for the project/group.

5) Assessing the results (outcomes) and comparing them with the forecast, for identification and mapping of synergy effects.

6)Learning from feedback, for better synergetic achievements. Many writers have tried to draw a typology of synergy and have suggested different ways of mapping synergy. The most popular ones are economic synergies and social synergies. Among the others, Ansoff (1992) argued that all synergy effects can be mapped in one of three variables: increased volume of the dollar revenue to the firm from sales, decreased operating costs, and decreased investment requirements. All three are viewed in the perspective of time, therefore a fourth synergistic effect is acceleration of the respective changes in the three variables. However, AnsofTs concern has been a synergy of new product-market entries. Therefore, he has ignored the importance of social synergy which plays a significant role in this study.

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Research strategy Methodology

One of the major problems in this study was the operationalization of variables in the positivism sense as measurable and presentable in numbers. This was due to the following reasons: 1) the qualitative nature of phenomena under study such as culture, 2) the circuitous nature of synergy notion which is difficult to operationalize, and 3) a shortfall of similar previous empirical work. To solve the above-mentioned problem the following strategy was followed:

a) We characterised the multicultural organization/project as a work group which is composed of members of different (national) cultures and of various nationalities/ethnicities. On the other hand, we defined as monocultural the working team consisting of members of the same nationality/ethnicity and, thus, of a similar national cultural identity. b) In order to show synergy effect in multicultural groups on international projects, we chose performance as criteria. That is, synergy was achieved if a multicultural group attained performance degrees and results which surpassed those of a monocultural group.

c) To solve the operationalization problem, the components of the conceptual model were broken down in smaller parts. Each part was further broken down in general terms and variables, e.g. culture was broken down into three components and each component in severalelements/variables as shown in table 1. Earlier works were taken into consideration. Furthermore, we tried to verify if there are any patterns in work groups composed of members of different cultural origins which are the results of synergetic effects. In order to accomplish this task we needed to develop a measure which can show synergy effects in multicultural groups when they occur. In addition, we needed to find out the cultural elements which can be used advantageously for synergy effects in international projects. These cultural elements were named ‘synergy sources’.

As earlier relevant works were not sufficient to help us fulfil the abovementioned tasks, we decided to carry out the project in two phases:

- The first phase, upon which this paper is based, is an exploratory study. The aim was to facilitate the refinement of the research design, research questions, operationalization of the conceptual model and development of the research instruments including the questionnaires.

- The objective of the second phase, which is going to be carried out in the coming years, is to obtain detailed information from members of multicultural group/organizations.

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Challenges for Organizations Table 1 The elements of culture What people think - mental process,

- beliefs,

■ ideas,

- knowledge,

- values,

- perception of self and others, etc.

What people do

- the way they are adapting to the environment or living together, - way of organizing society from kinship, groups to state and multicultura organization

■ the way they decide, e.g. individually or collectively, - the way they organize life, the rules for living,

- the way they learn, education system, etc.

What they have

- the distinct techniques of a group and their characteristic products

- material products they produce

- ownership, possession,

- artefacts,

■ technology,

- literature,

- tools, technology,

- materials, etc.

Research instruments and data collection As the study is exploratory in its nature, the case study approach combined with in-depth interviews was adopted in the first phase. We focused on the project members in the context of group culture rather than the context of the project's organization. By this approach, we chose a „group centre approach“ which led us to explore the factors that have impact on performance of the group, particularly the cultural factors. However, the level of analysis was at project level. A detailed case study, followed by fifteen in-depth interviews, was carried out on a sample of three international construction projects. The main criteria for choosing the projects was that they should have been currently implemented by a Swedish construction firm and the workforce include more than one nationality (culture). Five clusters of variables - including project characteristics, project management, project organization, composition of work force and cultural group, cultural characteristics, as well as project performance - were studied in detail.

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Challenges for Organizations Project characteristics were examined in terms of project type, complexity, size, cost and duration (urgency). Project management was characterized by the background and composition of the management team — in terms of cultural and professional background, training and experience in international project management. The project organization was examined with respect to structure or pattern of responsibility and authority, number of sites and inter­ relationship among them. The composition of the work force was studied in terms of diversity in cultural backgrounds and skills as well as number of work groups. Cultural characteristics were studied in terms of cultural dimensions and components of thinking, doing and having.

For the purpose of simplification, cultural diversity was analyzed in terms of national/ethnic diversity, and the emphasis was put on the work-related elements of the culture. Project performance was assessed on the basis of cost, time and quality. The effectiveness of managing cultural diversity was examined in terms of its success in getting the project implemented on time, on budget (optimum cost), with high quality and client satisfaction. Group productivity was measured in terms of construction/function rate. This was expressed as a ratio between construction/function cost and time.

Information and data were collected through in-depth interviews with managers (project manager, assistant project managers, personnel managers, site managers, and even supervisors) as well as members of work groups. The presentation of each case in detail is beyond the scope of this article. However, a short description of each case provides an overview of the project managers’ issues and cultural synergy. Case # 1. A major harbour and road construction project costing more than $500 million was commissioned by the Saudi government. The project was complex in nature with urgency as an important factor; the project duration was 40 months. A diversified project management team headed by a Swedish project manager was arranged. The work force were of different nationalities. The constructor used an intensive construction technique. The scrapers (grader bulldozers) performed more than 70 percent of the earth-moving operation. The piling for bridges and the road surfacing were also highly mechanized.

A large number of non-Swedes took part in the organization of the projects. More skilled workers were involved in the project, working on more than twenty sites. More than one thousand Thai and Pakistani workers were hired for the project. The funds were released based on the project performance. In the early stages, the project overran in terms of time and cost (dysergy), each cultural group laying the blame on the other ones. The main managerial issues were to speed up the construction work, and to optimize the labor cost by learning how to create cultural synergy.

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Challenges for Organizations Case # 2 After many attempts and each time facing Japanese competition in one way or another, a Swedish contractor won the tender for the construction of a hydropower plant in Thailand. The project was a complex civil-engineering one costing over $100 million. The project management team was composed of Swedes and Thais, while the workers were Thais only - a monocultural workforce. Although the project managers had experience in working with Thai workers, the main issue appeared to be that the workers were not as productive in their home country as they were abroad. Therefore, construction ratio was lower than in similar projects.

Case # 3 This case represents a complex civil engineering project - a hydropower plant in India’s Kahmir valley. The project management was com­ posed of Indians and Swedes. To show sympathy towards all major and rival cultures the work force was composed of Hindus, Sikhs and Muslims. Management of cultural diversity, specifically preventing dysergy effects was the main issue. The project management experienced that a dysergy situation can be turned into a synergy one if cultural synergy can be created.

Discussion and preliminary findings Both case studies and interviews revealed that cultural diversity, if properly managed, is excellent for project management. For example, a project manager had experienced that in multicultural groups creativity is three times higher than in the monocultural ones. He stressed that to get creative ideas towards a better project performance (e.g. cost, quality, time and satisfaction) we used the „coin your ideas policy.“ Accordingly, all project members had the opportunity to give their suggestions. If the idea was found effective, depending on the savings the project could make, the originators of the idea could win financial awards. Not surprisingly, the number of ideas received from multicultural groups was three times higher than the monocultural ones.

In the first case, the Muslim workers were used to waking up at about 4 o’clock a.m. to pray before sunrise, and were tired of waiting for three hours to start working. For the Thais who went to bed late and rose late in the morning, it was difficult to start early in the morning. The project management could benefit from the advantage of the diversity to turn a dysergy situation to a synergy one. He arranged shift working where Muslims could start about three hours earlier, while Thais could benefit from a late start. This simple cultural management had a significant synergetic effect. Thais and Muslims were satisfied being allowed to work at the time that fit them best, and became more productive. The project management benefited from shift work in terms of time and cost saving without extra labor cost. In short, the project performance along with group productivity increased significantly

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Challenges for Organizations by using cultural diversity advantageously.

In the second case project managers experienced that the Thais (monocultural groups) were not so productive in their home country as abroad. This reveals that multicultural workforces are more productive than the monocultural ones. In the third case, the construction firm was obliged to put „enemies“ together. As one of the project managers stressed: „ it would be no good for us if any group feels that we have sympathy towards a certain ethnic group, so we had to organize culturally diversified workforces.“

The project management tried to make a cultural description of the project workforce based upon their ethnicity - Hindu, Muslim, and Sikh. The next step was to draw a comparative picture of the important cultural elements. This comparison was primarily made to understand the potential areas of ethnic conflict at the construction site. The result of the comparison was outlined as a cultural map, the similarities and differences, risk zones (potential for conflicts) being highlighted. For managing diversity, a cultural combination plan was outlined.

Not surprisingly, among many differences and similarities the managers found „cultural superiority feeling“ as a source of dysergy, i. e. the members of a working group were not prepared to work under supervision of somebody from a rival ethnic group. This problem was managed so that everyone would be supervisor for a period (one week) and no one would display feelings of superiority! Both cases and interviews revealed that cultural differences could be distinguished based on the particulars of the involved cultural elements. That is, differences per se do not help to combine cultures. The result of this study shows that differences among the elements of different cultures may appear as complimentary, contradictory or neutral.

Furthermore, managers revealed that they had not specifically planned for synergy. What they have actually been doing is to prevent the occurrence of „dysergy.“ However, they believe that selection for a synergetic use implies understanding and awareness of cultural combinations that work and will work again. In other words, executives search for recurrence and a dynamic process for synergy. Besides, they believe synergy will be obtained by using both similarities and differences of diverse cultures.

As a conclusive remark, the first phase of our study shows that the conceptual model introduced in our framework needs to be refined to include various modes of differences. It is also confirmed that the model is a suitable tool for understanding and analysis of cultural synergy.

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Challenges for Organizations

Fig. 2 CBS refined conceptual and analytical model for cultural synergy.

Implication The results of the study have implications for both academics and practitioners. It introduces a conceptual and analytical tool which, in turn, bridges the gap between theory and practice in international project management.

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Challenges for Organizations Black, J.S./Mendenhall, M./Oddou,G. (1991) “Towards a comprehensive model of international adjustment - an integration of multiple theoretical perspectives.” Academy of Management Review, 16, 2, 291-317

Brewster, C. S./ Tyson (1991) International Comparison in International Human Resource Management, London: Pitman Cleland, D.L (1988) ’’The Cultural Ambience of the Matrix Organization.”: D.l.Cleland/ W.R. King (eds.) Project Management Handbook, New York: Van Nostran Reinhold, 981-989

Copeland, L. (1988) „Valuing diversity: Making the most of cultural differences at the workplace.” Personnel, Vol. 65, 6, 52-60

Cox, T. H./Blake, S. (1991) ’’Managing cultural diversity: implication for organizational competitiveness.” Academy of Management Executive, Vol. 5, No. 3, 45-56 Dadfar, H. (1990) Industrial Buying Behaviour in the Middle East: A Cross National Study. Linkoping, Sweden: Institute of Technology, 33-41 Dadfar, H./P. Gustavsson (1992) „Competition by effective management of cultural diversity.” International Studies of Management & Organization, Vol. 22/4, 81-92 Dadfar, H. (1993) „In Search of Arab management direction and identity,” published in proceedings of First Arab Management Conference, Bradford, July 6-8,260-276

Dinsmore, R C, (1984) Human factors in project management, New York: AMACOM

Doktor, R. H. (1990) .Asian and American CEO’s - a comparative study.” Organizational Dynamics, 18, 3, 46-56

Fairchiled, E. (1989) „National culture and police organization in Germany and the United States.” Public Administration Review, 49, 5, 454-462 Ferraro, G. P. (1990) The Cultural dimension of international business, Englewood Clifs, N.J.: Prentice Hall Fine, M. G. (1995) Building successful multicultural organizations: Challenges and opportunities, London: Quorum Books

Harrison, FL. (1981) Advanced Project Management. Aldeshot, Hants, England: Gower Publishing Company Ltd.

Harrison, F.L. (21985) Advanced Project Management. Aldeshot, Hants, England: Gower Publishing Company Ltd. Harris, P R./R. T. Moran (31991) Managing Cultural Diversities. Houston, Texas: Gulf Publishing Co.

Hofstede, G. (1991) Cultures and Organizations - Software of the Mind, London: MacGraw Hill Hofstede, G. (1993) „Intercultural conflict and synergy in Europe.”: D. J. Hikson (ed.) Management in Western Europe: Society, culture and organization in twelve nations, Berlin: Walter de Gruyter Jackson, S. E. (1989) ’’Team Composition in Organizational Settings: Issues in Managing A Diverse Workforce.” In: S.J. Simpson/ S. Warchel/ W. Wood (eds.) Group Process & Productivity, Beverly Hills, CA: Saga Publication

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Challenges for Organizations Jaeger, A. M. (1990) „The Applicability Of Western Management Techniques in Developing Countries - A Cultural Perspective.“: A.M. Jaeger/ R.N. Kanungo (eds.) Managementin Developing Countries, London: Routledge

Keesing, M.R. (1974) ’’Theories of Culture.” Annual Review of Anthropology, Vol 3, 7397 Mandrell, B./ Kohler-Gray, S. (1990) ’’Management Development that Values Diversity.” Personnel, Vol. 67, March, 41-47 Moberg, C. (1990) ’’Marknadsetablering i Europa (Market entry in Europe).”, Stockholm: Swedish Trade Council

Moran R. T/P R. Harris (1982) Managing Cultural Synergy, Houston, Texas: Gulf Publising Co. Nelton, S. (1988) „Meet Your New Workforce.“ Nation’s Business, 76/7, 14-21

Packendorff, J. (1995) „Inquiries into the Temporary Organization: New Directions for Project Management Research.“ Scandinavian Journal of Management, Vol. 11/4 Project Management Institute (PMI) (1987) ’’Project Management Body of Knowledge”, Drexel Hill: Project Management Institute Redding, S. G. (1994) „Comparative Management Theory: Jungle, Zoo, or Fosil Bed?” Organization Studies, Vol. 15/3, 323-359 Smircich, L. (1983) ’’Concepts of Culture and Organizational Analysis.” Administrative Science Quarterly, Vol 28, 339-358 Stallworthy, E.A./Kharbanda, O.P(1983) Total Project Management: From Concept to Completion, Aldeshot, Hants, England: Gower Publishing Company Ltd.

Thompson, J.D. (1967) Organizations in Action. MacGraw-Hill, New York Ting-Toomey, S. (1985) „Towards a theory of conflict and culture.“: W. B. Gudykunst/ L.P. Steward/ S. Ting-Toomy (eds.) Communication, culture, and organizational processes , Beverly Hills: CA: Saga publication, 71-86 Tylor, E. B. (1871) Origin of Culture, New York: Happer & Row Törnvall, A. (1996) „Work Motivation and Work Ethics in Japan.“: P.Joynt/ M. Warner (eds.) Managing across cultures - Issues and Perspectives, London: Routledge

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Intercultural synergy in professional teams: Views based on practical experience Ulrich Zeutschel Regensburg University

Background A three-year research project funded by the Volkswagen Foundation was started in April 1995 at the department of social psychology at Regensburg University, in order to investigate possible sources, manifestations, and outcomes, as well as a means of facilitating synergy effects which may occur when professionals from different cultural backgrounds work together in task forces or project teams. Culturally determined differences may either act as obstacles to productive cooperation in bi- or multinational teams or become a source of creativity and higher achievement. They might impede task fulfilment by problems such as communication difficulties, misunderstandings, ethnocentric stereotyping, prejudice, segregation of in- and outgroups, all of which make mutual understanding and positive rapport of team members difficult or even impossible to achieve. On the other hand, cultural diversity may be regarded and utilized as productive potential by providing a larger number of alternative approaches, by mutually compensating culture-specific deficits, and by creating synergy effects. Necessary conditions for this positive dynamic include the ability to reflect one’s own cultural framework, to recognize and to value different ways, as well as the capacity to handle the familiar and the unfamiliar as an equally valid means to reach a solution.

This positive alternative is often termed intercultural synergy: the interplay of cultural characteristics in terms of attitudes, values, cognitions and behav­ iors in a mutually goal-enhancing way so that the attained performance or output is of higher quality than the sum of individual elements. The study will attempt to operationalize manifestations of intercultural synergy in professional cooperation. Particular attention will be given to team characteristics and interaction patterns which are conducive to synergetic cooperation. As a first step, experienced leaders, supervisors, and facilitators of international teams and task forces were interviewed in depth in order to explore their views and insights on the issue. In addition, field observations are being conducted in bi-national simulation groups as well as in bi- and multinational project groups in international corporations.

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Challenges for Organizations Models of synergy

In the context of bi- and multicultural teamwork, the term „synergy“ is used rather generously to denote productive cooperation, starting from the „animated assumption“ that the combination of widely varying experiential backgrounds, problem perceptions, and applicable skills in such teams will naturally yield more creative, universally applicable, and widely accepted solutions and products. Synergy is construed as the highest form of intercultural cooperation, postulated and hoped-for, albeit not clearly operationalized thus far. More precise explanations of synergetic phenomena from the domain of natural sciences, such as laser light or catalytic chemical reations (Haken 1995), do not lend themselves to direct application to social processes, due to the more complex self-regulatory capacities of human individuals as opposed to inanimate particles.

Social-psychological models of synergy found in literature on intercultural learning (Adler 1986, Bennett 1986, Krewer 1996) are prescriptive rather than descriptive in nature. Both Bennett and Krewer derive the existence of intercultural synergy as an extrapolation of less advanced forms of intercultural contact and learning, while Adler postulates synergy as an outcome of the combination of cultural differences. There remains, however, a lack of exact descriptions, much less of detailed analyses of higher-quality outcomes of cooperation in bi- or multicultural work teams. Exploratory interviews with experts

In contrast to these theoretical models of intercultural synergy, we attempted to capture through in-depth interviews the working definitions, attributions, and experiences guiding practitioners from the field of international teamwork in corporations. We aimed for a sample size of 20 interviews in order to „saturate“ the general categories of meaning addressed by interviews, following the advice of Bertaux (1981) for exploratory field work.

Interviewees Interviews were arranged through existing contacts of the Institute of Psychology at Regensburg University to specially commissioned lecturers from the field of organization development in large German corporations, to personnel development staff at BMW and SIEMENS as well as to experts from the Society for the Study of International Problems (SSIP), an association of researchers, educators and trainers in various domains of international relations. Additional interviewees, primarily at the BMW corporation, were recommended and recruited by previous interviewees.

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Challenges for Organizations From May 1995 until March 1996 a total of 19 interviews were conducted, almost equally distributed among three subgroups: - Senior staff in personnel and team development departments at BMW and SIEMENS - Coordinators and executives with team leadership responsibilities at DASA, BMW and the European Investment Bank - External team facilitators and freelance consultants in intercultural training. Conducting the interviews

Potential interview partners were contacted by phone to solicit their interest and to arrange for a time and place. Together with a letter of confirmation they received a brief synopsis of the purpose and proposed steps of the research project. Interviewees in the second half of the exploratory phase were also mailed a list of general guiding questions which had evolved in the course of the initial interviews. These questions encompassed four broad themes which were addressed in every interview, though not comprising the entire number of subquestions:

1) Potential - What benefits do you see in bi- or multicultural team cooperation? - In what respects are bi- and multicultural teams different from culturally homogeneous work groups? - Could you describe any „outstanding“ problem solutions in bi- or multicultural project teams?

2) Salience

- How and when are national or cultural differences brought up in international teams, either openly or by indirect comments? - What other dimensions of diversity (e.g. professional or corporate cultures) do you experience as relevant in international team cooperation? - How do you refer to synergetic phenomena, in the sense of „mutually enhancing potential for effective team cooperation“?

3) Process - What special features (e.g. ascribed „images“) or prototypical interaction styles have you noticed with regard to specific national or cultural groups?

- How do cultural subgroups enhance each other by their specific strengths and styles? Can you think of any „hot“ combinations of cultural groups with particularly high potential for creativity and performance?

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Challenges for Organizations - How do these enhancements come about? What outcomes do they yield? (examples, quality features) 4) Support - What boundary conditions and external organizational factors foster productive cooperation in multicultural teams?

- What strategies and methods of intervention in the areas of training, consulting and coaching appear to be promising to you in facilitating effective intercultural cooperation? - How are positive experiences from intercultural cooperation projects transferred to subsequent intercultural work settings?

The interviews were conducted by the author and lasted in most cases between 45 and 90 minutes. A few interviews of about 30 minutes were embedded in longer conversations about arranging field observations in international teams supervised or facilitated by the respective interviewee.

Evaluation Twelve of the total 19 interviews were audiotaped and later transcribed as verbatim accounts. For all interviews, summaries of the interviewees’ statements clustered into central topics, were prepared from written notes taken by the interviewer. Summaries of non-transcribed interviews were more detailed because of more extensive written notes from the conversation. Summaries of transcribed interviews were checked against the transcribed text and appended where necessary. In order to validate the summaries, all interview partners received a copy of their interview summary, or of the complete transcript if they so preferred, and were requested to check and if necessary to correct the summarized account. Only three interviewees suggested minor corrections, mostly pertaining to information about their institutional or corporate background.

As a first step in condensing the interview accounts, individual statements from all summaries were sorted into nine topical categories which had been determined from a cursory review of the material. They were checked for completeness, consistency and unambiguity by the interviewer and an assistant through independent, parallel categorization of four interview summaries:

1) Definitions and synonyms of „synergy“ 2) Examples of (positively or negatively) enhancing intercultural cooperation

3) Mode of synergetic enhancement of culturally specific styles

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Challenges for Organizations 4) Personal traits fostering or hindering effective intercultural cooperation

5) Boundary conditions 6) Features of group interaction

7) Interventions in bi- or pluricultural team facilitation 8) Benefits and special advantages of bi- or multicultural teamwork 9) Hints on research methodology

Interview transcripts will be evaluated in more detail by qualitative content analysis in an attempt to identify interviewees’ „working models/images” of synergetic team cooperation. The following impressions and findings were compiled from a systematic overview of the interview accounts and summaries. Central findings

In general, interviewees appeared to be very interested in the topic of intercultural synergy, albeit in some cases with rather sweeping rationalizations along the lines that this as a central challenge and prerequisite of economic success in our times and even more so for the future of increasing globalization. It seems worth noting that despite this positive assumption - as well as the interviewer’s expressed interest in positive examples of team cooperation - interviewees tended to dwell on accounts of failed or difficult team cooperation. This was especially true for team coordinators directly responsible for management of international teams in corporations, who also named a number of change-resistant causes of problems such as time pressure, power differences between national subteams, and lack of institutional and management support. External team trainers and personnel development staff on the other hand, tended to take a more optimistic view regarding the possibilities of systematic facilitation of intercultural synergy in international teams.

Another „sobering” impression: constructive or mutually enhancing team interactions were often attributed to inividual factors (personality traits, background experience) or to subcultural properties (corporate culture, professional socialization) instead of national-cultural standards. In the working definition of synergy, several elements were repeatedly mentioned:

- Complementary combination of specific skills and strengths - Utilization of diverse experiential backgrounds (cognitions and behaviours) - Achieving an outcome through interaction that none of the individual

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Challenges for Organizations subgroups could have achieved by themselves. Furthermore, it was pointed out that the particular quality of synergetic cooperation processes and results is difficult to define, and that the meaning of synergy may itself be culturally determined: While in the U.S. it is seen as a strategy for team action, German experts tend to use it as an analytical concept, and in France the importance of mutually stimulating (and unresolved) polarities is stressed.

Examples of effective intercultural cooperation described in the interviews may be grouped according to varying degrees of interdependent interaction between subteams, in accordance with the Contingency Model by Jones and Gerard (1967): 1) Adopted (equivalent to the level of „dominance“ in Jones’ and Gerard’s model)

The team consciously adopts habits and standards of one of the subteams, e.g. English as a working language, addressing team members and superiors by first name, punctuality, clarity of „yes“ and „no“. 2) Combined (akin to „Co-action“ category)

national subteams working parallel or consecutively on separate subtasks according to their respective strengths, e.g. in a development team under time pressure, the U.S. subteam developed a possible solution and tested its applicability, before the German subteam worked out the implementation details. 3) Integrated (equivalent to „Cooperation“ category) Interaction of national subteams becomes more interdependent when elements from their respective „repertories“ are fused into a new style, undergoing some modification in necessary compromises while remaining identifiable in their national origin.

Two examples from a German-British joint venture: (a) Group meetings were held more regularly (weekly, following the German example), but were restricted to essential topics, as was customary for the British partners, (b) decision taking and action plans were prioritized and timed closer to the actual event, according to the „British pattern“, while they were then treated with „German analytical thoroughness“.

4) Developed This genuinely synergetic form of team cooperation is characterized by mutual development which implies a qualitative change in the culture specific elements. Examples falling into this category were only rarely reported by the experts - e.g. preparing meals together according to national recipes

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Challenges for Organizations which merely serve as points of departure for innovative culinary creations.

A more complex example was reported from the German-British joint venture team mentioned above: both automotive companies involved supported the ideal goal of various product development departments working together in one large office space. During the nine months’ cooperation of development staff from both companies, the open workspace design was implemented much more consistently than in the mother companies, and was significantly improved in the process, e.g. by placing a styling model in the center as focus of attention and communication.

Experiences and beliefs of interviewees regarding favorable conditions and interventions for facilitating synergy may be grouped under six headings and highlighted as follows: 1) Foundation and Boundary Conditions

- Positive image of foreign partner in society at large - Favorable views and policies on joint venture in the corporation - Perspectives for cooperation beyond project phase

2) External Contacts - Acknowledgement of the international team by top management - Continued support from mother company for expatriate team members - Positive feedback and interest by corporate environment

3)

Team Management

- Clarifying common goals and objectives carefully and early on in the process - Giving ample opportunity for informal personal contact from the start - Having a bicultural mediator available as team leader or coach - Balancing power and influence between subteams - Revolving leadership position - Working out specified team rules and monitoring them regularly

4) Internal Processes - Mutual recognition of professional expertise and social competence

- Authentic interaction [Auseinandersetzung] rather that toleration or abstention; addressing latent conflicts while they are small - Socializing contacts, involving family members - Broadening of cognitive associations by translation and retranslation - Discovering and valuing deeper commonalities, such as basic value

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Challenges for Organizations orientations, lifestyles, and biographies - Sense of pioneering - Deep satisfaction with process and results of cooperation, leading to high motivation

5) Personal Profile - Familiarity with cultural or other kinds of diversity

- Awareness of their own cultural patterns and adherence to their basic standards - Ability to listen and to empathize

- Curiosity and readiness to learn 6)

Training and Coaching

- Separate orientation workshops for each national subteam (if possible by the same trainer) including cultural awareness training aimed at discovering own cultural standards, and at becoming sensitive for intercultural differences - Kickoff training providing background information about partners and project, as well as developing resources for team building and problem solving - Regular coaching session throughout the project Conclusions

At the present stage of evaluation, the results from the exploratory interviews may be summarized by three conclusions according to the motto „Synergy is not for free”. 1) Effective intercultural team cooperation needs to be facilitated - within the team itself and/or by external coaching. 2) Synergy is not only an outcome, but an ongoing process as well, requiring self-referential capacities in the team.

3) Team potency needs to be attributed to culturally determined strengths and styles. In these three areas there appears to be a great need for handson methods and resources for intercultural team building and intervention.

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Challenges for Organizations References Adler, N. J. (1986) International dimensions of organizational behavior, Boston: Kent Publishing

Bennett, M. J. (1986) „A developmental approach to training for intercultural sensitivity“. International Journal of Intercultural Relations, 10(2), 179-196. Bertaux, D. (ed.) (1981) Biography and society: The life history approach in the social sciences, Beverly Hills, CA: Sage

Haken, H. (1995) Lehrmeister Natur, Frankfurt: Fischer Taschenbuch Jones, E.E./Gerard, H.B. (1967) Foundations of social psychology, New York: Wiley

Krewer, G. (1996) „Kulturstandards als Mittel der Selbst- und Fremd reflexion in interkulturellen Begegnungen“. In: A. Thomas (ed.), Psychologie interkulturellen Handelns, 147-164, Göttingen: Hogrefe Winter, G. (1988) „Konzepte und Stadien interkulturellen Lernens“. In: A. Thomas (Hg.), Interkulturelles Lernen im Schüleraustausch, 151-178 (SSIP Bulletin Nr. 58), Saarbrücken: Breitenbach.

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About dialogue- and learning-oriented project management Peter L. Fedon Introduction I would like to share some ideas with the audience about new ways of project management, new ways of interaction between members of project teams.

Most of these ideas are basically not my own ideas. I learned a lot from books written by management thinkers like Peter Senge, Henry Mintzberg, Stephen Covey. I learned much from listening more carefully to my collegues at the workplace, encouraged by ideas of the aforementioned authors. Learning becomes most exciting when we start to investigate our own assumptions about ”the" reality, following some basic psychological insights reinvented by Covey:

"The way we see (our paradigm) leads to what we do (our attitudes and behaviours); and what we do leads to the results we get in our lives” (1994: 28). The purpose of this presentation is to receive feedback of the audience about fragments of a different type of project management. I wished this presentation would stimulate a dialogue with the participants and thus provide chances for mutual learning.

At the beginning however, I feel that I should furnish some information about the particular environment which provides the case for this presentation. How industry specific is project management? Most of my references, though representing my personal view, relate to project management in the field of Official Development Aid, more specific: German Technical Assistance projects, implemented by GTZ (Deutsche Gesellschaft für Technische Zusammenarbeit GmbH) which constitute about 12 % of all foreign aid and about 95 % of all Technical Assistance (TA) in the narrow sense provided by the German Government to developing countries.

The objective of Technical Assistance is know-how transfer to developing countries by means of seconded ‘experts’ working in local projects. German Technical Assistance projects usually consist of multicultural teams including expatriate experts/managers.

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Challenges for Organizations The complexity of this project approach is indicated by its application in many countries (more than 100), many disciplines (ranging from agriculture to privatization of industries), and many organizations (public, non government, private). In addition to specific technical tasks, most projects deal with innovation

and organizational change. An interesting way of comparing project management approaches represents the goals-methods matrix of Turner and Cochrane (1993:95). They compare four different project types which can occur in different industries, in the same company, and may also represent stages during the lifetime of the same project.

Figure 1: Goals and Methods Matrix (Turner and Cochrane, 1993: 95)

The challenge to the project management approach of TA nowadays lies in the perceived complexity and the dynamics of the project environment. During the short history of TA which traditionally has applied more bureaucratic forms of project organization - due its close interaction with government, the perception of tasks it had to fulfill, and due to the overall philosophy and politics in which it always has been embedded.

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Challenges for Organizations In order to fully understand the potential of a learning and dialogue oriented project management approach it seems therefore useful to have a short look at how a particular model of project management within TA came into existence. From there we may be able to ask with more confidence whether the model of project management used in a particular project is appropriate. I assume that this inquiry will surface a lot of similarities with other industries.

Technical assistance project approaches revisited Right from the start of Official Development Aid in the early Sixties there was no doubt which were the conditions for a successful historical evolution of developing countries if they are to develop to a similar degree as the developed nation states: development by industrialization driven by technical progress as the motor of any development. It is based ”on the genuine conviction that what was good for Western states would also be good for the rest of the world” (Hartmann 1995: 122).

Technical Assistance (as distinguished from Financial Assistance) became the backbone of project bound know-how tranfer designed to help bridge the gap between underdevelopment and development. The classical design of these projects is that of an engineering project. All management tools are tuned to providing technical inputs based on well defined and commonly known and accepted methods to achieve these goals. Know-how transfer concentrates on ”How to...” manuals and on learning ’’counterparts” as direct opposites of expatriate ’’experts”. These counterparts are defined as having not (yet) the required expertise needed to solve pertinent problems the project has to solve whereas the expert’s knowledge is assumed to be applicable in any specific context.

This should not obscure the fact that development agencies reflect the difficulties confronting the implementation of the ‘engineering’ approach to development. German Technical Cooperation since more than a decade has introduced and continuously improved methods and procedures of ‘participatory’ project planning, institutional development, and socio-economic project appraisal involving more and more locally available expertise. It has been widely agreed that project management decisions have ceased to be of purely ‘technical’ nature.

Only recently, with the publication of its new guidelines for project implementation, GTZ has explicitly acknowledged that differing concepts and views in developing countries, increasingly dynamic project environments, but also experiences with the application of rigid planning and implementation tools strongly recommend an entirely new approach to project management.

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Challenges for Organizations Still though, what constitutes the 'normal view' about project management in the framework of TA, remains heavily based on the original prescription of a rather mechanistic form of technology-oriented project management. Far from blaming project managers or executives for the shortcomings of this approach I would rather like to follow Peter M. Senge's axiom "Structure Influences Behaviour" which explains that "people in the same structure tend to produce qualitatively similar results”. Structure is defined as "the basic interrelationships that control behaviour” as the "operating policies” whereby perceptions, goals, rules, and norms are translated into actions (Senge 1993: 40).

According to Senge, changes of this structure occur not merely due to external pressures or individual insights but as an answer to a crisis caused by the system itself. However nicely presented, using the latest managerial vocabulary of downsizing, decentralizing and delayering, efforts ofchanging the operating policies reflect a crisis of the ‘normal’ perceptions, goals, rules and norms of TA which offer the chance of a new perspective.

How can we escape the ‘mental prison of the normal view’? This is not to say that there is more crises today than 10 years ago or 100 years ago - or that times are really more turbulent than in the past. What I believe is that we have become more sensitive concerning the results and consequences of crises. Many people are not anymore relieved by the fact that systems survive - they have their built-in mechanisms to do so - they rather ask in what shape and at what costs systems survive.

In fact we are confronted with all kinds of critical status reports referring to ecological, political, economical, and mental issues. The questions to ask are,

- where are the innovative solutions for such problems at a time when technological innovation seems to peak in many industries ? - what prevents us from reforming and adjusting systems so that the consequences of inevitable critical stages during their life cycle have less disastrous effects on all types of environments - natural, human, political ? - why do we not change our project management approach if we have reasons to believe that sometimes it makes neither our clients nor us happy ? The answer I like to suggest is that there exist "mental models” (Senge), or "paradigms" (Covey) which constrain what we see, which restricts what we do, which confines what results we get. It is about a "software of the mind” (Hofstede) which defines our ‘normal view' about things and people, a normal view which according to Robert Chambers can become a "mental prison”.

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Challenges for Organizations Such mental models can be obstructive on the individual / personal, on the professional / organizational, and on the cultural level. What they have in common is

- a certain rigidity, ’’this is how we always have done things” - a limited potential for problem solving; they trade a reduction of complexity for reduced options regarding perceptions, actions, and possible results; - and a self-perpetual character because they have become ’’just the normal way of doing things”.

’’Doing things” in the context of the ‘normal view’ seems not much different from ’’dealing with people”. In fact, project management is widely regarded as the art of combining inputs: funds, technology, know-how of people, working procedures etc. . Common mental models become prisons because they inhibit new perceptions, new ideas, new solutions, new action, and new results. They are a threat to projects geared towards innovation and organizational change because they inhibit Learning. Learning as part of our daily work routine and communication remains too often just a satirical reference which leads Peter Senge to ask ”How can a team of committed managers with individual IQs above 120 have a collective IQ of 63”?. If learning is to trancend existing paradigms and even mental prisons then it needs a powerful tool to accomplish this task. The tool is dialogue, described by Senge as coming from dia-logos, thinking together, ” a free-flowing of meaning through a group, allowing the group to discover insights not attainable individually” (Senge 1993: 10).

In order to escape the mental prison of the normal view it needs dialogue and learning! In order to escape mechanistic project implementation following the blueprint, ‘we-know-it-all approach’, it needs dialogue and learning orientation. Only where the action is can learning take place. Dialogue is only possible between people not between technical inputs. A new orientation for TA project management can only evolve in the field, with clients, while doing project work ’’starting with people rather than things, and adaptive processes rather than blueprints” (Chambers 1993: 76) The menu for this type of project management is not fixed but ä la carte, its main objective is not technology transfer but to empower beneficiaries of the project in order to enhance their adaptability and choices. The mission of such projects is to transfer principles and methods and creating learning opportunities. ”By doing this they may free themselves from the mental prison of the normal view” (Chambers 1993: 14).

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Challenges for Organizations Learning opportunities abundant Learning opportunities are abundant if we make the choice to see them.

Many of my colleagues will agree that we need a change, but how to start with and - is ‘something else’ possible at all - given our tight schedules ? Are we not bogged down by do lists, day planners and operational plans in order to get things going? How could we afford to spend extra time to think about completely different directions why and how we are managing projects?

There are no final answers to this that I would know. But I believe that making choices and using learning opportunities has to start with ourselves. What we do not experience ourselves cannot be facilitated to other people. The question of how to overcome mental models or ‘paradigms’ of individuals beyond the simple quick fixes of behavioural engineering is strongly connected with the name of Stephen Covey and his colleagues. The diagramme of Figure 2 is derived from his book „First Things First“ and deals exactly with the aforementioned situation of ‘very busy persons’ like all of us.

According to Covey et al. Quadrant II "is the Quadrant of Quality. Here's where we do our long-range planning, anticipate and prevent problems, empower others, broaden our minds and increase our skills through reading and continuous professional development... prepare for important meetings and presentations, or invest in relationships through deep, honest listening. Increasing time spent in this quadrant increases our ability to do. Ignoring this quadrant feeds and enlarges Quadrant I, creating stress, burnout, and deeper crises for the person consumed by it” (Covey et al. 1994: 40). Figure 2 can be a starting point. It is a fragment presented here to stimulate our problem solving behaviour for our own life. It is very personal and starts with ourselves.

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Challenges for Organizations

Not Urgent

Urgent

I

II

• Crises • Pressing problems • Deadline-driven projects, meetings, preparation

• • • ♦ • •

Preparation Prevention Values clarification Planning Relationship building Ttuc re-creation Empowerment

20 - 25 %

65 - 80 %

25 - 30 %

15 %

IV • • . -

Trivia, busywork Junkmail Some phone calls Time wasters "Escape" activities

less than 1% 2-3%

Figure 2: Covey et al. 1994; bold type represents high-performance organizations - normal type represents typical organizations. The next step is to look at the interpersonal level, communication based on dialogue and based on scrutinizing the normal view and its assumptions. We have internalized these assumptions so deeply that we are often not aware of them. Figure 3 shows some of the differences between the two. As easy it is to see the differences of the two styles or mental models, it seems a rather challenging task to translate this dialogue and learning approach into practice. Senge himself cites three conditions that are necessary: all participants must suspend their assumptions, treat and trust each other as colleagues independent of rank, seniority etc., and there must be a facilitator who ‘holds the context of dialogue (Senge 1993: 243).

Remember Senge’s definition of dialogue: „A free-flowing of meaning through a group, allowing the group to discover insights not attainable individually". The vulnerability that such a dialogue brings is antithetical to the power structure of our common organizations and relationships.

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Challenges for Organizations I have no doubts that we can tremendously increase our learning opportunities as individuals or project managers if we apply principles like those of Covey. It seems more difficult, however, for a project team to escape the hierarchy trap, thinking and acting in a true dialogue form.

DELIBERATION

(Lack of understanding; disagreement; basic choice point; personal evaluation of options and strategy) SUSPENSION

DISCUSSION

(internal listening,examine assumptions, accepting differences; building mutual trust)

(Advocacy; competing; convincing, developing non-negotiable opinions, defending rigid opinions)

DIALOGUE (confronting own and others assumptions; revealing feelings; build common ground and trust)

DIALECTIC (exploring oppositions, hold onto differences of rank, considering security of nondisclosure)

METALOGUE (Thinking and feeling as a whole group; building new shared assumptions / culture; achievement of the team)

DEBATE (Resolving by logic, hierarchy, and beating down; solutions individually achieved)

Figure 3 (Source: E.H. Schein 1993: 46; Peter M. Senge 1993)

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Challenges for Organizations - How can dialogue and learning approaches be realized?

How can they be realized at a time when the crises caused by diminishing funds for TA has given rise to lean management orientations in TA: ‘Reduce number of staff and increase the work load of the remaining personnel’ ? "Too many politicians and managers hold the peculiar view, perhaps traceable

to adolescent readings of Parkinson's Law, that it is always cost-effective to reduce staff, described pejoratively as ‘administrative overheads'. But reducing staff usually makes those who remain spend more time in offices and with paper, keeping them further away from poor farmers [where the action is - PLF], and preventing learning''(Chambers 1993: 87). Chosing to stay away from colleagues, clients, workers, farmers, lower layers of the hierarchy cuts off information and endangers learning opportunities. Spending most of the time moving papers and files means being busy with ‘formalized procedure, standardized and specialized work, close control through rules and regulations, formalized planning before implementation’, all the ingredients of what according to Henry Mintzberg constitutes the "machine bureaucracy” (Mintzberg 1989: 339).

Avoiding ‘rich’ information based on substantial experience and avoiding uncertainty by using formal procedures to enforce control creates a paradox. The harder we try, the less we can achieve what we want to achieve: meaningful results as products of our work efforts. The Organization Iceberg (Figure 4) should help to explain this contradiction.

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Challenges for Organizations Complexity and dynamics of the project environment is for the most part created by issues which are ‘below the waterline’. Project managers are most of the time busy with issues which are not ‘visible’ at first sight, which form the 'hidden rationality’ of a specific environment, client system etc.; information free of context, the well documented ‘visible’ aspects of an organization, constitute a relative minor source of information. And yet, it is the visible rationality on which formal control and planning systems rely how could you ever control the chaos below the waterline ? - Which by definition can be understood but not controlled!

It seems pretty certain that project management is particularly prone to management techniques established to control fixed budgets, schedules, and resources. As Mintzberg points out, this kind of ‘rational’ management leads very often to the "quick fix” of mainstream management practice: "Call in your technocrats, throw a lot of technique at a problem, drown it in hard data, the data you can get without ever having to leave your comfortable office, and all will be well. Resolve it quickly, so that you can get on with the next problem. Better still, call in the consultants to resolve it; they know even less about your industry; you get a slick report from the experts; the board will be impressed” (Mintzberg 1989: 357).

The area of application for most of our common management tools is the tip of the iceberg - which is - as everybody knows - the visible smaller part of the whole thing! Learning and dialogue orientation is to provide tools and mechanisms which help to deal with the lower part, under the water. This soft ‘underbelly’ by definition can only be understood relying on context related knowledge, mutual learning, synthesis rather than analysis, synergy, and ‘rich’ information based on intimate experience. It means working in "calculated chaos” and it cannot be ‘worked out in advance, by linear form of reasoning, and based on numerical calculation (Mintzberg). This is even more the case if we consider multicultural project situations where the ‘mental software’ of most team members and of cooperating partners is in a systematic way different from the ‘paradigms’ of the resident expatriate manager. Hofstede shows that differing preferences regarding organizational configurations, coordination mechanisms, and privileged parts of an organization can be related directly to national cultures. He offers a kind of thumb rule for assessing the cultural influence on activities: ’’The less an activity is determined by technical necessity, the more it is ruled by values, and thus influenced by cultural differences" (Hofstede, 1991: 157). Considering a project type which emphasizes innovation and organizational change, assuming complex and dynamic project environments, in which managers have to deal with the soft, value-laden information of 'below the

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Challenges for Organizations waterline’ - and considering a multicultural team composition, adds another dimension to dialogue and learning.

There are several ideal-type ‘normal views’, depending on national cultural stereotypes. ‘Ways of Talking Together’ become more complicated, the differences to be accepted bigger in scope and depth, individual assumptions to be investigated more varied. The mechanisms of dialogue themselves have to be agreed on as for instance ‘revealing feelings’ may be an acceptable mode of trust building in the US but not in UK or in most Asian countries. ‘Listening’ instead of dominating the discussion may be interpreted as weakness in very power oriented societies. Learning under such circumstances represents not only a better way of management but the only strategy to survive. Dialogue and metalogue, though more difficult to achieve in a multicultural set-up, emerge as necessary conditions for successful management.

Without dialogue there are no insights, without insights there is no understanding of basic meanings and patterns of ‘the other’, without understanding, management decisions may only by accident create the desired results. Otherwise, and if learning is not taken as an important task, managers become oberwhelmed by so many urgent intercultural issues that ‘difficult local conditions’ and ‘insufficient qualification and work attitudes’ of local partners and clients are to be blamed for shortcomings - which is the rule in all industries engaged in emerging markets and developing countries. Using Mintzberg’s words on management and money we may ask at this point, ‘how in the world did the idea spread in project management that you are successful by managing technical inputs, instead of dealing with people and diverse cultural patterns’? When ‘correct’ technical solutions are to be harmonized with human conditions which are diverse and in a continuous flux, the latter have a tendency to jeopardize ‘technical progress’ due to a lack of discipline, commitment, follow-up, and overall neglected human relations.

Successful expatriate managers have learned to accommodate differing ‘realities’ in order to be successful. They become ’’knowledge workers who (...) are not amenable to the command- and control methods of the past” (Drucker 1992: 329). They learn the hard way that reality is a product of perception and that modes of perceptions are depending on a particular consensus within a specific group, company, country, or culture. Whatever helps expatriates to start and maintain a dialogue, avoiding one­ way communication, will help them to free themselves ’’from the mental prison of the normal view” (Chambers) which is a precondition to

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Challenges for Organizations concentrate on learning, lateral thinking, and wisdom instead on conventional ‘quick fix', best practice, top-down, ethnocentric recipes. "The first step to learning is to challenge those ways of thinking that worked so well in the past” (McGill/ Slocum 1993: 67).

References Chambers, R. (1993) Challenging the Professions. Frontiers for Rural Development, London: Intermediate Technology Covey, S. RJ Merril, R. A J Merril, R. R. (1994) First Things First, New York: Simon & Schuster Drucker, P. F. (1992) Managing for the Future. The 1990s and Beyond, New York:Truman Talley Books / Plume Hartmann, H. (1995) ’’Clash of Cultures, When and Where?. Critical Comments on a New Theory of Conflict - and its Translation into German”. International Sociology, Vol 10, No.2

Hofstede, G. (1991) Cultures and Organizations. Software of the Mind, London: Me GrawHill

McGill, MJ Slocum jr, J. W. (1993) ’’Unlearning the Organization”. Organizational Dynamics, Vol 22, No. 2 Mintzberg, H (1989) Mintzberg on Management. Inside our Strange World of Organizations, New York: The Free Press Schein, E. H. (1993) "On Dialogue, Culture, and Organizational Learning”. Organizational Dynamics, Vol 22, No.2

Senge, P. M. (1993) The Fifth Discipline. The Art and Practice of the Learning Organization, London: Century Business

Turner, R. JJ Cochrane, R. A. (1993) ”Goals-and Methods-Matrix: Coping with Projects with III Defined Goals and/or Methods of Achieving Them”. International Journal of Project Management, Vol 11, No.2

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Intercultural business communication: An interactive approach Jürgen Bolten Jena ’’Comparative” versus ’’intercultural” management research

Whenever we compare two phenomena, we can only obtain successful results if we consider them as independent items in their own context. The same is true when comparing cultures to find out how, for example, management styles, marketing strategies or overall value systems differ from one another. What a comparison cannot do is to make a statement about what happens when, for instance, members of two different cultures interact. Generally, individuals will not behave in the same way they would within each of their own cultures. They will adapt to some unknown degree, devoting more time to the other individual and thereby changing their expectations of what is considered normal. Individuals involved in this interaction create a new, ’’third” context, which is distinguished by interaction and process. The interaction, not the comparison, can be described as being ’’intercultural.” This encapsulates the difference between comparative and intercultural management research. The focus of culturally oriented ’’comparative management research”1 is the analysis of culturally independent aspects of business in selected countries. Many empirical studies from the past seem quite impressive even by today’s standards, especially given the extent of data such as studies by Hofstede2. The tendency is, however, that these results, representing a static comparison of two cultures, are turned into formal guides for ’’correct” behavior vis-ä-vis foreign companies or business partners. Clearly such findings, which refer to specific cultural groups at specific points in time, cannot automatically be applied to the dynamic situation of an interaction process between members of differing cultural groups. The value of knowledge based on contrastive studies is in no way lessened by this. However, it should be pointed out that this knowledge refers to a contrastive, intracultural interaction.3 Only a portion, albeit an indispensable portion, of the preconditions for the intercultural process is described. What is missing is the interaction process itself that decides the success or failure of a strategy aimed at internationalization. Whenever this is ignored and the knowledge about a foreign culture is confused with the action in an intercultural context, then precisely what one would like to avoid occurs, namely, an increase in the formation of stereotypes and prejudice.

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Challenges for Business Ever since the "intercultural” concept came into vogue in the late 1980s especially through the humanities, many handbooks have appeared in the style of "Do’s and Taboos in [...]” as well as similar management training programs4 that make use of the label "intercultural”, despite being based on the intracultural or comparative approaches. "Interculturality” can only be regarded to as a subject for research if the interaction process of the relationship of AB is considered from a generative perspective which goes beyond the fixed points of the interaction based on content (Culture ”A”, Culture ”B”), i.e. when it addresses that area "in-between."

That "area in-between” is the process or the ’’interculturality" whose essential characteristic is that culturally determined behavior patterns of both "A” and ”B” change, through which a new regenerating quality ”C" arises. "Interculturality” is therefore not synthetic in nature, but synergetic. The life-world model

If we are to understand intercultural communication from an interactive perspective as interpersonal, communicative action between differently enculturated individuals, then it becomes clear that both models must be combined. The form, however, must be differentiated. The importance of communicators’ expectations of differences and their meta-images in in­ tercultural communication makes it necessary to analyze one’s own as well as the other’s possible expectations and their consequences for the action that takes place. The first task can be achieved through reflection on (a) one’s own and (b) the other’s (and in this sense intracultural) enculturation process. That is to say, knowledge of one’s own as well as the other’s en­ culturation process is transmitted both in synchronic and diachronic form. An analysis of the consequences for a negotiation process can be carried out to a limited extent (c) through the documentation and simulation of examples of interactions. However, equally important in this context is a sensitizing, non-specific cultural training approach in which the ability to empathize in such intercultural situations is enhanced. The implications of both the culture-specific and the culture-sensitizing approaches can be observed in the ‘life-world Model’ as originally formulated by A.Schütz/T.Luckmann and which J. Habermas modified and integrated into his communication theory.5

Both models represent mutatis mutandis a concept in which "life-world” is understood to mean the everyday, self-reproducing area of one’s life. Although the question of interculturality is not explicitly dealt with in either of the concepts, a derivation lends itself if we apply the formal analysis of the ‘life-world’ to empirical data, thereby automatically arriving at distinguishable fields of

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Challenges for Business communicative action. In reality, the areas of course overlap and in this respect the diagram below showing intercultural process is somewhat over-simplified. It does show, however, to what extent intercultural interaction, as a unique, non-repeatable event, must be regarded as a constant negotiation with the momentarily present ‘inter-culture’ and therefore can be understood as a ’’game.’’6

Our point of departure here is to look at the formal analysis of the structures in the ”life-world”-model. Habermas distinguishes between the three structural components: culture, society and personality:

’’For me Culture is the store of knowledge which supplies participants in communication with interpretations when they are communicating about something in a specific ‘world’. Society is for me the legitimate order by which participants in communication regulate their membership to social groups, thereby ensuring a certain solidarity. Personality I understand to mean the competencies which enable a subject to speak and act and therefore enable him to take part in the processes of communication and understanding, thereby confirming his identity [...] The interactions which are tied up in a web of everyday communicative practice, form the medium by which culture, society and individual are reproduced.”7 The interdependence of culture, society and personality is clear according to theory of action. For example, an individual’s actions are never without extramundane aspects, but take place against a background of a socially mediated, ’’cultural” store of knowledge. The reverse is also true: these actions generate those systems of signs which constitute the everyday practice of social groups and can become imbedded in the store of knowledge and/or generate it. Accordingly, sign systems are ’’representative structures, which are formed inter subjectively, deposited historically and mediated socially.”8 This means that the life-world with reference to ’’the life-world in its totality” is the ’’arena as well as the destination of my and our reciprocal actions”. ”ln order to reach our goals we must come to terms with the facts as they are and change them. We act and therefore are effective not only within our life-world but on the way to a different one.”9 In looking at Schütz/Luckmann’s idea of the ’’scope”10 of the life-world we can assume that, despite a certain degree of overlap, different social groups possess different stores of knowledge. It therefore seems appropriate, given the necessity to define meanings clearly, that we speak of communicative interaction between different life-worlds. This could for example, refer to contacts between French and Russians. It could, however, also by definition refer to intracultural interaction between Californians and New Yorkers. The dividing line between life-worlds is in any case a heuristic one. As a result,

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Challenges for Business the following diagram cannot be empirically verified in this form, since, as already mentioned, individual life-world areas are bound to at least partially overlap. It does, however, illustrate the interaction process as such: Own Culture

Inter-Culture

Foreign Culture

A and B generate Life-world A

Life-world C

Life-world B

intercultural communication process

As the diagram shows, interculturality can be understood as a process, as an event which results from an encounter between two or more people, which is specific to culture and individual and is, from a hermeneutic point of view, unique. The event itself, i.e. the specific interaction, occurs within and as the "game” between the life-worlds. The game itself can for various reasons neither be determined nor classified a priori: (a) Direct interactions are always dependent on the individual. Individuals’ images of themselves, of the ‘other’ and of what they imagine the other individual’s view of them to be (meta-image) are however not the same and can vary dramatically according to age, socialization, knowledge of the world, knowledge of the ‘other’ life-world, empathy, etc. This means, for example, that a certain German businessman does not have a meeting with ‘a typical Englishman’ (i.e. his behavior is predictable), but with a certain Englishman, who in turn has a very specific and individual self-image, image of the ‘other’ and meta-image.

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Challenges for Business (b) The interaction situation itself is, as far as the course of events is concerned, comparable with a constant negotiation of communication and behavior strategies to produce consensus. Important here is the bilateral relationship between readiness to assimilate and demand on others to assimilate.11 To what extent and in what way one adapts to one’s partner can more or less only be determined in the situation itself and will be different every time.

From an individual-psychological perspective it would seem reasonable to work on a ‘culture-sensitizing’ basis rather than a culture-specific one. The latter is more relevant on the border to social psychology and social sciences. More specifically, it is of great importance when answering the question to what extent the actions of the individual are determined by society-conditioned schemata of perception and experience: ’’Cultural values shared by one group may be rejected by another. The values are learned by the member of the group, and hence taught by other members. A culture is passed down from one generation to the next. It is acquired and is not innate.”12 R. Münch, taking as an example the media coverage of the democratic movements in Eastern Europe at the end of the eighties, convincingly demonstrated the connection between advances in communication technology and changes in society’s values. His thesis that ’’the revolutions in Eastern Europe in the Autumn of 1989 [...] were the first in history in which telecommunication played a decisive role”13 is without doubt correct. It confirms at the same time that the acquisition of culture-specific knowledge will in the future increasingly have to take into account the fast moving and in this sense intracultural dynamism of foreign life-worlds. As the individual’s ’’store of knowledge about his life-world [...] is largely taken from experience within the group”14, it is necessary for intercultural training courses to adopt an approach which sensitizes as well as conveys knowledge about the foreign life-world. This knowledge must be conveyed both synchronically as well as diachronically. ’’Ready-made” and therefore static images of a society will in the future be less and less relevant for a reality which is changing at an ever increasing rate and in this respect increasingly likely to lead to misunderstandings in the sense of critical incidents. It is therefore important to document life-worlds in a historical context and thus illustrate their intercultural processes. This relates to the ‘other’ as well as to the ‘self’, as only in this way does the interdependence of self-image, image of the ‘other’, meta-image as well as the effects of expectation of differences become transparent. As far as the methodical approach is concerned, this implies a breaking out from eo ipso statistical comparisons which often mark ’’regional/cultural studies”. Despite the rapid changes in society’s values and norms it can be assumed that parts of the individual’s store of knowledge are based on latent thought and behavior patterns which are resistant to social change. J. Assmann distinguishes here between cultural and communicative memory:

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Challenges for Business ”We understand the term ‘communicative memory’ to include those parts of the collective memory which are exclusively devoted to everyday communication [...] All studies seem to confirm that it normally stretches back no more than 80 to (at the very most) 100 years.[...]”15 In contrast to this, ‘the cultural memory’ is characterized through its remoteness from everyday life. This remoteness (transcendence of everyday life) characterizes its time horizon. The cultural memory has fixed points and its horizon does not change with the ever moving present moment. These fixed points are important events of the past whose memories are kept alive through cultural formation (texts, rites, memorials) and institutionalized communication (recitation, observation, contemplation).”16 Assmann is correct, however, in making the point that this knowledge differs in content not only from culture to culture but also from epoch to epoch. The relevance of this knowledge for today’s society is thus put into question.17 Not all aspects of a society’s cultural memory carry the same relevance in every period. Therefore, focusing on supposed universalities within the interacting life-worlds would seem to be of little value. Studies in the area of intercultural communication should rather concentrate more intensively on 'seismographically' illustrating the interdependence of the three (heuristic) horizontal levels of a given life-world at a specific point in time.

The following example of an intercultural consulting and training seminar will serve to demonstrate how this concept of intercultural management research can be applied in practice. Intercultural Management Consulting: Theoretic principles and case studies One of the most important problems of intercultural management research is that it is even more interdisciplinary than contrastive approaches and that it is under a much more direct pressure than the individual disciplines in terms of producing practical applications. This becomes clear when one looks at the spectrum of activities associated with intercultural management consulting. It should be mentioned that the following list only represents the most common consulting areas:18:

- Personnel selection consultation for assignments abroad; development of intercultural assessment centers; reintegration consultation

- Consultation to determine limits for standardization, e.g. in intercultural marketing; description and analysis of cultural specifics of oral and written communication systems - Corporate communications conceptions in multinational companies or joint ventures

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Challenges for Business - Description of causes and changes in cultural values in the company’s target markets

- Consultation for internationalization decisions and processes including analysis of potential for misunderstanding as well as synergy

- Communications analysis of specific interaction processes within internationalization process. Case classification and description

Each consultation is generally linked to an actual case that requires a problem­ solving strategy. In order to be able to operationalize this, it is necessary to (a) classify and (b) to describe the case in as much detail as possible. (a) There are two categories of case classification. The first instance is where the interaction context already exists in terms of ’’interculturality.” In these cases, the parties involved are aware of the internationalization process and the emphasis is on finding possible causes for dysfunctional occurrences like common ’’critical incidents” or the threat of failure of an international project from which a problem-solving strategy is developed. It is also conceivable that existing interaction contexts could be analyzed in regard to their optimalization (e.g. in regard to intercultural synergy potential).

The second category comprises situations when the interaction context does not yet exist and the internationalization project is only in the planning stages. In these cases, the participants of the future intercultural interaction are both known in terms of their respective domestic cultures. The context of interaction cannot be analyzed deductively, only inductively inferred or anticipated.

Thus, the process is hypothetical and the key is to obtain as much reliable evidence as possible as to how the planned interaction processes could evolve and where, for example, the interaction partner’s limits of acceptance 19 can be expected. In practice, these questions arise when companies plan international cooperations or ”go international” in marketing terms. (b) Depending on the classification , the case description should be oriented towards the following perspectives and should outline the current scenario as detailed as possible: Who are the (potential) interaction partners and which goals are they pursuing? Have any interactions taken place between the partners? If yes, what was the outcome?

In all cases mentioned, it is essential to precisely formulate the reasons for and the goals of the consultation.

Preconditions for the partners’ actions Whether an interaction context exists or not, the second step of the

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Challenges for Business consultation is concerned with carrying out a far-reaching investigation as to the possible life-world actions of the (potential) interaction partner. Specifically, one would seek to uncover why the partners act the way they do in their own culture in specific contexts. Much of the question is linked to research in those aspects of cultural and social anthropology, ethnomethodlogy, social theory of action, and sociology of knowledge which deal with structuring aspects of everyday life actions.20

In general, the issues at the heart of the discussion are (a) structure characteristics and (b) functionality of everyday thinking.21 A well conceived consultation will constantly return to this idea that a specific context must remain as a frame of reference. (a) Knowledge of everyday life

Knowledge of everyday life is defined according to Patzelt (1987:45) as "the result of every biographically specific experience of the everyday world [..] that a person has at a given point in his or her life.” Knowledge of everyday life thus describes ’’all stores of knowledge and interpretation routines of a person which serves as a means of implementation of his or her ethnospecific everyday life experience” (ebd.). It is firstly handed down historically through the ’’cultural memory,” secondly conveyed socially, and thirdly acquired through one’s own experiences. These three levels of cultural, social and individual knowledge are interdependent22 and form a stock of interpretation, the basis upon which the life world context is interpreted and constructed. This stock of interpretation itself exists potentially as an "archive,” i.e. it is never activated in its entirety. It always functions solely as a subsystem which is assigned practical relevance in a certain situation by the everyday thinking in order to ensure normality through meaningfulness of actions.23 Thus the everyday knowledge remains unanalyzed to a large extent. It becomes the object of reflection only if plausibility and clarity are not attainable. Even in such situations, however, it cannot be explicitly and unambiguously formulated, because it sets up specific contexts based on its individual and social distribution. Everyday knowledge can also be described using the ethnomethodological concept of indexicality.24 According to this, stores of knowledge are fundamentally ambiguous depending on the context or subsystems in which they are activated.25 Several assumptions are necessary in order that interactions can be made plausible and that interpretation can be brought into harmony, or deindexicalized. Firstly, the components of everyday knowledge constantly express more than meets the eye. Secondly, these interactions are characterized by common subsets which have various functions. In specific situations, they need to carry out an appropriate complexity reduction by

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Challenges for Business means of an ’’automatic” deindexicalization mechanism and also need to ensure intersubjectivity. The probability of coming across such a common subset in a routine way decreases, the more personal the experience is through which a store of knowledge was conveyed. Conversely, the probability increases the more the stores of knowledge from the cultural memory are called upon. In this respect, the cultural memory represents that last common interpretation stock which forms the basis of trouble-free everyday interaction when the subsets of the individual or social knowledge together is not enough to bring about a sense of plausibility. At the same time, this means that members of an ethnic group define themselves on the basis of this cultural store of knowledge.26The lesser the degree of common cultural store of knowledge that can be called upon, the more ’’foreign” the situation appears. The concepts ’’intraculturality” and ’’interculturality” can also be distinguished in this context: intraculturality exists whenever a common cultural store of knowledge exists, while interculturality presupposes at least a partial inequality.27 (b) Everyday thinking While everyday knowledge is fixed in terms of content, the concept of everyday thinking refers to functional aspects. It is concerned with the issue of how the store of knowledge is dealt with and which procedure rules are used to give meaningfulness to everyday actions. The energy principle as formulated in the disciplines of cultural and social anthropology, plays an essential role in this relationship. It states that the goal of each act in any given situation is to reach the maximum benefit with a minimal expenditure of energy.28 When applied to the functioning of everyday thinking, this mean that during deindexicalization for example, primarily those strategies will be used which have the least energy expenditure and lead to the greatest possible sense of plausibility. The methods of interpretation which are constantly used by everyday thinking follow this rule. It is always a matter of decoding and encoding meaning in the framework of interpretation of goal-meansrelationship or the recognition of causal conditions in such a way that the normality expectation of the other and self are not infringed upon. Even if such infringements do arise, everyday thinking is able to functionalize stores of knowledge which are accepted as problem solving strategies in an interpersonal, social or cultural way. Among these are explicitness (e.g. certain forms of meta-communication), avoidance strategies (e.g. leveling off, exterritorialization) or repair mechanisms (e.g. apologies). The realization of these strategies in the interaction is related to the context and follows the energy principle: everyday thinking - whether context-generated or context­ generating - combines the stores of knowledge in such a way that probability expectations are carried out to a maximum. Action routines are the result of

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Challenges for Business this, which, on the one hand, partially fossilize certain combinations of stores of knowledge as independent subsystems. On the other hand, the systems remain nonetheless open because, as already shown, the store of knowledge exists as a potential archive and thus theoretically allows any number of other combinations. Practically speaking, this is the case if the interpretation or construction of meaning in a partial context loses plausibility because the overriding context has changed (by means of the systemic connection). In light of this, other combinations gain in terms of plausibility and expectation probability, so that competing, but possibly also dominating systems of interpretation, arise. A typical example of this are the processes involved in changing values. Everyday thinking, like everyday knowledge, is purely context-bound and can thus be documented by means of analysis of specific actions. This is confirmed for the consulting profession by the required exactness in the description of completed or sought after interaction contexts as described in the first section. There is no such thing as the behavior of the members of ethnic group X. Even under the premise of a common cultural store of knowledge, the spectrum of meaning is open for any number of associations with the subsystems and individual knowledge (which are again open to new interpretation). For this reason it is necessary during the analysis of culture-specific conditions to obtain exact information on how persons interact in a comparable intercultural situation or in what way stores of knowledge are drawn upon during the intercultural construction of reality. The problem is that together with the stores of knowledge, intracultural normality expectations can also not be described in terms of a corpus due to their non-explicitness, but can only be explored by means of a situation with an infringement on these expectations. Nonetheless, this makes a cultural comparison possible, provided that the same context is selected for the intercultural analysis. Among other things, this comparison can give information regarding whether "infringements on limits” of normality expectations in culture A can also be registered as such in culture B, and to what extent problem-solving strategies are compatible. Intercultural interaction

As already mentioned, studies based on cultural comparisons do not provide information or predictions about the process of intercultural interaction because a "third” life-world is generated here. It can possess different conventions for action in contrast to the intracultural contexts of the respective partners. Based on this, it is impossible to predict or plan intercultural interaction in detail. In principle, one can assume that the basic rules according to which people behave agree in structure with those used in intercultural interaction. The energy principle is of utmost importance here, in the sense that one tries to

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Challenges for Business expend a minimum of energy in order to obtain a maximum of meaning construction, deindexicalization efficiency, plausibility or ’’normality.” Analogous to the example of the apple harvest (see note 31), this means that the relative minimum level of energy will be applied (which might well be considerable in absolute terms). Measuring the relativity is dependent on various variables which constitute the interaction context. The following aspects have a prime importance in this area: (a) the duration of the interaction relationship (b) the subjectively perceived degree of alienation in terms of the interaction context.

(c) the degree of reflexivity with which the participants interact. In primary experiences, the duration of the interaction relationship is proportional to the degree of familiarity of the participants, when referring to primary experiences.29 Obviously, the longer a specific ’’interculturality” exists, the greater the degree of familiarity the participants will have. This correlates with the subjectively perceived degree of alienation and the degree of reflexivity with which the participants interact. Generally, the degree of alienation and reflexivity decreases with increased familiarity. In terms of structure, this process proceeds according to analogous instances of intracultural reality construction, but in terms of content, there are only two essential differences. Firstly, the subjectively perceived degree of alienation and reflexivity are initially relatively higher. This includes a consciousness for expectations, expectation of expectations and deindexicalization strategies which attempt to eliminate the intercultural actions of everyday life.30 Secondly, as already mentioned, a common cultural store of knowledge of the participants, which secures plausibility to the highest degree, cannot be called upon or then only to a limited extent.

In accordance with the energy principle, the everyday thought attempts to operate on the intercultural sphere as quickly as possible with its assumptions of normality. This generally seems to succeed without problem in terms of international business because of the advancement of globalization processes. Space, time and distance have become almost insignificant, that external differences (e.g. clothing, furnishings in conference rooms or hotels) hardly exist anymore on an international level, and that behavioral conventions in negotiations follow a more and more generally accepted ’’world standard.” Despite this, one should not forget that interpretation processes call upon differing cultural stores of knowledge. Thus, deindexicalization processes seem relatively uncomplicated in terms of surface structure because individual experiences or the professional socialization process in multinational companies together form subsets. Corresponding subsets do not necessarily

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Challenges for Business exist in terms of deep structure so that apparently similar stores of knowledge can be put together in completely different interpretation systems without the participants becoming aware of it. Since a similar phenomenon also applies for the implementation of problem-solving strategies, actual indexicalized situations are reinterpreted to deindexicalized ones in order that a sense of plausibility is maintained. The consequence is that the participants subjectively perceive less and less alienation with an increased duration of the intercultural contact and correspondingly also invest less reflexivity of action. The objective basis of understanding, however, becomes narrower and narrower because interpretation of meaning is carried out more and more under premises of one’s own culture. If one becomes conscious of deindexicalization problems as such, they carry less weight, because the previous construction of meaning did not take place interculturally and thus does not possess any consensus forming function. Points of view or behavior patterns of the partner from another culture can no longer be accepted because they are viewed from according to one’s own culturally conventionalized acceptance limit as incompatible or as infringing on one’s identity. This is also a reason why international business ventures frequently encounter crisis situations only after a fairly long period of time of apparently problem-free interaction. Although critical incident analyses are useful principally for already existing interaction relationships, the main issue for internationalization planning is rather how synergy potential can be determined. Synergy is present if the effectiveness of an (intercultural) interaction is greater than the sum of the (in each case intracultural) effects of the individuals.31

Intercultural management training: A model

The objectives for an intercultural management training seminar are derived from the explanations in the first two sections. To generalize, this means that international management personnel should be empowered to competently act in targeted cultures by means of training programs. In addition to sound synchronic and diachronic knowledge of the target culture, intercultural competence requires fundamental abilities and skills. Individuals should be able to:

- formulate self conceptions, expectations (image of the other) and one’s own expectations of the other’s expectations (meta-images) in terms of specific interaction contexts and be able to recognize their interdependency as the basis for one’s own actions. - perceive and describe changes in their own behavior in intercultural contexts relative to communication contexts in their own culture. - “endure” deficits in plausibility and situations of insecurity in intercultural

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Challenges for Business contexts in the sense of ambiguity tolerance. - be able to negotiate and realize conventions in action and communication in intercultural contexts.

- be able to identify the potential for both misunderstanding and synergy in specific intercultural situations. - recognize communication styles and problem-solving strategies in terms of their cultural basis. - maintain roll distance in terms of one’s own communication behavior and empathy for the other.

- to be able to follow multilingual negotiations. - to be able to apply metacommunicative strategies. The overwhelming number of intercultural training seminars carried out today world-wide follow American training models. Examples of these are cognitive oriented exercise forms like the culture assimilator, culture capsules, etc. or they are based on intercultural sensitivity oriented games like Bafa-Bafa or Bargna. Without going into in-depth critiques for each of the models at this point32, one can identify an essential shortcoming of almost all of these conceptions, namely that none of them really creates a realistic intercultural context and therefore miss their goal. Cognitively oriented training programs at best enable a reflection about the intercultural context from the observer’s point of view. Although empathy-promoting games and simulations provide experience with situations involving alienation, they always run the risk of not being taken seriously by the participants due to their extremely fictitious contexts for action (’’you are now a member of the ‘Adamas’ culture and must now negotiate with representatives of the ‘Omera’ culture”).

From an interaction theory perspective, it is necessary to create intercultural contexts through the participants themselves by having them act in similar ways to those that they would be required in real situations in the scope of an international management assignment. In terms of methodology, simulations are the most suitable for this since they are based on case studies from the international business world and follow the goals mentioned above. In conclusion, the following outline will show how such a simulation can be conceived using an example of a training seminar created and tested in the Department of Intercultural Business Communication at the University of Jena, Germany. Target group The training seminar is geared to management and management trainees as well as business students who are preparing themselves for assignments in

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Challenges for Business international management. The requirements are very good language skills in the seminar language (German) and in at least one other simulation language (English, French or Russian).

The seminar group should have at least 8 but no more than 16 people. Depending on the country of origin, the participants are put together multinationally. Ideally, there should be at least two participants in each team from France, Great Britain, Russia and the United States. If this is not feasible, a trainer from one of these countries can also act as a participant.

Seminar leaders In the ideal case, the seminar is led by a native German speaking trainer and four native speaking co-trainers for American English, British English, French and Russian. The minimum requirements for a successful training seminar would be one trainer and two co-trainers with differing native languages.

Technical equipment

To implement the training seminar, four small offices - with telephones, if possible, and two large conference rooms are generally required. If these facilities are not available, two small rooms as well as two larger rooms would be the minimum requirements. Additionally, two camcorders, one overhead projector and four to five calculators should be available. Training materials and framework of the simulation

The seminar switches between plenary and group work. A total of four groups are formed, each representing a company from France, the UK, Russia and the United States. The groups reach decisions for their ’’company,” discuss possibilities for joint ventures and carry out negotiations to reach these goals. The corporate language is the language of the location of the company. With cooperative and joint ventures, the language of negotiation is determined by the participants themselves. The plenary meetings take place in German. They are there for the evaluation of the video-tapings in the individual groups as well as for instruction of interculturally relevant strategies for negotiation and behavior. The participants receive training materials for their respective target cultures. The case description and starting situation of the company that they will be representing during the simulation should be thoroughly read by the participants. The training materials contain all the texts for the assignments and information that the participants will require for the exercises in the plenary meetings and for decision-making in the companies (in individual groups). The updated market reports are not initially provided. The market reports are

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Challenges for Business provided in the trainer handbook and are handed out to the groups before the beginning of each round in the simulation.

Training material

Training

(Brit. English)

material

British

(French)

Company . _____ / 2-4 Participants Room 1

Trainer's handbook

French Company

)

v

2-4 Participants Room 2

Plenum

Training

/ 1 Trainer, 2-4 Co-Trainers Conference room

“ Training

\

material (Russian)

material

Russian

(Am. English)

Company

us-

Company

J

\

2-4 Participants Room 3

2-4 Participants Room 4

One can expect six hours for the group work and six hours for the plenary work. A total of 1.5 or 2 days should be available for the training seminar. Further training programs encompassing the cultures/ languages of Spanish, Japanese and Chinese are planned for the near future. The course will thus become a modular system in which constituent parts (specific languages/ cultures) can be inserted into the program as required. The compilation of a trainer’s handbook for English is also in progress.

Notes

1 See research reports in: J.Hentze (1987, 170-185) as well as N.Kumar (1988,389-394).

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Challenges for Business 2 G.Hofstede (1980) 3 Knapp (1990,75)

4 See overview of A.Thomas/ K.Hagemann (1992) 5 For Habermas’ critique of Schütz/Luckmann see Habermas (1981, 194195)

6 See also J. Bolten (1992, 8f) 7 J. Habermas (1981, 209f) 8 A. Schütz/T. Luckmann (1984 Bd.1, 208)

9 A. Schütz/T. Luckmann (1984, Bd.2, 28f) 10 ibid., pp. 63-64

11 See J. Bolten (1995a). 12 R. Mead (1990,14)

13 R. Münch (1991, 114) 14 A. Schütz/T. Luckmann (1991, Bd.1, 30f) 15 J. Assmann (1988, 11)

16 Ibid. p. 12-13. 17 See I. Greverus (1987) on the problem of relevance. 18 The areas of activity correspond to the concentration areas of the M.A. program ’’Intercultural Business Communication” at Friedrich-SchillerUniversität Jena/Germany.

19 See J. Bolten (1995)

20 ’’Everyday world” (Alltagswelt) is interpreted here baed on Patzelt’s (1987, 43) conception of a social field ”in which the everyday reality is experienced and maintained.” 21 The differentiation between everyday knowledge and everyday thinking is clearly heuristic.

221 refer to Patzelt’s distinction between "everyday knowledge” and "everyday thinking” (Patzelt 1987, 46). 23l n this context, one can also say that the everyday knowledge is a large store of ‘unpublicized knowledge' that lies under the layer of intersubjective ‘public’ communication.” (Patzelt 1987, 47). Persumablely certain parts of this store of everyday knowledge are activated as subsystems because the compatibility of the stores of knowledge must be ensured among one another in order to attain plausibility. This explains why for example certain "fashions” are "forgotten" over long periods, but reoccurr in similar ways in at least partially

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Challenges for Business comparable structures. 24 See Patzelt (1987). 25 It is conceivable that the context-bound activation of stores of knowledge formally corresponds to that what the Neurobiologist Maturana described as network realization in his theory of autopoietic systems. ’’There is a class of dynamic systems which as units are put into action as networks for production (and elimination) of components which a) contribute to the realization of the network of production (and elimination) of the components through their interaction in a recursive way which is produced by itself and which b) the network of the production (and elimination) of components is set up as a unit in space through the establishment of boundries which they determine and in which they exist.” (Maturana 1982, 245) 26 Patzelt (1987, 47) commented on this: ’’people who possess such a large amount of shared common knowledge from the multitude of possible stores of everyday knowledge that they can routinely and satisfactory consistently carry out reality-constructing coordination of interpretation of meaning and actions are called ’’members” of that ethnic group which can be distinguished from the shared ethnotheories of other ethic groups.”

27 The transition is of course fluid as could be shown with border situations. An example it the example of the relations between East and West Germans: Developments which took place over 40 years of separation have surely led to a considerable incompatibility of individual and social stores of knowledge and due to the interdependence of the three levels, have had effects on the cultural store of knowledge which is considerably resistant and is passed on over several chains of generations. 28 This principle can be observed using the example of technological development but ultimately it is based on overall evolutionary processes. A somewhat trivial example to illustrate the point: there are two apples of the same quality hanging on a tree One can be reached without a ladder, one can only be reached with a ladder. If the goal is only to pick an apple, nobody would think of making the effort for the one which is harder to reach If it is larger or better in quality, the increase in quality (e.g. in calories) and the necessary increase in expenditure of energy to obtain the apple (e.g. calories) will be put into relation. It is worth the effort to climb the ladder if the increase in energy input is under the level of energy output. 29 In terms of secondary experiences, they have been passed on by means of images, or possibly stereotypes and prejudices, and therefore a high degree of familiarity can already exist of course before the beginning of the interaction. This especially influences the first phase of the interaction.

30 There are exceptions for example situations like crisis communication.

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Challenges for Business 31 See Ropella 1989, 174-175.

32 Thomas/ Hagemann (1992); B.-D.Müller (1993) References Adler, Nancy J. (1991) Organizational Behavior, Boston 2

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Constructing cultural distance: power and cultural issues in acquisitions and other project activity. Kenneth David Michigan State University This presentation is offered in a spirit of complementarity to the central objec­ tives of the Society for Intercultural Education, Training, and Research. These objectives were succinctly stated at the SIETAR Congress '96 by Y.R. Isar as “building bridges for intercultural communication, shaping shared understand­ ings, ... working for human rights, and promoting equity.” Here, I suggest that the opposite processes also occur. In situations of perceived inequity, people are moved to create cultural distance among organizations. See Figure 1.

Figure 1

SIETAR priorities and other

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Challenges for Business SIETAR priorities and other organizational realities This work is part of a long-term study of boundary-spanning project manage­ ment whose key points are as follows: First, when projects are undertaken in international strategic alliances, joint ventures, acquisitions, and long-term consulting relationships, inter-organizational cultural and power issues affect project activity. How? As depicted in Figure 2, power struggles and cultural issues affect the ability of organizations to coordinate their activities, mobilize core competencies, and thus achieve the benefits of combination they were seeking in the first place. Second, organizations have distinct project regimes (repetitively patterns of practices and policies) that bear upon cultural and power issues in these relationships (David 1994, David/ Singh 1993, 1993). Third, on the theoretical level, this presentation brings Social Anthropological theory of social movements to the service of inter-organizational communi­ cation and strategic management theory.

Figure 2

Culture, power, and activity

Organizational culture is Unshared Shared Neutralized

Disorganized Activity

Perceived — Inequity Turmoil is

Coordinated Activity Staff defection Compliance with resentment

Present

Covert subversion of programs

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Challenges for Business The trajectory of this presentation is as follows:

I. Cultural Distancing. As an introduction, I present brief examples of organizational situations where cultural distance is sought, that is, where selective barriers to understandings are constructed or where cultural boundaries are not bridged but are fortified. II. Case: BDDP’s attempted takeover of BMP. This case will illustrate the intertwining of cultural and power issues. Both parties addressed contrary messages to a set of stakeholders. As part of its takeover attempt, BDDP attempted to construct a perception of cultural togetherness and of organizational complementarity vis-ä-vis BMP. As part of its takeover defense, BMP attempted to construct a perception of cultural distance and of organizational disarray vis-ä-vis BDDP. This case demonstrates that cultural distance is not a fixed factor1 but a constructed event, that is, a perception that participants can emphasize or de-emphasize, depending on their vested power interests. III. Boundary-spanning project regimes. The final section presents distinct regimes employed by organizations in acquisition and other boundary­ spanning activity. Project regimes are defined as policies and practices for approaching and working with a project partner. Regimes have overt strategic objectives. The cases will show that all acquisition regimes distribute benefits and opportunities to the acquiring and target firms: some regimes are transparent and incite a perception of inequity while others neutralize it. Cases also show that all regimes bear on the cultural gap between the acquiring and target firms: some regimes include pre-acquisition learning routines while others forge ahead without pre-learning; some regimes have no specified cultural policy; others include cultural routines that shape shared understandings, enlist cultural diversity, and bridge cultural gaps; finally, others eliminate cultural diversity and forcibly impose their culture on the target. In summary, regimes have planned or unplanned impacts on both cultural and power issues and thus affect coordination of activity and project performance.

Cultural Distancing There are organizational situations where cultural distance is sought, that is, where cultural boundaries are not bridged but are fortified. This is done in the context of vested interest - a perception of inequity. Two short examples follow. Joint ventures and licensing activities

Cooperation among organizations is constrained by the perceived need to

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Challenges for Business protect proprietary information from the partner (or to acquire information from the partner).

A Japanese company was licensing a manufacturing process (that is, selling the technological know-how) to a major European company in the same industry. When the European licensee complained that the process had operational problems, the Japanese company sent 115 engineers to fix it. The Japanese company has an established regime to avoid unauthorized transfer of knowledge in this situation. The European company had no specific policy and discovered that the Japanese engineers were learning some significant technological knowledge from their own engineers. New policies were formulated to erect cultural fences around their proprietary knowledge and prevent a repetition of this incident.

Post-acquisition integration projects among departments After a merger, integration projects occur to gain benefits of combination. Project partners may or may not restrict access to their culture and proprietary information.

A combination of two major Dutch banks, ABN and AMRO, was known overall as a friendly merger of equals. Over time, it became clear that takeovers were occurring, department by department. In one case, AMRO’s international division was assimilated without any strife by the much larger ABN counterpart. In another case, ABN’s information service department engaged in a quiet power struggle with AMRO’s information unit. Each side informally created barriers to their technology and informal culture. The premise: if the others don’t understand us, they won't take us over. Eventually, the AMRO information system prevailed within ABN-AMRO. Case: BDDP’s attempted takeover of BMP2 Introduction

An acquisition is an event of inter-organizational communications. It can be a complex inter-cultural communication event. Cultural and power issues are intertwined in the following case, the failed attempt of BDDP (a French advertising firm) to acquire BMP (a British advertising firm). Organizational Comparison: background, culture and acquisition regime.

Both firms, BMP (Boase - Massimi - Pollitt) and BDDP (Boulet - Dru - Dupuy - Petit), covered a wide range of advertising, publicity, and public relations activities. Both firms maintained creativity of professional staff with a cultural policy of local responsiveness and business inter-dependence. Both firms

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Challenges for Business expanded by internal growth and by acquiring much smaller firms (no previous successful “mergers of equals”). Strategic considerations

Some strategic and competitive features of the advertising industry are relevant to merger and acquisitions. Hostile acquisitions are rare in the industry because staff and client defections are likely. Clients are sensitive to the potential disruption of this crucial service. On the other hand, value can be created in the business combination of advertising agencies via merger or acquisition. First, if the combined entities operate in the same market and if enough creativity and clients are put together, the merged entity will become more visible and attract more clients. Second, a larger entity gains increased bargaining power in media purchasing. Such economy of scale reduces costs which can be partly passed on to clients in lower billings and partially retained. Third, large clients can use a multinationally integrated partner for global campaigns; production costs are reduced through producing variations on a global brand or product campaign. Clients, however, are sometimes dubious about one-stop shopping and about the real integration of various country units in the merged agency. By these criteria, a strong case could be made for the strategic combination of these firms. Further, both were very creative and highly regarded groups. Assets of BMP and BDDP were complementary: the firms had complemen­ tary geographical coverage and few client conflicts (they served few competitors). A merger, they concluded, would benefit their clients, their staffs, and their business.

Merger proposal by BMP A merger was proposed by BMP in 1986 and again in 1987. Power competition occurred via the idiom of valuation of the privately held French group. BDDP was privately owned: its valuation depended on the criterion chosen: BDDP could be valued as low as 40% smaller or comparable in size to BMP. After the 1987 stock market crash, price to earnings ratios for advertising agencies were much higher on the French than on the British stock exchange: by this criterion, BDDP was comparable in size to BMP. By the turnover multiple criterion, BDDP was 40% smaller. BDDP wanted an equal partnership; BMP wanted to be the senior member. This valuation issue was not solved and talks stopped in 1988. Initiation of hostile takeover by BDDP in 1989.

Following the collapse of merger talks. BDDP initiated a hostile takeover by hiring investment bankers, arranging financing, and by secretly acquiring 6.5% of BMP’s shares. BDDP disclosed its intent to acquire BMP, acquired more

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Challenges for Business BMP shares, and made a 100% cash offer.

The public relations battle aimed at stakeholders. During the unfriendly takeover struggle, each side launched an international marketing campaign, aimed to the same set of stakeholders: government regulators, bankers, stockholders, professional staff, and clients of both firms.

Figure 3

Environments and Stakeholders of BDDP and BMP FRANCE

SOCIETAL ENVIRONMENT

SOCIETAL

UNITED KINGDOM General Public National Media

Government Regulators Banks

Banks

Finn's Business Strategy

Clients

Stockholders

Stockholders

Strategy

BMP

BDDP

*TASK ENVIRONMENT

ORGANIZATIONAL ENVIRONMENT

Organizational Culture

ORGANIZATIONAL ENVIRONMENT

Orginmtional Culture

This case is more flamboyant than the average. We easily see stylish moves and countermoves by two talented advertising agencies using all their communications skills.

As part of its takeover attempt, BDDP emphasized cultural togetherness and strategic fit. BDDP’s formal acquisition offer document was presented as an advertising brochure: a jigsaw puzzle with BDDP and BMP with worldwide advertising presence and emphasis on commercial, cultural, and geographic fit. In SIETAR terms, BDDP attempted to bridge the two cultures. As part of its takeover defense, BMP constructed cultural distance vis-ä-vis BDDP. Hostile, xenophobic responses played on ancient Anglo-Franco sentiments. The BMP creative staff wrote and published the “Boulet Rap”, a song using anti-French cliches. Boulet is described as a “Napoleon” with a “conquering, autocratic, and dominant” attitude and while Boase is portrayed as "Wellington.” BMP’s anti-takeover document was also presented as an advertising brochure, ajigsaw puzzle with ill-fitting pieces (BDDP’s advertising network is described as “the Gruyere of European Networks”). Outcome

239

Challenges for Business BDDP exerted financial pressure by offering a higher share price for BMP. Omnicom, the 4th largest advertising group in the world in 1989, presented a counter-offer in which BMP would retain a favorable position. Omnicom’s offer was accepted. Lesson of case BMP’s spirited defensive campaign shows that cultural distance is not a fixed factor but a constructed event, that is, a perception that participants can emphasize or de-emphasize, depending on their vested power interests. Boundary-spanning project regimes

As defined above (see page 236), regimes are policies and practices that have a strategic intent but also have an impact on both cultural and power issues and thus affect coordination of activity and project performance. The cases briefly described below are variations on the theme of reducing perceived inequity and cultural bridging. Transparent perceived inequity:

Northwest Airlines takes over Republic Airlines

- Both are from the same region in the United States; they are culturally similar. - Northwest subordinates Republic pilots and mechanics by imposing a two tier pay scale. This is a transparent first-class and second-class citizen situation. - Impact: covert subversion - delayed flights and repairs by ex-Republic personnel yield business loss for Northwest.

General Motors acquires EDS (Electronic Data Systems) - EDS must now do all GM information processing = 400% growth of work. GM must retain all EDS personnel to handle the increased work. - GM gives EDS personnel generous benefits to retain them; some GM personnel attached to EDS information services operations.

- Impact: GM personnel feel subordinated and formally protest via their union. Perceived inequity neutralized by meritocracy regime

General Electric’s regime for assimilating acquired companies: - Meritocracy: a regime of competition occurs between the acquired firm and relevant General Electric unit. (“After an acquisition, one plus one equals one”). That is, individuals compete but the former GE personnel do not have a definite advantage over persons from the newly acquired firm.

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Challenges for Business - Impact: great stress to persons but avoidance of a categorical secondclass citizenship by acquired firm. They do not perceive a categorical inequity. Perceived inequity neutralized by pre-divestment; culture bridging by massive socialization. ABB: paramount policy of no business competition between combining units

- Predecessors of ABB = Boveri in power generation; Brown in diesel engines; Asea in electric engines. - When an acquisition is contemplated and when there exists an ABB unit in the same industry sector that is out-competed by the takeover target, the existing ABB unit is divested before the acquisition occurs - that is, the business is divested but people are transferred elsewhere. - The target firm’s culture is obliterated by a massive socialization campaign. Socialization from top to bottom in ABB’s mission, goals, operations, etc.: Takes about 30% of productive time during the first 6 months after the take­ over. Perceived inequity partially neutralized by equity regime (double top management) plus de facto meritocracy regime (at lower levels).

Deloitte-Touche (two major accounting firms) and ABN-AMRO (two major banks) create double senior managements to avoid their disaffection and departure.

- Impact: Executives just below the top are discontent because they have no room for advancement and because they are now overly supervised by double top management (whereas they previously had more operating autonomy). - Middle level managers are told they are all to be retained but must compete for positions. Unlike GE, rules of competition are not stated. Enlisting diversity: multicultural tolerance for target firm’s culture and unobtrusive socialization.

- Electrolux saves face of acquired firms by showing significant tolerance for the target firm’s existing culture. - Electrolux does combined competitor analysis and takeover analysis of current competitors (before the takeover); forms inter-company action teams to implement strategic change (after the takeover). - Due to co-ordinated action, takeover firms tend to assimilate Electrolux culture. - Shortterm impact: sharing understandings and integrating of activities takes some time to accomplish.

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Challenges for Business - Long term impact: Electrolux gets a reputation as a favorable firm to be acquired by; price of acquiring other firms decreases. Eliminating cultural diversity The Limited, Inc. eliminates [“limitizes”] the culture of firms it has acquired

- Dismissal of any non-compliant members of the target firm. - Remaining personnel from target firm tend to share the acquiror’s culture.

- Short term impact: co-ordination of action between the Limited, Inc. and surviving personnel of firms it takes over. Long term impact:

The Limited, Inc. gets a reputation as a difficult firm to be acquired by. The price of acquiring other firms rises for The Limited, Inc. References Boulet, J.-C. (1989) BDDP’s attempted acquisition of BMP, Keynote speech at Strategic Management Society meeting, The Wave of Mergers, Acquisitions, and Alliances: Towards a European or Global Firm, Paris, June 22

David, K. (1994) No work on Sunday! - Boundary-spanning processes in intercultural project management. Journal of Strategic Change, 3, 124.1-8 David, K./Singh, H. (1993) Sources of Acquisition Cultural Risk, In G. VonKrogh, A. Sinatra, & H. Singh (Eds.) Managing Corporate Acquisitions, Macmillan, New York David, K./Singh, H. (1993) Acquisition Regimes: managing cultural risk and relative deprivation in corporate acquisitions, In D. Hussey (Ed.), International Review of Strategic Management, Volume Four, Wiley, London Hofstede, G. (1980) Culture’s Consequences: international differences in work-related values, Sage, London

Isar, Y.R. (1996) Meeting the Intercultural Challenge, Plenary Session, SIETAR Congress ’96, Munich, 29 May Kale, S. H. (1991) “Culture-specific marketing communications: an analytical approach, International Marketing Review 8, 2, 18-30

Trompenaars, F (1993) Riding the Waves of Culture, The Economist Books, London

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Challenges for Business

Impact of National Business Cultures on East & West Joint Ventures Marie-Joelle Browaeys, Math. IV. Göbbels Nijenrode University, Netherlands After the main privatisation processes in Central and Eastern Europe (CEE), which have resulted in both a strong entrepreneurial climate and a growing market potential, Western European companies are taking the initiative for making different types of cooperative agreements, of which the joint venture is one.

Setting up joint ventures is usually problematic given the differences in the organisational culture and the national culture. From companies’ business experience, it can be noted that a cooperation between companies from the East and the West contains a lot of cross-cultural challenges. In this paper the authors will present the implications resulting from a recently conducted research1 project on this subject. In short, the paper will deal with the dimensions upon which various cultures differ and what impact these differences have on the succes of a joint venture. Introduction

The main problem in a joint venture between Central and Eastern European and Western European companies is the interconnectedness of political and cultural processes and developments. Although both internal and external organisational stakeholders are mutually dependent on each other for gaining profits, one could find, most of the time, severe misunderstandings between two or more organisations trying to cooperate. There often exists a certain inequilibrum between business partners, which is also based on mistrust.

Problem statement and research questions The main objective of this research project is to investigate the impact of national business cultures on the success of joint ventures between companies from Eastern Europe and Western Europe and to find out the ways strategies for coping with national business cultures can be developed.

From the overall objective the following sub-objectives were formulated:

1) To characterise the national, organisational and business cultures of Bulgaria, France, the Netherlands and the Slovak Republic. 2) To analyse and describe the influences of national cultures on the business cultures of these countries.

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Challenges for Business 3) To analyse and describe the extent to which cultural (dis)similarities have an impact on the creation, running and the success of joint ventures between companies from Central and Eastern Europe and Western Europe.

4) To obtain an insight into the cultural misunderstandings between business partners from Central and Eastern Europe and Western Europe.

5) To develop strategies to avoid these misunderstandings. For simplicity and practical reasons, we will not discuss the results of joint ventures established with companies in France. These results can be found in the forthcoming final report. Methodology

During the research one important ‘ceteris paribus' condition has been formulated, ie. to isolate and thus not to research already known but still changing factors in the external environment of a joint venture. These comprise the the following factors: the political climate which is still not very stable in some CEE countries, the macro-economic situation in terms of some main economic parameters such as inflation and exchange rates, the infrastructural basis with a vast amount of improvements to be made in the field of communications and the national industrial policy which leaves much to be desired with regard to setting of priorities, and, last but not least, the educational factor of which it can be said that the qualification of employees in Central and Eastern Europe is at an unexpected extraordinarily high level and is regarded as such by the Western partners, especially against the background of a cheap labour force.

In general the method of triangulation is used. Triangulation can be seen as a combined use of both quantitative and qualitative research methods. From the literature (Campbell/ Fiske 1959, Fielding & Fielding 1986), it is argued that the complementary use of the two mentioned methods has advantages in comparison with the use of only one method, especially in terms of the reliability and validity of the research results. Data collection

For the qualitative part of the research in each country, five joint venture situations (Existing, Failed or In Preparation) were researched through interviews and additional data gathering. Within each company, a total of six interviews with employees at various levels (ranging from top management and middle management to the operational level) were held. In the cases of existing joint ventures, both business partners in the respective countries were interviewed.

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Challenges for Business For the quantitative research in each country questionnaires are sent to samples of employees within the companies. For the existing joint venture situations companies on both sides of Europe were surveyed.

Because of the difficulty of tracing joint venture situations, several sources such as chambers of commerce, embassies and consulates and representative employers bodies, had also been consulted. In addition, the extensive networks of all four research partners had to be used for locating joint venture situations. Therefore, we can say that the sample of companies is a sample of convenience.

Qualitative research results From the interview results it is possible to distillate six common denominators which are advanteageous for the success of joint ventures. The following factors will be briefly described without making any substantial inferences across countries as below:

Trust between business partners With most of the interviewed joint ventures it appeared that initial trust between two business partners is of eminent importance for setting up the joint venture. In most cases of joint venture failures Western European countries are clearly underestimating the knowledge and expertise of their counterparts in Central and Eastern Europe. For setting up a successful joint venture, it is almost necessary to build up a good personal relationship with substantial face-toface contact between the two business partners.

Respecting differences After the initial contact it is important to keep in mind that the approaches used by both business partners might be different, because of intercultural differences between countries. The concept of time, for example, is different from country to country. An interesting observation was the fact that Western European people sometimes tend to abuse Central and Eastern European hospitality as well as failing to understand local customs and habits, can lead to profound misunderstanding on both sides.

Commitment and motivation

Both, topmanagement and employees have to be fully committed and motivated for fulfilling the new objectives of the joint venture. The best case would be if the drive is an intrinsical one. This is especially important because most of the employees from the mother companies are employed in the new organisation which has probably different ways of working. Since most of the joint ventures are physically located in Central and Eastern Europe, it is of utmost importance especially for the employees in that part of Europe, to get

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Challenges for Business used to and to become acquainted with new ways of working, which are the compromise between the two.

Clarity or unity of objectives goals Once committed and motivated for the new organization, it is important that everybody within the organization is aware of the objectives and goals of the new organisation. Not only clarity of goals is important, but also simplicity of goals is recommended. Because of lack of knowledge on aspects such marketing, human resource management, finance and strategy wirh regard to Central and Eastern Europeans, Western business partners should remember not to formulate too complex objectives. Communication It is important that everybody within the organisation is adequately and ontime informed about different aspects of the joint venture. It is not only a matter of being informed by management, but it is also important to inform each other within the company, both at management level and at operational level. Here, the differences between formal and informal methods of communication become clear. In Bulgaria one can observe a predomination of informal communication, both face-to-face and by phone.

Quality of Human Resource Management It is clear that partners in both parts of Europe are very content with the quality and motivation of staff. Most of the employees in Central and Eastern Europe, however, don’t have much vocational experience (for some of them it is their first job). This fact does not have to be seen as totally negative. It creates some advantages, the most important of which is that most young people are blank from experience and are not familiar with previous standards and rules from the former centrally planned system. Joint ventures providing a good quality of working life to employees as well as giving them the possibility to have a career, are significantly more successful than joint ventures whose human resource management policy and practice is not challenging.

Design of a measurement instrument For the measurement of national business culture the research team has made use of existing instruments for national culture and organisational culture.

For national culture the work of Hofstede (1980) and Bond & Hofstede (1987) is used. In several studies they have found five dimensions which describe ecological relationships between countries. These dimensions are:

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Challenges for Business - Power Distance (PDI) - Uncertainty Avoidance (UAI) - Individualism and collectivism (IDV)

- Masculinity and femininity (MAS) Confucian Dynamism: long-term and short-term orientation (LTO)

For the measurement of organisational culture the model developed by De Cock, Bouwen and De Witte (1986) was used. The model distinguishes 4 organisational climate orientations: - Support orientation Central concepts are participation, cooperation, human, social, mutual trust, group cohesion, individual growth.

- Rules orientation The focus is on respect for authority, rationality in procedures, division of work, and formalization.

- Innovation orientation This orientation is characterized by searching for new information in the external environment, taking risks, creativity, competition, anticipation, enough room for experimentation.

- Goal orientation Concepts like management by objectives, rational planning (short term), goal setting, limited information access (only specific job related), and efficiency are fundamental.

Questionnaire test

From the questionnaire test data collection through questionnaires appeared to be the most difficult part of the research process. In both CEE countries there was a lot of mistrust from the side of the employers to participate in the research. For Bulgaria there was an additional limiting factor of people who were not accustomed to this kind of survey research. Because of downsizing and reorganising companies in the Slovak Republic showed a clear lack of commitment. Furthermore, the following problems with the questionnaire have been observed: - Conceptual and empirical overlap between the measurements for national culture and organisational culture

- Questionnaire appeared difficult to understand by respondents because of:

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Challenges for Business - Difficulty of questionnaire items in general - Translation of diffuse concepts - Scaling issues: respondents in CEE countries showed many problems with the original

- Point scales in the organisational climate section - Length of the questionnaire

From the questionnaire test it is concluded that the application of concepts for culture in Central and Eastern Europe is very difficult, risky, and maybe even impossible. This is mainly caused by the specific context of CEE, partly originating in the countries’ histories. Further fundamental research in this field is strongly needed. For the concept of national culture this conclusion is confirmed by earlier research (Nehring 1995). Results

- National culture As expected and on the basis of the questionnaire test, the factors for national culture appear to have empirical overlap and are not reliable enough to give interpretation to. The next step was to supplement the original Hofstede­ items with items from a section which contained items from a face-value operationalization by Browaeys & Göbbels (1995). After factor analysis results were only marginally better.

- Organizational culture Factor analysis shows that only the SUPPORT orientation formed an independent factor. The other factors appears to have conceptual overlap and are not reliable enough to give interpretation to. Although the factor results were not satisfactory, the results of reliability analysis were the contrary. Since the original model has been validated for both CEE and West European countries, it is decided to use the original constructs which have all a high Cronbach Alpha. Cronbach Alpha for the RULES construct appeared to be very low, probably due to item elimination after the questionnaire test.

Hereunder we will present shortly the results for the three organisational climate dimensions.

- Supportive climate On this dimension the organizational culture in the three countries can to some extent be characterized as ‘supportive’. It is clear from the table that companies in the Slovak Republic are clearly less supportive than companies in Bulgaria and the Netherlands.

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Challenges for Business SUPPORTIVE CLIMATE

SLOVAK

BULGARIA

NETHER­ LANDS

REPUBLIC

Mutual understanding

2.23

2.47

2.15

Informal communications/contacts

2.40

2.21

2.45

Concern for colleagues

2.39

2.14

2.30

Mutual trust

2.23

2.38

2.36

Mutual support in solving work problems

2.29

2.43

2.44

Pleasant atmosphere

2.14

2.43

2.56

Mutual support for non-work problems

2.00

2.03

2.23

TOTAL SCALE SCORE

13.05

14.17

14.44

SLOVAK

BULGARIA

NETHER­

Cronbach Alpha = 0.79 Items are measured at a 3-point scale, with: 1 = no, not at all 2 = to some extent

3 = yes, very much INNOVATIVE CLIMATE

LANDS

REPUBLIC

Risk taking

1.83

2.13

2.32

Openness to constructive criticism

2.13

2.34

2.28

Using modern technology

2.19

2.47

2.50

Learning from failures

2.32

2.38

2.44

Flexibility

2.35

2.42

2.53

Suggesting new ideas

2.30

2.30

2.42

Market orientation

2.73

2.50

2.78

Innovative

2.26

2.45

2.69

TOTALSCALE SCORE

14.18

16.16

16.19

Cronbach Alpha = 0.74

Items are measured at a 3-point scale, with: 1 = no, not at all

2 = to some extent 3 = yes, very much

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Challenges for Business At the individual item level it is interesting to see that Bulgarian employees characterize their companies significantly more by mutual understanding, which is into accordance with the collectivistic nature of the Bulgarian people. In contrast, it is strange to see that the Bulgarian employees characterize their companies clearly less by informal communications or informal contacts. This does not validate our findings from the interviews. Mutual support for non-work problems is more applicable in the Dutch situation, which can be seen as an outcome of the still developing welfare state in which the quality of working life is stressed as important.

- Innovative climate As with supportive climate, Bulgarian and Dutch employees characterize their organization as clearly more innovative than their Slovak employees. Slovak companies are clearly less risk-taking, show less openness to constructive criticism and using less modern technology. In comparison with Bulgaria, Slovakian compa-nies are more market-oriented which is a positive sign for further economic development.

- Goal-directed climate The Bulgarian companies are characterized by their employees as the most goal-directed: more clear objectives, more performance measurement and more effective/efficient use of resources. The scores for Slovak and Dutch differs significantly from those for Bulgaria, but can still be called mediocre.

GOAL-DIRECTED CLIMATE

SLOVAK

BULGARIA

NETHER­

REPUBLIC

LANDS

Clear objectives

2.63

2.62

2.45

Responsibilityfor own performance

2.60

2.49

2.66 2.24

Excellent performance of the company

2.27

2.60

Job reward

2.08

2.29

2.56

Performance measurement

2.19

2.36

2.27

Effective/efficient use of resources

2.42

2.42

2.26

TOTAL SCALE SCORE

11.68

12.95

11.61

Cronbach Alpha = 0.68

Items are measured at a 3-point scale, with: 1 = no, not at all

2 = to some extent 3 = yes, very much

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Challenges for Business Conclusions

The following conclusions can be formulated:

1) The application of concepts measuring national culture and/or organisational culture in an CEE context has to be taken with lots of care. 2) Problems with applying these concepts are:

- conceptual and empirical overlap between the two concepts - difficulty of questionnaire items (and related problems with translation and scaling etc.)

3) Compared to Bulgaria and Slovakia, Dutch companies can be characterised by the most supportive organisational climate.

Slovak companies appear to be significantly less innovative than the Bulgarian and Dutch companies. Bulgarian companies are the most goal-directed compared to the other two countries. 4) Trust between two business partners and respecting differences is THE factor of success for setting up joint ventures between East and West.

Notes 1 This paper describes the results of research sponsored by PHARE/ACE (project number 94-0591-R) and is conducted in a joint cooperation between: - Nijenrode University, The Netherlands Business School

- City University Bratislava, Slovak Republic - University of National and World Economy, Sofia, Bulgaria - Universite Paris Dauphine, Paris, France References Bond, M.H./Hofstede, G. (1987) "Chinese Values and the Search for Culture-free Dimensions of Culture”, Journal of Cross Cultural Psychology, 14,143-164 Göbbels, M.W./ Browaeys, M.J. (1995) "The impact of National Business Cultures on the Success of Joint Ventures between CEE countries and Western European Countries”, PHARE/ACE Interim Report, July

Campbell, D.T./Fiske, D.W. (1959) "Convergent and Discriminant Validity by the Multi­ Trait, Multi-Method Matrix”, Psychological Bulletin Fielding, N.G./Fielding, J.L. (1986) Linking Data, Beverly Hills: Sage Publications

Hofstede, G. (1980) Culture’s Consequences, London: Sage Publications Nehring, H.A. (1995) "Working in the Czech Republic: Exploring Interaction and Communication”. Project thesis presented to the Faculty of the Graduate School of The University of Texas at El Paso

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Challenges for Business

Globalisation and indigenous management models: the periphery talks back Peter R. Prud’homme van Reine Vrije Universiteit Amsterdam

Business globalization strategies In the last decade internationally operating companies have turned to globalisation strategies as a new source of competitive advantage. The insight that globalisation goes together with a ‘localisation’ countertrend (reactions against growing uniformity by groups of people asserting their identity and cultural differences with other groups) has recently been acknowledged by business analysts: ‘all over the world people are agreeing to trade more freely with each other. And all over the world people are asserting their indepen­ dence, their sovereignty, their distinctiveness’ (Naisbitt 1994). The solution that is advocated to reconcile the seemingly conflicting demands of global integration and local responsiveness is the ‘networking organisati­ on’. Some business analysts present the networking organisation as a univer­ sal model for a world culture of management in which global companies will loose their national identity (Bartlett 1989, Hastings 1993). Others attribute success in international business to ‘global tribes’ that assert their own identity, such as the Japanese industry and ethnic Chinese businesses (Kotkin 1992). The indigenous management and organisation models, used by these ‘global tribes’, originated in regions formerly perceived as peripheries and the networking organisation model heavily relies on elements taken from indigen­ ous models, such as lean production and teamwork concepts from the Japanese model (Abo 1994, Morton 1994) and interdependency and networ­ king from the Chinese model (Kao 1993, Redding 1993): ‘the periphery talks back’ (Hannerz 1992: 265).

Convergence of organizational competence versus adoption of indigenous models

The development of indigenous models often takes place in emerging regions that are attractive for investors, and proceeds simultaneously with resistance against universal models. This has consequences for globalization strategies of Western companies: how to deal with the ‘globalization-localization’ paradox. Adoption of indigenous models in local subsidiaries can therefore be a source of competitive advantage.

In the past, attractive regions for investors usually were low wage regions: peripheries in the traditional sense. Western companies had a dominant

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Challenges for Business position and could impose their global way of working in local subsidiaries and in the cooperation with a local partner. An alternative strategy was to construct a compromise between global and local, that, although perceived as a concession to the most efficient way of organizing, was sometimes introduced in local subsidiaries by global players because of apparent advantages such as labour rest and short term profit. Nowadays, attractive regions to invest often are peripheries that talk back, where indigenous models for management and organization have developed and where a spirit of self-confidence exists. In such regions, resistance is to be expected against a globalization model that is presented as global, but is basically Western. In the Western business literature the idea predominates that organizational competence will eventually converge, such as foreseen by Kanter (1995). Mrs. Kanter explicitly perceives the development of a world culture of manage­ ment that will permit world class companies to operate everywhere, taking advantage of differences among localities (such as in natural resources or wages) without sacrificing quality (Kanter 1995: 84). This idea of converging organizational competence can be questioned. In practice, the situation in a local subsidiary will not be as harmonious as descriptions of the ‘lean networking organization’ suggest. Power relations and ideologic confrontati­ ons will be disputed. It is not surprising therefore, that Western companies still experience serious problems when they invest in regions where such a spirit of self-confidence exists. Although Japan seems a very attractive region to invest, many investments of Western companies in Japan fail (Ohmae 1985, Jackson 1993: 218). The failure rate of Western-Chinese joint ventures is very high. It is remarkable that most foreign investments in mainland China originate from greater China: from Hong Kong and Singapore (68%) and from Taiwan (7%).

Resistance is also to be expected against a globalization model that is presen­ ted as universal, but is basically Japanese (Campbell 1994). This happened in the first phase of globalization of Japanese companies, for instance in England, where local researchers (Garrahan 1992:137-139) tried to unmask the quest for harmony within subsidiaries of a Japanese company as a strategy to create dependence of the employees. The consequences of the ‘globalization - localization' paradox make the interaction between the ‘global identity’ of a prospective ‘global player’ and adaptation to indigenous models essential. When a company chooses the region where it wants to invest, it has to pay attention to social and political developments, relations with the local government and unions, the relations­ hip with a local partner and suppliers, but also to indigenous models for organization and management.

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Challenges for Business Moss Kanter’s idea of convergence of organizational competence also influences her conception of ‘cosmopolitan’ managers. She describes cosmo­ politans as having weak community and national affiliations (Kanter 1995: 23); and spreading universal ideas (Kanter 1995:61). Moss Kanter’s cosmo­ politans are business cosmopolitans with a world identity, while Kotkin (1992) states that cosmopolitans derive their strength from the fact that they retain their ethnic identity while having an open mind for other cultures.

The description of international managers of networking companies such as ABB (Hastings 1993) are more in line with Moss Kanter’s business cosmopo­ litans who believe in convergence of organizational competence than with Kotkin’s ethnic cosmopolitans. It can be concluded that recent management literature still supports the implementation of management methods and organization forms that comply with an internationally standardized corporate culture in local subsidiaries of ‘global players’, be it in the framework of a ‘lean networking organization’. In order to further elucidate the ‘globalization-localization’ paradox, it is important to study to what extent global players choose for their ‘global identity’ and/or adopt to indigenous models for management and organization in practice. An interesting region to study such processes in a 'pristine' stadium is South Africa, a country that only recently became attractive for global investors after political sanctions were lifted after the start of the democratization process. Therefore, prelimenary research of South African businesses has been performed, which will be presented in the following, as a case study of globalization and localization processes in practice.

A case: globalization and local models in South Africa

The staggering political reforms in South Africa have a major impact on international companies in that country. The re-integration of the South African economy in the global economy has opened up new markets for South African products. It also exposes the domestic economy to keener foreign competition. The South African government actively promotes foreign investment. South African companies feel the pressure of international competition on the South African market and are extending their operations internationally themselves, and therefore experience the need of global standardisation for world class manufacturing. Local pressures demand the integration of members of groups with different cultural backgrounds at all levels in the company. In 1994, still only 2% of senior management and 9% of middle management was black. Foreign companies that invest in South Africa will experience pressure to adapt their organization, management methods and ways of doing business, to the culture, the needs, the capabilities and limitations of the host country and the host community (Human 1991: 117)

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Challenges for Business South Africa is now emerging from a period of isolation from the world economy and needs to develop its industries to compete internationally. Business magazines already assert that Johannesburg could be the new Hong Kong (Business Age 1995) and promote South Africa as the gateway to sub-saharan Africa and the engine of the economy of the whole continent. Johannesburg might grow to be the local centre of the Southern African development Cooperation (SADC) that embodies 110 million people. The role of cosmopolitans can well be taken by South Africa’s well trained and internationally experienced managerial base. There is a large group of managers who have close connections with Europe and the U.S.A, but who are also rooted in the South African business culture where family business and conglomerates play an important role. Although this group consists mainly of the English speaking white population and contemporary immigrants, a managerial base of non-whites is developing rapidly. The policies of the South African government of national unity are focused on togetherness and reconciliation. Due to the history of apartheid, ethnic identity as a basis for political identity is suspicious. However, it cannot be denied that ethnic identity is a factor in the South African economy. In most of the large companies, such as the mining company Anglo American, an English business culture is predominant. A white ‘Afrikaner’ business culture can still be found in companies such as Gencor, that was formed after the ’Afrikaner’ National Party won the elections in 1948. There is an emerging sector of 'black business’, that still controls only 1% of the stock market capital.

South African commentators state that South Africa, with its enormous diversity, is in a position to make a crucial contribution to the cultural synthesis involved in the emerging global post-colonial culture (Hyslop 1995:347). Madi (1993) explicitly points to Japan as a country that learned from the West and subsequently developed its own model and advocates this as an example for South Africa. Indeed, South Africa has all the characteristics of a periphery that will start talking back: emerging from an isolated, peripheral position, however with a reasonably developed local market, Johannesburg as the local centre, the presence of a base of managers with a cosmopolitan mind and a spirit of self-confidence that is illustrated by the development of an indigenous model for management and organization. This so-called ‘African Management’ model, that is based on traditional South African ways of leadership and organization, is described in books such as ‘Transcultural management’ (Koopman 1991); ‘African Management' (Christie/ Lessem/ Mbigi 1994) and 'Ubuntu' (Mbigi 1995). The idea behind the African Management model is that incorporation of non­ whites at management levels in South African companies just by the executi­ on of ‘affirmative action' programmes will not succeed because this would

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Challenges for Business lead to forced enculturation in a ‘white’ business culture. Koopman started to develop the African management model after he found out as a white mana­ ger of a South African company, that he could not motivate his employees with a Western management style and organization structure. He started to experiment with ‘industrial democracy’: councils elected by the employees with real management authority. Christie and Mbigi stress the importance of learning from elements of traditional community thinking such as Indaba (literally ‘the debating society’: a traditional form of group deliberation where open debate and deviating points of view are accepted and where consensus is sought before decisions are made) and Ubuntu (literally ‘humanism’: inclusiveness, supportiveness, cooperation and solidarity as important values in the organization). They argue that African Management is not in conflict with World Class Manufacturing, but that the reverse is true. The latter heavily relies on elements such as interdependence, respect, trust, sharing information, commitment, empowerment and group learning that can only be realized by accepting and valuing diversity. According to Christie, one of the strengths of African Management is that it can handle the balancing of polarities in an organization, such as stability and chaos; harmony and conflict; reality and vision; freedom and control; diversity and integration. Christie, Mbigi c.s. also think that there is a natural fit between certain values in African society and the direction learning organizations are moving to.

Recommendations for companies that want to introduce African management in their organization include: - create an atmosphere of informality and improve approachability of mana­ gement. - create a learning organization: coaching leadership style; team learning; participative structures and consensus decision making; an organization that focuses not on hierarchy but on free flow of information.

- make employees responsible for decisions regarding their own worklife. - attention for and respect and dignity for the individual person.

- removal of privileges related to rank, such as separate canteens and benefits; removal of exclusive symbols and not allowing any racial, sexist, elitist or class related words and terminology. - allow for open treatment of conflicts and tensions in stead of suppressing these. - greater involvement of the social community in the organization. - use of ceremonies and storytelling. Anticipated advantages of African management for ‘global players’ who invest in South Africa are the harmonization of leadership practice and organization

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Challenges for Business values to facilitate the inclusion of larger numbers of non-whites into the organizations, and the fostering of doing business in the whole region of Southern Africa. The development of indigenous models in South Africa goes hand in hand with resistance against the ‘universal model’. Chris Lloyd, adviser of the National Union of Metal Workers SA (NUMSA), writes:

We are regularly assaulted with prescriptions howto become world competitive to survive in the area of globalization. A key problem to South Africa is the uncritical way in which management strategies developed in countries with substantially different histories and political and social circumstances are imported as holistic solutions for industrial restructuring (Lloyd 1994: 1).

Lloyd questions the motivation behind change processes in internationally oriented companies in the new South Africa. Although change programmes are often officially motivated by morale and socio-political changes, in reality the perceived need to transform into a world class company in order to compete internationally is predominant.

Interviews were held by me with local managers of Dutch companies with investments in South Africa, in order to investigate how internationally oriented companies in South Africa deal with the concurrent processes of striving for global competitiveness and the integration of their Western (more individually oriented) culture and a ‘black’ or ‘Africanized’ (more group oriented) culture. It was found that local managers of three large Dutch multinationals, that all have more than 1000 employees in South Africa, stress the global corporate culture of the company and the use of methods such as Business Process Reengineering, World Class Manufacturing and Total Quality Management in order to become globally competitive. Adaptation to the local culture is restricted to the implementation of social responsibility programmes and an ‘affirmative action’ programme that is integrated in Human Resource mana­ gement policies. The motivation for this is mainly ‘trying to be a good corporate citizen’. Traditional African culture and ‘African management’ elements such as Ubuntu or Indaba are considered as a liability, certainly not as an asset. Smaller companies such as Vlisco (about 20 employees in South Africa) adapt more to the local situation. Vlisco produces the so-called ‘Africa print’ fabric for clothing in The Netherlands. It has a marketing/sales office in Johannesburg, and the products are distributed by three shops owned by Vlisco SA and by a network of franchise shops all over South Africa. Vlisco’s products are at the high end of the market. The quality of the fabric and the designs have a status appeal among the black population. Vlisco adapts to the process of stressing the own identity, as illustrated by the following text used in an advertisement: “See how people listen when you wear the right

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Challenges for Business fabric”. Another advertisement text stresses the combination of local and global: “real Dutch wax and Java prints, inspired by Africa”. Vlisco is an example of a Dutch company in South Africa that combines global and local in its organization, product design and marketing communication and is successful.

It is interesting to note that the local South African management of one of the largest Japanese multinationals, Toyota, stresses the importance of‘Africani­ zed management’, inculcating the spirit of Ubuntu in the workplace, personal relationships between management and employees and the introduction of participative structures (The Black Leader 1995), in addition to the compa­ ny’s affirmative action programme that is already in place. Toyota seems to be well embedded in the local setting: it has a production centre and a research centre in South Africa, and South Africa is the centre for Toyota’s distribution network all over Southern Africa. Toyoya recently (April 1996) had to face a major strike, caused by the perception that a new bonus system, urged by the headquarters in Japan, benefitted managers more than employees. This indicates that the integration of local management in the global network is still less than complete. However, ‘the willingness to learn’ that characterizes the Japanese approach is illustrated by the fact that Japanese managers are beginning to send managers to South Africa to experience the diversity of the workplaces and learn from the resulting unique expertise (Van der Merwe 1994: 425). Additional research has been conducted by me in one of the large South African companies in consumer products. This company belongs to that part of the company which has traditionally been dominated by English business culture and is extremely successful on the local market. The company is a global player with investments in Europe, Asia and other African countries. It has formulated a change programme with the goal to become a ‘world class’ company and a ‘South African’ company at the same time. One of the company’s slogans is: ‘You’re never too big for your roots’. The company perceives the necessity of the integration between the Western, individualistic oriented culture that the company used to have and a black or Africanized, more group oriented culture. Elements of African management that the company has introduced include: - conducting experiments with group decisions on the nomination of supervi­ sors and managers within the company

- conducting extensive training programmes for both black and white employ­ ees. - eradicating racism and stereotyping - a coaching leadership style

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Challenges for Business - company values that link up with Ubuntu: dignity, respect, people development - participative team based structures, with decision making authority by the teams.

Managers of some of the local factories and branches have taken additional initiatives, such as introduction of Indaba like meetings; establishment of councils, with a majority of members elected by the employees, with real decision making authority; use of ceremonies and story telling; increased community involvement and free information flow with the goal to establish a transparent organization.

Although most of the employees are positive about the change process, also obstacles for the introduction of African Management in the company are experienced. White managers have a marked lack of knowledge of the culture and living conditions of many of their non-white employees and the diversity within these cultures, which causes uncertainty and fear about the relations between black and white and ignorance of the importance of ethnicity in daily processes in the organization. The formal atmosphere especially at the head office of the company, leads to the presence of a culture of ‘conflict avoidance’. There is a marked lack of trust between workforce and managers due to the historical power relations and the large income disparities. A strong emphasis on productivity has as a consequence that managers tend to fall back on an autocratic leadership style when problems arise during the daily operations. Feelings of exclusion still exist among employees of previously underprivile­ ged groups and communication problems in daily face-to-face interactions are still manifest.

These obstacles seem to be related at least partly to the historical dominance of an English business culture in South Africa in general and in this company in particular. Hickson (1993: 60-62) gives the following characteristics of English business culture:: managers are very polite, tenacious, resourceful, reserved and self-disciplined; have ethno-centric attitudes towards foreign partners; prefer formal and clearly defined job territories and a formal air to business dealings; prefer an individualistic climate in which employees do not expect their superiors to look after them and to help them with their personal difficulties. Hickson states that more emotional and group-oriented cultures experience this as arrogance, detachment and “coolness”, which might lead to tension and conflict. It is striking that the introduction of African management has progressed the furthest in those locations of the company, where conflicts persisted in the past: in two regions dominated by conservative ‘Afrikaners’, but also close to black townships that are well known for the presence of radical groups. The

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Challenges for Business management in these locations makes use of the energy and creativity that is freed when conflicts are treated openly and the change process in the direction of a combination of World Class Manufacturing and African management is successful here. In the head office of the company, where the English business culture is most dominant, the presence of the ‘politeness barrier’ causes that openly handling conflicts is avoided. The change process is seriously hampered here.

The lesson to be learnt from this experience is in line with Lloyd’s observati­ ons (Lloyd 1994: 61): tension and conflict in the workplace are not necessarily negative things, it depends on their use. The consultant’s dream of the harmonious corporate family of workers and managers has been shattered by the painful structural adjustment of the developing economies. It will be probably more fruitful to experiment, and make mistakes, with an African approach than simply to retrofit failing imported strategies to our quite different industrial reality. The belief in the idea of organizational convergence, leading to imposing a global company culture on the local management and unwillingness to accept tension and conflict in the workplace, might well have contributed to the fact that although Dutch companies have a competitive advantage in South Africa due to historical ties, nowadays only 2% of foreign investments is Dutch and the amount of new investments in South Africa is disappointingly low. Conclusion

The focus in the international business literature is on a universal solution for the ‘globalization - localization’ paradox: the lean networking model as a global strategy that guarantees ‘global competitiveness’. In regions (formerly) perceived as peripheries, indigenous models for management and organization emerge, characterized by an emphasis on the unique culture and identity of the regions where these models develop. The success of the Japanese and the Chinese model has lead to incorporation of elements in the ‘universal model’ that are strongly related to culture and identity, such as trust, interdependence and teamwork, while disregarding the cultural backgrounds of the indigenous models from which these elements originated. Preliminary research in South Africa confirms that in emerging economies that are attractive for investors, resistance against imposing a ‘universal model’ goes hand in hand with the development of indigenous models. Although Japanese companies have received much criticism in the first phase of their globalization process, there are signs that in the present phase of globalization, Japanese (and also ethnic Chinese companies) display a willingness to learn and to do business from a local perception in order to reconcile the ‘globalization-localization’ paradox. The fact that the Japanese and Chinese

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Challenges for Business models started itself as ‘peripheries that talk back’ might contribute to a greater affinity to the cultural issues such as trust, interdependence and teamwork, and a willingness to adopt to other indigenous models. Tension and conflict in the workplace are inevitable and global competitiveness should be accompa­ nied by local competitiveness, which can only be obtained by tapping into local roots. The final conclusion for Western companies is that, instead of pursuing a quest for a ‘world culture of management’, they should also generate their own distinctive innovative response to the new global competition, capitalize on inherent strengths, demonstrate a willingness to learn from indigenous models and accept that tension and conflict are inevitable in a context of globalization and localization processes.

References Abo, T. (ed.) (1994) Hybrid Factory, the Japanese Production System in the United States, New York: Oxford University Press. Bartlett, C. /Sumantra G. (1989) Managing across Borders, the Transnational Solution, Boston: Harvard Business School Press. Black L. (1995) Toyota: The journey’s just begun. The Black Leader 8: 22-24.

Business Age (1995) Jo'burg can be the next Hong Kong. Business Age Magazine South Africa Special Report 4 (52): 18-19.

Campbell, N. /Fred B. (1994) Japanese Multinationals: Strategies and Management in the Global Kaisha, New York: Routledge. Christie, P./Ronnie L./Lovemore M. (ed.) (1994) African Management: Philosophies, Concepts & Applications, Randburg (SA): Knowledge Resources. Garrahan, P. /Paul S. (1992) The Nissan Enigma, flexibility at work in a local economy, London: Mansell Publishing.

Hannerz, U. (1992) Cultural Complexity, Studies in the Social Organization of meaning, New York: Columbia University Press.

Hastings, C. (1993) The New Organization, Growing the Culture of Organizational Networking, Maidenhead (U.K.): McGraw Hill. Hickson, D.J. (ed.) (1993) Management in Western Europe, Society, Culture and Organization in Twelve Nations, New York: Walter de Gruyter.

Human, L. (1991) Educating Managers for a Changing South Africa, Kenwyn (SA): Juta & Co. Hyslop, J. (1995) South Africa in the Era of Globalisation. In: Work and Industrialization in South Africa, 337 - 348. Ed. E.Webster, Randburg: Ravan Press.

Jackson, T. (1993) Turning Japanese, London: Harpers Collins Publishers.

Kanter/ Moss, R. (1995) World Class: Thriving Locally in the Global Economy, New York: Simon and Schuster.

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Challenges for Business Kao, J. (1993) The worldwide web of Chinese business. Harvard Business Review. Maart-april 1993: 24-36. Koopman, A. (1991) Transcultural Management - How to Unlock Global Resources, Oxford: Basil Blackwell.

Kotkin, J. (1992) Tribes, How Race, Religion and Identity Determine Success in the New Global Economy, New York: Random House.

Lloyd, C. (1994) Work Organisation and World Class Management, Johannesburg: S.A. Labour Bulletin. Madi, P. M. (1993) Affirmative Action in Corporate South Africa: Surviving in the Jungle, Kenwyn (SA): Juta & Co Ltd. Lovemore, M. (1995) Ubuntu, Randburg (SA): Knowledge Resources. Morton, C. (1994) Becoming World Class, London: Macmillan Press.

Naisbitt, J. (1994) Global Paradox, The Bigger the World Economy, the More Powerful its Smallest Players, New York: William Morrow.

Ohmea, K. (1985) Triad Power, The Coming Shape of Global Competition, New York: The Free Press. Redding, S. G. (1993) The Spirit of Chinese Capitalism, Berlin: de Gruyter. Van der Merwe, L. (1994) Bringing Diverse People to Common Purpose, in: P. Senge (ed.) The Fifth Discipline Fieldbook, New York: Doubleday, 424 - 429.

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Culture and management in the South Pacific Narendra Reddy University of the South Pacific, Suva, FIJI. This paper is based on a major research carried out on the work of general managers in the South Pacific island nations. The research was carried out as part of a doctorate research in management at the University of Auckland, New Zealand. Data was collected from five countries in the region. This paper is largely based on the concluding chapter of the thesis entitled GENERAL MANAGERS IN THE SOUTH PACIFIC: Managerial Behaviour and the Impact of Culture on Decision Making in the Island Nations of the South Pacific.

Introduction The South Pacific region may be described as a single geographic area consisting of small island nations scattered over thousands of square kilometres of ocean. That is where the geographic similarities of the islands end and the uniqueness of the various countries starts. The entire South Pacific region consists of 22 island countries and territories and extends over a vast stretch of the Pacific Ocean. This region stretches from Papua New Guinea in the West to Pitcairn Island in the East, a distance of approximately nine thousand kilometres. The region's aggregate land area is 551,000 square kilometres but the total sea area falling within each country’s 200 nautical mile jurisdiction (i.e. exclusive economic zone (EEZ), as defined bytheTreaty of the Law of the Sea) is immense: approximately 31 million square kilometres. Papua New Guinea is huge with an area of 462,243 sq km and 3,900,000 population but on the other extreme are very small countries like Niue (259 sq km, 2500 population), Pitcairn (5 sq km, 58 population), Tokelau (10 sq km, 1700 population), and Tuvalu (26 sq km, 8300 population). The total population of the entire region is approximately 7.0 million and among them the people speak about 1,200 languages and many more dialects.1 This study covers managers from only five countries in the South Pacific region: Fiji, Western Samoa, Solomon Islands, Kiribati and Tonga. They vary greatly in size, population and ethnicity, resources and the general level of economic development. Kiribati with a land area of 726 sq km and a population of about 72,000 and Tonga with a land area of 699 sq km and a population of approximately 100,000 are relatively small when compared to Fiji which has an area of 18,200 sq km and a population of 770,000. Among the five countries covered by this study, the population of some are homogenous while others are diverse. While the population of Kiribati and Tonga are racially homogenous, about ten percent of Western Samoa’s population are of mixed

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Challenges for Business descent. Fiji has two major and distinct ethnic groups and several other smaller ethnic groups. Although the Solomon Islanders are classified as Melanesians there is a lot of diversity among them. About one hundred different languages and dialects are spoken by Solomon Islanders. Fiji is economically the most developed nation among the five countries studied, the other four being classified by the World Bank as "least developed countries’. Table 1 below provides some key statistics for this group of countries covered by the research. Table 1 Key economic statistics (1995) Country

Population

Area(sq km)

GNP(per cap)

Literacy %

US$

1212

87

699

720

99

166,000

2335

550

98

350JD00

28330

420

65

72JD00

726

480

96

51,162

885

85

Fiji

770,000

18272

Tonga

100,000

W. Samoa

Solomons

Kiribati T otal/Av

1.458.000

Source: compiled from various sources.

Methodology

The aim of the study was to establish the nature of managerial behaviour and the impact of culture on decision making in the South Pacific island countries. More specifically the study examined how managers allocate time among the various functions of management, what types of decisions are made, how they manage the various resources at their disposal, and what is the impact, if any, of their culture on management decision making. However, in this paper I will report only the impact of culture on managers and decision making in the South Pacific island nations. There were two major types of data collected: the first one was through observation of the twenty general managers for one week each; and secondly through the questionnaire. The observation data was collected by observing and recording in detail every item of work in which the participants were involved throughout the day. The data collected by observation was compared with various other studies of managers’ work but the main focus of comparison was with Mintzberg’s study of managers (The Nature of Managerial Work 1973).

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The second part of data collection was done through a questionnaire interview. In addition to information about the participants and the companies involved in the study, information was sought on cultural factors which are critical and important for the success of management and business. These were attitudinal factors and therefore appropriate questions were designed seeking information about the attitudes of the various cultures on the factors concerned. The People

Tourist brochures and travel books may promote the islands of the South Pacific as peopled by smiling and cheerful islanders, who have not changed much since the days of Captain Cook, and surrounded by the sun, sand, and big surfs. That picture may be ideal to attract tourists. However, that description of the South Pacific islanders as a homogeneous people is far from the truth. There may be similarities among them but generally the people are quite different from one another in terms of culture, tradition, physical features, language and behaviour. Furthermore there are differences among the people within the countries as there are more than one ethnic and culture group in most of them. The South Pacific region can be divided into three major culture groups: Polynesia, Melanesia and Micronesia. As in any culture area the boundaries are not precise and there is considerable overlap. The area east of a line from Hawaii and New Zealand is Polynesia and includes Tonga, Western Samoa, American Samoa, Cooks, Niue, Tuvalu, Tokelau, Tahiti (French Polynesia) group of islands. To the west of this line is Melanesia which consists of the largest part of the South Pacific in term of land and population. The countries falling in this grouping are Papua New Guinea, New Caledonia, Solomon Islands, Vanuatu, and Fiji. Fiji’s classification in Melanesia or Polynesia is very much a matter of choice. It is on the boundary between Polynesia and Melanesia and the Fijian people can be described as physically similar to the Melanesians but their cultures have more in common with Polynesia (Crocombe 1989: 20-21). The Polynesian cultural influence has been the result of Tongan hegemony over the Eastern parts of the Fiji group during earlier times. To the North West of the Pacific is Micronesia consisting of small islands including Kiribati, Nauru, and the Federated States of Micronesia. In most human societies both ascription and achievement are important in judging people, but there are marked differences of emphasis between Melanesian and Polynesian cultures in this respect. Among the Melanesians there is little social stratification and the emphasis is on egalitarianism. This is in marked contrast to Polynesia, Micronesia and Fiji where social class

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Challenges for Business and the hierarchical system (of commoners and chiefs) is very important. In fact one of the main reasons as reported by the coup leaders for the military coup in Fiji in 1987 was to strengthen the traditional position of the chiefly system in Fiji.2 Most Polynesian and Micronesian societies are characterised by ascribed status which is determined at birth, i.e. one is born either a commoner or a chief and there is little that can be done to change that status. Participants

The background of the twenty chief executives, four each from the five countries covered by this study, who participated in this research varied a lot. Because of Fiji’s ethnic make up (approximately equal indigenous Fijian and Indo-Fijian3), it was decided to have two participants from each of the major ethnic groups. Hence this study is based on five countries covering six different cultures. The participants age ranged from twenty six to fifty three and the average was forty. Their educational background was diverse ranging from secondary level (school certificate level) to masters degree including an MBA. Four of the participants had only a secondary school level of education, six had diplomas and other tertiary level education, eight had undergraduate degrees, and two masters level qualifications. As a group, the chief executives of the government-owned corporations were more formally qualified than those of the family-owned companies. Ten of them also had memberships of professional organisations such as institutes of accountants, managements or bankers. As a country group the four Tongan participants were the most formally qualified (all of whom had university degrees) and the l-Kiribati participants the least formally qualified of the twenty executives participating in this study. Culture and its impact on managers

The different cultures in the South Pacific have different impacts on managers, management and businesses. All the participants reported that kinship and communalism, respect for elders, religious observation, helping relatives and others in the community, and observing tradition are the central features of indigenous island cultures. In addition to this, stratification of society and traditional leadership are among the central pillars of both the Polynesian cultures (Samoan and Tongan) and also Fiji. The Indo-Fijian participants reported that the characteristic features of their culture were honesty, frugality, hard work, enhancing their children’s future, respect for elders, religion and helping relatives. In all five indigenous societies their cultural focus as regards time is on the current period and it largely looks to the maximization of current consumption whereas among Indo-Fijians the focus is largely on the future (frugality now for maximum future consumption).

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Challenges for Business

All the six cultures ranked the twelve major occupations in the region, with some exceptions, in very much the same order. Their rankings are presented in Table 2 below. There are nevertheless some occupations which do not follow what would be a 'South Pacific pattern'. For example civil servant, teacher and priest which are ranked in the high status group in the indigenous Fijian culture are ranked in the medium status group by others except in Samoan culture where the priest is the undisputed leader in status ranking. In Solomon culture the shopkeeper was ranked in the low status group as it is largely seen as a 'Chinese' occupation and not of much status for Melanesian Solomon Islanders. Table 2

Occupational ranking by various South Pacific culture groups

Fijian

Indo-Fijian

W. Samoan

Solomon

Kiribati

Tongan

(indigenous)

Group 1

civil servant

doctor

priest

politician

lawyer

doctor

(High

doctor

lawyer

politician

doctor

doctor

lawyer

status)

teacher

manager

doctor

lawyer

manager

manager

priest

politician

lawyer

manager

politician

politician

Group 2

politician

priest

manager

civil servant

priest

priest

(Medium

lawyer

teacher

teacher

teacher

teacher

teacher

status)

manager

civil servant

civil servant

priest

civil servant

civil servant

shopkeeper

shopkeeper

shopkeeper

farmer

shopkeeper

shopkeeper

Group 3

fisherman

farmer

housewife

fisherman

farmer

farmer

(Low

farmer

housewife

farmer

shopkeeper

fisherman

housewife

status)

housewife

labourer

fisherman

housewife

labourer

fisherman

labourer

fisherman

labourer

labourer

housewife

labourer

The Solomon Islanders however ranked farming as a medium status occupation which all other cultures ranked in the low status group.

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Challenges for Business Sixteen cultural factors which are critical and important for the success of management and business were identified from the literature on culture and management, from my own knowledge of the South Pacific region and by talking with a variety of people including some members of the Pacific Island community in New Zealand. These were attitudinal factors and therefore appropriate questions were designed seeking information about the attitudes of the various cultures on the sixteen factors. The questions on the sixteen cultural factors were designed in a manner to seek information as to whether the cultural attitude on those factors was negative (non supportive) or positive (supportive) with regard to management and business. The possible responses to the questions were designed on a Likert-type scale ranging from 1 to 5. The 1 end of the scale represented the negative impact of the various cultural factors on managers and management in particular and business organizations in general. The options in the Likert scale were designed in an ascending order from a negative impact (which was given a low value of one) to a positive impact on the other end (which was given a high value of five). The idea of the ranking scale was to establish whether these factors contributed negatively or positively to management and businesses in the various cultures covered by this study. The rankings given by the participants from a country (culture group) are averaged to arrive at a culture’s ranking. The information collected on the sixteen cultural factors have been clustered together in eight broad areas. The eight broad cultural areas and their constituent cultural factors (from the sixteen factors) are as follows:

cultural areas

constituent cultural factors

time management

attitude to time

nepotism

use of influence

business status

attitude to business, status of business generally

financial management attitude to profit, risk, budgets, deadline, targets, and income and expenditure gift giving

gift giving with clients

change in society

attitude to change, future, foreign influence and western management practices

expression of disagreement

declining request and expression of disagreement

planning horizon

cultural focus on time period of plan

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Challenges for Business

Figure 1: Impact of cultural factors on managers, management and businesses in the South Pacific

extremely extremely negative neutral positive positive impact negative impact impact impact 1------------------------ 2-------------------------- 3

cultural factors

time management nepotism

Sprachmittel und Sprachzwecke, (öffentliche Antrittsvorlesung im Rahmen des Habilitationsverfahrens, gehalten in Düsseldorf den 24. November 1981.) In: TILL 1 (Tilburg papers in language and literature), Tilburg: Katholieke Hogeschool Ehlich, K. (1982b) Anaphora and deixis: Same, similar, or different? In: Jarvella, R.J. & Klein, W. (eds.) (1982) Speech, place and action. Studies in deictic and related topics. Chichester: Wiley, 315-337 Ehlich, K. (1989) So kam ich in die IBM. Eine diskursanalytische Studie. Dortmund: mimeo Ehlich, K. (1994> Funktion und Struktur schriftlicher Kommunikation. In: Günther, H. & Lud­ wig, 0. (eds.) (1994) Schrift und Schriftlichkeit - Writing and its use. Berlin: de Gruyter, 18-41 Ehlich, K. & Rehbein, J. (1977) Wissen, sprachliches Handeln und die Schule. In: Goeppert, H. (ed.) (1977) Sprachverhalten im Unterricht. München: Fink, 36-114 Ehlich, K. & Rehbein, J. (1979) Sprachliche Handlungsmuster. In: Soeffner, H.-G. (ed.) Interpre­ tative Verfahren in den Sozial- und Textwissenschaften. Stuttgart: Metzler, 243-274 Eblich, K. & Rehbein, J. (1986) Muster und Institution. Untersuchungen zur schulischen Kommu­ nikation. Tübingen: Narr Gumperz, J.J. (1978) The conversational analysis of interethnic communication. In: Ross, E.L. (ed.) (1978) Interethnic Communication. Athens: The University of Georgia Press, 13-31

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Challenges for Research: Approaches and Studies Gumperz, J.J. (1982) Language and social identity. Cambridge: CUP Knapp, K. & Knapp-Potthoff, A. (1985) Sprachmittlertätigkeit in der interkulturellen Kommuni­ kation. In: Rehbein, J. (ed.) (1985) Interkulturelle Kommunikation. Tübingen: Narr, 450-463 Knapp-Potthoff, A. & Knapp, K. (1987) The man (or woman) in the middle: Dicoursal aspects of non-professional interpreting. In: Knapp, K., Enninger, W. & Knapp-Potthoff, A. (eds.) (1987) Analyzing Intercultural Communication. Berlin etc.: Mouton de Gruyter, 181-211 Knapp, K. & Knapp-Potthoff, A. (1990) Interkulturelle Kommunikation. In: Zeitschrift für Fremdsprachenforschung (1990)1, 62-93 Koole, T. & ten Thije, J. (1994) Der interkulturelle Diskurs von Teambesprechungen. Zu einer Pragmatik der Mehrsprachigkeit. In: Brünner, G. & Graefen, G. (eds.) (1994) Texte und Diskur­ se. Methoden und Forschungsergebnisse derfünktionalen Pragmatik. Opladen: Westdeutscher Verlag, 41 2-.434 Lörscher, W. (1989) Strategien des Übersetzungsprozesses. In: Linguistische Berichte 19 (1989), 53-58 Redder, A. (1990) Grammatik und sprachliches Handeln. Denn und da.Tübingen: Niemeyer Redder, A. & Rehbein, J. (1987) Zum Begriff der Kultur. In: Redder, A. & Rehbein, J. (eds.) (1987) Arbeiten zur interkulturellen Kommunikation. OBST (Osnabrücker Beiträge zur Sprachtheorie) 39, 7-21 Rehbein, J. (1976a) Planen 1: Elemente des Handlungsplans. Trier: Linguistic Agency Universi­ tät Trier Rehbein, J. (1976b) Planen II: Planbildung in Sprechhandlungssequenzen. Trier: Linguistic Agency Universität Trier Rehbein, J. (1977) Komplexes Handeln. Elemente zur Handlungstheorie der Sprache. Stuttgart: Metzler Rehbein, J. (1980) Sequentielles Erzählen - Erzählstrukturen von Immigranten bei Sozialberatun­ gen in England. In: Ehlich, K. (ed.) (1989) Erzählen im Alltag. Frankfurt/M.: Suhrkamp, 64-108 Rehbein, J. (1984) Beschreiben, Berichten und Erzählen. In: Ehlich, K. (ed.) (1984) Erzählen in der Schule. Tübingen: Narr, 67-124 Rehbein, J. (1985) Einführung. In: Rehbein, J. (ed.) (1985) Interkulturelle Kommunikation. Tübin­ gen: Narr, 7-39 Rehbein, J. (1989) Biographiefragmente. Nichterzählende rekonstruktive Diskursformen in der Hochschulkommunikation. In: Kokemohr, R. & Marotzki, W. (eds.) (1989) Studentenbiographien 1. Frankfürt: Lang, 163-253 Rehbein, J. (1994) Rejective proposals. Semi-Professional speech and clients' varieties in inter­ cultural doctor-patient-communication.In: Mulitlingua 13 (1994)1/2, 83-130 Rehbein, J. (1993) Zusammengesetzte Verweiswörter. In: Wohlrapp, H. (ed.) (1995) Wege der Argumentationsforschung. Stuttgart/ Bad Canstatt: Frommann-Holzboog, 166-197 Rost-Roth, M. (1994) Verständigungsprobleme in der interkulturellen Kommunikation. Ein For­ schungsüberblick zu Analysen und Diagnosen in empirischen Untersuchungen. In: Zeitschrift für Literaturwissenschaft und Linguistik (Lili) 24 (1994) 93, 9-45 Rost-Roth, M. (1996) Deutsch als Fremdsprache und interkulturelle Kommunikation: Relevan­ zbereiche für den Fremdsprachenunterricht und Untersuchungen zu ethnographischen Be­ sonderheiten deutschsprachiger Interaktionen im Kulturvergleich. In: Zeitschrift für Interkulturellen Fremdsprachunterricht 1(1996), 1-21 Wilss, W. (1991) Koguitive Aspekte des Übersetzungsprozesses. In: Schmitt, C. (ed.) (1991) Neue Methoden der Sprachmittlung. Wilhelmsfeld: Gottfried Egert Verlag, 121-148

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Challenges for Research: Approaches and Studies

Culture shock: Empirical evidence supporting the W-curve hypothesis1 Bernhard Haupert School of Social Work, Saarbrücken, Germany

Bernt Schnettler University of Konstanz, Germany

Abstract There is an obvious discrepancy between the level of importance the culture­ shock concept is often ascribed in intercultural literature and the amount of empirical verification thereof. In the following article, aspects of the evolution of the culture-shock concept and the criticism brought forward against it will be reviewed and the results of the authors’ own study of overseas volunteers, which yielded empirical evidence in support of the W-curve hypothesis, presented. Introduction

Sojourning in an alien society is stressful. This is a fundamental assumption that forms the basis of the culture-shock concept. This highly aversive state, which can also be found in the literature under different names2, is triggered by a loss of responsible cues that structure our daily lives, put order into our daily routines, and make social interactions more predictable. This inevitably leads to stress, i.e. to the necessity to increase adjustment efforts since the resort to the interpretation schemes, knowledge and behavioral norms of one’s own culture have lost their utility in that they are no longer culturally appropriate. In a sometimes difficult learning process, new coping strategies must be developed that help the individual to acquire new interpretive and behavioral schemes analogous to those in the host culture. Anyone who has ever sojourned in a foreign environment knows how intense the insecurity can be that results from everything being new and different. Culture shock arises independently from the amount of cultural distance, but the subjectively experienced intensity of culture shock is not independent of same. Thus, moving from the country into the city, starting a career or changing one’s job will likewise lead to a process similar to that for which this concept was originally developed: an individual immersing himself3 into a culture that is foreign to him, as for example, when international exchange students, volunteers abroad and company employees are sent to foreign countries.

401

Challenges for Research: Approaches and Studies The evolution of the culture-shock concept The term culture shock was proposed by the Norwegian anthropologist Kalervo Oberg, who described the symptoms and phases of the acculturation process in 19584 in his book Cultural Shock: Adjustment to New Cultural Environments. Although its reception did not uncontroversist, the influence of his conceptualization can be followed up into the current literature on intercultural encounter research and cultural adjustment (Brislin/ Yoshida 1994, Cushner 1994, Ferraro 1994, Harris/Moran 1991, Hofstede 1993, Moran/Stripp 1991, Pedersen 1994, Thomas 1993). More important is, however, the fact that Oberg had already clearly defined the essential components of the process of cultural adjustment — except for one important extension by Adler (1975), which will be explained below. Oberg describes culture shock as follows: ’’Culture shock is precipitated by the anxiety that results from losing all our familiar signs and symbols of social intercourse” (1960: 177). According to his description, culture shock entails the following aspects5 (Furnham/ Bochner 1986: 48): ( 1) strain, as a result of the effort required to make the necessary psychological adaptations; (2) a sense of loss and feelings of deprivation in regard to friends, status, profession and possessions; (3) rejection by and/or rejection of members of the new culture; (4) confusion in role, role expectations, values, feelings, and self-identity; (5) surprise, anxiety, even disgust and indignation after becoming aware of cultural differences; (6) feelings of impotence, as a result of not being able to cope with the new environment.

Characteristic of Oberg’s conception is the illness analogy that has a clear effect on his choice of terms. According to his conception, culture shock is a hindering, possibly threatening concomitant of cultural encounters. Therefore, the sojourner’s goal is to mitigate and overcome this state as quickly as possible in order to reduce the negative consequences thereof. Oberg also makes a number of suggestions, e.g. learning the language of the host country or looking for support from fellow countrymen, and subsequently assures: ”l think a great deal is gained by having the source of pain explained, some of the steps towards cure indicated and the assurance that time, the great healer, will soon set things right” (1960: 182).

Although we cannot share his optimism, he does specify the essential steps involved in overcoming culture shock: the sojourner must understand and prepare for the different phases of the adjustment process and he must be aware of the fact that shock experiences in cultural encounters are normal and that time itself plays a decisive role. Knowledge of the typical course of the culture-shock curve prepares those expatriating for the impending strain of the cultural adjustment that is otherwise underestimated in the euphoria of

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Challenges for Research: Approaches and Studies the upcoming trip. The knowledge of the normality of culture shock makes the subsequent emotional reactions easier to explain and thus contributes to an easier and more productive resolution of adjustment problems. Why coping with culture shock is important: The dangers and costs of not coping In the literature, the commonness of the phenomenon of culture shock is referred to again and again: only a few do not experience it. However, for most sojourners, the phase of highest cultural stress is temporary and normalization occurs after they have been in the host country a while and have gradually adjusted to the initially alien conditions; for others, who are not able to cope with and overcome this phase, the sojourn can have dramatic consequences which endanger their health, sometimes even their lives, but also, and much more frequently, the goals set for their stay abroad. Statistical studies ( Dunn 1980, cited in Barna 1983: 21) show that, in the business community, up to 30% of the employees sent abroad fail to adjust to the new environment and have to return prematurely. Therefore, the extent of the negative consequences for the sojourners themselves (e.g. increased rates of morbidity, drug dependency, and suicidal tendencies), but also for the institutions sending them (the costs stemming from high attrition rates can be very high6) should not be underestimated. Positive aspects of culture shock

The observations of Peter S. Adler (1975) represent an important extension of the culture-shock concept; he noted the positive effects of culture shock on personality development: "Although culture shock is most often associated with negative consequences, it can be an important aspect of culture learning, self-development, and personal growth” (p. 14). In the current discussion, this approach has led to a re-evaluation of acculturative stress and to the idea that the experience of culture shock is directly related to the degree of immersion in the host culture and can therefore be seen as an indicator of the effectiveness of cultural encounters. Other authors (Brislin/ Yoshida 1994, Cushner 1994) point out that experiencing and successfully working through this phase is a necessary prerequisite for culture learning and a deeper understanding of the host culture and, thus, that culture shock can be considered a desirable component of the adjustment process. Therefore, an effective intercultural preparation does not target the prevention of stressful experiences in intercultural encounters, but rather their productive use and the prevention of serious personal or cultural pedagogic7 detriment.

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Challenges for Research: Approaches and Studies The phases of culture shock The idea of different phases of that which some researchers ( Berry 1984) call ’’acculturative strain” is implicit in the concept of the acculturation curve. In the course of acclimatization to an alien culture, the individual goes through a number of typical phases which differ especially in the amount of acculturative strain and the psychological and physical satisfaction and health linked thereto. Oberg (1960) listed four different phases8. Adler’s theory of the ’’transitional experience” (1975) describes five phases of cultural adjustment in which the sojourner’s perception of the members of the host culture and the host country, the range of emotional reactions as well as the behavior and cognitive interpretations differ from phase to phase. In addition, three- (Garza-Guerrero 1974, Lesser/ Peters 1957) and nine-step (Jacobson 1963) processes of cultural adjustment have also been proposed.9 Common to all phase structures is the idea of a rise in the curve immediately after the sojourner’s entry into the host culture and then a steep fall. The subsequent low in the curve corresponds to the phase of the most intense acculturative strain. Then the curve rises again in correspondence with the ever increasing amount of familiarization with and acclimatization to the alien culture. In the discussion, the different concepts are based on hypotheses known as the Uand W-curve hypotheses. Lysgaard (1955) is credited with the U-curve hypothesis which he extracted from an empirical study of the adjustment process of 200 Norwegian Fulbright grantees in the USA. According to Lysgaard, the sojourners go through three phases: after (1) initial adjustment, there is a (2) crisis, that is overcome via (3) reattained adjustment. Gullahorn and Gullahorn (1963) rejected the simple U-curve hypothesis upon observing that the repatriated individuals go through a stressful re-acculturation process, similar to the culture shock experienced in the host culture, and proposed a double U-, i.e. a W-shaped, culture-shock curve.10 This important observation brought in its train a stronger regard for the relevance of support during the reintegration process as well. The term generally used in current discussions of the phenomenon is re-entry shock ( Hickson 1994). Attempts to find out more about the path of the curve and to relate the intensity of acculturative strain to the respective phases of the adjustment process can be found in Berry (1984: 244, Thomas 1993: 386ff.).

Of course, all curves are idealizations and by no means necessarily identical to the acculturation process of any given person who actually sojourns in an alien culture: there are easier and more difficult countries, as well as personalities that are more willing and able to adjust and those that are more obstinate and inflexible. Thus, the course of one’s ’’personal, individual” cultureshock curve depends on a number of contextual as well as personal factors. Our assumption is that this especially relates to the intensity of the shock

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Challenges for Research: Approaches and Studies experience and to the subsequent stabilization level of the curve; the IVshape, on the other hand, can always be found. Criticism of the U-curve hypothesis Now it would be worthwhile to study the criticism of the U-shaped culture­ shock curve (Furnham/ Bochner 1986, Searle/ Ward 1990) in more detail. There are essentially three criticisms found in the literature in this connection:

First, it is said to be purely descriptive without conclusive predictive or explicative value; second, there is said to be confusion with respect to the question concerning what exactly the dependent variable is, i.e. which curve (adjustment with respect to what: subjective feeling of well-being and satisfaction, integration, acculturative strain, etc.) is predicted to be U-shaped; and third, the reference to the fact ( especially Church, 1982) that in the studies done up to now the evidence supporting and refuting the hypothesis is equally balanced.11

In response to this criticism, we can state the following: it is undisputed that the research on the process of acculturation is too disperse, contradictory, and still too rudimentary for us to be able to yet speak of verified theories or even of clear-cut, significant results. However, the criticism of the supposedly purely descriptive character of the curve is incomprehensible for two reasons. First, it is especially the descriptive character of the culture-shock curve which makes it highly valuable as a tool for intercultural preparation and psychopedagogic support during international assignments. Second, it is not true that it is purely descriptive is not true due to the fact that, based on the generality (which needs to be supported by further empirical evidence) and inevitability of the culture-shock phenomenon, relatively exact predictions regarding the ’’normal course” of the process of coping with an alien culture can be made. Many different factors unquestionably have an effect that, for example, influences the intensity and duration of the culture shock, although these have not been sufficiently researched yet. For example, not only can hypotheses be made about the correlation between the intensity of culture shock and the foreignness of the culture or the type of international assignment (voluntary vs. non-voluntary), but also about the role of personal dispositions and motives12. However, the high predictive value, and therefore that which, especially for pedagogic reasons, should be taken into consideration, exists in the fact that: (a) the culture adjustment process does not correspond to the ethnotheoretically obvious process in the form of a continuous increase, but rather proceeds essentially from crisis to crisis, (b) the correlates of the culture shock that arise are not unusual, but rather

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Challenges for Research: Approaches and Studies unavoidable, and not undesirable concomitants of the adjustment process. It is the overcoming of such concomitants that is very important for the culture learner, and

(c) finally, the physical and psychological signals of sojourners can give us information about whether and when the strain is so high that it cannot be coped with and will result in undesirable, dramatic consequences which may cause serious harm to the individual and for which intervention on the part of those responsible is necessary, whether it be giving that individual support or sending him home. The methods discussion in the intercultural training research underscores the fact that a good preparation for culture shock is indispensable. However, this is not very effective if its goal is the avoidance of same. Well-meant suggestions about appropriate as well as inappropriate behavior in the host country (so-called "dos and don’ts seminars”) often miss the goal of the preparation since it is impossible to think of all the situations that might arise in advance and practice them in the limited seminar time available. Information about the geography, history, and institutions of the host country and language courses may help to reduce insecurities, but, due to their limitation to cognitive aspects, often do not suffice when it comes to better overcoming the culture shock, which is mainly an emotional phenomenon. Barna (1983) stresses in "stress-inoculation” the importance of an emotionalcognitive procedure during preparation. An essential component of "stress inoculation” is the anticipation of stressful situations during the intercultural training. This is connected with the intention to familiarize the sojourner with his reactions to culture shock in order to attain cognitively and emotionally effective coping approaches and strategies. However, when the practice of intercultural work stresses the importance of the culture-shock concept and the knowledge of the adjustment curve, why should we do without further research? The criticized conceptual stringency, too—the question concerning the dependent variable — is, in our opinion, not a sufficient reason to believe that there is much to be said against the curve hypothesis. Admittedly, many of the examples cited by Furnham and Bochner (1986) from Torbiörn's (1982) research on adjustment curves are no more clearly U-shaped curves than they are trivial (evaluation of the food or orderliness of the host country as a function of time, etc.). However, does that already prove the insufficient applicability of the concept? On the contrary, it seems to us that the fact that the predicted course is related to a number of possible variables, conceptualized by researchers as "satisfaction with life,” "acculturative stress," or "adjustment,” represents its strength.

On the other hand, these are, in Alfred Schütz’ terms, "second-order

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Challenges for Research: Approaches and Studies constructs,” whose validity, i.e. adequacy, is of course open to argument. However, the questions concerning whether people who enter alien contexts experience this process, how they interpret it and what consequences it has for them are essential. In encounters with people who live in an alien environment, we hear, in the majority of cases, of descriptions of crisis-like processes of culture adjustment that have convinced us of the universal validity of the culture-shock concept.13 For our study, we evaluated retrospective self­ reports of the sojourners’ subjective feelings of well-being and satisfaction, i.e. the amount of physical and psychological satisfaction at different points in time during their stay abroad. This variable is subject to all the well-known problems that exist in connection with the gathering of self-reported data, but was chosen because the previous research on the adjustment process postulates a close connection between the amount of personal satisfaction and physical and mental health with the degree of adjustment to the alien culture.

The third objection to the culture-shock hypothesis, the insufficient consistency with regard to the indices of culture shock and the contradictoriness of the results of previous empirical studies is, first of all, certainly not an idiosyncrasy of this hypothesis. However, it is an undisputed fact that further research is necessary in order to be able to gain more exact information about the course of cultural adjustment processes as well as the factors that influence them as Furnham and Bochner (1986: 132) emphasize: "There may be something salvageable in the U-curve hypothesis, but more sensitive, complex, longitudinal research will need to be done to determine either its existence or usefulness, and this work will need to be placed more firmly within a general theoretical framework.”

Methods

Subjects: N=57 young Germans, mainly female (n=53), whose average age — at expatriation—was 20 years, 4 months, and 10 days, participated in the study.

Methods: All Ss were sent a questionnaire that contained, among other things, an instrument to test the culture-shock curve: On a 21-point rating scale (from -10 to +10), the volunteers were to retrospectively indicate their subjective feeling of well-being and satisfaction with respect to 24 points in time during their stay abroad. The 24 points in time were marked in two different ways to facilitate orientation: first, each represented a month and, second, the different phases of the service abroad (choice, preparation, departure, intermediate seminars, etc.) were specially marked.

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Challenges for Research: Approaches and Studies Results

Figure 1 represents a detailed portrayal of the sample’s culture-shock curve. The box plots of the respective times are shown. The vertical boxes all contain values from the first quartile (=25% of all cases) to the third quartile (=75% of all cases), the median is marked with a horizontal (bold) black line. The thin vertical lines indicate the highest and the lowest non-extreme values; extreme cases are shown with a circle and the corresponding case number. The figure confirms the W-curve hypothesis connected with the phases of voluntary service. After a slight increase in June, which may be interpreted as postselective euphoria, the median decreases during the preparation phase and shows a clear decline in November (the second month after entry into the foreign culture), which goes into the negative area in December and reaches its lowest point in January (the third month after the voluntary service began). Then, a new upward trend occurs which, except for a fall in May, continues steadily until the end of service. After the median has stabilized on a level approximately as high as that before the beginning of the sojourn, a downwards trend recommences upon re-entry, that is similar in its course to the first one although it does not attain the same negative intensity. At the last point in time, when the data were actually gathered, the median is at the positive starting point again. This indicates that the original normal state has been reattained and the challenges connected with the sojourn have been mastered.

Figure 1: Culture-shock curve — total (Box plot)

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Furthermore, the ranges of variation in the values for the majority of the points in time measured comprises almost the entire scale, which documents a high degree of interindividual variability, which can also be seen in the Ss’ individual curves. As depicted in Figure 2, the typical W-curve pattern can be seen in the culture-shock curve for all Ss. It is also notable that the largest distances resulted between the 25%- and the 75%-mark in November, January, and in November after repatriation. Thus, we conclude: (1) The data clearly confirm W-curve hypothesis for the phases of acculturation, (2) inter-individual differences in the intensity of culture shock become manifest especially in the months after entry into the host culture or after repatriation. Discussion

The empirical study on the phases of culture shock presented here needs to be considered in light of the conditions of the special framework in which it was carried out. A specific population (young, mostly female, German adults with a high amount of schooling) with a specific type of foreign employment (12-month social service in a south-western European country with comprehensive intercultural preparation and guidance) participated in the study. The results reconfirm the hypothesis of a W-curve of cultural adaptation for this population. Additional results which were not reported here indicate the positive influences of competent intercultural preparation on coping with culture shock. Likewise, from the deviant course for those who terminated prematurely, we were able to infer an inadequate mastery of the adjustment

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Challenges for Research: Approaches and Studies requirements.

On the other hand, due to its limited scope, the study does not answer the question concerning whether the results may be generalized. The universal validity of the W-curve hypothesis can only be tested in studies that compare sojourns differing in type (voluntary service, development aid cooperation, business-related international employment, etc.) and length as well as Ss differing in gender, age, schooling, and motivation. With regard to methodology, a multidimensional method including subjective (self-report) as well as objective data (e.g. physiological data, social network constellation, data concerning the increase in competence, etc.) would be preferable to the operationalization used here; also, a continuous, longitudinal study14 instead of the reconstructive one would have been better. It should be clear that research that takes these indications seriously will entail considerable complexity. Within the above-mentioned limitations, our humble result may however be considered a contribution that demonstrates the validity and practicability of the W-curve hypothesis and of the culture-shock concept for intercultural research and practical training.

Notes

1 The empirical data presented here were collected in the framework of an evaluative study on a voluntary social service supported by a grant from the German Federal Ministry for Youth. This program for young adults between 20 and 25 years of age consists of 12 months of voluntary service in social institutions (for drug addicts, handicapped individuals, ethnic minorities) in Spain, Italy, Portugal, and France. We are indebted to Tamara Herz who supplied the translation from German.

2 A number of alternative terms for the culture shock phenomenon have been developed: Alvin Toffler (1970) speaks of future shock; Byrnes uses the term role shock; Guthrie (1975) culture fatigue and Ball-Rokeach pervasive ambiguity. Some authors speak of context shock or, more generally, of a shock of the new. However, we prefer the original term culture shock, which is especially common in the literature and practice of intercultural training. 3 It is common to use the term total immersion in this context, which marks the essential difference between this and other transitional experiences one has within one’s own culture. Moving from a rural village community to a metropolis may entail substantial adaptation problems; nevertheless, mutually shared cultural characteristics like language, world view, and values provide assistance, absorbing the negative effects of the adaptation shock. In contrast,

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Challenges for Research: Approaches and Studies a sojourn can be characterized by a complete lack of these aids; the foreignness is unmitigated and comprehensive. 4 Unfortunately, the article written in 1960 (an abridged version of the book) and secondary literature are cited more frequently in the current literature than is the book. 5 Additional descriptions of the negative consequences of culture shock can be found in Ferraro (1994:147), who quotes Robert Kohl’s (1984) description of the symptoms observed in serious cases of culture shock: homesickness; boredom; withdrawal, for example, spending excessive amounts of time reading, seeing only Americans [fellow countrymen], avoiding contact with host nationals; the need for excessive amounts of sleep; compulsive eating; compulsive drinking; irritability; exaggerated cleanliness; marital stress, family tension and conflict; stereotyping of host nationals; hostility towards host nationals; loss of ability to work effectively; unexplainable fits of weeping; physical ailments (psychosomatic illnesses). A more specific description of the mental and physiological reactions to acculturative stress can be found in Barna (1983).

6 Parker and McEvoy (1993: 335) point out that inadequate adjustment, resulting in the early return home, means high costs not only for the sojourner, but also for his organization due to lower work performance, absenteeism, etc. Other references to high attrition rates can be found in Storty (1990), who mentions that over a third of the US-citizens who move to a foreign country return prematurely due to insufficient adaptation to life in the host country, and by Brein and David (1971), who report that 60% of the Peace Corps volunteers who terminated early did so due to their inability to adapt. These data impressively illustrate the importance of culture shock and the danger of its negative consequences, although one must mention that more comprehensive and more reliable statistics on attrition rates, illnesses, suicides, etc. on the part of sojourners are not available, at least as far as we know. 7 Besides the above-mentioned dangers to the health of the sojourners and the costs to the institutions sending them, it should not be forgotten that it is especially the inability to cope with the culture shock that promotes the reinforcement of negative stereotypes and prejudices towards the natives as well as ethnocentric behavior. The result in these cases is that the goals of student exchange programs, which usually include the intensification of global consciousness or international understanding, often cannot be achieven and possibly even result in an effect.

8 Honeymoon, crisis, recovery, adjustment.

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Challenges for Research: Approaches and Studies 9 For a timetable of culture shock cf. also Draine and Hall, 1989. 10 Alfred Schütz impressively described the problems of readjustment to one’s own culture after a long sojourn in an alien one in his article "Der Heimkehrer” [’’The Returnee”] (originally published in 1932).

11 For a detailed portrayal of past research on the culture shock curve see Furnham and Bochner, 1986, pp. 130-135. Here, one also finds many empirical examples that should illustrate the deficient character of the hypothesis.

12 The problem of appropriate methods for these kinds of studies has still not been solved satisfactorily. 13 In the framework of the research project presented here, we did comprehensive narrative interviews with all the volunteers in the first phase (for methods Schütze, F. 1983, Haupert, B. 1991), whereby some of the volunteers were interviewed before expatriation, others during service, and a third group after repatriation to Germany. The process structures that were found support the hypothesis of the crisis-like course of the adjustment and readjustment process that seem to have similarities with the W-curve hypothesis. The instrument presented here and the quantitative part of the study were developed on this basis. 14 A follow-up longitudinal study is currently in progress in which the volunteers report monthly throughout their entire service (via questionnaire) about their subjective feelings and subjective evaluation of their degree of cultural adjustment to the foreign country.

References Adler, P. S. (1975) ’’The transitional experience: An alternative view of culture shock”. Journal of Humanistic Psychology, 15(4), 13-23 Ball-Rokeach, S. J. (1973) ’’From Pervasive Ambiguity to a Definition of the Situation”. Sociometry, 36, 3-13

Barna, La Ray M. (1983) ’’The stress factor in intercultural relations”. In: D. Landis/ R. Brislin (eds.) Handbook of Intercultural Training. Vol. 2: Issues in Training Methodology, New York: Pergamon, 19-49 Berry, J. W. (1984) ’’Psychological adaptation of foreign students.” In: R. Samuda/A. Wolfgang (eds.) Intercultural Counselling and Assessment — Global Perspectives, Toronto: Hogrefe, 235-252

Bochner, S. (1994) ’’Culture shock.” In: W. J. Lonner/ R. S. Malpass (eds.) Psychology and Culture, Boston: Allyn and Bacon, 245-251

Brein/David (1971) ’’Intercultural communication and the adjustment of the sojourner”. Psychological Bulletin, 76 (3), 215-230

Brislin, R. W/Yoshida, T (1994) "The content of cross-cultural training: An introduction.” In: R. W. Brislin/ T. Yoshida (eds.) Improving Intercultural Interactions — Modules for Cross-Cultural Training Programs, Thousand Oaks, California: Sage,

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Challenges for Research: Approaches and Studies 1-17 Byrnes (1966) ’’Role Shock: An Occupational Hazard of American Technical Assistants Abroad”. Annals of the American Acadamy of Political and Social Science, 368, 95108

Church, A. T. (1982) "Sojourners adjustment”. Psychological Bulletin, 91, 540-572 Cushner, K. (1994) ’’Cross-cultural training for adolescents and professionals who work with youth exchange programs.” In: R. W. Brislin/T. Yoshida (eds.) Improving Intercultural Interactions — Modules for Cross-Cultural Training Programs, Thousand Oaks, California: Sage 91-108 Draine/Hall (1989) ’’Mutmaßungen Ober den Kulturschock”. Zeitschrift für Entwicklung und Zusammenarbeit, Hrsg, von der Deutschen Stiftung für Internationale Entwicklung, DSE, Berlin, Bd.1, 16-17 Dunn (1980) The successful international executive: Critical Characteristics for effective performance, New York: Transnational Information, Inc Ferraro, G. P (21994) The cultural dimension of international business, Englewood Cliffs,New Jersey: Prentice Hall

Fumham, A. (1987) ’’The adjustment of sojourners.” In: Y. Y. Kim/ W. B. Gudykunst (eds.) Cross-Cultural Adaptation — Current Approaches.Newbury Park, California: Sage, 42-61 Fumham, A./Bochner, S. (1986) Culture shock — Psychological reactions to unfamiliar environments, London and New York: Methuen

Garza-Guerrero (1974) ’’Culture shock: Its mourning and the vicissitudes of identity”. Journal of the American Psychoanalytic Association, 22, 408-429 Gullahorn, J. T/ Gullahorn, J. E. (1963) ”An Extension of the U-Curve Hypothesis". The Journal of Social Issues, Vol. 19, 3, 33-47

Guthrie (1975) ”A Behavioral Analysis of Culture Learning". In: R.W. Brislin/ S. Bochner/ W. J. Lonner (eds.) Cross-Cultural Perspectives on Learning, New York: John Wiley Hams, P R./Moran, R. T (31991) Managing Cultural Differences, Houston, Texas: Gulf Publishing Company

Haupert, B. (1991) "Vorn narrativen Interview zur biographischen Typenbildung”. In: D. Garz/ K. Kraimer (eds.) Qualitativ-empirische Sozialforschung, Opladen Hickson, J. (1994) ’’Re-entry shock: Coming ‘home’ again.” In: W. J. Lonner/ R. S. Malpass (eds.) Psychology and Culture, Boston, Allyn and Bacon, 251-258

Hofstede, G. (1993) Interkulturelle Zusammenarbeit Kulturen, Organisationen, Management [Intercultural cooperation — Cultures, organizations, management] Jacobson, E.H. (1963) ’’Sojourn Research — a definition of the field”. Journal of Social Issue, 19(3), 123-129

Kohl, R. (1984) Survival Kit for Overseas Living, Chicago: Intercultural Press Lesser, S. O./Peters, H.W. (1957) "Training foreign nationals in the United States”. In: R. Likert/ S.P. Hayes (eds.) Some Applications of Behavioural Research, Paris: Unesco

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Challenges for Research: Approaches and Studies Lysgaard, S. (1955) ’’Adjustment in a foreign society: Norwegian Fulbright grantees visiting the United States”. International Social Science Bulletin, 7, 45-51 Moran, R. T/ Stripp, W. G. (1991) Dynamics of successful international business negotiations, Houston, Texas: Gulf Publishing Company

Oberg, K. (1958) Culture shock and the problem of adjustment to new cultural environments, Washington D.C.: Department of State (FSI) Oberg, K. (1960) ’’Culture shock: Adjustment to new cultural environments”. Practical Anthropology, 7, 177-182 Parker, B./McEvoy, G. M. (1993) ’’Initial examination of a model of intercultural adjustment”. International Journal of Intercultural Relations, 17, 355-379 Pedersen, P (1994) ’’International students and international student advisers.” In: R. W. Brislin/ T. Yoshida (eds.) Improving Intercultural Interactions — Modules for Cross-Cultural Training Programs, Thousand Oaks, California: Sage, 148-170

Schütz, A. (1972) "Der Heimkehrer”. In: A. Schütz (hrsg.) Gesammelte Aufsätze. Studien zur soziologischen Theorie. Bd.2, Den Haag: Nijhoff, 70-84

Schütze, F. (1983) ”Biographieforschung und narratives Interview”. Neue Praxis, 3, 283 -294 Searle, W./Ward, C. (1990) ”The prediction of psychological and sociocultural adjustment during Cross-Cultural Transitions”. International Journal of Intercultural Relations, 14, 449-464

Storty (1990) The Art of Crossing Cultures, Yarmouth, ME: Intercultural Press

Thomas, A. (1993) ’’Psychologie interkulturellen Lernens und Handelns”. In: ders. Kulturvergleichende Psychologie, Göttingen: Hofgrefe, 377-427 Toffler, A. (1970) Future Shock, New York: Random House Torbiöm, J. (1982) Living abroad: Personal Adjustment and Personnel Policy in the Overseas Setting. Chichester: Wiley

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Exploring the meaning of culture shock through culture bump analysis Kunyu Bu-Zielinski Center for Cross-Cultural Understanding, New Hampshire, USA

Using the method of intensive interviewing, this paper explores the meaning of culture shock through the affective experiences of a group of 15 American teachers teaching in China. The participants were led to reconstruct their emotional experiences by means of the ’’culture bump process,” an analytical instrument that effectively allowed the participants to describe various cultural encounters in their daily cross-cultural interactions. In the process of describing various bumps caused by cultural differences, the participants’ behaviors could be observed, recognized and compared; and their emotional reactions to the bumps could be expressed, categorized and analyzed on a cultural level. In discussing some selected culture bumps, a developmental process emerged, which involved cognitive, affective and behavioral aspects of personal growth. The results of the study not only reveal some significant insights into the understanding of culture shock as a learning process that enhance personal change and growth, but also imply that the "culture bump analysis” has great potential in assisting cross-cultural educators to design and implement effective seminars or projects that promote learning to become independent learners in dealing with cultural differences. Introduction

For over three decades since Oberg (1960) first mentioned the phenomenon of culture shock as an „occupational disease”, a great number of studies have attempted to improve and expand the concept of culture shock. Definitions, explanations, models, frameworks, and new conceptualizations are still emerging, but, as yet, are inconclusive. Although some relatively recent studies have discussed the nature of culture shock as a positive transitional learning process which may lead to self development and personal growth, much attention has still been paid to explaining the causes of various kinds of negative emotional reactions and searching for effective models to help lessen the difficulties (Adler 1975, Furnham / Bochner 1986, Brislin 1986, Juffer 1986, Weaver 1986). Very little research has attempted to understand the sojourners’ affective experience as a consequence of being involved in the process of culture learning, during which sojourners constantly deal with their emotional reactions to cultural differences. In realistic cross-cultural contact, there are people whose sojourn

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Challenges for Research: Approaches and Studies experience does not requires the total abandonment of their familiar concepts of values and beliefs to adjust or adapt to a new cultural environment. For these people, their major concern during their sojourn experience is what Bochner (1981) called "culture learning.”

Purpose of the study The purpose of this study was to explore the meaning of culture shock through the affective experiences of a group of sojourners. In modern cross-cultural research, people’s emotional reactions to cultural differences are referred to as affective experiences. In everyday language, these reactions refer to people’s intense feelings brought about by their experiences (Brislin 1986). Instead of attempting to test hypotheses, identify symptoms, generalize stages, categorize problems, or summarize coping strategies, this study employs „inductive reasoning” to build up cases by exploring a process during which sojourners naturally, yet constantly, deal with emotional reactions to an unfamiliar cultural environment, broaden culture-bound perspectives, and develop a tolerance to cultural differences.

There were two assumptions underlying this study. First, culture shock is „largely an emotional matter,” (Bock 1970) or „a set of emotional reactions," (Adler 1970) occurring naturally and inevitably in the process of cross-cultural interaction. Second, everyone who is involved with cross-cultural interactions is making an effort, consciously or unconsciously, to balance his or her emotions between cultures. This inevitable process of balancing emotions is viewed as culture shock in its broadest sense. Aspects for inquiry

1) The participants’ expectations, prior to arrival, of teaching and living in China 2) The participants’ emotional reactions to the major cultural differences

3) The learning process experienced in dealing with their emotional reactions to cultural differences 4) The meaning the participants created from the experience

5) The participants’ interpretations of the intensity of their emotional experiences The emphasis of the study was on the second, third, and fourth parts of the participants’ experience. Method

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Challenges for Research: Approaches and Studies Participants

A group of American teachers participated in this study. This group of Minnesota teachers participated in the Minnesota-China Teachers’ Exchange Program. Each of them spent one or two semesters (with one exception who spent four semesters) during the last five years teaching English and American culture at different levels in the Hangzhou Foreign Languages School in the Peoples' Republic of China (PRC). Unlike most of the American professors invited to China who were accorded special arrangements as „foreign experts,” this group of American teachers were generally commingled with their Chinese colleagues and students in working and living conditions during their entire stay in the PRC.

Instruments Intensive Interviewing. Since my key interest was to understand the people’s emotional experience, it seemed that interviewing those people individually was the most effective mode of inquiry. As Seidmen (1991) points out, one of the most powerful ways to gain insight into educational issues is to explore the experience of the individuals whose lives constitute education. I believed that intensive interviewing would best allow people to make meaning through language.

Culture Bump Process and Analysis. To serve the purpose of bringing the sojourners’ reconstruction of the affective experience into a concrete context, a special social instant ’’culture bump” as defined by Archer (1986) seemed to be a practical approach. Archer defines a "culture bump” as an incident that occurs when an individual from one culture has expectations of one behavior and gets something completely different when interacting with persons of a different culture. Four important characteristics of a culture bump can be summarized from Archer’s explanations: 1) a culture bump starts with a behavioral conflict that results from the difference between an individual's expectation and a strange situation, 2) the emotional reactions to a culture bump can be positive, neutral, or negative, 3) a culture bump occurs instantaneously, and 4) the effect of a culture bump may last for a long period. Archer’s suggestion of seven steps to analyze a culture bump were considered applicable to this study in a way that would elicit a culture learning process from the sojourner’s point of view. Based on Archer’s model, a ten-step framework was developed and used to help the participants’ process a culture bump. In a broad sense, the culture bump process was used in this study as a concrete cross-cultural encounter for me to explore the meaning of culture shock. Participants were asked to answer the following questions:

1) Pinpoint an event when you felt different in interacting with someone from

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Challenges for Research: Approaches and Studies another culture. 2) Tell me about the situation. 3) What behavior did you observe from that person? 4) Describe your own behavior.

5) Describe your feelings (your reactions ) in (to) that situation.

6) What behavior would you expect from people in your own culture in that situation? 7) How did you manage to deal with your emotional reactions? 8) Reflect on the underlying value in your culture that prompts that behavior expectation. 9) Did you encounter similar bumps again? If yes, what were your reactions?

10) Did you view the bump as a positive or a negative experience? Why? As Archer explains, these steps are fundamental to enable the sojourners to culturalize the incident and express emotions, thereby giving them the benefit of making sense within a cultural context. The benefit lies in several consequences: 1) when one perceives these encounters as culture bumps, one can view his or her experience in a new way; 2) one is able to use daily vocabulary to express a cultural conflict that is normally very difficult to be expressed; 3) one is able to move from ’’comprehend others” to ’’self­ comprehension”, and then to ’’comprehend the entire interaction incident” from a personal to a cultural level; and 4) one begins by revealing his/her emotional reactions, making him/her aware that s/he is responsible for his/ her feelings, and this acknowledgment of the inner world increases the willingness to discover things around oneself and allow for greater personal growth.

Interviewing process The interviewing process was completed within one year in which fifteen participants were interviewed. Each interview lasted approximately two hours. During each of the interviews, I was constantly alert to the interview situations, reformulating questions that led to reconstruction as directly as possible. However, the key word that guided me to effectively handle each of the interviews was, as Seidman (1989) pointed out, balance. In this study, the major balances were 1) between my own experience for encouragement and moving forward by building on what the participant is willing to share through his or her reconstruction of experience, 2) between being friendly and being overly familiar with the participants, 3) between purposefully moving forward with inquiries and allowing considerable time for participants to pause or to

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Challenges for Research: Approaches and Studies keep silent for thoughtful reconstruction, 4) between focusing on the major issues that I was concerned with and imposing my own interests on the experience of the participants, and 5) between exploring the participant’s experience and interpreting the meaning for the participant. Results

The three major features of culture shock - an emotional core, a set of behavioral mechanisms, and a meaning making process as described by Coffman (1979) - were constantly reflected by the participants’ description of their cross-cultural encounters when teaching and living in China. That is, during their increasing participation in the cross-cultural interaction, the participants encountered various cultural bumps to which they reacted with various feelings. When these cultural encounters became challenges to the effectiveness of interaction, the participants learned new skills appropriate for a different way of life, even if only tentatively. Meanwhile each participant gained an increasing awareness of their growing ability to function more effectively in a strange culture with a greater degree of sensitivity to and tolerance for cultural differences. As a matter of fact, the processing of each culture bump addressed the three aspects this study intended to look into; namely, the participants’ emotional reactions to a culture bump, a set of interactional skills to deal with the differences as well as with the initial emotional reactions, and a meaning making process leading to a deeper understanding of the experience. Therefore, the major potion of the results of the study was a summary of all the culture bumps (over 100 bumps) described by the participants during the participating phase and is presented through analysis and discussion of some selected culture bumps. Eight categories of culture bumps were formed according to the eight basic cultural discrepancies between the United States and China. And the over 100 cultural incidents told by the participants were grouped into these categories, from each of which one selected bump was presented, explained, analyzed and discussed in detail. These categories are: high-context vs. lowcontext styles of communication (CB1), tight culture vs. loose culture (CB2), differences of division of in-group and out-group (CB3), being vs. doing (CB4), learning language out of context vs. within context (CB5), passive learning vs. active learning (CB6), formal vs. informal relationship (CB7), and value differences in time and space (CB8 & 9). Various feelings were naturally involved when the participates were describing the culture bumps. From each group of culture bumps.one most frequently mentioned feelings was selected to represent the major emotional reaction

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Challenges for Research: Approaches and Studies experienced when the participoants experienced the specific cultural differece. The nine major feelings are: frustration, satisfaction, confusion, disappointment, tension, excitement, hurt, warmth and surprise. All the interactional mechanisms naturally emerging in dealing with culture bumps caused by cultural differeces were categorised into two groups: Perceptual sensitivity and behavioral flexibility. Perceptual sensitivity refers to the sense of awareness of the cultural differences such as reflection of motivation, comparison and contrast, rationalization, etc.. Behavioral flexibilty refers to the flexible behavioral repetoire learned and developed to balance emotional reactions or to deal appropriately with cultural differences in daily interactions such as observation, resignation, accommodation, doing by trying, developing a network of friends, etc. A meaningful finding emerged when I was analyzing the selected culture bumps. Each of the selected bumps demonstrates a learning process that reflects the individual participant’s cross-cultural development in terms of cognition and emotion. The developmental process involves two aspects: the cognitive and emotional processes. The cognitive process emerges as a path leading from the individual participant's personal level of initial judgment to a strange phenomenon (or behavior) to the cultural level of comprehending it as a cultural incident caused by cultural differences. The new revelation of the cultural incident provides the participant opportunities to develop insightful understanding of the new culture as well as his or her own culture, hence promoting personal growth. The affective process may reveal the feelings from initial emotional reactions to a better balance of the inner feelings, and, in many cases, lessened negative reactions or enhanced positive feelings. During the two developmental processes, new interactional strategies emerge wherever necessary to deal with the initial emotional reactions or to function more effectively in intercultural interactions. Whatever emotions were involved, each of the bumps led to an end result that reflected a new level of crosscultural awareness of self as a culture being, as well as a better understanding of their affective experiences.

The following table displays the developmental process which emerged as I studied through the affective experiences of this group of American teachers.

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Challenges for Research: Approaches and Studies

AFFECTION

COGNITION

BEHAVIOR Curiosity

Aware of Differences

Observation

Initial Reaction

Initial Judgment

Comprehension Others

Self

Appropriate skills Balanced Emotion

Revelation

Evaluation - Insights

I Personal Growth

* Note, these processes should not be viewed as movement through a series of separated points marking discrete levels of development; rather they indicate a continuum along which culture learning occurred.

Conclusions

The participants’ interpretations of their affective experiences supported my earlier assumption of the meaning of culture shock; that culture shock might be considered a learning process during which sojourners experience various types of emotional reactions, positive as well as negative. These interpretations also encouraged me to explore the meaning of culture shock with new realizations and insights. Probably the most insightful revelation is that culture shock can be viewed as a dynamic learning experience that involves three basic aspects: (1) cognitive development, (2) emotional balance, and (3) personal growth. These three aspects are interwoven into a process that was reflected by the interpretations of the participants’ affective experience as a continuum through which sequential stages of cross-cultural understanding is likely to expand. As a learning experience, this developmental process was likely to produce and develop a heightened intercultural awareness of and sensitivity to the new surroundings. The increasing awareness and sensitivity can be expressed as a gradual emotional intensity which changes overtime. As a result of constantly comparing familiar and unfamiliar values, assumptions, or behaviors, s/he has learned about

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Challenges for Research: Approaches and Studies self and home culture, as well as the host culture and his or her new identity in that culture. This process of learning to „learn differently,“ (Hall 1973), in return, is likely to result in a highly personalized affective experience (Peterson 1976).

The culture bump process/analysis. The most important conclusion is that culture shock could be studied through a myriad of instantaneous cultural incidents, termed culture bumps, in which various emotional reactions occurred. If culture shock is considered a set of emotional reactions to cultural differences, culture bumps could be considered as affective elements of the experience termed culture shock. It was to each of the incidents that the participants responded with varying kinds of feelings. And it was also in each of the incidents that emotional reactions could be analyzed on a cultural level.

A change of emotional intensity. Culture shock could be regarded as a positive life experience that involved a feeling shift ranging from superficial to world viewchanges. During the process each participant experienced emotional ups and downs accompanied by a gradual increase of sensitivity to and empathy with cultural differences, but there was not a general pattern of changes shared by all the participants. Although the feeling shifting process challenged the participant’s personal and social identity, it did not necessarily cause an emotional crisis.

A learning process of new social skills. Culture shock provided the participants with opportunities to discover their ability to recognize their emotional reactions to cultural differences and to develop appropriate behavior to function more effectively in intercultural interpersonal interactions. Especially when the goal of the sojourn was to explore a different way of life or to add to life an exciting new experience, this experience could stimulate learning new social skills. A meaning making process. Culture shock was viewed by this group of participants as a dynamic learning experience that involves a process of both cognitive development and personal growth. This growth indicated a gradual shift from ethnocentrism to increased cross-cultural sensitivity. The affective experiences of this group of American teachers showed that their experiences of the process of culture shock did not result in retreating from intercultural interaction or in isolation from the social network of the host country, nor did it produce an extremely negative impact on their emotional life in China. Rather, the experience of culture shock opened for the participants a new avenue leading to deep feeling changes and more insightful cross-cultural understanding.

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Challenges for Research: Approaches and Studies Implications This exploratory study addressed a very small group of participants whose emotional experiences were affected by culture shock, and whose descriptions and interpretations contributed to the understanding of culture shock. Most of the findings are tentative and relative, and they reflect the researcher’s, as well as each individual participant’s, personal understandings of those issues studied; yet, the meaning making process set people thinking about the direction in which the exploration of culture shock could proceed. The implications cover two aspects: 1) further explorations, and 2) applications to cross-cultural education.

Extensive exploration This study explored the meaning of culture shock through the affective experience of a group of’’cultural outsiders” observing, comparing and reacting to cultural differeces in a strange cultural setting. The affective experiences of the members in host cultures who are interacting with cultural outsiders on a day-to-day basis are equally important for understanding the process of culture shock. Perspectives from both ’’insiders” and ’’outsiders” will provide a three dimensional picture of the topic discussed. Furthermore, since other sojourners like volunteer workers, international students, business people and so on often spend a considerably extended period of time in a foreign culture, interacting with host people on daily basis, their affective experiences might provide more insightful information from different angles of cross-cultural understanding of culture shock. Tentative findings from such a study can be examined, compared, and modified; and more conclusive outcomes might emerge with a wider range of participants.

Implications for cross-cultural education This study was a trial in using culture bump analysis as a contextual framework within which the participants’ emotional experiences were reconstructed. From a practical point of view, the culture bump analysis can serve as an effective general analytical instrument to help cultural educators design and implement effective courses or programs that address issues relating to one of the crucial issues in cross-cultural interactions - culture shock. The processing of a culture bump is not intended to serve as a prescription to cure culture shock ’’symptoms;” rather it provides cultural learners with a concrete context for understanding culture shock as a developmental process both in cognition and affection. This developmental process refers to the increasing of sensitivity to cultural differences (Bennett 1986), as well as the increase of self­ satisfaction in intercultural interaction. At the same time, the processing of a culture bump allows for selecting realistic and appropriate ways to prepare

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Challenges for Research: Approaches and Studies for or to participate in cross-cultural interactions as well as to explain culture shock in a concrete way.

To summarize, the culture bump analysis used as an instrument for my participants to reconstruct their affective experiences, as well as for me to analyze and discuss the data, had several advantages:

1) It provided a concrete context for defining incidents that occurred during intercultural interactions.

2) It ensured emotional reactions to the incident were identified and expressed. 3) It helped comprehending daily cross-cultural encounters by gradually shifting from a personal level to a cultural level. 4) It allowed cultural comparisons and behavior contrasts between the familiar and the unfamiliar.

5) It encouraged a search for the underlying values of the differences. 6) It increased willingness to develop appropriate skills for more effective interaction.

7) It assisted the understanding of culture shock as a process of dealing with emotional reactions to numerous unexpected culture bumps, leading along the road of personal growth and development.

The culture bump analysis is practical in that it reflects four aspects that Brislin (1979) suggested for cross-cultural educational programs, namely, self-awareness, cognition development, behavioral modification, and experimental learning exercises. That is, in processing a culture bump, the participants are given opportunities to learn about the cultural bases of their own behavior and to compare different cultural values or ways of life. In the process of doing so, new social skills are learned and developed, hence, the effectiveness of interaction is increased. The new learning encourages participants to look for and to analyze more culture bumps in any form on a daily basis, which leads to personal growth.

References Adler, P. S. (1975) "The transitional experience: An alternative view of culture shock”, Journal of.Humanistic Psychology, 15(4), 13-23

Archer, C. M. (1986) "Culture bump and beyond”, In: Valdes (ed.), 1986:170-178

Bennett, M. J. (1986) "Towards ethnorelativism: a developmental model of intercultural sensitivity", In: R. M. Paige (ed.) Cross- cultural orientation. Lanham, MD: University Press of America, 27-69 Bochner, S. (1981) The mediating person: Bridges between cultures, Cambridge, MA: Schenkman

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Challenges for Research: Approaches and Studies Brislin, R. etal. (1986) Intercultural interactions: A practical guide, Beverly Hills: Sage Coffman, T. (1978) "Culture shock at home and abroad: A cross-culture model of psychosocial adjustment”. Unpublished manuscript, Honolulu

Fumham, A./Bochner, S. (1989) Culture shock, New York: Routledge

Hall, E. T. (1973) The silent language, New York: Anchor Press/Doubleday Hofstede, G. (1986) ’’Cultural differences in teaching and learning”, International Journal of Intercultural Relations, 10, 301-320 Juffer, K. R. (1986) ’’The first step in cross-cultural orientation: Defining the problem”. In: R.M. Paige (ed.) Cross- cultural orientation, Lanham, MD: University Press of America, 71-110 Kohls, R. L. (1979) Survival kit for overseas living, Chicago: International Press

Lewis, T J./Jungman, R. E. (1986) On being foreign, Yarmouth, ME: Intercultural Press Paige, R. M. (1993) Education for the intercultural experience, Yarmouth, ME:Intercultural Press Seidman, I. E. (1991) Interviewing as qualitative research, New York: Teachers College Press

Stewart, E. C./Bennett, M. J. (1991) American cultural patterns: A cross-cultural perspective, Yarmouth, ME: Intercultural Press Triandis, H. C. (1990), "Theoretical concepts that are applicable to the analysis of ethnocentrism”. In: R.W. Brislin (ed.). Applied cross-cultural psychology, Newbury Park, CA: Sage, 34-55

Valdes, J. M. (1986) Culture bound, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press Weaver, G. R. (1986) ’’Understanding and coping with cross-cultural adjustment stress”. In: Paige (ed.) 1986: 71-110

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Living abroad - the adjustment experiences of children during international relocation. Enid Alston, Robert Stratford University of Southampton, UK.1

This paper discusses research into the adjustment experiences of multinational children aged 9-11 years when relocating to Vienna, Austria, either from their native country or another overseas setting. Two separate approaches are discussed, one based on empirical methods, and the second on idiographic principles. Firstly an additive model of adjustment was used to design a questionnaire to measure adjustment and anxiety within the relocation situation. A significant relationship was found between parental behaviour and changes in the environment and anxiety and an inverse relationship between language factors and anxiety, the latter having significance for the cultural origins of the children. The relationship between total adjustment and anxiety was also significant. Secondly, semi-structured interviews of the families of a sample of the participant children were conducted which led to analysis of family interactions and system effects. It was noted that response patterns to positive affect inducing questions showed a marked tendency to reveal negative cognitions surrounding perceptions for a certain group of participant families, in contrast to families where direct answering patterns prevailed in relation to the answering of these questions. Introduction

The global movement and sojourn of workers, corporate managers, diplomats and other professionals has increased significantly over the last 20 years, and movement with the family rather than unaccompanied is the norm. Despite this, surprisingly little work has addressed the experiences of the children involved in these relocations and particularly those of children from many different countries. The interest of the presenter arose from first hand experiences with children newly relocated to Vienna, Austria. While it was manifest that many children coped happily with the necessary adjustments, a significant minority suffered a great deal of unhappiness and anomie. The questions that drove the enquiry therefore were concerned with the psychological processes of the children and most significantly:

What adjustment is most meaningful to the children?

How difficult or painful is the adjustment?

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Challenges for Research: Approaches and Studies Do some children cope better than others and if so, why? What if any, are the negative or risk factors for the child? What if any, are the protective or factors positive for the child?

This paper discusses research work undertaken as an initial approach to exploring the somewhat neglected area of the international relocation of children, those who move either for the first time outside of their country of origin or as one more move in a succession of global moves. Due to the limitations in the space requirements, many of the results will be presented elsewhere at a later date.

Theoretical perspectives A significant amount of research has addressed the experiences of the adults (rather than the children) involved in international relocation and various theoretical perspectives have been derived from this work. Much of the work on the perceived effects of relocation on children however, has been undertaken either in an intranational context or with American children relocating outside the USA and particularly children involved in military movements. Issues identified as related to anxiety for adults and children during adjustment to Intranational relocation include:

Removal of social support systems (Spradley/ Phillips 1972)

Loss of positive reinforcers (Guthrie 1966/1975) Loss of previous roles and identity. (Church 1982) Maternal attitudes to moving (Pedersen/ Sullivan 1964) Parental behaviour & supportiveness (Gabower 1960, Smardo 1981)

Parental attitudes to mobility and the job context of the wage earner (Werkman 1977)

The quality & amount of parent-child interaction (Switzer et al. 1961). Early work on international relocation

The early work on relocation concentrated mainly on the negative effects of an international sojourn. For example the work of Stonequist (1961) who maintained that as a result of international relocation, a “Marginal Personality” was created who no longer belonged to either the culture from which it came, or the culture to which it has moved. Early “culture shock” literature characterized the phenomenon as an “occupational disease” of those who had relocated abroad ( Oberg 1960). Oberg explained “culture shock” as involving anxiety stemming from cultural ambiguity and loss of familiar signs and symbols of social intercourse. Symptoms of this state included feelings

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Challenges for Research: Approaches and Studies of helplessness, irritability and homesickness and cognitive dissonance regarding one’s own and host country values and expectations. Theoretical positions discussed by Furnham and Bochner (1986) as “explaining” the problems of relocation for adults can be summarized under the heading of “culture shock”. These positions include movement as a loss (grieving), fatalism (related to locus of control), selective migration - those who move are already different: they survive, expectancy value towards the new situation, relocation seen as a negative life event, value differences in the new situation (school ethos, peer group) and social skills deficits. Recent work has led to the inclusion by the authors of a further theoretical standpoint which involves changes in self-identity and loss of feeling of identity, resulting in feelings such as “nobody understands me or likes me”.

Recently a more positive stance has emerged in regard to international relocation. The possibility for individual growth and personal development resulting from an overseas sojourn has been stressed (Brein/ David 1971, Adler 1975). This growth and development is seen as arising from the transcendence of the need for and reliance upon environmental support during transitional experiences leading to increased self-support. Self-concept theory and self shock Recent relocation research has addressed changes in identity. In the work of Hormuth (1990), the relationship between intranational relocation and changes in the self-system are outlined. By this basically systemic model, the self is seen as a part of an ecological system which is a conjunction of other people, environments and objects. Relocation therefore, becomes an opportunity for self-concept change, through changes in this system.

In terms of international relocation initial confusion is seen as being with the Self and not with the other as is hypothesized in the model of culture shock. The intrusion of inconsistent, conflicting self-images which lead to the identity confusion experienced by the sojourner has been termed Self-Shock (Zaharna 1989). The preliminary research project Development of the relocation adjustment questionnaire - RAQ Based on the theories discussed initially, an additive model of adjustment during international relocation was derived, by which an association between the independent variables and the dependent variable - Relocation Anxiety was sought. The 5 independent variables were the degree of adjustments experienced in changes in the Physical Environment, Language, Social

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Challenges for Research: Approaches and Studies Support Network and Parental Behaviour, as well as Expectations towards the new environment. This model led to the development of the Relocation Adjustment Questionnaire (RAQ), which consisted of six sections and 41 questions. The RAQ was initially tested on 68 children from four international schools in Vienna, Austria. The participants were aged between 9-11 years (the so-called ‘latency’ stage) to allow for maximum cognitive maturity without the confounding variables introduced by the onset of puberty. The results are summarized below2:

1) A significant negative relationship was found between adjustments in language and the anxiety experienced. However this was in the opposite direction to that which was intuitively expected (r= -0.24, p