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MEDIEVAL NEPAL
MEDIEVAL NEPAL A History of the Three Kingdoms 1520 A.D. to 1768 A.D.
Volume II
D.R. Regmi
in association with Dilli Raman Regmi Memorial Library
First Published 1965 Copyright © Dr. Dilli Raman Regmi Published by Rupa & Co. in association with Dr. Dilli Raman Regmi Foundation Published 2007 by
~.d, 7/16, Ansari Road, Daryaganj, New Delhi 110 002 Sales Centres:
Allahabad Bangalooru Chandigarh Chennai Hyderabad Jaipur Kathmandu Kolkata Mumbai Pune All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without the prior permission of the publishers. Printed in India by Gopsons Papers Ltd. A-14 Sector 60 Noida 201 301
Dedicated To The Memory of His Late Majesty King Tribhuvana Vira Vikrama Shah Deva
PREFACE This is Part II of Medieval Nepal, which deals with the History of Nepal as it was then politically divided into two or more sovereign kingdoms for nearly 250 years until 1768 A.D. This volume has six chapters, the last of which describes the social and economic condition of the later medieval period. We have reproduced as appendices all texts of select inscriptions on stones and copper plates, select documents of land grant or sale deeds on palm leaves, the eight copies of Thyiisapu, chronological notices and similar records, which are used as source materials for our history, In the preparation of this work I have obtained help from so many individuals, to whom my thanks are due. In parti· cular I am indebted to Mr. H. B. Gurung for the map, to Mr. Shubha Bir Pandey for typing the manuscript and laboriously undertaking allied duties and to the publisher for the ,publication of the work. H. E. Field Marshal Kaisar Shamsber Jung Bahadur Rana put me under deep obligation by allowing me to use bis personal library, and I cannot but express my gratitude to him. I also
thank the librarians of National Library in Kathmandu as the Nepal Museum for enabling me colophon data and other materials reproduce them in the present text.
Bir Library and the well as the Curator of make use of the many in their collections and D.R. Regmi
lst June, 1961 Kathmandu Nepal.
The following scheme has been adopted for transcription of Sanskrit words : a="il
a ='i!T
kha=~
i=~
i=t
gha=~
u='3'
ii =i3i
nga=e
c=~
ai=lt
cha=;
o='i!IT
au='ill
chha=ff jha
=1i
fi=or ~a=i!
~ha=o
4a =;go 9ha=G" I).a=~
pha=IJi bha=~
sa=w ~a=l!J
va=cr
CONTENTS Page iv
Publishers' Note Preface
v Chapter
I
Introductory I The Baisi, Chaubisi and three States of the Vatley
1
II 5
Source Materials
III The Background
30
Chapter
II
Kingdom of Kathmandu I Ratnamalla Suryamalla Amaramalla Narendramalla Mahendramalla Sadasivamalla sivasimha
33 36 37
38 41
44 46 II
Kathmandu once again divided Laki;iminarasimhamalla Bbimamalla
55 55 60
Page III Pratiipamalla Introduction of the Parbatiyii language in the Epigraphy Judicial reforms Pratapa's relation with Patan and Bhatgaon Pratiipa's Relation with the Moghuls of India
64
82 83 85 88
IV Age of Regents and Chautaras 107
Nrpendramalla Piirthivendramalla Bbiipiilendramalla B hiiskaramalla Mahlndrashb.ha
118
...
135 158
167
v New Dynasty Jagajjayamalla J ayaprakasamalla
178 182
Chapter
III
Kingdom of Bbatgaon
I Riiyamalla to Jagajjyotirmalla Rayamalla Priil).amalla Visvamalla Regency of Ga:ri.giiriini and Trailokyamalla Jagajjyotirmalla
204 205 208 210 21 I
215
II Naresamalla J agat prakiisamalla Jitamitramalla
218
220 224
Page
III 235 244
Bhupatindramalla Ral)ajitamalla Chapter
IV
Kingdom of Patan I
Patan Before Sivasimha
258 262 265
Vi~l)usirhba
Purandarasirhba II
268 268
sivasirhba and His Successors Siddhinarasirhhamalla
III srinivasamalla srinivasa's Abdication and Crowning of Yoganarendra
282 310
IV Y oganarendramalla
313
v Age of Infant kings and Powerful Regents Lokaprakasa Indramalla Viranarasirhba Mahendramalla Hrddhinarasirhha
340 342 344 346 349
VI Patan. Kathmandu United under one Ruler
350
VII Last Forty-five years of Patan's Independent Existence Yogaprakasamalla Vi~l)umalla
353 355
Rajyaprakasamalla Visvajitamalla Jayaprakasa, RaJ;1.ajita, Dalamardana and Tejanasimha Epilogue
Page 358 361 362 369
Chapter V Politica1, Economic And Social Conditions of The Nepal Valley in the Late Middle Ages
I The Nepal Valley: Frontier Lines and Geographical location Trade route The Government Members of the Royal Family The.Court Cultural Ties Administration
380 390 394
420 421 427 432
II Economic Life
494
III Social And Cultural Deities of Local origin Domestic Rites from Birth to Death Rituals Gifts and the Classical Texts Society. Family. Inheritance, Castes The Vibara, Cbaitya And Priests Dress. Ornaments, Food, Drink etc The Time System and the Society The World of Superstitions Literary_: Language, Literature And Drama Musical Instruments
538 601 691
715 733 760
782 788
814 821 854
Page Chapter VI I
Illustrations
862
Art and Architecture II
Art ·sculpture Painting Appendix I Appendix II Appendix III Postscript Glossary Bibliography Abbreviation Errata Index
'.•••
907 972 1005 1020 1022 1042 1047 1049 1053 1057 1065
CHAPTER I
INTRODUCTORY I
The Baisi, Chaubisi and three States of the Valley: We intend to devote this volume to a consideration of the History of the three Kingdoms of the Nepal Valley for the period beginning with 1520 A.D. and ending with 1768 A.D. We may note here that these kingdoms were created in the aftermath of the chaos that came with the death of Yak~a malla in 1482 A.D. For the beginning of the 15th century we have the following feudal states extending from Kumaon to the vicinity of the Valley of Nepal1, and beyond. Nepal, which was divided in three kingdoms, constituted a group by itself. We have other two groups, one in farther West called the Baisi and another in the near West called Chaubisi. Now to enume· rate the Baisi we have: Doti Juqila, Bajhail.g, Achham, Dailekh. Salliana, Malneta. Rukamkot. Musikot. Roalpa. Chhilli, Garbhakot. Phallabang. Jajarkot. Jahari, Kalagaon, Darumaka. Bampi, Gutam, Gajur and Satatalla2 • :Jlhe last was a group of more than one state. For a long time, these principalities were each under a Raja holding his jurisdiction under the Raja of J umlii, who was regarded as the head of the group of the Baisi (22). Later, Jumla's overlordship was ignored in practice and each of the Baisi functioned as independently as the former. The Cbaubisis (24) occupied the basins of the seven Ga1;11;laks from the river Bheri to the Lists differ according to the sources, but they seem to agree in main details. For alien sources read Oldfield Vol. I, pp. 23-25; Kirkpatrick, p. 283; Hamilton pp. 130-50. 2 A sub-confederacy of seven chieftains.
2
MEDIEVAL NEPAL
river Trisuli comprising the areas extending from the district of Piuthan to the river Trisuli in the present No. 1 West district. These were variously Piuthan. Palpa. Gulmi, Noakot. Argha, Khanci. Isma. Musikot. Galkot. Dhurkot. Parbat or Malaibam, Bhirkot. Garhonkot, Lamjung. Kaski, Tanhou, Mackwanpur3• Rising, Ghiring, Dhor, Paiyun and Satahfifi. Gorkhii was a later creation. It was ruled by a Magar chieftain till 1559 A.D. When a son of Lamjung acquired the principality by defeating the Magar chief of the area, Gorkhii became independent of Lamjung under Dravya Shah and thereafter was counted as a member of the Cbaubisi. These Chaubisis (24) seldom remained all separate. They seem to have federated in three groups and at one time only in two under Piilpii and Lamjung respectively and the former headed all States up to the river Seti. For the East of the Valley of Nepal there was Kiriita domain ruled by a scion of the Sena family comprising the basins of the river Dudhkosi and its tributaries and a portion of the Terai to the East of the river Kamalii up to the present Western boundary of the Jalpaiguri district. The existence of so many principalities in a small country with already a very lax and undefined system of administration was injurious to the larger interest of Nepal. It sowed seeds of confusion and skirmishes. Not only the territories within the Valley fell into a state of anarchy. but places lying in the East and West outside of it declared independent of the central power in the Valley. From Taranatha we hear that as early as the 12th century A.D. Palpii was existing as a separate kingdom under the Senas4• During the same century hordes of Magar and Khasa tribes who had migrated to the region of seven GaqAT ~~~~~T
77
KINGDOM OF KATHMANDU
We find from a noting in a folio of the ms. Pujiipaddhati· sangraha56 that Pratapamalla had Pannauti under his occupa· tion on Sathvat 785 Mligha kr~r;za chaturdasi and the area was governed by one Harikr~i.rn Pramiina sent from Kathmandu. The occupation of the area must have been effected during the war with Bhatgaon. At the date mentioned the temple of the deity lndresvara was whitewashed. 57 We cited the source as above presented at this stage, as the event was connected with the reign of Pratapamalla. But the thread of the story we cannot catch further at this stage and we stop at that to take up the continuation of the remaining portion of the narrative relating to achievements of this king and to the estimate of his career. Pratapa is not content with claims on poethood and on status of a big conqueror. He goes further and claims victory over natural forces by means of his knowledge of esoteric power. In the last few verses of ~he VrHichintlimaI)i Stotra. 58 composed by himself invoking blessing of deities (Siva-sakti) for rains in tbat year of drought he speaks of how he daringly entered an underground cell of Santipura (within confines of the Svayambhu compound) in search of a book oi charms and pictures written with the ink of serpent's blood and brought it out defying the furies of the ghosts and spirits dwelling there which caused immediate rainfall to the relief to Nepal's inhabitants. 56
57
Unpublished.
In the possession of Eisvaradhara Sharma.
~'f~~tRfbut I do not think more details are necessary. At the ·end, however, we may observe that if the closing of roads was a policy often resorted to against the opponent their ·opening also followed as a routine affair in due course. All this happened without giving rise to suffering to the .citizens of the Valley for if a road was closed and communi.cation between the capitals was cut off it hit the economy of the Valley as a whole. It was to be advantage of all concerned that normal conditions were restored and trade .activities allowed to go on as usual. There was nothing uncommon about these occurrences when the authorities helped to restore communication to that end.
430
MEDIEVAL NEPAL
Pilgrimage and trade were the two facts of every day life for the citizens of Nepal in which every state they' might be. The Nepal Valley irrespective of political division was a unit by itself in this respect, which knew no other bounds. Economically one State depended on the other. Each had its own special position and one supplemented the other in economic and trade matters. Also politically one could be a complementary part of the other. Kathmandu received· some of its food and clothing from Bhatgaon and different kings of wares-brass, earthen and then art objects as well as all its artisans from Patan. The other two had to rely on Kathmandu for passage to their trade to Tibet and als for the supply of timber, salt etc. The centres of pilgrimage were equally spread all over the Valley. If Pa8upatinatha,. the stupa of Svayambhunatha and the temples of Chaligu and Vajrayogini were within the Kathmandu principality,. Patan could boast of Machhendranatha, sikharanarayaJ}a and Koyana GaJ}esa. Bhatgaon attracted a wide variety oJ visitors from all parts Qf the Valley during the Jiitrii of Bisket (lst of J( aiSakha according to solar calendar) and then there was Pannuati which passed as the tri-junction of rivers like the famous Prayiga in North India. Wars. between kings could not prevent people from· participating in the festivals in the temples. They were so sacred that the visitors were not scared away by a show of war or like attitudeon behalf of a particular king. At the lower level the people mixed like their own kith and kin inspite of a conflict at a higher level. Similarly traders carried their job as usual not minding a state of conflict unless a city was closed for traffic. There was no natural barrier separating the kingdoms and therefore trade flowed through several channels even when. the main route was not open. Kings suspended their quarrel if ~here was a ceremony in any Qf the Royal houses. Srinivasamalla attended the initiation ceremony of Jitamitra's elder son in 787. He was.
POLITICAL, ECONOMIC AND SOCIAL CONDITIONS
431
present also while the younger son was initiated in 791, Before both the occasions their relations had been strained. On Pratii.pa's death a large-scale conflict had automatically ended and we find the kings of Patao and Bhatgaon helping the authorities in Kathmandu to tide over the difficulties resulting out of an impasse due to a dispute on the issue of succession, though non~ of them friendly with Pratapamalla. The Patan ruler took trouble to go to Kathmandu and personally supkrvised the crowning ceremony of the successor. Jitamitramalla saved Kathmandu from the effects of a rebellion when people's passion was frayed on the death of Pii.rthivendramalla in A$i:ujha 807. Bhfipalendramalla was crowned in the presence of the kings of Patan and Bhatgaon. The ministers received their insignia of office from the king of Bhatgaon. All this amply proves that any time if a crisis had overtaken a kingdom due to the death of its king, it received ungrudging help from the other parties. From the Thyiisapu Ewe learn that the kings of Kathmandu and Bhatgaon attended the Chariot-driving ceremony on some special days. According to the Thyiisapu A kings of Bhatgaon and Patan were regular visitors to the shrine of Pa8upatinii.tha. It talks of a scuffle between two parties in NS 801 while Yoganarendramalla had visited the temple of Pasupatinatba. Voganarendra had also visited the temple of Taleju in Bhatgaon in 819 according to an inscription of that year. Whenever there was a special ceremony or worship of a deity in any capital the kings and ministers of other capitals were invited to attend. The inaugural ceremony of the temple of Bhimasena in Patan in 801 was attended by kings of other two capitals. In times of strained relation talks were held outside the capital. For example, the three parties had met at a site near Sankhamfil to settle certain dispute in the month of Jye$tha of 794 (Thyiisapu D). All this in short represented the series of contacts between the kingdoms of the Valley, which had no military or defence significance~
432
MEDIEVAL NEPAL
Administration: We now come to describe the administration. As 1s natural to feudal conditions the kings constituted -the most important factor in the scheme of things. The -ascent and beginning of a certain dynastic rule owed mainly to the decision of swords. But the conquerors from whichever parts of the country they happened to enter behaved as ,natives of the soil identifying themselves completely with the ruled. There was not hluch of administrative responsibility. ·Even law and order was a matter of convenience rather than -one of necessity and was preserved not owing to the inherent strength of the state but by a tacit acquiescence of the docile people in the divinity of the rulers who always traced their ·descent from the sun god and Rama of the epics. But court intrigue was rampant, and the fortune of the principality and 1ts people rose and fell as the tide of the sea but in the most unexpected and inexplicable manner. The monarch was assisted in administration by his near relatives and favourites from amongst the nobility and one of whom always played the role of Chief Minister., About the end of the 17th century on account of the influence of the ,Chaubisis, the Chief Minister came also to be called Chautara. There were some more persons functioning as Ministers who were known as Pramal),a, the title signified investiture of authority for the affairs of states. At a later date as we have noticed there were some officers of influence, who bore the tlesignation of Kazi Perhaps they held ministerial rank. Whenever a Chautara was created it was done with some ceremony; the ruler applied tikii on his forehead and put a Vetiili or pugree (turban) over his bead (See Thyasapu A. f. 64 and B. f. 13). In a stone inscription of Srinivasamalla's time (Bandegaon, NS 799),81 the donor one PramaQa Visvambara Bbaro of 37 Inscription n. 85 in our Appendix.
POLIT~CAL,
ECONOMICAND SOCIAL CONDITTONS
433
Chikbahara calls himself Sachivama'IJ4ala mukhyamantri, which means he was the Chief of the Council of Ministers. There are many inscriptions and other records which present persons addressing themselves as mantri or sachiva or 1amiitya. Ordinarily a minister was called Pramii'IJa by the local populace. The appointment of a Pramii'l;la was also accompanied by a ceremony while the king or the Regent adorned him with a headdress (turban). The Thyiisapu A in folio 49 notes the investiture of certain persons as ministers. Each was given a turban (Vetali in Newari), which was an insignia of the august post. We hear of eight pradhanas from the later chronicles. These were ministers of the court. Probably the Executive council consisted of eight ministers. It is said that Sivaji, the Maratha ruler had also a council of ministers to advise him. and this was manned by eight ministers.88 Chal}.