Medieval Masterchef: Archaeological and Historical Perspectives on Eastern Cuisine and Western Foodways 9782503575797

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m e di e va l m a st e rch e f

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Cover illustration: s a m u e l se rv e s w i t h i n t h e t e m pl e Old Testament miniatures, ms m. 638, fol. 20r – Maciejowski Bible, ca. 1244-1254, Paris, France Purchased by J.P. Morgan (1867-1943) in 1916 Courtesy of The Morgan Library & Museum, New York

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M E D I E VA L M A S T E R C H E F

* a rch a eologic a l a n d h istor ic a l pe r spect i v es on e a st e r n cu isi n e a n d w est e r n foodways

* e di t e d by J OA N I TA V RO OM Y O N A WA K S M A N R O O S VA N O O S T E N

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m e di e va l a n d post-m e di e va l m e di t e r r a n e a n a rch a eology se r i es – i i

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Series editor dr . joa n i ta v room Leiden University (nl)

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e di tor i a l boa r d Prof. John Haldon, Princeton University (usa) Dr. Archibald Dunn, University of Birmingham (uk) Prof. Sauro Gelichi, University of Venice (it) Prof. Scott Redford, soas, University College London (uk) Prof. Enrico Zanini, University of Siena (it)

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Typesetting & book design st ev e n bol a n d

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pr i n t e d on acid-free paper

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© 2017 br epol s pu bl ish e r s n.v. , t u r n hou t, be lgi u m All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanic, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without the prior permission of the publisher. isbn 978-2-503-57579-7 (printed version) isbn 978-2-503-57611-4 (online version) doi 10.1484/m.mpm as-eb.5.113395 d/2017/0095/104

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Contents List of contributors

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joa nita v room, yona wa ksm a n & roos va n oosten – Preface

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e a r ly m e di eva l & e a r ly isl a m ic pe r iod joh a n na m ar i a va n w inter Arabic influences on European Medieval cuisine

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josé c. carvaja l lópez & miguel jiménez puertas Cuisine, islamisation and ceramics in the south and east of al-Andalus

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yasemin baĞci & joa nita v room Dining habits at Tarsus in the Early Islamic period: A ceramic perspective from Turkey

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lubna om ar Approaching Medieval cuisine: Employing zoo-archaeological methods on Anatolian faunal assemblages

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m e di e va l pe r iod ruth sm a dar ga br ieli, yona wa ksm a n, a nastasia shapiro & a lessa ndr a pecci Cypriot and Levantine cooking wares in Frankish Cyprus

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joa nita v room & elli tzavella Dinner time in Athens: Eating and drinking in the Medieval Agora

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joh a n na m ar i a va n w inter Festive meals in the Late Middle Ages: An essay on alimentation as means of communication

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con t e n t s

roos va n oosten A Medieval cooking revolution: Changing ceramic cookware ca. 1300 as a window into cooking infrastructure, fuel, and food transitions

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l at e m e di eva l & e a r ly mode r n pe r iod m auro libr enti, cecili a moine & lar a sa bbionesi From table to identity: Understanding social changes through tableware (A case study of San Paolo in Modena, Italy)

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a lex a ndr a va n dongen Global dining with Erasmus: The Early Modern European dining table

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va n ver rocchio 257 Material culture in Early Modern Abruzzo, Italy: Archival and archaeological sources filiz yenişehir lioğlu A journey of taste: Eastern coffee and western coffee cups in Turkey

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m e di e va l m a st e rch e f i n t h e k i tch e n claudi a va ndepoel Blanc Manger, cooking a historical recipe made for a Tudor king

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joa nita v room, mink va n ijzendoor n, 323 m arten va n nieu w koop & k atelin post A matter of taste: The experiment of a ‘Byzantine food lab’ placed in socio-historical context m ary c. beaudry Epilogue: Mastering the art of Medieval European table culture

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list of figur es & colour plates index of geogr aphica l na mes & food colour plates

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357 367 369

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List of contributors *

yasemin bağcı is currently a PhD candidate at the Faculty of Archaeology of Leiden University (Near Eastern Archaeology). Her PhD focuses on the Early Islamic pottery finds of the 1935-1948 Tarsus-Gözlükule excavations in Turkey. She started studying Post-Antique ceramics for her Master’s thesis under the supervision of S. Redford at Koç University, in particular the Late Medieval pottery from the Archaeological Museum of Istanbul. Between 2011 and 2015, she was employed by J. Vroom in the vidi research project ‘Material Culture, Consumption and Social Change: New Approaches to Understanding the Eastern Mediterranean during Byzantine and Ottoman Times’ (funded by nwo). Her expertise covers Medieval and Post-Medieval ceramics from the Middle East. mary c. beaudry is Professor of Archaeology, Anthropology, and Gastronomy at Boston University. Her research interests include historical and industrial archaeology of the Americas and British Isles, archaeology of food, households and domestic life, and the material culture of cookery and dining. Her recent books include Archaeology of Food: An Encyclopedia (co-edited with Karen Bescherer Metheny, 2015) and Beyond the Walls: New Perspectives on the Archaeology of Historical Households (co-edited with Kevin Fogel and James Nyman, 2015). Email: [email protected] jose c. carvajal lópez is Lecturer in Islamic Archaeology at UCL Qatar. By training he is a specialist in the archaeology of al-Andalus (Islamic Iberia) and in pottery analysis. He has studied the Early Islamic period in the Vega of Granada (southeast Spain, 7th-11th centuries ce), mainly through morpho-typological and technological studies of pottery that include petrological as well as elemental analysis. He has published about Islamisation and about the development of the archaeology of al-Andalus. At the moment he is developing fieldwork projects in Qatar, Palestine and Iraqi Kurdistan. He is the director of two projects with QNRF funding: ‘Materiality and Preservation in Islamic Contexts’ and ‘The Crowded Desert’.

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alexandra van dongen is a museologist and art historian. She has been working at the Boijmans Van Beuningen Museum in Rotterdam (nl) since 1986, initially as assistant-curator and from 1992 onwards as curator of pre-industrial design. Her specialism focuses on decorative domestic artefacts dating from the Middle Ages through the 19th century. In 2011 she launched the online research project alma (Art Meets Artefacts): www.alma.boijmans.nl/en/. She is a member of codart and icom/icdad, and board member of Foundation The Time Stairs. With Alma Ruempol she published Pre-industrial Utensils 1150-1800 (Rotterdam, 1991). smadar gabrieli is an independent researcher, affiliated with the University of Sydney and the University of Western Australia, and currently a Marie-Curie Fellow at the saxo Institute, University of Copenhagen. She works as a ceramics specialist at excavations in Israel and in Cyprus, focusing on hand-made pottery industries from Late Antiquity to the Crusader and Mamluk periods. Recent publications include articles on regional development of handmade pottery in Medieval Cyprus (Cypriot Medieval Ceramics: Reconsiderations and New Perspectives, 2014), on craft-specialization of handmade pottery in the Levant and Cyprus (Medieval and Post-Medieval Ceramics in the Eastern Mediterranean, 2015), and with B.J. Walker and D. Ben-Shlomo on production of the Hand Made Geometrically Painted Mamluk pottery (in the Journal of Islamic Archaeology 1, 2014). miguel jiménez puertas is an independent scholar who holds since 1999 a PhD in Medieval History from the University of Granada (Spain). His research interests include history and archaeology of Islamic Spain, and in particular he has worked on studies of settlement patterns, pottery, and agrarian and economic history. His main publications are the monograph El poblamiento del territorio de Loja en la Edad Media (Granada, 2002), in which he develops a full study of the settlement patterns and material culture of the area of Loja in south-east Spain; Los regadíos tradicionales del territorio de Loja (Loja, 2007), an archaeological analysis of early medieval irrigation systems; and ‘Studies in the Early Medieval Pottery of al-Andalus’ (in Early Medieval Europe 19, 2011). mauro librenti is a professor of Post-Medieval Archaeology at Ca’ Foscari University, Venice (Italy). His main scholarly interests are focused on dynamics of rural and urban settlements and material culture, especially from religious communities during the Late Middle Ages and the Early Modern Era. His most recent article is: Territorio e insediamento tardomedievale tra Emilia e Romagna (in Archeologia Medievale 43, 2016). cecilia moine is a post-doctoral researcher at Ca’ Foscari University, Venice (Italy); her main area of interest is social archaeology, with a particular focus on the Late Middle Ages. Recently, her interests moved to landscape analysis and relationship between man and environment. A recent article of hers is: Definire lo spazio e organizzare la mensa: Il Trecento a Venezia (in Archeologia Medievale 43, 2016, with M. Ferri and C. Moine).

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marten van nieuwkoop studied Byzantine and Frankish ceramics under the supervision of J. Vroom at the Faculty of Archaeology of Leiden University. In 2015 he finished his Master’s thesis titled On Vessels and Viands: Cooking and Consuming during the Late Byzantine/Frankish Period in the Aegean (ca. 1200-1500 ad). lubna omar is a zooarchaeologist and viositing professor at the Anthropology Faculty of suny Binghamton University (usa). She carried out field work in Syria, Jordan, Turkey and Japan, but her primary research focus is north Mesopotamia, where she worked on reconstructing the socio-economic patterns of several urban centers using the analysis of animal remains. Currently, she is working on publishing the results of her previous field work from Syrian sites to highlight the importance of documenting archaeological work in this critical region. Her publications include various articles in Al-Rafidan, (2010); The Archaeological Review from Cambridge Human and Animal (2013) and in Eurasian Journal of Anthropology (2014, with A.C. Erkman). roos van oosten is Assistant Professor of Urban and Medieval Archaeology at the Faculty of Archaeology, Leiden University (nl). Her main research focus is on sanitation management and urbanization in the preindustrial period (1200-1800). A secondary focus is preindustrial ceramic distribution patterns in relation to long-term economic trends. She is on the editorial board of Mediaeval and Modern Matters, a member of the advisory board of the Dutch classification system for Late-Medieval and Post-Medieval ceramics and glass, and chairperson of the Dutch Society for Medieval Archaeology. Her PhD thesis is published in Dutch with the title De stad, het vuil en de beerput. De opkomst, verbreiding en neergang van de beerput in stedelijke context (Leiden, 2015). In 2017 she starts a veni project, funded by nwo, with the title ‘Challenging the Paradigm of Filthy and Unhealthy Medieval Towns’. alessandra pecci is a ‘Ramón y Cajal’ researcher at eraaub, Departamento de Historia i Arqueologia, Universidad de Barcelona, where she teaches and does research. Her specialization is Archaeometry and in particular the residue analysis of ceramics and floors. With the aim to understand ceramic use and foodways, activity areas and the use of space in Ancient buildings, her work is focused on the study of food practices in Ancient times. She has published more than 110 articles, book chapters and books, and has organized International Conferences, Summer Schools, Workshops and Conference Sessions. She collaborates with many institutions in Europe, usa and Mexico and has worked in national and international projects in Italy, Spain, France, Morocco, Turkey and Mexico. katelin post has studied Byzantine ceramics for her Bachelor’s thesis under the supervision of J. Vroom at the Faculty of Archaeology of Leiden University. In 2017 she will finish her thesis titled in Dutch ‘Wit Byzantijns aardewerk in beeld. Een onderzoek naar de clasificatie, iconografie en distributie van wit geglazuurd Byzantijns aardewerk’.

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lara sabbionesi is an expert in Medieval and Modern pottery at Ca’ Foscari University, Venice, and she has recently defended her PhD dissertation in archaeology about hygiene and waste disposal in northern Italian cities. A good exemple of her many fields of interest is her research on tobacco pipes and coffee cups in: S. Gelichi and L. Sabbionesi (eds.), Bere e fumare ai confini dell’Impero. Caffè e tabacco a Stari Bar nel periodo ottomano (Florence, 2014). anastasia shapiro works as a geologist at the Israel Antiquities Authority, northern district. She is involved in the research of i.a. petrography of pottery, geology, pottery manufacture, Ottoman clay tobacco pipes, archaeological surveying and gis. Her recent publications include: Petrographic Analysis of the Crusader-Period Pottery. Chapter 5 in E.J. Stern, ‘Akko I: The 1991-1998 Excavations, The Crusader Period Pottery, IAA Reports 51 (Jerusalem, 2012); in ‘Atiqot 83 (2015, with D. Avshalom-Gorni) and in ‘Atiqot 87 (2016). elli tzavella is Adjunct Lecturer of Byzantine Art at the Open University of Cyprus, Studies on Hellenic Culture. She completed her PhD on the Urban and Rural Landscape in Early and Middle Byzantine Attica in Birmingham (2013), currently under publication. She was as a post-doctoral researcher (2013-2015) at Leiden University (nl) employed by J. Vroom in the vidi research project ‘Material Culture, Consumption and Social Change: New Approaches to Understanding the Eastern Mediterranean during Byzantine and Ottoman Times’ (funded by nwo). She has published various articles on the Byzantine settlement history of Attica and of the Corinthia (Central Greece), on Late Roman and Byzantine ceramics, and on Medieval burial customs in the Aegean in academic journals. claudia vandepoel studied Museology in Leiden at the Reinwardt Academy, and worked in several museums. In 2006 she started her company ‘The Historical Kitchen’. She has been working since then on historical and archaeological culinary research, and has organized ‘tastings’ on special periods and subjects. Currently she is studying the 16th-/17th-century agricultural developments in and around the city of Leiden, after the garden of Carolus Clusius (the Hortus Botanicus Leiden) was planted in 1594. Her publications include Sapor Limitis, de smaak van de Limes, Romeinse recepten uit het gebied van Albaniana (Vlaardingen, 2013). van verrocchio is an independent researcher, and member of the ‘Centro Ligure per la Storia della Ceramica’ (Savona), and of the ‘Società degli Archeologi Medievisti Italiani’ (sami). He has conducted research on Italian ceramic production as an external collaborator for the archaeological service (‘Soprintendenza’) of Abruzzo. Furthermore, he has collaborated with the preparations of the Medieval and Post-Medieval sections of the Archaeological Museum of Sulmona (aq ), the Civic Museum of Alfedena (aq ) and the Museum of Ceramics of San Domenico in L’Aquila. His publications include La ceramica postmedievale in Abruzzo. Materiali dallo scavo in piazza Caporali a Castelfrentano (ch) (Florence, 2002), articles in the journals Archeologia Medievale and Archeologia

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Postmedievale, and a chapter on Medieval and Post-Medieval pottery in Domenico all’Aquila. Restauro del complesso monumentale (Verona, 2011). Lastly, he co-founded the journal Azulejos. Rivista di Studi Ceramici (2004-2010). joanita vroom is Associate Professor at the Faculty of Archaeology, Leiden University (nl), specializing in Medieval and Post-Medieval archaeology in the eastern Mediterranean. She takes an interest in the social-economic (production and distribution) and cultural aspects (cuisine and dining habits) of ceramics. Earlier she published After Antiquity: Ceramics and Society in the Aegean from the 7th to the 20th century A.C. (Leiden, 2003), Byzantine to Modern Pottery in the Aegean: An Introduction and Field Guide (Utrecht, 2005; Turnhout, 20142), Medieval and Post-Medieval Ceramics in the Eastern Mediterranean: Fact and Fiction (mpmas 1; Turnhout, 2015), as well as many book chapters and articles in academic journals. For further information on her various research projects, see: www.academia.edu/JoanitaVroom as well as www.universiteitleiden.nl/en/ stafmembers/joanita-vroom. johanna maria van winter, born in 1927, is since 1989 emerita professor in Medieval History at the University of Utrecht. Her research covers i.a. food and health in the Middle Ages, about which she from 1966 onwards published numerous books and articles, often with contemporaneous illustrations. One of her important monographs is Spices and Comfits. Collected Papers on Medieval Food (Blackawton & Totnes, 2007). yona waksman is a senior researcher at the French National Center for Scientific Research (cnrs, umr 5138, Maison de l’Orient et de la Méditerranée, Lyon). After a PhD in nuclear physics applied to archaeology, she specialized in archaeometric approaches to Medieval ceramics in the eastern Mediterranean and the Black Sea. Her interests include provenance and technology of ceramics from this area, and the insight they give into foodways. She directed several national and international projects, lately the pomedor project ‘People, Pottery and Food in the Medieval Eastern Mediterranean’, and investigated ceramics from a number of sites, including major ones such as Constantinople/Istanbul, Thessaloniki, Thebes, Chalcis, Acre and Beirut. Her research contributes scientific data to economic, cultural and social studies of the Byzantine world and the Medieval Middle East. mink van ijzendoorn has studied Byzantine ceramics for his Master’s thesis under the supervision of J. Vroom at the Faculty of Archaeology of Leiden University. In 2016 he finished his thesis titled ‘Mapping the Ceramics: A comparative and quantified study of the distribution of Champlevé Ware in the Mediterranean Region and in the Near East during the Middle Byzantine period (ca. late 12th-early 13th century)’. Recently he has published an article on the same subject in In & Around: Ceramiche e comunità (Florence, 2016, with J. Vroom).

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filiz yenişehirlioğlu is Professor of Ottoman Art and Architecture at the Department of Archaeology and History of Art of Koç University in Turkey. She is also the Director of Vehbi Koç Ankara Studies Resarch Center of the same university. Recent publications are: Representation of lyrical beauty: The image of a courtesan at the Topkapı Palace in the seventeenth century, Art, Trade and Culture in the Islamic World and Beyond: From the Fatimids to the Mughals Studies Presented to Doris Abouseif- Behren (London, 2016); Les grands jarres dans les maisons d’Istanbul au xixème siecle : les exemples des quartiers d’Eyüp et d’Ayvansaray, Jarres et grands contenants entre Moyen Age et Epoque Moderne, Actes du 1er Congrès International Thénmatique de l’a iecm3 (Aix-en-Provence, 2016, 297-301).

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Preface Joanita Vroom, Yona Waksman & Roos van Oosten

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The study of food and nutrition is a rapidly expanding area of historical and archaeological research and, in recent years, we have seen an exciting wealth of publications in this field, ranging from specialist studies to websites for the general public. However, an overall, integrated view on eating habits, diet practices, cuisine, social developments and related aspects of material culture in Medieval and Post-Medieval Europe is lacking. In all sorts of ways, the great potential of a multidisciplinary and interdisciplinary approach addressing the evolution of foodways over time is still far from being fully exploited, notwithstanding recent substantial advances in archaeological research on the subject. The aim of the current volume Medieval MasterChef: Archaeological and Historical Perspectives on Eastern Cuisine and Western Foodways is to discuss the way forward in this rich field of study by presenting, side by side, the wider perspectives of archaeology, history and art history with those of specialisms such as ceramology, archaeozoology, anthropology and experimental archaeology. This volume originates from a session which was initiated and organised by us for the 20th Annual Meeting of the European Association of Archaeologists (eaa) at Istanbul in 2014.1 The purpose of this session was to shed light on the development of food manners and eating habits in Europe and the Mediterranean related to encounters over time between population groups with different material cultures and different cultural identities. These encounters ranged from military conflicts to mercantile exchanges, and other nonviolent processes of cultural interaction. As dining practices and diets are important markers of social and cultural identities, changes in food consumption help Medieval MasterChef, ed. by Joanita Vroom, Yona Waksman, Roos van Oosten, Medieval and Post-Medieval Archaeology Series ii (Turnhout, 2017), pp. 13-22

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us to understand the impact of these complex encounters on daily life in all levels of society. For example, there is a significant, if not always fully understood, relationship between changing foodways and changes in material culture related to food, ranging from pottery to dining utensils. If anything, the story of societies’ food and foodways is a story of the ongoing processes of acculturation and enculturation. This certainly holds true for the various communities, social groups and political entities which were interacting in Medieval and Post-Medieval Europe and the Mediterranean. Until now, however, the consequences of the interactions between these groups, in the material culture of daily life and their relations to changing food practices, has been little studied in an interdisciplinary and wider geographical, chronological perspective. This volume sets out to explore the integration of the historical, archaeological, and anthropological perspectives on foodways in Medieval and Post-Medieval Europe. The focus is both on changes in the archaeological repertoire of well-dated excavated contexts, and on changes in food products, preparation methods and dining etiquette. Specific attention will be paid to the role of pottery (ranging from serving dishes to transport jars or cooking pots) and other artefacts in the evolution of food customs, dining practices, cooking techniques and cuisine. Discussions will cover the extent to which archaeological data studies are enriched by the analyses of organic residues raw materials and research on the techniques of manufacture, including these as indicators of adaptations in pottery production to new dining fashions and new demands by the people using the pottery. Of course, the use of other major sources of information on changing foodways are also explored and discussed in this volume. These include written texts, describing recipes in cookery books or etiquette regulations with respect to table manners and bodily cleanliness during meals, and pictorial evidence of the role of food in society, such as miniatures from illustrated manuscripts, engravings, oil paintings and even embroidered tablecloths. One of the leading perspectives, which ties the various contributions in Medieval MasterChef together, is the question how, when and why changes in table wares (made of pottery, metal or glass), cooking utensils, faunal remains and other food-related markers took place, both in the East and West, in relation to changing dining practices. Were developments in the East fundamentally different from those in the West? To what extent is it, for instance, possible to fully understand the relations between the various aspects of ‘cooking revolutions’, such as changing pottery shapes, preparation techniques, food customs, dietary practices, perhaps even to house transformations? Furthermore, were the ‘cooking revolutions’ in the Low Countries (witnessed by quite sudden fundamental changes in the cooking infrastructure) an exception,

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or are similar developments also visible elsewhere in Medieval and Post-Medieval Europe? In short, can we fruitfully integrate changes in cultural behaviour, culinary processes and aspects of material culture in a broader interdisciplinary archaeological and historical perspective, let alone understand these changes as part of the evolution of a society as a whole? Our ideas for the 2014 session, and for this volume, originated from two research projects; these were, until now, mainly concerned with consumption and foodways in the eastern Mediterranean. The first one is Joanita Vroom’s vidi project ‘Material Culture, Consumption and Social Changes: New Approaches for Understanding the Eastern Mediterranean during Byzantine and Ottoman times’, which was funded by The Netherlands Organisation for Scientific Research (nwo) between 2010 and 2015. The second one is Yona Waksman’s pomedor project entitled ‘People, Pottery and Food in the Medieval Eastern Mediterranean’, funded by the French National Research Agency (anr) between 2013 and 2017. We felt a need to expand the questions addressed by these two projects to the western Mediterranean and to north-western Europe. Consequently, we invited specialists working in these regions to share with us their knowledge and expertise, among them José Carvajal Lopéz, Alexandra van Dongen and Roos van Oosten. Furthermore, we invited the distinguished historian Johanna Maria van Winter, known for her many influential publications on Medieval and Post-Medieval food and cuisine in north-western Europe, to include two revised and fully updated articles of hers in this volume. There are several good reasons for choosing a ‘Pan-European’ perspective. Firstly, there were all sorts of interactions between ‘westerners’ and populations in the eastern Mediterranean during the Medieval and Post-Medieval periods, due to the Islamic and Turkish conquests, the Crusades, the presence of foreign merchants and the start of trade colonies by the Italian maritime republics, just to mention the most obvious few. And, besides discussing the exchange of foodways and eating habits between these newcomers and the populations in the East, we also wanted to learn more about changing diets and cooking practices of western populations in their homelands. Secondly, the approach of food and foodways from an archaeological perspective in eastern Mediterranean studies is a relatively new field of study, and in various ways still lagging behind studies of food and foodways in Western Europe. Whereas combining the expertise of specialists in archaeozoology, archaeobotany, anthropology and archaeological scientists, who all approach various aspects of food, is standard academic practice in Western Europe, this is unfortunately not yet the case in the eastern Mediterranean; in particular when we are dealing with excavated Medieval

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fig. 1 – Map with most important regions mentioned in the contributions in this volume, ordered by chapter sequence: 1. southern Spain (e.g., Granada, Almería, Cordoba); 2. south-eastern Turkey (e.g., Tarsus, Gritille); 3. Cyprus (e.g., Paphos, Polis, Phini, Nicosia); 4. central Greece (e.g., Athens, Corinth, Chalkis); 5. The Netherlands (e.g., Leiden, Utrecht, Rotterdam); 6. northern Italy (e.g., Modena); 7. central Italy (e.g., Castelli, Chieti, Ortona); 8. north-western Turkey (e.g., Istanbul, Iznik, Kütahya) (drawing J. Vroom).

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and Post-Medieval layers on sites from classical antiquity. There is a growing number of exceptions to this rule, such as the interdisciplinary integrated investigations in Medieval and Post-Medieval Ephesus (in western Turkey), but these are still rare. Thirdly, the trend in modern archaeology is to move beyond the question of establishing typo-chronologies and to use a more multidisciplinary approach to address broader questions. This leads to the involvement of many different specialists (on wares, material and scientific aspects), and to the endeavour to integrate their findings and views. These specialists often work for various projects all over the Mediterranean, sometimes even all over Europe; they study material from many different places, thus creating the opportunity to connect finds from various parts of the Mediterranean and Europe. This is truly a major step forward compared to the old practice of archaeologists often working almost their entire professional life on one or two sites. For reasons of clarity, we present the various contributions in this volume in a chronological order and divided over four parts. The first part of Medieval MasterChef concerns the Early Medieval & Early Islamic period and offers four articles on subjects within this time range. The first is an updated and revised article by the historian Johanna Maria van Winter, ‘the grand old lady’ of studies in Medieval European cuisine. In her chapter, ‘Arabic influences on European Medieval cuisine’, she explores with the help of ingredients mentioned in Medieval cookery books the migration of foodstuffs and the various ways of preparing them from the East to the West. These movements of ingredients and preparation methods resulted partly from trade relations and partly from conquest and colonisation. Van Winter shows that the Medieval European cuisine has been inspired by the Arabic example, but was never constrained by it. The purpose of the second contribution, written by José C. Carvajal López and Miquel Jiménez Puertas, is to explain from an archaeological perspective changes in cuisine practices and society in al-Andalus, the Iberian Peninsula during the Islamic period (8th to 15th centuries). In their article ‘Cuisine, islamisation and ceramics in the south and east of al-Andalus’, they point to the existence of two main cultural influxes in food habits and cooking techniques in their region of study; the first came from the eastern Mediterranean during the 8th-10th centuries and the second came from North Africa in the 12th-13th centuries. In order to fully understand the alternating foodways, they compare changes in the production and use of ceramics, such as glazed and unglazed cooking wares (for making bread) and glazed dishes (for serving food), from various Iberian sites with changes in recipes from cookery books of the Andalusi period. Carvajal López and Jiménez Puertas show, not only how the combination of pottery finds and textual sources enables them to identify food habits

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and cooking techniques, but also to elucidate the social context of cuisine practices of Islamic communities in the western Mediterranean. Yasemin Bağcı and Joanita Vroom present in ‘Dining habits at Tarsus in the Early Islamic period: A ceramic perspective from Turkey’ a similar approach, but this time using a selection of Islamic pottery finds from the eastern Mediterranean. It concerns two groups of glazed table wares of the Abbasid period (ca. 8th -10th centuries), which were excavated in the 1930s by an American team on the Gözlükule Mound in Tarsus (south-eastern Turkey). Due to its strategic position on a major cross-road between East and West, Tarsus became one of the most important centres of the Thugur, the fortified region on the Islamic-Byzantine frontier during Abbasid times. Both groups of glazed serving vessels from the Gözlükule Mound excavations are discussed in this chapter from the perspective of their shapes, motifs, distribution to the relation between form and function. Furthermore, an attempt is made to understand the ceramic finds from Tarsus in the context of Abbasid dining culture in the East by exploring textual sources, among which include the 10th-century Baghdadi cookbook Kitab al-Tabikh, and pictorial evidence from illustrated Islamic manuscripts. The chapter ‘Approaching Medieval cuisine: Employing zoo-archaeological methods on Anatolian faunal assemblages’ by Lubna Omar demonstrates how Islamic settlements of the Abbasid period, in southern Turkey, integrated animal resources in their dietary practices and nutrition choices. With the help of archaeozoological research methods (assessing, for instance, the most abundant meat resources and butchery patterns as well as using statistics and comparative inter-sites observations), she discusses food culture and cooking practices of the Early Islamic period in southern Anatolia, a region where Eastern and Western influences played a major role in shaping the daily lives of the inhabitants. Although the number of faunal studies for this period is limited in Turkey, Omar presents material from recent excavations on the Gözlükule Mound at Tarsus (mentioned above) and compares these with faunal remains from Grittile, Ziyaret Tepe and Tell Tuneinir in south-eastern Turkey, as well as with remains from Kaman-Kalehöyük and Sagalassos, more to the north and west. In addition, she sets out to enrich her research on patterns of animal economy in this part of the Mediterranean with written texts. In the next part of the volume Medieval MasterChef four chapters are presented under the heading ‘Medieval period’. The first is a collaborative paper, written by Ruth Smadar Gabrieli, Yona Waksman, Anastasia Shapiro and Alessandra Pecci. In ‘Cypriot and Levantine cooking wares in Frankish Cyprus’ they discuss their approach of combining on-site examination of visible use marks and quantification with archaeometric methods, includ-

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ing chemical analyses to investigate provenances and organic residues. Their research concerns 13th century cooking wares from Cyprus and the Levant, and their aim is to establish regional trade patterns and to identify shifts in foodways. By the end of the 12th century, Cyprus was annexed to the Crusader Levant and one of the visible effects of this change in the status of the island, within the archaeological record, is the evidence of an intensive exchange of ceramics between the island and the mainland. The authors show that Cyprus became part of the regional distribution networks of the Crusader Levant and was also integrated into the trade network between Europe and the Levant. Significantly, in addition to the circulation of glazed tablewares between the island and mainland, there was a one-way traffic of cooking wares into Cyprus from the Levant and its impact on foodways and local cooking wares is investigated. In their contribution ‘Dinner time in Athens: Eating and drinking in the Medieval Agora’ Joanita Vroom and Elli Tzavella focus on Late Medieval (mid/late 13thto 15th-century) ceramic finds from a well in the Athenian Agora. Until now, this material has not been looked at from a larger-scale examination (vessel’s shape and dimensions, fabric and use marks) nor from a wider cultural perspective of food preparation and food consumption. Vroom and Tzavella set out to use this well-preserved ceramic repertoire from a closed excavated context to shed light on eating habits and dining manners in Athens under Latin (‘Frankish’) domination. In combination with the Agora pottery finds (consisting of both locally made and imported wares), other sources of information (written texts, pictorial evidence) are used to shed light on the food repertoire and table ware display in Late Medieval Athens. Johanna Maria van Winter discusses the situation of Medieval Western Europe in the chapter ‘Festive meals in the Late Middle Ages: An essay on alimentation as means of communication’. This is an updated and revised version of an earlier article about the communicative value of dining during the Middle Ages, both in its physical and its spiritual meaning. Examples of the physical aspect are the many prescriptions in texts about table manners and bodily cleanliness, whereas the spiritual aspect can be found in festive meals with religious motives. Roos van Oosten shows in her contribution ‘A Medieval cooking revolution: Changing ceramic cookware ca. 1300 as a window into cooking infrastructure, fuel, and food transitions’ that the ceramic repertoire changed profoundly in the Low Countries in the wake of the ‘urban revolution’. She applies a ‘tripod model’ to elucidate in what way changing ceramics may be related to shifts in food, fuel and cooking infrastructure (such as the fire place). Van Oosten stipulates that it is not yet possible to interconnect all the major and minor changes in this field with each other; the approach opens up all sorts of possibilities to explore interdisciplinary avenues in studying (the Dutch) cooking revolutions.

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The next part of Medieval MasterChef covers the Late Medieval and Early Modern period with four chapters. Mauro Librenti, Cecilia Moine and Lara Sabbionesi underline in ‘From table to identity: Understanding social changes through tableware (a case study of San Paolo in Modena, Italy)’ the role of conviviality and food processing in 15th- and 16th century Italian religious communities. By examining choices in dinner sets and cooking wares, they try to shed light on changes in dining habits in the period of the Counter-Reformation, beginning with the Council of Trent (1545-1563). As a case study, they have chosen the nunnery of San Paolo in Modena, where two dumps were excavated and dated respectively to the late 15th and late 16th centuries. Both dumps included glazed table wares and cooking sets used by this religious community before and after the Tridentine Council. Their study of pottery shapes, typologies, volumes, decorations and customised items shows a profound change in community dynamics, which must have been quite evident during meal times. The comparison with finds from other religious communities in Modena highlights to what extent the Counter-Reformation transformed everyday life inside cloisters and how important conviviality was in individual and communal representations. In the chapter ‘Global dining with Erasmus: The Early Modern European dining table’, Alexandra van Dongen uses the perspective of an art-historian to investigate table manners in the West. By using contemporary Dutch and European paintings, drawings and engravings, she presents an imaginative reconstruction of a 16th century dining room of an upper-class household. She offers a picture of a room with heavy furniture and oriental carpets, and of a dinner table with all the artefacts and utensils of this period. These range from an embroidered table cloth and napkins to glazed table services, cutlery and wine glasses. Furthermore, she adds the perspective of the appropriate table manners and etiquette rules, as written by Desiderius Erasmus of Rotterdam (1466-1536), to fully understand the 16th century domestic artefacts and archaeological finds from various European cities, as well as the depicted utensils on works of art. Ceramics are often by far the most common artefacts in archaeological excavations, and they contribute significantly to our knowledge reconstruction of kitchens and table settings in Medieval and Post-Medieval houses. However, Van Verrocchio shows in his contribution ‘Material culture in Early Modern Abruzzo, Italy: Archival and archaeological sources’ that objects made of other materials (such as metal, glass, wood) are equally important for our study of foodways. With the help of archival research, particularly post-mortem inventories, he studies various items used in households of nobles, citizens and artisans in some coastal cities in the Abruzzo region (Central Italy) during the Early Modern period (ca. 16th-17th centuries). By compar-

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ing this archival data with archaeological finds he sets out to reconstruct the inventory of cooking, storage and table services in various Abruzzo households. This section finishes with a well-deserved cup of coffee. Filiz Yenişehırlioğlu explores in ‘A journey of taste: Eastern coffee and western coffee cups in Turkey’ the introduction of coffee to Europe and the creation of new ceramic types for drinking and pouring this hot beverage. The first coffee house in Turkey was opened in Istanbul in the 16th century by two merchants from Damascus. This did not lead immediately to the creation of a new type of drinking vessel; rather multi-functional traditional small cups (in a Chinese style) continued to be used. The shapes of these coffee cups slowly changed throughout the centuries, on the rhythm of developments in Ottoman society. However, the spectacular successful introduction of coffee in Western Europe lead to the creation of new types of recipients, such as cups with saucers. These, in their turn, influenced the manufacture of coffee cups in the Ottoman Empire, as is shown for instance by recent finds from excavations of Ottoman pottery kilns at the Tekfur Palace in Istanbul. The final part of the book is entitled ‘Medieval MasterChef in the kitchen’ and it is here that the Medieval and Post-Medieval chef-de-cuisine enters the scene with the help of experimental archaeology. This section includes two chapters. In the first, ‘Blanc Manger, cooking a historical recipe made for a Tudor king’, the culinary historian Claudia Vandepoel discusses four different versions of a famous Medieval and Post-Medieval recipe, also known in Old French as blanc mangier. This was a truly ‘international’ Medieval dish, essentially made of white chicken meat. After discussing the Blanc Manger recipes of 1350, 1510 and 1580, Vandepoel presents a do-it-yourself method for recreating the last version of Tudor times, followed by a more recent variant of 1903 by Georges Auguste Escoffier. To save us trouble, she even carefully describes what the taste of the Blanc Manger would be if we were to actually prepare the Tudor recipe. The second article in this section written by Joanita Vroom, Mink van IJzendoorn, Marten van Nieuwkoop and Katelin Post, continues on the subject of taste. In ‘A matter of taste: The experiment of a ‘Byzantine food lab’ placed in socio-historical context’ they present a study which combines ethno-archaeological theory with experimental research, in an effort to comprehend the views of modern consumers on Byzantine foodways. After preparing actual Byzantine dishes and drinks, their field research focuses on questions such as: How present-day Europeans perceive Byzantine food? To what extent do they relate the Byzantine cuisine to social status? What are their assumptions about Medieval and specifically Byzantine recipes? And, finally, how do these views relate to anthropological and historical examples of modern

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supra-cultural experiences of dining habits and food consumption? The aim of this chapter is to discuss the interview data obtained from questionnaires completed by over 300 participants during an experimental-archaeological ‘Byzantine food-lab’, which was part of a ‘Crafts Market’ in 2014 in the city of Leiden, The Netherlands. Finally, the distinguished gastronomic archaeologist Mary C. Beaudry rounds up this volume with a concluding essay. In her ‘Epilogue: Mastering the art of Medieval European table culture’ she acknowledges that combining archaeological data, information on material culture and textual evidence in the study of culinary history is of paramount importance in developing a comprehensive and textured way to understand meals and mealtimes in the past. In this book, we have tried to present a variety of cultural and culinary encounters between East and West, as well as a variety of encounters between archaeological and historical approaches; on the one hand data on the actual ingredients of recipes, food displays and eating habits and cuisine on the other. We hope this collection presents the same liveliness and inspiring directness as the contributions demonstrated when they were offered during the round table session in 2014. But most of all, we hope that the contributions in Medieval MasterChef: Archaeological and Historical Perspectives on Eastern Cuisine and Western Foodways both satisfy your yearning for intellectual food and whet your appetite for more. Leiden, November 2016

* not es 1

We would like to thank the Netherlands

/ Fransız Anadolu Araştırmaları Enstitüsü

Organisation of Scientific Research (nwo),

(ifea) for their financial contributions in

the French National Research Agency (anr,

support of the 2014 session in Istanbul. –

under reference anr-12-cult-0008) and

Furthermore, we would like to thank Katie

the Institut Français d’Études Anatoliennes

Lee-Smith for proofreading this volume.

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E A R LY M E D I E VA L & E A R LY I S L A M I C P E R I O D

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pr epa r i ng medici ne from honey

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Detail from an illustrated manuscript of an Arabic translation of De Materia Medica of Dioscorides, calligrapher ‘Abdullah ibn al-Fadl dated ah 621/ ad 1224, Baghdad Codices, Bequest of Cora Timken Burnett, 1956, 57.51.21 Courtesy of Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York

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Arabic influences on European Medieval cuisine Johanna Maria van Winter

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i n t roduct ion Within the theme of this publication, Medieval MasterChef, the Arabic influence on the Medieval cuisine of Southern and Western Europe provides an useful example of the migration of foodstuffs and the various ways of preparing them.* This likely resulting partly from trade relations and, partly, as a consequence of conquest and colonisation. In the case of the Arabs, the movement was rather one-sided from East to West. This was probably due to the origins of the handled foodstuffs, coming to Europe from the Near and Far East, and the colonists, people with a highly developed cuisine, who had migrated from the Caliphate of Damascus to Spain and the islands of the Mediterranean. The Muslims conquered those parts of the Byzantine Empire that lay along the eastern and southern coasts of the Mediterranean rapidly after 632 (Cyprus in 649) and defeated the Wisigothic kingdom of Spain from 711 onwards. South of the Pyrenees, however, some small Christian states offered resistance, and from about 1030 started to reconquer the Muslim territory. Over the course of the next centuries this movement gave birth to the Kingdoms of Portugal, Castile and Aragon to which the city of Barcelona belonged, the stronghold of the Catalan language. It is, in this Catalan tongue, that a Medieval cookery book from the 14th century has been handed down to us, El libre de Sent Soví (‘The book of Sent Soví’), which testifies to the Arabic influences on Catalan cuisine.1 This is, however, not the only example of Arabic influence on south-European cookery; it is also, for example, testified by the two Italian manuscripts edited by Marianne Mulon.2 Medieval MasterChef, ed. by Joanita Vroom, Yona Waksman, Roos van Oosten, Medieval and Post-Medieval Archaeology Series ii (Turnhout, 2017), pp. 25-32

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n e w i ngr e di e n ts In the Far East, the Muslims had already conquered the river area of the Indus soon after 711 which enabled them to build up economic relations with India, the Malay Peninsula, Sumatra and China. From the 9th century, they not only made use of the existing silk route through Asia, but also of a variety of spice routes through the mainland using camels or by ship on coastal routes. By way of the Levant, these products were originally handled by Jewish merchants. However, from the 11th century, they were also handled by Christians among whom the merchants of Venice played a predominant role. In this manner, spices such as pepper, cardamom and ginger, which had already been imported from Asia by the Romans, reached Southern Europe and, later, Western Europe. In addition to these, cinnamon, cloves, galingale, maces and nutmeg became available for use in the kitchen which had not been the case with the Romans. Thus, in Medieval Europe a number of new ingredients was introduced and, in addition, access was improved to already known sources of supply.3 Besides spices, another ingredient’s existence that we owe to the Arabic trade is cane sugar which has its origins in India, but was already refined in the Sassanid Persian Empire by about 600. After the defeat of this state by the Byzantine Empire in 627, the Greeks became acquainted with this sugar. However it was only after the Muslim conquest of Iran, in about 642, that the cultivation of sugar-cane spread throughout the whole of the Islamic world. Cyprus is likely to have acquired it shortly after the Islamic conquest of 649 and Spain shortly after 711. In Sicily, it was presumably planted after the first (unsuccessful) Muslim attack before 700. With the defeat of Muslim conquerors, the sugar plantations were not destroyed but remained under cultivation.4 In the hand-written cookery books of Western Europe, which exist from the end of the 13th century, sugar, together with oriental spices, are normal everyday ingredients being used. This is not only in sweet dishes but also in pies and stews of meat, fish and poultry. It was sold by the spice trader who offered it for sale not only for the kitchen but also for medical use, to sweeten electuaries and potions. For the latter application, the apothecary boiled the sugar into a syrup, a word of Arabic origin (sharab).5 Of course, sugar was rather expensive and, therefore, these recipes were meant only for the upper classes. Ordinary people, mostly peasants, will have used honey especially if they were bee-keepers. This being said, honey was also an expensive commodity to buy. A third category of products that reached us through the movement from the Arabic world is the citrus fruits, in particular the lime and the bitter orange. Limes are a small kind of lemon but with a sourer, tart taste. Bitter oranges can be compared with the Seville orange, being a citrus fruit with a small amount of bitter-sour juice and a

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thick bitter peel. Its name in Indian is naranga, and in Persian nâranj. Compared to sugar, these fruits took much longer to be accepted in Western Europe. By the 14th century, they are occasionally referred to in cookery books and household accounts from north of the Alps and, in the 16th century, they are more often mentioned. Bitter oranges reached Western Europe via the harbour of Messina and they were called, for that reason, sijnappelen in Medieval Dutch, and in Modern Dutch, sinaasappelen; this has nothing to do with their alleged origin of China.6 The lime gave its name to a recipe, found in a 14th-century Latin cookery book Liber de coquina, called ‘De limonia’. The chicken is fried with onions and bacon, then boiled in a mixture of meat stock with peeled almonds that have been pounded in a mortar and, shortly before serving, sprinkled with lime or bitter orange juice. The pounded almonds in the stock resemble milk and thicken the dish during the cooking process; if almonds are not readily available, the recipe says, the dish can be thickened with egg yolks.7 This recipe was probably translated from the above mentioned Latin ‘Liber de coquina’ into a 14th-century Italian version. Here it is called ‘Di limonia di polli’. It can be found in the Tuscan book ‘Libro della cocina’ and has the same preparation method except that the peeled almonds have been replaced by unpeeled grains of wheat to be mixed with pork stock.8 n e w ways These various methods of preparation lead us to another aspect of the Arabic influence on Medieval European cuisine. Both the specific sequence of frying and then boiling, and the use of pounded almonds in liquid, are derived from Arabic cuisine. European recipes sometimes prescribe the parboiling of mutton or fowl, i.e. boiling briefly to prepare it for the frying.9 This has the advantage of taking away the watery fat and making the fried mutton or fowl taste better. In Arabic cuisine, however, which had probably undergone strong Persian influence, meat is often fried first and only afterwards is it boiled in plenty of liquid with various added ingredients.10 The fat used for frying is, of course, never bacon, as it is in our Latin and Tuscan recipes, because pork was and is forbidden to Muslims. Instead, fat from a sheep’s tail is used, indicated by several recipes from a 13th-century Baghdad cookery book. There, moreover, we also find a recipe for ‘Limuwiya’ in which this kind of fat and preparation is used and which could have served as a model for our ‘limonia’.11 As well as the sequence of frying and boiling, our Latin ‘limonia’ recipe provides us with another characteristic feature of Arabic cuisine: the use of almond milk for thickening. To make almond milk, almonds must be peeled, pounded in a mortar and subsequently stirred with liquid to achieve the desired milky substance. This can

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be done with water, rosewater, wine, or meat, fish or fowl stock. This milky liquid has a strong thickening quality when boiled (and burns easily, therefore must be kept stirred). The Muslims didn’t mix the almonds with wine, which had been forbidden by the Prophet Mohammed, however wine was used by their Christian imitators. The Romans did use almonds within cooking however did not make milk from them and, as a result, did not use them for thickening. Almonds were roasted and added to sauces for fowl and meat12 but they were not used as a basic element for sauces, stews or ragouts, as in the Medieval cuisine. The Arabs, however, did employ them in this basic way for cooking and, in particular, within their stews. Therefore, hypothetically, the Christians may have learned this method from them. The 14th-century Catalan cookery book El libre de Sent Soví, already mentioned above, contains many recipes with almond milk,13 which subsequently made their way to north of the Pyrenees. The contact with the Moors in Spain, in this case, had probably been a fruitful one. For the Christians, almond milk had the advantage that it could be used the whole year round. This included the forty days of fasting from Ash Wednesday to Easter, during which the use of cow’s milk was forbidden. There is still another product that we owe to the Arabs, and that is pasta in strands such as like macaroni and spaghetti. Here, as was the case with almond milk, a new method of preparing an old and well-known ingredient was borrowed, wheat flour. The date of the invention of pasta is still under discussion among historians,14 but I have become convinced that the Greeks and the Romans already knew about pasta in sheets, as distinct from strands, such as seen in lasagne. In the Roman cookery book by Apicius these sheets are already mentioned; This is in their rather solid form,, they are called by their Greek name lagana, and,when rolled very thin and can be crumbled between the fingers, they are called tracta.15 Later on, in the Italian cookery books of the 14th and 15th centuries, lagana became lasagne, which is the same word we use today.16 The Greeks also called pasta sheets itrion, or in the plural, itria, a word that is used by the physician Galenos of Pergamon in the 2nd century.17 He thought it unhealthy and fattening, a judgement that was adopted by Christian Byzantine authors from the 4th until the 7th century. From the 9th century, when the Arabs started to translate the Greek writings of Galenos, they employed the same word, itriyya, but understood it no longer to refer to sheets but rather to strands of pasta. It is not clear if they had invented the preparation of the strands themselves or whether they had been taught to make them by the Chinese, with whom they had built up trading relations from the 9th century onwards. From the 12th century onwards, they exported these dried strands from Sicily. These also appear in the 13th-century Baghdad cookery book mentioned above, in recipes called ‘itriya’ and ‘rishta’, made with macaroni and spaghetti.18 The Catalan Libre de

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Sent Soví from the 14th century, calls them ‘alatria’,19 and they are found, thereafter, in Italian cookery books under several names. Besides new ingredients, new methods of preparation and better access to the Asian markets, the Arabs also gave names to new recipes that betray the Arabic influence within them. We have already come across the ‘limonia’ but there is also an Arabic recipe called ‘ma’muniyyat’ that, via the Latin ‘mamonia’, may have become the ‘mawmene’ of the fourteenth and fifteenth century English cookery books, if the etymology is correct. In the original Arabic version, this is a sweet porridge made of milk with sugar, rice flour and chicken breast which was a favourite of Caliph alMa’mun in 9th-century Baghdad. According to an English recipe of the 15th century, the porridge is made from almond mash and wine mixed together with added sugar, spices, quinces and chicken.20 Wine is not permitted in Islamic cuisine but it helps to make a very tasty dish in the hands of Christian cooks! com pa r ison European cuisine has been inspired by the Arabic example but never constrained by it. The combination of tastes is also different: the flavours of many dishes in the Medieval cuisine of the European upper classes is created via a mixture of sour, sweet and spicy ingredients. These dishes are not as sweet as Arabic delicacies, nor do they show the Arabic preference for the taste of mastic, a resinous tree from the Aegean island Chios, or the exaggerating use of curdled milk. The Christians obviously associated the Muslim cuisine with sharp spices and gave the name ‘brouet sarasinoiz’ (Sarrasin ragout) to an eel stew with ginger, cinnamon, cloves, cardamom, galingale, pepper and saffron21. This being said, the 13th-century Baghdad cookery book previously mentioned was not as lavish in its employment of these ingredients. A mixture of fried chicken boiled in wine (first fried, then boiled) with subtropical fruits, which was found in the 14th-century Tuscan cookery book, also got the name ‘Del brodo saracenico’ (Sarrasin ragout),22 although it does not taste spicy and, like the English ‘mawmene’, contains the forbidden wine as an ingredient.23 In conclusion, the Muslim cuisine did not pass unnoticed by the Christians and they thankfully made use of the new ingredients and methods of preparation offered by the Muslims.

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Updated and revised text of an article with the same title, first published in: P. Lysaght (ed.), Food and the Traveller: Migration, Immigration, Tourism and Ethnic Food, Nicosia 1998, 276-80.

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not es 1

Arberry 2001, 46; newly translated in Perry

Santanach 2008 (translated into English by

2005, 37-38).

R. Vogelzang). 2

Mulon 1971.

3

André 1961, 209-12; Lewis 1970, 69-78;

12 André 1965, 170, nrs. 226-27 (vi/v/2-3); 222, nr. 337 (viii/i/8).

Miquel 1966, 1048-64, particularly 1059-60,

13 Grewe 1979, passim.

with detailed description of the market at

14 See for this discussion, Laurioux 1995.

Mainz.

15 André 1965, lagana: 110-11, nrs.141-42 (iv/ ii/14-15); tracta: e.g. 124-30, nrs.165-71 (iv/

4 Baxa and Bruhns 1967, 7-9, ‘Zucker bei

iii/1-7); 141, nr.181 (v/i/3); ‘orbiculos tractae’,

Persern und Arabern’. 5

3

207, nr.300 (vii/xiii/5).

Georgine and Ferrier 1981, 186; Plouvier

1988, 28-47, particularly 35-36; De

16 E.g., Faccioli 1966, 51, ‘De le lasagne’.

Backer 1990, 99-100, with several recipes

17 See for this and the following remarks, Laurioux 1995, 199-215.

throughout the book. 6 Viaene 1965, 289-94; Debrabandere 1965,

18 Arberry 1939, ‘Itriya’ and ‘Rishta’ (reprinted in Arberry 2001, 53, 54; newly translated in

409-11.

Perry 2005, 48).

7 Mulon 1971, 402, Liber de Coquina ii nr.12, ‘De limonia’. 8 9

19 Grewe 1979, 182-183, cap.clxx and clxxi, ‘Qui

Faccioli 1966, 38, ‘Di limonia di polli’ (19-57,

parla con se cou alatria’ and ‘Qui parla con se

for the first time edited by Zambrini 1863).

cou carn ab alatria’.

Scully 1988, 41.

20 Rodinson 1962, 733-747 (translated into English in Rodinson 2001, 183-97); Mulon

10 Arberry 1939, 21-47, 189-214, e.g., chapter

1971, 407 (Liber ii nr.47), ‘De mamonia’;

ii, Plain dishes (42-47); cf. Wilson 1981a,

Austin 1964, 88, ‘Mawmene’.

13-22 (especially 15); 1981b, 28. Arberry’s Baghdad Cookery-Book has been reprinted

21 Georgine and Ferrier 1981, 221-22 nr. 123, ‘Brouet sarasinoiz’.

in Rodinson, Arberry and Perry 2001, 19-89; ch.ii, Plain Dishes, 51-57 (newly translated

22 Faccioli 1966, 33, ‘Del brodo saracenico’.

in Perry 2005, 45-53).

23 See for recent literature on this subject, Ouerfelli 2008; Nasrallah 2010.

11 Arberry 1939, 39, ‘Limuwiya’ (reprinted in

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bi bl iogr a ph y André, J. 1961. L’alimentation et la cuisine à Rome, Paris. André, J. (ed. & trad.) 1965. Apicius, L’art culinaire, De re coquinaria, Paris. Arberry, A.J. 1939. A Baghdad cookery book (translated from the Arabic), Islamic Culture xiii, 21-47, 189-214. Arberry, A.J. 2001. A Baghdad cookery book (translated from the Arabic), in: M. Rodinson, A.J. Arberry and Ch. Perry (eds.), Medieval Arab Cookery: Essays and Translations (with a foreword by Claudia Roden), Blackawton & Totnes (Devon): 19-89. Austin, T. (ed.) 1964. Two Fifteenth-Century Cookery-Books: Harleian Ms. 279 (ab. 1430) & Harl. Ms. 4016 (ab. 1450), With Extracts from Ashmole Ms. 1439, Laud Ms. 553 & Douce Ms. 55, London. Baxa, J. and G. Bruhns 1967. Zucker im Leben der Völker, Berlin. De Backer, C.M.E. 1990. Farmacie te Gent in de late middeleeuwen: Apothekers en receptuur, Hilversum. Debrabandere, F. 1965. Kortrijks gijnappel contra sijnappel, Biekorf. Westvlaams Archief voor Geschiedenis, Oudheidkunde en Folklore 66, 409-11. Faccioli, E. (ed.) 1966. Arte della cucina, Libri di ricetti, testi sopra lo scalco, il triciante e i vini dal xiv al xix secolo, Milan. Georgine F. and J.M. Ferrier (eds.) 1981. Le Menagier de Paris, Oxford. Grewe, R. (ed.) 1979. Libre de Sent Soví (Receptari de cuina), Barcelona. Laurioux, B. 1995. Des lasagnes romaines aux vermicelles arabes: quelques réflexions sur les pâtes alimentaires au Moyen Age, in: E. Mornet (ed.), Campagnes médiévales: l’ homme et son espace. Etudes offertes à Robert Fossier, Paris, 199-215. Lewis, A.R. (ed.) 1970. The Islamic World and the West A.D. 622-1492, New York, London, Sydney & Toronto. Miquel, A. 1966. L’Europe occidentale dans la relation arabe d’Ibrâhîm b.Ya’qûb (xe s.), Annales Economies, Sociétés, Civilisations 21, 1048-64. Mulon, M. 1971. Deux traités inédits d’art culinaire médiéval, Bulletin Philologique et Historique (jusqu’ à 1610) du Comité des Travaux Historiques et Scientifiques, année 1968, 369-435. Nasrallah, N. 2010. Annals of the Caliphs’ Kitchens. Ibn Sayyar al-Warraq’s Tenth-Century Baghdadi Cookbook, Leiden. Ouerfelli, M. 2008. Le sucre. Production, commercialisation et usages dans la Méditerranée médiévale, Leiden. Perry, Ch. 2005. A Baghdad Cookery Book, The Book of Dishes (Kitāb al Tabīkh), Petits Propos Culinaires 79, Blackawton & Totnes (Devon).

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Plouvier, L. 1988. La confiserie européenne au Moyen Age, Medium Aevum Quotidianum, Newsletter 13, 28-47. Rodinson, M., A.J. Arberry and Ch. Perry (eds.) 2001. Medieval Arab Cookery: Essays and Translations (with a forward by Claudia Roden), Blackawton & Totnes. Rodinson, M. 1962. La ma’muniyyat en orient et en occident, in: Etudes d’Orientalisme dédiées à la mémoire de Lévi-Provençal, tome ii, Paris, 733-47. Rodinson, M. 2001. Ma’mūniyya East and West, in: M. Rodinson, A.J. Arberry and Ch. Perry (eds.), Medieval Arab Cookery: Essays and Translations (with a forward by C. Roden), Blackawton & Totnes, 183-97. Santanach, J. (ed.) 2008. The Book of Sent Soví. Medieval Recipes from Catalonia, Martlesham, Suffolk & Rochester, ny (translated by R. Vogelzang). Scully, T. (ed. & transl.) 1988. The Viandier of Taillevent. An Edition of all Extant Manuscripts, Ottowa. Viaene, A. 1965. Appelen van oranje: invoer en verspreiding in de Lage Landen 13001650, Biekorf. Westvlaams Archief voor Geschiedenis, Oudheidkunde en Folklore 66, 289-94. Wilson, C.A. 1981a. The Saracen connection: Arab cuisine and the Mediaeval West, Petits Propos Culinaires 7 (March 1981), 13-22. Wilson, C.A. 1981b. The Saracen connection: Arab cuisine and the Mediaeval West, part 2, Petits Propos Culinaires 8 (June 1981), 19-28. Zambrini, F. (ed.) 1863. Anonimo Toscano, Libro della Cocina, Bologna.

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Cuisine, islamisation and ceramics in the south and east of Al-Andalus José C. Carvajal López & Miguel Jiménez Puertas

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i n t roduct ion: cu lt u r a l ch a nge a n d cu isi n e Changes in cuisine practices cannot be disentangled from wider cultural change; this is mainly due to their central role in social identity and cultural practice. However, it is this centrality which makes the interpretation of cuisine practices so elusive. As these practices are significant to many aspects of life, their material manifestations, the main target of archaeological research, need to be identified in many expressions of daily life. Worthy archaeological interpretations require the concourse of several threads of evidence, as recent valuable scholarship has shown.1 The object of study within this paper is the relationship between cuisine practices and society in al-Andalus, the Iberian Peninsula, during the Islamic period (8th to 15th centuries ce). There have been previous studies on the written sources dealing with cuisine practices in this region,2 yet not so much from an archaeological perspective. A useful way to tackle this analysis is to confront ceramic objects, those recovered from the archaeological record related to cuisine and food presentation practices, with recipe books of the Andalusi period as well as with current anthropological habits from North Africa. This will help us to understand how these objects were used, and how faithfully archaeological data reflects what written sources suggest or how they otherwise indicate alternative fashions. A similar approach has been used before in studies dedicated to the Roman period.3 In addition, another approach in addressing practices related to cuisine is to consider them as technologies, or rather, using Brian Pfaffenberger’s terminology,4 as parts of ‘sociotechnical systems’.5 A sociotechnical system considers the dialectic relation Medieval MasterChef, ed. by Joanita Vroom, Yona Waksman, Roos van Oosten, Medieval and Post-Medieval Archaeology Series ii (Turnhout, 2017), pp. 33-62 (+ plates p. 371) ©

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between society and the techniques used by the people of that society, and therefore it is a useful concept to grasp the sociality of human technological development.6 The advantage of including cuisine practices in the sociotechnical system is that it provides us with an excellent way to consider the different fields to which they are related. Understood as a technology embedding social and technical practices at the same time, the lines along which cuisine develops in a society are a direct continuation of the lines defining other social and technical practices, such as ideological preferences and taboos, constraints derived of uses of technical resources or reproduction of traditions. In the same line of thought, this study of cuisine will focus on the relationships between cuisine and pottery within the sociotechnical systems that came into existence between the formation of al-Andalus from the 8th century until the 12th century. Remarks on other social conditions will be included as well when appropriate. Since the analysis is focused on a particular historical period in which specific sociotechnical conditions were developed, it is important to start the discussion with two elements that have influenced our research significantly: Islamisation and urbanisation. isl a m isat ion Due to the fact that the 8th century marked the start of Islamisation in Iberia (conquered 711), we have to consider how this was a factor that changed cuisine habits and pottery at the same time. Islamisation in archaeology should not be considered uniquely as a process of conversion to Islam, but one with more complexity which involved social and cultural changes that touched upon every aspect of life.7 The debate on the transition from Antiquity to the Middle Ages has produced valuable data, interpretations and models for the understanding of the transformations between both periods8. In this debate, however, the role of Islam has definitely been understudied.9 Considering that the inspiration of the whole debate was the pioneering study of Henri Pirenne entitled Mohamed and Charlemagne (published in 1937),10 it can be said that it was about time that Muslims were considered within the picture. There is no doubt that Islamisation, understood in a wider sense as a cultural change, is related to the cuisine changes. The Islamisation of Iberia started after the conquest of the Peninsula by the Muslims in a fast campaign (711-714) that left the main areas under Muslim control. After the conquest, numerous groups of Muslims, Berbers and Arabs moved into the Peninsula in several waves.11 Settled in different territories of al-Andalus under varied circumstances, these Muslim groups would coexist with other conquered groups and would have to negotiate their life conditions within a shared environment. The newly arrived Muslims would have political advantages due to their status of conquerors, however that does not imply that they would have

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had the right to do as they pleased. There are various pieces of evidence that suggest that very often Arabs needed permissions and agreements to occupy lands and use resources.12 Intermarriages were also possible, and they often occurred as a result of strategic political alliances.13 Coexistence between different groups happened, as cultural exchange did. This coexistence is easy to see in three main features, all of which had impact on the cultural practices of cuisine: irrigated agriculture, changes in diet and new ceramic forms. Although the original idea of the ‘Green Revolution’ was associated with the Islamic expansion14 it is not accepted in its main lines nowadays,15 there is a clear relationship between the latter and the expansion of irrigated agriculture. Textual-based scholarship has tended to focus on the introduction of particular species and techniques as experiments in gardens belonging to rich landowners.16 If this model of change is to be accepted, then we would have to admit that the influence of the results of irrigated agriculture into cuisine had trickled down from high social classes and these changes were slow and dependent on the institution of a particular social order. Then again, the archaeology of al-Andalus has shown that small-scale systems of irrigated agriculture, under the control of peasant communities, were widespread.17 These systems did not necessarily introduce new crops, as they were more focused on the intensification of production of more traditional species (above all wheat). Nonetheless, their impact in cuisine changes should not be underestimated. On the one hand, an increase in food production could directly affect cultural practices in different ways. This could include the need for storage, the development of recipes that could make use of staples, or the possibility of exchanging and, as a result, the possible introduction of a more varied diet. Indirectly, the appearance of these systems is evidence of the coexistence of groups from different cultural backgrounds, and hence of the introduction of diverse social identities that would stimulate the production of different cuisine cultures. Another indirect consequence of the spread of irrigation is changes in husbandry practices that resulted in variations of specific animals; this can be detected with the help of morphometric studies in zooarchaeology.18 The changes in diet required by Islam are well known. In this field the first line of research that comes to mind is the ban on certain products, like alcohol and pork. Although the tolerance of Muslims to other religions is well known, there is no doubt that the practices of Islam would have impact on the development of social customs of other religious groups within the vicinity. A good example is the group of fatwas19, compiled by Andalusi authors, that document the ban on the erection of new churches in places where Muslim communities were living. One of them, from a Malikī scholar of Madīna known as Ibn al-Mājīshun (d.c. 830), states that ‘churches must not be built in the lands of Islam […] unless the dimmī-s [non-Muslims] are far away from

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inhabited Muslim territory/ from its vicinity and no Muslims live amongst them. In this case, they are not banned of building churches or having wine or pigs.’20 The last sentence suggests that the ban on churches was extended also to include wine making and pig farming in everyday circumstances. Bans like these could be extended to vessels exclusively used for the production or consumption of these goods. For example, a fatwa from the 9th century in Ifriqīya from ‘Abd Allāh b. Tālib (d. 888/889) has explicit instructions about copper vessels that were solely used for wine storage: ‘alter their shape, break them, turn them back to copper and return the copper to their owners […]. And forbid that they continue to be made.’21 The ban from pig farming can also be identified in the archaeological record with archaeozoological analyses.22 In general, however, something that at first glance should be easy to identify with standard analyses (e.g., lack of pig’s bones) is not necessarily that simple. In fact, bones of forbidden species are found in the archaeological record. It is difficult to know if they are there as the remains of the diet of tolerated Christian groups or as proof that the process of Islamisation was not straightforward. These two alternative explanations have different implications for cuisine culture. However, not all changes in diet can be explained from the point of view of Islamic bans. The connection of al-Andalus to the wider Islamic community also means an exchange of species, technologies and access to trade goods that enriched the diet of their communities. The debate about the expansion of irrigation practices and species has been summarised above, though it is worth noting here its specific impact on diet. There is, at the moment, not sufficient information on the discussion as to whether a wider range of species was introduced in the Mediterranean because of the Islamic conquest, as Andrew Watson suggested,23 or already existed before this expansion, as other scholars have argued.24 However, there is no doubt that there was an important change in the scale of use of irrigated agriculture, and that it surely accounted for a wider variety in diet.25 To this day, however, archaeological research on this subject is still at its infancy.26 Islamisation had a deep influence in changes on pottery technology, and more so in the case of al-Andalus. The arrival of new population groups and their cultural influences can be noted in the innovative shapes and techniques that are recovered all over the Iberian Peninsula. The rest of this chapter is dedicated to these changes. Some of them, identified in the south-eastern part of the Peninsula, will be listed and discussed below in more detail (see also Fig. 1). u r ba n isat ion The collapse of the political and economic structure of the Roman Empire led to severe damages to the communication lines that kept the realm together, and ultimately

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to an urban crisis that weakened the links between state and towns and empowered local landowning elites.27 This development had consequences for cuisine culture that escape the scope of this analysis. The focus of this paper is on changes in ceramic technology, which have been earlier summarised by Paul Arthur as the disarticulation of the extensive imperial infrastructure which led to a decline in trade, this, in turn, stimulated local production of pottery as opposed to large and complex workshops. Finally, it concluded in a lower variability of shapes and techniques and a decrease of quality overall.28 The changes considered by Arthur can be ultimately explained by the decrease of communications in the Mediterranean because of regionalisation. In the case of the Iberian Peninsula, this regionalisation was particularly acute due to the rough relief and the cultural and climatic variability that can be found in relatively short distances. The urban crisis of the 3rd and 4th centuries in Hispania was not ended by the rule of the Visigoths. Although some cities thrived, particularly in the south west (e.g., Hispalis/Seville or Corduba/Cordoba), urban life never reached the levels of the rest of the Roman Empire, and the structure of the territory was more a separated mosaic of urban hinterlands and rural areas than an urban network.29 This did not change much with the arrival of the Muslims in the eighth century. The situation only began to change with the steady growth of power of the Umayyad rulers of Cordoba, during the 9th and 10th centuries, when a new urban network was established throughout the Iberian landscape. Towns would become home to a rich economic industrial infrastructure that would guarantee a reasonable urban influence on the rural areas. Here lies one of the important turning points in ceramic technologies of the Islamic period in al-Andalus: the rise of urban workshops. During the earlier Islamic centuries, pottery production in the south-east of al-Andalus was based in rural, possibly individual, workshops; this is suggested by a study on the manufacture of cooking pots in the densely populated Vega of Granada between the 6th and 9th centuries.30 It is likely that similar circumstances must have existed in other regions of the south east, which have been studied in less detail.31 After the 10th century, cooking pot production in the Vega of Granada was concentrated in towns from which products were exported to other rural settlements, even those which produced pots in the previous period.32 This change occurred clearly when the urban network of the Umayyad state of Cordoba became consolidated. Concentration of workshops in towns resulted here in more standardised production. The relationship between changes in pottery technology and those in cuisine culture, however, is not easy to prove. Technological changes are, by definition, linked to social dynamics. Within a period, when the different regions of al-Andalus were

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undergoing complicated processes of Islamisation, many factors of change took place at the same time. This is a situation that requires looking in detail at specific relevant changes documented in the shapes of ceramics. a ssessi ng ch a nges i n t h e v eg a of gr a na da a n d i n t h e sou t h a n d e a st of a l -a n da lus In this part, we will discuss the changes in pottery technology in relation to cuisine culture between the start of the Islamisation process (8th century) and roughly the 13th century, when the features of cuisine culture in al-Andalus became very similar to what we know about Islamic Mediterranean culture nowadays. We will focus on the area of the Vega of Granada, a basin between mountains in the south-east of the Iberian Peninsula that carries the name of its most important town. The reason for focussing on this region is that it is relatively very well studied and has an interesting history of Islamisation and urban development (including the towns of Ilbīra, Granada and Loja), which can be used for establishing useful comparisons (Fig. 1). The pottery from the Vega of Granada is particularly well known to the authors of this paper, of which they have studied and published extensively.33 The changes that are listed below have been previously observed in the archaeological record of the Vega of Granada, and have subsequently been compared with other areas under study. Comparisons will be drawn with other regions in the south-east where information is available. It is important to remark that the south-eastern area of Iberia contains a mosaic of very heterogeneous spaces with relatively independent socioeconomic and political developments. The pottery from such a varied range of places is, of course, different, but it is precisely this comparative perspective what allows us to observe general changes in contrast to more localised ones. This in turn places us in a better position to understand the innovative elements in the relationships between cuisine culture and pottery technologies. The changes listed below include new techniques and shapes found during the early Islamic period. The arrival of new settlers in Iberia caused more than changes in the balance between irrigated and dry agriculture landscape. The ceramic record of the centuries after the Islamic conquest shows important modifications, the most relevant of which are the introduction of new shapes and manufacture techniques. The dating of these changes is still controversial because it is very difficult to date with accuracy the earliest deposits of the Islamic period in al-Andalus, except in very exceptional circumstances. Nevertheless, we have enough data selected for this study to establish, with certainty, that these changes became widespread in this region during the 8th century. This does not mean, however, that they were uniform all over the analysed

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territory or that changes did not continue until later. In the Vega of Granada, for example, data retrieved from seven separate sites suggests that the pottery landscape was changing and dynamically so up to the 9th, and even 10th, centuries.34 In the following paragraphs, several vessel types will be discussed with their archaeological names. It must be noted that there is no way to establish a clear relationship between the archaeological denomination of vessels and their historical names. Two reasons can be given for this. Firstly, the semantic field of historical names is very wide and different archaeological categories can fit into one. Secondly, vessel names belong to the dominion of domestic terms and many different names can be given to the same item in different regions, with almost an infinite variation due to local circumstances. For an insight into these problems, it is worth consulting the work of Guillermo Rosselló Bordoy entitled ‘The Names of the Things in al-Andalus’.35 Lastly, when describing changes, we will address two different functional fields: cooking wares and tablewares. They are related but have different lines of development and different problems to be understood. cook i ng wa r es a) Wares for making bread Bread making, and particularly its baking, is a very marked cultural feature in many societies. It follows, therefore, that the archaeological information that we can gather around this concept is very relevant. Sonia Gutiérrez Lloret dedicated an important study to this phenomenon which will be used as a baseline for our argument.36 With respect to the written sources, there are two texts that are useful for the discussion in this section. One of them is the Etymologiae of S. Isidore of Seville (7th century)37 and the other is the Kitāb al-Tabīkh (cuisine book) from an anonymous author, written during the Almohad period (13th century).38 For Isidore, there were two ways of baking bread in domestic contexts: in-between ashes or in a ceramic vessel.39 It is very likely that this vessel for baking bread is the panera that has been found in archaeological contexts (Fig. 2; also known in other European countries as testo and in North African countries as ṭājīn), dated in the south of Iberia to between the 5th and the 8th centuries (perhaps even later). It is a kind of large handmade open vessel with a very thick and rudimentary profile. Besides its probable use for bread baking, its shape suggests that it could also have been used as a serving vessel40 or even as an open cooking pot. It has been recovered in rural contexts, like El Castillejo de Nívar (in the Vega of Granada), and in urban contexts, like Cartagena during the Byzantine period (6th to 7th centuries).41 In the 13th century, the Kitāb al-Tabīkh provides a more varied picture. Firstly, it points out that ‘the desert folk like mallā [bread cooked in ashes], because it is their

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food, and the people of the cities and capitals detest it’. Then it adds: ‘some find bread [cooked] on the coals [ashes] very good, and others prefer fried bread and what is made in the tajine [sic]; add to these the [bread] oven and the tannur [sic] [clay oven], in which many kinds of bread are made.’42 The text highlights that the bread can be baked on a vessel (ṭājīn).43 This may correspond to unglazed open cooking pots that are found in different contexts, such as Ilbīra in the 9th century. However, it does seem that more often people used baking disks without any walls, which are widely found in contexts of the 9th to the 15th centuries (Fig 2). These disks, which could also have been used as lids, are handmade of very coarse clays, just like the paneras. They were most likely placed directly over the embers in the hearths of Andalusi houses. The lack of walls is probably because they could have been used to bake unleavened flatbread. This ceramic form is identified by Sonia Gutiérrez Lloret as a ṭabaq.44 Another ceramic form used for baking bread, and found in the archaeological record, is the ṭannūr (Fig. 3).45 The tannūr is a cooking device consisting of a simple ceramic cylinder, usually with the upper mouth wider than the lower one. The lower one would be placed over hot embers (or with the hot embers inside, if the tannūr was a fixed item) and the device would transmit the heat to the upper part, where a vessel or bread buns would be placed. The tannūr is closely associated today to Islamic customs in North Africa, the Middle East and Central Asia, but the first tannūr-oven types (not portable) were already recovered in the Neolithic Levant.46 In Iberia, however, there is no evidence of tannūr/s before the arrival of the Muslims, and in the Vega of Granada in particular they are first recovered very early, at the latest in the change between the 8th and 9th centuries.47 The third form, on which bread could be baked, is the anafre, the Spanish term for the chafing dish (Fig. 3). The first time that this type of vessel is found in the Vega of Granada is between the 10th and 11th centuries.48 The main difference with the tannūr is that it does have a container for embers which therefore enhances its portability. Portability is probably the main issue when considering the last two forms mentioned above. A ceramic tannūr is conceived to be portable (although it can also be fixed to a floor). It is a device to be used in an open (or at least well ventilated) space and it does not seem to occupy a central space in the household (like a hearth would do in other cultures). The anafre has an enhanced portability, and it could be used for heating food or for keeping it hot. In the Vega of Granada, it does not appear until urban life reaches some degree of sophistication, which suggests that the main concern behind its adoption is more related to the practicalities of household daily life than to cuisine culture directly. Once again, this is not to deny a relation between the two; it is only a suggestion to look at a more complex set of causes of which cuisine is but a small part.

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Finally, bread could also be baked in structurally permanent ovens ( furn ovens), which in the countryside of Granada are found in the Late Islamic period (13th to 15th centuries) in relationship with waqf 49 of mosques. They are small ovens which were probably used in exchange for the payment of a toll that served for the maintenance of the mosque.50 b) Closed and open cooking pots ratio: changes in cooking recipes The 13th-century anonymous cuisine book shows correspondence between the forms of cooking and the vessels used for it.51 The closed cooking pot (Latin olla, Arabic qidr) is a vessel with a narrower mouth than its larger diameter, and it is suited to cooking meats and legumes with an abundance of water, salt and spices. When the book talks about frying however, it mentions two different terms to define the vessels desired for it: the pan and the casserole. It sometimes specifies that these are ceramic vessels and it seems that very often the two terms for vessel are used interchangeably. The terms are the pan (miqlāt) and the casserole (ṭājīn); open forms. Sporadically, different terms are used, such as tinjir – a closed cooking pot – and qaswīlā, a term with Latin origins related to the Spanish cazuela and English casserole. Dishes made with open forms are more elaborate than vessels made with closed shapes because the former admits a wider variety of ingredients and fashions. However, there are also recipes that require a combination of closed and open pots. A calculation of the relative frequency of the terms used in the recipes of the book gives the following results: closed forms are exclusively used in 232 recipes, 65.68% of the total. Open forms are used in 68 recipes or 18.38%. Finally, there are 59 recipes that require the combined use of closed and open forms which total 15.95% of all the recipes in the book (Table 1). This can be compared to the ratio between quantified open and closed forms in the archaeological record (Fig. 4). A historical perspective of this information is relevant to understanding cuisine practices. In many areas of al-Andalus, closed cooking pots, handmade or wheelmade, are the only cooking vessels recovered in the 8th and 9th centuries (Fig. 5). There is a change in this trend from the 12th century onwards, when open forms become steadily more abundant in the archaeological record. This change in trends of production has been interpreted as a change in cuisine styles, from one based on simmered meals to another where fried dishes and sauces are more frequent.52 This is probably related to a change in the volume of cooking pots which increases from this century onwards. Before the 12th century, cooking pots had a volume of two to three litres. After that, their capacity was doubled. This is also related to changes in the service of food, as will be noted in the section dedicated to tablewares.

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closed forms

open forms

mixed forms

Total

forms Qidr (pot) Tinjir Qidr and tinjir Qidr and qadus total (closed forms) Miqlat (pan) Tajine Miqlat and tajine Qaswila total (open forms) Qidr and miqlat Qidr and tajine Qidr, miqlat and tajine Qidr and qaswila Qidr, tajine and tinjir total (mixed forms)

recipes 232 6 3 2 243 42 18 5 3 68 36 15 6 1 1 59 370

% 62,70 1,62 0,81 0,54 65,68 11,35 4,86 1,35 0,81 18,38 9,73 4,05 1,62 0,27 0,27 15,95 100,00

table 1 – Proportion of uses of different cooking vessels in the recipes described in the Kitāb alTabīkh (13th century) ( J.C. Carvajal López, M. Jiménez Puertas).

c) The beginnings of sagging bases in al-Andalus The production technique, which is most conspicuous within the new elements, is the finishing of the bases of small to medium vessels (cooking pots, small jars, bowls and juglets) in order to give them a sagging profile by scrapping or cutting.53 Although this finishing does not require a complete change of the manufacturing techniques applied (e.g., wheelmade modelling), it does need to be part of the design of the vessel. This is because the whole process needs to be adapted so that the technique can be applied.54 The technique of sagging bases is not unknown in the pre-Islamic Mediterranean, but it seems to be found mostly in the Levant. In fact, sagging bases, which were recovered in Roman contexts in the Iberian Peninsula, always belong to imported vessels from the eastern Mediterranean.55 It is safe to say that in the Vega of Granada, and in the areas immediately surrounding it, sagging bases were not used in wheel-made vessels before the Islamic period. Some functional explanations have been advanced for the introduction of the sagging bases. Esteban Fernández Navarro suggests that the convex shape of the base and the reorientation of the clay particles that the scrapping process produced, enhanced the heat transmission in pots, reduced the time for heating foods in cooking vessels and added to the cooling effect in water containers.56 While this explanation should not be discarded, one should also consider whether the difference in performance between convex and flat bases could be so important that it resulted in a widespread usage of the first ones (particularly since the 10th century).

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Paul Arthur thinks that sagging bases are associated to ways of life where flat surfaces, inadequate for convex bases, would be less abundant due to the predominant architectural styles of the areas and periods in which they are documented.57 This type of base could indeed not be used on flat surfaces, but they are better adapted to be used directly within the embers or over the flame, thus helping to distribute heat. There are several suggestions here which need to be discussed. While in this particular case, Arthur argued that there is good reason to suggest that architectural forms are not sophisticated, the link between simple architecture (without flat surfaces) and sagging bases does not work for the conditions in the Vega of Granada. While sagging bases appear here at some point during the 8th and 9th centuries, they become the predominant shape of cooking pots, jars and other vessels from the 10th century onwards. This lasted until the end of the Islamic period (15th century) and beyond, when a full scale urban society with sophisticated architectural styles had developed. In other words, sagging bases were also used when flat surfaces were readily available. The other suggestion, presented by Arthur, is that sagging bases are more suitable to be placed directly within embers or over flames. This is supposedly because they are more stable on irregular surfaces and better at redistributing heat. This is a performative argument, just like Fernández Navarro’s above. Arguments of this type can only be disproved if shown to be wrong, and this does not seem to be the case from the archaeological record. However, it would be a mistake to consider that all these changes were motivated exclusively for the performative characteristics of the vessels. This would mean imposing current western standards of time-energy optimisation onto societies where these concerns were not necessarily applicable.58 While the introduction of sagging bases in al-Andalus is relevant and can potentially be explained as an enhancement of the performance of the pots, we would like to suggest here that the innovation needs to be considered in the context of changes occurring in all areas of daily life as a consequence of the coexistence of groups from very different cultural backgrounds. In other words, sagging bases were not adopted specifically, but as part of a set of cultural practices that included innovative technological behaviours and products,59 in the circumstances generated by the processes of Islamisation in al-Andalus.60 d) Glazing in cooking wares Another change to consider is the beginning of the use of lead glaze in cooking wares. Glazing in cooking pots in al-Andalus seems to start in a very modest way in urban products between the 11th and 12th centuries. That is the case, at least, in Granada. Initially, it would be a finish applied only to the interior, with some spots in the exterior,

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and was not necessarily applied to all of the vessels. This might be due to differences in the procedures of production within different workshops, but the few studies on this topic have not shed light on this question.61 On the other hand, since the start of the use of lead glaze in cooking utensils, there is a clear trend in expanding this over the rest of the pot and applying it more to various vessels. By the 13th century, the glaze is used in almost every cooking pot, and one can frequently observe that between one third and one half of their external surface was covered with glaze. After the Islamic period, the glaze used in the cooking pots became darker and was applied all over the body, both on the interior and exterior. The introduction of glaze in cooking wares is usually explained again with a performative argument. The water-proofing qualities of the glaze would prevent the absorption of substances by the porous ceramic body and thus would not only make the pot easier to clean, but would also increase its useful lifespan and avoid food being contaminated.62 Whatever the opinion on these arguments, it is interesting to note that the beginning of the use of lead glaze in cooking pots only shortly precedes the changes in ratio between closed and open cooking pots. This suggests that glaze usage could be associated with a more frequent practice of frying and, thus, increased use of oil in cuisine. This being said, the fact that it is recovered (for the first time) in an urban environment also suggests that it could have been developed through competition between different ceramic workshops for urban consumers. ta bl ewa r es: t h e gl a z e d ata i for a) Ataifores and tablewares The cultural changes at the beginning of the Islamic period in Iberia can also be noticed in the vessels for serving food. The most important element of these changes is the emergence of the ataifor (Fig. 6). The ataifor, a Spanish word originating from an Arabic term, is the name used since the pioneering works of Guillermo Rosselló Bordoy to identify open vessels, always glazed and usually decorated, for the presentation of food.63 The name is used to identify a range of forms that include bowls and dishes of varying sizes and shapes. Although it is easy to link the ataifor to service vessels found in Roman and post-Roman times, the truth is that in al-Andalus there is a gap between the disappearance of the open vessels from the Antique tradition (around the 6th or 7th centuries) and the documentation of the first ataifores in the very late 9th century. This is certainly a different situation to the one observed, for example, in the Levant, where service vessels of Roman tradition are recovered well into the Islamic period,64 and where there is a well-established connection between them and the first glazed bowls.65

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However, this gap in al-Andalus needs to be looked at with a certain scepticism. There is certainly a lack of parallels between tablewares of Antique tradition and the ataifores, but that does not mean that there were no vessels used for the same purpose. In the Vega of Granada, it is possible to find hand-made and wheel-made open vessels, which could have been equally used for table service or for cooking (see the panera above); of course, they could also have been used for both at the same time. There is no doubt that metal and wood vessels were used during this time as well. Metal vessels are well known all over the Islamic world and, particularly in al-Andalus, we have written and material evidence of the production and use of wooden ones.66 Finally, many cooking pots of the 9th (and probably 8th) century have spouts, and therefore another vessel was required to receive the contents when they were poured from these cooking pots. This could be the panera or another type of wide-mouthed jar that is found in al-Andalus, especially in the earlier centuries of the Islamic period. It has been suggested that this last vessel was used as a drinking vessel,67 although its wide mouth allows hands to enter the inside of the pot, which would make it useful for serving solid foods as well. From this information, we can infer that there was a tableware service in the Vega of Granada before the 10th century. It must have been dramatically altered, however, with the introduction of the ataifor in the technological range of utensils within that period of time. The circumstances of its introduction clearly allow us to link the ataifor to urban and/or to palatial environments. It surely represented, in al-Andalus, the mode of consumption of urban populations and the links of some social groups with the ruling elite in certain cases (see below, in the discussion about glazes). There is certainly a strong connection here with cuisine culture but this needs to be explained further in more detail. It is common to associate the arrival of the ataifor with the custom of eating from a common, large vessel displayed in the centre of the room. However, it has to be said that the first recovered ataifores of the 9th and 12th centuries have a diameter of between only 36 and 24 cm and thus are not fitted for that purpose (Fig. 6). This does not exclude the possibility that larger vessels could have been made in other materials such as wood or metal. Furthermore, it is certainly a technical challenge to produce a ceramic vessel with larger dimensions (like the ones used today for this function). Nevertheless, larger ceramic ataifores are recovered in al-Andalus from the 13th century onwards, reaching dimensions more appropriate for communal meals. This is probably related to the increased volume of cooking pots from the 12th century onwards, as afore mentioned. These changes in volume suggest that, prior to the 12th century, the custom of communal meals had not yet been developed or was arranged in a very different way.

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b) Glazing in tablewares Glazing was developed in the Islamic world from a very early period in continuation of former traditions. Particularly in al-Andalus and in the Vega of Granada, the first glazes are not found till the 9th century.68 These first glazes are usually small closed vessels, such as juglets or very small jars, and the colours of the glaze go from deep emerald green to dark brown. These glazed vessels are clearly not for use in the kitchen and it is quite possible that they do not have any connection with food preparation or presentation. The glaze seems to have been originally applied in al-Andalus on small vessels creating a shiny and water-proof finish, so it is likely that these containers were designed for valuable liquids like oil or perfumes. However, glaze would soon be related to food service. It is an essential feature of the ataifores which are found in the Vega of Granada for the first time in the late 9th or early 10th century (Fig. 6). Some of the first ataifores that are recovered in this region are decorated in the verde y manganeso technique,69 an overglaze-painted style of decorated ataifores, and juglets in which different tonalities of green, brown, purple and black are used.70 This ware is associated with the rising elite of the Cordovan Caliphate in 929,71 yet it is clear that it was circulating a few decades earlier than that date, before the end of the 9th century. In that time, they were very exclusive as their use is rare and was only noted in places with an obvious social significance. By the late 10th century honey- to yellow-glazed ataifores became widely available for the urban population of Ilbīra. By the 11th century and later, their use became usual in rural settings as well and new colours of glazes, decorative styles and shapes were developed (Fig. 7). This custom would last beyond the Islamic period in Iberia. discussion The various elements of transition in al-Andalus described above can be summarised as follows. Firstly, for the making of bread, we have seen a transition from the panera to the use of tabaq/s, tannūr/s and anafres. The main differences are that the panera needs to be used in an oven or in between ashes, whereas the tabaq/s, tannūr and anafre require only embers. This does not mean that there were no bread ovens in al-Andalus, as they are clearly documented in the later Islamic period and in the analysed 13th-century cuisine book (Kitāb al-Tabīkh). This manuscript makes clear that clay vessels were still used in the 13th century in the same way as the panera (called tajīn in the text, which were not recovered archaeologically in al-Andalus). The main difference between the 5th-8th centuries (when the panera is found) and the later centuries, is that there is a wider variety of sources and ways in which bread could have been made. In general,

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this could be related to socioeconomic changes in al-Andalus brought in by the Islamisation of the society and the urbanisation of the landscape. Secondly, there is a change in the proportion of closed and open vessel shapes for cooking during the Islamic period. The main change occurs around the 12th and 13th centuries. This is also the period in which an increase in the volume of cooking pots and serving vessels is noticeable. This suggests an important transformation in cuisine culture, as explained below. Thirdly, another change observed in cooking pots is the transition between flat and sagging bases, recovered from between the 8th and 10th centuries. This is a purely technological change that, in principle, could have little impact in cuisine modes, but which is indicative of wider sociocultural changes related to the Islamisation of the society (and in particular to the arrival of new populations). Fourthly, glazed cooking pots start appearing in the 11th century. As a technological change, it seems to have been prompted by the growing scale of urbanisation and, therefore, of artisanal concentration and competition in towns. It may also be related to a particular change in cuisine practices, like an increased use of frying oil. Let us not forget that the start of the use of glaze precedes a period of large cuisine changes in the 12th and 13th centuries. It is possible that some particular aspects of cuisine practices changed earlier. Fifthly, tablewares show an interesting development, particularly with the introduction of the ataifor in the 10th century. Before then, there is little evidence of ceramic vessels being used for the service of food. The 10th century sees an increase in urbanisation which is associated to a mode of consumption, in which the ataifor has a central role. This role is demonstrated by the decoration of the vessel with glaze, which was used in al-Andalus as an element of social distinction probably since its introduction from the East. In the 13th century, the capacity of the ataifor increases, akin to the cooking pots. This implies that the changes in recipes correspond to changes in food service and, therefore, highlighting a major transformation of cuisine modes caused by influences from North Africa during the Almoravid and Almohad periods (11th to 13th centuries). It is worth offering a chronological perspective of the changes discussed above. Between the 5th and the 8th centuries the ceramic production and consumption of Iberia is in paralleled circumstances to those documented by Paul Arthur for the Mediterranean. However, a substantial change occurred when Iberia became al-Andalus and entered the Islamic world. Between the 8th and 12th centuries, ceramic shapes (like the tannūr, anafre, ataifor) and production techniques (glaze, sagging bases) were introduced to al-Andalus from other parts of the Islamic world, mainly due to population movements from North Africa and the Middle East. These changes were not only technical, but also cultural, and can be embedded in the more general concepts

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of Islamisation and urbanisation. There is no doubt that there is a changing cuisine fashion included in this wide cultural transformation, but it is not currently possible to isolate it. However, later changes (dated to between the 11th and the 13th centuries) can be better related to a change of cuisine modes. These include the introduction of recipes (altered proportion of open and closed cooking vessels) and communal sharing of meals (increased volume of cooking and serving vessels). In al-Andalus, these elements can be directly related to the influences from North Africa through the political intervention of the Almoravid and Almohad dynasties between the 11th and 13th centuries. conclusion The culture of cuisine is at the heart of many elements considered vital for social and archaeological analysis of past communities. However, it is precisely for this reason that it is also so difficult to accurately grasp. Many different trends of evidence must be gathered in order to assess how cuisine practices are formed and developed and, more importantly, the place that they occupy in society needs to be clarified. In this paper, we have suggested a way to start doing this by embedding the concept of cuisine culture within that of a sociotechnical systems. After that, we have analysed the most important themes of change in our case study, the early Islamic society of the Vega of Granada, and have analysed some changes noted in the archaeological ceramic record. This analysis has considered changes in themselves and in conjunction with others as it has become apparent that they are all interlinked in ways that spread out beyond the limits of cuisine practices, but are directly or indirectly connected to it. With this contribution, we hope to have opened up a platform for discussion on the changes that impacted cuisine culture and are associated to Islamisation. It is interesting to see the differences in continuity and discontinuity since the beginning of the Islamic period in the Vega of Granada. This is related to very specific causes in this area; these are mainly the arrival of new contingents of people and the coexistence of people of different cultural backgrounds. The connections with the extensive Dār al-Islām opened another channel for more changes and influence. The development of society in al-Andalus, with its progression towards an urban-based organisation of the territory, altered significantly the initial landscape by inducing a more unified lifestyle. This was very different from the previous Mediterranean model of Roman and post-Roman times. This work is very far from the establishment of a general model of transition due to or linked to Islamisation, but we believe that the themes of continuity and innovation, connection to large-scale patterns in the Islamic world and development of an urban-based model of society, are worth considering when studying Islamic societies in the Mediterranean region.

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a ppe n di x i site

chronology

closed form

open form

El Castillejo de Nívar (Granada)

c. 500-700

65%

35%

Marinet and Mollet (Castellón)

c. 700-900

99%

1%

Cordoba (Shaqūnda quarter)

c. 750-818

96%

4%

Manzanil (Loja, Granada)

c. 800-900

99%

1%

Marroquíes Bajos (Phase i) (Jaén)

c. 850-900

97%

3%

Pechina (Almería)

c. 850-900

97%

3%

Madina Ilbīra (Phase ii) (Granada)

c. 850-925

98%

2%

Marroquíes Bajos (Phase ii) (Jaén)

c. 875-925

83%

17%

Madina Ilbīra (Phase iii) (Granada)

c. 900-1000

96%

4%

El Castillejo de Nívar (Granada)

c. 1000-1150

98%

2%

Santa Fe de Oliva (Valencia)

c. 1100-1200

61%

39%

El Castillejo de Los Guájares (Granada)

c. 1200-1400

35%

65%

table 2 – Ratio of closed and open cooking forms in a number of archaeological sites in South al-Andalus, in percentages. Different techniques of percentage calculation have been used in different sites. Total numbers of sherds and forms were not always available. Sources of data: for Nívar (all phases): Jiménez Puertas and Carvajal López in press; for Marinet and Mollet: Bazzana 1992, 155; for Cordoba: Casal et al. 2005, 235; for Manzanil: Jiménez Puertas’ own work; for Marroquíes Bajos Phase I: Pérez Alvarado 2003, 126; for Marroquíes Bajos Phase ii: Pérez Alvarado 2003, 129; for Pechina: Castillo Galdeano and Martínez Madrid 1993, 75; for Madina Ilbīra Phase ii: Malpica Cuello et al. 2006; for Madina Ilbīra Phase iii: Jiménez Puertas 2012; for Santa Fe de Oliva: Bazzana 1992, 149; for El Castillejo de Los Guájares: García Porras 2001, 452.

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a ppe n di x i i Site

Chronology

Percentage of open tablewares (of total assemblage)

Percentage of glazed open tablewares (of open tablewares)

Percentage of glazed open tablewares (of total assemblage)

El Castillejo de Nívar (Granada)

c. 500-700

0.30%

0%

0%

Marinet and Mollet (Castellón)

c. 700-900

0.92%

0%

0%

Cordoba (Shaqūnda quarter)

c. 750-818

10.00%

0%

0%

Manzanil (Loja, Granada)

c. 800-900

4.07%

100%

4.07%

Marroquíes Bajos (Phase i) (Jaén)

c. 850-900

2.38%

nd

nd 

Pechina (Almería)

c. 850-900

7.40%

93%

6.88%

Madina Ilbīra (Phase ii) (Granada)

c. 850-925

1.28%

25%

0.32%

Marroquíes Bajos (Phase ii) (Jaén)

c. 875-925

18.18%

nd

nd

Madina Ilbīra (Phase iii) (Granada)

c. 900-1000

11.27%

100%

11.27%

El Castillejo de Nívar (Granada)

c. 1000-1150

6.68%

100%

6.68%

Santa Fe de Oliva (Valencia)

c. 1100-1200

25.84%

nd

nd

El Castillejo de Los Guájares (Granada) c. 1200-1400

11.37%

nd

nd

table 3 – Relevant percentages of open tablewares and of glazed open tablewares in different archaeological sites of southern al-Andalus. Different techniques of percentage calculation have been used in different sites. Total numbers of sherds and forms were not always available. Sources of data: for Nívar (all phases): Jiménez Puertas and Carvajal López in press; for Marinet and Mollet: Bazzana 1992, 155; for Cordoba: Casal et al. 2005, 235; for Manzanil: Jiménez Puertas’ own work; for Marroquíes Bajos Phase I: Pérez Alvarado 2003, 126; for Marroquíes Bajos Phase ii: Pérez Alvarado 2003, 129; for Pechina: Castillo Galdeano and Martínez Madrid 1993, 75 and 86; for Madina Ilbīra Phase ii: Malpica Cuello et al. 2006; for Madina Ilbīra Phase iii: Jiménez Puertas 2012; for Santa Fe de Oliva: Bazzana 1992, 149; for El Castillejo de Los Guájares: García Porras 2001: 452. nd: no data were available.

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not es 1

22 An excellent case study is García García in

Arthur 2007; Vroom 2007a; idem 2007b

press.

just to mention some recent examples. 2

E.g., García Sánchez 1996.

23 Watson 1971; idem 1974; idem 1981.

3

E.g., Florent and Deru 2012.

24 Decker 2011.

4 Pfaffenberger 1992.

25 Cf Kitāb al-Tabīkh 2012; Bolens 1991.

5

Cf. the use of this terminology in Gosselain

26 Alonso et al. 2014.

2010 in relation to ceramic production, and

27 Wickham 2005.

in Carvajal López and Jiménez Puertas 2011

28 Arthur 2007.

with respect to irrigation techniques.

29 Cf. Carvajal López et al. 2015 for a case study of the Vega of Granada.

6 Pfaffenberger 1992.

30 Carvajal López and Day 2013; idem 2015.

7 Cf. Insoll 2004 for this point about

31 E.g., Castillo Armenteros 1998; Gómez

religions; and Bulliet 1979, 33-42; Carvajal

8

9

López 2013a; idem 2013b for reflections

Becerra 2000; Gutiérrez Lloret 1996;

about Islamisation itself.

Jiménez Puertas 2002; Martin Civantos 2007.

Most notable perhaps Hodges 1989; idem 2012; Hodges and Whitehouse 1983;

32 Carvajal and Day 2013.

Wickham 2005.

33 Carvajal López 2005; idem 2008a; idem 2008b; idem 2009; idem 2012; Carvajal

Cf. Banaji 2007; Shawn 2008.

10 Originally from 1937. It is fair to remember

López and Day 2013; idem 2015; Carvajal

the important role of the publication of

López and Jiménez Puertas 2011; Jiménez

Hodges and Whitehouse 1983 in stirring up

Puertas 2002; idem 2008; idem 2012;

that debate.

Jiménez Puertas and Carvajal López 2008;

11 Chalmeta Gendrón 1994.

idem in press; Malpica et al. 2006; idem

12 See examples in Carvajal López 2013a.

2010.

13 Guichard 1996, 187-97.

34 Carvajal López 2009.

14 Watson 1974; idem 1981; idem 1983.

35 Rosselló Bordoy 1991.

15 See accurate criticism in Decker 2011; Johns

36 Gutiérrez Lloret 1990-91 37 Etymologiae 2009.

1984; Rowley-Conwy 1989; Samuel 2001. 16 E.g., Bolens 1981.

38 Kitāb al-Tabīkh 2012.

17 E.g., Jiménez Puertas 2007; Kirchner 2009;

39 Etymologiae 2009, xx, ii, 15. 40 Cf. the ataifor below.

Martin Civantos 2011. 18 Cf. Davis 2008.

41 Ramalló Asensio el al. 1996.

19 A fatwa is a legal decree or order that creates

42 Kitāb al-Tabīkh 2012, 19-20; cf. also Bolens 1991, 74.

a precedent under Islamic law. 20 Daga Portillo 1990, 195-96.

43 The word ṭājīn is a generic word that refers

21 García Gomez 1957, 287-88.

to an open vessel used for cooking and

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baking. It is generally not linked to any

57 Arthur 2007, 179.

particular ceramic form in al-Andalus,

58 Cf. Lemonnier 1993.

although other authors have used it in the

59 Cf. Carvajal López and Day 2013; Kirchner 2008.

context of North Africa. Although there is no evidence for this, perhaps the semantic

60 Cf. Carvajal López 2013a; idem 2013b.

field of the word could include the tabaq.

61 E.g., Carvajal and Day 2013; idem 2015. 62 The latter is not true, as the lead of the glaze

44 Gutiérrez Lloret 1990-1, 171-72. 45 Gutiérrez Lloret 1990-1, 163-69.

would be highly toxic. This is a traditional

46 Haaland 2007.

argument to explain the function of glaze.

47 Carvajal López 2008a, 242-243.

The first time the authors have seen this

48 Carvajal López 2008a, 229.

mentioned is in Rosselló Bordoy 1978,

49 A waqf is a religious endowment made for

although it is possible that it has a longer history.

the maintenance of its beneficiary. 50 Villanueva Rico 1961.

63 Rosselló Bordoy 1978; idem 1991.

51 Kitāb al-Tabīkh 2012.

64 E.g., Magness 1993.

52 Cf. the recipes found in Kitāb al-Tabīkh

65 Watson 2014. 66 Navarro Palazón and Robles Fernández

2012.

1996, lxvi-lxviii, nos. 83-91; Nuzhat 1974,

53 Cf. Carvajal López 2008a; idem 2009;

195-6.

Carvajal López and Day 2013; Fernández

67 Rosselló Bordoy 1991.

Navarro 2008.

68 Carvajal López 2008a; idem 2009 for the

54 Cf. Balfet 1973; Van der Leeuw 1976; idem

Vega; Salinas Pleguezuelo and Zozaya 2015

1993.

for al-Andalus.

55 This opinion is admittedly in need of solid

69 Cano Piedra 1990; Carvajal López 2008a;

verification; many archaeologists in Iberia have worked exclusively on the shapes,

idem 2009; Carvajal López et al. in

without paying attention to the finishing of

preparation; Gómez Moreno 1986. 70 Molera et al. 2001; Molera et al. in

bases, and therefore we do not have robust

preparation.

data.

71 Barceló 1993.

56 Fernández Navarro 2008, 172

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bi bl iogr a ph y Alonso, N., F. Antolín and H. Kirchner 2014. Novelties and legacies in crops of the Islamic Period in the Northeast Iberian Peninsula: The archaeobotanical evidence in Madîna Balagî, Madîna Lârida, and Madîna Turṭûša, Quaternary International 346, 149-61. Arthur, P. 2007. Form, function and technology in pottery production from late Antiquity to the early Middle Ages, in: L. Lavan, E. Zanini and A. Sarantis (eds.), Technology in Transition AD 300-650, Late Antique Archaeology vol. 4, Leiden, 159-86. Balfet, H. 1973. A propos du tour de potier: l’outil et le gest technique, L’Homme, hier et aujurd’ hui; Paris, 109-22. Barceló, M. 1993. Al-Mulk, el verde y blanco: La vajilla califal omeya de Madīnat alZahrã, in: A. Malpica Cuello (ed.), La ceramica altomedieval en el Sur de al-Andalus, Granada, 291-300. Banaji, H. 2007. Islam, the Mediterranean and the rise of capitalism, Historical Materialism 15, 47-74. Bazzana, A. 1992. Maisons d’al-Andalus. Habitat médiéval et structures du peuplement dans l’Espagne orientale, Madrid. Bolens, L. 1981. Agronomes andalous du Moyen-Age, Genève. Bolens, L. 1991. La cocina andaluza, un arte de vivir: siglos xi-xiii, Madrid. Bulliet, R. 1979. Conversion to Islam in the Medieval Period: An essay in Quantitative History, Harvard. Cano Piedra, C. 1990. Estudio sistemático de la cerámica de Madīnat Ilbīra (Granada), Cuadernos de la Alhambra 26, 25-69. Carvajal López, J.C. 2005. La cerámica islámica del Sombrerete (Madīnat Ilbīra, Granada). Primera parte, Arqueología y Territorio Medieval 12.1, 133-73. Carvajal López, J.C. 2008a. La cerámica de Madīnat Ilbīra y el poblamiento altomedieval de la Vega de Granada (siglos viii-xi), Granada. Carvajal López, J.C. 2008b. Nuevas aportaciones sobre la cerámica del Sombrerete, Madīnat Ilbīra, Granada, in: A. Malpica Cuello and J.C. Carvajal López (eds.), Estudios sobre cerámica tardorromana y altomedieval, Granada, 405-65. Carvajal López, J.C. 2009. Pottery production and Islam in south-east Spain: A social model, Antiquity 83, 388-98. Carvajal López, J.C. 2012. Cooking pots and large containers in the Early Medieval Vega of Granada (South East Spain): On the practices of pottery production and the practices that require production of pottery, Old Potter’s Almanach 17.2, 7-12.

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Carvajal López, J.C. 2013a. Islamización y arqueología. Reflexiones en torno a un concepto controvertido y necesario desde el punto de vista arqueológico, in: F. Sabaté and J. Brufal (eds.), Arqueologia Medieval. Recerca avançaza en arqueologia medieval V, Agira Vol v, Lleida, 127-56. Carvajal López, J.C. 2013b. Islamicization or islamicizations? Expansion of Islam and social practice in the Vega of Granada (south-east Spain), World Archaeology 45.1, 56-70. Carvajal López, J.C. and P.M. Day 2013. Cooking pots and islamicization in the Early Medieval Vega of Granada (Al-Andalus, sixth to twelfth centuries), Oxford Journal of Archaeology 32.4, 433-51. Carvajal López, J.C. and Day, P.M. 2015a. The production and distribution of cooking pots in two towns of South East Spain in the 6th–11th centuries, Journal of Archaeological Science. Reports 2, 282-90. Carvajal López, J.C., A. Hein, M.D. Glascock and P.M. Day forthcoming. Combined petrographic and chemical analysis of water containers and glazed wares in the Early Medieval Vega of Granada (south east Spain, 6th to 12th centuries ce), Journal of Archaeological Science. Reports. Carvajal López, J.C. and M. Jiménez Puertas 2011. Studies of the Early Medieval pottery of al-Andalus, Early Medieval Europe 19.4, 411-35. Carvajal López; J.C., J.M. Román Punzón; M. Jiménez Puertas and J. Martínez Jiménez 2015. When the East came to the West: The seventh century in the Vega of Granada (South East Spain): Visigoths, Byzantines and Muslims, in: A. Gnasso, E. Intagliata, T.J. MacMaster and B.N. Morris (eds.), The Long Seventh Century. Continuity and Discontinuity in an Age of Transition, Oxford, 135-62. Casal, M.T., E. Castro, E. Salinas and R. López 2005. Aproximación al estudio de la cerámica emiral del arrabal de Šaqūnda (Qurṭūba, Córdoba), Arqueología y Territorio Medieval 12.2, 189-235. Castillo Armenteros, J.A. 1998. La Campiña de Jaén en época emiral (S. viii-x), Jaén. Chalmeta Gendron, P. 1994. Invasión e Islamización. La sumisión de Hispania y la formación de al-Andalus, Madrid. Daga Portillo, R. 1990. Organización jurídica y social en la España musulmana. Traducción y estudio de Al-Aḥkām Al-Kubrā de Ibn Sahl (s.xi), unpublished doctoral thesis, University of Granada. Available in http://digibug.ugr.es/handle/10481/13955 (date last checked 7/07/2016). Davis, S.M.J. 2008. Zooarchaeological evidence for Moslem and Christian improvements of sheep and cattle in Portugal, Journal of Archaeological Science 35, 991-1010. Decker, M. 2011. Plants and progress: Rethinking the Islamic agricultural revolution, Journal of World History 20.2, 187-206.

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Fernández Navarro, E. 2008. Tradición tecnológica de la cerámica de cocina almohade-nazarí en la provincia de Granada, Granada. Florent, G. and X. Deru 2012. La céramique à Reims de César à Clovis. Analyse fonctionnelle, in: C. Batigne-Vallet (ed.) Les céramiques communes dans leur contexte régional: faciès de consommation et modes d’approvisionnement, Lyon, 259-93. García-García, M. forthcoming. Some remarks on the provision of animal products to urban centres in medieval Islamic Iberia: The cases of Madinat Ilbirah (Granada) and Cercadilla (Cordova), Quaternary International (2016), http://dx.doi. org/10.1016/j.quaint.2016.06.021. García Gómez, E. 1957. Unas «Ordenanzas del zoco» del siglo ix, Al-Andalus 22.2, 253-316. García Porras, A. 2001. La cerámica del poblado fortificado medieval de ‘El Castillejo’ (Los Guájares, Granada), Granada. García Sánchez, E. 1996. La alimentación popular urbana en al-Andalus, Arqueologia medieval 4, 219-36. Gómez Becerra, A. 1998. El poblamiento altomedieval en la Costa de Granada, Granada. Gómez Moreno, M. 19862 Medina Elvira, Granada (2nd ed.; 1st ed. Granada 1888). Gosselain, O. 2010. Exploring the dynamics of African pottery cultures, in: R. Barndon, A. Engevik and I. Øye (eds.), The Archaeology of Regional Technologies. Case Studies from the Palaeolithic to the Age of the Vikings, New York, 193-224. Guichard, P. 1996. Al-Andalus: estructura antropológica de una sociedad islámica en Occidente, Granada (2nd ed.; 1st ed. Barcelona 1976). Gutiérrez Lloret, S. 1990-1991. Panes, hogazas y fogones portátiles. Dos formas cerámicas dedicadas a la cocción del pan en al-Andalus: el hornillo (tannur) y el plato (tabaq), Lvcentvm ix-x, 161-75. Gutiérrez Lloret, S. 1996. La cora de Tudmīr de la Antigüedad Tardía al mundo islámico. Poblamiento y cultura material, Madrid. Hodges, R. 1989. Dark Age Economics. The Origins of Towns and Trade AD 600-1000; London (2nd ed. updated; 1st ed. London 1982) Hodges, R. 2012, Dark Age Economics. A New Audit, London. Hodges, R. and D. Whitehouse 1983. Mohammed, Charlemagne and the Origins of Europe: Archaeology and the Pirenne Thesis, London. Insoll, T. 2004. Archaeology, Ritual, Religion, London. Etymologiae 2009. S. Isidore of Seville Etimologías, trans. by J. Oroz Reta and M. A. Marcos Casquero, Madrid. Jiménez Puertas, M. 2000. El poblamiento del territorio de Loja en la Edad Media, Granada.

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Jiménez Puertas, M. 2007. Los regadíos tradicionales del territorio de Loja. Historia de unos paisajes agrarios de origen medieval, Granada. Jiménez Puertas, M. 2008. Cerámica tardoantigua y emiral de la Vega de Granada. El Cerro del Molino del Tercio (Salar), in: A. Malpica Cuello and J.C. Carvajal López (eds.), Estudios de cerámica tardorromana y altomedieval, Granada, 163-219. Jiménez Puertas, M. 2012. El análisis cuantitativo de la cerámica medieval y los procesos de formación del registro arqueológico: estudio de un caso procedente del yacimiento de Madinat Ilbira, Debates de Arqueología Medieval 2, 293-329. Jiménez Puertas, M. and J.C. Carvajal López 2008. La cerámica de Madinat Ilbira (Pago de los Tejoletes, 2006), in www.arqueologiamedieval.com. Available in http://www.arqueologiamedieval.com/articulos/100/ (last checked 8/07/2016). Jiménez Puertas, M. and J.C. Carvajal López 2011. Opciones sociotécnicas de regadío y secano: El caso de la Vega de Granada, in: F. Sabaté (ed.), Arqueologia Medieval: Els espais del secà iv, Agira Vol. iii, Lleida, 51-85. Jiménez Puertas, M. and J.C. Carvajal López forthcoming. La cerámica altomedieval de El Castillejo de Nívar (siglos vi-xii), in: A. Malpica and A. García Porras (eds): Cerámica medieval e historia económica-social: problemas de método y casos de estudio. Johns, J. 1984. A green revolution? Agricultural innovation in the Early Islamic world: The diffusion of crops and farming techniques, 700-1100 by Andrew M. Watson [review], Journal of African History 25.3, 343-44. Kirchner, H. 2008. Torneta y torno: Formas de producción, distribución y uso de la cerámica andalusí: El caso de Yābīsa, in: A. Malpica Cuello and J.C. Carvajal López (eds.), Estudios de Cerámica Tardorromana y Altomedieval, Granada, 221-45. Kirchner, H. 2009. Original design, tribal management and modifications in medieval hydraulic systems in the Balearic Islands (Spain), World Archaeology 41.1, 151-68. Kitāb al-Tabīkh 2012. Kitāb al-ṭabīkh fī-l-Magrib wa-l-Andalus fī-‘A ṣr al-Muwaḥḥidīn, li-Mu‘allif Majhūl, trans. by Charles Perry, ed. by Candida Martinelli; CreateSpace Independent Publishing Platform. http://italophiles.com/andalusian_cookbook.pdf (date last checked 8/07/2016). Leeuw, S. van der 1976. Studies in the Technology of Ancient Pottery, Amsterdam. Leeuw, S. van der 1993. Giving the potter a choice: Conceptual aspects of pottery techniques, in: P. Lemmonier (ed.), Technological Choices: Transformation in Material Cultures since the Neolithic, London, 238-88. Lemmonier, P. 1993. Introduction, in: P. Lemmonier. (ed.), Technological Choices. Transformation in Material Cultures since the Neolithic, London, 1-35. Magness, J. 1993. Jerusalem Ceramic Chronology. Circa 200-800 ce, Sheffield.

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Malpica, A., M. Jiménez Puertas and J.C. Carvajal López 2006. La cerámica de la Alcazaba de Madinat Ilbira (Cerro del Sombrerete, Atarfe). Informe del estudio de la cerámica de la campaña de 2005. Available in: http://digibug.ugr.es/handle/10481/20665 (date last checked 20/07/2016). Malpica, A., M. Jiménez Puertas and J.C. Carvajal López 2010. Estudio de la cerámica de la Alcazaba de Madinat Ilbira (Cerro del Sombrerete, Atarfe), Anuario Arqueológico de Andalucía 2006 (Granada), Seville, 1838-50. Martín Civantos, J.M. 2007. Poblamiento y territorio medieval en el Zenete (Granada), Granada. Martín Civantos, J.M. 2011. Working in landscape archaeology: The social and territorial significance of the agricultural revolution in al-Andalus, Early Medieval Europe 19.4, 385-410. Molera, J., M. Vendrell-Saz, J. Pérez-Arántegui 2001. Chemical and textural characterization of tin glazes in Islamic ceramics from Eastern Spain, Journal of Archaeological Science 28, 331-40. Molera, J., J.C. Carvajal López, G. Molina and T. Pradell forthcoming, Glazes, colorants and decorations in early Islamic glazed ceramics from la Vega de Granada (9th to 12th centuries AD), Journal of Archaeological Science. Reports. Navarro Palazón, J. and A. Robles Fernández 1995. Liétor. Formas de vida rurales en Šarq al-Andalus a través de una ocultación de los siglos x-xi, Murcia. Nuzhat 1974. Al-Idrīsī. Nuzhat al-Mushtāq. Geografía de España, trans. by E. Saavedra, Colección de Textos Medievales 37, Valencia. Pfaffenberger, B. 1992. The social anthropology of technology, Annual Review of Anthropology 21, 491-516. Pirenne, H. 19972. Mahoma y Carlomagno, Madrid (transl. ed., 1st ed. Brussels 1937) Ramallo Asensio, S.F., E. Ruiz Valderas and M.C. Berrocal Caparrós 1996. Contextos cerámicos de los siglos v-vii en Cartagena, Archivo Español de Arqueología 69, 135-190. Rosselló Bordoy, G. 1978. Ensayo sistemático de la cerámica islámica de Mallorca, Palma de Mallorca. Rosselló Bordoy, G. 1991. El nombre de las cosas en al-Andalus. Una propuesta de terminología cerámica, Palma de Mallorca. Rowley-Conwy, P. 1989. Nubia AD 0-550 and the ‘Islamic’ agricultural revolution: Preliminary botanical evidence from Qasr Ibrim, Egyptian Nubia, Archéologie du Nil Moyen 3, 131-38. Salinas Pleguezuelo, E. and J. Zozaya 2015. Pechina: El antecedente de las cerámicas vidriadas islámicas en al-Andalus, in: M. J. Gonçalves and S. Gómez-Martínez (eds.), Actas do x Congresso Internacional ‘A Cerâmica Medieval No Mediterrâneo’. Silves, 22 a 27 outubro 2012, Silves, 573-76.

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Samuel, D. 2001. Archaeobotanical evidence and analysis, in S. Berthier (ed.), Peuplement rural et aménagements hydroagricoles dans la Moyenne Vallée de l’Euphrate fin viiéme-xixéme siècle. Région de Deir ez Zōr – Abu Kemāl (Syrie), Damascus, 347-481. Shaw, B.D. 2008. After Rome. Transformations of the Early Mediterranean world, New Left Review 51 (May-June), 89-114. Villanueva Rico, M.C. 1961. Habices de la mezquitas de la ciudad de Granada y sus alquerías, Madrid. Vroom, J. 2007a. The archaeology of late antique dining habits in the Eastern Mediterranean: A preliminary study of the evidence, in: L. Lavan, S. Swift and T. Putzeys (eds.), Objects in Context, Objects in Use. Material Spatiality in Late Antiquity, Late Antique Archaeology 5, Leiden & Boston, 313-61. Vroom, J. 2007b. The changing dining habits at Christ’s table, in: L. Brubaker and K. Linardou (eds.), Eat, Drink and Be Merry (Luke 12:19). Food and Wine in Byzantium, Papers of the 37th Annual Spring Symposium of Byzantine Studies, in Honour of Professor A.A.M. Bryer, Society for the Promotion of Byzantine Studies, Publications 13, Aldershot, 191-222. Watson, A. 1974. The Arab agricultural revolution and its diffusion, 700-110, Journal of Economic History 34.1, 8-35. Watson, A. 1981. A Medieval ‘Green Revolution’: New crops and farming techniques in the Early Islamic world, in: A.L. Udovich (ed.), The Islamic Middle East, 7001900: Studies in Economic and Social History, Princeton, 29-58. Watson, A. 1983. Agricultural Innovation in the Early Islamic World: The Diffusion of Crops and Farming Techniques, 700-1100, Cambridge. Watson, O.W. 2014. Revisiting Samarra: The rise of Islamic glazed pottery, Beiträge zur islamischen Kunst und Archäologie 4, 125-44. Wickham, C. 2005. Framing the Early Middle Ages. Europe and the Mediterranean 400-800, Oxford & New York.

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fig. 1 – See colour plates page 371.

fig. 2 – Late Antique (5th to 8th centuries) panera from El Castillejo de Nívar (above) and Amiral (8th to 9th centuries), ṭabaq from Ilbīra (below) ( J.C. Carvajal López, M. Jiménez Puertas).

fig. 3 – Left: 10th-century tannūr from La Rábita de Guardamar (redrawn from Gutiérrez Lloret 1993, 57). Right: 10th-century anafre from Madīnat al-Zahrā’, Cordoba (redrawn from Vallejo Triano and Escudero Aranda 1999, 158).

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fig. 4 – Ratio of closed and open cooking forms in a number of archaeological sites in southern al-Andalus, in percentages. See table 2 in Appendix i on page 49 for full display of data ( J.C. Carvajal López, M. Jiménez Puertas).

fig. 5 – Wheelmade cooking pot of the 10th century in Ilbīra (left) and one made on a slow wheel found in Bajjāna (right). (The cooking pot from Bajjāna has been redrawn from Castillo Galdeano y Martínez Madrid, 1993, 102).

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fig. 6 – Ataifor from Ilbīra (10th century) ( J.C. Carvajal López, M. Jiménez Puertas).

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fig. 7 – Percentages of open tablewares over whole assemblages and of glazed vessels over the total of open table wares in different archaeological sites of south al-Andalus. No glazed tablewares were documented in El Castillejo de Nívar Phase i, in Marinet and Mollet or in Cordoba. There are no data available about amounts of glazed table wares in Marroquíes Bajos Phases i and ii, Santa Fe de Oliva or El Castillejo de Los Guájares. See table 3 in Appendix ii on page 50 for full display of data ( J.C. Carvajal López, M. Jiménez Puertas).

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Dining habits at Tarsus in the Early Islamic period: A ceramic perspective from Turkey Yasemin Bağcı & Joanita Vroom

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i n t roduct ion Although the archaeology of diet and foodways in the eastern Mediterranean is nowadays a growing field of study, archaeological research into the subject of Early Islamic dining culture has been very limited up until now.1 Most Islamic pottery specialists have devoted their energy to discussing the typo-chronology of the various types of glazed and unglazed ceramics, while much less attention has been paid to the questions of how, and by whom, these vessels were actually used.2 If Islamic archaeology has any hope to keep up with the rapid developments in neighbouring fields of study, there is every reason to expand its perspective to include these important questions within its scope.3 This article sets out to do precisely this. In order to address the question of how Islamic pots and pans were used in daily life, the following discussion addresses two major tableware groups of the Early Islamic period from the perspective of contemporary dining habits. In addition, this paper will try to formulate a more general preliminary proposal to explore, from an archaeological perspective, everyday eating habits in Tarsus during the Abbasid period (mid-8th – mid-10th centuries ce).4 The first part of this paper is devoted to the historical background of Tarsus and the archaeological context of the ceramic finds we present here. The second part deals with the typo-chronology of two key tableware groups from the Abbasid period, which can be roughly dated between the mid-9th and mid-10th centuries. Similarly, both are from Tarsus in southern Turkey and are part of the ‘Goldman Study Collection’, which is being preserved in the storage rooms of the ‘Gözlükule Archaeological Medieval MasterChef, ed. by Joanita Vroom, Yona Waksman, Roos van Oosten, Medieval and Post-Medieval Archaeology Series ii (Turnhout, 2017), pp. 63-94 (+ plates pp. 372-374) ©

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Project’. This ceramic collection is named after Hetty Goldman, the director of the 1935-1948 excavations on the Gözlükule Mound within the city of Tarsus.5 The third part of the paper aims to provide a context for understanding the two tableware groups through the perspective of Early Islamic dining habits. For this, primary textual sources of foodways and eating habits, as well as secondary literature on nourishment and diets in the Abbasid period, are discussed in relation to tablewares and kitchen equipment of the 9th-10th centuries. These texts include, amongst others, the recently translated 10th-century Baghdadi cookbook, the Kitab al-Tabikh (‘The Book of Dishes’), and the important study of Muhammad Ahsan’s Social life under the Abbasids (1979). The final part of this article discusses some illustrated Medieval Islamic manuscripts. These depict meals and other scenes from daily life which could provide pictorial information on the usage of the tablewares under study, particularly in the dining culture of the Abbasid period. More specifically, we will discuss whether these depictions can be related to some of the vessels found in the Tarsus archaeological repertoire, though one must consider that images of the Abbasid ceramics may not exist in the pictorial evidence.6 It is important here to say a word about the biases of the data being discussed. Firstly, due to the digging methods of old excavations, we are not dealing with regular archaeological data. As will be explained below in more detail, the ceramic assemblage predominantly includes glazed tablewares, which are unfortunately not well-stratified. This situation constrains our ability to make an adequate interpretation of both the archaeological remains and the associated finds. Secondly, the primary and secondary sources used in this paper mainly focus on Muslim sources. In the context of Tarsus, located at the eastern frontier of the Byzantine Empire, this choice might lead to an incomplete context. Thirdly, as the earliest extant illustrated Medieval Islamic manuscripts date to the late 12th century, the pictorial evidence we will be using here is not contemporary with the ceramic finds, so we might risk anachronism. In short, our proposed ideas on eating customs and dining habits in Tarsus during the Abbasid period constitute a work in progress and their tentative nature should be emphasized. t h e h istor ic a l backgrou n d Due to its strategic position, the city of Tarsus is a place steeped in history. Located in the fertile plain of Cilicia, Tarsus is irrigated by several rivers including the river Berdan (Cydnus, or Tarsus river). Furthermore, it is the major settlement between the coast and the Cilician Gates, which is the only pass through the Taurus Mountains that leads into inland Anatolia (Modern Turkey).7 Apart from being the capital of

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Cilicia Prima in the Roman period, Tarsus is known as the birthplace of Saint Paul the Apostle.8 After the arrival of Islam in the 7th century, Tarsus became one of the largest cities of the thughūr al-shām,9 a historical and geographical term coined by Medieval Muslim geographers qualifying the Arab-Byzantine frontier in the Abbasid period (ca. mid 8th – mid 10th century).10 In fact, as the British historian Hugh Kennedy suggested, the Cilician Gates became the most popular pass for the military raids organised by the Abbasids against the Byzantines in inland Anatolia between the late 8th and the 10th centuries.11 Consequently, being the largest settlement below the Cilician passes, the significance of Tarsus increased as it became a commercial and military town with a cosmopolitan society. This included it being home to soldiers from all over the Islamic world as well as scholars and ascetics.12 t h e a rch a eologic a l backgrou n d One of the largest Early Islamic occupations in Turkey was recovered on the multi-period settlement mound in Tarsus, also known as the Gözlükule Mound. This is one of the most important sites for Anatolian archaeology thanks to the early excavations of Hetty Goldman conducted between 1935 and 1948. After a gap of fifty years, excavations on the Gözlükule Mound started again in 2007 due to the collaborative efforts of Bryn Mawr College (Pennsylvania, usa) and Boğaziçi University (Istanbul, Turkey). Their excavations are now known collectively as the ‘Tarsus-Gözlükule Interdisciplinary Research Project’. The recent excavations have revealed an extensive Medieval settlement which can be preliminarily dated to the Abbasid period (mid-8th to the mid-10th centuries). The new observations suggest that the architectural structures in the upper layers of the Medieval strata were built with new techniques (e.g. plastered and tiled floors, deep septic pits) previously unknown on this site. Consequently, the current excavation director, Aslı Özyar, has suggested that these new construction methods were brought by new settlers to the mound.13 It is, however, too early to come to a full interpretation of the function of these remains as these layers have not yet been studied in detail. The Islamic structures found during the excavations of the 1930s are currently the most rewarding for acquiring information about the nature of the settlement on the mound and the process of urbanisation. A thorough study of the archival material from the 1935-1948 Gözlükule excavations (excavation diaries, maps and inventory notebooks), has shown that the Islamic occupation found in the first excavations closely resembled those discovered during the current archaeological project. In fact, in the north-west of the area which was labelled ‘section B’ during the old excavations,

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a large occupation zone was discovered to the south-west of the mound. This occupation zone included a long street running north-south with collateral intramural spaces on both sides. The whole settlement area was marked by a fair number of deep pits (the same type as those found in the current excavations). Furthermore, there were various structures recovered, yet only one building was fully excavated and documented carefully. This building belonged to a set of contemporary structures excavated on other parts of the mound and had both an industrial, and a domestic, character.14 The structure seemed to be employed as a dwelling, where craft-related activities were undertaken. Evidence for small-scale industry in the house was evident in the complex installation of a drainage system which was connected to a basin and a well. In a later phase, as the archaeological finds (among which included fine wares and stucco architectural elements) suggest, this establishment seemed to be enlarged into a more opulent house. The building was composed of five rooms connected by corridors. This layout differed from the more widely spread structures of the Abbasid period, which were centred around inner courtyards. Comparative literature was unfortunately limited since houses of the Abbasid period are not well-known archaeologically in eastern Turkey, nor in northern Syria. The Islamic layer, and similarly this house, may have included at least two habitation phases, though their dating remains speculative. In fact, there were problems with the documentation that prevented matching the archaeological finds with their records. Although some coins were recorded, these were not among the archaeological finds in the storage rooms of the Tarsus archaeological project. Furthermore, the context information of some of the finds were missing. Nevertheless, in the cases where coins and pottery could be associated, these agreed a date in the 10th century for the abandonment of the building. The earliest phase of use appeared to date to the 9th century. The pottery finds uncovered in the different rooms of the building primarily consisted of imported fine wares, such as Lustrewares, White Opaque Glazed Ware with cobalt blue decoration and Polychrome Painted Glazed Ware. Together with other objects, such as lamps, these ceramic finds were predominantly concentrated in the two largest rooms of the building, suggesting that daily activities were practiced in these two areas. We should keep in mind that we are very poorly informed about the archaeological formation processes of this building because of the bad documentation of the old excavations. Therefore, this interpretation is only possible if the finds were in situ when they were excavated. Due to the discovery of these high-quality ceramics, this building was previously described as a ‘villa’ by the archaeologists in the 1930s.15 However, it is better to remain cautious about this interpretation. Indeed, the import-

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ed fine tablewares and the stucco decoration constituted significant evidence for the affluence of the inhabitants, but the term ‘villa’ seems too vague to use in this context. In short, due to the lack of systematic documentation of the archaeological remains we might tentatively attribute the Early Islamic building on the Gözlükule Mound to a community with high purchasing power. The imported fine glazed wares are important clues for this preliminary interpretation. However, it is not possible to say more about its inhabitants. They indeed used these imported wares in their daily activities in the house, but we do not know whether the owners were the only consumers or whether they had any servants. Even though there is little information available on the archaeological picture of the city of Tarsus in its entirety in the Medieval period, the later pottery finds from the Gözlükule Mound are almost exclusively related to ceramic classes that were mostly produced, consumed and distributed in the Middle East during the Abbasid period.16 It is therefore interesting to find out whether the material culture (especially the pottery) unearthed on the Gözlükule Mound may shed light on how Tarsus was connected to the Abbasid networks of commercial and cultural exchange. ce r a m ics f rom t h e göz lü k u l e mou n d e xc avat ions The ceramic finds, which are the main focus of this article, were recovered during the 1935-1948 excavations on the large Gözlükule Mound in the southern part of the city of Tarsus.17 Despite the selective preservation of objects during the 1930s, a comparison of the 1935-1948 Medieval ceramics with those recovered during the new excavations revealed a strong correlation, between the two pottery assemblages, in the representation of different wares. The 1935-1948 Gözlükule Medieval ceramics represent an unusual pottery corpus, since more than 60% of the material is glazed.18 As the well-stratified contexts are not abundant, the Tarsus pottery finds are not suitable for refining chronologies. The dating of the ceramics is made through a comparison with similar looking pottery of the Abbasid period. Consequently, the Tarsus ceramics can be dated to the mid-9th and mid-10th centuries based on a comparable pottery assemblage from al-Hadir, in northern Syria (phase iv).19 This assemblage is a homogenous group composed mainly of fine wares, both in unglazed and glazed versions. The latter display a diverse morphological repertoire with various complete shapes as well as a substantial diversity in surface treatment techniques. The distribution of the provenances of the glazed pottery might illustrate the site’s substantial consumption. In fact, 22% of the glazed tablewares are imported while 42% are regional products.

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Due to these high quality fine wares, the Tarsus ceramics are comparable to pottery finds from Abbasid urban centres, among which are the Iraqi capital of Samarra and the Iranian city of Susa.20 The finds from Tarsus seem, therefore, to point to a consumption site of considerable importance, which was undoubtedly connected to the economic system and the cultural koiné of the Abbasids stretching from Europe to Asia. In fact, the Tarsus assemblage reveals that trade in this frontier zone operated both on a regional and an extra-regional scale (including even China). This is attested to by the discovery of fragments of a Yue Ware bowl in the Gözlükule Mound excavations.21 Chinese Yue Ware vessels were specifically manufactured in southern China for the Middle Eastern market during the 9th and 10th centuries. According to the British archaeologist Janice Stargardt, Yue Ware became a popular export commodity between the years 836-907 along with mass-produced Changsha ceramics, yet this trend declined during the Late Tang period (907-970).22 Although the discovery of a Yue Ware bowl may not be a sign of direct contact with China, this find nonethless shows the range of on-going trade in Tarsus during these centuries. The Medieval exchange networks have been the subject of several scholarly publications.23 From the various Islamic pottery types of the Abbasid period found on the Gözlükule Mound we have chosen two major groups of tablewares as examples for the discussion within this article. The first group consists of ‘Lustrewares’, which seem to have been imported, and the second group includes ‘Polychrome Painted Glazed Ware’, which was probably a regional product. a bba si d ta bl ewa r es The fragments of Lustrewares of the Abbasid period, from the Gözlükule Mound assemblage, are made of a very fine-grained, yellow soft fabric. This clay is currently associated with a provenance in Basra, the largest Iraqi port city on the Persian Gulf, whose power peaked in the Abbasid period.24 However, the existence of other possible production centres in the vicinity cannot be excluded.25 Within the repertoire of Medieval finds from the Gözlükule Mound, open forms are more predominant. One of the most common shapes is a medium-sized bowl with a low ring foot and an everted curved rim which is frequently associated with a Chinese vessel form (Figs. 1a-e).26 Lustrewares have, in general, been considered as an up-scale ceramic production for several reasons. Firstly, the technology involved at least two firings which was, not only costly and complex, but also proved to be quite difficult when obtaining the right hue for the glazes.27 Secondly, the distribution of Lustrewares was mostly over sea and, these high-quality ‘glossy’ tablewares, were often found in large quantities at

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important urban centres of the Abbasid period. In fact, Lustrewares were, until now, noted on sites in Turkey, Syria, Israel, Palestine, Jordan, Egypt, Tunisia, Spain, Portugal, eastern Africa, Iraq, Iran, Bahrain, Oman, Yemen, eastern Africa, Uzbekistan, Sri-Lanka, Pakistan and Thailand (among which to mention a few, Samarra in Iraq, Susa in Iran, Antakya/Ancient Antioch-on-the Orontes in Turkey and Kairouan in Tunisia); This thus shows a long-distance distribution.28 Polychrome Painted Glazed Ware29, on the other hand, represents the largest amount of tablewares of the Abbasid period found at the old Gözlükule Mound excavations.30 This group of tableware is made of a fine and hard calcareous fabric, which is fired orange-red with a maximum porosity level of 20%.31 The diversity of the morphological repertoire, the variety of the surface treatments, as well as the occurrence of similar forms on unglazed examples, suggests that Polychrome Painted Glazed Ware was probably regionally produced.32 Open vessels are more common and the most ordinary shape is a medium-large shallow rounded bowl with a straight or slightly inverted rim (Figs. 2a-d). In contrast to Lustrewares, this pottery type and some related wares demonstrate a distribution confined to the limits of the Middle East (e.g. Iraq, Iran, Jordan, Israel, Palestine, Syria, Turkey and Egypt). So far, Polychrome Painted Glazed Ware and its variants were recorded in approximately the same urban centres as those cited above for Lustrewares, such as Samarra and Antakya/Antioch-on-the Orontes, but excluding the sites outside the Middle East.33 In short, this pottery type is a fine tableware, but it cannot be compared with the costly production of Lustrewares; this is due to its further limited geographical distribution and its morphological and physical components, including fabric, shape and decoration. A comparison of the morphological components of these two tableware groups shows some interesting results. Although the repertoire of both groups includes different shapes, the vessel volumes are closely related.34 The bowls can contain up to 1.9 litres, while the dishes around 0.9-0.8 litres (Fig. 3). Furthermore, the decorative vocabulary of both wares consists of dots, split-palmettes, diamond shaped checkerboard patterns and almond shaped designs. As such, these motifs demonstrate a common ornamental repertoire, which may display a shared taste in the Middle East and Egypt in a time when both regions were politically under Abbasid sovereignty (Figs. 4a-4b). This shared taste, or cultural koiné, could perhaps be tied to mechanisms of supply and demand, including the economic upsurge of the 9th and 10th centuries, when trade reached an international scale.35 With respect to the economy, this may be tied to mechanisms of supply and demand among others, including the economic upsurge of the 9th and 10th centuries, when trade reached international scales. Apart from this commercial factor, there is

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also a socio-political component. Recently, Hugh Kennedy has argued that the Abbasid Caliphate was a society of status and display.36 In the same way, as we will see below, the French historian Maxime Rodinson stressed that conspicuous consumption was part of this society and served, among others, the purposes of social exposure and competition politics.37 This trend generated an increased urge to acquire expensive goods. When the originals of these costly objects could not be obtained, cheaper copies might have satisfied this need. With respect to material culture (pottery), this resulted in the dissemination of decorative styles and ceramic technologies which were reproduced in wares of different qualities. Lustreware and Polychrome Painted Glazed Ware are remarkable examples of this phenomenon. The latter seems to be a regional adaptation of a more widespread and expensive tableware product. Eye-catching, with their colourful and shiny decoration, the glazed tablewares of the Abbasid period corresponded to one of the most popular commodities circulating in exchange networks.38 After introducing thus the ceramic evidence, specifically the tablewares from the Gözlükule Mound repertoire, this article aims to explore the historical sources dealing with Abbasid food culture and dining habits. t h e use of ta bl ewa r es for di n i ng i n t h e k i ta b a l -ta bi k h The number of Arabic cookbooks (12 manuals in total from the Near East, North Africa and Iberia, which can dated between the 10th and 14th centuries) that can be assigned to the Medieval period is not comparable with any other civilization; this includes the Chinese who were famous for being the earliest culture to develop a haute cuisine.39 The sheer amount of manuals is representative of the importance attributed to gastronomy in the culture of the Islamic World, including the Abbasid Caliphate. According to Maxime Rodinson, it was particularly in the Abbasid period that Arabic cookbooks developed.40 He explained this phenomenon with ’conspicuous consumption’, which was practiced by the wealthy classes of Abbasid society for whom excessive luxury and extravaganza became the socially accepted norm for quality-living.41 Blending literature and cuisine, two forms of art dear to the higher classes, cookbooks were greatly appreciated by the Abbasid society.42 The manual Kitab al-Tabikh, written by the 10th-century author al-Warraq and translated into English by Nawal Nasrallah, represents an invaluable source of information about Early Islamic cuisine conceived and/or practiced in the Abbasid capital of Baghdad.43 The most extraordinary aspect of al-Warraq’s cookbook is that it constitutes one of the earliest cookbooks of the Eastern world, after Apicius’ Book of Cookery written in the 4th century.44 In addition, this manual not only sheds light on the values of the urban population, but represents a unique resource to reconstruct the social

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history of the Abbasid period, including table etiquette and utensils. As David Waines has correctly suggested, the Kitab al-Tabikh was not only compiled for the members of the court, but more probably for the ‘bourgeoisie’, the urban class of the Abbasid period (including bureaucrats, religious scholars, merchants, soldiers, etc.) who perceived these manuals as status items.45 In order to tackle the question of social prestige and socio-economic hierarchy through culinary means, it may well be interesting to examine the place of tablewares and other dining objects of this Abbasid cookbook. Along with an extensive list of utensils, the Kitab al-Tabikh mentions a number of dining vessels. These consist of serving dishes referred to as jafna, qaṣ‘a, ṣaḥfa, tayfurriyya, corresponding to large and wide bowls qualified according to the number of people they can feed (Table 1).46 Even though these objects cannot be directly attributed to the glazed tablewares of the Tarsus ceramic assemblage, this particular nomenclature does demonstrate the importance bestowed on objects used for dining equipment. Considering the obvious criteria for the function of serving and feeding, one can imply that the role of commensality – the practice of eating together – was important in the socio-politics of the period. The process was first cultural, communal meals were a testimony to the Muslim values of generosity and hospitality.47 To illustrate this idea, the American historian Charles Perry quoted a famous saying of the prophet Mohammad: ‘Food for one is enough for two, food for two is enough for four, food for four is enough for eight’.48 name

morphology

function

jafna

feeding more than ten people, man could eat from them in a standing position

ṣaḥfa

big and wide bowl (mainly from metal or wood), some are qualified as being as large as a child could drown in them big and wide bowl (mainly from wood or ceramic) big, wide, and shallow serving bowl

mi’kala

serving bowl

feeding two or three people

big and wide bowl similar to a punch bowl

used for serving wine, a smaller bowl is scooped in the drink for serving used for meat dishes such as qadīd

qaṣ‘a

feeding ten people, used for tharīd dishes feeding five people

ṭayfūr

big serving bowl

mikabba

domed bowl lid

ṣuḥayfa

single-serving bowl

ghaḍar

green glazed earthenware bowl

sukurruja

small bowl for serving dips. Small ones equal half used for serving condiments such as kawāmīkh a cup, larger ones equate to one and half cups and dipping sauces

used for covering the serving bowl while carrying it to the table feeding one man used during the preparation and service of different kinds of dishes

table 1 – Serving vessels mentioned in the Kitab al-Tabikh (Y. Bağcı, J. Vroom; after Nasrallah 2007, passim; Ahsan 1979, passim).

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Secondly, the sharing of food was socio-political, it allowed space for creating social bonds and cooperation, and for competing for prestige and acceptance in the Muslim community. The idea of assimilation through food consumption can also be seen in the adab of dining, an Arabic word referring to ‘proper conduct and etiquette’.49 Among numerous anecdotes and examples on how one should dine, the Kitab al-Tabikh contains some interesting references including specifications about commensality and table settings. The regulations of conduct indicate: ‘the consummate companion eats his food using two fingers only, gently and quickly’, ‘the accomplished companion does not sip the stew in the main bowl or inspect to see what it is in’ and ‘he should not look at the communal dish…’.50 These examples shed light on the strict dining etiquette and the frequent use of a communal vessel to share the main dish, which is also consistent with the nomenclature qualifying a wide range of dining bowls that we have seen above.51 The Kitab al-Tabikh does not clearly specify the material from which these vessels were made. For ceramics, one exception is the ghaḍāra. This term corresponds to a green glazed earthenware bowl and is described as a common utensil used during the preparation and serving of various dishes.52 For example, the ghaḍāra is not only mentioned in the recipes of entrees, such as the appetizer bawārid, but also in the recipes of main dishes like tharīd, pieces of bread sopped in broth with meat, and the recipes of desserts including khābiṣ, a kind of condensed pudding.53 The cooking manual mentions other vessels such as ṭayfūriyya, which are employed both in the service and the preparation of dishes.54 What is remarkable about a ṭayfūriyya bowl, or plate, is the idea that it is also used as a complementary serving set. This evidence might offer some ideas on how tables were laid. The cookbook recommends in some recipes the use of a smaller sauce bowl to be placed in the middle of a ṭayfūriyya serving bowl or plate. For example, a khayṭiyya recipe (‘a porridge with threadlike meat shreds’) is served in a ṭayfūriyya with murrī (liquid fermented sauce) placed in a small bowl, which is referred to as a sukurruja, in the centre of the table.55 Sukurruja or ’uskurruja are described as being used in the service of dipping sauces, such as murrī or ṣibāgh (liquid fermented or unfermented sauces) and of appetizers collectively called idām.56 The attempt to associate the vessels cited in the cookbook with actual ceramic finds from the Gözlükule pottery assemblage might be misleading. However, taking the different dining equipment mentioned in the Kitab al-Tabikh all together, it might show the large repertoire of dining vessels as well as their multi-functional use. While the concept of variety embracing ideas of luxury, abundance and blessing may be related to hospitality, brotherhood, status and display, the versatility of the objects may be connected to practical use. It is therefore tempting to consider the question of

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the relationship between shape and function. How, and to what extent, are we able to relate the most popular foods of the Abbasid period – that is to say, those cited by Muhammad Ahsan and those depicted in the Kitab al-Tabikh – with real ceramic evidence from excavated contexts? These questions require an investigation of the primary and secondary sources dealing with the dietary habits of the Abbasid period, which will be compared with ceramic finds of the same period. descr i p t ions of food cu lt u r e a n d dish es i n t h e k i ta b a l -ta bi k h The American historian Ken Albala underlined in 2007 the relevance of culinary manuals as historical sources. Being part of prescriptive literature, Albala convincingly demonstrated that cookbooks generally represented popular aspirations about cuisine, or information that people longed to know about food rather than the bona fide cuisine.57 Therefore, it should be reminded that the dishes of the Kitab al-Tabikh must be studied with caution as these descriptions represent idealised recipes which may not depict a realistic picture of food culture in Abbasid times. Nevertheless, Nawal Nasrallah’s insightful interpretation of the manual, and Muhammad Ahsan’s book Social Life under the Abbasids, are exceptional in providing valuable information on how cuisine was perceived and practiced in Early Medieval Iraq.58 Abbasid food culture differed considerably between different social strata. For the wealthy classes, cuisine was characterised by the variety, and the number, of dishes offered during dinner. On the other hand, poorer classes would get their food from the market. Their diet consisted of seasonable vegetables, pulses and cheaper cuts of meat as well as bread, dates and butter.59 As we are dealing with ceramic finds that were daily objects used by the largest part of society, we are more interested in the general diet of the Abbasid period. The meals consumed (by the rich and the poor) consisted mainly of semi-liquid and soft dishes, such as porridges and pulses. According to Nawal Nasrallah and Muhammad Ahsan, these cereal based pulses and porridges included dishes such as harīsa60, ḥinṭiyya (made with crushed wheat) and ‘adasiyya (made with lentils), which were rooted in the Babylonian tradition (ca. 2000-1600 bce).61 Other grain-based sweeter dishes, with soft and sometimes liquid consistencies, included ‘aṣīda / jūdhāba 62 and sawīq.63 The eminent Arabic writer of the Abbasid period, al-Jahiz (d. 868) described sawīq as a travelers’ fare.64 Named after jūdhābadān, the pan it was prepared in, jūdhāba was a favourite market dish.65 Stews, such as sikbāj or tharīd, remained some of the most popular dishes. Attributed to a Persian origin, sikbāj was a kind of meat stew soured with vinegar into which

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vegetables such as carrot, aubergines could be added.66 Stews could be prepared, like tharīd, referring to a certain way of preparing the bread, cut in pieces and dipped in broth (bread was one of the main elements of the Medieval menu, either for dipping in broth or served solely). For the less privileged classes, the bread pieces were sopped in a broth of chickpeas or of fava beans, while for richer people meat broth would be mostly used and hence tharīd would be served with meat and vegetables.67 Even though it was more generally prepared for rituals, the practice of grilling animal meat including its internal organs can be dated as early as the Babylonian period.68 During the Abbasid period, kabāb was sliced meat that was pan-fried or grilled on coal and salted.69 Animal heads and trotters (for pācha) were first cleaned according to strict rules, such as cleaning it twice in hot and cold water and then cut into pieces before boiling the mixture for consumption. These meat dishes were more commonly spiced with salt, while summāq (sumac), a kind of sour spice, was added to flavour pācha (Table 2).70 name

consistency

harīsa

soft, semi-liquid porridge cooked with meat and grains such as rice or wheat, it requires continuous cooking and beating

ingredients

ḥinṭiyya

soft, semi-liquid porridge cooked with crushed wheat

adassiya soft, semi-liquid dishes of lentil cooked with or without meat and vegetables, especially chard ‘aṣīda

soft, semi-liquid a kind of dense soup, the main ingredients are flour, fat and water, when mixed mashed dates and butter, it is also served as a dessert

jūdhāba

soft, semi-liquid

a kind of bread pudding sometimes served with meat

sawīq

soft, liquid

crushed grains mixed sugar and water or milk

sikbāj

soft, liquid

stew made of fat meat and vegetables such as carrot, eggplants and vinegar

tharīd

soft, semi-liquid broken pieces of bread sopped in broth with boned meat and vegetables, vegetarian and cheaper versions exist where meat is substituted with chickpeas or fava beans

kabāb

hard, solid

sliced meat that is grilled (on burning coal) or pan-fried and salted

pācha

hard, solid

animal heads and trotters, cut in pieces, boiled served with salt and sumac

table 2 – Popular dishes of the Abbasid period (Y. Bağcı, J. Vroom; after Nasrallah 2007, passim; Ahsan 1979, passim).

This survey of the most common consumed foods of the Abbasid period shows that there was a certain preference for dishes with soft and juicy textures. The consistency of this kind of menu might have required deeper containers to ensure that the food did not overspill. As we have seen above, the most common form among the Lustrewares and the Polychrome Painted Glazed Wares within the Gözlükule pottery assemblage, is the rounded bowl. The ubiquity of this shape might be related to its function, serving liquid dishes such as stews and pulses. Moreover, large and deep

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vessels might have been more practical when sharing food because the food parts did not fall easily from the broad concave container. On the other hand, shallow dishes, such as plates, might be used for heavier foods served in pieces, such as meat or fruit. Nevertheless, we should note that other elements (such as taste, fashion and dining practices) were equally important in the choice of certain pottery forms and designs. In addition to decorative purposes, the widespread use of glazing technology during the Abbasid period (which was generally covering the interior of vessels), improved and multiplied the functionalities of pottery. By reducing porosity, glazes added waterproof properties to ceramic vessels thus allowing greater preservation of liquid foods. This physical characteristic might well fit within the context of the juicy recipes of the Abbasid period; the glazed tablewares would be more suitable for the consumption of more saucy dishes. A certain preference for more juicy dishes in the Abbasid period was already earlier suggested; this was based on the changes in cooking practices, between Late Antiquity and the Abbasid period, from the archaeological evidence (cooking pots) of the site of Horum Höyük in south-eastern Turkey.71 In this case study, it became clear that cooking containers of the Abbasid period were gradually standardised into several forms, including a rounded deep hole-mouth cooking pot with horizontal ledge handles.72 These changes in the formal repertoire of the cooking pots of the Abbasid period are likely to be related to new customs in the preparation of meals, involving more liquid mixtures, rather than a radical dietary change such as an increase in meat consumption.73 In addition to providing an insight into the dishes appreciated by the Abbasid society (including the ruling elite and the ‘bourgeoisie’), the cooking manual, the Kitab al-Tabikh offers valuable information on dining vessels and eating manners. The variety of sizes and the emphasis on the function of ‘feeding’ demonstrates the importance of these objects in Abbasid culture, where various values, such as generosity, hospitality and social prestige, could be shown through communal dining. Food seemed to be an important element in the way power was exercised and shown, by expressing status, either by means of large banquets or by strengthening social bonds through charitable acts when offering food to the poor.74 This can also be noticed in paintings found in illustrated Medieval books. t h e pictor i a l ev i de nce Unfortunately, there are no visual sources which depict dining scenes contemporary to the above-mentioned tablewares of the Abbasid period (i.e. Lustrewares and Polychrome Painted Glazed Ware), nor to the cooking manual the Kitab al-Tabikh. Al-

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though this approach might have the risks of anachronism, one late 12th-century and two 13th-century illustrated Islamic manuscripts (of the Late Abbasid period) might provide hints for the use of such vessels on the table. Richard Ettinghausen and Oleg Grabar suggested that the 12th- and 13th-century tradition of manuscript painting in Syria and Iraq was homogeneous in terms of iconography, style and subjects.75 Regarding the stylistic and iconographic components of these paintings, Ettinghausen used the term ‘new realism’.76 In fact, Ettinghausen argued that figural art created during the 12th and 13th centuries represented a continuum of the realistic style of figural representations developed in 11th-century Egypt and North Africa, under the Fatimid dynasty.77 Other key factors in the development of figural painting corresponded to the Maqamat (‘stories’) of al-Hariri of Basra (see mentioned below with his full name) and the folk art of shadow plays, respectively emerging in the 11th and the 12th centuries.78 Among this overarching unity in the paintings of manuscripts, the main difference revolved around the themes in these books. The manuscripts used in this article relate to two of these themes. The first theme is referred to as ‘illustration of technical and scientific subject matter as visual aids to ensure proper identification and to facilitate explanations’; the second is more broadly classified under paintings related to literary works.79 The Kitab al-Diryaq and the Maqamat of al-Hariri illustrate these two themes respectively. Some illustrations from 13th-century copies of these texts are going to be discussed below. t h e k i ta b a l -di ryaq (t h e book of a n t i dot es) The Kitab al-Diryaq of the Paris National Library which was copied in 1199, constitutes one of the earliest illustrated Islamic manuscripts.80 It is is an Arabic codice on antidotes, which were made with snake venom or which were created to counteract snake poisoning.81 Although anonymous, the writer is known as Pseudo-Galen (referring to the well-known 2nd century Greek physician and pharmacologist Galen) or Pseudo-Joannes Grammatikos.82 Even if the historical accuracy of this 12th- century compilation is questionable, this manuscript holds a remarkable pictorial program.83 The painting referred here is included in the first part of the Kitab al-Diryaq dealing with the lives of nine physicians. It depicts the physician Andromachus the Younger (first century ad) visiting the agriculturalists on his land estate.84 While the physician is watching agricultural activities, his servant brings food and drink to the workers (Fig. 5).85 In the painting, the two-handled large jar, carried by the servant, undoubtedly contains liquids. This jar is depicted in a light orange colour, very similar to fired

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earthenware. It is decorated with incised lines on the upper and lower parts of the body. On the one hand, the rounded base resembles amphora bases and, on the other, the incised wavy decoration on the upper part are commonly found on the Unglazed Buff Wares that were recovered in large quantities on the Gözlükule Mound in Tarsus.86 Unglazed Buff Wares were used for utilitarian purposes, in particular, for the storage and service of liquids. This group of ceramics is frequently unglazed and is characterised by a porous calcareous fabric (generally in a buff colour), which facilitates the evaporation of water. Consequently, this kind of pottery was frequently used for beverages. The vessels containing the food are depicted as round bowls with a relatively high ring foot. The unique colour (yellow) could suggest that these objects were made from the same material. However, it is difficult to tell if these were made of earthenware or of metal. Considering that the scene is set outdoors, and that the topic is related to the agriculturalists working in the field, it may be tempting to believe that we are dealing here with ceramic objects. Despite the stylised depiction of food, it is quite clear that the meal offered to the agriculturalists is not a large piece of meat consumed in feasts (as one will see in other paintings) but rather smaller (and less costly) portions of food. a l -h a r i r i ’s m aqa m at Also known as al-Hariri of Basra, Abu Muhammad al-Qasim b. ‘Ali b. Muhammad b. ‘Uthman b. al-Hariri al-Basri (d. 1122) was the author of the Maqamat (assembly, session or séance), a literary genre founded in the 10th century.87 Alternating rhythmic prose and poetry, these assemblies consisted of 50 anecdotes, taking place in 50 cities, during which the narrator al-Harith was tricked by the (anti-) hero, Abu Zayd al-Saruji.88 As an expression of Arabic rhetoric and linguistic ingenuity, the Maqamat was appreciated widely by the educated class and was copied and illustrated in, at least, a dozen manuscripts.89 The stories, as well as the protagonists, display wits contrary to moral norms and reflected situations and anecdotes corroborating with urban life as it was experienced in large cities of the Islamic world.90 One of the paintings used in this article is included in the 1237 Paris copy of the Maqamat, named after its previous owner, Maqamat al-Hariri Schefer or Hariri Schefer.91 It was copied and illustrated by Yahya b. Mahmud b. Yahya b. Abi al-Hasan b. Kuwarriha al-Wasiti, whose family must have originated from Wasit in southern Iraq. The second copy of the Maqamat is undated. Its date can be attributed to ca. 1225-40 due to the style of its paintings, which are closely related to the Paris example.92 In contrast to the 1237 manuscript, the other copy of the Maqamat has been published less extensively. This manuscript is preserved in the Institute of Oriental

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Studies of the Academy of Sciences, Saint Petersburg.93 At an unknown date, the illustrations were damaged by Muslim iconoclasts who drew lines on the throats of the human figures. Ettinghausen stressed that it was with al-Hariri’s Maqamat that ‘Arab painting reached its apogée’.94 Although current art historian discussions are generally reticent to ideas revolving around ‘apogée’ or ‘decline’ it is still worth noting that the paintings in the Maqamat manuscripts represented an unprecedented development, both in the refinement of the pictorial program and the variety of subjects it tackled.95 In fact, a great deal of effort was put in the representation of objects’ details as well as some spatial elements including interiors and outdoor flora. All these elements contributed to the realism of these scenes, thus, representing an exceptional insight into daily life in Medieval Iraq.96 Eminent scholars, such as Oleg Grabar and Shirley Guthrie, associated the illustrations of the Maqamat with documents on society in the Medieval period.97 The scene from the 1237 copy of al-Hariri’s Maqamat, that this article has chosen to examine, is set outdoors (Fig. 6). It illustrates preparation of food for a feast with a camel being butchered in the background. The content of the cooking pot is transferred into large bowls which are carried away by servants. The large cooking pot or cauldron is depicted with a rectangular body with slightly flaring rims in black. The shape and the colour of this pot seems similar to metal or soapstone vessels which were common cooking utensils in the Abbasid period.98 Food appears to be served in fairly deep and medium sized vessels, often bearing a banded decoration on the upper part of the exterior, which might be a stylised representation of an incised (or painted) inscription. These vessels have a conical body with straight flaring rims whereas those of the Kitab al-Diryaq display more rounded forms. Similar to the illustration in the Kitab al-Diryaq, these bowls are painted in yellow. It is difficult to tell whether they are made of earthenware or metal. The other painting is from the Saint Petersburg copy of al-Hariri’s Maqamat (Fig. 7).99 This indoor scene depicts a crowded wedding banquet. Sitting on the floor, a group of men are gathered around the food. The meal is served in colourful vessels of various sizes placed on the floor, from which, the guests eat with their hands. The half-moon shaped forms, painted in white and spread next to the vessels in front of them, illustrate bread pieces. Two figures drinking from a bowl are portrayed on the left, while another man is drinking from a jug held by a servant on the right side. In comparison to the monochrome vessels of the previous paintings, the fact that these vessels are depicted in multiple colours increases the possibility that they are earthenware. This painting is also interesting for looking at the variation in the sizes of the vessels. From these illustrations, one could observe that large vessels contain the main

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dish (roasted meat), whereas other dishes are served in medium sized bowls, all of which are used in a communal way. Furthermore, small bowls seem to be used for drinking. The medium sized lobed bowl, placed between two roasted meats, seems to contain white granular food that may represent cereal pulses or porridges; these may be as harīsa or ḥinṭiyya dishes which are frequently mentioned in the Kitab al-Tabikh. The illustrations of vessels in these paintings show that meat based main dishes (presumably for wealthy consumers) are predominantly served in large vessels, whereas appetisers or side dishes are presented in smaller dishes.100 Smaller vessels are used interchangeably for drinking and eating. Meals are consumed communally; hence people shared the food from vessels spread around them. No spoon or forks are used and people are dining with their hands. conclusion Despite the fact that this article is far from complete, it aims to offer a preliminary view on a relatively under-investigated topic; that is to say, dining habits in the eastern Mediterranean during the Abbasid period (mid-8th – mid-10th centuries) from a merely ceramic perspective. By focusing on two major tablewares (Lustrewares and Polychrome Painted Glazed Ware) from the Medieval ceramic corpus of the 1935-1948 Gözlükule Mound excavations, this study has tried to explore some aspects regarding eating practices and dining manners in Tarsus during Abbasid times. During this period, Tarsus was not only a large town on the Arab-Byzantine frontier, but also a military base with an important economic network where the armies of the Abbasid caliphs performed jihad (holy war) against the militia of the Byzantine Empire. Associated with one of the finest tableware production networks of the Abbasid period, Lustrewares were related to a costly pottery production frequently assigned to an high social class (e.g. the elite or the urban class, including bureaucrats, merchants, religious scholars and military men). Thus, one can deduce that these vessels, painted with elaborate lustre decoration, were probably used for serving foods on the table akin to the dishes described in the 10th-century culinary manual Kitab al-Tabikh. As Oliver Watson has correctly pointed out, Polychrome Painted Glazed Ware was previously excluded from Arthur Lane’s classical sequence which summarised the typo-chronological development of Islamic ceramics.101 Nevertheless, our research now shows that this tableware and its variants, which may have been a cheaper variant of the more costly Lustrewares, represented an important group of ceramics produced and distributed in the Middle East during the Abbasid period, and thus deserves more scholarly attention.

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On the evidence of shared decorative repertoires and of similarities in vessel volume, one can assume that bowls and plates of both the Lustrewares and Polychrome Painted Glazed Ware repertoire were used in a similar way. In fact, bowls might have been adequate for more watery substances of semi-liquid and soft dishes. Similarly, the shapes of the plates could have been more suited to solid and hard dishes, such as kabāb and other meat dishes. Furthermore, the dimensions of medium sized to large vessels were rather more appropriate for the communal dining on semi-liquid and soft dishes; these were probably shared by two or more people as evident in the written sources and pictorial evidence provided. Finally, the colourful painted motifs on these tablewares made them, undoubtedly, attractive display objects, which may have been symbols of socio-economic hierarchy, used among others in the competition politics of the well-to-do classes in Abbasid society. The combination of multiple sources (archaeological, pictorial and written) is an exercise with surprising results, especially if one attempts to bring a new understanding on processes of food consumption in the Abbasid period, a topic that has until now not been investigated fully. Nevertheless, it is not an easy task to put together sources of such different natures with the purpose of extracting one argument. For pictorial evidence, in addition to the risks of anachronism, there is the risk of confusing a generic scene with an accurate depiction: for example, a repeatedly copied banquet scene with a painting meticulously illustrating the details of the objects. However, this problem seems to be more common with Medieval Christian sources portraying religious scenes.102 With regards to textual sources, the question of matching written sources, such as the utensils mentioned in cookbooks, with actual excavated ceramic finds is difficult and may be overall misleading due to the ‘idealised’ nature of cookbooks. Instead, we suggest to read the cookbooks ‘in between the lines’, by asking critical questions such as: what do these cooking manuals reveal about the symbolism and the values attached to cuisine and dining manners? In conclusion, even though the ceramic evidence was combined with other historical sources, the main focus on pottery may obviously not be representative of the various and multi-faceted aspects of the foodways on the Gözlükule Mound. However, even though working with different sources to interpret the past is extremely complex, we cannot ignore the fact that these three forms of data complement each other, hence creating a fuller picture of everyday diet and dining habits at the site. Future study of the Early Islamic phase, the finds uncovered during the recent excavations and upcoming research on the faunal and floral remains will not only improve our understanding of food consumption on the site to a great extent but also of the material culture used in this process.

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ack now l e dgm e n ts The authors would like to thank Dr. Ivo Furman for his valuable comments on the article, as well as the Netherlands Organization for Scientific Research (nwo), the Boğaziçi University Research Projects 02 R101, 00 R 104, 5103 and BAP 8254, the Boğaziçi University Foundation Machteld J. Mellink Fund and last but not least the Gözlükule Archaeological Project directed by Dr. Aslı Özyar. The research for recording and analysing this pottery corpus forms the subject of Yasemin Bağcı’s PhD thesis at the Faculty of Archaeology of Leiden University (NL). This study is part of Joanita Vroom’s vidi research project Material Culture, Consumption and Social Change: New Approaches to Understanding the Eastern Mediterranean during Byzantine and Ottoman Times, funded by nwo between 2010 and 2015.103

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not es (tr) and Bryn Mawr College (usa). The

1

A good exception is, however, Magness 2010.

2

Studies on the typo-chronology of Medieval

first trenches were opened in 2007.

Islamic pottery include, for example, Vokaer

6 Unfortunately, the difference of period

3

2011; Rousset 2012; François and Shaddoud

between the first illustrated manuscripts

2013.

(late 12th-13th century) and the ceramics of

There was good reason for the young Mellon

the Abbasid period (9th-10th century) does

Curatorial Fellow of the Metropolitan

not allow us to discuss the point whether we

Museum of Art, Department of Islamic Art,

can find depictions of Abbasid ceramics in

Matthew Saba to quote in his prize-winning

paintings.

article (Saba 2012, 187) the famous Islamic

7 Sinclair 1990, 332; Özyar 2005, 9.

art historian Oleg Grabar: ‘Art history does

8

not yet command the means to integrate the

Date last accessed 8 July 2015. http://

industrial arts into the fabric of the societies

www.oxfordreference.com/view/10.1093/

that produced them, and to do that is its

acref/9780195046526.001.0001/acref9780195046526-e-5307.

primary task.’ (Grabar 1988, 8); the article was awarded the 2010 Margaret B. Ševčenko

9

Arabic words were transliterated following

Prize by the Historians of Islamic Art

the ijmes (International Journal of Middle

Association and was subsequently published

Eastern Studies) Transliteration System;

in 29th volume of Muqarnas in 2012).

cf. https://ijmes.chass.ncsu.edu/IJMES_ Translation_and_Transliteration_Guide.

4 This article is based on the presentation

htm

delivered in the session: ‘Medieval MasterChef. Eastern Cuisine and

10 Bonner 1996, 169; Durak 2008.

Western Food Customs: An Archaeological

11 Haldon and Kennedy 1980, 113.

Perspective’ (T04S011) at the 20th annual

12 Bosworth 1992.

meeting of the European Archaeologist

13 Personal communication with Aslı Özyar.

Association organized in Istanbul between

14 See more information on this part, the upcoming PhD thesis written by Y. Bağcı.

10-14 September 2014. However, the authors would like to stress that the following

15 See more information on this part, the upcoming PhD thesis written by Y. Bağcı.

discussion is preliminary and far from complete. 5

Foss 1991, ‘Tarsos’. Oxford Reference 2005.

16 Although ceramic material is present from

The excavations directed by Hetty

the later Byzantine, Crusader/Frankish/

Goldman in the 1920s and 1940s were

Armenian and Ottoman periods, circa 90%

resumed with a survey in 2001 by the

of the Medieval ceramics of Gözlükule

‘Gözlükule Archaeological Project’ under

can be dated to the Abbasid period (mid

the supervision of Dr. Aslı Özyar as a

8th – mid 10th centuries), which is directly

collaboration between Boğaziçi University

attributable to Abbasid occupation. This

82

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b ağ c ı & v ro om – di n i ng h a bi t s at ta r s us

number is based on our observations

and glazed pottery wasters in the rescue

following studies of the Medieval ceramics

excavations at the Roman bath in Tarsus; cf.

carried in Tarsus between 2011 and 2014.

Adak-Adibelli 2008; idem 2013. 33 In Antioch-on-the Orontes (Turkey), Waagé

17 Day 1941; see also for other ceramic finds,

1948, 93, groups vib 1, vib 2, vid 1, vig 1-3;

Evrin Toskay 2002.

in Samarra (Iraq), Sarre 1925, no. 247, 229, pl.

18 This number is quite different from the

31.

material of the new excavations where only

34 The vessel volume was calculated by an

7% of the Medieval ceramic assemblage

application developed by CRéA-Patrimoine

corresponds to glazed pottery. 19 Rousset 2012, 72, 98.

(Research Centre in Archaeology and

20 Sarre 1925; Rosen Ayalon 1974.

Heritage). We would like to thank Agnès Vokaer for sharing this information with us.

21 The Medieval ceramic corpus of the 19351948 Tarsus Gözlükule excavations includes

35 Power 2012, 212-15.

two rim pieces of a Yue Ware bowl.

36 Personal communication with Hugh Kennedy.

22 Stargardt 2014, 44.

37 Rodinson 2001.

23 For example, in general, Horden and Purcell

38 Priestman 2011, 102.

2000; McCormick 2001; Wickham 2005. 24 Northedge and Kennet 1994, 25.

39 Waines 2003, 574.

25 Priestman 2011, 101-104.

40 Rodinson 2001, 94.

26 Mason 1997, 23.

41 Rodinson 2001, 94-95.

27 Caiger-Smith 1985, 24.

42 Rodinson 2001, 97-99.

28 In Antioch-on-the Orontes (Turkey),

43 Nasrallah 2007; see also Ohrnberg and

Waagé 1948, 85-95, fig. 46-48, 53; in Samarra

Mroueh 1987. Apparently, this culinary

(Iraq), Sarre 1925, 36-43, pl. xiii-xvii; in

manual draws on 9th-century sources.

Susa (Iran), Rosen Ayalon 1974, 264-277

44 Nasrallah 2013, 40.

pl. lxviii, pl. lxix; in Kairouan (Tunisia),

45 Waines 2003, 575.

Marçais 1937, 46-48.

46 Nasrallah 2007, 683, 697.

29 For the sake of simplicity, this ware is also

47 Perry 2001b, 228.

described as ppgw, and it is also known in

48 Perry 2001b, 228.

the literature as Yellow Glazed Ware; cf.

49 Heine 1988, 8-9.

Watson 1999, 81; François and Shaddoud

50 Nasrallah 2007, 509-10.

2013, 34.

51 See also Vroom 2003 for a similar custom in Byzantine dining habits.

30 Y. Bağcı’s personal observation based on the examination of the Tarsus Gözlükule

52 Nasrallah 2007, 682.

Medieval ceramic corpus.

53 Nasrallah 2007, 215, 326, 338, 395.

31 Y. Bağcı’s personal observation.

54 Nasrallah 2007, 244, 257, 339.

32 This hypothesis is even more probable given

55 Nasrallah 2007, 259. 56 Nasrallah 2007, passim.

the recovery of Medieval glass kilns

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m e di e va l m a s t e rc h e f

57 Albala 2012, 229.

Abbasid caliphs al-Nasir (1180-1225) and the

58 Ahsan 1979; Nasrallah 2007.

Zangid ruler of Mosul Badr al-Din Lu’lu’

59 Nasrallah 2013, 35.

(1218-1259). In this context, the dating of

60 Harīsa: cooked crushed grains (Ahsan 1979,

these manuscripts, more particularly, the Maqamat copies, to the Late Abbasid period

131; Nasrallah 2007, 560). 61 Nasrallah 2007, 50.

might be technically correct. However,

62 According to Ahsan (1979, 132), ‘aṣīd

it is perhaps wise not follow any dynastic

corresponds to a date paste made of boiled

attribution in the light of the political

and cooked dates mixed with pulp, sesame

fragmentation of the Caliphate and of the

oil and walnuts. This paste was then put into

ongoing and unresolved debate about the

two thin cakes.

periodization of some of the manuscripts such as the Kitab al-Diryaq.

63 Sawīq is a refreshing and nourishing drink usually made of ground toasted grains, nuts,

78 Ettinghausen and Grabar 1987, 334.

sugar, and water; cf. Nasrallah 2007, 555.

79 Ettinghausen and Grabar 1987, 375.

64 Nasrallah 2007, 573.

80 Pancaroğlu 2001, 155.

65 Perry 2001a, 220-21; Nasrallah 2007, 39-40.

81 Pancaroğlu 2001, 155.

66 Nasrallah 2007, 34

82 Ettinghausen 1972, 83.

67 Nasrallah 2007, 34, 39.

83 Pancaroğlu 2001, 156.

68 Bottero 2004, 42-44.

84 Pancaroğlu 2001, 160-61.

69 Ahsan 1979, 133.

85 Ettinghausen 1972, 84, Paris, Bibliothèque

70 Ahsan 1979, 133.

Nationale de France, MS. Arabe 2964, old page 22.

71 Vroom 2009. 72 Vroom 2009, 240-41.

86 For example, see François and Shaddoud 2013, pl.5.2.

73 Vroom 2009, 248. 74 In fact, banquets constitute one of the most

87 ‘Al-Hariri’, cf. D.S. Margoliouth and Ch. Pellat in Lewis et al. 1971, 221-22.

prevalent settings in which the ‘gatherings’ of the 11th-century Arab society took

88 ‘Al-Hariri’, cf. D.S. Margoliouth and Ch.

place. This can be observed in the episodes

Pellat in Lewis et al. 1971, 221-22.

narrated in the 11th-century Arabic literary

89 Roxburgh 2013, 179; Grabar 1984, 7.

text, Maqamat. For the stories see: Les

90 Ettinghausen 1972, 81-82.

séances de Hariri (Venture de Paradis and

91 Paris, Bibliothèque Nationale de France, MS. Arabe 5847.

Atmer 1964) passim. 75 Ettinghausen and Grabar 1987, 375.

92 Ettinghausen 1972, 105; Petrosyan 1995, 14455; Roxburgh 2013, 178.

76 Ettinghausen 1972, 83. 77 Ettinghausen (1972, 81) stressed the

93 Petrosyan 1995, 144, Saint Petersburg, MS. C-23.

important role of Iraq in the development of the arts of books, and among other

94 Ettinghausen 1972, 104.

individuals, some patrons such as the later

95 Roxburgh 2013, 179-180.

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96 Ettinghausen 1972, 104.

codices are easily accessible at the library’s

97 Grabar 2006, 187-89; Roxburgh 2013, 180.

website (http://catalogue.bnf.fr).

98 Vroom 2009, 247; Nasrallah 2007, 612.

101 Lane 1947; Watson 2004, 12-13.

99 Petrosyan 1995, 144, Saint Petersburg, MS.

102 Vroom 2012, 350. 103 For more information on Material

C-23.

Culture, Consumption and Social Change:

100 Although we have chosen only three paintings from three different manuscripts,

New Approaches to Understanding the

there are other illustrations depicting

Eastern Mediterranean during Byzantine

tablewares and kitchen tools in two copies of

and Ottoman Times, see: http://www.

al-Hariri’s Maqamat: in the national Library

archaeology.leiden.edu/research/neareast-

of France (Paris, Bibliothèque Nationale,

egypt/byzantine-ottoman/about/material-

MS. Arabe 5847 and MS. Arabe 3929). These

culture.html.

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bi bl iogr a ph y Atmer, A. (ed.) 1964. Les séances de Ḥarīrī / traduction française par Venture de Paris, Stockholm. Ahsan, M.M. 1979. Social Life under the Abbasids, 170-289 AH, 786-902 AD, London & New York. Albala, K. 2012. Cookbooks as historical documents, in: J. M. Pilcher (ed.), The Oxford Handbook of Food History, Oxford, 227-40. Adak-Adıbelli, I. 2008. Tarsus Roma hamamı 2006 yılı kazısı, in: F. Bayram and A. Özme (eds.), 16. Müze çalışmaları ve kurtarma kazıları sempozyumu kültür ve turizm bakanlığı 25-27 Nisan 2007 Marmaris, Ankara, 101-14. Adak-Adıbelli, I. 2013. Tarsus Roma hamamı cam fırınları, in: Ç. Gençler Güray (ed.), Kaunos/Kbid Toplantıları 2: Anadolu Antik Cam Araştırmaları Sempozyumu, Ankara, 93-102. Bonner, M.D. 1996. Aristocratic Violence and Holy War: Studies in the Jihad and the Arab-Byzantine Frontier, New Haven, Conn. Bosworth, C.E. 1992. The city of Tarsus and the Arab-Byzantine frontiers in Early and Middle ‘Abbāsid Times, Oriens 33, 268-86. Bottéro, J. 2004. The Oldest Cuisine in the World: Cooking in Mesopotamia, London & Chicago. Caiger-Smith, A. 1973. Tin-glaze Pottery in Europe and the Islamic World: The Tradition of 1000 Years in Maiolica, Faience & Delftware, London.  Day, E. F. 1941. The Islamic finds at Tarsus, Asia (March), 143-46. Durak, K. 2008. Commerce and Networks of Exchange between the Byzantine Empire and the Islamic Near East from the Early Ninth Century to the Arrival of the Crusaders, unpublished doctoral dissertation, Department of History and Center for Middle Eastern Studies, Harvard University, 2008. Ettinghausen, R. 1972. Arab Painting (Treasures of Asia), Geneva. Ettinghausen, R. and O, Grabar 1987. The Art and Architecture of Islam 650-1250, Middlesex & New York. Evrin Toskay, Ç. 2002. Tarsus Republic Square Late Roman Cooking Wares – 2001, unpublished master thesis, Bilkent University, 2002. François, V. and I. Shaddoud 2013. Nouvel atelier de potier d’époque Abbasside au sud de Tell Abou Ali à Raqqa, Al-Rafidan 34, 21-81. Foss, C.F.W. 1991a. Tarsos, in: A.P. Kazhdan (ed.), The Oxford Dictionary of Byzantium, Oxford Reference 2005. doi: 10.1093/acref/9780195046526.001.0001 Goldman, H. 1950. Excavations at Gözlü Kule, Tarsus i: The Hellenistic and Roman Periods, Princeton.

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Goldman, H. 1956. Excavations at Gözlü Kule, Tarsus ii: From the Neolithic Through the Bronze Age, Princeton. Goldman, H. 1963. Excavations at Gözlü Kule, Tarsus iii: The Iron Age, Princeton. Grabar, O. 1984. The Illustrations of the Maqamat, Chicago. Grabar, O. 1988. Between connoisseurship and technology: A review, Muqarnas 5, 1-8. Grabar, O. 2006. Pictures or commentaries: The illustrations of the Maqamat of al-Hariri, in: Islamic Visual Culture, 1100-1800, Constructing the Study of Islamic Art, Vol. ii, Variorum collected studies series, Aldershot & Burlington, 187-206 [= First published in: P.J. Chelkowski 1974 (ed.), Studies in Art and Literature of the Near East in Honor of Richard Ettinghausen, Salt Lake City, 85-104]. Guesdon, M.G. and A. Vernay-Nouri 2001. L’ art du livre Arabe. Du manuscript au livre d’ artiste, Paris. Haldon, J.F. and H. Kennedy 1980. The Arab-Byzantine frontier in the eighth and ninth centuries: Military organization and society on the borderlands, in: M. Bonner (ed.), Arab-Byzantine Relations in Early Islamic Times, Aldershot, 79116. Heine, P. 1988. Kulinarische Studien: Untersuchungen zur Kochkunst im arabisch-islamischen Mittelalter, Mit Rezepten, Wiesbaden. Horden, P. and N. Purcell 2000. The Corrupting Sea: A Study of Mediterranean History, Oxford. Lane, A. 1947. Early Islamic Pottery: Mesopotamia, Egypt and Persia, London. Margoliouth, D.S. and Ch. Pellat 20122. Al Hariri, in: P. Bearman, Th. Bianquis, C.E. Bosworth, E. van Donzel and W.P. Heinrichs (eds.), Encyclopaedia of Islam, Second Edition, Brill (online ed.; print ed. Leiden, 1960-2007). Magness, J. 2010. Early Islamic pottery: A revolution in diet and dining habits?, in: P. Matthiae et al. (ed.), Proceedings of the 6th International Congress on the Archaeology of the Ancient Near East, 5 May–10 May 2009, Vol. 3, Rome, 129-42. Marçais, G. 1937. Tunis et Kairouan, Paris. Mason, R. 1997. Early Mediaeval Iraqi Lustre-Painted and associated wares: Typology in a multidisciplinary study, Iraq 59, 15-61. McCormick, M. 2001. Origins of the European Economy: Communications and Commerce A.D. 300-900, Cambridge & New York. Nasrallah, N. 2007. Annals of the Caliphs’ Kitchens, Leiden. Nasrallah, N. 20132. Delights from the Garden of Eden: A Cookbook and History of the Iraqi Cuisine, Sheffield (2nd and revised ed.; 1rst ed. by the author, 2003). Northedge, A. and D. Kennet 1994. The Samarra horizon, in: E. Grube and M. Bayan (eds.), Cobalt and Lustre: The First Centuries of Islamic Pottery, London, 21-35. Öhrnberg, K. and S. Mroueh S. (eds.) 1987. Kitab al-Tabikh, Helsinki.

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Özyar, A. (ed.) 2005. Field Seasons 2001-2003 of the Tarsus-Gözlükule, Interdisciplinary Research Project, Istanbul. Pancaroğlu, O. 2001. Socializing medicine: Illustrations of the Kitāb al-diryāq, Muqarnas 18, 155-72. Pancaroğlu, O. 2007. Perpetual Glory: Medieval Islamic Ceramics from the Harvey B. Plotnick Collection, New Haven & London. Perry, C. 2001a. What to order in ninth-century Baghdad, in: M. Rodinson, A.J. Arberry and C. Perry (eds.), Medieval Arab Cookery: Essays and Translations (with a foreword by Claudia Roden), Blackawton & Totnes, 217-24. Perry, C. 2001b. Elements of Arab feasting, in: M. Rodinson, A.J. Arberry and C. Perry (eds.), Medieval Arab Cookery: Essays and Translations (with a foreword by Claudia Roden), Blackawton & Totnes, 225-32. Petrosyan, A.Y. 1995. Pages of Perfection, Islamic Paintings and Calligraphy from the Russian Academy of Sciences, St. Petersburg (Exhibition Catalogue), Milan. Power, T. 2012. The Red Sea from Byzantium to the Caliphate: ad 500-1000, Cairo. Priestman, M.N.S. 2011. Opaque glazed wares: A review of the definition, dating and distribution of a key Iraqi ceramic export in the Abbasid period, Iran 49, 89-114. Rodinson, M. 2001. Studies in Arabic manuscripts relating to cookery, in: M. Rodinson, A.J. Arberry and C. Perry (eds.), Medieval Arab Cookery: Essays and Translations (with a foreword by Claudia Roden), Blackawton & Totnes, 91-164. Rosen-Ayalon, M. 1974. La poterie islamique: ville royale de Suse, vol. iv, Paris. Rousset, M.O. (ed.) 2012. Al-Hadir. Étude archaéologique d’un Hameau de Qinnasrin (Syrie du Nord vii-xii siѐcles), Lyon. Roxburgh, D.J. 2013. In pursuit of shadows: al Hariri’s Maqamat, Muqarnas 30, 171-212. Saba, D.M. 2012. Abbasid Lusterware and the aesthetic of the ‘ajab, Muqarnas 29, 187-212. Sarre, F. 1925. Forschungen zur islamischen Kunst, ii: Die Ausgrabungen von Samarra. Die Keramik von Samarra, Berlin. Sinclair, T.A. 1987-1990. Eastern Turkey: An Architectural and Archeological Survey, Vols. i-iv, London. Stargardt, J. 2014. Indian Ocean trade in the ninth and tenth centuries: Demand, distance, and profit, South Asian Studies 30.1, 35-55. Vokaer, A. 2011. La Brittle Ware en Syrie: Production et diffusion d’une céramique culinaire de l’époque hellénistique à l’époque omayyade, Coll. Mémoires de la Classe des Lettres iii, Fouilles d’Apamée de Syrie 2, Brussels. Vroom, J. 2003. After Antiquity. Ceramics and Society in the Aegean from the 7th to the 20th centuries A.C. A Case Study from Boeotia, Central Greece, Archaeological Studies Leiden University 10, Leiden.

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Vroom, J. 2009. Medieval ceramics and the archaeology of consumption in Eastern Anatolia, in: J. Roodenberg and T. Vorderstrasse (eds.), Archaeology of the Countryside in Medieval Anatolia, pihans 113, Leiden, 235-58.  Vroom, J. 2012. Tea and ceramics: New perspectives on Byzantine pottery from Limyra, in: M. Seyer (ed.), 40 Jahre Grabung Limyra. Akten des Symposions, Wien, 3-5 Dezember 2009, Vienna, 341-55. Waagé, F.O. 1948. Antioch-on-the Orontes, vol. iv, Part i: Ceramics and Islamic Coins, Princeton. Waines, D. 2003. Luxury foods in Medieval Islamic societies, World Archaeology 34, 571-80. Watson, O. 1999. Report on glazed ceramics, in: A.P. Miglus (ed.), Die frühislamische Keramik von Tall Aswad, Mainz, 81-88. Watson, O. 2004. Ceramics from Islamic Lands. In Association with the Al-Sabah Collection Dar al-Athar al-Islamiyyah, Kuwait National Museum, London. Wickham, C. 2005. Framing the Early Middle Ages: Europe and the Mediterranean 400-800, Oxford & New York.

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figs. 1a-b – Lustreware examples from the Gözlükule Mound excavations, Tarsus: shapes of bowl and plate (Y. Bağcı, J. Vroom).

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figs. 1c-d – Lustreware examples from the Gözlükule Mound excavations, Tarsus: rim shapes (Y. Bağcı, J. Vroom).

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fig. 1e – Fabric of Lustreware from the Gözlükule Mound excavations, Tarsus (Y. Bağcı, J. Vroom).

fig. 2c – Fabric of Polychrome Painted Glazed Ware from the Gözlükule Mound excavations, Tarsus (Y. Bağcı, J. Vroom).

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figs. 2a-b – Polychrome Painted Glazed Ware examples from the Gözlükule Mound excavations, Tarsus: shapes of bowl and plate (Y. Bağcı, J. Vroom).

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vol. = 1.9299 l.

vol. = 1.9428 l.

vol. = 0.8115 l.

vol. = 0.9435 l.

fig. 3 – Vessel volume comparison between bowls and plates of Lustreware and Polychrome Painted Glazed Ware (Y. Bağcı, J. Vroom).

figs. 4a-b – See colour plates page 372. fig. 5 – See colour plates page 373. fig. 6 – See colour plates page 373. fig. 7 – See colour plates page 374.

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*

*

*

Approaching Medieval cuisine: Employing zooarchaeological methods on Anatolian faunal assemblages Lubna Omar

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i n t roduct ion The eastern Mediterranean was a platform of crucial political and social transformations throughout the Medieval period. For instance, the south-eastern stretch of Turkey formed the borderline between the Roman/Byzantine and the Arab territories. For centuries, this area witnessed a consistent political tension reflected by continuous military clashes between the two major powers at the time (the Byzantine and Islamic Empires). The significance of the region is not only derived from the political situation as a border, but also as a strategic position connecting the shorelines and ports across the Taurus Mountains into central Anatolia. As such, it not only facilitated military campaigns but also trade routes. Furthermore, the fertile soil and availability of water resources played an essential role in the flourishing of agriculture and the exchange of products. The main scope of historical studies of this particular period and region has until now always been mainly to investigate and document the political and military conquests. Hence, aspects concerning the social and economic life of the border towns are not that thoroughly comprehended. The location and the blend of different ethnicities and cultural streams, passing through this contested area, however, unquestionably influenced the development of the region on a cultural level. Still, military movements had a more conspicuous role in shaping the daily existence of communities living in the Anatolian borderline, as they have in the traditional histories of the major political powers (the Byzantine and Islamic Empires) that aimed to take control and expand their territories on each side of the frontier. Medieval MasterChef, ed. by Joanita Vroom, Yona Waksman, Roos van Oosten, Medieval and Post-Medieval Archaeology Series ii (Turnhout, 2017), pp. 95-115 (+ plates p. 375) ©

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The Medieval period represents only one of the phases of ancient civilisations that passed through in the eastern Mediterranean region. Most of the cities that flourished during the Roman/Byzantine and Arab expansion stage, were established centuries ahead of time and had served as strategic military points since the Hellenistic period and later during the Byzantine period.1 However, the Umayyad rebuilt and fortified most of these cities along the Taurus range and called the area (al-Thughur), meaning a path surrounded by mountains. Some of its well-known centres on the Umayyad Caliphate side are Antakya, the biggest centre in the region, Ain Zarbe, Sisa, Beyas, Adana and Tarsus. After the Abbasids wrested from the Umayyad the leadership of the Muslim world around 750 ce, the responsibility to fund and protect the Thughur fell into the hands of the new Abbasid caliphates. The latter took considerable interest in protecting their northern borders from Byzantine attacks, especially the cities located on the front lines such as Tarsus, Antakya and Malaya.2 Several historical resources discussed the funding of military fortifications, which also included resettling different groups such as craftsmen, merchants and farmers, in addition to soldiers. Therefore, Thughur cities were able to sustain, and could even flourish from, trade and agriculture produce.3 While, the social matrix of the communities inhabiting the Thughur region provided additional resources from non-Muslim tributes, the donations from the rich caliphates’ families came from all sides of the Islamic world to support the soldiers protecting the land.4 This area is significant due its location and the political scene during the Early Islamic period (ca. 8th-10th centuries). Consequently, aiming to reconstruct the socio-economic development of this region would provide us with a great opportunity to evaluate the changes and developments of a mosaic of communities and circumstances, that shaped the culture of the area and left its historical imprint on Anatolian settlements during this crucial period. The challenge, in investigating the dynamics of social life in the Medieval times at this very inimitable, cultural and geographical area, is shared between collecting materials and data with the limited number of archaeological expeditions researching Medieval levels, and the emphasis on tracking the historical events and military activities from the remains of written records. The study of faunal materials utilising zooarchaeological methods offers a prospect to evaluate animal resources exploitation in archaeological settlements and assists in reconstructing the socio-economic development of the ancient societies. In the case of Medieval communities, by assessing the social status of the group inhabiting the settlement, it could provide evidence to make strong interpretations related to the type of the socio-economic relationships prevailing during that period. Food choices could reflect the social, hierarchical differences within certain communities.5

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The position of south-western Anatolia, during the Early Medieval / Early islamic period, is considered to be an ambiguous phase in the history of the region. Hence, including evidence regarding the utilisation of animal resources is essential, to depict a general framework of the developments and changes within this period. This opportunity was provided by the archaeological project at Tarsus-Gözlükule’s site, which is located south-central Turkey (Fig.1). The cultural material from this site is a valuable source of knowledge for our research questions; it requires an introduction in terms of its historical and archaeological background. h istor ic a l backgrou n d a n d a rch a eologic a l ev i de nce Tarsus is situated in the southern part of central Turkey, 20 km inland from the Mediterranean Sea. With a history spanning over 9000 years, Tarsus has long been an important commercial centre and a focal point for many civilisations. The history of the area stretches back to the Neolithic period, all the way through to the Islamic / Medieval period. It was inhabited during the Late Bronze Age. During the Roman Empire, Tarsus was the capital of the Roman Province of Cilicia; it gained its fame as the meeting point between Cleopatra and Mark Antony, and was also an important intellectual centre. Tarsus transitioned through the Early Christian ages and was the birthplace of Saul/Saint Paul, the Apostle.6 Tarsus was located at the eastern border of the Byzantine Empire, and flourished as a trade and military centre due to its strategic location near the Cilician Gates; the latter was the main pass through the Taurus Mountains of southern Turkey, connecting the Anatolian plateau and the Mediterranean coast. The city fell under the control of the Umayyad in 637 and later became part of the Abbasid territories in the 8th century. It then transformed into one of the main centres of the western Thughur, the Islamic-Byzantine frontier, serving both military and commercial purposes.7 Historical records indicate that Tarsus frequently changed hands among Byzantines, Armenians, Crusaders, Mamluks, Ramazanids and finally Ottomans, and was used for naval operations by Byzantine, Islamic and Crusader armies.8 The first excavations on the mound of Gözlükule, situated in the south-western part of the city, were undertaken by an American team led by professor Hetty Goldman of Bryn Mawr College (Pennsylvania, usa).9 Supported by the Archaeological Institute of America and the Harvard Fogg Museum, the project was carried out from 1935 until 1939 and, later, between 1947 and 1948. Almost 50 years later, new excavations started again in September 2001, with the collaboration of Bryn Mawr College and Bosporus University (Istanbul, Turkey), under the direction of Dr. Aslı Özyar. The excavations revealed that the mound was occupied from Neolithic to Ottoman times.10 

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t h e fau na l a sse m bl age The studied assemblage of animal remains was gathered from all the chronological levels, which were identified during the recent archaeological excavations on the Gözlüküle Mound. The faunal materials were collected from all the trenches at the site (B797, C706, C707, C716 and C717) from the following excavation seasons (2008, 2009, 2010 and 2012). The majority of the faunal remains belonged to the Islamic level, followed by the remains of the Late Bronze period, while the smallest representation of faunal remains came from the Late Antique level. The context of the faunal materials varied between pits, floors and open-areas. The implemented excavations and recovery techniques were directed to routinely hand-pick animal remains during the course of the excavations. Some wet sieving samples were produced for archaeobotanical studies, and the examination of the faunal remains from these samples suggests a minor bias in the representation of small-sized species (such as fish and birds). Hence, the representation of medium/large sized animals is more than 92.3% in numbers compared to the fragments from flotation (approx. 450 fragments) r a nge of i de n t i f i e d ta x a The range of identified species from Tarsus-Gözlükule is displayed in Table 1. The results of the zooarchaeological classification of the materials are organised according the nisp (number of identified specimens) and wisp (weight of the identified specimens). These are also presented in Table 1. The total number of fragments registered in this study is 14,597 fragments, with an approximate weight of 67,584.5 g. The remains were identified to species, family or genera levels, while the fragments that could not be assigned to any of these levels were regrouped according to size of animal: large, medium and small mammals. Domestic animals are dominant throughout the identified occupation periods of the settlement and make up approximately 87% of the number of identified bones. The range of animal taxa differs in each chronological context, reflecting the existence of different settlement patterns at Gözlükule. The most represented animal species in the Medieval settlement were sheep, goat and cattle; meanwhile, the Late Antique level introduced more fragments belonging to wild boars/pigs and small animal remains, such as birds, fish and tortoise. The Late Bronze Age level (ca. 1425-1200 bce) contained more wild taxa and deer remains were common in the assemblage of this period. Figure 2 displays the ratios of animal bones frequencies at each chronological level at Tarsus-Gözlükule. The faunal assemblage that belongs to the Early Medieval / Ear-

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ly Islamic settlement is characterised by the dominance of domestic animals (primarily sheep and goat), followed by cattle and a few fragments of the equidae family which were also present. Sheep/goat fragments constituted 70.3% in numbers and 51.3% in weight. The ratio of sheep to goat, displays a change in the pattern of exploitation of these animals in terms of primary and secondary products. While the proportion of goats was close to sheep’s, during the Late Bronze Age and Late Antique periods (1:1 in LA, and 1:1.4 in LBA), there was a considerable increase in the number of goats in the Medieval / Islamic levels (1:2.5). In addition, cattle faunal remains reflect the importance of their products during the Medieval / Islamic period in comparison to the previous periods. The proportion of cattle remains consisted of 8.7% nisp and about 39.6% of the total weight. Pigs’ bones accounted for less than 1% of the total number and weight of the faunal assemblage. It seems that pigs are more common in contexts other than the Medieval / Islamic level. Interpretations regarding the existence of wild boars or domestic pig remains within an Islamic settlement, should take into consideration the location of Tarsus town during the early Abbasid period; location plays a significant role in the formation of the social structure of the settlement. Tarsus is considered as one of the Thughur cities on the northern line that defines the border of Byzantine and Islamic territories. According to several written records, diverse social structure was established in the Thughur region due to a number of factors. Military deployment was the most documented movement of large communities. Other factors, like trade, engineering and construction projects, had their part in the relocation of different ethnic groups and specialists to live in the Thughur area. Not to forget that the area is quite valuable to Christianity, which was reflected by the diversity in the religious and ethnic matrix of Thughur’s inhabitants. The combination of the previously mentioned factors, suggests that pigs were solely consumed by the Christian groups in the city, or that pigs were generally not preferred as a source of meat in this region; another possibility is the need to protect agricultural crops from wild boars. The importance of agricultural activities in the Thughur region is well attested in historical records.11 Chicken is another domestic taxon which was notably present in the faunal collection with a nisp of 6%. In spite of the smaller ratio of bird fragments in general, this domestic fowl still had a significant role in the cuisine of Medieval / Islamic times. Several historians mentioned chicken as a favourite dish for the Abbasid court members.12 Also, raising chickens became a stable source of income for farmers and lower class families as a result of the market demands for this stable meat resource. Fish remains have the potential to demonstrate food habits of inland Medieval areas, and provide a glimpse on the trade routes and social status. Although it formed

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a minor proportion of the faunal assemblage, we have to take into consideration the significant role of the recovery method of faunal remains, in the of smaller proportion of the total number and weight of fish fragments. The identification of fish bones took place at Brussels in the Royal Belgian Institute of Natural Sciences. Within the fish sample, 8 taxa were identified. The majority of the fish are riverine, including the abundant catfish remains as well as the barbel and the tilapia. The latter fish species did not exist in the area,13 and must have been brought in from elsewhere (the Syro-Palestinian area, or Egypt).14 Marine fish are less common and it appears that several of them may have come from an estuary (gilt-headed seabream, seabass and mullet). body pa rts dist r i bu t ion The pattern of the skeletal elements distribution within archaeological contexts reflects how animals were exploited at the site.15 According to the faunal evidence discussed in the previous section, sheep and goats are the most abundant animal species based on the number and weight of faunal remains allocated in the Medieval / Islamic level. The distribution of sheep/goat remains suggests that these animals were primarily slaughtered within the settlement for the purpose of meat production. As shown in Figure 3, the quite substantial representation of high meat ratio elements, about 20% for both upper fore and hind limbs, indicates butchering activities. While skull and vertebrate remains were the least encountered at the site, the uneven representation of elements indicates that specific parts of the animal were consumed by the inhabitants and this pattern of exploitation suggests the presence of a high-social status groep in the settlement.16 When we look at the skeletal distribution of other animal species at the site, we can easily distinguish a different pattern of faunal remains scattered within the layers of the Medieval settlement. Figure 4 displays the frequencies of cattle skeletal remains from the Medieval / Islamic level at Tarsus-Gözlükule. The higher representation of elements (22%) belong to the lower feet. The identified faunal remains do not provide a direct interpretation of the specific nature of exploitation. However, it indicates that sheep/goats were utilised in a different way to cattle, which is an expected result since cattle provide a different set of products, including hide and traction power. age prof i l es Evaluating the age profiles of sheep/goats at the site would assist us in formulating conclusions regarding the pattern of animal exploitation during the Medieval period in Anatolia. The analysis of fusion data was carried out using the categories proposed by

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O’Connor (1989) using Silver’s data (1969).17 Most of the identified long bones, which potentially provide aging information, could not be separated to species level. Therefore, sheep and goat remains were regrouped in one category. Figure 5 demonstrates the results of reconstructing the age profiles of sheep/goats at Tarsus-Gözlükule from three different chronological levels (Late Bronze Age; Late Antique; Early Medieval). It seems that the pattern of slaughter during the Medieval period is, to a degree, comparable with the Late Bronze Age pattern. The majority of sheep/goats from the Medieval level (about 80%) survived until eighteen months of age. While a significant drop in survival is observed after 24 months of age, the sheep/goat survival ranged to between 18 to 24 months; this implies that sheep and goats where slaughtered to cultivate their primary products in the first place, whereas a smaller number of older animals were kept to provide secondary products. Interestingly, the age profile of Late Bronze Age sheep/goats falls to between similar ranges; 70% survived until 18 months, while a slightly higher number of sheep/ goats lived beyond 36 months, in comparison to the Medieval pattern. The sample from the Late Antique period clearly displays a different range of age selection. A higher number of animals did not survive until 18 months of age. Only 60% entered the 18 months category, suggesting that animals were slaughtered, in most cases, before they reached their optimal meat weight. It has been noted previously that the pattern of sheep and goat exploitation at the Tarsus-Gözlükule site seems to be distinctively different in the Late Antique period. Hence, the frequencies of sheep and goats decreased while pigs were higher in number. Consequently, this would have had its impact on age ranges. The reconstruction of age profiles utilising long bones cannot extend beyond the framework of epiphyseal fusion ages. Therefore, the teeth eruption and wear stages provide a supportive line of evidence that would assist us in estimating the age of death of sheep and goats during the Medieval period. Wear stages were recorded for the P4, dP4 and the molars, both isolated and in mandibles, following Payne (1973, 1987).18 Mandibles with at least two teeth in the dP4/P4-M3 row were assigned to mandibular wear stages according to Payne. The results of assessing eruption/wear stages of sheep/goats’ mandibles are displayed in Figure 6. The mandibles were quantified using mni counts after they were identified to species level. The wear stages clearly suggest that some of the sheep and goats survived beyond the optimal meat age. Possibly these animals were utilised to provide secondary products, such as dairy, wool and hair. On the other hand, the data also clearly show that some of the goat and sheep did not survive beyond a few months of age. This could be considered as a preference towards lean cuts of meat and a strong indication to high society demands.19

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cu t m a r k s The chop and cut marks on skeletal remains have the potential to assist us in evaluating the butchering patterns of the exploited animals, and the purpose behind the slaughtering. Several traces of butchering were observed on the sheep/goat faunal remains on different skeletal elements as displayed in Figure 7. This correlates to a high frequency of sheep/goat remains within the faunal collection. In addition, the high ratio of cut marks on the bones of these species also emphasises the preference for the exploitation of sheep and goats in Gözlükule during the early Medieval period. The majority of the cut marks were observed around articulation joints, vertebrates and ribs. This model of butchering resembles dismemberment pattern.20 As a result, it represents more of meat units rather than skeletal units, suggesting that portions of meat were distributed within the households of the settlement.21 The cut marks present on the first cervical vertebrates could be connected to religious Islamic practices when it comes to slaughtering animals; the Islamic rules of slaughter dictate a swift, deep incision with a very sharp knife on the throat, cutting the wind pipe, jugular veins and carotid arteries of both sides. The head is removed after draining the blood. However, we should note that during the Medieval period, not only meat-bearing elements were consumed for their nutrition, but also the viscera, head and feet. i n t r a-m e di eva l set t l e m e n ts com pa r at i v e a na lysis In order to achieve a comprehensive understanding of the patterns of diet, when it comes to meat resources in the Medieval period, it is necessary to examine animal exploitation patterns in other Medieval faunal assemblages within a wider geographical range, with close cultural ties to Anatolia. Unfortunately, the number of studies that focussed on this period are quite limited. In addition, the contributions of faunal analyses to the general interpretations of material culture are also challenged by several influencing factors including: excavation goals, recovery methods and taphonomy. In spite of these difficulties, a few studies have been conducted on faunal assemblages that belong to different stages of the Medieval period. Figure 8 summarises the results of these studies. As displayed in the charts, similar animal resources were utilised in the mentioned sites. Few species were present in one site and not in the others, such as camel remains, which were only found at Kaman-Kalehöyük in central Turkey.22 Sheep and goats were clearly found to be the most consumed species. This scenario fits the adaptivity of these animal species to the dry-highland environment, which facilitated the dependency on these animals to acquire meat, dairy and wool.

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However, despite the widespread consumption model of sheep/goats in the life of eastern Mediterranean communities, other animal species still played an essential role in the exploitation pattern, such as cattle and pigs, which were frequently exploited in all mentioned sites. It is therefore worth noting that pigs and cattle ratios were higher at Gritille in eastern Turkey compared to other sites included in the study. This site was inhabited by a Christian community which assisted us in explaining the change in the animal exploitation pattern and the role of cultural and religious influences in imposing restrictions on the dietary preferences.23Overall, Gözlükule demonstrates a pattern of animal exploitation that is similar to other Medieval sites, in particular, Tell Tuneinir and Ziyaret Tepe in south-eastern Turkey,24 even though they are geographically further compared to Gritille, which is closer to Gözlükule (Fig. 1). It seems that within the sites included in this study, animal exploitation patterns in Islamic settlements have more in common than Christian towns. Gritille’s model clearly supports this interpretation. Interestingly, the animal exploitation pattern in Kaman-kale, which belongs to a later period close to the end of the Medieval period, had common features with both models. Sheep and goat exploitation was frequently higher, similar to other centres adopting Islamic beliefs. While cattle, and even pigs, were also high in frequencies (cattle 38.6%; pigs/wild boar 8.2%; as displayed in Fig. 8). This trend is similar to what was observed in the Christian settlement in Gritille. discussion The reconstruction of the cultural and social features of ancient communities in depth, requires investigation into multiple lines of archaeological and anthropological evidence. Zooarchaeological research should follow the same approach with integrating all types of available archaeological data.25 Considering early Medieval towns in Anatolia, the archaeological evidence produced substantial interpretations regarding the type and function of settlements, utilising the material culture and architectural structures to evaluate the socio-economic background and the cultural entities of its communities. Nevertheless, the information obtained through archaeological research can be enhanced by integrating the historical evidence providing the in-depth perspective that is necessary to evaluate the changing dynamics of Medieval societies. The analysis of faunal remains collected from Medieval contexts contributes to the assessment of animal resources and their role in the development of Medieval cities. The extent of interpretations concluded from zooarchaeological studies is correlated with recovery methods, excavations techniques and the ability to associate the faunal remains with specific features or contexts. Faunal investigation is quite successful in providing a

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comprehensive range of results, such as in demonstrating the proportions of animal species and in the reconstruction of age and sex profiles of species present on the site. However, illustrating cooking and dietary habits of ancient societies depends on the ability to excavate specific contexts particularly market areas, refuse pits, butcher grounds etc. Unfortunately, at Tarsus-Gözlükule, the faunal concentrations were not directly connected to domestic or public cooking activities. The use of historical records from the period offers a remarkable opportunity to support the results obtained from a zooarchaeological investigation. The Abbasid period is known for its rich detailed literature that, not only captured various aspects of everyday life in this period of time, but also extended to become the foundation of several disciplines. Luckily, several cooking books were written during this period and a few of these precious manuscripts survived through the centuries. book title in arabic

book title

author

al-Kasbaj

Meat stew book

Jahzah

al-Tabiekh

Cooking book

Ibrahim bin Abbas al-souli

al-Tabiekh

Cooking book

Ibrahim bin al-Mahdi

al-Tabiekh

Cooking book

Ahmed bin al-tabib

al-Tabiekh

Cooking book

Hares bin Baskhar

al-Tabiekh

Cooking book

Ibn Maswiyeh

al-Tabiekh

Cooking book

Ali Bin Yahya al-Munajim

al-Tabiekh

Cooking book

Ahmed bin al-Tayeb

Atemet al-Mardah

Sick people’s food book

Al-Razi

table 2 – List of cookery books of the Abbasid period (L. Omar).

Table 2 displays the main books from that era and their authors, which have been mentioned in another historical book from the Abbasid period ‘Al-Fihrist’ (The index) written by Abu’l-Faraj Muhammad bin Is’hāq al-Nadim in the 10th century.26 The uniqueness of such sources stems from the fact that these books delivered rich details of the socio-economic pattern of urban centres, located in the eastern Mediterranean region; This includes a list of foods, written by Ibn Sayyar, consumed by rich and poor people.27 Some poets and authors depicted the lavish banquets at the palaces. Others described the daily life and the activities at the market place, where meat resources were frequently mentioned, illustrating the variety of animals exploited for their meat. According to these records, in the Early Medieval / Early Islamic period, the Abbasids favoured mutton, goat, beef and poultry for their meat dishes. In addition to domestic animals, the high society sought after exotic types of foods including fish, wild birds and game.28  Meat was consumed boiled, grilled or dried. The meat-dish recipes did not mention a specific portion of the body; nonetheless, a few of the cooking directions includ-

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ed adding fatty portions of meat and sometimes would refer to using lean sliced meat. No mention of bones is found either.29 On the other side of the border we witness a different style of cuisine in the eastern Mediterranean represented by the Byzantine cuisine. Their diet was also influenced by religious practices.30 Therefore, similar food resources produced different dishes, providing us with strong evidence of cultural variations in this region. When it comes to the consumption of meat, the Byzantines raised pigs, sheep and goats. Meat was consumed more in cities and towns rather than the countryside.31 Cattle was mainly used as a nutrition source. There are some historical accounts on the use of gazelles and donkeys for nutrition. In addition, fish and other seafoods were also consumed.32 conclusion The fundamental characteristic of this unique period of history, in terms of animal exploitation patterns, is the strong correlation between the diversity of exploited animals and the cultural components. The results of the faunal analysis from Gözlükule, the focus of this study, combined with the results of the intra-sites comparative analysis, illustrate the complex cultural tapestry in this region and how it left its distinctive impact on various aspects of daily life in this Early Medieval town. In Tarsus-Gözlükule, the high frequencies of sheep/goat skeletal remains within the Medieval level implies that sheep and goats provided the main bulk of meat for the settlement. The skeletal elements that were separated to species level indicate that sheep were higher in numbers than goats. The age curve of the sheep and goats at Gözlükule suggest parallel interpretations with the high ratio of animals surviving until the end of the optimal meat age, which falls between one year and half to two years of age. The available age data indicated that some of these animals survived beyond the optimal meat age and were present at the settlement for reasons other than meat production. On the other hand, wear stages of teeth demonstrated the presence of both very young and older individuals. It is not feasible to evaluate the number of individuals involved in each production line at the site, or to address the scale of production solely depending on age profile interpretations. The cut mark traces on sheep and goat skeletal elements suggest the possibility of a certain butchering pattern that fits a meat-oriented model. Another line of evidence was produced by the distribution of skeletal elements within the various contexts of the Medieval settlement. It seems that cattle and sheep/goat elements were distributed in different patterns, postulating that they were utilised to provide a different set of products. The skeletal elements of sheep/goats are more indicative of butchering for high-valued meat portions in comparison to cattle elements.

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In conclusion, incorporating the various interpretations of the zooarchaeological study of the Medieval assemblage assists us in reflecting on the dynamics of such complex historical societies. It seems that the inhabitants of Tarsus-Gözlükule might have been highly ranked within the Abbasid society; they desired to obtain specific food resources matching their wealth and status.33 The other speculation is related to the geographical, and political, importance of this region, hence, it was receiving substantial taxes and donations to defend this sensitive location.34 This might have affected the obvious wealth reflected in the patterns of animal exploitation. In the case of Gözlükule, zooarchaeological research provided an insight, not only in the daily life of the inhabitants of the settlement, but also into the trade and exchange network, which extended to a wider geographical range. The recovery of the fish vertebrate which belongs to the Tilapia family, suggests that this African native species reached Anatolian highlands using the trade routes that famously supported the sensitive Thughur region. This, in turn, confirms the results of on-going archaeological research that identifies the settlement as a commercial centre. The historical records from the early Medieval / Early Islamic period provided an essential line of evidence in our interpretations of Abbasids in Anatolia. The extraordinarily detailed written records from that period not only depicted the cooking habits, but also provide information about the social segregation of food resources and how some dishes were exclusive to the elite, especially fish.35 This led us to suggest that recovering tilapia, from within the faunal assemblage of Gözlükule, is another strong indication of the presence of an elite group at the Thughur. This high-status group was acquiring products that may have been exchanged through trade routes that extended between different continents. The presence of catfish remains has been previously detected in the site of Sagalassos, in south-western Turkey (Fig. 1).36 This trend in obtaining exotic animals for the wealthy has been witnessed in other areas of Anatolia, particularly with fish species that had been cured in different parts of the Middle East since ancient times.37 Written records of historians, poets and even travellers from that era confirm this prodigality within the palaces, particularly where some dishes, like fish tongues, were a common delicacy.38 The detailed recipes of the famous cooking books from this era, illustrated the importance of meat in the diet. The preference of including meat in most cooked meals was not only exclusive to the rich; it seems that various social-strata of Abbasid society favoured meat. It was a common practice of Medieval markets and merchants to provide a variety of grilled and cooked meat dishes.39 Integrating archaeological and historical evidence is an essential approach in any effort to comprehend the complexity of this time period. During the Middle Ages, as in all eras throughout history, eastern Mediterranean was divided among conflicting

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political powers, which influenced the communities that they governed in so many varying aspects. Therefore, attempting to reconstruct the daily activities, and the broader socio-economic interaction network, would contribute to the assessment of the changes that took place during the Medieval period in Anatolia.

* ack now l e dge m e n ts First of all, I would like to thank Dr. Wim van Neer of the Royal Belgian Institute of Natural Sciences, Department of Palaeontology, in Brussels for the identification of the fish bones and for his comments on the paragraphs dealing with this animal group. Furthermore, I wish to extend special thanks to Dr. Aslı Özyar, the director of the Tarsus-Gözlükule Excavation Project, for her generosity and continuing help on and off the site, and for permitting me to study the faunal material. Finally, I would also like to thank Dr. Hitomi Hongo for her help in making this project possible.

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Pig (Sus domesticus)

467.3

28.7

9

%

3.64

151.9

 

580

 

4.1

1626.6

 

1.4

27.2

186.1

841.6

2038.2

4848.2

7178.6

236.3

42.6

27.2

4.8

  27420.4

11.34

8.10

0.40

0.40

2.43

11.34

8.50

8.10

42.11

39.6

 

0.9

0.2

0.1

0.0

0.3

0.4

0.1

0.7

3.1

7.4

17.7

26.2

234

98

192

29

16

7

7

18

9

26

80

191

492

1222

247

2702.8

3

 Total

Unidentified fish

1 2

Drum (Sciaenidae indet.)

1

Seabass (Dicentrarchus sp.)

3

3

Gilt-head seabream (Sparus aurata)

Jack (Carangidae indet.)

4

Mullet (Mugilidae)

Seabream (Sparidae indet.)

1 9

Tilapia (Tilapiini) 1

4

28

20

1

1

6

28

21

20

104

1

6393.8

24

1.5

0.1

0.3

1.5

11.0

12.6

9.0

33.6

5 16

Barbel (Barbus sp.)

Catfish (Clarias gariepinus)

0.4

0.3 23.2

23.2

2

Birds

0.0 24.4

1

Caspian turtle (Mauremys caspica caspica)

Hare (Lepus europaeus)

Canid (Canis sp.) 1.3

4.4

25

178.8

204.3

146

546.2

81.3

0.5

1.2

6.0

8.6

59.1

118.1 3

7

35

50

343

2.2

0.6

 

7.1

1.1

0.6

0.3

0.3

0.7

0.3

1.0

3.0

7.1

18.2

45.2

8.7

0.6

0.2

early medieval (abbasids) wisp % nisp % 22 0.1 1 0.0

Pig/boar (Sus domesticus/S.scrofa) 0.7

1.1

6.5

7.7

35.3

16.6

0.2

nisp

Red deer (Cervus elaphus)

Cat (Felis catus) 42

70

Goat (Capra hircus)

Dog (Canis familiaris)

492.1 414.8

Sheep (Ovis aries)

Sheep/goat (Ovis/ Capra)

96

1

late antique wisp %

10853.7

3036.7 2254.6

Cattle (Bos taurus) 47.5

0.4

%

602.6

25

late bronze age wisp % nisp

Equid (Equus sp.)

Donkey (Equus asinus)

  species Horse (Equus caballus)

m e di e va l m a s t e rc h e f

a ppe n di x

table 1 – Summary of identified fragments from the Gözlüküle Mound at Tarsus (L. Omar).

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not es 1

Bosworth 1992.

18 Payne 1973; idem 1987.

2

Albarella 2001; El-Cheikh 2004; Abdullah

19 Albarella 1997.

Aziz al-Taee 2010.

20 Cope 2002.

Von Sivers 1982.

21 Lyman 1977; Schulz and Gust 1983.

3

4 Najman 1988.

22 Hongo 1997.

5

23 Stein 1998.

Wason 1994; Gumerman 1997; Reitz and 2

Wing 2008 . 6 Foss 1991, ‘Tarsos’. Oxford Reference 2005.

24 Loyet 2000; Matney et al. 2009. 25 Crabtree 1990; Albarella 2001.

Date last accessed 8 July 2015. http://

26 Dodge 1970.

www.oxfordreference.com/view/10.1093/

27 Al-Dlaeen 2009; Nasrallah 2010.

acref/9780195046526.001.0001/acref-

28 Lunde 2010.

9780195046526-e-5307.

29 Lewicka 2011.

7 Eger 2010.

30 Crabtree 1990; Locker 2000.

8

Bosworth 1992.

31 Rautman 2006.

9

Goldman 1950; idem 1956; idem 1963.

32 Bourbou et al. 2016.

10 Özyar 2005.

33 Albarella 2001.

11 Von Sivers 1982.

34 Von Sivers 1982.

12 Perry 2006.

35 Perry 2006; Lunde 2010; Lewicka 2011.

13 Krupp 1986.

36 Arndt et al. 2003.

14 Van Neer et al. 2004.

37 Van Neer et al. 2004.

15 O’Connor 2008.

38 Ibrahim Hasan 1972.

16 Albarella 1996; Van Der Veen 2003

39 Al-Dlaeen 2009; Nasrallah 2010.

17 Silver 1969; O’Connor 1989.

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bi bl iogr a ph y Abdullah Aziz al-Taee, S. 2010. The economy of Thughur in the third and fourth centuries A.H./the ninth and tenth centuries A.D. (in Arabic), College of Basic Education Researches Journal 9.3, 497-515. Albarella, U. 1996. The animal bones, in: P. Ellis, P. Hughes, C. Leach, C. Mould, and J, Sterenberg (eds.), Excavations Alongside Roman Empire Ermine Street, Cambridgeshire, British Archaeological Reports British Series 276, Oxford, 99-104. Albarella, U. 1997. Size, power, wool and veal: Zooarchaeological evidence for Late Medieval innovations, in G. De Boe and F. Verhaeghe (eds.), Environment and Subsistence in Medieval Europe, Papers of the ‘Medieval Europe Brugge 1997’ Conference, IAP Rapporten 9, Zellik, 19-30. Albarella, U. 2001. Exploring the real nature of environmental archaeology: An introduction, in: U. Albarella (ed.), Environmental Archaeology: Meaning and Purpose, Dordrecht, Boston and London, 1-13. Al-Dlaeen, M.A. 2009. Merchandise in Baghdad’s markets during the first Abbasid Period (A.H. 145-247/A.D. 762-861) (in Arabic), Dirasat: Human and Social Sciences 36.3, 618-43. Arndt, A., W. van Neer, B. Hellemans, J. Robben, F. Volckaert and M. Waelkens 2003. Roman trade relationships at Sagalassos (Turkey) elucidated by ancient DNA of fish remains, Journal of Archaeological Science 30.9, 1095-105. Bosworth, C.E. 1992. The city of Tarsus and the Arab-Byzantine frontiers in Early and Middle Abbāsid times, Oriens 33, 268-86. Cope, C.R. 2002. Palestinian butchering patterns: Their relation to traditional marketing of meat, in: H. Buitenhuis, A.M. Choyke, M. Mashkour, and A.H. Al-Shiyab (eds.), Archaeozoology of the Near East, Vol. 5, arc-Publicaties 62, Groningen, 316-19. Crabtree, P.J. 1990. Zooarchaeology and complex societies: Some uses of faunal analysis for the study of trade, social status, and ethnicity, Archaeological Method and Theory 2, 155-205. Dodge, B. (ed. & transl.) 1970. The Fihrist of Al-Nadim: A Tenth-Century Survey of Muslim Culture, New York. Eger, A. 2010. Hisn Al-Tinat on the Islamic-Byzantine frontier: Synthesis and the 2005-2008 survey and excavation on the Cilician Plain (Turkey), Bulletin of the American School of Oriental Research 357, 49-76. El-Cheikh, N.M. 2004. Byzantium Viewed by the Arabs, Harvard. Foss, C.F.W. 1991a. Tarsos, in: A.P. Kazhdan (ed.), The Oxford Dictionary of Byzantium, Oxford Reference 2005. doi: 10.1093/acref/9780195046526.001.0001.

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Goldman, H. 1950. Excavations at Gözlü Kule, Tarsus i: The Hellenistic and Roman Periods, Princeton. Goldman, H. 1956. Excavations at Gözlü Kule, Tarsus ii: From the Neolithic Through the Bronze Age, Princeton. Goldman, H. 1963. Excavations at Gözlü Kule, Tarsus iii: The Iron Age, Princeton. Gumerman, G. 1997. Food and complex societies, Journal of Archaeological Method and Theory 4.2, 105-39. Hongo, H. 1997. Patterns of animal husbandry, environment and ethnicity in Central Anatolia in the Ottoman Empire period: Faunal remains from Islamic layers at Kaman-KaleHöyök, Japan Review 8, 275-307. Ibrahim Hasan, A. 1972. The Islamic History in General: Pre-Islam, The Arab Government, The Abbasid Government (in Arabic), Cairo. Krupp, F. 1986. Freshwater ichthyogeography of the Levant, in: K. Friedhelm, W. Schneider and R. Kinzelbach (eds.), Proceedings of the Symposium on the Fauna and Zoogeography of the Middle East, Mainz 1985, Beihefte Zum Tübinger Atlas Des Vorderen Orients, Wiesbaden, 229-37. Lewicka, P. 2011. Food and Foodways of Medieval Cairenes: Aspects of Life in an Islamic Metropolis of the Eastern Mediterranean, Leiden. Locker, A.M. 2000. The Role of Stored Fish in England 900-1750 AD: The Evidence from Historical and Archaeological Data, unpublished doctoral thesis, University of Southampton. Loyet, M.A. 2000. The potential for within-site variation of faunal remains: A case study from the Islamic period urban center of Tell Tuneinir, Syria, Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research 320, 23-48. Lunde, P. and C. Stone (eds. & transl.) 2010. The Meadows of Gold: The Abbasids, By Masudi, London. Lyman, R.L. 1977. Analysis of historic faunal remains, Historical Archaeology 11, 6773. Matney, L, T. Greenfield, A. Hartenberger, K. Keskin, K. Köroglu, J. MacGinnis and E. Monroe, 2009. Excavations at Ziyaret Tepe 2007-2008, Anatolica 35, 37-84. Najman, Y. 1988. The Development of Economic Conditions during Al-Risala and Rashideen Periods, al-Mousl. Nasrallah, N. 2010. Annals of the Caliphs’ Kitchens, Leiden & Boston. Neer W., van, O. Lernau R. Friedman, G.Mumford, J. Poblome and M. Waelkens 2004. Fish remains from archaeological sites as indicators of former trade connections in the Eastern Mediterranean, Paléorient 30.1, 101-48. O’Connor, T.P. 1989. Bones from Anglo-Scandinavian levels at 16-22 Coppergate, The Archaeology of York 15, 127-207.

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O’Connor, T. 2008. The Archaeology of Animal Bones, College Station. Özyar, A. (ed.) 2005. Field Seasons 2001-2003 of the Tarsus-Gözlükule, Interdisciplinary Research Project, Istanbul. Payne, S. 1973. Kill-off patterns in sheep and goats: The mandibles from Aşvan Kale, Anatolian Studies 2, 281-303. Payne, S. 1987. Reference codes for wear states in the mandibular cheek teeth of sheep and goats, Journal of Archaeological Science 14.6, 609-14. Perry, C. 2006. Cooking with the caliphs, Saudi Aramco World 57.4, 14-23. Rautman, M.L. 2006. Daily Life in the Byzantine Empire, Westport, Connecticut. Reitz, E.J. and E.S. Wing 20082. Zooarchaeology, Cambridge & New York, 2nd edition. Schulz, P.D., and S.M. Gust 1983. Faunal remains and social status in 19th-Century Sacramento, Historical Archaeology 17.1, 44-53. Silver, I.A. 1969. The ageing of domestic animals, in: D.R Brothwell and E.S Higgs (eds.), Science in Archaeology: A Comprehensive Survey of Progress and Research, London, 283-302. Stein, G. 1998. Medieval pastoral production systems at Gritille, in: S. Redford (ed.), The Archaeology of the Frontier in the Medieval Near East: Excavations at Gritille, Turkey, University Museum Publication for the Archaeological Institute of America, AIA Monograph New Series number 3, Philadelphia, 181-209. Veen, M., van der 2003. When is food a luxury?, World Archaeology, 34.3, 405-27. Von Sivers, P. 1982. Taxes and trade in the Abbāsid Thughūr, 750-962/133-351, Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient 251, 71-99. Wason, P.K. 1994. The Archaeology of Rank, Cambridge.

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fig. 1 – Map of Turkey with its current political borders, showing the Islamic / Medieval sites included in this chapter (L. Omar).

fig. 2 – Frequencies of the animal species in the faunal assemblage from the Gözlüküle Mound at Tarsus, based on the number of identified fragments (nisp) (L. Omar).

fig. 3 – See colour plates page 375. fig. 4 – See colour plates page 375.

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fig. 5 – Distribution of ovis/capra’s fusion stages from the Gözlüküle Mound at Tarsus (LBA = Late Bronze Age; L-A = Late Antiquity; MED = Medieval period) (L. Omar).

fig. 6 – Ovis/capra’s teeth wear stages from the Gözlüküle Mound at Tarsus, based on minimum number of individuals (mni) (L. Omar).

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fig. 7 – Pattern of cut marks on sheep/goats remains from the Gözlüküle Mound at Tarsus (L. Omar).

fig. 8 – Ratios of identified animal species from different Islamic / Medieval settlements in Turkey (L. Omar).

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M E D I E VA L P E R I O D

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w illi a m a n d his men en joy a feast

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Guillaume et ses hommes préparent un banquet bénit par l’évêque Odon Detail from Bayeux Tapestry, 11th century Courtesy of Musée de la Tapisserie de Bayeux, Normandy, France

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Cypriot and Levantine cooking wares in Frankish Cyprus Ruth Smadar Gabrieli, Yona Waksman, Anastasia Shapiro & Alessandra Pecci

*

i n t roduct ion By the end of the 12th century, Cyprus was annexed to the Crusader Levant, under the rule of the Frankish Lusignan dynasty. One of the visible effects that this change had on the archaeological record is an intensive exchange of ceramics between island and mainland. There is little doubt that, as well as being integrated into the international trade network between Europe and the Levant, Cyprus became part of the regional distribution networks of the Crusader Levant. The emerging glazed ceramics production of Paphos-Lemba, in the south-west of the island, sent its products to the Levantine coast and, from the other direction, a traffic in glazed cooking wares (deep cooking pots and shallow pans/baking dishes, see Figs. 3-4) was added to the existing imports of Port Saint Symeon and Zeuxippus-related tablewares from the Levantine and Byzantine areas respectively. Glazed cooking wares were a novelty to Cypriot households, and gained popularity, but their geographic distribution remained limited. The trade in the glazed cooking wares and their distribution pattern raises issues of foodways and of trade patterns. Within the pomedor project (‘People, Pottery and Food in the Medieval Eastern Mediterranean’), we tried to investigate both of these issues as well as the production of Cypriot cooking wares (see Figs. 5-7) and the impact that the new vessels may have had on it. The study combined macro-visual examination of visible use marks and quantification along with elemental,1 petrographic and residue analyses. The sample was chosen to comprise a representative range of Cypriot production, imports and functional types. As a pilot project, the results should be considered preliminary, Medieval MasterChef, ed. by Joanita Vroom, Yona Waksman, Roos van Oosten, Medieval and Post-Medieval Archaeology Series ii (Turnhout, 2017), pp. 119-143 (+ plates pp. 376-377) ©119

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pointing the direction and refining questions for future research. Previous studies by Gabrieli2 and by Waksman3 were used as a baseline for provenance studies and function, and will be referred to below. Four sites were included in the study, three in the harbour town of Paphos and one in the centre of the island, in the capital Nicosia. Concentrating on two locations had the advantage of minimising the number of variables that could not be controlled in a sample of limited scope (such as variability related to population makeup), while providing a measure of control that the results are not strictly local. In this paper, we focus on the sites in Paphos (Fig. 2), which contain assemblages of short duration: The castle of Saranda Kolones, near the harbour of Paphos, was built in the first years of the Lusignan dynasty, at the very end of the 12th century. It survived less than half a century before it was destroyed in the earthquake of 1222. The site was excavated by A.H.S Megaw.4 A Roman-period tomb, in Odos Ikarou (Icarus Street), that was in secondary use in the 13th century, probably as a storage space. A full household assemblage was found in the tomb, which was situated at Odos Ikarou, about a kilometer from Saranda Kolones. The site was excavated by Dr E. Raptou.5 Fabrika Hill, the medieval-period occupation at the site began in the 13th century, after which the site was continuously occupied up until the mid-20th century. The site was excavated by Professor J.R. Green. The sample we used was excavated in a sealed well that contained debris from a single event, probably the earthquake of 1303.6 r ese a rch qu est ions The project concentrated on three topics: Cypriot production – Previous studies indicate that 13th century production of cooking wares had considerable morphological and technological uniformity throughout large parts of the Island, suggesting craft specialisation of hand-made pottery.7 Petrographic analysis of samples from Paphos pointed to workshops in the Troodos area or along the Ezuza, Xerox and Diarizos rivers, which descend from the Troodos to the Paphos area.8 In this study, we extended the Paphos sample and began a comparative study to identify the provenance of vessels that were excavated in Nicosia.9 Trade – The distribution of the Levantine cooking wares is not uniform across the island. At this stage of research, it is not possible to be certain, but it seems that trade may have been limited to some coastal sites, as a regional rather than ‘international’ trade, and to Nicosia, the capital. This suggestion must remain tentative because it

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may reflect the distribution of excavated sites rather than that of the vessels; however, Levantine cooking wares were certainly not found in surveys of the inland Troodos area,10 none were published in the Palaipaphos survey11 or from the area of Polis and only a single body sherd was found in a survey of the material from the Princeton University excavations at Polis-Arsinou.12 The absence of the Levantine cooking pots in the Troodos was interpreted as reflecting regional trade networks,13 distinct from the international trade network that the Crusader Levant played a part in. If their exclusion from more central sites along the coast is confirmed, we should consider the possibility that the glazed cooking-wares export from the Levant was between specific sites/workshops on the mainland and the island. Previous provenance studies were limited to the region of Paphos14 and pointed to a single source, or at least a primary one, of production in the Levant, located in Beirut. However, in-hand examination suggested that at least some of the vessels in Paphos came from a different source and we sampled them to test this identification and determine provenance (e.g. Sample bzy618 [oi103], see below). –Foodways – In this study, we set out to identify similarities and differences in the use of cooking wares on two levels: between different types of cooking vessels and between local and imported vessels. Patterns in use of individual types of vessels are thus taken as indications of patterns in cooking habits in general. However, this is not a simple matter: similarities and differences in the use of local and imported vessels may be seen as a argument for the adaptation of new vessels to existing habits, or for the introduction of entirely new foodways. Even if within the scope of the current study it proves impossible to get definite answers, we hope that by starting the collection and interpretation of the related data, we may be able to refine the questions and facilitate future studies. sa m pl i ng a n d m et hodology The study combined standard practices of macro-visual examination – looking at morphology, pottery fabric and use marks (soot patterns) – in order to determine function, use and suggest production mode; petrographic and elemental analyses for the questions of trade and organisation of production; residue analysis for the evidence of foodways. As previously mentioned, in the study as a whole, we concentrated on two locations, to limit variability over which we have no control. Here, however, we discuss only the three sites from Paphos. Each of these sites represents one household, albeit of a different type, and therefore variability in sources and use should reflect a single household preference.

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Elemental analysis by X-ray fluorescence15 and petrographic analysis was carried out on 24 samples from Odos Ikarou, 21 from Saranda Kolones, and 3 from Fabrika Hill (Table 1).16 We tried to get as much variability as possible from the two large assemblages in order to include samples from a wide range of cooking ware types and, at the same time, get multiple samples of each type. We did not sample each and every type but rather chose multiple samples from a range of types which, judging by morphology (shape and size) and use marks, represented different facets of cooking: pans/ baking dishes (Fig. 3, 5), pots (Figs. 4, 6-7), and jugs (Fig. 7). Samples of wares of both Cypriot and Levantine types were taken from Odos Ikarou and Saranda Kolones. The samples from Fabrika Hill (bzy661-663) were chosen to complement the sample of Cypriot jugs. Soot marks suggest that some jugs were used on the fire and one aim of the analysis was to check if they were manufactured, like the cooking wares, with a clayey material adapted to exposure to thermal shocks.17 The sample included three pans with unusual morphological details: bzy619, pan with a straight handle (Fig. 3), bzy621, a pan/baking dish with a distinct profile, fabric and texture of glaze (Fig. 3) and bzy625, a pan/baking dish with small lug-handles and a rim slanting towards a rounded pinched-spout (Fig. 5, the difference in height between the two sides of the vessel is clearly visible). A Levantine origin for the glazed cooking wares was already proposed for Saranda Kolones samples in previous archaeometric studies18. As most of the glazed wares of Levantine types are similar morphologically and in the appearance of their fabric to those manufactured in Beirut,19 their elemental compositions were compared to Beirut reference data.20 The samples which were not attributed to Beirut by elemental analysis were submitted to petrographic analysis in an effort to propose alternative provenance (3 samples). The elemental and petrographic analysis of the Cypriot vessels under study here were expected to elicit further information on the organisation of production and on the possible location(s) of the corresponding workshop(s). In the end, the sample size that could be submitted for residue analysis was very limited, and in order to get a coherent body of evidence, we decided to focus on one site only. Odos Ikarou was chosen21 because it is the site that represents a normative household. Final selection took into account the results of the provenance study, so as to get a sample that represented the variability of the assemblage, in the forms and in the sources of the vessels. We took a total of 11 samples (Table 1): four glazed Levantine vessels were sampled (three pans/baking dishes and one pot; Figs. 3-4, and seven Cypriot unglazed ones (three pans/baking dishes, three pots of different sizes and one jug; Figs. 5-7). Residues analysis followed the methods proposed by Mottram et al. and by Pecci et al.22 for the identification of lipids and wine markers.

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r esu lts a n d discussion prov e na nce: e l e m e n ta l a n d pet rogr a ph ic a na lysis Elemental analysis distinguishes two main heterogeneous groups and a few outliers (Fig. 8). The first elemental group includes only samples of Levantine types (Figs. 3-4). It tends to be divided into two sub-groups which present some differences, for instance in their iron, silicium and aluminium contents (Fig. 8, Table 2). This subdivision is, however, not significant as all the samples of this group are part of a larger cluster which corresponds to the low-calcareous productions of Beirut (cf. Fig. 9). Figure 9 shows how they are integrated in the corresponding reference groups, whose elemental features are detailed elsewhere.23 Nearly all of the samples of Levantine type are part of these sub-groups and can be attributed to Beirut24 . However, it is noticeable that three of them (bzy616, 618 and 621; Fig. 3) are very different chemically, pointing to different origins. All three are distinguished by their higher potassium contents, and samples bzy616 and bzy618 are further distinguished by their higher chromium contents (Table 2). These two have very similar compositions and belong to the same production. bzy621 had already been singled out because of its form, glaze and fabric.25 These three outliers were subjected to petrographic analysis and form a group whose lithology is slightly similar to Beirut production, but not identical. They have ferruginous matrix with rare quartz silt, tiny flakes of biotite mica and tiny opaque dots, possibly of an ore mineral. The non-plastic inclusions account for 10-15 % of the sherd’s volume and are rounded, sub-rounded, and sometimes sub-angular ranging between 0.1 and 0.5 mm. The lithology of the inclusions comprises predominantly quartz, mostly mature but also mosaic, and lesser quantities of chert, plagioclase, olivine (7 mni out of which 4 had hollow handles

2 or more mni

Dripping pans

>1 mni

Extinguisher

>7 mni in or nearby the house, at least 11 on site

Brick spit supporter

4 or 5 mni in context of the houses, at least 8 on site

Fire cover

2

Ash pot

1 reused greyware jug and 1 impression in the ground of an ash pot

table 2 – Ceramic fireplace related items found at two series of houses with central paved hearths at the Rotterdam-Willemsspoortunnel site, 1280-1325, see note 44. Data retrieved from Carmiggelt 1997, 143-54, 161-68.

The Rotterdam site tells us slightly more about extinguishers and brick spit supports. The typology and function of brick spit supports have been scrutinized by Heidinga and Smink. They collected 67 items, mainly from museum collections, that had no information on the find circumstances and context of the items.87 By comparing the items with pictorial evidence,88 they concluded that they were used to support a spit; the holes in the support held the spit in place when it was turning. Dripping pans were

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placed under the spit to collect the fat. They considered these items as a high-status item, as roasting suggests the consumption of fresh meat from young animals rather than salted or dried meat.89 Like extinguishers, these items were laboriously decorated (with Kerbschnitt decoration), on four sides. The authors rightly point to the fact that this makes sense in the glimmering light of the fire place, after all, ‘the fireplace is visual (and often the only illuminated) and emotional centre of the house’.90 Because all sides of the brick supports are decorated, Heidinga and Smink suggest that brick spit supporters would have been used in the central fire place, where all sides could be visible.91 Thanks to the Rotterdam site, their hypothesis could be confirmed. Extinguishers are lid-like items92 decorated with Kerbschnitt. It is thought that the flat side was used to smother sparks and the ash.93 Interestingly, at the Rotterdam site, another series of house plans was uncovered, dating somewhat later (1300-1325). Of the six houses (zh1-zh6), three central fire places were preserved. Only a few ceramic items were found (Table 2), but what is remarkable is that extinguishers were completely absent, but round ceramic fire covers were present, and an ash pot next to the hearth was also found. This suggests that the function of the extinguisher became redundant when a fire cover was used. (You do not need two ceramic items to prevent fire.) The advantage of a fire cover over an extinguisher is obvious: a fire cover allows the fire to smoulder safely, thanks to oxygen holes (Fig. 5.6). More in situ evidence would be welcomed to test this conclusion. The shift from frying pans with hollow handles (Fig. 5.7) to solid handles (prior to 1350, see Table 1) is attributed to the introduction of the swinging crane or fire place hangers.94 The oldest type of frying pan, according to this theory, would have stood in the hot ashes, while the more recent frying pans were thought to have swung from the hook of a hanger, as is portrayed in Pieter Aertsen’s 1560 Boerengezelschap met pannenkoekenbackster, a painting of a pancake house. The Rotterdam site did indeed yield frying pans with hollow handles, but whether the shift from central fire places to fire places in the wall went hand in hand with a morphological transformation could only be verified if a similar series of house plans with fire places in the wall existed. If such a marvellous site would be found, another idea could also be tested: were cooking pots with two handles (that could have been hung) more closely related to the hearth at the wall than the central fire place? Would a hearth at the wall allow for a swinging crane or a fire place hanger more easily than a central hearth would? conclusion: to be con t i n u e d After refining the evolution of the fire place, I also refined the ‘wobble’ hypothesis and provided a more comprehensive description of hearth equipment. However, this study

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was not able to explain in detail how and if the major and minor shifts in cooking infrastructure ca. 1300 were interlinked with shifts in fuel and food consumption for three main reasons. (1) – Shifts in changing food consumption in the transition phase of ca. 1300 are not yet researched in great detail. The suggestion that frying and roasting could correspond with a higher consumption of marine fish and fresh meat of young animals, must remain hypothetical. (2) – The ‘Pompeii-like’ 13th-century house plans needed to adopt an interdisciplinary analysis of in situ evidence at the micro level are thin on the ground. (3) – Pottery use-alterations analysis in other areas of archaeology may has become routine,95 but residue analysis and studying the distribution of soot patterns has not been systematically incorporated into Dutch Medieval archaeology. 96 We are left with more questions: what types of ceramic cookware were associated with what types of hearth? When did the shift from wood to peat as a fuel for domestic fires take place? Did this generate more fluming than smouldering fire, and how did this shift influence the practice of cooking? Where were globular pots, tripods, and frying pans situated in relation to the fire (e.g. above or next to the fire), and how did the changing type of heat source (fire pit, paved fire place, sophisticated paved fire place, and fire place at the wall) affect this? My efforts at finding answers to these and other questions show that applying the tripod model allowed for a broader scope of inquiry than ceramic typology alone would have and invite an exploration along new interdisciplinary lines. We can only set out on this interdisciplinary journey in earnest when in addition to the traditional typological focus (and not instead of!), new methods are embraced.

* ack now l e dge m e n ts I am very grateful to the many colleagues who were so kind as to suggest relevant literature and discuss ceramics, cooking infrastructure, food, and fuel with me. I also wish to thank Kerry Fast (Toronto) for helping me with the English text.

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not es 1

I wish to thank several colleagues for

des choses, Paris, Biblioteque nationale

providing the sketches for Fig. 1a: Frank van

Département des manuscripts, Français 218,

Spelde (Archol), Fig. 1b; Arjan den Braven

folio 373. 12 Gamerith 1971, 84; Kaspar 1997, 69-70, 84,

(Leiden University), Fig. 1d; and Leo den

89.

Hollander (Leiden). 2

Van Spelde 2014.

13 Kaspar 1997, 84.

3

See Verhoeven’s 1998 monograph

14 Idem. True, the scent of coal burning is

on globular pots; for dating (in the

nauseating, it poisons the air, generates

Netherlands), 34; for the distribution of

‘pervasive environmental pollution’, and

globular pots in Europe, 30, fig. 4.

‘blackens buildings’ (Sieferle 20012, 89-92).

4 About this transformation, see Verhoeven 5

However, using wood was not on option

1998, 279-80.

for the working class; as of the 17th century,

Bartels 1999, 122; van Oosten 2011, 81-83.

wood burning was ‘a sign of an elevated

6 Childe 1950. For a discussion on the

lifestyle’ (Sieferle 2000, 90). In the event

increasing urbanisation rate in the Low

that open fires would have continued to be

Countries, see van Bavel 2010, 278-82.

used, would the working class have stopped

7 Kaspar 1997, 69-70; Graff and Rodriquez8

frying and grilling?

Alegría 2012, 3-5; Twiss 2013, 140.

15 Zantkuijl 1993, 28; Bartels 1999, 110.

Vroom 2008, 301. Closed cooking pots

16 I use the generic term ‘fire place’ to indicate

might be related to a higher consumption

all types of cooking infrastructure where fire

of stewed pig meat (Arthur 2007, 18, 26, fig.

was used. This is not a reference to any one

9). Vroom 2008, found no evidence for this

type of cooking infrastructure.

in her case study of Butrint, Albania, and is

17 De Groot and van Rooijen 1990, 23-24;

more cautious (302). 9

Ostkamp 2013, 33-35, 82.

Hyman and Hyman 1987, 87-88.

18 Bartels 1999, 106.

10 Kaspar 1997, 83. An earlier date for the table-

19 For an overview up to 2012, see van Oosten

high hearth cannot be excluded, attesting the

2012, 135 (fig. 1), 136.

following source from 1475, Die Hausbücher, 20 De Groot and Hoekstra 1986, 58-60; De der Nürnberger Zwölfbrüderstiftungen, Amb. 317.2° Folio 95 recto (Mendel i),www.

Groot and van Rooijen 1990, 23-24. 21 Van Rooijen 1993, 143-74. In order to analyse

nuernberger-hausbuecher.de 11 For one of the earliest pictures of a hearth at

the data, I entered them in a database. 22 The relative date follows the ranking by van

the wall, see Jan van Groenendaal, Werken,

Rooijen 1993, 112. About the absolute date,

ca. 1400. Brussel, Koninklijke bibliotheek van België, Werken, ii 138, fol. 2r and

see idem, 115-16. 23 Van Rooijen 1993, 30-31; van Oosten and

Barthélémy l’Anglais, Le Livre des propriétés

Bult 2012, 235-36.

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40 Cleijne forthcoming chapter 16, in

24 Van Oosten and Bult 2012, 239-41.

particular, fig. 16.2.

25 Idem, 243-44.

41 For more specific detail about the fire place

26 Van Rooijen 1993, 45; Bartels 1999, 110. 27 Van Rooijen 1993, 62, fig. 54.

in the building, see Huijberts forthcoming

28 The fact that extinguishers have been found

2017a and idem 2017b. 42 Herpen-Wilgendaal site, house 3, 11th

among pottery and tile wasters contradicts the traditional assumption that those

century, one fireplace: 1 m x 0.90 m, 25 cm

products were made at brick production sites

deep (Ball and Janssen 2002, 158-61).

(Heidinga and Sminck 1982, 76, following

Sint-Oedenrode site, building 2, two fire

Dorgelo 1960).

places (1075-1175 and 1175-1225), one round, and both with some, but no depth specified

29 The presence of full-time specialists is a second hallmark of a town. See Childe

(Peters 2010, 174-75).

1950, 11.

Cuijk-Groot Heiligenberg site, three successive fire places in one house, dimensions 40

30 Utrecht was one of the earliest towns in the northern Netherlands that urbanised (van

to 110 cm and 90 to 138 cm, taper from 59 to

Vliet 2000), followed a little later by towns

23 cm (Heirbaut 2007, 47-52).

in Holland. About the regional differences

Zutphen-stadhuis site, house 2, 800-882, one

of urbanisation, see van Bavel 2010, 278-82.

fire place, round, 2.30 m. 40 cm deep. There may be a structure around the fire place

31 Weyns 1974, 139: see Weyns 1974, 32 for

(Coster 2011, 43).

another such description. 32 Fock 2001, 51; Schepers 1973, 75.

Zutphen-stadhuis site, house 3 (1125-1175),

33 See also Zantkuijl 1993, 28 and Schepers

one fire place quadrangular, 2.40 m, 60 cm (Coster 2011, 72). More fire places have been

1973, 75. 34 Weyns 1974, 32-33, 34 and 125-27.

found at this site, but it is unclear whether

35 ‘[de stookplaats is] één van de belangrijkste

these are situated in houses.

elementen van het huis, Zantkuijl 1993, 28;

Deventer-Polstraat kwartier site, 900-950,

see also Klück 1990, 64.

fire place, shallow (Mittendorff 2007, 131). Deventer-Polstraat kwartier site, 950-1000,

36 Zantkuijl 1993, 26. A well-known example from Dutch archaeology of roof tiles on

house 197-H15B, the fireplace is somewhat

their side, laid in a rushmat pattern has

recessed from the floor and is encircled by

been found in Haarlem, dating to the 15th

a rim of tufa stones (Mittendorff 2007, 169

century: see Schimmer 1974; idem 1977, 5.

and 180).

37 Kaspar 1985, 158.

43 Vredenbregt and van Trierum 2012, 56.

38 Schepers 1973, 75 (‘Keimzellen für

44 For Rotterdam-Markthal, see Bult 2012. Globular pots associated with the fire place

Änderungen’).

have been found at Herpen-Wilgendaal (Ball

39 For exceptions, see Vlierman 1992, Kylstra 1990, and Klück 1990. More research has

and Janssen 2002, 158-61) and Cuijck-Groot-

been done in Germany; see Klein et al. 2007.

Heiligenberg (Heirbaut 2007, 47-52).

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and Franka Kerklaan (Archaeofish).

45 Carmiggelt 1997. For a short general summary, see Carmiggelt 1997, 261-64.

For suggestions on botanical literature I

-House nh1, no evidence of a hearth.

would like to thank Corrie Bakels (Leiden

-House nh2, 2 hearths on top of each other,

University), Koen Deforce (Flemish

pavement brick (147).

Heritage Institute), and Henk van Haaster (biax).

-House nh3, 1 hearth, paved bricks (150). -House nh4, 2 hearths, oldest with a

51 Jobse-van Putten 1995, 83.

wooden formwork, more recent hearth of

52 ‘[D]e populariteit van deze spijzen

bricks (150).

[brijachtige gerechten] hield direct verband

-House nh6, 3 hearths on top of each other

met de gebrekkige kookplaats van die tijd,

(153).

het open vuur’, Jobse-van Putten 1995, 149.

-House zh1, 1 hearth of four levels, but

53 See note 12.

disturbed (161).

54 Van Haaster 2008, 66-67.

- House zh2, 1 hearth (163).

55 Jobse-van Putten 1995, 83.

- House zh3, 1 hearth, apparently, no brick,

56 Jobse-van Putten 1995, 90-91 and 97.

but burnt clay (164).

57 The variety of spices and herbs used – black mustard, fennel, caraway, and parsley –

46 What may be an early feature is that these hearths were paved with bricks and not with

became only more widespread in the Late

better fire proof material such as floor tiles,

Middle Ages (Livarda and van Veen 2008, 206-7).

roof tiles, fired bricks, or stone.

58 Van Oosten and Bult 2012, 239-42.

47 Baart 2001, figs. 1, 4, 5, and 7. For a systematic overview of these hearths, see

59 idem, 242-44.

Huijberts forthcoming (2017), chapter 3.

60 Thanks to Inge van der Jagt (Culture Heritage Agency) for sharing her views on

48 Klomp 2015, 41-45; 42, fig. 9; 45, fig. 12.

this topic.

Photos can also be found on the Facebook

61 10th century sites – N=274, 29.2% sheep/

page of the excavation.

goat, 14.2% pig; 11th/12th – ca. N=529, cow

49 For Utrecht: for example, at Janskerkhof 16 (see, De Bruijn 2012; van Rooijen and van

62.9%, sheep/goat 16.1%, and pig 21%; data

der Mark 1998, photo on 130); Bakkerstraat

retrieved from Vredenbregt and van Trierum

25 (Klück 1990, 56-57). A rushmat hearth

2012, 70-71; ca. 1300 – N=107, cow 66%,

has also been found in Haarlem (Schimmer

sheep/goat 25%, and pig 8%. Rotterdam-

1974; 1977), although it may be dated a little

Willemsspoortunnel site, data retrieved from Carmiggelt 1997, 145, table 3; 172, table 9.

later; in this case not only the hearth was paved, but also the floor. 50 For suggestions of literature on fish

62 Ervynck et al. 2004, 232. 63 Van Neer and Ervynck 2007, 45, 49-51; idem 2016.

consumption, I would like to thank Jan Bakker (University of Amsterdam), Anton

64 Idem 2016, 167.

Ervynck (Flemish Heritage Institute),

65 The rise of marine fish consumption could

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be true for the north of the Low Countries

drawing shows a hearth at the wall, although

as well. This would explain the large amount

the hearth is situated some distance from the

of fish remains from the early urban site

non-brick wall. A wooden pole projects from

Dordrecht-Statenplein (Dorst 2014, 188).

the wall on which (metal?) tripod cookware is suspended. Schepers 19772, 135, fig. 88.

66 De Groote 2008, 246 and 252. 67 For Holland, see Cornelisse 2008, 26, 42,

77 This would have saved fuel and provided a

243; for Flanders, see Weyns 1974, 47.

more regulated heat. Jasper 2012, 65-66. A

68 Deforce 2016.

chafing dish has been found in Peezer-en

69 Leenders 1989, 308. His study area consists

Eeldermade.

of a quadrangular area between the towns

78 Three experiments were carried out: 21

Antwerp, Turnhout, Geertruidenberg, and

May 2014 in Oegstgeest; in addition to the

Willemstrad (Leenders 1989, 30 and 32).

author, present were Claudia Vandepoel (De

70 Gerding 1995, 357 in Deforce et al. 2007, 87.

Historisch Keuken; the historical Kitchen),

71 Deforce et al. 2007, 87-88.

Fenno Noij, and Frank van Spelde; 27

72 Cornelisse 2008, 238-43, in particular 243;

June 2014 Oegstgeest: Claudia Vandepoel

coal was known already in the 12th century

(Historisch Keuken) Fenno Noij, Channa

in the Meuse valley (Sneller 1946, 10).

Cohen Stuart, and Addy Meewisse; and

73 Although brewers in Rotterdam already

24 August 2014 in The Hague, Claudia

used coal in the early 17th century (Sneller

Vandepoel (Historische Keuken), Okke

1946, 68). Rotterdam was an important coal

Dorrenbosch, Addy Meewisse, and Frank

port (idem, 74).

van Spelde. 79 Sieferle 20012, 64.

74 The town council of Rotterdam noted on 4 January 1763 that ‘the use of coal in the

80 Willich et al. 1821, 181, entry ‘roaster’.

domestic hearth became more popular’

81 Sieferle 20012, 65; see on this subject also

(Sneller 1946, 65). Also in Germany, the shift

Cornelisse 2008, 27.

to coal occurred in the second half of the

82 Cornelisse 2008, 39.

18th century (Sieferle 20012). Peat burning

83 One of the more rare recent excavations at

is depicted in some paintings from the late

which a central hearth was uncovered is plot

18th century (Fock 2001, 301 311): Jacob

A of the Dordrecht-Statenplein site (Dorst

Cats, Keuken in het huis van Jacob Cats,

2014, 33, fig. 20). However, the pottery has

1769-1770; D.A. Clemens, Salon met twee

not been published yet (Dorst 2014, 188-

dames en een heer, ca. 1775.

89). Some uncovered archaeological sites in

75 In Dutch: zwaluwnestoren (Verhoeven 1998,

Amsterdam with paved central hearths are very interesting in this respect. However,

163-65).

not all their results have yet been published.

76 I am not aware of either archaeological or pictorial evidence of such a pole beside the

House plans from various sites, among

hearth. What comes close to such a pole is a

them Nieuwe Langedijk 154-158 have been

1798 drawing from Minden, Germany. The

published: Baart 2001; see also Huijberts

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forthcoming b. The ceramics have been

88 A roasting scene from the Lutrell Psalter, ca. 1340.

published; see Gawronski 2012, appendix 1. The available data of the Nieuwe Langedijk

89 Heidinga and Smink 1982, 77.

site 154-158 suggests that globular pots and

90 Heidinga and Smink 1982, 74.

frying pans were present in the 13th century,

91 Heidinga and Smink 1982, 75.

however, a more detailed analysis is needed

92 An older overview article described them as lids, see Dorgelo 1960.

to draw better conclusions. 84 The description in the text is elaborative,

93 Carmiggelt (1997, 198) is not satisfied

although, it would have been even more

with the conclusion that crushed ash was

precise if a list or table of the exact number

a valuable resource as an abrasive in house

of pots and types per feature were provided.

cleaning. The suggestion of ash as ingredient of abrasive comes from Klück 1990, 74-75.

85 ‘Grapen lijken pas vanaf het tweede kwart van de 14de eeuw in Rotterdam voor te

94 Van Rooijen 1993, 78-79; De Groot and van Rooijen 1990, 30.

komen’ (Carmiggelt 1997, 187). 86 Carmiggelt 1997, 181, fig. 85.2 (without an ear, context on the plot of house nh2), 182,

95 Skibo 2014, 196. 96 Residue analysis of 17th-century pots seems

fig. 86.5 (with one ear, context unknown to

to be carried out more often than those of

me). Fig. 85.2 is known as type r-kan-50 in

13th-century pots. Poulain et al. 2016 carried

the Dutch classification system.

out residue analysis on some Post-Medieval pots.

87 Heidinga and Smink 1982, 73.

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bi bl iogr a ph y Arthur, P. 2007. Pots and boundaries: On cultural and economic areas between Late Antiquity and the early Middle Ages, in: M. Bonifay and J.C. Tréglia (eds.), Late Roman Coarse Wares, Cooking Wares and Amphorae in the Mediterranean: Archaeology and Archaeometry, Volume i, BAR International Series 1662.1, Oxford, 15-28. Baart, J. 2001. Medieval houses in Amsterdam, in: B. Dahmen, M. Gläser, U. Oltmans and S. Schindel (eds.), Lübecker Kolloquium zur Stadtarchäologie im Hanseraum iii: Der Hausbau, Lübeck, 159-74. Ball, E.A.G and R. Janssen 2002. Van steentijd tot middeleeuwen: archeologisch onderzoek rond een fossiele beekloop te Herpen-Wilgendaal, Archol-rapport 11/Archeologische Rapporten Maaskant 17 Leiden, Leiden. Bartels, M. 1999. Vondsten uit beerputten in Deventer, Dordrecht, Nijmegen en Tiel (1250-1900) [= Cities in sherds. Finds from cesspits in Deventer, Dordrecht, Nijmegen and Tiel (1250-1900)], 2 volumes, Zwolle/Amersfoort. Bavel, B., van 2010. Manors and Markets. Economy and Society in the Low Countries 500-1600, Oxford. Bitter, P. 1986. Archeologisch bodemonderzoek in het bouwterrein van C&A Nederland aan de Haarlemmerstraat en Spijkerboorsteeg te Leiden, in: L. Barendregt and H. Suurmond-van Leeuwen (eds.), Bodemonderzoek in Leiden. Archeologisch jaarverslag 1985, Leiden, 85-152. Bitter, P., S. Ostkamp, N. Jaspers, H. Clevis forthcoming 2017. Opzoekschema’s Deventersysteem. Bult, E.J., 2012. Aardewerk, in: A.H.L. Vredenbregt and M.C. van Trierum (eds.), Rotterdam-Markthal. Archeologisch onderzoek 1. Bewoningssporen en vondsten uit de Romeinse tijd en de prestedelijke periode (10e-11e eeuw): zes opeenvolgende huizen op terpophogingen in de nederzetting Rotta, boor-rapport 469, deel 1, Rotterdam, 85-130. Carmiggelt, A.H. 1997. Laat- en postmiddeleeuwse bewoningssporen aan de Hoogstraat te Rotterdam, in: A. Carmiggelt, A.J. Guiran, M.C. van Trierum (eds.), Archeologisch onderzoek in het trace van de Willemsspoortunnel te Rotterdam, Boorbalans 3, Rotterdam, 139-278. Childe, V.G. 1950. The urban revolution, Town Planning Review 21, 3-17. Cleijne, I. forthcoming 2017. Hoofdstuk 16: Vergelijking, in: I.J. Cleijne, A.M.J.H. Huijbers, A.D. Brand, R.J.W.M. Gruben (eds.), Huizenbouw en percelering in de late middeleeuwen en nieuwe tijd in tien steden Oogst van Malta: archeologisch onderzoek uit de periode 1997-2014, ’s-Hertogenbosch/Amersfoort.

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8. April 2006, Mitteilungen der Deutschen Gesellschaft für Archäologie des Mittelalters und der Neuzeit 19, Paderborn. Klomp, M. 2015. Kampen, Geertruidengasthuis, Nieuwstraat/Burgwal, Overijssels Erfgoed. Archeologische en bouwhistorische Kroniek 2014, 32-46. Klück, B. 1990. Huis en Haard, in: H.L. de Groot (ed.), Het vuur beschouwd. Festschrift ter gelegenheid van de opening van het Archeologisch Bouwhistorisch Centrum Utrecht, Utrecht, 55-76. Kylstra, E. 1990. Er warmpjes bijzitten? De verwarming van de grote 13de-eeuwse stenen huizen, in: H.L. de Groot (ed.), Het vuur beschouwd. Festschrift ter gelegenheid van de opening van het Archeologisch Bouwhistorisch Centrum Utrecht, Utrecht, 41-54. Leenders, K.A.H.W. 1989. Verdwenen venen. Een onderzoek naar de ligging en exploitatie van thans verdwenen venen in het gebied tussen Antwerpen, Turnhout, Geertruidenberg en Willemsstad 1250-1750, Gemeentekrediet, Historische uitgaven, reeks in-8, nr. 78. Livarda, A. and M.van der Veen 2008. Social access and dispersal of condiments in North-West Europe from the Roman to the medieval period, Vegetation History and Archaeobotany, 17.1, 201-9. Mittendorff, E. 2007. Huizen van heren. Archeologisch onderzoek naar het proces van verstedelijking en de vorming van de stedelijke elite in het Polstraatkwartier van Deventer, ca. 800-1250, Rapportages Archeologie Deventer 20, Deventer. Neer, W., van and A. Ervynck 2007. De zoölogische studie van de ontwikkeling van de exploitatie van de zee: een statu quasetionis voor Vlaanderen, in: A.M.J. de Kraker and G. Borger (eds.), Veen-Vis-Zout. Landschappelijke dynamiek in de zuidwestelijke delta van de Lage Landen, Amsterdam, 45-54. Neer W., van and A. Ervynck 2016. The rise of sea-fish consumption in inland Flanders, Belgium, in: J.H. Barrett and D.C. Orton (eds.), Cod and Herring. The Archaeology and History of Medieval Sea Fishing, Oxford, 156-71. Ostkamp, S. 2013. Aen taefele. Eten en leven in de late middeleeuwen. De collectie Aad Penders, Hoorn. Peters, S. 2010. Sint-Oedenrode Kerkstraat. Archeologisch onderzoek. baac-rapport A-05.0339. Poulain, M., J. Baeten, W. De Clercq and D. de Vos 2016. Dietary practices at the castle of Middelburg, Belgium: Organic residue analysis of 16th- to 17th-century ceramics, Journal of Archaeological Science 67, 32-42. Rooijen, C.A.M., van 1993. Scherven, erven en evolutie: analyse van een deel van de stedelijke keramiek ateliers in de Utrechtse Bemuurde Weerd tussen circa 1275 en 1350, Amsterdam, unpublished ma-thesis, University of Amsterdam.

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Rooijen, C.A.M., van and R. van der Mark 1998. Voorstraat/Boothstraat, Archeologische kroniek van de provincie Utrecht 1996-1997, 125-131. Schepers, J. 1973. Vier Jahrzehnte Hausforschung; Beiträge zur Baugeschichte in Nordwest- Europa; Festgabe zum 65. Geburtstag (compiled by S. Baumeier en A. Hueser), Sennestadt. Schepers, J. 19772. Haus und Hof Westfälischer Bauern, Münster (1st ed. 1960). Schimmer, J. 1974. Een opgraving in een 15de-eeuws huis buiten de stadswallen van Haarlem en het conserveren van een deel van een daar aangetroffen vloer, Westerheem 24 5, 294-306. Schimmer, J. 1977. Opgravingen in de voormalige bank van lening, Haarlems Bodemonderzoek 5, 3-13. Available at: http://www.archeologischmuseumhaarlem.nl/ publicatieshbo.htlm (date last checked 01/12/2016). Schuurman, A.J. 1987. Het gebruik van vertrekken in de 19de-eeuwse Zaanse woningen, in: P.M.M. Klep, J.Th. Lindblad, A.J. Schuurman, P. Singelenberg and Th. van Tijn (eds.), Wonen in het verleden, 17de-20ste eeuw. Economie, politiek, volkshuisvesting, cultuur en bibliografie, Amsterdam, 231-48. Sieferle, R.P. 20012. The Subterranean Forest: Energy Systems and the Industrial Revolution, Cambridge (1rst ed. 1982). Skibo, J. M. 2014. Pottery use-alteration analysis, in: J.M. Marreiros, J.F. Gibaja Bao and N. Ferreira Bicho (eds.), Use-wear and Residue Analysis in Archaeology, Houten, 189-98. Sneller, Z.W. 1946. Geschiedenis van den steenkolenhandel van Rotterdam, Groningen & Batavia. Spelde, F., van 2014. Typochronology and classification of Merovingian ovoid pots, in: H. Clevis (ed.), Assembled Articles 5, Zwolle 11 and 12 October 2012, Zwolle, 97-116. Twiss, K.C. 2013, review of: ‘The menial art of cooking: Archaeological studies of cooking and food preparation’, edited by S.R. Graff and E. Rodríguez-Alegría, 2012, Cambridge Archaeological Journal, 23.1, 140-41. doi: 10.1017/S0959774313000140 Oosten, R.M.R., van 2011. Garbage in, garbage out? To what extent are inventory lists of the classification system a reliable guide for chrono-morphological development, in: Clevis H. (ed.), Assembled Articles 4. Symposium on Medieval and Post-Medieval Ceramics, Zwolle 16 and 17 September 2010, Zwolle, 73-88. Oosten, R.M.R., van 2012. Het vertrek van de veertiende-eeuwse pottenbakkers uit de Bemuurde Weerd: verplicht of vrijwillig? Een herinterpretatie van de historische en archeologische gegevens, Oud-Utrecht, 133-50. Oosten R.M.R., van and E.J. Bult, 2012. Het laatmiddeleeuwse bakpannenraadsel: voer voor archeozoölogen?, in: R. van Genabeek, E. Nijhof, F. Schippers, J. Treling (eds.) Putten uit het Bossche verleden. Vriendenbundel voor Hans Janssen ter

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gelegenheid van zijn afscheid als stadsarcheoloog van ’s-Hertogenbosch, Alphen aan de Maas, 235-50. Verhoeven, A.A.A. 1998. Middeleeuws gebruiksaardewerk in Nederland (8ste-13de eeuw), Amsterdam Archaeological Studies 3, Amsterdam. Vlierman, K. 1992. Koken en kookgerei op (binnenvaart-)schepen 1300-1900, in: Quintessens. Wetenswaarsdigheden over acht eeuwen kookgerei, 15.8.92-18.10.92, Museum Boymans-van Beuningen Rotterdam, Rotterdam. Vliet, K., van 2000. De stad van de burgers, in: R.E. de Bruin, P.D. ’t Hart, J.J. van den Hoven van Genderen, A. Pietersma and J.E.A.L. Struick (eds.), Een paradijs vol weelde. Geschiedenis van de stad Utrecht, Utrecht, 73-111. Vredenbregt, A.H.L. and M.C. van Trierum (eds.), 2012. Rotterdam-Markthal. Archeologisch onderzoek 1. Bewoningssporen en vondsten uit de Romeinse tijd en de prestedelijke periode (10e-11e eeuw): zes opeenvolgende huizen op terpophogingen in de nederzetting Rotta, boor-rapport 469, deel 1, Rotterdam. Vroom, J. 2008, Dishing up history: Early Medieval ceramic finds from the Triconch palace in Butrint, Mélanges de l’Ecole française de Rome – Moyen Âge, 120.2, 291-305. Weyns, J. 1974. Volkshuisraad in Vlaanderen; naam, vorm, geschiedenis, gebruik en volkskundige belang der huiselijke voorwerpen in het Vlaamsche land van de Middeleeuwen tot de Eerste Wereldoorlog, Antwerpen. Willich, A.F.M., Th. Cooper and Katherine Golden Bitting Collection on Gastronomy 1821. The Domestic Encyclopedia, or, A Dictionary of Facts and Useful Knowledge, Chiefly Applicable to Rural & Domestic Economy: With an Appendix, Containing Additions in Domestic Medicine, and the Veterinary and Culinary Arts, Philadelphia, also available online: https://archive.org/details/psdomestic00reel01. Zantkuijl, H.J. 1993. Bouwen in Amsterdam: het woonhuis in de stad, Amsterdam.

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fig. 1 – The development of cooking pots in the north of the Lower Countries (R. van Oosten).

fig. 2 – A theoretical visualisation of the tripod model (R. van Oosten).

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fig. 3 – The percentages of the three most common types of cook ware found at the pottery production site Utrecht-Bemuurde Weerd (1275-1350) (Data retrieved from Van Rooijen 1993, graph R. van Oosten). fig. 4 – See colour plates page 381.

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fig. 5 – Ceramic fireplace related items, ca. 1300, found in the proximity to the central paved hearths, at the Rotterdam-Willemsspoortunnel site. However, not all the drawings were retrieved from this site. Drawings 6-9 were retrieved from other 13th- and 14th-century sites in The Netherlands. 1. Extinguisher, Carmiggelt 1997, 186, fig. 95.4 (Rotterdam, 1280-1300) | 2. Extinguisher, Carmiggelt 1997, 186, fig. 95.5 (Rotterdam, 1280-1300) | 3. Extinguisher, Carmiggelt 1997, 186, figs. 95.1a, 1b (Rotterdam, 1280-1300) | 4. Brick spit support, Carmiggelt 1997, 185, figs. 94.1, 5 (Rotterdam, 1280-1300) | 5. Brick spit support, Carmiggelt 1997, 185, fig. 94.3 (Rotterdam, 1280-1300) | 6. Fire cover, Kistemaker 1983, 178, fig. 10 (Leiden, 14th century) | 7. Frying pan, Bitter 1986, 110, fig. 14 (Leiden, 1325-1375) | 8. Dripping pan, Bitter et al. forthcoming 2017, entry r-vet-5 (Gouda, 1300-1350) | 9. Globular pot, Bitter et al. forthcoming 2017, entry kp-kog-6 (Hoorn, 1275-1290).

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Miniature from Tacuinum sanitatis, Lombardy, late 14th century Courtesy of Biblioteca Casanatense, Rome, Ms. 4182

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From table to identity: Understanding social changes through tableware (A case study of San Paolo in Modena, Italy) Mauro Librenti, Cecilia Moine & Lara Sabbionesi

* i n t roduct ion The religious life of the Catholic world in the 16th century had been deeply marked by the Counter-Reformation, a religious, social and political movement that arose in opposition to the Protestant Reformation; for this reason also known as the Catholic Reformation.1 The movement was based on the ecumenical Council of Trent (1545 and 1563), which addressed a wide range of subjects – from the Mass to the Sacred Scriptures – questioning and reforming the interpretative, doctrinal and procedural aspects of religion. This movement caused a deep reform of all the religious expressions that affected not only the secular and regular communities, but also the everyday life of the laity. Above all, the Counter-Reformation deeply changed the monastic rules, especially focusing on nunneries, whose discipline became extremely strict and severely applied.2 The goal of this paper is to understand these changes, before and after the CounterReformation, in a specific religious community – the nunnery of San Paolo in Modena – through archaeological records. We focus our attention on the material culture, particularly the pottery items connected with food preparation and consumption. We assumed that the objects were not only functional items, but also means to express messages and instruments of social display; they are fundamental evidence in interpreting the role that food preparation and mealtimes played in the social dynamics within any community. The symbolic values of mealtimes and food processing in Medieval and Early Modern society have been analysed by numerous scholars, underlining the cultural Medieval MasterChef, ed. by Joanita Vroom, Yona Waksman, Roos van Oosten, Medieval and Post-Medieval Archaeology Series ii (Turnhout, 2017), pp. 223-244 (+ plates pp. 382-383) © 223

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overtones and their roles in the representation of many individuals and groups.3 The table was a real stage for this representation, and many actions and elements played a meaningful part including places at the table, order in serving dishes, the quality and quantity of food. All these components contributed to characterising a specific social structure. The communal meal represented a ritualised activity, both in the secular environment and in religious communities. Moreover, the meaning of food consumption within monasteries was enriched by precise religious references and taboos, prescribed by rules and organised by liturgical calendars.4 Often, written records, such as Medieval handbooks of good manners or monastic rules, describe all the details of food, from cooking characteristics to spices. On the contrary, table settings are scarcely described.5 The lack of information in texts dramatically contrasts with archaeological finds, the latter mainly comprising of glass and pottery fragments. These are the better studied categories of finds, with the serious risk of overestimating their role in social dynamics.6 However, they offer the chance of analysing mealtime habits through direct sources, rather than theoretical codes. The effects of the Council of Trent on social behaviour have been underlined by a few Italian archaeologists. They focused their attention on ceramic items found in nunneries, studying the changes in supply, decorative features and use.7 In particular, a very specific trend was noticed from this period: the constant presence of marks scratched on tableware by nuns.8 However, the transformation in choices in the use of table and cooking wares within the same community, from before to after the Counter-Reformation, has never been analysed. Thus, our case study, the nunnery of San Paolo in Modena, represents an extraordinary opportunity to go deeper into this topic. The life of the community had been particularly troubled in the years before the Council of Trent. Furthermore, the rescue excavation undertaken in the cloister disclosed two large assemblages of pottery, used by the nuns in two different but significant periods. One of these periods dated from 1475 to 1500 (N=880), and the other from 1575 to 1600 (N=1069). These pottery assemblages offered us a unique opportunity for comparing the material cultures before and after the Counter Reformation. This paper analyses typologies, decorations, forms and other features of the two ceramic data-sets, comparing the supply and social meaning of the objects. Firstly, we analysed the context in its wider meaning, for instance, within long-term history issues and evolution of monastic buildings. Secondly, we considered significant archaeological assemblages; we have tried to understand how they were formed, where the materials came from and by whom and when these objects were used. Finally, we focused on table settings and cooking pots, evaluating form and dimensions as clues to their function, considering the distribution of typologies and the meaning of specific

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decorations and items in Late Medieval and Early Modern society. Differences and similarities with standard designs are considered key factors in framing the identity of the community. Our analysis suggests that the 15th-century community was deeply integrated with the secular society and the nuns celebrated their identity using typical strategies of the lay environment. However, the 16th century is characterised by a significant separation of the nunneries from society; the material culture also became an expression of dissent and discomfort with the new Counter-Reformation rules. c.m. & l.s. a t rou bl e d h istory: t h e com m u n i t y at t h e e n d of t h e 15t h- ce n t u ry The history of the nunnery of San Paolo had a troubled beginning that helped us to understand the archaeological contexts clearly. In the third quarter of the 15th century, the nuns still lived in the buildings of Santa Maria della Misericordia, outside the city walls. It was an ancient and prestigious institution, founded in the 13th century and controlled by a few local families.9 From 1483 onwards, the religious community was brought to trial several times under the pressure of the Duchess of Ferrara, Eleanor of Aragona, wife of Ercole I of the d’Este family, a family who controlled the district of Modena. Secular behaviour, negligence of religious duties, and sexual affairs were reported by several witnesses.10 The laxity of monastic habits, particularly in the decades before the Counter-Reformation, affected several religious institutions, above all nunneries. However, it was not always prosecuted by public and ecclesiastical authorities. Moreover, it is often difficult to understand if the accusations of the nuns were legitimate, or were exploited to put nuns on trial and take their land. The steps taken in this critical period are not clear; the nuns probably changed their Order from Cistercian to Augustinian, when a group of regular canons from Bologna were transferred to Modena to correct and reinforce their devotion. The abbess, Pellegrina Algardi, and a few other sisters, were ejected from the community because of their bad reputations.11 However, the verdicts of their trials suggest that the interest in Santa Maria della Misericordia concerned economic resources, as much as morality. In 1491, the nuns were forced to leave their abode permanently, and their property was assigned to a male Cistercian community, very close to the Duchess and the d’Este family.12 The nuns moved to an emergency location, a small house near the parish church of San Paolo, which was found during the archaeological excavation.13 This was certainly a difficult period. The new location was largely unsuitable for religious life, and the patrimony was largely lost. c.m.

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a rch a eologic a l e xc avat ions a n d mona st ic design Archaeological excavations have been carried out in the southern district of Modena, within the area of the Late Medieval city walls (Fig. 1.1). They covered a huge area (about 3500 sq. m) during the investigation and restoration of the buildings of the monastery of San Paolo. As in many other northern Italian towns, the peripheral zones of the former Roman town of Modena were rebuilt in the 11th and 12th centuries. Many religious institutions settled here in the new urbanised zones, including the parish church of San Paolo (with a polygonal apse in Gothic style) in 1192 (Fig. 1.2). The establishment of the religious community in the late 15th century (Fig. 1.3) was identified through archaeological records. Customised pottery with the acronym of the community seems to prove the presence of nuns.14 In this phase, three new buildings were erected in the area: a small house with two rooms and a portico, a building with several rooms in the churchyard and a long building down the road. This was probably the emergency location of the community during a sort of ‘transitional phase’, which starts with the move from Santa Maria della Misericordia to the construction of a proper nunnery. Only between the end of the 15th and the early 16th century (Fig. 1.4) was a traditionally organised monastic complex built, destroying all the older buildings except the church. The new nunnery comprised of two main wings (northern and southern) with two floors and windows only on the internal facade. They were connected on the west by a service building, with several functions, and along the eastern perimeter wall by a portico. Although there was no proper cloister, a large courtyard was built next to the church. The moat, once running along the city wall, was diverted into an underground brick channel that passed through the monastic area. Its original course was reclaimed to build other structures. Rapidly, new buildings were erected in the western area and existing structures were enlarged. A second floor was added to the western service building and windows were created in both the internal and external facades. A new cloister was built next to the church, and new buildings were erected along the road. Finally, the Modern Age is characterised by a new campaign of restoration of the buildings around the cloister, which started at the end of the 16th century. Precisely in this phase, a huge amount of pottery was deposited in the vaults of the monastic structures and buried inside the northern building. At the beginning of the 17th century, the Gothic apses of San Paolo Church were partially demolished to host a separate area, the so-called ‘internal church’, which was reserved for worship by the nuns. m.l.

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pot t e ry a n d wa st e disposa l i nsi de t h e mona st e ry The excavations inside the nunnery of San Paolo produced a large amount of pottery. Here we focus on two particular assemblages: two different, and almost complete, table and cooking sets recovered from two different waste deposits in separate areas of the monastic precinct. These assemblages are securely dated through archaeological data. The earlier assemblage, composed almost entirely of pottery, was dumped in the fill of the moat which was reclaimed to enlarge the monastic precinct at the end of the 15th century (Fig. 2 and Fig. 3). It is well known that waste was a common material for landfill during the Middle Ages. Cases of organised waste collection from all the citizens are well documented.15 However, in San Paolo, the decoration of many dishes suggests the provenance of rubbish from the religious community, as is suggested by customised pottery. Moreover, many objects were almost complete or repairable, fractures were clear and there were no residual fragments, so it can be assumed that the set had been dumped directly into the trench when the moat was reclaimed. Perhaps with the renovation of the monastic areas at the end of the 15th century, the nuns also felt it necessary to replace these everyday objects.16 In this assemblage are 880 objects, 18 of them residual (older items than the other pottery, dating back to the last quarter of the 15th century). However, not all the pottery from the dump was recovered during the excavations, due to recent building in the area. Decoration of dishes follows the fashion of the period, and is very common in secular communities in Modena. They are highly decorated containers with a wide range of figurative subjects, typical of ‘graffita rinascimentale’, ‘a decoro semplificato’, ‘arcaica tardiva’ and ‘a stecca’ types. In addition, many items were monochrome or painted slip and glazed ware. Decorative subjects could have a double interpretation: for instance, the pierced heart is a symbol of love, as well as devotion. The second context is dated to the last quarter of the 16th century, and consists of large pits excavated for the disposal of a sizeable amount of waste inside a building during a further period of restoration. In this case, again the recovered material is mainly pottery (Fig. 2 and Fig. 4). However, waste had been collected in a previous dump before being deposited in the pits, so the objects were at least in secondary deposition; in fact, fragments of the same objects were found in different pits and there were crossfits between different pits. The almost total lack of residual materials, metals, animal bones or other items, and, above all, the relative homogeneity in the chronology of the objects in the pits, suggests that such waste was not the monastic dump, but a selected deposit, formed over a relatively short time. If so, the nuns had decided to dump their entire table and cooking sets in one go. All the assemblages present homogeneous

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materials, and fragments of objects have been recovered in many pits. In addition, in the pit SU 356, a few more recent containers have been identified: two slip-glazed pots and a sgraffito slip-painted bowl, from the last quarter of the 16th and the early 17th centuries. These few items do not influence the interpretation of the whole table setting. The total amount of pottery from the pits is 1090 individual pieces. Due to the large number of finds, we have chosen to count the minimum number of individuals. With regards to the tableware, only vessels with at least 50% of the base have been taken into account. In the case of the extremely fragmentary coarse ware, we have chosen to distinguish different objects by different types of shape of body and rim. Finally, glazed cooking pots have been counted based on the fragments of rims comprising at least part of the handle. l.s. t h e 15t h ce n t u ry: a secu l a r ta bl e set t i ng As noted above, materials from the 15th century were probably in use by nuns in the transitional phase, when the nuns were forced to move from the previous location to the new temporary building. Indeed, many dishes are decorated with the acronym ‘sp’ (San Paolo). Moreover, the recurrence of the letters ‘sm’, probably Santa Maria (della Misericordia), suggests that part of the monastic table setting had been used in the original nunnery, the monastery of Santa Maria della Misericordia, and then taken to its temporary home near the church of San Paolo. The pottery, and its context, confirm dating to around the last quarter of the 15th century. Thus, this is a table setting used before the Counter-Reformation, in a troubled and disturbed period of the community. The majority of the dishes bear the usual pattern in use at that period.17 However, there are many customised items; the acronyms sp and sm occur mainly on individual bowls, a few jugs and on large bowls, probably used as communal dishes (Fig. 3.1-2). These letters appear on both monochrome and decorated (such as the ‘graffite rinascimentali’ type) containers, and it may be assumed that they did not comprise a whole table setting. On the contrary, this customisation could have characterised a few exemplars of larger meal tableware. The coats of arms of important aristocratic groups of the district are well attested on tableware from San Paolo (Fig. 3.3). However, this kind of decoration was so popular throughout the city that it was probably perceived only as a decorative pattern without any specific reference. Nevertheless, it is worth noting that a few dishes display a detailed and unusual heraldic pattern. In our opinion, these are specific coats of arms or elements similar to merchants’ marks, which suggest connections with

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particular families, perhaps minor nobility from Modena or the surrounding region. Even after consulting a major heraldic source, it has not been possible to identify any specific coats of arms.18 Official heraldry flourished in the 15th century, but also its popular manifestation. New and unofficial coats of arms, often not obeying traditional heraldic rules, were regularly designed by artists for minor nobility or upstart families.19 These unofficial arms were often not included in traditional registers, and only compiled in the Early Modern Age.20 Unfortunately, the Libro d’Oro of Modena, the list of local coats of arms, was destroyed during the Napoleonic period.21 Moreover, the small number of Maiolica bowls could be interpreted as another clue for the presence of ‘exceptional’ containers, being very different in technology and circulation from the main part of the table setting. Maiolica bowls decorated with the symbol of St. Bernard, a devotional decoration, are very exceptional objects (Fig. 3.6). Therefore, it is possible that these items were the private possessions of individual nuns. Generally, personal objects within the cloister were part of the monastic dowry given by mothers or other relatives to the young sisters on entering the nunnery. When a girl entered the cloister, she metaphorically became a bride of the Lord, and so the family gave her a dowry, very similar to the secular one prepared on the occasion of real marriages, but significantly less expensive. Monastic dowries were composed of money and everyday objects for life within the cloister. – Dowries are well documented in the 15th century, and even if documents did usually not list low-value objects such as pottery, they seem to include some familial or customised furniture.22 Among the pottery assemblage, there are also other exceptional elements. Firstly, some highly and finely decorated large plates have been recovered. Their features suggest a double function: they could be used to serve food communally, but they are above all decorative objects, perhaps displayed in the refectory or in single cells (Fig. 3.3-4). Since all of them present coats of arms or customized decoration, they are so unusual as to be recognisable they suggest personal rather than community property. Secondly, two bowls were really unexpected in a monastic context: they are the socalled ‘impagliate’, which were traditionally used to serve the first meals to women who had just given birth (Fig. 3.5). Only two very small fragments of these items were found, but they are clearly recognisable from the characteristic shape of the upper rim. The acquisition of impagliate was extremely ritualised: they were exchanged as gifts between female members of different families, and preserved and displayed in the house for a very long time.23 They were clearly connected with secular customs, as nuns were excluded from motherhood by virtue of their sacred status. Other pottery items connected with secular customs were large, customised and highly decorated plates used as betrothal gifts between members of the Italian aristocracy. Their exchange was part of the complex nuptial ritual, and decorations often cel-

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ebrated love, devotion, beauty or showed the coats of arms of the bride and groom.24 In San Paolo, we do not have any clear evidence of this practice, and many decorations seem to be quite standardised representations of virtues and allegories. However, the whole pottery assemblage suggests a strong connection with secular table settings. Moreover, some elements are connected with the paradigm of femininity. As we mentioned above, part of the table setting probably came from the nunnery of Santa Maria della Misericordia, where scandals and bad reputation troubled the community during the 1580s. It should be remembered that rumours of concubinage and slack attention to devotional duties were widespread throughout the city, and were reported in official depositions. Even tales about nuns or abbess giving birth in the sacristy were reported in official papers. Distinguishing falsehoods from real events is difficult.25 In particular, sexual transgressions have always been a real gender stigma, and this was true for women in general but especially for nuns, for whom chastity was one of the basic requirements of their sacred status. We can assume that the community had adopted a very secular way of life, which is clearly reflected in the tableware and personal property, in many cases characterised by a secular vocabulary. To summarize, in the 15th century, tableware in San Paolo was a powerful symbol of identity; it marked social, economic and familial differences among the nuns which were displayed during one of the most important occasions of communal life: the meal. Moreover, we cannot ignore the fact that many of these objects performed a role in celebrating memory. They are reminders of the families of the nuns, but maybe they became a form of commemoration of a single member of the community, as they were preserved and used by all the other sisters. Several examples of restoration and repair of large platters are clearly clues to their importance and their prolonged use. Furthermore, it is necessary to consider the meaning of ‘personal property’ within a community. It does not necessary mean that the use of these items was reserved to an individual. The purchase, and perhaps the early period of use, could be connected to a single dowry or a family group. However, over the course of time, exclusive use, assuming that it was so, could have been substituted by a collective utilisation where the memory was more important than the ownership. c.m. t h e 16t h ce n t u ry: n e w con ta i n e r s for n e w n e e ds The second pottery assemblage is dated to the late 16th century. It is clear that the new table settings were deeply influenced by the fashion of the period with the decoration being simpler and the iconographic repertoire poorer. However, on analysing the context, there are significant differences from the previous century.

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In fact, the proportion of customised items had dramatically decreased: the letters sp were found only on three monochrome dishes, and the letter F, probably the abbreviation of firmeria – infirmary – occurs on only four containers of the ‘graffita post-rinascimentale’ type. Individual commissions are even rarer, despite the significantly larger number of ‘homemade’ personalisations (account customisations).26 Moreover, large decorative plates have not been found. Most of the tableware is undifferentiated, being composed of painted slip and glazed ware, sgraffito, and glazed ware; it is almost impossible to find differences in quality and decoration, as large stocks were purchased for all the community. On the contrary, Maiolica dishes represent a relatively small, but rather heterogeneous, assemblage (42 individual bowls or plates, all different in typologies and decoration, and representing a very small proportion of the whole monastic table setting: see Fig. 4). As a well-known tradition of studies assumes,27 these objects could be interpreted as personal property and part of dowries. In fact, despite the absence of customisation, the variety of types could imply purchasing a variety of designs. The disappearance of customised objects, both individual and collective, occurs in a very particular period. The community was living in canonical areas and, as the chronology suggests and the upcoming restoration of the monastic building confirms, Counter-Reformation rules were immediately applied. The Council of Trent elaborated on a radical transformation of all aspects of religious devotion in Catholic countries. Certainly, monastic habits were the target of great attention.28 In particular, the discipline of nunneries became extremely strict and this was severely applied. The major collation of norms dedicated to religious women was written in 1577 by Saint Charles Borromeo, bishop of Milan (Instructionum fabricae et suppellectilis ecclesiasticae). Initially, the text was prepared for the Milan diocese, but quickly spread to all the regions of the Counter-Reformation. It was a detailed regulation of all aspects of material culture within the female cloisters: buildings, everyday objects and devotional items were minutely prescribed. Although dishes and pots were not directly mentioned, three principles were constantly reiterated: closure, undifferentiated identity of individuals and distance from laity. Thus, in San Paolo, table settings seem to reflect these principles accurately: a large amount of undifferentiated table settings and scarce, but not customised, personal items. Objects with distinctive features are exceptional; in addition to the few Maiolica items, we can mention two very peculiar bowls with obscene decorations (Fig. 4.11 and Fig. 4.12). These obscene bowls were part of nuns’ private property, since one of them was scratched underneath with the P of S. Paolo (see below). There is no need to explain why this decoration was not suitable for the communal meals of a female religious community. In a female cloister, it was a serious transgression, since they

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explicitly represent genitals. Female chastity was strongly reaffirmed by Tridentine norms; indeed it prevented any contact between nuns and other people, even eye contact, and in general the sphere of intimacy in its larger meaning was avoided.29 Erotic decorations on tableware are known in Renaissance pottery. Indeed, the better studied examples are generally on luxury products, probably made on demand for specific occasions. For instance, many could be related to betrothal ceremonies, celebrating the joys of love,30 pharmaceutical containers31 or related to courtly society games, as contemporary written records suggest.32 The topic of these two bowls under discusssion here is basically different; noble or cultured references, such as mythological or moral allusions, are apparently absent. On the contrary, the images appear to suggest a satirical and even mocking meaning. Furthermore, the artistic quality of the drawings is no more refined or creatively organised than other generic decorations on everyday objects. At the present state of studies, any attempt to analyse contexts in which similar objects were common or more recurrent has been unfruitful. The archaeological excavation under discussion here yielded a smal number of finds with incentious or even obscene decorations: a Maiolica bowl from the Saint Clair nunnery of Finale Emilia,33 one unfinished fragment from the nunnery of Santa Cristina della Fondazza (Bologna), one bevi se puoi jug from a field survey near Castel Bolognese (Ravenna).34 The prevalence of female cloisters is probably due to the attention traditionally reserved in Italy for these rich archaeological contexts. In general, we can assume that obscene decorations on communal productions were very rare (or poorly published?) and, certainly, pottery was not the main vehicle of diffusion of licentious topics and pornography.35 We can attempt to define the specific nature of this transgression only by analysing the composition of the drawing. The layout is identical to that represented on many ordinary dishes used in monasteries and in secular contexts. Indeed, in the centre of the bowl is a main subject surrounded by a crown of flames, which is usually associated with religious representations such as the symbol of St. Bernard (ihs) or with the acronym of San Paolo in the 15th century bowls. Moreover, the layout of one bowl suggests a coat of arms; it represents crossed elements surmounted by secondary decorations – a sort of ‘crown’. A satirical intent seems quite clear. It could evoke a general or specific heraldic sign, the acronym of St. Maria (sm), frequent in the tableware of the previous century, or even the ubiquitous Papal coat of arms of St. Peter. The affinity with more common layouts could suggest a satirical, political or even blasphemous and mocking meaning. The transgression implied in these bowls seems to present more a satirical and polemic attitude than an actual sexual transgression. c.m.

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scr atch m a r k s on 16t h- ce n t u ry pot t e ry In spite of the shortage of objects made on demand or customised, nearly 40% of the items present a ‘home-made’ personalisation. Indeed, many tableware containers were characterised by scratched marks, clearly made by users; these were letters, names or symbols roughly scratched, usually on the base, and on the external surface or the handles of the cooking pots. They are designed with varying skill, different instruments and different levels of literacy (Fig. 5). For instance, many letters are reversed, and upper and lower cases even occur in the same word. This practice is largely found in Italian post-Tridentine nunneries, and is usually associated with dowry customs showing a strong inclination to mark the personal property of undifferentiated items36. However, the nunnery of San Paolo represents an extraordinary opportunity to go deeper into the topic; the two large assemblages, used by a single community in two different but significant periods of its history, are available and catalogued in detail. It is clear that in this religious institution, scratched marks suddenly and extensively appear on post-Tridentine pottery. In the 15th century context, this kind of mark is almost non-existent, and simpler (just crosses). They could be considered accidental episodes, and no specific or organised practice can be detected. On the other hand, in the following century, scratched marks occur on several containers, are different in design and occur on various types of objects. Signs can be divided into five main groups. Three of them are single letters: P, probably for ‘Saint Paul’, R, perhaps for refettorio (refectory), and F, possibly firmeria (infirmary). These hypothetical groups seem to occur in other contemporary nunneries. For example, in Sant’Antonio in Polesine (Ferrara), scratched marks with F, R, and T, shaped as a Tau, the symbol of Saint Anthony, occur37. Furthermore, the letter F occurs on a small number of containers of different shapes and functions (a few individual containers, jugs, a basin, small glazed cooking pots, etc.), as if they comprised a small unique setting, suitable for a very small group of users or a single individual, such as people hospitalised in the infirmary. In addition, the letters P and R were found on two complementary groups of items; the first one basically consisting of food containers and, the second, exclusively jugs. Analysing the habits beyond this evidence is not easy. It is probable that it concerns the rooms in the cloister and the time when tableware was used, rather than the individual ownership or groups of people within the community. The choice was probably made when they were stored, because marks were scratched on the bases of containers, and were distinguishable when they were not in use. Moreover, the letters P and R are significantly frequent on two particular types of pottery: the large majority on monochrome brown slip glazed ware and on exemplars of ‘graffita post-rinascimen-

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tale’ decorated with the St. Bernard symbol (ihs), often painted in blue. In San Paolo, nearly all the containers with the St. Bernard symbol are painted blue, and nearly all are scratched on the base. Moreover, brown monochrome slip glazed ware represents nearly 30% of all tableware, and almost three-quarters are scratched with the letter P. Interpreting further, we can assume that large settings with similar characteristics, or the largest part of them, once they were used within the nunnery, were marked by the nuns themselves for specific purposes, related to mealtimes and the refectory. In San Paolo, we have evidence of this kind of selection of materials during use. Where pottery decorations are present, such as on the items with the St. Bernard symbol, wide variations are clearly recognisable. Thus, these pieces could have been acquired by different people (single dowries?), or purchased in the local market from one or more sellers at one time. It seems improbable that large quantities were produced to order. Another group of scratched marks could readily be interpreted as initials or complete names of individual nuns. Many objects from another group may, possibly, have identification marks. However, marks cannot always be clearly deciphered, due to poor preservation and fragmentation. They fit perfectly with the traditional interpretation of dowry objects or a general custom of customising everyday objects. Identity marks occur in a wide range of tableware, on small glazed cooking pots and very frequently on large basins, perhaps used for personal hygiene rather than food. This context suggests a further observation concerning this practice; these marks probably do not characterise the property, or the use of an artifact once and for ever. In very few cases a mark has been erased and replaced by a new one. To summarise, we can assume that scratched marks probably reveal a serious need to distinguish cooking containers and tableware for very different uses. In this specific context of the post-Tridentine nunnery of San Paolo, it could not be confined only to personal property or individual use, although this attitude is also recognisable. On the contrary, it involved the individual as well the community. Most marks seem to be related to the general organisation of the community during mealtimes. In the late 16th century, nuns needed to distinguish their pottery, and different settings were probably devoted to different occasions and rooms. In other words, different settings were appropriate for different occasions. In San Paolo, but not in all the contemporary nunneries,38 this framework coincides with an almost total lack of customised pottery. Moreover, its appearance during the Counter-Reformation is quite clear. c.m. cook i ng pots We have seen that the Counter-Reformation had an effect on the table setting and personal possessions of the nuns. The two assemblages also show large differences be-

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tween the cooking sets. They are composed of glazed kitchenware, mostly pots and pans, and coarse ware (pots, domestic covers/lids and small pans). However, the reasons for this diversity seem not to be linked with the identity of the nuns and the influence of Counter-Reformation, but with the evolution of taste and cuisine of the time. In the assemblage from the last quarter of the 15th century, cooking ware represents 10.6% of the total amount of pottery, with a high predominance of glazed kitchen ware (68% of cooking ware Fig. 3.7-10) over coarse ware (Fig. 3.11). Perhaps this is due to the fact that coarse ware mostly consisted of very wide domestic covers (diameter 60-80 cm) which were used as a formof oven for baking cakes and bread for more people, whereas pots were used for boiling or cooking soups and liquid foods. In fact, this function was mostly carried out in glazed pots with a single handle. In the second assemblage, cooking ware represents 21.6% of the total amount, a substantially higher percentage, with an unexpected increase in coarse ware (41% of cooking ware). Not only very wide domestic covers/lids (diameter 30-90 cm) are present, but also a larger variety of smaller objects, which were suitable for cooking small portions of food and were ideal for different courses. There are pans and saucepans, perhaps for stewed or sautéed foods, and pots for liquids, such as soup. There are also baking trays and platters (testi). The first important characteristic of this later assemblage is the unusual presence of a large amount of coarse ware. In this region, this kind of pottery seems to have become rarer in the 15th century than in previous periods. However, it did not completely disappear, although it seems to be almost absent in 16th century assemblages.39 The 16th-century cooking setting shows a totally different situation; many dishes still needed to be prepared in this kind of pottery, so coarse ware was not replaced by metal pans or glazed pottery. Moreover, shapes and the decoration of domestic ovens, in both assemblages, seem not to have changed much from the 14th century types found in the region.40 The traces of restoration on the very wide domestic covers/lids show that this pottery was easily breakable. Perhaps they were not as simple to replace as tableware, and nuns preferred to repair rather than to replace them, despite their inexpensive price.41 Regarding the pot dimensions, the most recovered rim diameters in both kitchen sets are 10 and 14 cm, with a fair amount of pots of 12 cm diameter. However, in the older assemblage, small pots of diameters less than 10 cm are less common than in the 16th-century assemblage (9% compared to 17%). It may be assumed that in the 15th century, small pots were used for cooking portions of food for individual consumption, because rules on communal meals were not as strict before the Council of Trent. This could not be true at the end of the 16th century, when the rules of the Counter-Reformation forced the nuns to eat together.

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Therefore, it is most likely that the increased presence of small pots was once again due to a change in eating habits; for instance, the appearance of new preparations, such as sauces and compotes to match main dishes, correlating with their appearance in the cookbooks of the time.42 To sum up, it is clear that cooking pots also reflect changes in the habits in the nunnery, and these changes required various shapes and sizes of pots for the preparation of new foods and dishes. These transformations are to be attributed more to widespread changes in society in taste and fashion, rather than impositions dictated by the new rules that governed life in nunneries during the Counter-Reformation. l.s. conclusion The analysis of these objects as a medium of messages and instruments of social display has allowed us to better understand changes within the community of San Paolo at a very critical period. Initially, the identity of religious women was directly inspired by secular habits, but later the possibility of self-representation through objects was significantly reduced, reflecting the loss of freedom. The eating habits suggested by the study of table settings and cooking pots underline deep transformations, even in everyday objects, corresponding to the spread of Tridentine norms and the vicissitudes of the community. In the 15th century, meals were the occasion to display and praise both community and individuals; differences among the members of the community and their families were shown, and the memory of the nunnery of San Paolo was celebrated. Differences between individuals and groups within the community are also attested to in food preparation, as suggested by the number of small cooking pots. Moreover, everyday objects were very similar to those found in secular settings, and, if their meaning was different, it was probably due to their interpretation, rather than their characteristics; for instance, giving a religious meaning to secular decoration, such as the pierced heart. It is not clearly known how everyday objects in nunneries were acquired. It is evident, however, that a personalised table setting implies an origin from a single dowry, but it is worth noting that its use could be, or could become at one time, collective. After the Counter-Reformation, table sets became quite uniform. It is possible that the large variety of Maiolica bowls are a reflection of personal property. However, there is hardly any explicit examples celebrating the identities of the whole community, individuals or families. Scratching one’s name on individual bowls, or possessing objects with a subversive meaning, were probably strong manifestations of insubordination against the new rigorous rules. However, more complex phenomena probably

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occurred in the organisation of the whole community, as is suggested by the need to distinguish different rooms or occasions for when which pottery was used. It is also clear that relationships with the world outside the cloister, relatives or other lay people, were drastically reduced, and, at the same time, social habits and rites had been rejected. Familial connections between nuns were also prohibited and substituted with a forced communal life. This framework could not be applied to all post-Tridentine nunneries, 43 as the degree of respect for the rules and the internal organisation of various communities probably differed (for instance, depending on religious order and the role of the nunneries within the urban social fabric). It is clear, however, that the opportunity to compare several communities represents an oppurtunityto verify the existence of one or more behavioural models, and allows us to understand the factors that influenced different models. To conclude, the informative potential of material culture is rich and enables one to answer several questions about the social dynamics of past communities that cannot be resolved from traditional sources. Nevertheless, the comparison between different and meaningful contexts is unavoidable for framing individual behaviours in a historical perspective. Forms, decorations and customisation of items over the ages should be considered, and complemented, with the comparison between assemblages from different social groups at specific times. m.l. – c.m. – l.s.

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not es 1

This study was realized thanks to Silvia

19 Bascapé and Del Piazzo 1983; Ferrari 1989.

Pellegrini (Musei Civici di Modena)

20 Bascapé and Del Piazzo 1983, 91.

and Donato Labate (Soprintendenza

21 Vicini 1928.

Archeologia Emilia-Romagna; now

22 Zarri 2000.

Sopraintendenza Archeologia, Belle Arti

23 Musacchio 1999; L’Estrange 2011.

e Paesaggio). We also thank for their

24 Brundage 1987; Bayer 2008; Krohn 2008;

suggestions, references and ideas, Sauro

Ajmar-Wollheim 2010.

Gelichi, Margherita Ferri, Hugo Blake,

25 ASMo, Sopressioni 2426.

Marta Caroscio and Derek Hall.

26 See paragraph ‘Scratch marks on 16thcentury pottery’ below.

2

Leclerq 1975; Zarri 2000.

3

Pelner Cosman 1976; Henisch 1978;

27 Gelichi and Librenti 1998; idem 2001.

Montanari 1988; idem 1989; idem 1991.

28 Cubelli 1975; Leclerq 1975; Zarri 2000.

4 Scapoli 1998.

29 Zarri 2000.

5

30 Brundage 1987; Mathieu 2003; Bayer 2008;

Nada Patrone 1998, 49; Montanari 2006, 58.

Krohn 2008; Matthews-Grieco 2010.

6 Gelichi 1997. 7 Gelichi and Librenti 1998; idem 2001.

31 Ajmar-Wollheim 2010.

8

32 Brantôme, 45-48. We would like to thank

Librenti 2006. See paragraph ‘Scratch marks

Audrey Gilles-Chikhaui for the suggestion.

on 16th-century pottery’ below. 9

Tiraboschi 1794, 194-203; Soli 1974, 63-77;

33 Modena, Gelichi and Librenti 1998, fig. 45, 90.

Cornia 1998, 16-19. 10 ASMo, Sopressioni 2426, 1484.

34 We would like to thank Sauro Gelichi for the information.

11 ASMo, Sopressioni 2426, 1484, Tiraboschi 1794, 202. 12 Soli 1974, 63-77.

35 Guerzoni 2010. 36 Gelichi and Librenti 1998; idem 2001; De Groote 2005; Librenti 2006; Baldassarri,

13 See paragraph ‘Archealogical excavations

Giorgio and Trombetta 2012.

and monastic design’ below. 14 See paragraph ‘The 15th-century’ below.

37 Guarnieri 2006.

15 Rimini: Falcioni 1994, 96-97; Argenta

38 See for instance, Guarnieri 2006.

(Ferrara): Guarnieri 1999; Venice: Saccardo,

39 Gelichi and Librenti 1997; idem 1998.

Lazzarini and Canal 1987.

40 Nepoti 2006.

16 See paragraph ‘The stratigraphic sequence’ above. 17 E.g., Nepoti 1991; idem 1992.

41 Faoro 1998, 297-299. 42 Scappi 1570; Bandini 1992. 43 Baldassarri, Giorgio and Trombetta 2012; Giorgio and Clemente 2016.

18 We would like to thank Filippo Fontana for suggestions and help.

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bi bl iogr a ph y Ajmar-Wollheim, M. 2010, ‘The Spirit is ready, but the flesh is tired’: Erotic objects and marriage in Early Modern Italy, in: S.F. Matthews-Grieco (ed.), Erotic Cultures of Renaissence Italy, Farham, 141-169. Baldassarri, M., M. Giorgio and I. Trombetta 2012. Vita di comunità ed identità sociale: il vasellame degli scavi di San Matteo in Pisa dal monastero benedettino al carcere cittadino (xii-xix secolo), in: S. Gelichi (ed.), Atti del ix Congresso Internazionale sulla Ceramica Medievale nel Mediterraneo, Florence, 503-505. Bandini, F. (ed.) 1992, Banchetti composizioni di vivande e apparecchio generale di Cristoforo da Messisbugo, (ed. orig. 1549, Ferrara), Vicenza. Bayer, A. (ed.) 2008. Art and Love in Renaissence Italy, New York. Brantôme, Vie des dames galantes, in: L. Lalanne (ed.), Oeuvres complètes, Paris, Renouard/Loones/Lahure, 1873, 1875, 1876 (1ère éd. 1666). Bascapé, G.C. and M. Del Piazzo (eds.) 1983. Insegne e simboli. Araldica pubblica e privata medievale e moderna, Rome. Brundage, J.A. 1987. Low, Sex and Christian Society in Medieval Europe, Chicago. Cornia, U. 1998. La vicenda storica, in: G. Martinelli Braglia (ed.), La chiesa di San Paolo a Modena. Otto secoli di Storia, Modena, 13-45. Cubelli, F. 1975. v. Clausura, Clausura e legislazione, in: Dizionario degli Istituti di Perfezione, vol. ii, Rome, 1174-1178. Groote, K. de 2005. The use of ceramics in Late Medieval and Early Modern monasteries: Data from three sites in East Flanders (Belgium), Medieval Ceramics 29, 31-43. Falcioni A. 1994. Problemi di nettezza urbana: interventi legislativi in epoca moderna, in: A. Falcioni (ed.), Rimini e la tutela della città. Legislazione di nettezza urbana dall’epoca romana al xix secolo, Rimini, 89-126. Faoro, A. 1998. Primi risultati di una indagine archivistica su ceramica e ceramisti a Ferrara nel tardo medioevo, Archeologia Medievale 25, 293-306. Ferrari, V. 1989. L’araldica estense nello sviluppo storico del dominio ferrarese, Ferrara. Gelichi, S. 1997. Stoviglie da tavola e da cucina: Trasformazioni nei manufatti d’uso domestico tra Medioevo e Rinascimento in Emilia Romagna, Contributi della Scuola di Specializzazione in Archeologia dell’Università degli Studi di Pisa ii, 153-166. Gelichi, S. and M. Librenti 1997. Ceramiche postmedievali in Emilia Romagna, Archeologia Postmedievale 1, 185-228. Gelichi, S. and M. Librenti (eds.) 1998. Senza immensa dote. Le Clarisse di Finale Emilia tra archeologia e storia, Florence. Gelichi, S. and M. Librenti 2001. Ceramiche e conventi in Emilia Romagna in epoca moderna: un bilancio, in: S. Gelichi (ed), Ceramiche e corredi monacali in epoca

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moderna, Atti del Convegno di Studi, Finale Emilia, 1 ottobre 1998, Florence (= Archeologia Post-Medievale 5), 13-38. Giorgio, M. and G. Clemente 2016. Simboli di proprietà, simboli di riconoscimento: utilizzo e diffusione dei graffiti post-cottura sulle ceramiche pisane tra Medioevo ed Età Moderna, in: M. Ferri, C. Moine and L. Sabbionesi (eds.), In & Around. Ceramiche e comunità, Secondo convegno tematico dell’a iecm3, 17-19 Aprile 2015, Faenza, Museo Internazionale delle Ceramiche, Florence, 31-40. Guarnieri, C. (ed.) 1999. Il tardo Medioevo ad Argenta: lo scavo di Via Vinarola-Aleotti, Florence. Guarnieri, C. (ed.) 2006. S. Antonio in Polesine. Archeologia e storia di un monastero estense, Florence. Guerzoni, G.A. 2010. The erotic fantasies of a model clerk: Amateur pornography at the beginning of the Cinquecento, in: S.F. Matthews-Grieco (ed.), Erotic Cultures of Renaissance Italy, Farham, 61-88. Henisch, B.A. 1978. Fast and Feast. Food in Medieval Society, London. Instructionum fabricae et suppellectilis ecclesiasticae, libri 2, Caroli Borromei, ed. by M. Marinelli, City of Vatican, 2000. Krohn, D. 2008. Rites of passage. Art objects to celebrate betrothal, marriage and the family, in: A. Bayer (ed.), Art and Love in Renaissance Italy, New York, 60-67. Leclercq, J. 1975. v. Clausura, Clausura in Oriente e Occidente, in: Dizionario degli Istituti di Perfezione, ii, Rome, 1166-1174. Leclerq, J. 1976. v. Femminile, monachesimo, in Dizionario degli Istituti di Perfezione, ii, Rome, 1166-1174. L’Estrange, E. 2011. ‘Deschi da Parto’ and topsy-turvy gender relations in fifteenthCentury Italian households, in E. L’Estrange and A. More (eds.), Representing Medieval Genders and Sexualities in Europe. Construction, Transformation and Subversion, 600-1530, Farnham, 127-144. Librenti, M. 2006. Le sigle sui materiali ceramici di S. Antonio in Polesine, in: C. Guarnieri (ed.), S. Antonio in Polesine. Archeologia e storia di un monastero estense, Firenze, 235-241. Mathieu, P. (ed.) 2003. Sex Pots. Eroticism in Ceramics, London. Matthews-Grieco, S.F. (ed.) 2010. Erotic Cultures of Renaissence Italy, Farham. Montanari, M. 1988. Alimentazione e cultura nel Medioevo, Bari. Montanari, M. 1989, Convivio. Storia e cultura dei piaceri della tavola dall’antichità al Medioevo, Bari. Montanari, M. 1991. Nuovo convivio. Storia e cultura della tavola nell’età moderna, Bari. Monatanari, M. 2006. Il cibo come cultura, Bari.

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Musacchio, J.M. 1999. The Art and Ritual of Childbirdth in Renaissence Italy, Singapore. Nepoti, S. 1991. Ceramiche graffite dalla donazione Donini Baer, Comune di Faenza, Faenza. Nepoti, S. 1992. Le ceramiche a Ferrara nel Rinascimento: i reperti da Corso della Giovecca, in: S. Gelichi (ed.), Ferrara prima e dopo il castello. Testimonianze archeologiche per la storia della città, Ferrara, pp. 289-365. Nada Patrone, A.M. 1998. A mensa con i monaci, in: V. Scapoli (ed.), L’alimentazione nei monasteri medioevali. Conversazioni medioevali 1, Ferrara, 13-57. Nepoti, S. 2006. Le ceramiche, in: C. Guarnieri (ed.), S. Antonio in Polesine. Archeologia e storia di un monastero estense, Florence, 91-113. Pelner Cosman, M. 1976. Faboulous Feast. Medieval Cookery and Ceremony, New York. Saccardo, F., L. Lazzarini and E. Canal 1987. Ritrovamenti di ceramica tardo-medievale alla Scuola Vecchia della Misericordia, Venezia, Archeologia Veneta 10, 185-220. Scapoli, V. (ed.) 1998. L’alimentazione nei monasteri medioevali. Conversazioni medioevali 1, Ferrara. Scappi, B. 1570, Opera. Dell’arte del cucinare, Ripr. facs. dell’ed del 1570, Sala Bolognese 1981. Soli, G. 1974. Chiese di Modena, vol. iii, Modena. Tiraboschi, G. 1794. Memorie storiche modenesi col codice diplomatico illustrato con note, iii, Modena. Vicini, E.P. 1928. Il libro d’oro della comunità di Modena, Rivista Araldica, July 1928, 3-22. Zarri, G. 2000. Recinti: Donne, clausura e matrimonio nella prima età moderna, San Giovanni in Persiceto (Bologna).

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fig. 1 – The nunnery of San Paolo in Modena: 1. Location of the site. 2. Late 12th-century: the parish church of San Paolo and two wooden structures built against the city walls, one of them clearly an artisan’s workshop. 3. Late 15th-century: the temporary location of the nuns. 5. Late 15th – early 16th-century: the nunnery of San Paolo (M. Librenti, C. Moine, L. Sabbionesi).

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fig. 2 – Pottery from San Paolo in Modena: the late 15th-century assemblage (M. Librenti, C. Moine, L. Sabbionesi). fig. 3 – See colour plates page 382.

fig. 4 – Pottery from San Paolo in Modena: the second half of 16th-century assemblage; note the large amounts of ‘graffita post-rinascimentale’ and ‘monochrome slip and glazed ware’ (M. Librenti, C. Moine, L. Sabbionesi). fig. 5 – See colour plates page 383.

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fig. 6 – Scratched marks on 16th-century pottery from San Paolo in Modena (M. Librenti, C. Moine, L. Sabbionesi).

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Global dining with Erasmus: The Early Modern European dining table Alexandra van Dongen

* Viatores sumus in hoc mundo, non habitatores Travelers we are in this world, not inhabitants desiderius erasmus, 15341

t h e di n i ng room, a globa l cosmos There is a world to be discovered in the Early Modern European dining room. The use of specific types of tableware, their designs, materials, instrumental functionalities and table manners, reveal a rich diversity of intercultural influences, a phenomenon that was not new at the beginning of the 16th century. Let’s walk into an imaginary early 16th-century dining room and set the table, using artefacts that will tell this fascinating history. The Rotterdam humanist Desiderius Erasmus (Rotterdam 1466 – Basel 1536) is very helpful in our research, as he wrote a very popular instructional treatise for young boys attending Latin schools, including a chapter on table manners: De civilitate morum puerilium libellus (On Civility of Behaviour in Boys), which was first published in Basel in 1530.2 The book tapped into a remarkable development; learning good table manners ceased to be the sole preserve of the traditional Late Medieval elite and became part of a humanist and civil development. Erasmus stressed that the rules of etiquette were not just intended for noble boys, but should be an essential element of the upbringing of all children.3 When Erasmus wrote De civilitate, he had lived and worked in various cities in Europe, where he must have enjoyed a variety of meals at a wide variety of dinner tables laid in diverse ways, undoubtedly all with a mixture of local and imported tableware. For our 16th-century table setting, I shall focus on the fourth chapter of Erasmus’ treatise, entitled De conviviis (On Meals). His written table instructions, combined with 16th-century domestic artefacts and archaeological finds from excavations in Medieval MasterChef, ed. by Joanita Vroom, Yona Waksman, Roos van Oosten, Medieval and Post-Medieval Archaeology Series ii (Turnhout, 2017), pp. 245-256 (+ plates pp. 384-388) © 245

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numerous European cities, and the often realistically depicted domestic utensils in contemporary European and Dutch paintings, drawings and engravings will constitute our interdisciplinary sources.4 di n i ng ta bl e In the 16th century, the dining table (Latin: mensa) was often still, as it had been in the Middle Ages, a contraption of wooden trestles on which a separate wooden table top, or board, would be placed. From the 15th century onwards, there were also flap tables and drop leaf tables. The solid dining table with fixed legs and top, sometimes with elements that slid out like the one drawn by the German artist Albrecht Dürer (Nürnberg 1471-1528) in 1520-1521 in his sketchbook made during his trip through the Netherlands, came into fashion during the Renaissance (Fig. 1). Let’s use Dürer’s dining table to set our table. ta bl eclot h, na pk i ns, or i e n ta l c a r pet A table cloth (Latin: mappa) was known in the 16th century as an ammelaken in the Low Countries. The dining table was covered with a linen table cloth and dressed with linen napkins. The Schweizerisches Landesmuseum in Zurich, Switzerland, owns an unusual linen table cloth, dated 1527, which is decorated with the coat of arms of the Hauser family (Fig. 2).5 The table cloth is decorated with an elaborate, embroidered design representing a table setting, in the form of table ware: a large serving dish, trenchers, sauce bowls, dinner knives, glass wine beakers, a two-pronged serving fork, foodstuffs like bread, biscuits, ham and carrots, flowers and fruits, like muscatel pears, grapes, walnuts, cherries, bread and apples. Meanwhile, birds are picking up the crumbs after the represented meal, where all the dinner guests appear to have just left the table. To keep the table cloth clean, Erasmus advises: ‘Do not throw bones or similar leftovers under the table to litter the floor, or toss them on to the table cloth, or replace them in the serving dish, but put them at the side of your plate or in the dish which some people provide as a receptacle for leftovers.’6 On some occasions, for the purpose of setting lavish high tables, richly patterned oriental carpets were spread over the wooden table with a long ‘stripe’ on top lying down the middle; this was usually a white linen strip, folded sheet or table scarf, upon which breads and foods were set.7 This idea, to put an oriental carpet on a dining table, was most likely based on the use of placing oriental carpets on altar tables in Christian churches, since their introduction into Europe by migrants and through trade.8

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ta bl ewa r e The embroidered table setting depicted on the linen table cloth, shows a large central food-serving dish filled with fruits and a carrot. In the 16th century, a diverse variety of food-serving dishes were available, to present food on a communally placed plate on the table. Before a cooked dish was served on the table, it was kept hot on a chafing dish with glowing coals, close to the dining table. A food-serving dish (Latin: patina or disco) was usually made of pewter, earthenware or the more luxurious ceramic type of dish made of European Maiolica. Sometimes a cover was placed over the dish to keep the food hot. On the table, a steaming dish could be placed on a circular metal dish holder on three legs, described in Erasmus’ Dutch edition from 1546 as a schotelrinck or tafelrinc, to prevent the hot dish from scorching the table cloth.9 In the Netherlands, some rare examples of non-European food-serving dishes have been found. In the northern Dutch city of Enkhuizen, for instance, on a terrain called De Baan, a fragment of a large Turkish serving dish made of Iznik fritware was excavated in 2004 (Fig. 3). Probably by indirect trade, the dish had reached this harbour city in the northern part of the country.10 We can only guess for what kind of food this Iznik dish was used. Could it perhaps have been a pasteyen? This was a quite popular richly spiced meat pie, based on a recipe published in the oldest printed cookery book from the Netherlands, Een notabel boecxken van cokeryen, Brussel; published by Thomas Vander Noot around 1514 (recipe no. 94):11 Om goede pasteyen te maken – Neemt bloeme ende maeckt daeraf deech ende doet daerinne eyeren ofte smout [vet], omdat het brood [de korst] van den pasteien cort [bros] sijn soude. Ende neempt dat vleesch dat ghi daerin hebben wilt ende cappet wel cleyne, na ghelegentheit dat [overeenkomstig] het vleesch es. Oft neempt hoenderen oft capuynen oft rintstonghen [rundertongen] of ander wiltbraet ende dat legt al gheheel in de pasteyen. Ende men pleechtse te larderen [doorsteken] met groffelsnaghelen [kruidnagel = clove] die wilt, ende die sommighe die sniden daer speck inne. Ende dat cruyt [specerijen] hiertoe es: ghimbere [gember], greyne [kardemom] ende caneele [kaneel], teghadere gheminghelt. Dyt cruyt [specerijmengsel] moet ghemynghelt sijn metten vleesche, als tvleesch wel cleine ghecapt es. Dan worpt ment in die pasteyen tegader ende neemt luttel wijns die wilt. Ende men legter oock inne merchbeenderen [mergpijpen], omdat sy vet zijn souden. Aldus setse in den hoven [oven] ende laetse backen. Dan es si volmaect. The English translation reads:

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To make good pies – Take flour and make dough from it and put therein eggs or fat in order that the crust of the pie will be short. And take the meat that you want to have in there and cut it small as the meat allows. Or take hens or capons or beef tongue or other game and lay that whole in the pie and one must stick them with cloves if one wishes and some cut bacon into it. And the spices for this are ginger, grains of paradise and cinnamon mixed together. These spices must be mixed with the meat when the meat is cut up small. Then one throws it into the pie together and takes a little wine if one wishes and one also lays therein marrow bones because they should be fat. Set it thus in the oven and let it bake. Then it is complete. On a 16th-century portrait of the Dutch family of Pierre de Moucheron (1508-1567), a merchant in Middelburg and Antwerp, we can see a richly laid table with plates and dishes filled with a pie, bread, olives, fruit and cooked birds (Fig. 4). The exotic spices, mentioned in Van der Noot’s meat pie recipe, are groffelsnaghelen (‘kruidnagel’) which is clove, originating from the Moluccas, ghimbere (‘gember’), meaning ginger, greyne (‘kardemom’), cardamom, and caneele (‘kaneel’) which is cinnamon, originating from Ceylon. Cloves were already known for thousands of years in China and modern-day Indonesia, and the Romans were the first to introduce the clove to Europe. During the Middle Ages, the use of clove was limited and very costly. In 1480, an image of cloves, together with cinnamon and nutmeg (Fig. 5), is depicted in the Book of Tides by Philips van Kleef (1456-1528). In 1529, clove was only traded in Lisbon and Antwerp.12 Exotic ceramic dishes, such as the Iznik example, as well as southern or northern European examples of colourful Maiolica, can also be found in use as serving dishes. This is evident in a painting from 1525, by Lucas van Cranach the Elder, depicting a friend of Erasmus, the Archbishop of Mainz: Albrecht von Brandenburg as Saint Jeronymus in his study (Fig. 6). k n i v es & for k s Diners used, in the 16th century, a table knife or dinner knife (Latin: cultello) with a sharp, pointed, wrought-iron blade. Erasmus describes the placing of the knife on the table: ‘The cup and small eating knife, duly cleaned, should be on the right-hand side of the plate, the bread on the right.’13 According to Erasmus, it was proper to use a small knife to peal boiled eggs or pick up meat from the serving-dish: ‘It is ridiculous to pick an eggshell clean with finger-nails or thumb; to do so by inserting one’s tongue is even more ridiculous; the polite way is to use a small knife. To gnaw bones is for a

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dog; good manners require them to be picked with a small knife.’14 Erasmus recommended using a knife to eat bread; ‘Grasping the bread in the palm of the hand and breaking it with the fingertips is an affected practice which should be left to certain courtiers. You should cut it properly with your knife, not tearing off the crust or cutting it away from both sides as this smacks of affectation.’15 In the early 16th century, small table forks had two or three prongs and were used as a serving instrument to transfer food, sweetmeats and other delicacies, from a dish to the trencher (Fig. 7). Serving forks had been in use in Europe since the Roman times. The introduction to Europe of the Byzantine custom of eating with a fork, which originated from the Middle East, is the stuff of legend. The Greek princess, Teodora Anna Dukaina, who married Domenico Selvo the Doge of Venice in 1075, caused a scandal in Venice by eating with a small golden fork. But her practice, which was considered sinfully over refined, was adopted later on throughout Italy, including by the pope. On a quite beautiful Maiolica istoriato plate, painted by Francesco Xanto Avelli (ca. 1487 - ca. 1542), an Italian two-pronged dining fork can be seen on the dining table (Fig. 8). It was not until the 17th century that the eating fork came into fashion in north-western Europe. Erasmus must have come across such eating forks on the tables of the rich during his travels through Europe. There is no mention in De civilitate of the fork as an implement for eating. The fork (Latin: furcina) referred to in his text was used as a serving fork: ‘You should take what you want with a knife or fork.’16 In 1533, Erasmus received a gift from the Polish abbot Erasmus Ciolek of the Cistercian monastery of Claratumba, near Krakow. The abbot had visited Erasmus in Freiburg in 1532. The following year, he sent his host a token of his gratitude in the form of a leather cutlery case containing a silver-gilt knife and fork, which (alas without its contents) survived and is in the collection of the Historisches Museum in Basel. A letter of thanks, which Erasmus wrote in 1526 to the Polish nobleman, Krzysztof Szydlowiecki, who had given him the gift, reveals his Erasmian humility, accepting the gift with gratitude but he cannot resist saying that ‘something made of clay or wood’ would have been more suitable for him.17 w i n e gl a ss Erasmus wrote about the consumption of drinks during a meal the following remarks: ‘To begin a meal with drinking is the hallmark of a drunkard who drinks not from need but from habit. Such a practice is not only morally degrading but also injurious to bodily health. […] Chew your food before you drink and do not raise the cup to your lips without first wiping them with a napkin or cloth, especially if someone offers you

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his cup or when drinking from the common cup. It is discourteous to look askance at others while you are drinking, just as it is impolite to turn your neck round like a stork lest a drop remain at the bottom of the cup. You should courteously acknowledge someone toasting you with his cup, and touching your own cup with your lips, sip a little and pretend to drink: this will satisfy a polite man simply playing the buffoon. When someone boorishly presses you to drink, promise to reply when you have grown up.’18 As far as drinking vessels are concerned, in his Latin text, Erasmus only used the word poculum (beaker), an object that was available in a range of different materials. There were different types of plain, as well as elaborate, drinking vessels available in Erasmus’ days; these were made from different materials as is evident from both archaeological finds and from contemporary depictions of drinking vessels in paintings and engravings. Glassware for the table, of the types depicted on the Swiss table cloth (Fig. 2) and in various other visual sources of the same period, were produced in glassworks in Germany, southern Netherlands, northern France and Venice.19 The origins of the technique of using enamel, gilding and inscriptions to decorate glassware was also transferred to Venice, coming up from the Islamic regions, in Syria and Egypt, since the 13th century.20 Even before that time, enamelled and gilded glass beakers found their way to the Netherlands. For example, a Medieval glass beaker, dating from 1175-1250 and made in Syria, was excavated by archaeologists in the city of Maastricht, near the remains of the Wittevrouwenklooster, a 13th-century cloister. It probably found its way there via trade or as a pilgrim’s souvenir during the time of the Crusades. The Syrian beaker is identified as being from the Syrian Raqqa-group. It carries an inscription in Arab lettering, ‘al-shiah’, and is decorated with images of eagles and medallions.21 In Erasmus’s days, drinking vessels used at the table often bore admonitory inscriptions advising moderation in drink, such as ‘drinct bi maten het sal u baten’ (drink in moderation, it will benefit you). The phenomenon of the motto jug goes back to Greek and Roman antiquity. In Erasmus’s Godly Feast, one of two Colloquia (1522), mentions two ‘talking’ beakers referred to in a dialogue between Timothy and Eusebius; ‘Timothy: So far from silent is your house that not only the walls, but the cup too says something. Eusebius: What does it tell you? Timothy: ‘No one is warmed but by himself ’. Eusebius: ‘The cup speaks in defence of wine, for most people blame the wine when they get a fever or headache from drinking, though they themselves have invited the trouble by drinking too much. Sophronius: Mine speaks Greek: “In wine there is truth”.’ Erasmus received numerous valuable wine cups in precious metals from friends and admirers as tokens of their esteem and affection. In 1519, Erasmus was given a

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golden wine cup by Cardinal Albrecht of Brandenburg, Archbishop of Mainz. On the 19th October that year, he wrote him a letter of thanks acknowledging receiving of the cup. He describes it as a gift worthy of the princely giver, but thinks that he is an unworthy recipient for an object like this: ‘It suits me better to drink from glass and earthenware than from gold cups in high relief.’22 ta bl e m a n n e r s Since time immemorial, the shared meal has been a collective ritual in which codes of social conduct were established. Down through the centuries, the oral transmission of table manners gradually became codified in written rules to live by. The earliest known Dutch text on etiquette is the Boec van Seden, written around 1290, based on the Latin book on etiquette Facetus (Courteous).23 We must, however, consider that the development and refining of Medieval, and Early Modern European, table manners most likely took place in Al-Andalus, Islamic Spain. In Cordóba, an Iraqy musician and gastronome called Abul-Hasan Alí Ibn Nafí (Baghdad ca. 789 - Cordóba, Spain 857), known as Ziryab, became very influential. He worked at the court of Cordóba, from 822, with Caliph Abd-Al-Rahman ii (792-852).24 More research is required to unravel the fascinating Medieval and Early Modern transcultural history of dining, wining and its extensive material culture. Enjoy your meal!

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not es 1

Erasmus 1534, 6.

book can be found on the website

2

Gaba-van Dongen 2008, 265-75.

Kookhistorie by Marleen Willebrands:

3

In 1546, the first Dutch edition of Erasmus’

http://www.kookhistorie.nl/ (date last

De civilitate morum puerilium libellus was

checked 01/12/2016). 12 Book of Hours, Philip of Cleves (1456 –

published by Steven Mierdmans in Antwerp with the title: Goede Manierlijcke seden.

1528), ca. 1480, Royal Library, Brussel, ms.

Hoe de Jonghers gaen, staen, eten, drincken,

iv 40. These two pages depict cinnamon,

spreken, swijghen, ter tafelen dienen, ende de

nutmeg and asparagus: https://commons.

spijse ontghinnen sullen: met meer schooner

wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Getijdenboek_

onderwijsinghen, wt D. Erasmus van

Philips_van_Kleef_(1456-528)_heer_van_

Rotterdam en meer ander gheleerder boecken,

Ravenstein.jpg (last checked 01/12/2016).

doer Vraghe ende Antwoorden ghestelt. The

13 Sowards 1985, 283 (Collected Works of Erasmus 25).

only surviving copy is in Ghent University

14 Sowards 1985, 283-84 (Collected Works of

Library (R000821).

Erasmus 25).

4 Bartels 1999. For depictions of artefacts in

15 Sowards 1985, 281 (Collected Works of

paintings and engravings, check the online

Erasmus 25).

alma research project of the Boijmans Van

16 Sowards 1985, 282 (Collected Works of

Beuningen Museum in Rotterdam: http://

Erasmus 25).

collectie.boijmans.nl/en/research/alma-en 5

17 Nauert and Dalzell 2003, CWE 12, 359:

Embroidered tablecloth depicting a laid table, with the coat of arms of the Hauser

Letter to Krzysztof Szydlowiecki, September

family, Switzerland, 1527. Embroidered linen,

9, 1526 (Collected Works of Erasmus 12).

161,5 x 119 cm, inv. AG 2385, Schweizerisches

18 Sowards 1985, 281-82 (Collected Works of Erasmus 25).

Landesmuseum, Zurich. 6 Sowards 1985, 284 (Collected Works of Erasmus 25).

19 Gaba-van Dongen 2008, 270-71. 20 Baumgartner and Krueger 1988, 120-25.

7 Pelner Cosman 1976, 126.

21 Hulst 1989.

8

Arnold 2014, 98-105.

22 Bietenholz and Mynors 1987, 109-10

9

Ibidem note 1.

(Collected Works of Erasmus 7).

10 Schrickx and Duijn 2012.

23 Elias 1978.

11 A complete transcription of this cookery

24 Lévi-Provençal 1950.

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bi bl iogr a ph y Arnold, L. 2014. The carpet index: Rethinking the oriental carpet in Early Renaissance paintings, The Silk Road 12, 98-105. Bartels, M. (ed.) 1999. Steden in scherven: vondsten uit beerputten in Deventer, Dordrecht, Nijmegen en Tiel (1250-1900), Zwolle. Baumgartner, E. and I. Krueger 1988, Phönix aus Sand und Asche. Glas des Mittelalters, exhibition catalogue Rheinisches Landesmuseum Bonn and Historisches Museum Basel, Munich. Bietenholz, P.G. and R.A.B. Mynors (eds.) 1987. Collected Works of Erasmus 7, The Correspondence of Erasmus: Letters 993 to 1121 (1519-1520), Toronto. http://www. utppublishing.com/The-Correspondence-of-Erasmus-Letters-993-to-1121-15191520-Volume-7.html (date last checked 01/12/2016). Elias, N. 1978. The Civilizing Process, Vol. 1: The History of Manners, New York [= Über den Prozeß den Zivilisation, Berlin, 1939]. Erasmus, D. 1534. De praeparatione ad mortem, Accedvnt aliquot epistolae serijs de rebus, in quibus item nihil est no[n] nouum ac recens, Paris. Erasmus, D. 1546. De civilitate morum puerilium libellus, in first Dutch edition: Goede Manierlijcke seden. Hoe de Jonghers gaen, staen, eten, drincken, spreken, swijghen, ter tafelen dienen, ende de spijse ontghinnen sullen: met meer schooner onderwijsinghen, wt D. Erasmus van Rotterdam en meer ander gheleerder boecken, doer Vraghe ende Antwoorden ghestelt, Antwerp. Gaba-van Dongen, A. 2008. Tools of civilization. Erasmus’s views on tableware and table manners, in: Images of Erasmus (exhibition catalogue, Museum Boijmans Van Beuningen), Rotterdam, 265-75. Hulst, R.A. 1994. De theateropgraving in Maastricht (1988-1989), Maastrichtse Opgravingsverslagen 1, mov 1, Maastricht, 33-34, fig. 24. Lévi-Provençal, É. 1950. Histoire de l’Espagne musulmane, Paris & Leiden. Nauert, C.G. and A. Dalzell (eds.) 2003. Collected Works of Erasmus 12, The Correspondence of Erasmus: Letters 1658-1801 (1526-1527), Toronto. http://www. utppublishing.com/The-Correspondence-of-Erasmus-Letters-1658-1801-1526-1527Volume-12.html (date last checked 01/12/2016). Pelner Cosman, M. 1976. Fabulous Feasts: Medieval Cookery and Ceremony, New York. Schrickx, C. and D. Duijn 2012. Handel met sultan en sjah. Archeologische vondsten van Turks en Perzisch aardewerk uit de Gouden Eeuw in Hoorn en Enkhuizen, Archeologie in West-Friesland 8, Gemeente Hoorn & Enkhuizen, Hoorn. Sievernich, G. and H. Budde (eds.) 1989. Europa und der Orient 800-1900, Munich.

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Sowards, J.K. (ed.) 1985. Collected Works of Erasmus 25, Literary and Educational Writings, Vol. 3: De conscribendis epistolis / Formula / De civilitate; Vol. 4: De pueris instituendis / De recta pronuntiatione, Toronto. http://www.utppublishing.com/ Literary-and-Educational-Writings-3-and-4-Volume-3-De-conscribendis-epistolis-Formula-De-civilitate.-Volume-4-De-pueris-instituendis-De-recta-pronuntiatione-Volume-25-26.html (date last checked 01/12/2016).

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fig. 1 – Albrecht Dürer (1471-1528), A dining table and jugs (bronze ewer, stoneware jug with pewter lid and pewter jug) in the sketchbook of his journey through the Netherlands, 1520-1521. Silverpoint on tinted paper, 115 x 167 mm. London, British Museum, Department of Prints and Drawings, inv. nr. 1921-7-14-2. fig. 2 – See page 256. fig. 3 – See colour plates page 384. fig. 4 – See colour plates page 385. fig. 5 – See colour plates page 385. fig. 6 – See colour plates page 386. fig. 7 – See colour plates page 387. fig. 8 – See colour plates page 387. fig. 9 – See colour plates page 388. fig. 10 – See colour plates page 388.

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fig. 2 – Embroidered tablecloth (detail) depicting a laid table, with the coat of arms of the Hauser family, Switzerland, 1527. Embroidered linen, 161,5 x 119 cm, inv. AG 2385, Schweizerisches Landesmuseum, Zurich.

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Material culture in Early Modern Abruzzo, Italy: Archival and archaeological sources Van Verrocchio

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i n t roduct ion Studies on material culture and related social practices have flourished since the 1980s, not least because of new approaches to written and archaeological sources which focus both on economic and socio-anthropological aspects.1 For historians, for instance, the study of post-mortem inventories (and dowries) is now one of the major tools for understanding, within a long-term perspective, social stratification, domestic life and the consumption habits of past communities. Another example is the use, by archaeologists, of ceramics not just as a dating tool but also as a means to formulate hypotheses about cultural behaviour throughout various centuries, including Early Modern societies.2 Both sources have, as is acknowledged, great potential but also limitations. The study of probate inventories helps, for example, to reconstruct the arrangement of objects in a domestic space, like a snap-shot taken when the house-owner dies. However, they hardly allow us to grasp their material essence; in other words, these inventories do not give a precise idea of the physical appearance of objects. Moreover, information provided by an archaeological excavation allows us, through direct access to the artefacts, to reconstruct the inventory of cooking, storage and tableware. This reconstruction, however, must be supported by other sources (written sources, iconography, etc.) in order to give a more complete picture. In recent years, there has been a significant interest in Italy within the study of the material culture of urban societies of the Modern Age. Many studies, based on the analysis of post-mortem inventories, have involved large cities such as Rome, Florence, Medieval MasterChef, ed. by Joanita Vroom, Yona Waksman, Roos van Oosten, Medieval and Post-Medieval Archaeology Series ii (Turnhout, 2017), pp. 257-289 (+ plates pp. 389-392) © 257

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Venice, Milan etc., often dictated by specific interests, such as those concerning the study of the genesis and dissemination of collections of works of art.3 At the same time, with the gradual emergence of Post-Medieval archaeology, the amount of information on artefacts and their function, especially ceramics, used in the home between the 16th and 19th centuries has increased.4 Starting with these considerations, this paper aims at suggesting a multidisciplinary approach to this subject, in an attempt to compare archaeological data with those from the study of written sources. The research will focus on some coastal towns of Abruzzo (Central Italy) in the Early Modern period, in combination with the analysis of a group of post-mortem inventories. This archival data, which is new for the area and the period in question, will be compared with the finds from archaeological investigations in the Abruzzo region, in particular some specific parts of this region. The main objective is to reconstruct in detail the inventory of objects used at home in the region and the period under study. The knowledge of the entire set of objects used for cooking, storing and serving food on the table is the first and necessary step for the reconstruction of domestic practises, especially eating habits, from the urban societies under investigation. h istor ic a l backgrou n d The region under study is the lower Pescara valley, between the major urban centres of Chieti, Ortona and Penne, and a series of small Medieval towns located along the middle hill slopes. The period under study is the era of the Spanish Viceroyalty of Naples, from the mid-16th to the end of the 17th centuries, roughly corresponding to the monarchies of Philip ii of Spain (1554-98) and Philip v (1700-07). In this period, the Pescara river was the administrative border between the provinces of Abruzzo Citra and Ultra. The primary centre of the whole area was Chieti, from which, most of the documents under study originate (Figs. 1-2). Chieti was a royal city and the capital of Abruzzo from 1443, decreed by King Alfonso i the Magnanimous (1396-1458). It was one of the ten largest cities of the Kingdom of Naples, with a population of about 10,000 inhabitants. Furthermore, it was the seat of important offices and administrative bodies for the central government, including military (Preside), judicial (Giustiziere) and economic bodies (the provincial treasury) as well as the court of Regia Udienza Provinciale founded in 1558.5 Of course, there were also local administrative and judicial government bodies (city parliament and related charges; civil court of first and second instance) as well as clerical bodies with the presence of the Archbishop, who also held the title of ‘Count’ of the city.

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This social organisation, reconstructed on the basis of Chieti historiography,6 is similar to, and definitely comparable with, the hierarchy documented in other locations of Abruzzo,7 in other cities of the Kingdom of Naples8 and, more generally, in other contemporary Italian cities.9 An important reference source is the Cadastre of Chieti dating back to 1651.10 According to the Cadastre, only about 5% of the 1,500 householders surveyed in the urban area belonged to the aristocracy,11 while the remaining 95% included bourgeois families, those who actively participated in the administration of public affairs and families of artisans and workers. According to the Cadastre, however, of the 184 richest owners, that is, those with a registered income exceeding 10 ounces, less than 42 belonged to the noble class (22,8%). These included seven of the richest owners, and individuals who were merchants, tax collectors, pharmacists, doctors, judges, notaries and doctors of law. We find the same social organisation in the city of Penne where, according to the Cadastre of 1600, about 5% of the 1,107 householders surveyed belonged to the noble class, while at least 20% of them were middle-class families.12 Finally, the social stratification in Chieti can be schematically described as follows: 1) the presence of a patrician class with a few local noble families without remarkable feudal possessions, as found in other areas of Abruzzo; the noble class here consists mainly of baronial families. 2) the presence of a class mainly consisting of doctors of law and medicine, lawyers, judges and notaries (bourgeois). This included local and regional families and families from Spain, Naples or from other provinces of the viceroyalty, fuelled by the presence of these royal government offices. In this class we can also note the strong presence of foreign merchants, including overrides of the territories of the Republic of Venice, fuelled by the cadences of the annual fairs (e.g. the fair of St. Anthony in Chieti), connected with the presence of a Venetian consulate established in Chieti in 1555 and a vice-consulate in Pescara.13 3) the presence of a lower class of small traders, manufacturers (textile, tailoring, tanning etc.) and workers, fuelled by higher international marketing channels.14 a rch i va l data The archival research has focused on the notary records dating back to the second half of the 16th century and up to the first years of the 18th century.15 The examination of such documentation has identified a total of 94 probate inventories of movable and immovable properties surveyed following the death of the owners (Table 1). These inventories provide a snapshot taken inside the house as catalogues of all moving objects, in the presence of a notary, a judge and some witnesses. They mainly refer to Chieti,

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Ortona and Penne and, to a lesser extent, some of the smaller towns of the Pescara Valley, such as Pianella and Manoppello. (Fig. 2). In order to assess the prevalence of the objects identified by social class, it was necessary to identify schematic groups of inventories based on the class of the deceased owner. This phase of the research, which has been the most difficult since it required cross-comparisons with other written sources, allowed us to clearly identify, for more than three-quarters of cases, the social class of the family or the profession of the subject in question.16 Based on these considerations of the available sources, the following picture has emerged from the sources: just over 25% of the inventories belonged to noble families/ citizens (‘nobles’), 40% to bourgeois families (‘citizens’), 11% to artisans (‘craftsmen’), while for the remaining 24% the social position remains uncertain (this category will thus not be included in the next graphs). Among nobles, there were those who belonged to baronial city families residing in Chieti, Ortona and Penne.17 Among the citizens we find the members of the bourgeois class, such as merchants, representatives of the city and the local governments (both civil and military).18 Lastly, the group of craftsmen includes members of so called ‘ars mechanica’, such as barbers, bakers, goldsmiths, and generally those who were identified with the title of ‘masters’ (magister/magistri).19 The objects inventoried were identified on the basis of a functional classification that included kitchen tools, tableware and household items (lighting, heating etc.). A second distinction is based, on the other hand, on the type of material used: metals (silver, tin, pewter, brass, copper, iron, etc.), glasses (crystal or glass), ceramics (Maiolica/tin glazed wares or earthenware), stones (marble, stone) and wood. 1. tableware objects (figs. 3-6) – Among the tableware objects which belonged to noble families, circa 28% (347) of the total (1220 items) were made of silver, followed by a large number of other metal objects, especially tin and pewter plates (Fig. 3). There is also evidence of a substantial number of objects made of glass or crystal (such as beakers and carafes) (162, 13.2%). There seems to be, however, only a limited presence of ceramics which can be clearly identified as Maiolica or tin glazed wares (68, 5.5%). Of all the ceramic items (318), 75% of the total consisted of plates, followed by basins and jugs. The data for bourgeois families (‘citizens’) shows the presence of silver and other metal objects, although to a lesser extent than the noble families (265, 12.5% and 433, 20.5% respectively; see Fig. 3). The most significant difference is the abundant presence of Maiolica objects, (827, 39.2%) and pottery in general (413, 19.5%). About 80% of the ceramic objects (1240) in this group again consisted only of plates. However,

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compared to the noble families a greater functional differentiation was recorded in the documents, which also mentioned other ceramic objects such as salts, bowls, saucers, cups, mugs and basins. With respect to craftsmen families, we can see that the presence of metal objects is markedly less compared to the noble families (48, 15.9%), and no glass or crystal was registered. Maiolica had a noteworthy presence in the records (89, 29.5%) but 50.8% (153) of the objects were classified as generic pottery (‘earthenware’). Plates, in this case, represented more than 80% of ceramic items, followed by a few other shapes (bowls, cups, basins and jars). In particular, we can see, in Fig. 4, how 47% (347) of the metal objects on the nobles’ tables consisted mostly of silverware, but this percentage dropped to 38% (265) for the citizens. In this latter, we may distinguish, on the other hand, a greater presence of tin objects (292, 41%). The presence of pewter items clearly prevailed among the craftsmen families (27, 56%) (Fig. 4). Finally, brass and copper, in even smaller quantities, were mainly present on the tables of noble and bourgeois families. As for the ceramics that were mentioned in the notary records, it is interesting to notice that only 21.3% (68) of the items, on the tables of the nobles, was made of Maiolica, while almost 80% (250, 78.7%) was pottery qualified as ‘creta’, ‘creta rustica’ or ‘preta’, all generic terms for ‘earthenware’ (Fig. 5).20 Maiolica products from the centre of Castelli (Abruzzo), which have been clearly identified, made up only 6.6% (21) of the total of ceramics (Fig. 6).21 The bourgeois tables, on the other hand, were dominated by a significant amount of Maiolica (827, over 2/3, or 66,6%) of which 39% (483) was clearly attributable to the Castelli production (Figs. 5-6). A greater differentiation in the production centres was also noticed in this group (Fig. 6). There were ceramics coming from Anversa degli Abruzzi (large plates and ‘piatti rossi’, red earthenware plates),22 from Assisi (mugs),23 Faenza (bowls, plates, salt and saucers) and Apulia (green flasks). The tables of the craftsmen showed less variation(Figs. 5-6). Maiolica represented about 36.7% (89) of the total, and 12% (30) of these Maiolica objects came from Castelli. The remaining 63.3% (153) consisted of unidentified pottery or earthenware items, generally described as ‘creta’, ‘creta rustica’, ‘creta grossa’ or ‘terra’.24 As for Maiolica produced in Castelli, we can highlight the presence of the highest quality ware covered with a deep cobalt blue tin glaze (the so-called ‘turchina’). Its production can be dated to the last quarter of the 16th and the beginning of the 17th century.25 The fact that the quality of these objects was very high is confirmed by their absence on the craftsmen’s tables and their limited presence on the bourgeois ones; only 1% (5) compared to the common items (478), although the percentage for the noble families drops to 6.6% (3).

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2. kitchen and storage utensils (figs. 7-10) – The differences detected so far in the supply of table wares, between the three social classes, were less obvious for kitchen and/or food storage items. In fact, the presence of metal objects in the kitchens of the nobles and citizens were very similar in types of objects, and they represented approximately between 71-82% (720, 1067) of all items recorded in the documents (Figs. 7-8). Standard equipment in the kitchens of the nobles and citizens, were basins and copper bowls which were used to contain liquids (respectively 2-3, 5% (24-24) and 14-17% (99-177), as well as pots and pans of copper or iron for frying (about 15-11%, 104-115). These were followed by copper spoons (used for fish or for ‘macaroni’), tripod pans (‘polzonetti’),26 cheese graters, mortars, grills and all the iron tools to be used on an open fire (e.g., tripods, shovels, tongs, chains for hanging the boiler etc.; see Fig. 9). Special items were stills, watches for roasting, spit machines, dripping pans, strainers (for mustards), wafer tools (‘ ferri da nevole’) and ‘maccaronari’ (tools for make ‘macaroni’), which were not found in craftsmen’s kitchens. The craftsmen’s kitchens had less utensils, with less functional differentiation and with a special focus on copper boilers, spits, pans, cheese graters and cauldrons (Fig. 9). In the category of ceramic kitchen and food storage utensils, we may distinguish a group of containers which were exclusively designed for olive oil and olives (pots or jars called ‘lancelle’, ‘pile’, or ‘quartare’; see Fig. 10). The percentage of these objects decreased enormously from 56% (103) for noble families to 34% (13) for craftsmen families. This last group used mainly cooking tools (63%, 24), such as pots and pans (‘pignate’, ‘polzonetti’). Also in this category of kitchen utensils, we can see a larger differentiation in the middle and upper classes of Abruzzo. The presence of specific indications, although quite rare, finally allowed me to associate some objects with one or more intended food items (Table 2). This association is extremely interesting because, in the absence of other sources, it is the only one that allows us to add elements of knowledge on the dining habits of the analysed social contexts.27 In fact, in Table 2, one can see evidence for the use of water and wine, bread and fruit, pepper, salt, sauces, syrups and vinegar. For these foods, the documents mention baskets and fruit dishes, pepper pots, salts, sauce boats, mugs, little pots, jugs, flasks, pitchers and pots (Table 2). In the kitchen, we can further trace in the documents foods such as bread, cheese, chestnuts, fish, honey, lard, ‘macaroni’, mustard, cooked must, olives, olive oil, pizza, pumpkin jam, raisins, salt, spices, sugared almonds, wafers and finally water. All of them were stored, cooked or prepared, as such, in cauldrons (to make bread); cauldrons, pots, graters and warmers (for cheese); pans (for cooking chestnuts); spoons, pans and grills (for frying and grilling fish); vases for honey; spoons and tools for

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making and cooking ‘macaroni’; cauldrons, spoons and measuring pots for boiling and preparing must; different kinds of pots for storing olives and olive oil; pans for pizza; pots or vases for pumpkin jam, raisin, sugared almonds and salt; little spice pots; iron tools for making wafers (‘nevole’ also known as ‘pizzelle’) and finally cauldrons, bowls, large pots for the use of warm or cold water.28 t h e a rch a eologic a l data (f igs. 11-18) Over the last twenty years, archaeological excavations and surface surveys have been carried out in various coastal towns of the Abruzzo. The related findings, as far as the Post-Medieval period is concerned, allow for a rather precise reconstruction of the different ceramic objects for domestic use during the period under study.29 The archaeological evidence of kitchen utensils shows, in general, a remarkable presence of pots and little pots, pans and casseroles (deep pans), mostly of locally produced monochrome lead glazed or slip painted glazed wares (Fig. 11).30 These items were intended for cooking foods in direct contact with an open fire and embers, or for directly placing on a stove. Among the other items for the preparation / storage of food, olive oil or olives, the most common found types were jars, small jars for spices and basins.31 Tableware appears in the archaeological repertoire in a great number of different forms. All the examined archaeological contexts show a wide presence of Maiolica and, in particular, of vessels produced in Castelli (Fig. 12). Archaeological evidence clearly shows how Maiolica objects from Castelli monopolised the tables in the 16th and 17th centuries with many different shapes and morphological variations.32 The 1994 excavations in the urban centre of Castel Frentano (province of Chieti), for instance, showed the occurrence of cooking pottery (approximately 23% (877) of all the total of sherds found), of storage vessels (5%, 199) and tablewares (72%, 2745) in the Post-Medieval period. Slipped and glazed pottery covered around one quarter of this last percentage, and Maiolica covered the other three quarters; both of these were more than half of all the ceramic finds.33 A similar pattern can be seen in excavated contexts in the small town of Nocciano, located in the Pescara Valley. Here, the pottery assemblages, recovered in 1995-96 from the town’s rubbish area, consisted of 19.3% (997) cooking wares, 6.6% (345) storage vessels and, at least, 74% (3824) tablewares (consisting of 1/3 Maiolica and 2/3 lead glazed and slipped vessels) during the 16th and the 17th centuries.34 A more recent example involved the analysis of contexts from excavations carried out between 2001 and 2003 in the Roman Theatre of Chieti.35 These excavations investigated an area located near the ancient theatre, whose structures were incorporated,

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during the Middle Ages, in the town walls and on which several houses were built. In particular, the finds from ‘Saggio 3’, largely interpreted as waste discharged from the houses above, were analysed (usa 22, 23, 27, 28). These layers could be dated to the fourth and sixth decades of the 16th and the beginning of the following century, from the finds of Maiolica from Castelli, slipped and glazed wares from Anversa degli Abruzzi, slip-painted wares, a few sherds of sgraffito wares (graffita a stecca padana)36 and Maiolica from Faenza. The counts, based on the minimum number of items (total: 105), revealed small amounts of metal (2%, 2) and of glass (1%, 1), but also Maiolica (33%, 35) and other glazed ceramics (both lead glazed and slipped tablewares; 64%, 67) in a ratio of 1:2 (Fig. 13). Of the Maiolica finds (nmi: 35), the vessels from Castelli add up to three quarters of the total (75%, 26), while one quarter of the total consists of smaller quantities from other Italian manufacturing centres (Deruta: 3%, 1; Faenza: 11%, 4). The comparison of these numbers with the archival data (see Fig. 3) shows close similarities with the pottery percentages of the craftsmen’s families, with comparable proportions of Maiolica and other pottery (circa 1:2). As we assume that the houses above the excavation area, where the finds were uncovered, were inhabited mainly by middle-class or lower/middle-class families (bourgeois or craftsmen families),37 the archaeological data allowed us to identify a remarkable coincidence with the archival data. According to this evidence, the use of ceramics and their role as class markers seems to be confirmed by the comparison between the excavated and archival data. Further food for thought, specifically on the use of Maiolica, was provided by the analysis of tableware objects bearing coats of arms and other types of motifs which have been archaeologically recovered in the Abruzzo. Finds from excavations and regional surveys, including those from the Roman Theatre of Chieti, showed that dishes with pseudo-heraldic coats of arms or with simple designs arranged on the rims (Figs. 14-15) were as popular as the use of tableware designed for noble families and marked with real coats of arms.38 All of these items, manufactured in Castelli, were dated to the second half of the 16th and the 17th century, and were part of the so-called ‘compendiario’ and later ‘compendiario’ styles.39 Some of the motifs on the rims of the dishes (Fig 14, no. 4; Fig. 15) were clearly symbols used by merchants as trademarks of their company (the so-called ‘negozio’) (see Fig. 16), while other coats of arms were pseudo-heraldic variations without any direct reference to the customer, rather being of common use (Figs. 17-18). According to the excavated and survey data, objects with such motifs had a significant commercial success and were quite popular, as they were also exported to other regions in the Adriatic.40

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conclusion The comparison of archival data and archaeological finds emphasises the rich variety of kitchen and table equipment, in this region of central Italy, during the Early Modern period. The frequent use of metal objects is illustrated particularly in the archival sources, while the archaeological data show a perspective focused mainly on pottery. The social stratification, within the region under study, is clearly reflected in the different composition of dining and cooking assemblages. It shows that the noble class mainly used metal (silver, tin and pewter) and glass/crystal objects on the table, and had a rich and varied supply of metal objects for use in the kitchen. The bourgeois class, while trying to imitate the habits of the noble families, used only partially metallic objects and employed mostly Maiolica on the table. Finally, craftsmen typically used pottery of a lower-quality. With respect to the ceramic tableware, it is interesting to notice that the widespread use of Maiolica, in the second half of the 16th and in the 17th century, is not only well known in Abruzzo through the archaeological sources, but also through the success of a specific type of Maiolica, the so-called ‘compendiario’ style ware.41 With the explosion of the new fashion of ‘bianchi’ (white glazed ceramics), which was initially manufactured in Faenza in the middle of the 16th century and was quickly exported to several Italian manufacturing centres (including Castelli), pottery workshops were able to offer good aesthetic refinement, a great technological quality and high production quantities during this period.42 Based on the outcomes of this research, this phenomenon can be seen as the result of the confirmation of the middle/bourgeois classes in the urban scene and, consequently, of occurrences of imitation that can be attributed to the lower classes. According to the interpretation already given by Richard Goldthwaite in his 1997 article, Maiolica is the ideal imitation for those consumer goods designed for the élites of the Early Modern age in Italy, since they can also be identified as social markers.43 This phenomenon is confirmed by the increase in the use of pseudo-heraldic emblems, which is parallel to the development of a real ‘bourgeois heraldry’,44 and thus is a tangible sign of the desire to live more nobilium by many of the city’s wealthier classes during the 16th and 17th centuries.

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ack now l e dgm e n ts First of all, I would like to warmly thank Roos van Oosten, Joanita Vroom and Yona Waksman, who have accepted my paper in this volume, which was originally a poster presented at the 20th Annual Meeting of the European Association of Archaeologists in Istanbul. Furthermore, I would like to thank the Archaeological Service (‘Soprintendenza’) of Abruzzo – Chieti, especially Dr. Sandra Lapenna, the archaeological Director of the Museum of Civitella in Chieti, for allowing the study of pottery from excavations in Chieti, as well as the directors and staff of the State Archives of Chieti, Pescara and Teramo for the shown availability towards my archival research. Finally, many thanks to Eleonora Cappuccilli and Joanita Vroom for helping with the English translation of my text.

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not es 1

8

Indipendent researcher (van.verr@micso.

Belli 1983; Muto 1989; Musi 1991, 2004;

net; https://independent.academia.edu/

Spagnoletti 2000; Visceglia 1997. It is

VanVerrocchio). – Schuurman 1980; Pesez

interesting to compare, for example, the

1980; Braudel 1982; Douglas and Isherwood

similar social stratification that comes out in

1984; Brewer and Porter 1993; Schuurman

the first half of the 17th century in the little

and Walsh 1994; Goldthwaite 1995; Roche

city of Montefusco (Campania): nobles

1999. See for a recent synthesis, Hicks and

(c. 5% of the identified owners), citizens-

Beaudry 2010.

bourgeois (c. 24%), craftsmen and other

2

See for such an approach, Vroom 2003.

workers (c. 45%) (Belli 1983: 349-350). The

3

See, for example, Ago 2006 for Rome;

‘Catasto’ of 1627 of Monopoli (Apulia),

Bellavitis and Chabot 2006, Bellavitis 2010

another city of the Kingdom of Naples,

and Cecchini 2008 for Venice; Pinchera

shows a more restricted noble class (c. 3%)

2004 for Florence; Tonelli 2012 for Milan

and citizen/bourgeois class (c. 10%) with

and Bettoni 2003; idem 2006; idem 2010 for

a larger class of workers and craftsmen (c.

Brescia. See also Goldthwaite 1995.

87%); cf. Carrino 2000, 28-38.

4 Milanese 1997; idem 2007; Gelichi

5

9

For example, in a great city like Venice in the

and Librenti 2007. See also the Journal

16th century (Cecchini 2008) we can find

‘Archeologia Postmedievale’ founded by

patricians, citizens (including professionals,

Marco Milanese in 1997 and the Proceedings

international merchants and high status

of the International Conferences (‘Atti dei

tradesmen, Senate secretaries and other high

Convegni Internazionali della Ceramica’)

mansions in civil service) and craftsmen

organized by the ‘Centro Ligure per la Storia

(every producer/seller of marketable

della Ceramica’ in Albisola and Savona.

goods). To these subject Cecchini adds the

See Camarra 1651; Nicolino 1657; Ravizza

labourers, as unskilled workers, craftsmen

1830; idem 1832; idem 1834. See for a general

at the Arsenale, fishermen, boatmen

overview on the historical period and the

and servants. We can also compare these

geographical area, Russo and Tiboni 2002;

stratifications with similar ones on the

Canosa 2004; Tanturri 2004; de Tiberiis

Eastern Adriatic coast, for example from the

2007; Trotta 2009; idem 2011.

city of Zara (Croatia), part of the Venetian

6 Russo and Tiboni 2002, 479-498; Tanturri

Commonwealth in the 16th century, cf.

2004; Trotta 2011; Di Paolantonio 2013. 7 Russo and Tiboni 2002. See also, for

Sander-Faes 2013. 10 State Archive of Chieti, ‘Catasto

example, Carabba 1995 for Lanciano; Colapietra 1978; idem 1979; idem 1986;

Preonciario’ of Chieti, 1651. 11 Have been excluded from the counting all

Mantini 2009, 222-231 for L’Aquila and

the families of countrymen, farmers and

Palma 1833; Savini 1895 for Teramo.

farm-workers living and working in the land

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outside the urban centre. The noble families

2006; de Tiberiis 2004; Zuccarini 2011.

recorded in 1651 as living in Chieti are the

The merchant families living in Chieti in

following: Alucci, Camarra, Carafa, Celaya,

1651 coming from the Republic of Venice

Coccia, Costantino, d’Alessandro, d’Aquino,

and Duchy of Milan are: Bianchino, Bosis,

Dario, de Caro, de Letto, de Pizzis, de Santis,

Bramino Morrone, Camererio, Carignone,

Enrici, Fanzago, Iarossi, Lanuti, Leognani,

Consardis, Costa, Durino, Ferrara, Mazza,

Leopardi, Liberatore, Mezzara, Montagnese,

Melcotto, Mezzanotte, Modesto, Moscone,

Onofri, Orsini, Pomenti, Poppleti,

Noli, Paino, Pavese, Riboli, Schiera, Spinelli,

Ramignani, Roccatano, Santese, Stefanucci,

Tasca, Tauldino, Vascellino, Ziboni (State

Strina, Tauldino, Toppi, Turri, Umani,

Archive of Chieti, ‘Catasto Preonciario’ of

Valignani.

Chieti, 1651). 14 A lot of these craftsmen are of local/regional

12 See: Procacci 1995. The noble families recorded in Penne in 1600 are: Benvenuto,

origin, but there is also a strong presence

Branconio, de Caro, Castiglione,

of bakers, shoemakers, carpenters, masons,

Costantino, d’Ugno, Fieramosca, Gizzi,

stucco workers, etc, coming from the

Nobili, Roccatano, Rosa, Scorpioni,

Duchy of Milan, for example the following

Turri, Valignani, Vestini, Zizza. The

families recorded in the ‘Catasto’ of 1651:

citizens/bourgeois families are: Albini,

Calvanzano, Daniola, di Carlo, Ferada,

Amicavecchio, Amicucci, Antonioli,

Parrocchetto, Sacco. As said, this lower class

Appignani, Apollinari, Armellino,

does not include the countrymen, farmers

Aromatico, Bellone, Blasiotti, Bongiovanni,

and farm-workers living and working in the land around the city (ville).

Cardone, Cellini, Chiarelli, Chiola, Coffo,

15 Preserved in the State Archives in Chieti,

Colella, Cosmo, Costantini, Cotela, Crocetta, Damiani, de Magistris, de Parvis,

Pescara and Teramo. Only few inventories

del Vino, della Valle, di Norscia, Ducaginni,

come from different archival sources such as

Fabri, Frigoli, Fonticoli, Fornarolo, Grandi,

the fund of Royal Audience (‘Regia Udienza

Iacobucci, Lambi, Lepore, Liberatore,

Provinciale’, in State Achive of Chieti) in

Maldura, Marautti, Massarotti, Mattucci,

which are kept legal proceedings of that

Mazzocco, Musa, Olivieri, Pagliaccia,

court. 16 See notes 10-12. To identify families

Palantano, Pansa, Pellegrini, Perna, Pilone, Pipoli, Pistaricchio, Presutti, Ranciaffi,

belonging to the noble class of Chieti,

Rasicci, Rubeo, Sarracino, Savini, Scorta,

and more generally to government élites,

Tanforti, Terranegra, Tofano, Toppetta,

reference was made to lists and names

Totera, Troncavizio, Umili, Zaccheo, Zozzo.

contained in Camarra 1651; Nicolino 1657; Ravizza 1830; idem 1834; Tanturri 2004;

13 For aspects of economic history linked to the presence of merchant colonies in

Trotta 2011; Di Paolantonio 2013. Data from

Abruzzo, mainly from the Republic of

the literature have been used, along with a

Venice and Lombardy, see Bulgarelli Lukacs

thorough analysis conducted by the writer

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on several thousand notarial acts (sales, wills,

(from Pesaro), Gelmi (from Bergamo),

lists of dowry items, etc.), on registers of the

Giufici, Labruto, Malcotti (from Cremona),

‘Parlamenti Teatini’ and on court documents

Marano, Mazza (from Bergamo), Menducci,

contained in the archival collection of the

Orlandi, Perrucolo, Roncitello, Rotondi,

Royal Audience (for these archival found

Salamone, Santese, Strina (from Naples),

see: Viggiani 1981). A similar procedure was

Vascellino (from Bergamo); in Pescara:

carried out for the other towns (Ortona,

Battistone, Brunoro, Cirillo, Compagnese

Pescara, Penne etc.) and small towns

(from Atri) and Graziani; in Penne: del

(Manoppello, Tocco etc.) for which, by

Vino, Medolaghi (from Bergamo), Turri;

referring to the published literature – see

in Ortona: di Crescenzo; in S. Valentino:

for example Romanelli 1990; Greco 1988;

Iacobucci; in Atri: Filomusi; in Manoppello: Landi; in Tocco: Tofani.

Rubini 1988; Procacci 1995 – the archival

19 See, for example, Bellavitis 2004. As

documents were analysed, and in particular the acts of notaries working in these areas.

craftsmen are counted here, for Chieti:

These unpublished documents allowed us to

Andrea d’Ettorre (magister), Iuva di

identify the profession of the owner of the

Francesco (barber), Giuseppe Angelucci

goods listed and therefore his rightful place

(magister), Donato Ferada (stucco worker

in the social hierarchy under study.

from Cerasco, Como); for Ortona: Costantino Ciamaglia (goldsmith), Giovan

17 See Table 1. Probate inventories belonging to members of noble class found as living

Maria di Giacomo (magister), Giovanni

in Chieti are the following: Dario (family

di Zaccaria (baker), for Penne: Giacomo

coming from Manoppello), de Fabritiis

Pellegrini, Gregorio Zaccheo (goldsmith),

(from Rosciano), De Letto, de Podio (from

for Pescara: Tiberio Riva (smith).

Penne), Enrici, Lanuti, Michelini (from

20 From the Latin words creta, -ae: clay, and

Pescara), Tauldino, Toppi, Valignani,

rusticus, -um: adjective standing for simple,

Vastavigna, Lamensa and de Belendez

rough, coarse (see Castiglioni and Mariotti

(families spanish origin); in Ortona are:

1966, ad vocem). For all the object’s names

Barba (from Naples), Bernardi, Massari;

in dialect and/or in popular form, see

in Penne are: Castiglione and Stefanucci.

Giammarco 1968-1979.

Other noble families are Leognani

21 Castelli (province of Teramo) was the most

Fieramosca (in Civitaquana) and Torricella

important Maiolica production centre in

(in Vacri).

Abruzzo in this period (16th-17th c.). See de Pompeis et al. 1989; idem 1990; de Pompeis

18 See Table 1. To families of the citizens-

2010, 96-105, 185-204.

bourgeois class belong the following inventories: in Chieti: Belvedere, Brigante

22 Anversa degli Abruzzi (L’Aquila) is another

(from Ripa), Ciampone, Costa (from Cava

pottery production centre from the 16th

de’ Tirreni), Cotela, Eppis (from Bergamo),

to the 20th centuries; see, for example,

Ferrari, Franchi, Franchino

Verrocchio 2003; idem 2012.

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23 It is unclear if Assisi can be considered as the

30 Verrocchio 2002; idem 2003, 534-544; idem

real provenience of the described ceramics;

2003a, 98-103; idem 2015; Taraborrelli,

the most probably provenience however is

Troiano and Verrocchio 2005, 98-101, figs.

the production centre of Deruta (Umbria)

25-26; Proterra, Troiano and Verrocchio

located only few kilometres from Assisi.

2005, 350-354, figs. 52-54; Mattiocco,

24 See note 19. Latin adjective grossus, -um:

Troiano and Verrocchio 2006, 119-124.

coarse, rough; terra, -ae: clay (Castiglioni

31 Troiano and Verrocchio 2002, 95-167.

and Mariotti 1966, ad vocem) as synonym of

32 Regional patterns are in Staffa and Pannuzi 1997; idem 1999; Troiano and Verrocchio

earthenware.

2002, 169-183, 185-261, 313-342; for some

25 This kind of ware is similar to the so-called ‘Persan Blu’ ware. In Castelli it was produced

other finds from Guardiagrele (Chieti):

from the last quarter of the 16th to the

Taraborrelli, Troiano and Verrocchio 2005,

beginning of the 17th century. See M. Ricci

89-96, figs. 4, 6-15; from Teramo: Proterra,

in de Pompeis et al. 1989, 135-140; idem 1989,

Troiano and Verrocchio 2005, 338-354,

C105-126; Troiano and Verrocchio 2002,

figs. 9-18, 22-37; see also the finds from

206-207.

the Convent of S. Domenico in L’Aquila: Verrocchio 2011, 138-148, figs. 51-70, 98-123.

26 For the understanding of this and the following terms, in the 17th-18th c. Italian/

33 See Troiano and Verrocchio 2002, Appendix

dialectal language, see first: Giammarco

1. The described percentage is calculated on

1968-1979, completed with some Early

all the post-medieval pottery shards coming

Modern treatises as Cervio 1593 and Scappi

from the usa 2, excluding Early Medieval

1622.

and Medieval residue and the 19th century

27 The research on dining and cooking habits

phase. The occurence of Maiolica is around

in Early Modern Abruzzo are just beginning. See for general references in Italy, Flandrin

the 53%. 34 For this unpublished context see Troiano

and Montanari 1997; Sarti 2008; see also:

and Verrocchio 2002, 398. The counting is

Benporat 2007 and the essays in Cogotti and

based on the following S.U.: 3, 5, 5bis, 6, 7,

di Schino 2012, expecially focused on nobles

9, 10, 12, 18, 23, 28/30 and 30bis. All of them

élites.

covers the period from the beginning of the

28 The listed object and the related food can be largely compared, for example, with the 17th

16th to the 17th century. 35 See Troiano and Verrocchio 2003; Verrocchio 2015, 350-352.

occurrence in Rome; cf. Ago 2006, 87-93.

29 Staffa and Pannuzi 1997; idem 1999; Troiano 36 Verrocchio 2015, fig. 4, n. 2. and Verrocchio 2001; idem 2002; Proterra,

37 No noble families are known as living in this specific area during this period.

Troiano and Verrocchio 2005; Taraborrelli, Troiano and Verrocchio 2005; Verrocchio

38 The use of noble coat of arms on Renaissance

2003; idem 2007; idem 2011; idem 2012;

and later italian Maiolica is a widely known

idem 2015.

phenomenon with a large bibliography.

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v e r ro cc h io – m at e r i a l c u lt u r e

For some example see Goldthwaite 1997;

Other bourgeois families using seals with

Barbe 2006; Crépin-Leblond 2011; Sani

their own coat of arms in Chieti are, only

2012, 48-50.

for example: Assettati, Caporni, Cesario, Comparozzi, Franchi, Giufici, Miziani and

39 Troiano 2002, 185-240; de Pompeis 2010,

Vicoli.

96-105, 185-204.

Sources: State Archive, Chieti; the

40 Castelli Maiolica plates with pseudoheraldic coat of arms are known from several

following notaries: E. Sigismondi of

places in Abruzzo (Troiano 2002). Other

Chieti, 1588, sept. 24th in Chieti (seal of

finds comes from excavations in the city of

Camillo Assettato, medicinae doctor); F.A.

Rimini (Emilia Romagna) (Piolanti 2004,

Caporni of Chieti, 1734, october 4th and

106, n. 130) and from the Adriatic Croatian

T. Franchi jr of Chieti, 1747, august 18th

coast (Hvar, Jaska Palace: Gusar and

(seals of the notary Francesco Antonio

Viskovic 2012, 24, n. 59).

Caporni); A. Pecorino of Chieti, 1592,

41 See, for example, all the papers contained in

february 28th (seal of Scipione Cesario, utroque iuris doctor); V. Giufici senior

de Pompeis 2010. 42 The term ‘bianchi’ is commonly used for

of Chieti, 1695, may 25th (seal of Nicola

the new ‘compendiario’ style ware born in

Comparozzi, druggist), 1696, july 31 (seal

Faenza (Ravanelli Guidotti 1996; Jaspers

of the notary Vincenzo Giufici); T. Franchi

2011, 20-33). For the ‘compendiario’ ware

senior of Chieti, 1684, december 7th (seal

adopted in Castelli see Troiano 2002, 185-

of the notary Tullio Franchi senior), 1679,

240; de Pompeis 2010, 96-105, 185-204.

april 29 (seal of the notary Domenico

43 Goldthwaite 1997.

Giufici), 1678, may 5 (seal of Giustino

44 The development of a bourgeois heraldry

Vicolo, royal judge); T. Franchi junior of

in the 16th-17th centuries can be read

Chieti, 1758, january 13th (seal used by

through different sources (e.g. architectural

Urbano Camillo Franchi utroque iuris

and pictorial evidences). For Chieti the

doctor and Francesco Vincenzo Franchi,

archival research has revealed a great

abbot); D.A. Giufici of Chieti, 1735, april

number of seals bearing coat of arms that

19 (seal used by the notary Domenico

belong to bourgeois families, for example

Antonio Giufici); F. Tucci of Chieti, 1726,

the merchant families of Ballio, Benvenuto,

june 21 (seal used by Marcantonio Miziani

Gelmi, Mazza, Mezzanotte, Moscone,

utroque iuris doctor); M. Schips of Castel

Muzio, Patriarca and Vascellino (see note 10,

Castagna, 1674, october 5 (seal of Giustino

17 and table 1).

Vicoli, royal judge).

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Schuurman, A. J. and L. Walsh 1994. Introduction, in: Material Culture: Consumption, Life-style, Standard of Living 1500-1900, Proceedings of the Eleventh International Economic History Congress, Milan, September 1994, Milan, 7-20. Spagnoletti, A. 2000. Ceti dirigenti cittadini e costruzione dell’identità urbana nelle città pugliesi tra xvi e xvii secolo, in: A. Musi (ed.), Le città del Mezzo giorno nell ‘età moderna, Naples, 25-40. Staffa, A.R. and S. Pannuzi 1997. Primo contributo sull’archeologia postmedievale in Abruzzo. Produzioni ceramiche di uso comune fra xv e xviii secolo, Archeologia Postmedievale 1, 329-50. Staffa, A.R. and S. Pannuzi 1999. Produzioni ceramiche di uso comune in Abruzzo fra xv e xviii secolo, Castelli. Semestrale del Museo delle Ceramiche, 10-11. Tanturri, A. 2004. Episcopato, clero e società a Chieti in età moderna, Lanciano. Taraborrelli, L., D. Troiano and V. Verrocchio 2005. La ceramica postmedievale a Guardiagrele (ch) da contesti di consumo e scarti di produzione locale, Azulejos. Rivista di Studi Ceramici 2, 87-104. Tiberiis, G. F. de 2004, Migranti dal Nord: Stanziamenti lombardo-veneti nelle provincie adriatiche del regno di Napoli, Commentari dell’Ateneo di Brescia, Atti della Fondazione ‘Ugo da Como’, Lonato del Garda, 169-202. Tiberiis, G. F. de 2007. Chieti nell’età moderna, Chieti. Tonelli, G. 2012. Affari e lussuosa sobrietà. Traffici e stili di vita dei negozianti milanesi nel xvii secolo (1600-1659), Milan. Troiano, D. 2002. Maiolica con decorazione di stile compendiario e tardo compendiario, in: Troiano and Verrocchio 2002, 185-240. Troiano, D. and V. Verrocchio 2001. Ceramiche quali indicatori di traffici commerciali fra Abruzzo, Molise e regioni limitrofe fra xv e xvii secolo, Archeologia Postmedievale 5, 225-45. Troiano, D. and V. Verrocchio (eds.) 2002. La ceramica postmedievale in Abruzzo. Materiali dallo scavo in Piazza Caporali a Castelfrentano, Documenti di Archeologia Postmedievale 1, Florence. Troiano, D. and V. Verrocchio 2003. Produzioni locali e importazioni di ceramiche postmedievali in Chieti: Primi dati sui materiali dallo scavo del Teatro Romano, Archeologia Postmedievale 7, 221-34. Trotta, M. 2009. Chieti moderna. Profilo storico di una città del Mezzogiorno d’antico regime (secc. xvi-xviii), Naples. Trotta, M. 2011. Governo locale e feudalità in Abruzzo Citra: Chieti tra privilegio regio e controllo aristocratico (xv-xviii secolo), in G. Brancaccio (ed.), Il feudalesimo nel mezzogiorno moderno. Gli Abruzzi e il Molise (secoli xv-xviii), Milan, 183240.

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Verrocchio, V. 2002. Invetriata dipinta ad ingobbio (Slip Ware), in: D. Troiano and V. Verrocchio (eds.), La ceramica postmedievale in Abruzzo. Materiali dallo scavo in Piazza Caporali a Castelfrentano, Documenti di Archeologia Postmedievale 1, Florence, 21-88. Verrocchio, V. 2003. Dalla vetrina sparsa alle prime invetriate nell’Abruzzo interno (secc. xiii-xvi): Materiali dagli scavi del Palazzo della SS. Annunziata in Sulmona (aq), Archeologia Medievale 30, 529-47. Verrocchio, V. 2003a. La ceramica postmedievale di Anversa degli Abruzzi (aq): Fonti archivistiche ed archeologiche, Archeologia Postmedievale 7, 93-121. Verrocchio, V. 2007. Produzioni invetriate in Abruzzo fra ‘800 e ‘900. Sulmona ed il ‘monopolio’ di Anversa degli Abruzzi (aq), Azulejos. Rivista di Studi Ceramici 4, 97-178. Verrocchio, V. 2011. I rinvenimenti di ceramiche medievali e postmedievali, in: M. D’Antonio (ed.), San Domenico all’Aquila. Il restauro del complesso monumentale, Sommacampagna, 132-58. Verrocchio, V. 2012. Le ceramiche postmedievali di Anversa degli Abruzzi (L’Aquila). Ricerche 2000-2012, Albisola. Atti del Convegno internazionale della Ceramica 45, 257-72. Verrocchio, V. 2015. Produzione ceramica a Chieti nella prima Età Moderna. Fonti archivistiche ed archeologiche, in: P. Arthur and M. L. Imperiale (eds.), vii Congresso Nazionale di Archeologia Medievale, vol. 2, Lecce, 9-12 settembre 2015, Florence, 349-53. Viggiani, C. 1981. Archivio di Stato di Chieti, in: Guida generale degli Archivi di Stato italiani, 1, Rome, 895-925. Visceglia, M.A. 1997. La nobiltà nel Mezzogiorno d’Italia in età moderna, Storica 7, 49-96. Vroom, J. 2003. After Antiquity. Ceramics and Society in the Aegean from the 7th to the 20th centuries AC: A Case Study from Boeotia, Central Greece, Archaeological Studies Leiden University 10, Leiden. Zuccarini, N. 2011. La colonia veneta nella provincia di Chieti nei secc. xvii e xviii, Lanciano.

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fig. 1 – Map of the Kingdom of Naples, Abruzzi provinces and the investigated area (circle). Credit: https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/6/62/A._Zatta_-_Il_ Regno_di_Napoli_diviso_nelle_sue_Provincie_-_1782.PNG.

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fig. 2 – Map of coastal Abruzzo with the cities of Chieti, Ortona, Penne and Atri: number of probates inventories analized for urban centres (V. Verrocchio).

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fig. 3 – Tablewares by class of material (V. Verrocchio). fig. 4 – See colour plates page 389.

fig. 5 – Tablewares: ceramic objects (V. Verrocchio). fig. 6 – See colour plates page 389.

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fig. 7 – Kitchen or food storage by class of material (V. Verrocchio).

fig. 8 – Kitchen or food storage: metal, stone and wooden objects (V. Verrocchio). fig. 9 – See colour plates page 390-391. fig. 10 – See colour plates page 391.

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fig. 11 – Locally/regional produced lead glazed cooking wares from archaeological sources: the most common forms (second half of the 16th – 17th centuries). 1-5: little pots; 6-11: double handed medium and large pots; 12-22: pans and tripod pans; 23-27: casseroles; 28-31: lids. Provenience: ns. 1-3, 6-7: from Chieti (Verrocchio 2015); ns. 8, 17, 21-22: from Città S. Angelo (Verrocchio 2002, figs. 44, 46); ns. 9, 26: from Miglianico (Verrocchio 2002, fig. 51); ns. 10-11, 23-25: from Pescara (Verrocchio 2002, fig. 58); ns. 12-16, 18-20, 28-31: from Penne (unpublished).

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fig. 12 – Castelli Maiolica from archaeological sources: the most common forms (second half of the 16th – 17th centuries). 1-5. Cups and lobed cups; 6-10. Little plates; 11-17. Plates and large deep plates; 18-20. Bowls; 21-25. Jugs; 26. Pitcher; 27. Double handled flask; 28. Ewer; 29. Bottle; 30-32. Albarelli and micro albarelli (spices/ointment pots); 33-35. Salts; 36-37. Lids; 38-39. Alzate (fruit dishes); 40-41. Pots; 42-43. Hand washing bassins. Provenience: ns. 1-3, 24-25: from Pescara (unpublished); ns. 4-7, 11-13, 15-19, 21-23, 26-27, 32-33, 40-41: from Castel Frentano (Chieti) (Troiano and Verrocchio 2002, figs. 200-201); ns. 8-9, 14, 20, 28, 30, 31, 34-39, 42-43: from Castelli (de Pompeis et al. 1989, tabs. iii-ix).

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fig. 13 – Chieti, Roman Theatre, excavations in 2003, ‘Saggio 3’, usa 27 (ca. 1530/40 – 1620) (V. Verrocchio).

fig. 14 – Chieti, Roman Theatre, excavations in 2003. Exemples of majolica plates with pseudo-heraldic coat of arms (1-3) and merchant’s marks (4-5). Produced in Castelli, 17th century (V. Verrocchio).

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fig. 15 – Chieti, exemples of majolica plates with commercial and merchant’s marks found in urban excavations. Produced in Castelli, 17th century (V. Verrocchio).

fig. 16 – Some exemples of commercial marks (signa) of merchants living in Chieti in the second half of the 16th – beginning of the 17th centuries from the archivial sources. 1. belongs to Battista Morone; 2. Francesco Vascellino; 3. Orazio Vascellino, all from Bergamo; 4. Ascanio Santese (source: elaboration from seals used in notary records, in State Archive, Chieti) (V. Verrocchio). fig. 17 – See colour plates page 392. fig. 18 – See colour plates page 392.

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m e di e va l m a s t e rc h e f Year Owner

City

Spouse

Social

Occupation

Archival references (notaries or other)

class 1

1560 d’Ettorre Andrea

Chieti

Mennibucci Craftsmen

ASCH , Fiorentini N.A. of Chieti, 1560, fols.163 r-

Antonia

165 r

2

1561 di Francesco Iuva

Chieti

Berardina

3

1564 Belvedere Matteo

Chieti

Spingarderi Citizen

Craftsmen

4

1564 Gariglia Giuseppe

Chieti

Barber

ASCH , Fiorentini N.A. of Chieti, 1561, fols. 22 r-24 v ASCH , Delle Carceri O. of Chieti, 1564, fols. 21r-24 r

Rita di

n.d.

ASCH , Fiorentini N.A. of Chieti, 1564, fols. 4 r-7 v

Costantino Ippolita 5

1570 Toparelli Berardino

Chieti

n.d.

ASCH , Fiorentini N.A. of Chieti, 1570, fols. 99 r-100 v

6

1571 Angelucci Giuseppe

Ortona

Craftsmen

ASCH , Massari G. of Ortona, 1571, fols. 182 r-183 r

7

1572 de Magnis Andrea

Chieti

n.d.

ASCH , Ciccarini G.N. of Chieti, 1572, 48 v -49 v

8

1572 di Melchiorre

Chieti

n.d.

ASCH , Ciccarini G.N. of Chieti, 1572, 38 r-39 v

Bartolomeo 9

1573 di Giacomo Gio Maria

10 1573 Barba Pietro Paolo

Ortona Ortona

Craftsmen de Palma

Nobles

Angela 11

1573 Valignani Francesco

Castilenti

de Sterlich

ASCH , Massari G. of Ortona, 1573, fols. 322 v -323 v

Royal

ASCH , Massari G. of Ortona, 1573, fols. 16 v -22 v

Treasurer Nobles

ASCH , Perrucolo G.V. of Chieti, 1573, fols. 7r-9 r

Lavinia 12 1574 di Zaccaria Giovanni

Ortona

Craftsmen

13 1574 di Santomarino Giacomo Ortona 14 1574 di Paoluccio Marco

Chieti

15 1575 Rotondi Clemente

Chieti

16 1576 Ciamponi Francesco

Chieti

Antonio

Laura Sinealbis

ASCH , Massari G. of Ortona, 1574, fols. 46 r-47 v ASCH , Massari G. of Ortona, 1574, fols. 83 v -85 r

n.d.

ASCH , Delle Carceri O. of Chieti, 1574, fols. 80 r-84 v

Citizen

ASCH , Ciccarini G.N. of Chieti, fols. 27r-28 v

Citizen

ASCH , Ciccarini G.N. of Chieti,1576, fols. 32 r-35 v

n.d.

ASCH , Delle Carceri O. of Chieti, 1576, fols. 79 v -81r

n.d.

ASCH , Massari G. of Ortona, 1578, fols. 56 r-58 r

Vittoria

17 1576 di Paolantonio Corallina Chieti 18 1578 di Procano Giorgio

Baker

n.d.

Ortona

Grande Isabella

19 1579 Massimini Alessandro

Ortona

20 1580 Menducci Tommaso

Chieti

n.d. Astrologo

Citizen

ASCH , Massari G. of Ortona, 1579, fols. 56 v -58 r

Merchant

ASCH , Lanuti G.N. of Chieti, 1580, fols. 36 r-37 v

Prudenzia 21 1582 Michelini Cesare

Pescara

Potenziani

Nobles

ASCH , Delle Carceri O. of Chieti, 1582, fols. 33 r-35 v

Felicia 22 1583 Graziani Giovanni

Pescara

Citizen

23 1584 Turri Gio Paolo

Penne

Citizen

24 1585 di Pacentro Giovanni

Ripa T.

n.d.

25 1586 Santese Tommaso

Chieti

Citizen

Merchant

ASCH , Sigismondi E. of Chieti, 1586, fols. 52 r-53 v

26 1588 Giufici Gio Batta

Chieti

Citizen

Merchant/

ASCH , Lanuti G.N. of Chieti, 1588, fols. 28 r-30 v

27 1589 Lanuti Donato junior

Chieti

Fasciolo Marzia

ASCH , Delle Carceri O. of Chieti, 1583, fols. 1r-4 r

Merchant

ASPE , De Amicis M. of Penne, 1584, fols. 37r-40 v ASCH , Lizio N. of Ripa, 1585, fols. 21v -22 r

Toll collector

Vastavigna Nobles

ASCH , Ciccarini G.N. of Chieti, 1589, fols. 63 r-69 r

Isabella 28 1589 Riva Tiberio

Pescara

Craftsmen

Smith

ASTE , Cornice A.M. of Giulianova, 1589, fols.

cc. 3 r-6 v 29 1591 Compagnese Paolo

Pescara

Citizen

ASTE , Astolfi B. of Atri, 1591, fols. 41r-43 v

30 1591 Orsini Francesco

Casale

n.d.

ASCH , Buragna A. of Casale, 1591, fols. 67r-68 r

31 1595 de Fabritis Tommaso

Chieti

Vastavigna Nobles

ASCH , Corti Locali, b. 39

Giovannella 32 1598 de Podio Margherita

Chieti

33 1599 Iese Alessandro

Penne

34 1600 Tauldino Ottavio

Chieti

Venere Gio

Nobles

ASCH , Ciani G.B. of Chieti, 1598, fols. 9 v -11v

n.d.

ASPE , Umili G.M. of Penne, 1599, fols. 12 v -14 v

Nobles

ASCH , Sigismondi E. of Chieti, 1600, fols. 104 r-118 v

Antonio Valignani Tarquinia

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v e r ro cc h io – m at e r i a l c u lt u r e 35 1602 Labruto Giorgio sen.

Chieti

36 1602 del Vino Gaspare

Camarra

Citizen

ASCH , Ciani G.B. of Chieti, 1602, fols. 15 r-20 v

Penne

Citizen

ASPE , Rubeo C. of Penne, 1602, fols. 23 r-30 v

37 1604 di Bartolo Luca

Vacri

n.d.

38 1604 di Crescenzo Rocco

Ortona

Citizen

Lucrezia? ASCH , Pica F.A. of Villamagna, 1604, fols. 36 r-38 v

Merchant

ASCH , Marano V. of Ortona, 1604, fols. 36 r-38 r ;

1605, fols. 12 r-14 r 39 1607 Romagnolo Andreuccia

Chieti

n.d.

ASCH , Orlandi C. of Villamagna, 1607, fols.

166 r-167r 40 1608 Dario Achille

Chieti

Cianti

Nobles

ASCH , Moscone G.C. of Carpineto, 1608, fols.

Anna 41 1608 Scimia Giuseppe

Ortona

42 1608 Castiglione Annibale

Penne

de Sterlich

30 r-31r n.d.

ASCH , De Gratiis N. of Ortona, 1608, fols. 40 v -43 r

Nobles

ASCH , Damiani G.B. of Penne, 1608, fols. 87r-98 r

Girolama 43 1609 Bernardi Giosuè

Ortona

44 1609 Ciamaglia Costantino

Ortona

45 1610 Roncitello Tommaso

Chieti

46 1610 Franchi Giuseppe

Chieti

47 1610 Zaccheo Gregorio

Penne

Castiglione Nobles

ASCH , De Federicis G.B. of Civitaluparella, 1609,

(?) Diana

fols. 138 v-162 v

Baldonesci Craftsmen

Goldsmith

ASCH , Marano V. of Ortona, 1609, fols. 19 r-21r

Isabella Citizen Diana

ASCH , Nonna G.A. of Chieti, 1610, fols. 126 v -136 v

Citizen Craftsmen

ASCH , Ciani G.B. of Chieti, 1610, fol. 8 r

Goldsmith

ASPE , De Magistris F.A. of Penne, 1610, fols.

13 r-15 v 48 1611

di Giovan Angelo

Pianella

n.d.

49 1612 Cotela Alessandro

Chieti

Citizen

50 1613 Stefanucci brothers

Penne

Nobles

51 1614 Scricchia Francesco

Ortona

n.d.

ASCH , Gentile G. of Pianella, 1611, fols. 59 r-60 r

Giovanni Merchant

ASCH , Nonna G.A. of Chieti, 1612, fols. 32 r-46 r ASPE , De Amicis T. of Penne, 1613, fols. 58 r-63 r ASCH , De Federicis G.B. of Civitaluparella, 1614,

fols. 17 v-18 v 52 1615 Perucci Gio Giacomo

Ortona

n.d.

ASCH , De Federicis G.B. of Civitaluparella, ; 1615,

fols. 50 v-54 v 53 1619 Vascellino Gio Maria

Chieti

54 1622 Salamone Marcantonio

Chieti

Citizen Miziani

Merchant

ASCH , Orlandi C. of Villamagna, 1619, fols. 10 r-28 v

Citizen

ASCH , Salvati S. of Chieti, 1622, fols. 38 r-41r

Nobles

ASCH , Vascellaro M. of Chieti, 1622, cc. 47v-53r

Caterina 55 1622 Enrici Fabio

Chieti

Valignani Ippolita

56 1622 Iacobucci Francesco

S.Valentino

Citizen

Ensign

Antonio

ASCH , Cicchelli M. of Manoppello, 1625, fols.

39 r-45 v

57 1627 d’Unci Ferrante

Manoppello

n.d.

58 1628 Massari Tommaso

Ortona

Nobles

ASCH , Regia Udienza, 7/182 ASCH , De Federicis G.B. of Civitaluparella, 1628,

fols. 108 v-112 r 59 1630 d’Izzo Tonta

Chieti

n.d.

60 1630 Brunoro Gio Batta

Pescara

Citizen

ASCH , Pagliccia F. A. of Chieti, 1630, fols. 47r-49 v

Customs

ASCH , Vascellaro M. of Chieti, 1630, fols. 39 r-44 v

officer 61 1633 Orlandi Cesare

Chieti

Sigismondi

Citizen

Notary

ASCH , Regia Udienza, 2/60

Angela 62 1633 Filomusi Maria

Atri

Citizen

ASCH , Regia Udienza, 2/51

Citizen

ASCH , Nonna G.A. of Chieti, 1635, fols. 16 r-20 r

Craftsmen

ASTE , Tranquilli C. of Nereto, 1636, fols. 67 v -68 v

Nobles

ASCH , Corti locali, vol. 198, fols. 377r-388 v

Francesco 63 1635 Cotela Francesco Maria Chieti

Paolucci Isabella

64 1636 Pellegrini Giacomo

Penne

Piccinini Lelia

65 1637 Vastavigna Francesco

Chieti

Tauldino Claudia

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m e di e va l m a s t e rc h e f 66 1637 Perrucolo Fabio

Chieti

Tribuni

Citizen

ASCH , Regia Udienza, 8/215

Giacoma 67 1639 Mazza Gio Antonio

Chieti

Moscone

Citizen

Merchant

ASCH , Gizzi U. of Bucchianico, 1639, fols. 111r-136 r

Citizen

Lawyer

ASCH , Sbarra A. of Basciano, 1639, fols. 24 r-28 v

Nobles

Capitain

ASCH , Nonna G.A. of Chieti, 1640, fols. 11r-13 v

Citizen

Merchant

ASTE , Tranquilli C. of Nereto, 1642, fols. 38 v -40 r

Merchant

ASCH , Penna G. of Rapino, 1644, fols. 13 v -19 r

Caterina 68 1639 Strina Francesco

Chieti

Stinca Claudia

69 1640 Lamensa Rutilio

Chieti

70 1642 Medolaghi Francesco

Penne

Angelini Urania

71 1644 Costa Francesco

Chieti

Citizen

72 1645 Marano Gio Berardino

Chieti

Citizen

73 1648 Leognani Fieramosca

Civitaquana

Nobles

ASCH , Penna G. of Rapino, 1645, fols. 24 r-27r ASCH , Schips M. of Castel Castagna, 1648, fols.

Cesare

6 v-22 v

74 1656 Battistone Domenico

Pescara

75 1658 Malcotti Achille

Chieti

Citizen Angelucci

Citizen

ASCH , Poccia G.A. of Chieti, 1656, fols. 16 r-18 r

Merchant

Angela

ASCH , Schips M. of Castel Castagna, 1658, fols.

182 r-192 v

76 1659 Franchino Baldassarre

Chieti

Citizen

Merchant

77 1661 de Belendez Gabriele

Chieti

Nobles

Governor

ASCH , Corti locali, vol. 281, fols. 284 r-290 r ASCH , Schips M. of Castel Castagna, 1661, fols.

17 v-24 v 78 1661 Valignani Ascanio

Chieti

Nobles

ASCH , Schips M. of Castel Castagna, 1661, 79 v -81r

79 1665 Lanuti Alessandro

Chieti

Caterina

Nobles

ASCH , Corti Locali b. 110, fs. 306, fols. 14 r-21v

80 1666 Cardella Pasquale e

Chieti

n.d.

ASCH , Poccia G.A. of Chieti, 1666, fols. 74 v -80 v

81 1666 Torricella Gio Batta

Vacri

Nobles

ASCH , Corti Locali b.110, fs. 305, fols. 4 r-12 r

82 1666 Valignani Giulio

Chieti

Nobles

ASCH , Giufici D. of Chieti, 1666, fols. 28 r-34 v

Citizen

ASCH , Giufici D. of Chieti, 1667, fols. 175 r-186 v

Citizen

ASCH , Poccia G.A. of Chieti, 1671, fols. 79 v -86 r

Lucenzio

Città S.Angelo 83 1667 Cirillo Francesco

Pescara

Herrera Caterina

84 1671 Landi Benedetto

Manoppello

85 1673 Fossina Maria

Chieti

86 1676 Ferada Donato

Chieti

87 1677 Ferrari Lucrezia

Chieti

Di Nocco

ASCH , Schips M. of Castel Castagna,

Craftsmen Uttini

Stucco

ASCH , Schips M. of Castel Castagna, 1676, fols.

worker

97 v-99 v

Citizen

ASCH , Mattucci G. of Civitella, 1677, fols. 77 v -80 r

Felice mastro 88 1679 Eppis Giuseppe

Chieti

Passaro

Citizen

Merchant

Angela 89 1681 Gelmi Rocco

Chieti

90 1682 Deletto Filippo

Chieti

Carignone

ASCH , Franchi T. sen. of Chieti, 1679, fols.

316 r-325 r Citizen

Merchant

Nobles

Judge

ASCH , Franchi T. sen. of Chieti, 1681, fols. 10 r-41r

Leandra Lucini Guzman

ASCH , Franchi T. sen. of Chieti, 1682, fols.

222 r-227 v

Gregoria 91 1685 Michelini Francesco rev. Chieti

Nobles

Abbot

ASCH , Franchi T. sen. of Chieti, 1685, fols.

420 v-427 v 92 1690 Brigante Nicola

Chieti

Citizen

93 1704 Toppi Francesco

Chieti

Nobles

ASCH , Mattucci G. of Civitella, 1690, fols. 72 v -77 v

Abbot

ASCH , Pierini G. of Chieti, 1704, fols. 90 r-98 v

Spoltore 94 1705 Tofani Gio Lorenzo

Tocco

Cuferari

Citizen

ASCH , Stasi A. of Musellaro, 1705, fols. 37 v -48 r

Antonia

table 1 – List of the 94 probate inventories. Abreviations: asch, State Archive of Chieti; aste, State Archive of Teramo; aspe, State Archive of Pescara (V. Verrocchio).

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v e r ro cc h io – m at e r i a l c u lt u r e TABLE Food

Metal

Pottery

‘Acquacotta’

Jar / Giara

Pot/ Coccomo

Bread

Basket/ Paniere

Fruit

Fruit dish/ Fruttiera

Pepper

Pepper pot/ Peparola

Salt

Salt / Saliera

Sauces

Stone

Salt / Saliera

Wood

Salt /Saliera

Sauce boat / Salsiera

Syrups

Mug / Bicchiere

Vinegar

Little pot / Vasetto

Little pot / Vasetto

Water

Jug, flask / Boccale, fiasca

Jug, pitcher, jar, pot

Wine

Flask / Fiasco

Jug, pitcher / Boccale, trufolo

Metal

Pottery

Boccale, brocca, giara, vaso KITCHEN / STORAGE Food ‘Acquacotta’

Stone

Wood

Pot / Pila

Pot / Orna

Pot / Coccomo

Bread

Caludron / Caldaia

Cheese

Cauldron, pot, cheese grater, cheese

Pot / Orna

warmer / Caldaia, caccavo, grattacacio, scaldacacio Chestnuts

Pan / Padella

Fish

Spoon, fryng pan, grill / Cucchiaio, fersora, graticola

Honey

Vase / Quartara, vaso

Lard

Pot / Pignata

Lent eating

Little bowl / Concarella

Macaroni

Spoon, macaroni maker / Cucchiaio, maccaronaro

Mustard

Pass / Passatoio

Must boiled

Caldaia, cucchiaio, maniere, misura /

Pot, vase / Olla, vaso

Cauldron, spoon, measure pot Olives

Pot / Lancella, olla, quartara

Olive oil

Spoon, measure pot, pot, pitcher, vase / Cucchiaio, misura, olla, orcio, pila, quartara, tragno, trufolo, vaso

Pizza

Pan / Tiella

Pumpkin jam

Vase / Vaso

Raisin

Pot / Quartara

Salt

Pot / Quartara

Spices

Little vase / Vasetto

Sugared almonds

Vase / Vaso

Wafers

Iron tool / Ferro

Water

Cauldron, bowl, pan, large pot / Caldaia,

Pot / Olla, quartara

conca, fersora, tragno

table 2 – List of food products and related vessels made in different materials (V. Verrocchio).

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A journey of taste: Eastern coffee and western coffee cups in Turkey Filiz Yenişehirlioğlu

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i n t roduct ion The Mediterranean has always been a geographical area where different natural products, once introduced, would be assimilated in a short time and becoming, hereafter, a characteristic product of the Mediterranean, circulating from there to other parts of the world. Grapes and tulips came from the East and tomatoes from the West. Once coffee arrived from Yemen to the Middle East in the 16th century, it was, not the natural product itself, but its consumption that became part of the eastern Mediterranean from where a journey of new taste spread towards the West. This paper explores this journey of taste, from the Middle East and the Ottoman Empire to Europe from the 16th century; it follows the shapes of coffee cups, with a brief overview of the encounters of European and Ottoman coffee cup production, that changed according to taste and to consumption habits. In the perspective of orientalist, 19th-century ideas about culture in the Near East everyday commodities in the Ottoman Empire, and the lifestyles that accompanied them, were onsidered to be unchangeable and constant entities. This attitude is also seen today in the contemporary touristic and historicist appreciation of the holistic concept of coffee drinking. At the same time, it coined the term ‘Turkish Coffee’, which is much disputed in certain post-Ottoman nation states. This holistic approach makes one feel as if coffee has always been cooked in a cezve (a small long handed metal pot), and as if coffee has always been drunk in a fincan (a small cup with a handle) that was often accompanied with a saucer, on which one would reverse the cup to read one’s fortune (Figs. 1a-b and 7a-b).1 Medieval MasterChef, ed. by Joanita Vroom, Yona Waksman, Roos van Oosten, Medieval and Post-Medieval Archaeology Series ii (Turnhout, 2017), pp. 291-308 (+ plates pp. 393-396) © 291

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Unlike the popularity of coffee rituals, it has to be admitted that more comprehensive and interpretative publications on this subject as a cultural phenomenon are needed, as well as its economic, social and cultural implications in the Ottoman Empire. Until now, some recent exhibitions and a new interest in the history of food and drinks have led to important publications, which will pave the way to further detailed studies in the future.2 In addition, there are various contemporary publications looking at Ottoman literature, Ottoman popular culture and other sources related to coffee and coffee drinking.3 However, there are still some aspects that are not being considered. Firstly, the architectural history of coffee-shops has not yet been studied, although these were recorded in 17th century foundation deeds (vakfiye) of certain architectural complexes and registered, as such, in 19th century ‘Year Books’ (Salname). Secondly, archaeological discoveries of Ottoman coffee cups and relevant finds from before the 18th century were not sufficiently described until now. Thirdly, there has been little research carried out on the development of coffee cups typologically through time or according to different areas of the Ottoman Empire. So, this paper will not only attempt to answer the afore mentioned questions regarding coffee and coffee drinking in Ottoman times, but will also try to show the approximate distribution of its enjoyment from Eastern to Western countries as well as the typological development of coffee cup shapes that accompany this journey of taste. cof f e e i n ista n bu l We know from written records that coffee arrived at Istanbul in the 16th century, after Damascus became part of the Ottoman World in 1516, and that coffee was sold in Istanbul around 1554 when the first coffee shop was opened by two men: Hakem from Aleppo and Şems from Damascus.4 Thus, coffee was probably drunk in many parts of the Ottoman Empire before finally arriving at İstanbul. The 17th century Ottoman historian Peçevi, whose historical book covers the period from 1520 to 1640, notes that few ordinary people frequented these coffee houses; they were, rather, visited by poets, writers and scholars, who had intellectual discussions whilst coffee drinking.5 It was, of course, men who frequented the coffee houses in Istanbul. Coffee was further consumed in hans, that is to say buildings, that housed the shops of craftsmen and merchants. This being said, there is no accurate date for the start of coffee consumption in these places, and archaeological evidence is scarce concerning 16th- and early 17th century finds of coffee cups from these buildings. It is, however, generally accepted that the custom of coffee drinking had become popular by this time. Religious discussions concerning the use of coffee, as well as the restriction of Sultan

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Murat iv (1612-1640) to close coffee houses, were only temporary actions which inhibited the diffusion of this activity.6 Both the archaeological finds and the increase in production of coffee cups during the 18th century, suggest the growing use of this product in public life. ot tom a n cof f e e cu ps (16t h-17 t h ce n t u ry) Our knowledge of Ottoman coffee cups and their production originates from different sources. These include historical texts, travellers’ accounts, miniatures and engravings, archaeological excavations and museums or private collections. Since coffee cups were mainly produced manually until the end of the Ottoman Empire (1923),7 factory design catalogues do not exist as seen in European centres of industrial production.8 Our first representation of an Ottoman coffee house comes from a miniature painting from the end of the 16th century, conserved at Chester Beatty Library in Dublin (Figs. 1a-b). When looking at this miniature, it is evident that the coffee was served in small cups without handles and without saucers. Similar small cups were also depicted in other miniature paintings of the 17th century (Fig. 2). Coffee was not cooked individually in a cezve (like Turkish coffee today) but in an ewer, and then served in a small cup. This service is also depicted in European travellers’ accounts. Archaeological finds of coffee cups dating from the 16th and 17th centuries are extremely rare in Turkey.9 A few examples were excavated in Iznik during the 1981-88 excavation campaign by a team from Istanbul University, and they are in a similar form of small cup alike those represented in 16th century miniature paintings (Figs. 1a-b, 2 and 3). Different types of tablewares, as well as tiles, have been the main items produced in Iznik, and the excavations have revealed large quantities of sherds of which only a couple can be specifically identified as coffee cups. Iznik was the main centre of ceramic production in the Ottoman Empire from the 14th to the end of the 17th century. Afterwards, the city of Kütahya took over the main production in the 18th century and replaced the famous Iznik production, though not of the same quality as Iznik Ware.10 Written documents, such as lists of goods recorded in late 16th century inheritance registers of Ottoman citizens, mention the existence of Iznik coffee cups together with Chinese ones.11 However, this information does not directly match with the archaeological evidence. Written sources suggest the imported Chinese Porcelain cups in Iznik, which was itself a production centre of cups, but both types were, until now, never found together in excavated contexts within the city. On the other hand, we know that Chinese Porcelain was popular in the Ottoman Empire (Figs. 11a-b).12 It is, therefore, fair to say that small blue-and-white bowls (kase) from China, as we often

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distinguish them in miniature paintings, were the prototypes of the Ottoman coffee cups ( fincan) from Turkey (Figs. 4a-b). The pictorial and archaeological evidence suggests that, in the 16th century, coffee was served in small bowls of 9-10 cm wide, as is shown in Ottoman miniature paintings (Figs. 1a-b and 2). These coffee cups were re-baptized as fincan, a word of Persian origin. According to the 17thcentury Ottoman traveller Evliya Çelebi, these recipients were not only used for the drinking of coffee, but also for other types of popular drinks like şerbet (made from fruit juice) and boza (made from chickpea). Since coffee was introduced in the mid-16th century, it probably needed some time before it become popular. Consequently, instead of creating a new recipient to drink coffee from, it was preferred to use an already existing form. Unlike the Ottoman tobacco pipes, which are omnipresent on almost every excavated site in the eastern Mediterranean and the Near East, the lack of coffee cups on sites might suggest that coffee was probably drank only in coffee shops and/or by the male population during Early Ottoman times. The commercial hans, which the Yeniçeri (janiseries) frequented, were places where coffee was consumed in large quantities. Coffee drinking, therefore, seems to still have been limited to a certain group within the population. Another fact that supports this suggestion is the number of coffee cups bought for the Royal Kitchen in the Topkapı Palace. At the beginning of the 17th century (in 1617), 6331 pottery vessels were bought for the kitchen and only 40 of them were coffee cups. However, this number had risen by 1630 to 230 cups showing that the number of palace members, allowed to drink coffee, had increased.13 We know that the largest number of inhabitants in the Harem (women quarters) of the Topkapı Palace was in the 17th century, so this suggests that women in the Harem would have, by this point, started to consume coffee as well. European engravings showing imaginary scenes of the Harem do indeed depict coffee cups in the hands of Harem women – and this time in combination with saucers.14 Contemporary miniature paintings also show the palace pages holding coffee cups with saucers.15 Thus, one can suggest that the saucer has probably started to pair with the coffee cup approximately around this time. Despite the male consumption of coffee at coffee shops, where one could easily place the cup on a low table, it was easier for women to hold the cup with a saucer as they would sit on the sedir (the sofa) placed around the rooms and chat. Evliya Çelebi, the 17th century Turkish traveller, gives information on shops that sell cups and on craftsmen that repair the broken ones.16 The latter suggests that coffee cups were not yet abundant and still expensive in Istanbul.17 In fact, Ottoman price registers of the 1640s, determined by the Kadı, gave different prices for different coffee cups varying in decoration (with gold or with simple design).18

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ot tom a n cof f e e cu ps (18t h-20t h ce n t u ry) The numbers of coffee cups, which were manufactured after the 17th century, increase enormously both in land and underwater archaeological excavations. These cups were mostly made in Kütahya (Figs. 5, 10a-f and 13a-c). This production differed from Iznik Ware in the quality of paste and ornamentation. The Kütahya cups were signed by the name of the ceramist, since they were paid by the number. An important archival document, the first written contract of the coffee cup producers guild, dating from 1766, can be found in the Kütahya Museum; it shows the regulation of the prices to be paid to each coffee-cup producer according to his professional rank.19 The Kütahya coffee cups are generally 6-8 cm. wide, have a depth of 3 cm and a height of 4 cm. (Fig. 5). Their manufacture is not always of the best quality, suggesting that there was mass production of such cups (Figs. 10a-e). One can see influences from both Chinese bowls and European ceramics in their painted motifs. This process will be discussed further below. Two new items can be noticed in the Kütahya production: firstly, the saucer, which was already depicted in miniature paintings from the end of the 17th century, became abundant in this period (Figs. 7a-b); and secondly, the introduction of an alternative holder for the cups, called a zarf (Fig. 15). In fact, the saucer was not the only medium to hold the cup. A zarf could be produced in various common and/or precious metals, as well as being made in ceramic (Figs. 16, 17).20 It is possible that the zarf began to be used in the 18th century since we have no archaeological or visual documentation evidence before that period. Together with the use of a saucer, the coffee cups became smaller and received a handle, the latter due to European influence.21 In fact, the addition of a handle to the coffee cup was introduced by the Meissen factory in Germany for the first time in the 18th century (Fig. 9).22 Examples of coffee cups with handles were unusual at the beginning of the 18th century in Kütahya production, although one rare example can be found at the Sadberk Hanım Museum in Istanbul. This type of coffee cup (with an added painted yellow colour) was introduced to the Kütahya pottery repertoire due to the influence of European Italian production; this contemporarily corresponded with the aesthetical perception of the colour yellow coming from Chinese Porcelain. These cups were of a better quality than the mass-produced Kütahya coffee cups (Figs. 6, 8 and 9). The Kütahya production of coffee cups seems to have dominated the lands within the Ottoman Empire from the 18th century onwards. Excavations in the Balkans and in the Middle Eastern provinces of the Empire reveal the abundant use of Kütahya coffee cups.23 A shipwreck discovered near Marseille also contained Kütahya coffee-cups.24

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These could have been used on the boat itself, but from an archival source (dated 1660), we know that 9000 kilos of raw coffee were unloaded from a ship in Marseille by 1700 Ottoman galley slaves. This suggests one of the ways of how coffee, and coffee cups, could have been distributed from one Mediterranean port to another.25 eu rope a n d cof f e e Coffee and coffee drinking were introduced into European countries in miscellaneous periods from the 17th century onwards. The way coffee consumption travelled to the various countries, such as Austria or France, is different from one to another. It is generally accepted that the second Ottoman Siege of Vienna in 1639 was influential for the introduction of coffee to this country.26Janissaries and their coffee drinking habits were probably vital in this expansion. Aside from Austria, which was one of the European frontier countries facing the Ottoman expansion, Venice was the place for first-hand information about all the events in the Empire. Italian merchants had close ties and networks with professional partners in various large cities within the Ottoman Empire, and consequently coffee shops opened in Venice around 1645. Venetian merchants were probably efficient in transferring this drink, and its rituals, to other parts of Europe, just as they were influential in the distribution of other commodities coming from Ottoman lands.27 As we have seen above, Marseille was another significant Mediterranean port city, where a cosmopolitan population with varying lifestyles existed, not unlike most harbour towns. The first coffee shop was opened here in 1644 by an Armenian, and soon became an important meeting place for sailors.28 One should also not underestimate the role of foreign missions. For example, the Turkish Ambassador to Paris, Süleyman Ağa, introduced coffee drinking to Parisian society in 1669.29 Coffee was also consumed by the French Consul in Larnaca (Cyprus) in 1692, and one can find different types of coffee cups, pots and trays confiscated from his consulate.30 For coffee exported to France, the consul had to pay the custom tax accordingly.31 In addition, travellers’ accounts are important for noticing the introduction of this new beverage to Europe. Jean Thévenot published his travel book Relation d’un voyage fait au Levant in 1665, in which he gave detailed explanations of how coffee was brewed and served as well as how it tasted: ‘This beverage is dark black and bitter and smells burnt. It is served very hot therefore one has to sip it in small amounts.’32 Polish travellers to the Ottoman Empire in the 19th century, also gave detailed accounts of coffee drinking and coffee shops. The taste and the way it was served did not please them. Back in Poland, they would have drank coffee since the second half of the 17th

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century from large cups with sugar, whereas they noticed that in Istanbul coffee was drunk black, without sugar and from small cups.33 Marcy Norton in her article asks ‘When and how do societies assimilate foreign things?34 In the context of growing globalization in Early Modern times, her question has engaged other scholars working in three historiographical traditions: the history of imperial expansion, of colonialism and of consumerism and food. Coffee only became a popular beverage in Europe after the 18th century. Norton argues that it was chocolate that arrived first in Europe, and probably paved the way in taste for the assimilation of coffee. Because chocolate was considered bitter when it arrived, the Europeans added sugar and vanilla to bring it to their palettes.35 Tea and coffee were introduced later, almost at the same time, in Europe. In the end many factors were influential in the diffusion of coffee and its consumption. Behaviour and cultural patterns of different social groups, and their movements from one country to another, helped in coffee’s journey of taste between East and West. Among these groups were European colonists in South America who had learned to eat and drink chocolate, traders with China who introduced tea, as well as military campaigns; sailors, slaves, foreign missions and travellers were all influential in the introduction of coffee to Europe. Social encounters that accompanied coffee drinking, must also have been a significant factor in its dissemination in urban daily life. Interestingly, one of the rare secular Cantata’s, composed by Johann Sebastian Bach (1734/1735) in Leipzig, was on coffee (Schweigt Stille, Plaundert Nicht – bwv, 211).36 eu rope a n product ion of cof f e e cu ps It seems that during the late 17th and early 18th centuries, chocolate, tea and coffee were all consumed in Europe in similar cups with a lid, which had no separate shapes for each individual beverage. As both chocolate and coffee were by then considered too bitter by the Europeans, they added not only sugar but also vanilla and milk to these beverages. As a result of this, Europeans needed larger cups. It is now generally accepted that it was the Meissen factory in Germany that invented the cup with handles in the mid-18th century.37 In the lands of the Ottoman Empire, one started to drink coffee after breakfast (in fact the word kahvaltı in Turkish comes from kahve altı – ‘something to eat before you have your coffee’) or even before breakfast, a custom that still continues in Modern Turkey and Greece. Drinking coffee continued all day long in various occasions: at home, while visiting a friend, at coffee shops, while shopping, in bath houses etc. Since it was stronger, and without addition of vanilla or milk, the cups were much smaller than the European ones.

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George Miller discusses the terminology of cup shapes in the United Kingdom according to potters, merchants and collectors. He mostly uses the invoices, given by the potter and the merchant in the 19th century, for products exported to the United States.38 Miller argues that there was no difference in the names of the cups and that they were not differentiated as tea or coffee cups. Their sizes were registered with purely local names, such as ‘London size’ or ‘Holland Size’, and they were always marked ‘by the dozen’.39 From the mid-18th century onwards, French production centres like Sèvres, SaintCloud and Vincennes started to produce cups in different dimensions. At the end of the century, cups for tea, coffee and chocolate had indeed different shapes: firstly, coffee cups became more cylindrical, but the diameter and the length remained the same; secondly, chocolate cups were larger and had handles on each side and thirdly, tea cups became a little bit more open. With the introduction of hard-paste porcelain production in Limoges and in other French manufacture centres, the ornamentation on these cups became more elaborate and fantastic.40 The production of the German Meissen factory seems to have dominated the manufacturing market of coffee cups for the Ottoman Empire. In fact, Manasses Athanos, an Ottoman merchant, ordered 2000 coffee cups without handles in 1732, and in 1734 he ordered another 3000 coffee cups at the Meissen factory (Figs. 12a-b).41 Such objects were first used at the Topkapı Palace and in houses of members of high administrative and wealthy classes. Soon this production was copied by the Kütahya potters to the extent that they even imitated the Meissen characteristic production sign of double cross swords (Figs. 12a-b and 13a-c). The shape of the chocolate cup, introduced by Meissen, was copied as a form of coffee cup by the Kütahya potters in the 18th century (Figs. 7b and 8). This form, however, did not become very popular, as is suggested by the fact that it is mostly found in museum collections but not often in archaeological excavations. European porcelain coffee cups that are conserved in the Topkapı Palace collections in Istanbul reveal two types: European types of coffee cups and traditional Ottoman shapes of coffee cups produced by European porcelain factories specifically for the Ottoman market. Thus, the distinction is clear-cut. Meissen produced either European-style cups ornamented with colourful flowers (Figs. 8, 9 and 17), or imitations of small blue-and-white Porcelain cups from China (Figs. 12a-b and 14a-b). Since Kütahya potters imitated the Meissen products, they also made coffee cups imitating this already copied production (Figs. 13a-c). On the other hand, direct imports from China to Turkey also clearly influenced the design patterns in Kütahya(Figs. 4a-b and 11a-b).42

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conclusion Production of ceramics and textiles easily moves between regions, and is a primary example of a transcultural and trans-regional form of material culture, one which was assimilated and reinvented by different groups with various backgrounds. Free market options supported this proces, but one should not disregard the attraction of new objects which in the eyes of the consumers were colourful, out of the ordinary or even exotic. Although the Ottoman traveller Evliya Celebi would describe things and events that he ‘could not describe’ as acaip and garib (‘bizarre’ and ‘mysterious’), human reactions can also develop over time. This includes taste. Coffee travelled from East to West and since the 18th century it evolved into a common beverage all over the world. In the wake of its succes, potters and designers created new shapes combined with local ornamentation to attract consumers. This is a phenomenon that still continues today. The small Porcelain cups, imported from China to the Ottoman Empire and to Europe, were the prototypes of the coffee cups used from the 16th century onwards to drink coffee in Ottoman lands and tea in European countries. In the Ottoman Empire, the cups shrank in size during the 17th century, and became even smaller during the 18th and 19th centuries. Following the European style, a saucer and a handle were added to these cups. This was indeed the European trend of coffee drinking. The commercial agreements in the 19th century between the European countries and the Ottoman Empire increased the import of coffee cups, called bon pour l’Orient, that were produced for the Ottoman market. In the traditional way of drinking, however, people continued to use the cup without a handle and placed their cup in a zarf rather than on a saucer. The richly decorated zarf types also displayed social status. In this way taste travelled from one region to another, but retained its own characteristic features according to the cultural background of the country in which it was introduced. Drinking coffee in large cups with milk, for example, has never been appreciated by the Ottomans. Sipping coffee from small cups, several times a day, was not only an act to socialise, but also to give oneself a small pause of pleasure from daily work. Cultural research on behaviour has still a long way to go in studying encounters concerning taste in different countries. The sensibilities of individuals, and their taste formation according to their social status, is another issue that needs to be studied. For instance, coffee drinking seemed to have to transgress gender issues in the Ottoman Empire rather quickly: its consumption moved gradually from the public sphere of coffee houses for men to domestic life dominated by the presence of women. Such transformations in social life also had an effect on the shapes of coffee cups, an issue that needs to be studied further in the future.

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not es 1

2

This paper is partially based on another

productions and examples of coffee

paper published in Turkish by the author:

cups from these factories have not

see Yenişehirlioğlu 2012.

been identified as such. An important

Açıkgöz 1999; Yaşar 2009; Işın 2011. Naskali

production was at the Royal Yıldız

2011a.The variety of subjects researched in

Porcelain factory (Yıldız Çini Fabrika-i

this book give a general understanding of

Hümayunu), which was founded in 1902

coffee and its uses in the Ottoman Empire.

during the reign of Sultan Abdülhamid ii

Some of the articles from this book are

(1842-1918). This last factory continued to

re-published with beautifully coloured

function until 1920, and reopened again during the Republican period in 1945.

photographs in Naskali 2011b. A more 8

recent study is the book that accompanied

3

a vast exhibition at the Topkapı Palace; see

in 1902 within the Yıldız Palace by experts

Pekin 2015.

coming from the Sèvres Porcelain factory

E.g., Baram 1999; Vroom 1996; idem 2000;

in France, but unfortunately no designs

idem 2003, 335-57; idem 2007; Bouzigard

catalogues (if these ever existed) were

2010; Gelichi and Sabbionesi 2014; Gelichi

conserved from this production. See

2015, fig. 20.

for more information on this factory, Küçükerman 1987.

4 Işın 1994, 386-92. 5

The Yıldız Porcelain Factory was founded

9

Işın 1994; Hattox 1998. As a comparison,

For practical reasons I limit myself in this

there are some good studies on the

paper to Turkey as it is hard to track down

consumption of coffee and tea in the Low

the situation in countries like Yemen, Cairo

Countries. For instance, coffee items in

and Syria, where coffee was consumed before the 16th century.

Dutch probate inventories were rare in the late 17th century. The popularity rose ca.

10 Kürkman 2005.

1750, when all social strata drank coffee

11 Atasoy and Raby 1989.

and tea. The distribution of coffee occurred

12 Vroom 2011; idem 2015.

from town to town, from coffeehouse to

13 Bilgin 2004.

coffeehouse; cf. Voskuil 1988; Dibbits 2001,

14 Cornelius de Bruyn 1710: http://gallica. bnf.fr/ark:/12148/btv1b23007623.

158. 6 The involvement of the yeniçeri, the

r=Corneille%20le%20Brun%2C%20 Voyage%20au%20Levant?rk=21459;2.

janissaries, in the coffee trade could be one of the reasons for this softening.

15 Topkapı Palace Museum Library, inv. no.H.2164,fol.12a; see Atasoy and Raby

7 Industrial production of pottery in

1989, 37.

Istanbul had its examples in productions as Eser-I İstanbul or Beykoz after the mid

16 This is an interesting point concerning craftsmanship. Evliya Çelebi does not give

19th century. But these were small scale

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information on what type of coffee cups

27 Jardine 1996.

were repaired, but we can suggest that

28 Öney Tan 2015, 14-21.

probably the expansive and elaborate ones

29 Nakipoglu Yılmaz 2011, 589-98.

worth repairing were brought to these

30 Özkul 2011, 227-87.

craftsmen. The price registers of 1640

31 Özkul 2011.

concerning the official prices given to goods

32 Thévenot 2009, vol. 1.

on the market and especially to those coming 33 Filipowska 2011, 209-25. from outside of İstanbul mention the price

34 Norton 2006, 660-91.

of Chinese Porcelain vessels that have cracks. 35 In the Netherlands, drinking chocolate This information suggests that they could be

was not very popular after its immediate

repaired after being bought by the client.

introduction, whereas drinking tea and

17 Çelebi 1999-2003, vol. 10, 327.

coffee was more common. The beverage

18 Kütükoğlu 1983.

chocolate was first considered as food, as

19 Kürkman 2005.

it was very fat. Only after 1828, after the

20 A zarf is a holder made of metal or ceramic

invention and introduction of cacao powder

having the same form as the cup, but a bit

in the Van Houten factory by Casparus

larger allowing the cup to be placed inside.

van Houten sr. (1770-1858) and Coenraad Johannes van Houten (1801-1887), chocolate

21 While drinking coffee was an Eastern habit, the invention of a cup with saucer was a

became more popular and even exported

western invention; see Dibbits 2001, 161.

to England, France and Germany; see Laan 2003, 192.

22 Hard paste Porcelain was produced in Germany by the Meissen factory in 1720. Its

36 Baydar 2011, 551-68.

production was much appreciated by the

37 Heugel and Sarramon 2009.

Ottoman Palace as well as by members of the 38 Miller 2011; see http://www.jefpat.org/ diagnostic/index.htm.

high administrative classes in the Ottoman Empire.

39 Miller 2011; see http://www.jefpat.org/ diagnostic/index.htm.

23 Heise 2001, 32. 24 Amouric, Richez and Vallauri, 1999.

40 Heugel and Sarramon2009, 169-70.

25 Heise 2001, 32.

41 Tufan 2015, 230-31.

26 Yılmaz 2011.

42 Crowe 2006-2007.

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bi bl iogr a ph y Açıkgöz, N. 1999. Kahvename, Ankara. Amouric, H., F. Richez and L. Vallauri 1999. Vingt mille pots sous les mers; le commerce de la céramique en Provence et Languedoc, xe-xixe s., Paris. Atasoy, N. and J. Raby 1989. Iznik, Istanbul. Baydar, K.E. 2011. Johann Sebastian Bach’ın Kahve Kantatı’nda Osmanlı İzleri (Ottoman Traces in the Coffee Cantata of Johann Sebastian Bach), in: E.G. Naskalı (ed.), Türk Kahvesi Kitabı (The Book of Turkish Coffee), Istanbul, 551-68. Baram, U. 1999. Clay tabacco pipes and coffee cup sherds in the archaeology of the Middle East: Artifacts of social tensions from the Ottoman Past, International Journal of Historical Archaeology 3, 137-51. Bilgin, A. 2004. Osmanlı Saray Mutfağı( 1453-1650), Istanbul. Bouzigard, C.A. 2010. Archeological Evidence for the Consumption of Tobacco and Coffee in Ottoman Arabia, unpublished MA Thesis, University of East Carolina, Department of Anthropology. Bruyn, C. de 1714. Voyage au Levant, Paris. Çelebi, E. b. Derviş Mehmed Zılli 1999-2003. Evliya Çelebi Seyahatnâmesi, Vols. 1-10, Istanbul. Crowe, Y. 2006-2007. Kütahya patterns: Out of the blue?, Transactions of Oriental Ceramic Society 71, 1-8. Dibbits, H. 2001. Vertrouwd bezit. Materiële cultuur in Doesburg en Maassluis, 16501800, Nijmegen. Filipowska, S. 2011. 19.Yüzyıl Polonyalı Gezginlerin Hatıralarında Türk Kahvesi’(Turkish Coffee in the memories of Polish Travelers in the 19th century), in: E.G. Naskalı (ed.), Türk Kahvesi Kitabı (The Book of Turkish Coffee), Istanbul, 209-25. Gelichi, S. and L. Sabbionesi 2014. Bere e Fumare ai Confini Dell’ Impero, Caffè e tabacco a Stari Bar nel periodo ottoman, Florence. Gelichi, S. 2015. ‘A ciascuno il suo’: Pottery and social contexts in a Montenegrin town, in: J. Vroom (ed.), Medieval and Post-Medieval Ceramics in the Eastern Mediterranean – Fact and Fiction, Medieval and Post-Medieval Mediterranean Archaeology series vol. 1, Turnhout, 155-72. Hattox, S.R. 1998. Kahve ve Kahvehaneler (Coffee and Coffee Shops), Istanbul. Heise, U. 2001. Kahve ve Kahvehane (Coffee and Coffee Shops), Ankara. Heugel, I. and C. Sarramon 2009. La passion des arts de la table, Paris. Işın, E. 1994. Kahvehaneler, in: Dünden Bugüne İstanbul Ansiklopedisi, vol. 4, Istanbul, 386-92. Işın, E. 2011. İstanbul’ da Gündelik Hayat, Istanbul.

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Jardine, J. 1996. Wordly Goods: A New History of the Renaissance, New York & London. Küçükerman, Ö. 1987. Yıldız Çini Fabrikası (Yıldız Ceramic Factory), Ankara. Kürkman, G. 2005. Toprak, Ateş, Sır – Tarihsel Gelişimi. Atölyeleri ve Ustalarıyla Kütahya Çini ve Seramikleri (Magic of Clay and Fire), Istanbul. Kütükoğlu, S.M. 1983. Osmanlılarda Narh Müessesesi ve 1640 Tarihli Narh Defteri (The Book of Prices), Istanbul. Laan, C. 2003. Drank & Drinkgerei. Een archeologisch en cultuurhistorisch onderzoek naar de alledaagse drinkcultuur van de 18de-eeuwse Hollanders, Amsterdam. Miller, G.L. 2011. Common Staffordshire Cup and Bowl Shapes. http://www.jefpat. org/diagnostic/index.htm (date last checked 12/09/2011). Nakipoglu, Y.M. 2011. Kahvenin Avrupa Kültürüne Etkisi (The influence of coffee to European Culture), in: E.G. Naskali (ed.), Türk Kahvesi Kitabı (The Book of Turkish Coffee), Istanbul, 589-98. Naskali, E.G. (ed.) 2011a. Türk Kahvesi Kitabı (The Book of Turkish Coffee), Istanbul. Naskali, E.G. (ed.) 2011b. Kahve, Kırk Yıllık Hatırın Kitabı (Coffee, the Book of Remembrance of Forty Years), Istanbul. Norton, M. 2006. Tasting Empire: Chocolate and the European internalization of Mesoamerican aesthetics, The American Historical Review 3, 660-91. Öney, T.A. 2015. Kahve Kronolojisi (Chronology of Coffee), in: E. Pekin (ed.), Bir Taşım Keyif, Türk Kahvesinin 500 Yıllık Öyküsü (A Sip of Taste, 500 Years of the History of Turkish Coffee), Istanbul, 14-21. Özkul, A.E. 2011. Osmanlı İdaresinde Kıbrıs’ta Kahve ve kahvehaneler (Coffee and Coffee shops in Cyprus under Ottoman rule), in: E.G. Naskali (ed.), Türk Kahvesi Kitabı (The Book of Turkish Coffee), Istanbul, 227-87. Pekin, E. 2015 (ed.). Bir Taşım Keyif, Türk Kahvesinin 500 Yıllık Öyküsü (A Sip of Taste, 500 Years of the History of Turkish Coffee), Istanbul. Thévenot, J. 2009. Thévenot Seyahatnamesi, Vol. 1, Istanbul (translated by Stefanos Yerasimos). Tufan, Ö. 2015. Topkapı Sarayı ve Hareminde Kahve (Topkapı Palace and Coffee at the Harem), in: E. Pekin (ed.) Bir Taşım Keyif, Türk Kahvesinin 500 Yıllık Öyküsü (A Sip of Taste, 500 Years of the History of Turkish Coffee), Istanbul, 230-31. Voskuil, J.J. 1988. De verspreiding van koffie en thee in Nederland, Volkskundig Bulletin 14, 68-93. Vroom, J. 1996. Coffee and archaeology: A note on a Kütahya Ware find in Boeotia, Greece, Pharos 4, 5-19. Vroom, J. 2000. Byzantine garlic and Turkish delight: Dining habits and cultural change in Central Greece from Byzantine to Ottoman times, Archaeological Dialogues 7, 199-216.

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Vroom, J. 2003. After Antiquity. Ceramics and Society in the Aegean from the 7th to the 20th centuries A.C. A Case Study from Boeotia, Central Greece, Archaeological Studies Leiden University 10, Leiden. Vroom, J. 2007. Kütahya between the lines: Post-Medieval ceramics as historical information, in: S. Davies and J. Davis (eds.), Between Venice and Istanbul. Colonial Landscapes in Early Modern Greece, Hesperia Supplement 40, Princeton, (nj), 71-93. Vroom, J. 2011, ‘Mr. Turkey goes to Turkey’, Or: How an eighteenth-century Dutch diplomat lunched at Topkapι Palace, Princeton Papers. Interdisciplinary Journal of Middle Eastern Studies 16, 139-75. Vroom, J. 2015. Cornelis Calkoen Türkiye’de: Bir 18. Yüzyıl Felemenk Diplomatının Topkapı Sarayı’ndaki Öǧle Yemeǧi, in: A. Singer (ed.), Haydi Sofraya! Mutfak Penceresinden Osmanlı Tarihi, Istanbul, 141-75 (translated by P. Tünaydın). Yaşar, A. (ed.) 2009. Osmanlı Kahvehaneleri: Mekan, Sosyalleşme, İktidar (Ottoman Coffee Shops: Space, Socialisiaton and Power), Istanbul. Yenişehirlioğlu, F. 2012. Fincanın İçinde ne Var? Osmanlı Döneminde Günlük Yaşam, Sosyal Değişim ve Fincan Tipleri (What is inside your coffee-pot? Daily Life, Social Change and Coffee-pots in the Ottoman Period), in: Yemekte Tarih Var (Food and History), Istanbul, 91-124.

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figs. 1a-b – See colour plates page 393. fig. 2 – See colour plates page 394. fig. 3 – See colour plates page 394.

fig. 4a – Chinese coffee cups, late 16th and 17th century (after Pekin 2015, 363).

fig. 4b – Chinese coffee cups, 17th century (after Pekin 2015, 364). fig. 5 – See colour plates page 395. fig. 6 – See colour plates page 395. figs. 7a-b – See colour plates page 396.

fig. 8 – Meissen chocolate cup, 1730-1740; see www.meissen.com/en/products/chocolate-cup-andsaucer-historical-meissen%C2%AE – fig. 9 – Meissen cup, 1730-1740; see www.meissen.com/en/ historical-pieces/cups

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figs. 10a-f – Kütahya coffee cups, 18th century, excavated from the Tekfur Palace Ottoman Kilns Excavations (F. Yenişehirlioğlu).

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figs. 11a-b – Chinese Porcelain cups, excavated from the Tekfur Palace Ottoman Kilns Excavations (F. Yenişehirlioğlu).

figs. 12a-b – Meissen Porcelain, excavated from the Tekfur Palace Ottoman Kilns Excavations (F. Yenişehirlioğlu).

figs. 13a-c – Kütahya coffee cups with imitated Meissen sign, excavated from the Tekfur Palace Ottoman Kilns Excavations (F. Yenişehirlioğlu).

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figs. 14a-b – Meissen coffee cups, excavated from the Tekfur Palace Ottoman Kilns Excavations (F. Yenişehirlioğlu).

fig. 15 – Kütahya coffee cup holders (zarf ), 18th century (after Kürkman 2005, 135).

fig. 16 (left) – Chinese coffee cup holder (zarf ) (after Pekin 2015, 364). fig. 17 (right) – Meissen coffee cup holder (zarf ) (after Pekin 2015, figs. 50-51).

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ca rv i ng the meat a n d serv i ng the feast

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Miniature from The Luttrell Psalter, ca. 1325-1340 Courtesy of British Museum, London, Add. Ms. 42130, fol. 207v

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Blanc manger, cooking a historical recipe made for a Tudor king Claudia Vandepoel

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i n t roduct ion As a culinary historian, it is my daily routine to read, plan and cook different recipes from the past.1 This can give a broad perspective on Roman and Medieval food manners, as well as on the actual processes within cooking with old recipes.2 The original recipes can indeed give essential information about their time period, and about the ingredients which were used at that time. The question is, what were the differences between the old versions and the more recent ones.3 Furthermore, I am intrigued to know if modern consumers would like one specific recipe as much as it was appreciated in the past. In this chapter I will pay special attention to one particular recipe from the Middle Ages, also known in French as ‘Blanc Manger’ (or ‘white dish’, deriving from the Old French ‘blanc mangier’).4 The recipe is not found in every cooking book;5 this is perhaps because it takes quite a lot of work, one needs an extra person (such as a kitchen-maid in the past) to help prepare it. This truly ‘international’ Medieval dish, made of essentially shredded white chicken meat, is still known in today (in Turkey it is, for instance, called ‘Tavuk Göğsü’), although it is now quite different from the original.6 In fact, Blanc Manger (blancmange) is currently a sweet dessert, often made with milk, cream and sugar and afterwards thickened with gelatine, corn-starch or Irish moss (a source of carrageenan).7 Firstly, it is my aim to discuss, within this article, the recipe of Blanc Manger in four different versions and provide a short introduction on the organisation of Medieval banquets. Subsequently, the estimated ingredients and quantities of an 16th-cenMedieval MasterChef, ed. by Joanita Vroom, Yona Waksman, Roos van Oosten, Medieval and Post-Medieval Archaeology Series ii (Turnhout, 2017), pp. 311-322 (+ plates pp. 397-398) ©311

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tury Tudor recipe will be revealed. Finally, after the presentation of the ingredients, a working method is offered on how to make the 1580’s version of Blanc Manger, followed by a more recent variant. The recipe from 1580 is chosen because it has, not only a link with the Arab cuisine, but was also used during Tudor dinners with the purpose of pleasing king Henry viii of England (1491-1547). The question is now if, and to what sense, modern consumers still like this recipe and its taste, and whether we consider this Tudor dish in our time to be a royal treatment as well. t h e r eci pe i n t h r e e v e r sions The historical recipe of Blanc Manger has basically two main components: chicken (or a capon) and a binding agent.8 The taste is, in general, quite soft, unless one prepares a variant of the dish which differs from the recipe of the late Middle Ages, for instance using ground spices (such as saffron or cinnamon). One is tempted to think that the dish was either made in the Middle Ages for the recovering of sick people, or for calming down heavily loaded stomachs.9 For the comparison of this recipe it is best to take a look at three versions, dating from the 14th and the 16th centuries all with different interpretations of how to make Blanc Manger. version 1 – 135010 Wilt du machen einem blamensir, Wie man sol machen einen blamenser. Man sol nemen zigenin milich vnd mache mandels ein halp phunt. einen virdunc ryses sol man stozzen zvo mele, vnd tuo daz in die milich kalt. vnd nim eines huones brust, die sol man zeisen vnd sol die hacken dor in. vnd ein rein smaltz sol man dor in tuon. vnd sol ez dor inne sieden. vnd gibs im genuoc vnd nime es denne wider. vnd nim gestozzen violn vnd wirfe den dor in. vnd einen vierdunc zuckers tuo man dor in vnd gebs hin. Conf. Also mac man auch in der vasten machen einen blemenser von eime hechede. This is to my knowledge the oldest version. It is a recipe of blamensir from the German cooking manual with the title Das Buoch von guoter Spîse, also known as Würzburger Kochbuch (ca. 1350).11 In this version, parts of the chicken have been chopped and then cooked till tender in a freshly prepared almond milk which was, to some extent, functioning as a binding agent. This made the chicken not only very smooth, but also gave a variegated blend of soft and tender poultry with almond. Sugar had to be added as well, because the taste needed to be sweet.12

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version 2 – blancmanger van kip 151013 Om te maken blancmengyer, neemt ionge hoendren ende sietse al ontwee. Dan zo doet die beenderkens wte ende stoot die hoenderen in eenen mortier al ontwe ende doet se doere eenen stramijn met magheren sope ende dyt laet dan sieden een goede wile ende dair doetmen dan inne wat bloemen deart mede bint, dan neempt men soffraen, dodren van eyeren ende breeckt dat ontwee met wine ende goeghet dan daer al in ende latet daer met met syeden tot dat dycke werdt, als ghijt dan recht toe stroyet me poeder, dyt dientmen int leste. This Dutch version is in fact the first version of Blanc Manger that I have prepared myself some years ago. It is the recipe blancmengyer from the first printed Dutch cookbook which was published by Thomas van der Noot (ca. 1475-ca. 1525) in Brussels in 1510.14 This version is not made with the usual almond milk, but is thickened with the yoke of eggs. In contrast to the almond-thickened recipe types, it is covered with a layer of finely ground spices in order to give more colour and taste to the mashed chicken dish. It was not very difficult to make the recipe, but the effect was somewhat different than I expected. Because of the soft, sweetish taste, and the very soft structure, I had the sensation of tasting porridge. Due to the ingredients, the recipe is quite filling and has more calories than a usual side-dish.15 version 3 – blancmange tudor style 158016 Half a chicken 20z / 50 gr fresh white breadcrumbs 30 oz/ 75 gr ground almonds 1 tbs sugar ¼ pt/ 150 ml cream 2 tbs rosewater Whites of 2 eggs Cover the chicken with water, cover, and simmer for about 45 minutes until tender, then drain and cool. Meanwhile mix the almonds into the cream. Pick all the chicken from the bones, removing any gristle and skin, chop it small, grind with the almonds mixture, egg whites, breadcrumbs and sugar, and stir over a gentle heat until thickened. When cold, rub through a sieve, mix in the rosewater and dish in three piles on a plate. This last version is, until now, the most intriguing variant found in the culinary literature. It is the recipe of blancmange from an English cookbook of Tudor and early Stuart times (ca. 1580).17 This ‘white dish’ is a sweet, rosewater version and it is flavoured as a kind of paté. All the ingredients have been firstly very finely chopped into small pieces, and afterwards mad even more fine with the use of a marble pestle and mortar. After cooking, the substance has to cool down in a form/mould or, preferably,

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in several forms/moulds of different sizes, in order to enable serving the dish cold in a piled up style (see for a present day example, Figs. 4-5). m e di e va l ba nqu ets The Medieval chef-de-cuisine was a valued (generally male) individual within the staff of imperial courts and aristocratic households.18 He was not only the head of a staff which kept the fire, but he executed heavy tasks in the kitchen as well. A Medieval kitchen was both a nice place (warmth, food) and a risky place (chopping tools and knives, fire, other angry cooks) to work. Medieval cooks gradually became more professional, preparing exquisite food for the upper classes. Guillaume Tirel alias Taillevent (1310-1395) was, for instance, cook for the French kings Charles v (1338-1386) and Charles vi (1368-1422). Le Viandier (often called Le Viandier de Taillevent) was one of the earliest and best known Medieval recipe collections generally accredited to him.19 One can find, in this manual, few practical instructions but, instead, directions for the preparation of sophisticated dishes, which needed a large budget. The cook was also performing during Medieval feasts like a theatrical producer: he had to be inventive, but was considered to follow the taste of his master, the King.20 Although Medieval chefs had to make a great show, they had, at the same time, to be aware of the preparation costs and be able to reduce the costs when asked to. Thus, like a modern cook, he had to be a good planner, organiser and performer under changing circumstances.21 For organising a Medieval banquet many pre-arrangements were needed.22 There had to be plenty of wood for the kitchen fire, the bread oven and the fired rooms in the castle. Furthermore, there was a large quantity of venison needed to feed all the guests. But precise numbers were of little use, there were no guaranties on the quantity.23 Sometimes the castle was redecorated with tapestries and curtains. More staff was needed, and all the members of the household were working extra for some weeks in order to get all the work done.24 When there was a banquet organised, there was a hierarchy at the table. The highest guests had the finest dishes and sat at the table with their host, the King. The other diners, lower in rank, were seated at more of a distance from the main table. Their dishes were simpler, less expensive and/or less exclusive.25 It is noteworthy to determine the moment of serving Blanc Manger during a Medieval feast. Acording to Terence Scully, editor and translator of Medieval cookery books, Blanc Manger is mentioned in one of the Earliest French recipe collections at the end of the meat dishes and just before the fish preparations.26 A Medieval banquet

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had many courses, and each course had many different dishes. Visitors at such a banquet were used to finding within every course their favourite dish, and eat what they liked most. There was even a sequence in the courses: for instance, roasted meat was considered to be an important dish. Accompanying the roast there were many other recipes for side dishes, meant to keep the mouth fresh and the longing for more food constant. From the Tudor court of Henry viii (1491-1547), for example, it is known that Blanc Manger was served during the third course, together with other dishes.27 a close r look to t h e i ngr e di e n ts i n bl a nc m a nge r Apparently, some cooking methods, styles and developments were adopted from Medieval travellers who came from the Middle East or from Spain, thus influencing western European cuisine. The main ingredients in Blanc Manger are, as said before, chicken or a capon, almond milk, cream, egg yolks and sugar (in the 1580 version). Small amounts of rose water, sugar and/or almond paste are needed for a sweet taste. Whereas the earlier recipes (1350, 1510) use pieces of poultry cooked in almond milk, the later one from Tudor England (1580) just cuts the poultry so fine that it becomes like a mash. Cooking with historical recipes is not only dependent on the appropriate ingredients, but also on the correct pots and pans to prepare the dish. Furthermore, it is in my view that it is also essential to address the fuelling question. The way one puts on, or reduces, the heat is of great importance to the final result(s). The Tudor recipe, for instance, can only be cooked well when one can give a very precise ‘medium’ heat to the cooking pot. This means two minutes of high heat, and then tempering down to keep the heat and simmer the ingredients till ‘done’ (without any burning scents). Chickens, or capons, were available in north-western Europe during the Middle Ages. In fact, they were brought with the Roman invasions in the North, and were imported together with olives, grapes and wine.28 Almonds grew in the Middle East, and were a widely-used ingredient. In particular, within Arab cuisine, they were very common. In Christian iconography, they were often used as a symbol of the virginity of the holy Virgin Mary.29 Rosewater is distilled from etheric rose-oil. This is made from the leaves of the flower. It is widely used as an ingredient in desserts in India and in the Middle East. t h e r eci pe show n i n t h e photo -shoot How do we make the Tudor-version (of ca. 1580) of the Blanc Manger recipe?30 We start with collecting all the ingredients, which should be as fresh as possible (see Fig. 1).

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A chicken or capon 150 grams ground almonds 300 ml cream whites of four eggs

100 grams fresh white breadcrumbs two teaspoons of sugar four teaspoons of rosewater

Clean the chicken and put it in a pot (Fig. 1). Cover it with water and let it cook and simmer for almost an hour until the chicken becomes tender, then drain and cool it. Meanwhile mix the grounded almonds with the cream.31 Then pick all the flesh from the chicken bones and chop the meat very fine (Fig. 2). Grind it with the almonds and cream, egg whites, breadcrumbs and sugar (Fig.3), and stir over a medium heat until the substance get thickened. When cold, rub everything through a sieve, mix this with rosewater and put the dish in three piles on a plate. This means: after mixing with the rosewater fill three forms/moulds with the paste and let it cool down. When cold, put the three moulded shapes carefully on top of each other in order to create a tower on a plate (Fig. 4). Finally, decorate the piled up creation with almonds and serve (Fig. 5). Considering the ingredients, most of the work is in chopping the chicken fine. When in a pot for cooking and binding, the substance is almost ready. However, putting everything into forms/moulds and letting it cool down (in order to make a pile), is not a usual treatment for a dish today. In fact, to cool the substance down in a bowl and then turn this upside down is nowadays easier. But a good eye, was also in the past, very important as was the need to impress at the royal table. a mode r n r eci pe va r i a n t A Modern variant of Blanc Manger (by the French chef and culinary writer Georges Auguste Escoffier) gives quite a different recipe, meant as a dessert. He provides us with a French and an English version, of which the latter is translated in Dutch: version 4a – «blanc-manger à la française» (ca. 1903)32 Composition: Monder 500 grammes d’amandes douces et 4 ou 5 amandes amères ; les mettre à dégorger à l’eau fraîche pour les obtenir très blanches. Les piler aussi finement que possible en y ajoutant, cuillerée par cuillerée, 8 décilitres d’eau filtrée ; presser le tout dans un fort torchon, en tordant fortement. Faire dissoudre 200 grammes de sucre en morceaux dans le lait d’amandes ainsi obtenu – environ 7 décilitres ; l’additionner de 30 grammes de gélatine dissoute dans du sirop tiède ; passer à la mousseline et parfumer à volonté. – Moulage: Se fait en moule à douille centrale, huilé, comme celui du moscovite. Faire prendre à la glace et démouler en procédant de même.

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version 4b – «blanc-manger á l’anglaise» – modern recipe in a dutch translation33 1 l melk waaraan 125 g suiker is toegevoegd aan de kook brengen. Dit snel roerend op 125 g maizena aangelengd met 2,5 fl koude melk schenken. Op het vuur al roerend met de garde laten binden. Vervolgens onder voortdurend roeren op hoog vuur enkele minuten laten koken. De compositie van het vuur nemen en naar keuze parfumeren. Warm in met lichte siroop bevochtigde vormen schenken, die om de blanc-manger gladder en glanzender uit de vorm te laten komen. Laten zetten en koud serveren, eventueel met een vruchtencompote. This Modern variant of blanc-manger á l’anglaise (1903) by Escoffier, translated into Dutch in 1985, is a based on milk sweetened with sugar and thickened with starch. The rosewater, chicken and almonds have disappeared. As a dessert, the dish is quite plain, but it can be perfumed according to the modern cook’s own taste. It is, therefore, a perfect recipe to accompany other dessert-components, like a coulis of (red) fruits. In recent times, there is a larger demand for fast recipes, as well as for adjustments (like more sweetening), to appeal to the modern taste. ta st i ng t h e r eci pes In order to understand the different components in the four presented recipes of Blanc Manger, it is also important to describe what the taste is going to be like after the actual cooking is undertaken. The taste of the Medieval and Tudor recipes of Blanc Manger (1350, 1510, 1560), for instance, is a soft and slightly sweet one. When cooked well and cooled down, the substance also gives a smooth and crumbly effect in the mouth due to the finely chopped almonds in the mixture. The aftertaste, however, creates a slight palate of chicken, like in the recipe of Tavuk Göğsü’. The rosewater in these recipes, which was a safe replacement for (not so fresh) water in the Middle Ages, leaves a nice taste in the mouth, reminiscent of sweets like lokum (Turkish delight). The taste of the Modern recipe of Blanc Manger (1985), on the other hand, is a soft and very smooth one, as if one is eating panna cotta (a kind of Italian custard) or slippery yoghurt. Today, it is quite sweet and thickened with corn-starch, an ingredient which was sold in the Low Countries for the first time in 1913. The special taste of Modern Blanc Manger can be further sweetened with (white) chocolate, or with a teaspoon of almond extract.34

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conclusion Historical recipes come to us in different editions and with different interpretations and, therefore, contained miscellaneous ingredients when they were created in the past. At that time, these recipes were written down as a reminder of what needed to be remembered. Today, only the taste and culinary details of the original recipes give away their secrets. However, there is the risk that our modern views blur the historical recipes. In fact, these views can be fuelled by ‘expectations’, or even wishes, for a certain (special) taste. It is, therefore, important to read and interpret the authentic recipe as conscientiously as possible. In fact, we should not adjust a historical recipe in the hope that it will become a modern dish in the way we are nowadays accustomed to. There is no need to rush the old recipes, they need more time and preparation with the aim of getting their particular taste. The preparation of Blanc Manger in its 16th-century version from Tudor England takes, at least, one day. This is truly slow cooking. So, the Tudor cooks must have started early in the morning to prepare this dish for dinner. When made today, it is easy to keep Blanc Manger cold in the fridge, but back then it was a necessity to prepare the dish fresh every day. According to my own cooking experiences, most modern dinner guests still like the taste of Blanc Manger.35 Nevertheless, before enjoying this historical recipe, I always recommend them to eat first a piece of bread and drink some water (because it is not wise to drink for instance coffee or Coca-Cola right before) in order to appreciate to the full the delicate taste of this dish, made for a Tudor king.

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not es der Noot can be found on the first page (fol.

1

See Vandepoel 2013.

2

Cf. for the term ‘recipe’, Yentsch 2015, 429.

A ii) of the 1510 published cookbook with

3

E.g., Escoffier 20067; Scully 1988, 166-67, nr.

the title Een notabel boecxken van cokeryen,

95: ‘Blanc mengier d’un chappon’.

which was reprinted in facsimile in 1925 by Martinus Nijhoff in The Hague.

4 Scully 1995, 207; other names for this dish are blancmanger, blankmager, blank manger

14 Van Winter 1976, 133.

(English), blanc mengier (Dutch/Flemish),

15 As a result of this, it would make sense that

blamensir (German), mangiare bianco,

this 1510 version was used during the Middle

biancomangiare, blanmangieri, bramangere

Ages as a recipe for ill people.

(in Italian), manjar blanco (Spanish), menjar 16 Brears 2015, 304-305.

5

blanch, menjar blanc, menjablanc (Catalan),

17 Brears 2015, 304.

manjar branco (Portuguese) and albus cibus,

18 Henisch 2009, 1-27.

esus albus (Latin).

19 However, he is not the original author; see in general, Scully 1988.

See for Catalan and other Medieval versions of Blanc Manger, Redon,

20 Henisch 2009, 134-63.

Sabban and Serventi 20123, 253-57, nos.

21 The King could easily decide to go on a trip,

130-31 (Biancomangiare alla catalana,

and to give a festive meal in another castle

Biancomangiare oltremontano); Perry 2006.

without consulting his cook; cf. Henisch 2009, 141.

6 Scully 1995, 207.

22 See also the contribution of J.M. van Winter

7 Similar looking desserts are ‘Bavarian cream’

8

(Germany), ‘Vanilla pudding’ (usa), ‘panna

on ‘Festive meals in the Late Middle Ages:

cotta’ (Italy) and ‘muhallebi’ (Turkey).

An essay on alimentation as a means of communication’ in this volume.

In time of fasting it was also possible to make this recipe with pike (fish).

23 Brears 2015, 138.

Scully 1995, 209-10.

24 Vandepoel 2016, 5.

10 Anonymous, Rezepte 3.

25 Henisch 2009, 142.

11 This recipe was published around 1350 in

26 Scully 1995, 209.

9

Germany (cf. ‘Anonymous’ for the version

27 Brears 2015, 393.

used in this article); see also Hajek 1958

28 Cavallo, Kooistra and Dütting 2008.

(www.dasmittelalterkochbuch.de) and Weiss 29 See for ‘amandel (noot)’, wikipedia https:// nl.m.wikipedia.org.wiki>amandel.

Adamson 2000 for more versions.

30 Brears 2015, 304.

12 According to Scully (1995, 210), sugar was ‘the sick-dish ingredient par excellence in late

31 For the photo-shoot of this recipe I used the 16th-century cottage of my friend in

Medieval cookery’.

Rochechouart, France.

13 See Van Winter 1976, 133, Recept 43, who

also mentions that this recipe of Thomas Van 32 Escoffier 1903, 831.

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33 Escoffier 20067, 888.

(1580) recipe. They worked steadily and neat,

34 See www.smulweb.nl

and had nice results. The taste of the Blanc

35 Recently I organized a historical cooking

Manger dish was not what they had expected

class for a group librarians in The

or what we are used to nowadays, but most

Netherlands, and two of them made the

of them liked it anyway

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bi bl iogr a ph y Anonymous, Das Buch von guoter Spise, Germany 1350. http://turba-delirantium. skyrocket.de/bibliotheca/anonymus_buochvonguoterspise.htm (date last checked 15/05/2016). Brears, P. 2015. Cooking and Dining in Tudor and Early Stuart England, Blackawton & Totnes. Cavallo, C., L.I. Kooistra and M. Dütting 2008. Food supply to the Roman army in the Rhine delta in the first century A.D, in: S. Stallibrass and R. Thomas (eds), Feeding the Roman Army. The Archaeology of Production and Supply in NW Europe, Oxford, 69-82. Escoffier, A. 1903. Le guide culinaire; aide-mémoire de cuisine pratique, Paris. Escoffier, A. 20067. Het kookboek van de klassieke keuken, ’t Goy-Houten (1st ed. Utrecht, 1985) [ = Le guide culinaire; aide-mémoire de cuisine pratique; 1st ed. Paris, 1903]. Hajek, H. (ed.) 1958. Daz Buoch von guoter Spise. Aus der Würzburg-Münchener Handschrift, Texte des späten Mittelalters Heft 8, Berlin. Henisch, B.A. 2009. The Medieval Cook, Woodbridge, Suffolk. Perry, C. 2006. Isfīdhabāj, Blancmanger and no almonds, in: M. Rodinson, A.J. Arberry and C. Perry (eds.), Medieval Arab Cookery: Essays and Translations, Blackawton & Totnes, 261-66. Redon, O., F. Sabban and S. Serventi 20123. A tavola nel Medioevo, con 150 ricetti dalla Francia en dall ‘Italia, Rome & Bari [= La gastronomie au Moyen Age, 150 recettes de France et d’Italie, Paris, 1993). Scully, T. (ed. & transl.) 1988. The Viandier of Taillevent. An Edition of all Extant Manuscripts, Ottowa. Scully, T. 1995. The Art of Cookery in the Middle Ages, Woodbridge, Suffolk. Vandepoel, C. 2013. Sapor limitis, de smaak van de Limes, Vlaardingen. Vandepoel, C. 2016. Eten en drinken op kastelen en buitenplaatsen, Kasteel & Buitenplaats 18, nr. 53 (April 2016), 3-7. Winter, J.M., van 1976. Van Soeter Cokene. Recepten uit de oudheid en middeleeuwen, Haarlem. Weiss Adamson, M. 2000. Daz Buoch von guoter Spise (The Book of Good Food). A Study, Edition, and English Translation of the Oldest German Cookbook, Medium Aevum Quotidianum Sonderband ix, Krems. Yentsch, A.E. 2015. Recipes, in: K.B. Metheny and M.C. Beaudry (eds.), Archaeology of Food. An Encyclopedia, vol. 2: l-z, Lanham, Boulder, New York & London, 429-30.

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fig. 1 – See colour plates page 397. fig. 2 – See colour plates page 397. fig. 3 – See colour plates page 398. fig. 4 – See colour plates page 398.

fig. 5 – Finally: Blanc Manger (Tudor version), decorated with almonds – enjoy! (C. Vandepoel).

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*

*

A matter of taste: The experiment of a ‘Byzantine food-lab’ placed in socio-historical context Joanita Vroom, Mink van IJzendoorn, Marten van Nieuwkoop & Katelin Post

* i n t roduct ion The central themes of Medieval MasterChef are European and Mediterranean Medieval and Post-Medieval eating habits and food practices, explored through a range of different archaeological methods and approaches.1 In this scope, our experimental survey of modern appreciation of Byzantine tastes is perhaps a bit off-beat, but we hope that it may prove to be a genuine contribution to this discussion on food in the past. The following text presents a study which combines ethno-archaeological theory with experimental research, in an effort to comprehend today’s view on Byzantine foodways. The main research questions of this study can be formulated as follows: How do present-day Europeans appreciate the Byzantine dishes and drinks that were prepared during these special events, and, in particular, how do they relate the Byzantine cuisine to social status? What are their assumptions about Medieval, and specifically Byzantine, recipes? And, finally, how do these views relate to anthropological and historical examples of supra-cultural experiences of dining habits and food consumption? Consequently, the aim of this article is to discuss the interview data obtained during the ‘Byzantine food-lab’, which was part of an experimental-archaeological Crafts Market in 2014 in the city of Leiden, The Netherlands (Figs. 1, 2a-c).2 We have tried to frame these results in the above-mentioned research questions. The food-lab experiment was received very enthusiastically by the visitors (over 300 participants), so much so that it generated enough results to devote an article to. The interview questions, which were answered by the public visiting the food-lab, will be explored in this article, together with ideas and theories relevant to concepts of taste, luxury food, social Medieval MasterChef, ed. by Joanita Vroom, Yona Waksman, Roos van Oosten, Medieval and Post-Medieval Archaeology Series ii (Turnhout, 2017), pp. 323-352 (+ plates p. 399) ©

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status and the interfaces between these. We have tried to compare this data with what we know about the Byzantine concept of dining in the past. In order to achieve this, we have also framed the findings in an ethno-archaeological and historical context. To meet these research aims and discuss our results, we have divided this article in five interrelated parts. Firstly, we explore current theoretical concepts of taste, luxury food and social class. Secondly, we set out to give a short historical background about Byzantine diet and eating habits (ca 4th-15th centuries), as these are sometimes expressed in contemporary written sources, pictorial evidence and archaeological data. Thirdly, we present the methodology used for the interviews. Fourthly, the Late Antique and Byzantine recipes and the ingredients used for the experiment are presented. Fifthly, we discuss in detail and propose an interpretation of the interview results through several graphs and tables before we reach our final conclusion. ta st e , lu x u ry a n d soci a l stat us One important objective of this study is to shed light on the assumptions people currently make about the relationship between Byzantine cuisine and social status. Within this framework, the concept of ‘luxury’ is important. Historically and temporally, there were many occasions during which a great amount of effort was put into obtaining, producing and consuming luxury food. Luxury food did, and still does, play a major role in socio-economic and even political relations.3 It was, therefore, hardly a surprise that the theme ‘luxury’ emerged during the Byzantine food-lab. In order to define the correct meaning of ‘taste’, we have to distinguish between two seperate aspects. First, the biological sensations that begin in the body through contact with food and drinks and, second, the cultural, collective evaluation that a particular society places on the gustatory experience. (This socio-cultural aspect is caparable to the working of ‘taste’ in gastronomy art, literature, architecture, theatre, music etc).4 This last phenomenon is also known as ‘good taste’. As a matter of course, we use the first physiological meaning of ‘taste’ throughout our article, which may include the sensations via the taste buds in our mouths (taste), by the sense of smell (aroma) and by the combination of both (flavour).5 Furthermore, the term ‘luxury’ was frequently used by participants in our interviews to describe certain food and drink items. But what made some foods luxurious? Luxury food has distinct features which consequently lead this to stand out from ‘normal’ food; this included refinement in taste, texture or contents of certain ingredients.6 They were non-essential and the primary motive in obtaining these goods was for the purpose of pleasure and enjoyment. The production and consumption of luxury food has many socio-cultural and political connotations.7

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To add the taste of luxury to food, there needed to be a qualitative refinement of a basic good. The French social anthropologist Pierre Bourdieu made a distinction between ‘tastes of necessity’ and ‘tastes of luxury’.8 In this way, he handled the same dichotomy as the Dutch archaeo-botanist, Marijke van der Veen, between what is a basic ‘necessity’ (a need) and what is a non-essential ‘luxury’ (a desire). Van der Veen illustrates this by the example of the basic need for bread and the desire for fresh or organic bread.9 The latter is thus optional, non-essential and generally harder or costlier to acquire. Limited access to such luxury food is caused by, amongst other factors, its ingredients being rare, exotic and/or expensive. Hence the persons consuming such goods are ‘privileged’ in some way. In line with this, Bourdieu described these rare and/or expensive products as ‘aristocratic foods’.10 Opposing to basic resources and requirements for human survival, luxury products are not a ‘basic need’. Nevertheless, there are needs for these goods in society. The limited accessibility and qualitative superiority of these products makes them appealing and desirable. As Van der Veen argued, since they are privileged items, produced and consumed with attention to detail and are a matter of choice, luxury food has important social implications.11 It can, therefore, be used to express social status.12 It has socio-economic, political and cultural functions in communities, for instance, in advertising and displaying power, identity or wealth. In certain contexts, it can create a distinction between the ‘haves’ and ‘have-nots’ and this dichotomy has a wide variety of social implications. This was certainly an important theme in the cuisine and table manners in the Ancient and Medieval Mediterranean world.13 Presumably, in the Byzantine world, this meant that the well-to-do people saw the consumption of luxuries as a way of setting themselves apart from those belonging to a lower social strata. This was certainly the case in the Roman world.14 Also, in the case of the Byzantine Empire, persons of higher social strata, such as the higher clerical classes in monasteries or the rural and urban well-to-do classes, had access to better foodstuffs and a more luxurious diet.15 What specific aspects made a food luxurious varies through time and is culturally specific. Nevertheless, through the study of ethnographic and archaeological data, Van der Veen managed to detect some general patterns. She argued that, in more complex societies like the Byzantine Empire, luxury food can be classified by its quality (rather than by quantity as is often the case in less complex societies),– it’s expensive and exotic nature, it’s complexity and the skill and knowledge required to produce and consume such foods.16 Likewise, the Australian scholar of Early Christianity, Andrew McGowan, acknowledged the importance of the quality and variety of foods in relation to social status during Late Antiquity.17 Also the Byzantines took a considerable interest in food preparation and the ingredients used.18

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In short, the taste of food has always had a strong relation to the social value attached to it; certain tastes indeed seem to trigger a ‘feeling’ of luxury, almost regardless of time and place. At least, the assumptions of our present day interviewees about the ‘luxury’ taste of certain Byzantine dishes, recorded during the survey carried out during our Byzantine food-lab experiment, closely matched the social status of these dishes in Byzantine times (Tables 3a-b). h istor ic a l backgrou n d Although significant progress has been made in the study of Byzantine foodways, there is still a lot which is largely unknown.19 Consequently, the following account of the Byzantine kitchen, its products and associated habits, is a rather unfinished tale. Food production, distribution and consumption are central themes in Byzantine socio-economic history. Byzantium was largely an agricultural society. A large majority of the (peasant) population was preoccupied with food production and a great variety of foodstuffs was produced; these circulated and were consumed throughout the Byzantine world and beyond.20 In line with documentary evidence (e.g. recipes in written texts, tax records, travellers’ tales and dietary regimes) and with pictorial evidence (e.g. religious images, mosaics and wall paintings), the most important foods of the Byzantine (upper-class) diet included wheat, barley, olive oil and wine.21 These main ingredients were often supplemented with meat, fish, dairy products (milk, cheese, butter, and yogurt), fruits, vegetables, nuts, legumes (beans, peas, and lentils), other grains (oats, rye, rice, and millet) and honey as a sweetener.22 The meat consumption consisted mostly of sheep and goats although pigs, cattle, chickens and other birds were also consumed, for instance, in 13th-century north-western Turkey (Table 1).23 According to the Russian-American Byzantinist Alexander Kazhdan, meat consumption increased from the 7th century onwards.24 The sea food assemblage consisted of more than 110 fish and 30 other aquatic species, all mentioned in Byzantine literature.25 The preparation of meat and fish was another important factor, and these products were mostly salted, smoked or dried.26 Some other marine products, such as caviar and sturgeon, were imported from far away.27 There is a general agreement among scholars that during the Middle to Late Byzantine periods in Greece (ca 10th -15th centuries), Orthodox fasting regulations led to an increase in marine-based consumption.28 The Greek archaeologist Chryssa Bourbou stated that the calendar of the Orthodox Church imposed some form of dietary restriction for nearly half the days of the year, all on which meat consumption was prohibited.29 During these periods of regulations, vegetables and fish usually moved to the centre of the menu.

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Unfortunately, little is known about the everyday diet of the Byzantine lower social classes, primarily due to the absence of direct written evidence. While the wealthier classes had access to more exclusive products, the lower classes were limited to foods which were cheap and, equally important, locally available.30 Most likely, bread, soup, and cheese formed the basis of the meals for the majority of the population, while meat and fish were probably too costly for most (Table 1).31 food type mostly consumed Piga,b, sheep, goat, chicken, fish, shellfish Meat Cheesea, feta, egg, milk, butter Dairy products Sugar/dessert Honey, rose sugar, quince marmalade, rice pudding, flatcakes (fried in oil) Carbohydrates Bread, paximadion (hard dried bread)b Vegetables Olivea , cabbage, onion, legume, garlic Fruits Citrus fruits, fig, grape, pomegranate, apple, apricot, hazelnut Drinks Wine with warm waterb, water-vinegara,b, soft drinks, water (in limited amounts) Underlined: never consumed during periods of fasting regulations. a Typical diet of the lower classes. b Typical diet of the Byzantine army.

Table 1. Typical Byzantine diet in 13th-century north-western Turkey, based on archaeological and historical evidence (after Çağlar et al. 2007, 1144).

Byzantine dining habits varied per region and changed over time. During the 5th and 6th centuries, for instance, eating habits were identical to those prevailing in Late Antiquity with diners sitting on a semi-circular couch eating from a semi-circular table.32 From this period until the 12th century, meals had a strong communal character, with large shallow ring-footed dishes dominating the dining table.33 During the 12th and 13th centuries, however, a trend towards the separation of (semi-liquid) food and drink into smaller and deeper bowls, shared by only two or three diners, occurred.34 Individual beakers, jugs, goblets, knives and forks suddenly made their appearance during this period.35 Furthermore, an increased interest in the picturing of a variety of foodstuffs seemed to occur, including the fragmentation of communal eating.36 What can be noticed is that the foods and drinks were more often separated into numerous vessels shared by a small number of diners, rather than the whole table.37 Change in dining culture might also have been stimulated by the increasing Frankish involvement in Byzantine domestic affairs. Most notably, during the Late Byzantine period, especially from 1204 onwards, there was a considerable inflow of Frankish people to Greek lands and Western (mostly Italian) merchants got a strong grip on trade, especially in the exchange of foodstuffs.38 It is likely that this influenced what was consumed and how. Some scholars state that the Byzantines normally ate three times a day, while others propose two meals a day.39 It is, however, assumable that the number of daily mails

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differed depending not only on social class, but also on aspects such as local-availability, the current season of the year and monastic preferences. In some monasteries food was served three times a day, for example, while in others only one meal was conceded.40 According to the Austrian Byzantinist Johannes Koder, the normal number of daily meals was probably two. The first, called ariston or geuma, was consumed between 10 a.m. and 1 p.m. The richer, second meal, called deipnon, was consumed in the evening, before sunset. On some occasions, the two meals coincided, being served in the afternoon. This meal was therefore called aristodeipon. It is likely that the majority of people ate a hot cooked meal (mageira, and probably the deipnon in this case) only once a day, as fuel to heat the meal was costly and rare.41 The Greek-Canadian Byzantinist Nicholas Oikonomides, studying lists of household goods of middle- and lower-class households, concluded that dinner habits were rather simple in the average Byzantine household. People often ate with their fingers from a large serving plate and drank from a common cup or jar.42 Similar dining manners occurred in Ottoman Greece as well.43 However, what is important to keep in mind is that a part of the utensils and table ware used for dining, was probably made of non-ceramic materials (e.g. wood, leather, metal).44 These reusable and perishable items are all but lost and with them, crucial knowledge regarding Byzantine foodways. m et hodology With our food-lab experiment, we aimed to obtain reliable and useable information to shed light on the present-day perception ofByzantine diet and its socio-economic and cultural implications, by means of a public survey. A question-based form seemed to us a fruitful way of collecting this data. We formulated a number of questions which had the potential of providing interesting results (Fig. 1). Firstly, we recorded the personal data of the participants of the survey, including information regarding any allergies and age. The reason for collecting this information was not only to gain insights into the diversity of the people interviewed, but also to find out whether there were any differences or similarities between various age groups (Figs. 2a and 3). Thereafter, the emphasis was moved to the actual recipes of this experiment. We asked the interviewees not only to rate the recipes on a scale of one to five (one being the lowest and five the highest), but also which ingredients the different recipes could contain and which ingredients the interviewed person could recognise (Figs. 4a-b, 6 and 7). Next, the participants were requested to think about the production sequence of the recipes and to which social class (upper, middle, or lower) these recipes could

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have belonged (Tables 3a-b). Lastly, the attendants were asked whether they knew of the existence of these recipes, and if they would like to consume them again after the interview or not (Fig. 5). In the preparation for the Crafts Market, the necessary supplies for the experiment were bought and the Byzantine recipes had to be produced. These necessities included the actual ingredients used for the recipes, suitable tableware in which the dishes and beverages could be presented and a number of posters and flyers to elucidate the visual aspects of Byzantine cuisine and foodways to the visitors at the Crafts Market (Figs. 2a-c).45 The historical background of the Byzantine recipes and the outcome of the survey will be described elaborately later in this article. r eci pes of t h e by z a n t i n e food -l a b The recipes used for the Byzantine food-lab were obtained from Late Antique and Byzantine written sources from many different centuries, and were tasted by present-day people. They contained seven drinks and six dishes. We tried to be as authentic as possible, using nearly the same ingredients and utilising the same or similar preparation techniques as described by various Byzantine authors in primary documents. However, we opted, in our experiment at the Crafts Market in Leiden, mostly for vegetarian dishes (without meat or fish) for practical and hygienic reasons. This was, for instance, due to the fact that we had no stove or open fire available and had to make everything one day in advance. Moreover, it made our food-lab accessible to those with certain dietary restrictions (such as vegetarians or in the case of religious restrictions, for instance, on pork). Nonetheless, admittedly, this lack of meat and fish left out important segments of the rich Byzantine cuisine. The drinks – The first drink we made for our taste experiment was a non-alcoholic one, also known as melegala (No. 1) as listed by the Greek Byzantinist Phaidon Koukoules (1881-1956), a beverage of milk and honey in the fifth volume of his monumental work Byzantine Life and Civilisation.46 We made a mixture of honey and almond milk, the latter being used widely in Medieval recipes of Western Europe. The second drink included another non-alcoholic beverage, but this time made as a kind of fruit juice or rather concentrate (No. 2). The Jewish Byzantine physician Simeon Seth suggested, in the 11th century, to combine the juice of grapes with rose water (created by boiling petals in water).47 Hence, we mixed defrosted grape juice with commercially distilled rosewater and water. The third and fourth drinks were again non-alcoholic, as we used a very common drink in Byzantium described by the same Simeon Seth as phoukas or phouska (No. 4).48

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This was a mixture of plain vinegar and water. We also made a variant of this beverage, this time with apple vinegar,water and with the addition of fresh mint (No. 3). The mixing of water with spices was investigated in the fifth drink, another non-alcoholic but rather temperate beverage (No. 5).49 It consisted of black pepper, cumin seeds and anise, that were mixed with hot water. The sixth drink contained alcohol and was a spiced wine, or conditum (No. 6). The Byzantine physician Hierophile, suggested in the 13th century to drink wine with a heavy mixture of pepper, cinnamon, clove and spikenard.50 Another variation on this theme was our seventh and final drink, a kind of pepper wine as described by Koukoules (No. 7).51 This spiced drink was made of wine, honey and crushed pepper. The dishes – The first dish in our Byzantine food repertoire included a cold cabbage salad (No. 8), as it was mentioned by the physician Oribasios in the 4th century.52 In fact, he described the mixture as uncooked and washed cabbage, which should be cut up with a ‘very sharp knife’, with some coriander and rue. Then, the dish was to be sprinkled with vinegar and honey, and topped off with a little asafoetida powder. The main ingredient in the second dish was grain, normally pearl barley (No. 9). According to Hierophile, ‘pearl barley is suitably prepared when it is has swelled to its fullest extent during boiling, then after this put on a gentle flame until it has wholly converted into juice’.53 After it is completely swollen, the substance is mixed with vinegar, and, subsequently, a little fine salt. It is also suggested by Hierophile to add some oil at the start of preparing this dish, as well as some leek and dill (if necessary).54 The third dish was made of legumes (No. 10). The Byzantine physician Anthimus presented detailed instructions on how to cook lentils in the 6th century.55 Firstly, they had to be well-washed and then boiled in clear water, which had to be poured off. Secondly, enough hot water had to be put on them in order to cook them slowly on the coals. When ready, some vinegar can be added to the lentils, as well as rus syriacus (‘sumac’), oleum greniale (‘oil from unripe olives’), coriander roots/seeds and salt. The fourth dish contained again legumes, but this time the main ingredients included beans (No. 11). Agapios suggested to cook beans with pepper, mustard (seed), oil and vinegar, which we indeed did during the preparation of this dish.56 The fifth dish was made of rice (No. 12). According to Simeon Seth, rice can be prepared ‘with milk and sugar’.57 We boiled for this dish unpolished (brown) rice in milk, while adding sugar during the cooking process. Finally, the sixth dish was a kind of dessert, a honey cake made of honey and wheat as described by Koukoules (No. 13).58 As leavening agent for this cake we used beaten eggs and added water. When baked in a modern oven, the cake looked nicely brown, but unfortunately it collapsed in the centre.

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a na lysi ng t h e i n t e rv i ew r esu lts The purpose of the next part of this article is to present the graphs and tables with the interview results for a preliminary analysis. As stated before, all the interviewees of the Byzantine food-lab had to give a rating from 1 (bad) to 5 (good) to the drinks and dishes they tasted (Figs. 4a-c). All these ratings were put together and converted into an average, per drink and per dish. The results can be seen in the graph ‘Average rating’ (Fig. 4a). We separated dishes from drinks to illustrate the differences between the two categories: an average of 3.43 for drinks and 2.88 for dishes (on a scale of 1 to 5). Because there were more drinks (seven) than dishes (six), the graph ‘Average rating’ was further divided into two other graphs showing the average rating per drink and per dish, indicated by number (Figs. 4b-c). In total, we had an average for all seven drinks (Nos. 1-7) and all six dishes (Nos. 8-13), ranging from a 4.26 for dish 13 to a 1.63 for drink 4. In the first graph, one can see the average rating people gave to the foods and drinks (Figs. 4b-c). Noticeably, generally, people liked the drinks more than the dishes. When looking closer at the separate graphs this favour for the drinks were almost equalled with the dishes. There were no major differences seen between the different averages per dish and drink. The lowest rating was for vinegar with water (No. 4) and for beans with mustard seeds (No. 11). The highest rating was for wine with pepper and honey (No. 7) and for the honey cake recipe (No. 13). Although the last combination of wine with spices looks similar to mulled wine but is not common for today’s Western cuisine, the ratings were quite high in some cases.59 In two of the tables, we can distinguish the number of people who drank and ate the drinks and dishes or if they did not (Tables 2a-b). In addition, we can see the missing numbers by, for example, unreadable or unanswered questions. In total, the drinks were tasted 375 times and the dishes 300 times, which demonstrated the quantitative significance and statistical potential of our study. The different volumes in which the foods and drinks were made should also be taken into account. For example, one cake was made (No. 13) and two drinks of wine with spices (Nos. 6-7). In addition, we did not document the precise quantities for the ingredients in the recipes. An important aspect that was considered was the age of the participants, which was asked during the interview. We see the result in the next graph ‘Number of visitors to age group’, categorised in six categories: ‘less than 20 years’, ‘20 to 25’, ‘26 to 30’, ‘31 to 40’, ‘above 41’ and a ‘missing/unanswered’ category (Fig. 3). Most participants of the Byzantine food-lab were between the ages of 20 and 25. The overrepresentation of this age group can be explained by the fact that we conducted this experiment within the vicinity of the Van Steenis-building, which is part of Leiden University. Naturally,

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most of the visitors were students. Lecturers, professors, parents of the students and local residents also attended the Crafts Market. The identity of the interviewees (socio-economic status, occupation, gender and nationality) were not asked during the Byzantine food-lab. In anthropological literature, these aspects were often considered.60 Since these aspects were not taken into account in our interviews, we can only assume that most of the participants were generally used to Western cuisine and eating habits, or at least were familiar with them.61 Much of Western (including the Dutch) cuisine consists of very different ingredients and cooking processes, than that of the Byzantines.62 Hence, many of the recipes used for the Byzantine food-lab are quite uncommon to traditional Dutch food culture. As a consequence, the dishes and drinks were rather unfamiliar to many interviewees. Nonetheless, some recipes were appreciated by a large part of the interviewed people. During the survey, it was also interesting to ask the participants if they liked the food and drinks and if they would like to continue to consume such goods (Figs. 5a-b). Most interviewees wanted to continue eating some of the foods in the future. Another 28 persons were enthusiastic to continue to consume all Byzantine drinks and dishes in the future. On the other hand, 18 persons would not like to consume any of the dishes and drinks after the interview and 12 interviewees did favour only one kind of dish or drink. A small number of people (8) said ‘maybe’ to further consumption. i n t e r pr et i ng t h e i n t e rv i ew r esu lts The participants of the Byzantine food-lab observed, smelled, touched, ate and drank the dishes and drinks prepared for them. For their judgment and interpretation of the products, they relied almost entirely on their senses without much historical background information of any kind.63 Their answers were thus largely based on tastes, aromas and looks of the final products, as they were not able to observe the actual food preparation which potentially could have significantly influenced their perception.64 Nevertheless, many of them had assumptions about the techniques used for the processing of the drinks and dishes. As said and presented above, they had to guess what the items were, what they were made of, how they were produced and by whom they would have been consumed in the past. The results described below are general trends observed in the answers of the interviewees and, admittedly, there were many exceptions and deviations. In many cases the interviewees made connections between taste, ingredients (with respect to usage, complexity, costs and provenance) and social class. Many of them were right – to some degree – in that eating habits of the past were somehow linked to a certain lifestyle and hence implied a certain social status.65

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Although Bourdieu stressed the existence of a ‘food division’ between the sexes as an essential factor in the way people in the past viewed and consumed certain foods and drinks, this aspect seemed completely absent among the interviewees.66 The participants did not comment at all on gender roles in relation to the different foods and drinks they consumed. Neither was age mentioned. Gender roles and divisions between age groups were nonetheless certainly important to the processing, as well as in the consumption, of foods and drinks in Medieval Mediterranean societies.67 Some interviewees did detect links with contemporary Mediterranean cuisines, especially Arabic/Turkish and Greek ones. Indeed, the taste of unfamiliar exotic ingredients, like some spices, can lead to associations with such ‘traditional’ cuisines.68 In general, sour-tasting dishes and drinks (containing vinegar) were less appreciated, and alcoholic (containing wine) or sweet-tasting (containing sugar or honey) drinks were more appreciated. Returning to the debate regarding luxury food and social class, a lot of participants seemed to regard foods made of supposedly ‘ordinary’ or ‘cheap’ ingredients as associated with lower classes and with a non-luxurious status, and the use of – in their eyes – more costly or exotic products, particularly spices, as a sign of higher wealthier classes (Tables. 4a-b). For instance, foods and drinks with pepper, cinnamon, and rosewater were by multiple interviewees identified as luxury products, solely consumed by the upper classes. Similarly, vinegar, onion, beans and cereal-based products were often regarded as low-value goods used in low- and middle-class meals. Interestingly, the lack of meat (and other animal products) in these recipes was seen by several participants as sign of poor diet and hence low social status. Historically, this was generally the case: the consumption of meat or fish in cuisines of the past, especially the quantities in which they were used, was an important indicator of a more luxurious status of meals.69 Indeed, the food of the lower classes was usually meatless (what nowadays would be called ‘vegetarian’) in Byzantium.70 Nonetheless, fruits and vegetables were appreciated more by the Byzantines – even by the Byzantine Emperor – than by Medieval Westerners.71 The remarks of these present-day participants (being mainly north-western Europeans) might, with the necessary caution, be traced back to the negative attitude towards ‘greenstuffs’ from the European Middle Ages.72 The use of alcohol was, by some interviewees, considered a sign of the wealthy upper classes. Interestingly, the Byzantines appreciated alcoholic beverages (mainly wine) whereas, at the same time, they were aware of the ‘bad effects’ such drinks could have.73 In the case of Byzantium, the British historian Andrew Dalby regards wine to have been consumed by the wealthier on a daily basis, whilst being a luxury product.74

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Van der Veen considered this, like meat consumption, as being linked to a higher social status, as many ethnographical and historical examples show.75 The participants regarded more ‘complex’ foods and drinks as luxurious and intended for the wealthy upper classes, whereas ‘simple’ and ‘basic’ ones were intended for the lower social strata. Many comments were made about the relationship between the complexity of foods and drinks and their supposed place in Ancient social hierarchies. In fact, Van der Veen already recognised that complexity did play a role in past societies.76 Water mixed with vinegar was, for instance, seen by many of the interviewees as simple, not very tasteful and, hence, for lower classes; indeed, this recipe (called poscat or oxycrat) was mainly consumed by Byzantine soldiers and was referred to as the ‘wine of the poor’.77 Despite this, the bases for many eastern Mediterranean meals (including Byzantine ones) were ingredients regarded by today’s Westerners as ‘simple’ or ‘mundane’, like bread, vegetables and legumes. Westerners visiting the Ottoman Empire were known to have made condescending comments on the apparent lack of complexity in the Ottoman cuisine and, therefore, labelling them as ‘frugal’.78 Nevertheless, the Byzantine diet, with its great varieties and high quantities of vegetal ingredients, can be considered quite balanced and healthy.79 Again, the apparent link between the mental template of the 21st-century participants and Europeans in the past is striking. The (supposed) provenance and scarcity of some ingredients played an important role in the estimations of the interviewees of luxury and social class as well. Again, such views are supported by Van der Veen.80 Many participants saw the items which they regarded as having been abundant, mundane and/or from local origin (such as onion, lentils, beans, barley, and nuts) as non-luxury goods and, thus, belonging to the lower classes. Exotic products and ingredients which were considered as ‘special’ in some way, were though of as luxurious. These included rosewater, pepper and almond milk (Figs. 6 and 7). However, in Byzantine times, the poor also used ingredients like pepper, honey, cinnamon and cumin.81 On the other hand, ‘normal’ goods like bread, grains and legumes were greatly appreciated by the Byzantines of all social strata and widely used.82 These goods were often used for sophisticated meals and, in many cases, dietary qualities were given to them. The Modern perception on what is ‘exotic’, ‘special’, ‘extraordinary’ or ‘exclusive’ is thus greatly different from that of the Medieval Mediterranean past. Some ingredients, which in the past were regarded as special, are today highly common and vice versa (see Figs. 6a-b for two anecdotic examples of which ingredients our 2014 interviewees could recognise in recipes Nos. 1 and 9).83 The final major factor in assigning ‘social status’ to food was for many interviewees, of course, taste. Certain characteristic taste sensations appeared to be associat-

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ed outright with either higher or lower social strata. More often than not foods and drinks with sour or bitter tastes were classified as lower class, whereas sweet-tasting ones were associated with the middle and upper classes. Many respondents found the foods and drinks to be oddly tasting, or even ‘disgusting’, although often they were also regarded as nutritious. In such cases, these dishes were mostly seen as food for lower or middle classes. conclu di ng r e m a r k s How do Modern Europeans respond to Byzantine dishes and drinks, and what are their assumptions about this cuisine? With these two main questions in mind, the Byzantine food-lab and the corresponding survey were set up, from which this article arose. Recipes from different Byzantine periods were selected and recreated as authentically as possible, after which the dishes and beverages were served to present-day consumers, whose reactions and taste sensations were recorded systematically. The written sources quite clearly indicate that the Byzantine Aegean diet was mainly based on wheat, barley, olive oil and wine, supplemented with meat (mostly sheep and goat), fish, dairy products (milk, cheese, butter and yogurt), fruits, vegetables, nuts, legumes (beans, peas and lentils), other grains (oats, rye, rice and millet) and honey. The lower classes, however, were usually limited to foods which were cheap and locally available, often without meat. As a result, it seems that the significant differences in eating habits – at least those which can be noticed – occurred primarily in the higher classes of society. Furthermore, there were undoubtedly variations in diet and eating habits within regional, and even local areas, which would be interesting to examine as well. It is nevertheless clear that the Byzantine food and eating habits were remarkably different from those who were accustomed to dining in Europe, both in the past and in the present. Our interview results clearly show the participants’ unfamiliarity with, as well as recognition of some elements of, the Byzantine cuisine. Certain recipes and ingredients were identified as Mediterranean, or even Greek or Arabic/Turkish, whereas others were received as very strange and, consequently, often non-appealing. These reactions can, perhaps, be partly explained by the temporal, geographical and cultural distance between the interviewees and the Medieval Mediterranean cuisines. On the other hand, Dutch people today can perhaps relate more to exotic cuisines than their Medieval and Early Modern ancestors. In conclusion, there is no clear and straight answer on how people today perceive the Byzantine foodways. The survey results were ambiguous and presumably based on too few respondents to be truly statistically significant. To get a better picture, similar public surveys and studies need to be done.

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Nonetheless, we can say, with the necessary precaution, that our interviewees did seem to share the Byzantine notion of a luxurious meal when alcohol, meat, and/or other exotic or expensive ingredients are involved, and that a social downgrading is at place when these elements are absent at one’s table. However, what is remarkably different is that plant products were enjoyed more by the Byzantines, even those of high status, whereas many Europeans have a distaste for such goods and would regard their food poor if fruits, vegetables and legumes were its main ingredients. Furthermore, ‘simple’ versus ‘complex’ recipes as synonyms for ‘poor’ versus ‘wealthy’, is a view shared by our participants and Byzantine society. Still, the concept of a simple or a complex meal differs greatly, which, again, goes back to the usage of animal or vegetal products and spices. Similarly, the view of which ingredients are exclusive or mundane varies quite a bit; the participants saw certain spices, rather normal for the average Byzantine person, as exotic whilst some products, which we would regard as dull, were liked by people of all strata in Byzantium. To conclude, although there is general agreement between the Modern Dutch interviewees and Byzantine society on concepts that constitute a wealthy diet (e.g., complexity, expensiveness, distinctiveness), there is considerable disagreement on which products embody these concepts the best. Most noteworthy, Western food culture is greatly focused on animal products and, subsequently, appreciates plant products less than the Byzantines seem to have done. This seems to go back to the traditional culinary division between northern Europe and the Mediterranean on the role of animal and plant foods and the different usage and spices. Different perceptions are probably also rooted in the changed nature of present-day food production and increasing general economic wealth. The position of alcoholic drinks, in contrast, seems to be rather similar in Western and Byzantine society as a symbol of status as well as a means of enjoyment. Nowadays, there is a great influx in north-western Europe of migrating people, ideas and goods (including foodstuffs) from cultures all over the world, and the Low Countries are certainly no exception. This globalisation of cuisines is likely to make present-day people more tolerant, or at least somewhat familiar, to dishes and drinks from outside their own traditional kitchen. Hence, the depressing and equally simplistic vision of a disruptive one-way-diffusion of Western foodways (such as the McDonald’s hamburger, Heineken beer and Coca-Cola) to other parts of the world, endangering traditional cuisines, can be disputed by demonstrating cases of successful and welcome penetrations of (old) Eastern foods and drinks in the Modern European cuisine. A similar ‘open-mindedness’ is, of course, seen in other aspects of cultural interaction and interests in traditional customs (e.g. language, religion, visual culture, music and clothing fashion).

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ack now l e dge m e n ts We would like to thank the organisers of the Crafts Market, the Faculty of Archaeology, and all the participants of our interview in 2014. Furthermore, we are much indebted to the Leiden students of archaeology, Zizi Rico Neves and Pim Rusch, for the opportunity to use their colour images in Figures 2a-c and 5c. Finally, we are grateful for the opportunity to publish our results in this volume.

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not es 1

2

This round table session, which resulted in

16 Van der Veen 2003, 420.

the publication of Medieval MasterChef,

17 McGowan 1999, 36.

was organised during the 2014 European

18 Frankopan 2009, 134.

Association of Archaeologists (eaa)

19 Bourbou 2010, 1-9; idem 2013b, 65-66. An

meeting in Istanbul, Turkey.

important problem is the general lack of

This event was held on September 26th

scientific research on floral and faunal data

2014 at the Faculty of Archaeology (Leiden

as well as studies of human remains from

University, the Netherlands) during the

Byzantine times. 20 Morrisson and Sodini 2002, 195-97; Laiou

opening of the new ‘Van Steenis-building’. 3

Bradley 1998, 51; Mauss 2001, 72-74; Mintz

and Morrisson 2007, 4-7, 101, 112; Frankopan

and Du Bois 2002, 99-101; Van der Veen

2009, 114; Haldon 2009, 171. 21 Vroom 2003, 309-31 and table 11.1; Bourbou

2003, 405, 420-21; Bourdieu 2013, 36.

2013a, 216; idem 2013b, 65.

4 e.g., Davidson 1988; Santich 1988; Freedman

22 Vroom 1998a, 541; idem 2003, 330; Bourbou

2007; Vanderbilt 2016, 5-6. 5

2013a, 216.

Davidson 1988, 9.

6 Van der Veen 2003, 405-6.

23 Koder 2007, 70-71.

7 Mintz and Du Bois 2002, 99-101.

24 Kazhdan 1991, 621.

8

Bourdieu 2013, 31.

25 Bourbou et al. 2011, 571.

9

Van der Veen 2003, 406-7.

26 Koder 2007, 59, 70-71; Bourbou 2011, 99100.

10 Bourdieu 2013, 32. 11 Van der Veen 2003, 406-7.

27 Kazhdan 1991, 621.

12 Goody 1982, 99; Bradley 1998, 51; Van der

28 Dalby 1996, 197; Maniatis 2000, 13; Chrone-

Veen 2003, 408; Boekaert and Zuiderhoek

Vakalopoulos and Vakalopoulos 2008, 123-

2012, 92-93.

24. 29 Bourbou et al. 2011, 571. Furthermore, recent

13 Bradley 1998, 49-52. In Byzantium other (non-edible) luxury items, and especially the

isotopic research shows that maritime food

limited accessibility thereof, were used for

was generally more consumed in Byzantine

socio-cultural and diplomatic tools as well.

Greece than during previous periods

For instance, the political and commercial

(Bourbou and Richards 2007, 70).

power facilitated by Byzantine silk was based 30 MacKay 2003, 419. on the extreme exclusivity of its production

31 Bourbou 2011, 101; idem 2013a, 216.

and controlled exchange (see Muthesius

32 Vroom 2003, 304-13; idem 2007a; idem. 2007b, 193-95.

1992, 103). 14 Bradley 1998, 51; Boekaert and Zuiderhoek 2012, 92-93.

33 Vroom 2003, 313-21, idem 2007b, 197-200. 34 Vroom 2003, 321-27; idem 2007b, 200-03.

15 Talbot 2009, 260-262; Bourbou 2010, 137-38. 35 Vroom 2011, 419-21.

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36 Vroom (2015, 186, fig. 25) illustrates this

56 Marks 2002, 143.

by comparing an 11th century painting of

57 Marks 2002, 132.

a dining scene with one from the late 12th

58 Koukoules 1948-57, v; Marks 2002, 148.

to 13th century. The table settings clearly

59 For instance, mulled wine (Glühwein) is

moved from communal to a more individual

a typical Christmas drink made of heated

character.

red wine with mulling spices or sometimes

37 Vroom 2007b, 204-05.

raisins. This beverage is very popular in

38 Laiou-Thomadakis 1977, 4; Laiou 2002b,

various parts of Europe and there are

305, 368; Laiou and Morrisson 2007, 166-

many different types. A Dutch variant

67; Vroom 2011, 417-26. In 1204 the Sack of

is Bisschopswijn, a kind of mulled wine

Constantinople by members of the Fourth

consumed during the folklore celebration of

Crusade took place. This event led to the

the birthday of St Nicholas (Sinterklaas) on

establishment of the Latin Empire which

the 5th of December.

controlled great parts of former Byzantine

60 Harris 1989; Bourdieu 2013.

territories.

61 Nevertheless, the Dutch dining culture

39 Kazhdan 1991.

has also been influenced by many foreign

40 Koder 2014, 425.

cuisines (such as the French, Italian,

41 Koder 2014, 425-26.

Indonesian, Chinese etc.).

42 Oikonomides 1990, 212; Vroom 2003, 328.

62 For instance, the so-called Hete Bliksem-dish

43 Vroom 2000, 210-11; idem 2015, 185.

(potatoes with apple) is widely known to be

44 Vroom 1998b, 151-54; Redford 2015, 251.

very typical for cuisine in the Netherlands.

45 All the ingredients were purchased at local

63 Albeit that a significant part of the

supermarkets or specialised food stores. We

interviewees, being either student or

prepared the dishes and drinks in Utrecht

faculty member associated with the Faculty

and Leiden some days prior to the Crafts

of Archaeology, had more-than-average

Market-event. The posters and flyers we

knowledge of, and familiarity with aspects of

produced ourselves.

non-Western and pre-Modern cultures. They were, therefore, perhaps less representative of

46 Koukoules 1948-57, v, 136-69; also Marks

the average present-day Dutch person.

2002, 153. 47 Marks 2002, 154.

64 Sutton 2006, 316-17.

48 Marks 2002, 154; Dalby 2003, 91.

65 Bourdieu 2013, 32.

49 Marks 2002, 153.

66 Bourdieu 2013, 35.

50 Marks 2002, 151.

67 Goody 1982, 101; Bradley 1998, 45-49.

51 Koukoules 1948-57, v; Marks 2002, 152.

68 Bourdieu 2013, 32.

52 Marks 2002, 85.

69 McGowan 1999, 127-40; Vroom 2000, 206;

53 Marks 2002, 133.

Dalby 2003, 66-72; Van der Veen 2003, 412;

54 Marks 2002, 134.

Redford 2015, 252-53.

55 Marks 2002, 146.

70 Dalby 1996, 196.

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same time, it can be a medium of expressing

71 Vroom 1998a, 542 and note 82; Idem 2000, 212; McGowan 1999, 125-27; Dalby 2003,

lifestyle and (gender) identity. This example

74-77.

supports the hypothesis of Bourdieu (2013). Studies of Modern Western society

72 Additionally, today industrial production of animal products has caused a normalisation

show that factors such as gender still play

of their daily consumption and thereby

major roles in meat consumption (Gossard

perhaps an estranging of meals which lack

and York 2003, 6; Daniel et al. 2010, 578-

such foodstuffs; cf. Gossard and York 2003,

579). Hence, it would be interesting to

2; Daniel et al. 2010, 575, 579. Although

conduct a new taste experiment which

vegetarianism is a rising trend in the Western

does include meat and fish dishes. As for

world, meat consumption is still growing.

alcoholic beverages, there is much ethno-

73 Dalby 2003, 86.

archaeological literature to suggest that

74 Dalby 2003, 91.

such drinks are of major importance as

75 Van der Veen 2003, 412, 418, 420. In

status differentiator in contemporary

temporal traditional communities, meat can

societies as well as for people in the past;

also have socio-cultural connotations. For

see Mandelbaum 1965, 281-82, 288; Van der

example, cattle meat (beef ) is consumed –

Veen 2003, 418. For example, the trends

either eaten or sacrificed – by the Tandoy, on

in alcohol consumption in India seem to

the island of Madagascar, during ceremonies

correlate with social changes (Mandelbaum

(Parker Pearson 2000, 221-22, 224-27).

1965, 283). When India was more egalitarian,

Its consumption is thus an indicator for

alcohol was used by all men. However, when

wealth, as well as a way of interacting with

Indian society became more hierarchical,

the supernatural. The possession of cattle

some castes were forbidden to drink liquor.

and the exchange and consumption of their

Nowadays, in the Western world, the

products, is seen by the Tandoy men as a

consumption of expensive wines or whiskies

sign of the pastoral masculinity. The case

is a way of expressing economic or cultural

of the Medieval Türkmen from the Central

wealth. This is often part of an effort to

Anatolian Plateau, suggest a similar attitude

impress business or romantic partners during

towards animal husbandry and its goods

luxurious dinners.

(Redford 2015, 249-53). This nomadic people 76 Van der Veen 2003, 420. traded in, amongst other things, animal

77 Dalby 1996, 196.

products (such as wool, felt, hides, yogurt

78 For her description of the European

and cheese). They were, however, rather

perception of Ottoman dishes, Vroom

hesitant to slaughter their livestock for meat

(2000, 210-11; idem 2003, 335-41) uses

consumption, since these animals were

written accounts of several Western travellers

central to their owners wealth. Hence, foods

of the 16th to 19th centuries. The way of

like meat, can carry symbolic meanings

consuming the foods and drinks, and most

regarding social hierarchies and, at the

noticeably the usage of tableware and

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cutlery (or the lack thereof ) as well as table

82 Dalby 2003, 77-78, 80.

manners, were alien to these travellers and

83 The American anthropologist Sidney Mintz

were generally not appreciated. Historically

provides a clear example with sugar (1985).

appropriated table manners, cutlery and

Sugar was once regarded as an elite product

tableware, would probably greatly alter

which was exclusively consumed by upper

the experience of interview participants. A

class people. Nowadays, it is available to

food-lab involving these elements, might

everyone and used by all social strata of

potentially, provide interesting data.

modern society, while overconsumption is

79 Laiou 2002a, 53-54; Bourbou and Richards

even not uncommun in the lower strata of

2007, 64-65; Bourbou and Garvie-Lok

society. Many other kinds of food went to

2015, 184, 189-90. Nonetheless, it cannot go

similar socio-cultural developments. This

unnoticed that the quality of the Byzantine

is why today health issues, such as obesity

diet shifted significantly between different

and hart diseases, related to certain types

regions and periods, and, consequently some

of food (e.g., alcohol, meat, dairy products,

people certainly lived on poor meals; cf.

and sugar) are much more common and

Bourbou 2010, 172.

are not reserved for the wealthiest classes,

80 Van der Veen 2003, 420.

which was generally the case in pre-Modern

81 Dalby 1996, 196.

times.

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bi bl iogr a ph y Bourbou, C. 2010. Health and Disease in Byzantine Crete (7th-12th Centuries AD), Farnham. Bourbou, C. 2011. Fasting or feasting? Consumption of meat, dairy products and fish in Byzantine Greece: Evidence from chemical analysis, in: I. Anagnostakis, T.G. Kolias and E. Papadopoulou (eds.), Animals and Environment in Byzantium (7th-12th c.), Institute for Byzantine Research, International Symposium 21, Athens, 97-114. Bourbou, C. 2013a. Are we what we eat? Reconstructing dietary patterns in Greek Byzantine populations (7th-13th centuries AD) through a multi-disciplinary approach, in: S. Voutsaki and S.M. Valamoti (eds.), Diet, Economy and Society in the Ancient Greek World: Towards a Better Integration of Archaeology and Science. Proceedings of the International Conference held at the Netherlands Institute at Athens on 22-24 March 2010, Pharos Supplement 1, Leuven, 215-29. Bourbou, C. 2013b. All in the cooking pot: Advances in the study of Byzantine diet, in: I. Anagnostakis (ed.), Flavours and Delights. Tastes and Pleasures of Ancient and Byzantine Cuisine, Thessaloniki, 65-70. Bourbou, C. and S. Garvie-Lok 2015. Bread, oil, wine, and milk: Feeding infants and adults in Byzantine Greece, in: A. Papathanasiou, M.P. Richards and S.C. Fox (eds.), Archaeodiet in the Greek World. Dietary Reconstruction from Stable Isotope Analysis, Hesperia Supplement 49, Princeton, 171-94. Bourbou, C. and M.P. Richards 2007. The Middle Byzantine menu: Palaeodietary information from isotopic analysis of humans and fauna from Kastella, Crete, International Journal of Osteoarchaeology 17, 63-72. Bourbou, C., B.T. Fuller, S.J. Garvie-Lok and M.P. Richards 2011. Reconstructing the diets of Greek Byzantine populations (6th-15th centuries AD) using carbon and nitrogen stable isotope ratios, American Journal of Physical Anthropology 146(4), 569-81. Bourdieu, P. 2013. Distinction: A Social Critique of the Judgement of Taste, London & New York [= La Distinction. Critique sociale du jugement, Paris, 1979]. Bradly, K. 1998. The Roman family dinner, in: I. Nielsen and H.S. Nielsen (eds.), Meals in a Social Context. Aspects of the Communal Meal in the Hellenistic and Roman World, Aarhus, 36-55. Broekaert, W. and A. Zuiderhoek 2012. Food and politics in Classical Antiquity, in: P. Erdhamp (ed.), A Cultural History of Food in Antiquity, Vol. 1, London & New York, 95-112. Çağlar, E., O.O. Kuscu, N. Sandalli and I. Ari 2007. Prevalence of dental caries and tooth wear in a Byzantine population (13th c. AD) from Northwest Turkey, Archives of Oral Biology 52.12, 1136-45.

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Chrone-Vakalopoulos, M. and A. Vakalopoulos 2008. Fishes and other aquatic species in Byzantine literature: Classification, terminology and scientific names, Byzantina Symmeikta 18, 123-57. Dalby, A. 1996. Siren Feasts: A History of Food and Gastronomy in Greece, London & New York. Dalby, A. 2003. Flavours of Byzantium, Blackawton & Totnes. Daniel, C.R., A.J. Cross, C. Koebnick and R. Sinha 2010. Trends in meat consumption in the usa, Public Health Nutrition 14(4), 575-83. Davidson, A. 1988. Tastes, flavours, aromas, in: T. Jaine (ed.), Proceedings of the Oxford Symposium on Food and Cookery 1987: Taste, London, 9-14. Frankopan, P. 2009. Land and power in the middle and later period, in: J. Haldon (ed.), The Social History of Byzantium, Hoboken, 112-42. Freedman, P. 2007. Introduction, in: P. Freedman (ed.), Food: The History of Taste, London, 7-33. Goody, J. 1982. Cooking, Cuisine and Class. A Study in Comparative Sociology, Cambridge. Gossard, M.H. and R. York 2003. Social structural influences on meat consumption, Human Ecology Review 10.1, 1-9. Haldon, J. 2009. Social élites, wealth, and power, in: J. Haldon (ed.), The Social History of Byzantium, Hoboken, 168-211. Harris, M. 1989. Foodways: Historical overview and theoretical prolegomenon, in: M. Harris and E.B. Ross (eds.), Food and Evolution. Toward a Theory of Human Food Habits, Philadelphia, 57-90. Kazhdan, A.P. (ed.) 1991. The Oxford Dictionary of Byzantium, Vol. 1, Oxford. Koder, J. 2007. Stew and salted meat – opulent normality in the diet of every day?, in: L. Brubaker and K. Linardou (eds.), Eat, Drink, and Be Merry (Luke 12:19): Food and Wine in Byzantium, Papers of the 37th Annual Spring Symposium of Byzantine Studies, in Honour of Professor A.A.M. Bryer, Society for the Promotion of Byzantine Studies Publications 13, Aldershot, 59-72. Koder, J. 2014. Cuisine and dining in Byzantium, in: D. Sakel (ed.), Byzantine Culture: Papers from the Conference Byzantine Days of Istanbul/İstanbul’un Doğu Roma Günleri held on the Occasion of Istanbul being European Cultural Capital 2010, Istanbul, May 21-23 2010, Ankara, 423-38. Koukoules, Ph. 1948-1957. Βυζαντινῶν βίος καὶ πολιτισμός / Byzantine Life and Civilisation, Vols. 1-5, Athens. Laiou, A.E. 2002a. The human resources, in: A.E. Laiou (ed.), The Economic History of Byzantium. From the Seventh through the Fifteenth Century, Vols. 1-2, Washington, 46-54. Laiou, A.E. 2002b. The agrarian economy, thirteenth-fifteenth centuries, in: A.E.

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Laiou (ed.), The Economic History of Byzantium. From the Seventh through the Fifteenth Century. Vols. 1-2, Washington, 305-69. Laiou, A.E. and C. Morrisson 2007. The Byzantine Economy, Cambridge. Laiou-Thomadakis, A.E. 1977. Peasant Society in the Late Byzantine Empire: A Social and Demographic Study, Princeton. MacKay, T.S. 2003. Pottery of the Frankish period: 13th and early 14th century, in: C.K. Williams and N. Bookidis (eds.), Corinth xx: Corinth, The Centenary: 18961996, Athens, 401-22. Mandelbaum, D.G. 1965. Alcohol and culture, Current Anthropology 6(3), 281-93. Maniatis, G.C. 2000. The organizational setup and functioning of the fish market in tenth-century Constantinople, Dumbarton Oaks Papers 54, 13-42. Marks, H. 2002. Byzantine Cuisine, New York. Mauss, M. 2001. The Gift: The Form and Reason for Exchange in Archaic Societies, London & New York [= Essai sur le don. Forme et raison de l’échange dans les sociétés archaïques, in L’Anneé sociologique, seconde serie, Paris, 1923-1924]. McGowan, A. 1999. Ascetic Eucharists. Food and Drink in Early Christian Ritual Meals, Oxford. Mintz, S.W. 1985. Sweetness and Power. The Place of Sugar in Modern History, New York and London. Mintz, S.W. and C.M. Du Bois 2002. The anthropology of food and eating, Annual Review of Anthropology 31, 99-119. Morrisson, C. and J.-P. Sodini 2002. The sixth century economy, in: A.E. Laiou (ed.), The Economic History of Byzantium. From the Seventh through the Fifteenth Century, Vols. 1-2, Washington, 165-213. Muthesius, A.M. 1992. Silk, power and diplomacy in Byzantium, in: B. Gordon and S. Baizerman (eds.), Textiles in Daily Life: Proceedings of the Third Biennial Symposium of the Textile Society of America, September 24-26, 1992, Earleville, 99-110. Oikonomides, N. 1990. The contents of the Byzantine house from the eleventh to the fifteenth century, Dumbarton Oaks Papers 44, 205-14. Parker Pearson, M. 2000. Eating money: A study in the ethnoarchaeology of food, Archaeological Dialogues 7(2), 217-32. Redford, S. 2015. Ceramics and society in Medieval Anatolia, in: J. Vroom (ed.), Medieval and Post-Medieval Ceramics in the Eastern Mediterranean – Fact and Fiction. Proceedings of the First International Conference on Byzantine and Ottoman Archaeology, Amsterdam, 21-23 October 2011, Medieval and Post-Medieval Mediterranean Archaeology Series 1, Turnhout, 249-72. Santich, B. 1988. Broadening the palate: Considerations of taste, in: T. Jaine (ed.), Proceedings of the Oxford Symposium on Food and Cookery 1987: Taste, London, 183-84.

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Sutton, D. 2006. Cooking skills, the sense, and memory: The fate of practical knowledge, in: E. Edwards, C. Gosden and R. Phillips (eds.), Sensible Objects: Colonialism, Museums and Material Culture, Oxford, 87-117. Talbot, A.-M. 2009. A monastic world, in: J. Haldon (ed.), The Social History of Byzantium, Hoboken, 257-78. Vanderbilt, T. 2016. As You May Also Like: Taste in an Age of Endless Choice, New York and Toronto. Veen, M., van der 2003. When is food a luxury?, World Archaeology, 34(3), 405-27. Vroom, J. 1998a. Medieval and Post-Medieval pottery from a site in Boeotia: A case study example of Post-Classical archaeology in Greece, Annual of the British School at Athens 93, 513-46. Vroom, J. 1998b. Early Modern archaeology in Central Greece: The contrast of artefact-rich and sherdless sites, Journal of Mediterranean Archaeology 11(2), 131-64. Vroom, J. 2000. Byzantine garlic and Turkish delight: Dining habits and cultural change in Central Greece from the Byzantine to Ottoman times, Archaeological Dialogues 7(2), 199-216. Vroom, J. 2003. After Antiquity. Ceramics and Society in the Aegean from the 7th to the 20th centuries A.C. A Case Study from Boeotia, Central Greece, Archaeological Studies Leiden University 10, Leiden. Vroom, J. 2007a. The archaeology of Late Antique dining habits in the eastern Mediterranean: A preliminary study of the evidence, in: L. Lavan, E. Swift and T. Putzeys (eds.), Objects in Context, Objects in Use. Material Spatiality in Late Antiquity, Late Antique Archaeology 5, Leiden & Boston, 313-61. Vroom, J. 2007b. The changing dining habits at Christ’s table, in: L. Brubaker and K. Linardou (eds.), Eat, Drink, and Be Merry (Luke 12:19): Food and Wine in Byzantium. Papers of the 37th Annual Spring Symposium of Byzantine Studies, in Honour of Professor A.A.M. Bryer, Society for the Promotion of Byzantine Studies Publications 13, Aldershot, 191-222. Vroom, J. 2011. The Morea and its links with southern Italy after AD 1204: Ceramics and identity, Archeologia Medievale 38, 409-30. Vroom, J. 2015. Food and dining as social display, in: K.B. Metheny and M.C. Beaudry (eds.), Archaeology of Food. An Encyclopaedia, Vols. 1-2, Lanham, Boulder, New York, and London, 184-87. Vroom, J. forthcoming. The ceramics, agricultural resources and food, in: J. Haldon, H. Elton and J. Newhard (eds.), Euchaita: A Late Roman and Byzantine City in Anatolia, Cambridge.

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Survey What is your age? Do you suffer from allergies? If so, please notify us! Which dishes and beverages did you consume? What rating will you give per dish and/or per beverage on a scale of 1 to 5? (Multiple answers possible) Dish / Beverage Rating

Do you recognise the main elements in the dishes and beverages you consumed? Which ingredients do you recognise?

How do you think the dishes and beverages are prepared (cooked, boiled, fried etc.)?

Indicate per dish and beverage which social class (upper, middle, or lower) you think would have consumed it in Byzantine times? Explain your answer.

Did you know of the existence of these dishes and beverages?

Would you consume the dishes and beverages again, if they were available?

fig. 1 – Example of interview form used in 2014 ( J. Vroom et alii). figs. 2a-c – See colour plates page 399.

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fig. 3 – Number of visitors per age group ( J. Vroom et alii).

fig. 4a – Average rating on a scale of 1 to 5 ( J. Vroom et alii).

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fig. 4b – Average rating per drink on a scale of 1 to 5 ( J. Vroom et alii).

fig. 4c – Average rating per dish on a scale of 1 to 5 ( J. Vroom et alii).

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fig. 5a – Results of question 8: Would you consume the recipes again? ( J. Vroom et alii).

fig. 5b – Would you consume the recipes again? (Photo: P. Rush).

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fig. 6a – Example of recognized ingredients in drinks ( J. Vroom et alii).

fig. 6b – Example of recognized ingredients in dishes ( J. Vroom et alii).

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Table 2a – Number of people who drank the drinks or not ( J. Vroom et alii).

Table 2b – Number of people who ate the dishes or not ( J. Vroom et alii).

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Table 3a – Drinks attributed to social class ( J. Vroom et alii).

Table 3b – Dishes attributed to social class ( J. Vroom et alii).

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Epilogue: Mastering the art of Medieval European table culture Mary C. Beaudry

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The contributors to this volume are the true masterchefs. They have prepared for us a truly welcoming table, one that tempts us to partake of the fare before us and to enrich our understanding and perception of Medieval cookery and dining. The book’s strength lies in the authors’ recognition that incorporating archaeological, material culture, and textual evidence with culinary history is of paramount importance in developing a comprehensive and textured comprehension of meals and mealtimes in the past. This approach I endorse wholeheartedly. I use the phrase gastronomical archaeology to characterize an approach that seeks to augment the representation of the archaeology of food in food studies through more than merely an exploration of past diet or of what sorts of foods a given culture consumed1 – although the phrase has been used in this latter sense by archaeologists, culinary historians, and antiquarians. I consider a gastronomical approach to the archaeology of food as a multi- if not interdisciplinary pursuit incorporating examination of the ways that people experience meals and mealtimes in addition to what people ate and how it was prepared. This is essential for understanding the socio-cultural significance of past meals as well as for interpreting and understanding them in broader context, as opposed to merely to reconstructing them, as the essays in this volume demonstrate at every turn. It should also be noted that, especially in Europe, a ‘new comprehensive approach’ to past foodways, inspired by anthropological theories about food, has emerged. The study of table culture, meaning ‘all practices linked to nutrition, to concrete activities Medieval MasterChef, ed. by Joanita Vroom, Yona Waksman, Roos van Oosten, Medieval and Post-Medieval Archaeology Series ii (Turnhout, 2017), pp. 353-356

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as well as their symbolic representations’, employs an array of sources from archaeology, images, and texts, crossing traditional boundaries of historical research by incorporating ‘agrarian history, history of life and customs, religious history, medicine, material culture history, history of ideas’ and more. The chief topics examined under the rubric of table culture are nutrition and diet – what people ate and how food and diet featured in social, cultural, and religious discourses around health and well-being – and meals, ‘the way and manner in which food and drink were consumed’.2 Archaeologists have become increasingly interested in the ‘social practices of dining’ in a wide array of cultures and time periods, although only in literate cultures – those with some form of writing – is it possible to bring together archaeological, documentary, material culture, and art historical evidence that makes it possible to fully consider not just foodstuffs but places where dining took place, the furnishings and décor of dining areas, and the tableware, as well as rituals of preparing and serving food and drink, ‘the stages by which they were consumed and the behavior that was considered appropriate’ in a given culture.3 In Medieval Masterchef, the authors explore several themes, including: the interrelationship between shifts in cuisines and cookery techniques and changes in cooking wares (Gabrieli, Waksman, Shapiro & Pecci; van Oosten); change over time in the social contexts of dining and their material constituents (Bağcı & Vroom, Librenti, Moine, & Sabbionesi, van Verrocchio); taste, in terms of the sense of taste (Vandepoel) as well as the exercise of refined judgment or distinction4; performance, communication, and social and cultural identity (van Winter; Vroom & Tzavella); and Arabic/ Islamic influences on Medieval European cuisine and table culture (Carvajal López & Jiménez Puertas; van Winter). The major themes addressed in the book are far from being disparate pathways of exploration. Rather, chapters such as van Dongen’s address all aspects of food and the material culture of food and cookery, tracing foodstuffs and ingredients, especially spices, from their places of origin all the way to the tables of Medieval Europe, linking these to new culinary developments and newly formed ‘tastes’, as well as to changes in culinary implements, table settings, and table manners. Van Dongen’s theme of ‘global dining with Erasmus’ introduces a common thread running through many of the chapters, to wit, the global character of what became the Medieval European diet, at least for the better off, reflecting international trade in foodstuffs as well as in exotic tablewares that added prestige and glamour through luxury and novelty to European tables, in turn affecting ideas about manners, comportment, and sociability and how these are reflected in proper adherence to ‘table culture’. Throughout the volume, contributions by culinary historians draw upon archaeological evidence at the same

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time that archaeologists avail themselves of textual sources by, as Bağcı & Vroom put it, ‘reading between the lines’, not taking the works at face value but analysing them critically for hidden evidence and symbolic content. Normally one assumes that festive meals, banquets, feasts, and even family meals are events intended to be enacted in comfort and to create and support harmony among diners and guests, but this is not always the case. In 2005 Hadley examined ‘disastrous and disharmonious dining occasions’ revealed in textual sources that recount ‘meals punctuated by illness, murder, fighting, illicit sexual unions and broken tableware’,5 events very much at odds with idealized artistic images of Medieval feasts. She discussed problems of formal dining and of dealing with large numbers of volatile diners, servants who failed to perform their duties as expected, and the ‘social dangers of various dining scenarios’,6 as well as how the material culture of elite dining could at times frustrate or humiliate guests. Diners might be expected to participate in table plays or be confronted with the challenge of attempting to drink from a puzzle jug, or of comprehending table décor such as sotelties (foods made to look like something else) bearing coded political or social messages, or decorations whose messages seemed to invert the social order or advised diners about how to behave in ways appropriate to their social position vis à vis the host.7 Performance, ‘the whole event, including audience and performers’ is nebulous, ‘because the boundaries separating it on the one side from the theatre and on the other from everyday life are arbitrary’;8 at dinner parties the guests may be on foreign territory even if it is familiar to them, hence they are the audience ‘both participating in the ritual of the dinner gathering and observing all things about the host and his family and home. […] the host, family, and even the house and its decoration become the performers, with staff in supporting roles. Yet the guests are called upon to perform as well, entertaining the host and other guests in order to prove their value as persons invited into his home’.9 We see in van Winter’s chapter on alimentation as a means of communication the significance of food and religion in creating communities of belonging among those who share food restrictions linked to religious belief, rendering mealtimes a vehicle for creating a sense of mutual belonging. In such instances, commensality, one of the most ‘important articulations of human sociality’10 does more than create and reinforce social relations through practice; it literally constitutes and maintains a religious community. This reminds us that the performative aspects of dining events serve many different purposes, not just reinforcing social hierarchies but also bringing people together in ways that aligns sharing food with shared beliefs. Medieval Masterchef is a rich exploration of many, many aspects of Medieval table culture, bringing together essays that are wide-ranging geographically and topically,

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yet all with the common intent of bringing new information to bear upon important aspects of how food was prepared both in terms of process and cookware, brought to the table, in terms of ceremony and table wares, and savoured in Medieval Europe, socially, intellectually, and spiritually. My congratulations to the masterchefs!

* not es 1

Beaudry 2013.

7 Hadley 2005, 108-116.

2

Schmitt-Pantel 2006.

8

3

Carroll et al. 2005, 20-21.

Schechner 1977, 44, quoted in Goldstein 2013, 78.

4 Bourdieu 1984.

9

5

10 Kerner and Chou 2015, 1.

Hadley 2005, 102.

Goldstein 2013, 78.

6 Hadley 2005, 106-108.

* bi bl iogr a ph y Beaudry, M.C. 2013. Feasting on broken glass: Making a meal of seeds, bones, and sherds, Northeast Historical Archaeology 42, 180-96. Bourdieu, P. 1984. Distinction: A Social Critique of the Judgment of Taste (translated by Richard Nice), Cambridge, Massachusetts. Carroll, M., D.M. Hadley and H. Wilmott (eds.) 2005. Consuming Passions: Dining from Antiquity to the Eighteenth Century, Stroud, Gloucestershire. Goldstein, C. 2013. Pieter Bruegel and the Culture of the Early Modern Dinner Party, Farnham, Surrey. Hadley, D.W. 2005. Dining in disharmony in the later Middle Ages, in: M. Carroll, D.M. Hadley and H. Wilmott (eds.), Consuming Passions: Dining from Antiquity to the Eighteenth Century, Stroud, Gloucestershire, 101-19. Kerner, S. and C. Chou 2015. Introduction, in: S, Kerner and C. Chou (eds.), Commensality: From Everyday Food to Feast, London, 1-9. Schechner, R. 1977. Essays on Performance Theory, 1970-76, New York. Schmitt-Pantel, P. 2006. Table culture, in: H. Cancik and H. Schneider (eds.), Brill’s New Pauly (Antiquity), First published online 2006: http://dx.doi. org/10.1163/1574-9347_bnp_e402730 (date last checked 29/6/2016).

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List of figures & colour plates *

pr eface fig. 1 – Map with most important regions mentioned in the contributions in this volume, ordered by chapter sequence: 1. southern Spain (e.g., Granada, Almería, Cordoba); 2. south-eastern Turkey (e.g., Tarsus, Gritille); 3. Cyprus (e.g., Paphos, Polis, Phini, Nicosia); 4. central Greece (e.g., Athens, Corinth, Chalkis); 5. The Netherlands (e.g., Leiden, Utrecht, Rotterdam); 6. northern Italy (e.g., Modena); 7. central Italy (e.g., Castelli, Chieti, Ortona); 8. north-western Turkey (e.g., Istanbul, Iznik, Kütahya) (drawing J. Vroom). jose c. ca rvaja l lópez & miguel jiménez puertas fig. 1 – Map with the location of sites mentioned in the text: 1. Shaqūnda, Cordoba; 2. Marroquíes Bajos, Jaén; Manzanil in Loja, Granada; 4. Ilbīra in Atarfe, Granada; 5. El Castillejo de Nívar, Granada; 6. El Castillejo de Los Guájares, Granada; 7. Bajjāna, Almería; 8 and 9. Monte Marinet and Monte Mollet respectively, Castellón de la Plana. 10. Santa Fe de Oliva, Valencia ( J.C. Carvajal López, M. Jiménez Puertas). fig. 2 – Late Antique (5th to 8th centuries) panera from El Castillejo de Nívar (above) and Amiral (8th to 9th centuries), ṭabaq from Ilbīra (below) ( J.C. Carvajal López, M. Jiménez Puertas). fig. 3 – left: 10th-century tannūr from La Rábita de Guardamar (redrawn from Gutiérrez Lloret 1993, 57). right: 10th-century anafre from Madīnat al-Zahrā’, Cordoba (redrawn from Vallejo Triano and Escudero Aranda 1999, 158). fig. 4 – Ratio of closed and open cooking forms in a number of archaeological sites in southern al-Andalus, in percentages. See table 2 in Appendix i on page 49 for full display of data ( J.C. Carvajal López, M. Jiménez Puertas). fig. 5 – Wheelmade cooking pot of the 10th century in Ilbīra (left) and one made on a slow wheel found in Bajjāna (right). (The cooking pot from Bajjāna has been redrawn from Castillo Galdeano y Martínez Madrid, 1993, 102). fig. 6 – Ataifor from Ilbīra (10th century) ( J.C. Carvajal López, M. Jiménez Puertas). fig. 7 – Percentages of open table wares over whole assemblages and of glazed vessels over the total of open table wares in different archaeological sites of south al-Andalus. No glazed table wares were documented in El Castillejo de Nívar Phase i, in Marinet and Mollet or in Cordoba. There are no data available about amounts of glazed table wares in Marroquíes Bajos Phases i and ii,

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Santa Fe de Oliva or El Castillejo de Los Guájares. See table 3 in Appendix ii on page 50 for full display of data ( J.C. Carvajal López, M. Jiménez Puertas). table 1 – Proportion of uses of different cooking vessels in the recipes described in the Kitāb alTabīkh (13th century) ( J.C. Carvajal López, M. Jiménez Puertas). table 2 – Ratio of closed and open cooking forms in a number of archaeological sites in South al-Andalus, in percentages. Different techniques of percentage calculation have been used in different sites. Total numbers of sherds and forms were not always available. Sources of data: for Nívar (all phases): Jiménez Puertas and Carvajal López in press; for Marinet and Mollet: Bazzana 1992, 155; for Cordoba: Casal et al. 2005, 235; for Manzanil: Jiménez Puertas’ own work; for Marroquíes Bajos Phase I: Pérez Alvarado 2003, 126; for Marroquíes Bajos Phase ii: Pérez Alvarado 2003, 129; for Pechina: Castillo Galdeano and Martínez Madrid 1993, 75; for Madina Ilbīra Phase ii: Malpica Cuello et al. 2006; for Madina Ilbīra Phase iii: Jiménez Puertas 2012; for Santa Fe de Oliva: Bazzana 1992, 149; for El Castillejo de Los Guájares: García Porras 2001, 452. table 3 – Relevant percentages of open tablewares and of glazed open tablewares in different archaeological sites of southern al-Andalus. Different techniques of percentage calculation have been used in different sites. Total numbers of sherds and forms were not always available. Sources of data: for Nívar (all phases): Jiménez Puertas and Carvajal López in press; for Marinet and Mollet: Bazzana 1992, 155; for Cordoba: Casal et al. 2005, 235; for Manzanil: Jiménez Puertas’ own work; for Marroquíes Bajos Phase I: Pérez Alvarado 2003, 126; for Marroquíes Bajos Phase ii: Pérez Alvarado 2003, 129; for Pechina: Castillo Galdeano and Martínez Madrid 1993, 75 and 86; for Madina Ilbīra Phase ii: Malpica Cuello et al. 2006; for Madina Ilbīra Phase iii: Jiménez Puertas 2012; for Santa Fe de Oliva: Bazzana 1992, 149; for El Castillejo de Los Guájares: García Porras 2001: 452. nd: no data were available. yasemi n bağcı & joa n ita v room figs. 1a-b – Lustreware examples from the Gözlükule Mound excavations, Tarsus: shapes of bowl and plate (Y. Bağcı, J. Vroom). figs. 1c-d – Lustreware examples from the Gözlükule Mound excavations, Tarsus: rim shapes (Y. Bağcı, J. Vroom). fig. 1e – Fabric of Lustreware from the Gözlükule Mound excavations, Tarsus (Y. Bağcı, J. Vroom). fig. 2a-b – Polychrome Painted Glazed Ware examples from the Gözlükule Mound excavations, Tarsus: shapes of bowl and plate (Y. Bağcı, J. Vroom). fig. 2c – Fabric of Polychrome Painted Glazed Ware from the Gözlükule Mound excavations, Tarsus (Y. Bağcı, J. Vroom). fig. 3 – Vessel volume comparison between bowls and plates of Lustreware and Polychrome Painted Glazed Ware (Y. Bağcı, J. Vroom). fig. 4a – left: Lustreware bowl from the Harvey Plotnick Collection, University of Chicago

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(after Pancaroğlu 2007, 46, fig. 5); right: Polychrome Painted Glazed Ware bowl from the Gözlükule Mound excavations, Tarsus (Y. Bağcı, J. Vroom). fig. 4b – left: Lustreware tile of the Great Mosque of Karaiwan (also: al-Qayrawan), Tunisia; right: Polychrome Painted Glazed Ware bowl from the Gözlükule Mound excavations, Tarsus (Y. Bağcı, J. Vroom). fig. 5 – Pseudo-Galen, Kitab al-Diryaq, Iraq, 1199, ms. Arabe 2964, old page 22, Bibliothèque Nationale, Paris (after Ettinghausen 1972, 84). fig. 6 – Al-Hariri, Maqamat, Iraq, 1237, ms. Arabe 5847, fol.140r., Bibliothèque Nationale, Paris (after Grabar 1984, 96). fig. 7 – Al-Hariri, Maqamat, Iraq, c. 1240s, ms. C-23, p.205, fol.103v., Institute of Oriental Manuscripts of the Russian Academy of Science, Saint Petersburg (after Petrosyan 1995, 151). table 1 – Serving vessels mentioned in the Kitab al-Tabikh (Y. Bağcı, J. Vroom; after Nasrallah 2007, passim; Ahsan 1979, passim). table 2 – Popular dishes of the Abbasid period (Y. Bağcı, J. Vroom; after Nasrallah 2007, passim; Ahsan 1979, passim). lubna om a r fig. 1 – Map of Turkey with its current political borders, showing the Islamic / Medieval sites included in this chapter (L. Omar). fig. 2 – Frequencies of the animal species in the faunal assemblage from the Gözlüküle Mound at Tarsus, based on the number of identified fragments (nisp) (L. Omar). fig. 3 – Distribution of ovis/capra’s skeletal elements from the Gözlüküle Mound, Tarsus (L. Omar). fig. 4 – Distribution of cattle’s skeletal elements from the Gözlüküle Mound at Tarsus (L. Omar). fig. 5 – Distribution of ovis/capra’s fusion stages from the Gözlüküle Mound at Tarsus (LBA = Late Bronze Age; L-A = Late Antiquity; MED = Medieval period) (L. Omar). fig. 6 – Ovis/capra’s teeth wear stages from the Gözlüküle Mound at Tarsus, based on minimum number of individuals (mni) (L. Omar). fig. 7 – Pattern of cut marks on sheep/goats remains from the Gözlüküle Mound at Tarsus (L. Omar). fig. 8 – Ratios of identified animal species from different Islamic / Medieval settlements in Turkey (L. Omar). table 1 – Summary of identified fragments from the Gözlüküle Mound at Tarsus (L. Omar). table 2 – List of cookery books of the Abbasid period (L. Omar). ruth sm a da r ga br ieli, silv ie yona wa ksm a n, a nastasi a sh a piro & a lessa n dr a pecci fig. 1 – Map of Cyprus (after Waksman 2014, fig. 1). fig. 2 – Plan of Paphos with the three sites marked (Paphos Theatre Excavation Project, University of Sydney).

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fig. 3 – Levantine pan/baking dishes, classified according to petrographic and elemental analyses: Beirut group (top), others (bottom) (C. Brun, J. Burlot, S.Y. Waksman, and after Gabrieli 2008). fig. 4 – Levantine cooking pots, Beirut group (C. Brun, J. Burlot, S.Y. Waksman, and after Waksman 2014 and Gabrieli 2008). fig. 5 – Cypriot pan/baking dishes, classified according to petrographic and elemental analyses: main Cypriot group (C. Brun, J. Burlot, S.Y. Waksman, and after Gabrieli 2008). fig. 6 – Cypriot cooking pots, main Cypriot group (C. Brun, J. Burlot, S.Y. Waksman, and after Gabrieli 2008). fig. 7 – Cypriot cooking pots and jugs, main Cypriot group (C. Brun, J. Burlot, S.Y. Waksman, and after Gabrieli 2008). fig. 8 – Classification of samples of Cypriot and Levantine types from Paphos according to elemental compositions (S.Y. Waksman). fig. 9 – Classification of samples of Cypriot and Levantine types from Paphos, with reference samples for Beirut productions, according to elemental compositions (S.Y. Waksman). fig. 10 – Microphotograph of cooking pot bzy616: Q – quartz, Pl – plagioclase, Ol – olivine (crossed-polarized light) (A. Shapiro). fig. 11 – Microphotograph of cooking pot bzy618: Q – quartz, Ch – chert (crossed-polarized light) (A. Shapiro). fig. 12 – Microphotograph of cooking pot bzy692: Fe – alkali feldspar, Clp – clinopyroxene, Mi – mica (crossed-polarized light) (A. Shapiro). table 1 – Summary of samples analyzed. Abbreviations: (category) cp: cooking pot, p/bd: pan/baking dish, j: jug; (types) L: Levantine, C: Cypriot; (analysis) Bar: Barcelona (S.Y. Waksman). table 2 – Elemental compositions of the samples and comparative data, ranked as in the classification of Fig. 8. Abbreviations: (sites) o: Odos Ikarou, s: Saranda Kolones, f: Fabrika; (categories of wares) cp: cooking pot; p/bd: pan/baking dish, j: jug. Major and minor elements in oxide weight %, trace elements in parts per million (ppm), l.q.: limit of quantification. Elements between brackets were not used in the classification (S.Y. Waksman). joa n ita v room & elli tzav ella fig. 1 – Ten most used ingredients in Byzantine (top) and Medieval Italian (bottom) recipes ( J. Vroom). fig. 2 – Athens: map of the Ancient Agora with location of the complex in sections PP and PP’ (ascsa). fig. 3 – Athenian Agora: map with location of well U14:1 in section PP’ (ascsa). figs. 4a-b – Athenian Agora: a. map with room 1 in section PP’; b. image of room 1 in section PP’ (ascsa). fig. 5 – Athenian Agora: drawing of well U14:1 in section PP’ ( J. Vroom, E. Tzavella).

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figs. 6a-c – Athenian Agora, the ceramic finds in well U14:1: a. graph of the total of vessel parts; b. graph of the total of function; c. graph of the total of provenance ( J. Vroom, E. Tzavella). fig. 6d – Athenian Agora: d. graph of the total of pottery types in well U14:1 ( J. Vroom, E. Tzavella). fig. 7 – Athenian Agora: composition image of glazed and unglazed ceramic finds from well U14:1 ( J. Vroom). fig. 8a – Athenian Agora, well U14:1, pottery finds from the tins in the basement: Roulette Ware bowls (nos. 1-2); Monochrome Sgraffito Ware bowls (nos. 3-6) and unglazed jugs (nos. 7-10) ( J. Vroom, E. Tzavella, P. Doeve). fig. 8b – Athenian Agora, well U14:1: composition image of unglazed jugs from tins in the basement ( J. Vroom). fig. 9 – Miniature from an illustrated paper edition of the Book of Job with Commentaries, Ms. Grec. 135, fol. 18v, ‘Festin des enfants de Job’, ca. 1361-1362, signed by Manuel Tzykandyles of Mystra, Constantinople or Mystra, Bibliothèque Nationale de France, Paris. fig. 10 – Miniature from Bible from Saint-Jean d’Acre, Arsenal Bible MS 5211, fol. 364v, ‘Marriage of Naomi’s sons with Ruth and Orpah’, Book of Ruth, Latin Kingdom of Jerusalem (Acre), ca. 1250-1254, Bibliothèque de l’Arsenal, Paris. fig. 11 – Miniature from Fécamp Psalter, Manuscript 76 F13, folio 1v, ‘Janus’, north-eastern France, ca. 1180, Koninklijke Bibliotheek, The Hague. table 1 – Athenian Agora: ceramic finds with complete profiles from well U14:1 ( J. Vroom). table 2 – Recipes from the Cookery Book (Libro della Cocina) by an anonymous Tuscan writer, dated to the late 14th or early 15th century ( J. Vroom; after Faccioli 1966). roos va n oosten fig. 1 – The development of cooking pots in the north of the Lower Countries (R. van Oosten). fig. 2 – A theoretical visualisation of the tripod model (R. van Oosten). fig. 3 – The percentages of the three most common types of cook ware found at the pottery production site Utrecht-Bemuurde Weerd (1275-1350) (Data retrieved from Van Rooijen 1993, graph R. van Oosten). fig. 4 – Historical cooking experiments: a) a replica pot in a fire of wooden logs; b) the post-fire replica pot; notice that the pot is sooty only where the flames touched the pot; c) replica pots in a smouldering charcoal fire; d) one of the post-fire replica pots; notice that the pot shows no sign of any soot (R. van Oosten). fig. 5 – Ceramic fireplace related items, ca. 1300, found in the proximity to the central paved hearths, at the Rotterdam-Willemsspoortunnel site. However, not all the drawings were retrieved from this site. Drawings 6-9 were retrieved from other 13th- and 14th-century sites in The Netherlands. 1. Extinguisher, Carmiggelt 1997, 186, fig. 95.4 (Rotterdam, 1280-1300)

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2. Extinguisher, Carmiggelt 1997, 186, fig. 95.5 (Rotterdam, 1280-1300) 3. Extinguisher, Carmiggelt 1997, 186, figs. 95.1a, 1b (Rotterdam, 1280-1300) 4. Brick spit support, Carmiggelt 1997, 185, figs. 94.1, 5 (Rotterdam, 1280-1300) 5. Brick spit support, Carmiggelt 1997, 185, fig. 94.3 (Rotterdam, 1280-1300) 6. Fire cover, Kistemaker 1983, 178, fig. 10 (Leiden, 14th century) 7. Frying pan, Bitter 1986, 110, fig. 14 (Leiden, 1325-1375) 8. Dripping pan, Bitter et al. forthcoming 2017, entry r-vet-5 (Gouda, 1300-1350) 9. Globular pot, Bitter et al. forthcoming 2017, entry kp-kog-6 (Hoorn, 1275-1290). table 1 – Fireplace related items found at the Utrecht-Bemuurde Weerd site (R. van Oosten). table 2 – Ceramic fireplace related items found at two series of houses with central paved hearths at the Rotterdam-Willemsspoortunnel site, 1280-1325, see note 44. Data retrieved from Carmiggelt 1997, 143-54, 161-68. m auro libr enti, cecili a moi ne & la r a sa bbionesi fig. 1 – The nunnery of San Paolo in Modena: 1. Location of the site. 2. Late 12th-century: the parish church of San Paolo and two wooden structures built against the city walls, one of them clearly an artisan’s workshop. 3. Late 15th-century: the temporary location of the nuns. 5. Late 15th-early 16th-century: the nunnery of San Paolo (M. Librenti, C. Moine, L. Sabbionesi). fig. 2 – Pottery from San Paolo in Modena: the late 15th-century assemblage (M. Librenti, C. Moine, L. Sabbionesi). fig. 3 – 15th-century pottery from San Paolo in Modena: 1-6: table ware; 7-10: glazed kitchen ware; 11: coarse ware (M. Librenti, C. Moine, L. Sabbionesi). fig. 4 – Pottery from San Paolo in Modena: the second half of 16th-century assemblage (M. Librenti, C. Moine, L. Sabbionesi). fig. 5 – 16th-century pottery from San Paolo in Modena: 1-3: table ware; 4-6: glazed kitchen ware; 7-10: coarse ware; 11-12: bowls with obscene decorations (M. Librenti, C. Moine & L. Sabbionesi). fig. 6 – Scratched marks on 16th-century pottery from San Paolo in Modena (M. Librenti, C. Moine, L. Sabbionesi). a lex a n dr a va n dongen fig. 1 – Albrecht Dürer (1471-1528), A dining table and jugs (bronze ewer, stoneware jug with pewter lid and pewter jug) in the sketchbook of his journey through the Netherlands, 1520-1521. Silverpoint on tinted paper, 115 x 167 mm. London, British Museum, Department of Prints and Drawings, inv.nr. 1921-7-14-2. fig. 2 – Embroidered tablecloth (detail) depicting a laid table, with the coat of arms of the Hauser family, Switzerland, 1527. Embroidered linen, 161,5 x 119 cm, inv. ag 2385, Schweizerisches Landesmuseum, Zurich.

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fig. 3 – Serving dish (fragment), fritware, Iznik, Turkey, decorated in a blue spiral pattern called ‘Golden Horn’, 1530-1550, found at De Baan, Enkhuizen, the Netherlands, l. 25 x w. 17 x h. 6,2 cm inv.nr. F 9527 (kn&v), Stichting Het Nederlandse Gebruiksvoorwerp on loan to Museum Boijmans Van Beuningen Rotterdam. fig. 4 – Anonymous, Netherlands, Pierre de Moucheron (1508-1567) and his wife Isabeau de Gerbier, their eighteen children, their son-in-law Allard de la Dale and their first grandson, oil on panel, h. 108 x l. 246 cm, inv. SK-A-1537, collection Rijksmuseum Amsterdam; cf. https://www. rijksmuseum.nl/nl/collectie/SK-A-1537. fig. 5 – Book of Hours, Philip of Cleves (1456 – 1528), ca. 1480, Royal Library, Brussel, ms. iv 40. These two pages depict cinnamon, nutmeg and asparagus; cf. https://commons.wikimedia.org/ wiki/File:Getijdenboek_Philips_van_Kleef_(1456-1528)_heer_van_Ravenstein.jpg fig. 6 – Lucas Cranach the Elder, Albrecht van Brandenburg as Saint Hieronymus in his study, (plus detail), 1525, Darmstadt, Hessisches Landesmuseum, inv. gk 71. fig. 7 – Serving fork, Italy, brass, ca. 1550, l. 8,3 cm, inv. F 6391 (kn&v), Museum Boijmans Van Beuningen Rotterdam; cf. http://collectie.boijmans.nl/nl/object/54163/vork/Anoniem. fig. 8 – Francesco Xanto Avelli (Rovigo ca 1487 – Urbino ca. 1542), Plate depicting The Sword of Damocles, 1539, inv. T 9 (kn&v), Museum Boijmans Van Beuningen Rotterdam; cf. http:// collectie.boijmans.nl/nl/object/106572/schotel/Francesco-Xanto-Avelli fig. 9 – Wine goblet, Facon de Venise soda glass, France, 1525-1550, decorated ‘forget-me-not’ flowers with as inscription the adage: tv ne te feras masge taille, h. 15,2 cm, inv. 632 (kn&v), Museum Boijmans Van Beuningen Rotterdam; cf. http://collectie.boijmans.nl/nl/ object/234/kelkglas/Anoniem fig. 10 – Beaker, enameled and gilded, Syria, 1175-1250, archaeological find Maastricht (Vrijthof ), h. 15 cm, engraved inscription in Arab lettering: al-shiah, inv. 1988.mavr.46/3-1-58, Centre Céramique, Maastricht, The Netherlands. va n v er rocchio fig. 1 – Map of the Kingdom of Naples, Abruzzi provinces and the investigated area (circle). Credit: https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/6/62/A._Zatta_-_Il_Regno_di_ Napoli_diviso_nelle_sue_Provincie_-_1782.PNG. fig. 2 – Map of coastal Abruzzo with the cities of Chieti, Ortona, Penne and Atri: number of probates inventories analized for urban centres (V. Verrocchio). fig. 3 – Tablewares by class of material (V. Verrocchio). fig. 4 – Tablewares: metal objects (V. Verrocchio). fig. 5 – Tablewares: ceramic objects (V. Verrocchio). fig. 6 – Tablewares, ceramic objects: provenience and typology. Maiolica (tin-glazed wares) from Castelli, Faenza and Assisi; earthenwares from Anversa degli Abruzzi and Apulia (V. Verrocchio).

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fig. 7 – Kitchen or food storage by class of material (V. Verrocchio). fig. 8 – Kitchen or food storage: metal, stone and wooden objects (V. Verrocchio). fig. 9 – Kitchen objects: table with the number of items found with illustration of identified objects taken from Bartolomeo Scappi’s, Opera, Venice, 1610 (V. Verrocchio). fig. 10 – Kitchen or food storage: ceramic objects (V. Verrocchio). fig. 11 – Locally/regional produced lead glazed cooking wares from archaeological sources: the most common forms (second half of the 16th – 17th centuries). 1-5: little pots; 6-11: double handed medium and large pots; 12-22: pans and tripod pans; 23-27: casseroles; 28-31: lids. Provenience: ns. 1-3, 6-7: from Chieti (Verrocchio 2015); ns. 8, 17, 21-22: from Città S. Angelo (Verrocchio 2002, figs. 44, 46); ns. 9, 26: from Miglianico (Verrocchio 2002, fig. 51); ns. 10-11, 23-25: from Pescara (Verrocchio 2002, fig. 58); ns. 12-16, 18-20, 28-31: from Penne (unpublished). fig. 12 – Castelli Maiolica from archaeological sources: the most common forms (second half of the 16th-17th centuries). 1-5. Cups and lobed cups; 6-10. Little plates; 11-17. Plates and large deep plates; 18-20. Bowls; 21-25. Jugs; 26. Pitcher; 27. Double handled flask; 28. Ewer; 29. Bottle; 30-32. Albarelli and micro albarelli (spices/ointment pots); 33-35. Salts; 36-37. Lids; 38-39. Alzate (fruit dishes); 40-41. Pots; 42-43. Hand washing bassins. Provenience: ns. 1-3, 24-25: from Pescara (unpublished); ns. 4-7, 11-13, 15-19, 21-23, 26-27, 32-33, 40-41: from Castel Frentano (Chieti) (Troiano and Verrocchio 2002, figs. 200-201); ns. 8-9, 14, 20, 28, 30, 31, 34-39, 42-43: from Castelli (de Pompeis et al. 1989, tabs. iii-ix). fig. 13 – Chieti, Roman Theatre, excavations in 2003, ‘Saggio 3’, usa 27 (ca. 1530/40 – 1620) (V. Verrocchio). fig. 14 – Chieti, Roman Theatre, excavations in 2003. Examples of Maiolica plates with pseudoheraldic coat of arms (1-3) and merchant’s marks (4-5). Produced in Castelli, 17th century (V. Verrocchio). fig. 15 – Chieti, examples of Maiolica plates with commercial and merchant’s marks found in urban excavations. Produced in Castelli, 17th century (V. Verrocchio). fig. 16 – Some examples of commercial marks (signa) of merchants living in Chieti in the second half of the 16th – beginning of the 17th centuries from the archivial sources. 1. belongs to Battista Morone; 2. Francesco Vascellino; 3. Orazio Vascellino, all from Bergamo; 4. Ascanio Santese (source: elaboration from seals used in notary records, in State Archive, Chieti) (V. Verrocchio). fig. 17 – Chieti, examples of Maiolica plates with pseudo-heraldic coat of arms found in urban excavations. Produced in Castelli, 17th century (V. Verrocchio). fig. 18 – Abruzzo, other examples of pseudo-heraldic coat of arms on Castelli Maiolica plates found in archaeological contexts: 1-2, L’Aquila, Convent of S. Domenico (from Verrocchio 2011, figs. 100b-101b); 3, from Teramo (from Proterra, Troiano and Verrocchio 2005, fig. 35); 4, from the Castle of Scurcola Marsicana (L’Aquila, unpublished) (V. Verrocchio).

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table 1 – List of the 94 probate inventories. Abreviations: asch, State Archive of Chieti; aste, State Archive of Teramo; aspe, State Archive of Pescara (V. Verrocchio). table 2 – List of food products and related vessels made in different materials (V. Verrocchio). filiz y en ışehır lıoğlu fig. 1 – 1a: Ottoman miniature painting from a late 16th-century Turkish album of miniatures and calligraphy showing men drinking coffee, Chester Beatty Library, Dublin, MS4137.9 (after Pekin 2015, 124). – 1b: Detail. fig. 2 – Ottoman miniature painting of court page, 17th-century album page, TSMKE.H.2836 fol. 7b (after Atasoy and Raby 1989, 36, fig. 21). fig. 3 – Ottoman coffee cup, 16th century, Iznik Archaeological Museum (after Atasoy and Raby 1989, 36, fig. 19). fig. 4a – Chinese coffee cups, late 16th and 17th century (after Pekin 2015, 363). fig. 4b – Chinese coffee cups, 17th century (after Pekin 2015, 364). fig. 5 – Kütahya coffee cups, 18th century (after Kürkman 2005, 81a). fig. 6 – Ottoman coffee cup and saucer, Victoria and Albert Museum, no. 605&A-1874 (after Kürkman 2005, 81b). fig. 7a – Kütahya coffee cup and saucer, 18th century (after Kürkman 2005, 133). fig. 7b – Kütahya coffee cup and saucer, 18th century (after Kürkman 2005, 131). fig. 8 – Meissen chocolate cup, 1730-1740; see www.meissen.com/en/products/chocolate-cup-andsaucer-historical-meissen%C2%AE fig. 9 – Meissen cup, 1730-1740; see www.meissen.com/en/historical-pieces/cups figs. 10a-f – Kütahya coffee cups, 18th century, excavated from the Tekfur Palace Ottoman Kilns Excavations (F. Yenişehirlioğlu). figs. 11a-b – Chinese Porcelain cups, excavated from the Tekfur Palace Ottoman Kilns Excavations (F. Yenişehirlioğlu). figs. 12a-b – Meissen Porcelain, excavated from the Tekfur Palace Ottoman Kilns Excavations (F. Yenişehirlioğlu). figs. 13a-c – Kütahya coffee cups with imitated Meissen sign, excavated from the Tekfur Palace Ottoman Kilns Excavations (F. Yenişehirlioğlu). figs. 14a-b – Meissen coffee cups, excavated from the Tekfur Palace Ottoman Kilns Excavations (F. Yenişehirlioğlu). fig. 15 – Kütahya coffee cup holders (zarf ), 18th century (after Kürkman 2005, 135). fig. 16 – Chinese coffee cup holder (zarf ) (after Pekin 2015, 364). fig. 17 – Meissen coffee cup holder (zarf ) (after Pekin 2015, figs. 50-51). claudi a va n depoel fig. 1 – All the ingredients were collected for cooking (C. Vandepoel).

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fig. 2 – The chicken has been cooked and chopped very fine. The breadcrumbs have been prepared, and the egg whites have been separated from the yolks (C. Vandepoel). fig. 3 – Start with two ingredients, cream and almond crumbs, which were put together. Then the fine chicken has been put into the bowl, and the egg whites have been added. Everything was mixed, and then heated in the bowl until the substance thickened and became very hot (C. Vandepoel). fig. 4 – When cooled down, the rosewater was added, and the paste was put into several forms/ moulds to cool down. Afterwards, these forms/moulds were put on top of each other in order to make a pile (C. Vandepoel). fig. 5 – Finally: Blanc Manger (Tudor version), decorated with almonds – enjoy! (C. Vandepoel). joa n ita v room, mi nk va n ijzen door n m a rten va n n ieu w koop & k ateli n post fig. 1 – Example of interview form used in 2014 ( J. Vroom et alii). figs. 2a-c – The ‘Byzantine food lab’ at the Crafts Market in 2014 (Z. Rico Neves; P. Rush). fig. 3 – Number of visitors per age group ( J. Vroom et alii). fig. 4a – Average rating on a scale of 1 to 5 ( J. Vroom et alii). fig. 4b – Average per drink on a scale of 1 to 5 ( J. Vroom et alii). fig. 4c – Average per dish on a scale of 1 to 5 ( J. Vroom et alii). figs. 5a-b – Results of question 8: Would you consume the recipes again? ( J. Vroom et alii). fig. 6a – Example of recognized ingredients in drinks ( J. Vroom et alii). fig. 6b – Example of recognized ingredients in dishes ( J. Vroom et alii). table 1 – Typical Byzantine diet in 13th-century north-western Turkey based on archaeological and historical evidence (after Çağlar et al. 2007, 1144). table 2a – Number of people who drank the drinks or not ( J. Vroom et alii). table 2b – Number of people who ate the dishes or not ( J. Vroom et alii). table 3a – Drinks – social classes ( J. Vroom et alii). table 3b – Dishes – social classes ( J. Vroom et alii).

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*

*

*

Index of geographical names * Italy 8-10, 15-16, 20, 153-66, 223, 226, 232-33, 249,

Albania 146, 165, 206

257-59, 265, 270, 319, 357, 363, 387

Almería (Spain) 16, 49, 50, 357, 371 Amsterdam (Netherlands) 198, 208-9, 363, 385

Iznik (Turkey) 16, 247-48, 293, 295, 357, 363, 365

Arce (Israel) 11, 126, 128-130, 153, 161, 167-68, 380

Jerusalem (Israel) 167-68, 185, 361, 380

Athens (Greece) 16, 19, 145-46, 148, 150, 153-55,

Kütahya (Turkey) 16, 293, 295, 298, 306-8, 357 Leiden (Netherlands) 7, 9-11, 16, 22, 81, 146, 206,

161-66, 175, 176, 357, 360

208, 219, 323, 329, 331, 337-339, 357, 361, 366

Butrint (Albania) 145-46, 153, 165, 206 Castelli (Italy) 16, 261, 263-65, 269-71, 283-85, 357

Milan (Italy) 231, 258, 267-68

Chalkis (Greece) 16, 152, 165, 357

Modena (Italy) 16, 20, 223-27, 229, 238, 242-4

Chieti (Italy) 16, 258-60, 263-64, 266-71, 279,

Naples (Italy) 258-59, 267, 269, 278, 363 Netherlands/Low Countries 14, 16, 19, 22, 187,

282-85, 288, 357, 363-65, 392 China 26-27, 49, 50, 68, 248, 261, 293, 297-99

193, 195, 197, 199-201, 206-7, 209, 219, 246-

Constantinople 11, 185, 339, 361, 379

47, 250, 255, 300-1, 317, 320, 323, 336, 338-39

Cordoba 16, 37, 49-50, 59, 62, 251, 357-58, 371

Nicosia (Cyprus) 16, 120, 125, 130-31, 357

Corinth (Greece) 10, 16, 145, 149, 152-54, 158,

Otrona (Italy) 16, 258, 260, 269, 279, 288, 357, 363 Paphos (Cyprus) 16, 119-30, 137, 140-41, 357, 360

162, 167, 189, 357 Crete (Greece) 154, 167, 353

Phini (Cyprus) 16, 125, 127, 131, 357

Cyprus 8, 10, 16, 18-19, 25-26, 119, 124, 126-28, 131,

Pisa (Italy) 153, 159 Polis (Cyprus) 16, 121, 126, 249, 296, 357

157, 167, 296, 357, 360, 376 Damascus (Syria) 21, 25, 292

Rome (Italy) 157, 257, 267, 270

Egypt 69, 76, 85, 100, 250

Rotterdam (Netherlands) 16, 20, 182, 198-200, 202-3, 204, 207-10, 219, 245, 252, 357, 361-63

England 200, 301, 312, 315, 318 Ephesus (Turkey) 17, 146, 153, 165, 186

Sicily (Italy) 26, 28

Florence (Italy) 146, 153-54, 257, 267

Spain 7-9, 16, 25-26, 28, 69, 153-54, 160, 162, 168, 187, 251, 258-59, 315, 357

France 9, 84-85, 167, 185, 250, 296, 300-1, 319, 361 Germany 200, 202, 207, 209, 250, 295-301, 319

Syria 9, 66-67, 69, 76, 250, 300, 363, 388

Granada (Spain) 7-8, 16, 37-46, 48-51, 357, 371

Tarsus (Turkey) 7, 16, 18, 63-68, 71, 77, 79, 83, 9093, 96-101, 104-8, 113-15, 146, 357, 358-59

Greece 10, 16, 26, 28, 145-47, 150, 154, 158, 160-61, 165, 250, 297, 326-38, 357, Gritille (Turkey) 16, 103, 357

Tunisia 69, 83, 359, 372 Utrecht (Netherlands) 11, 16, 195-96, 197-98, 200, 202-3, 207-8, 218, 339, 357, 361-62

Israel 8, 10, 19, 69, 128, 158, 160-61 Istanbul (Turkey) 7, 11-13, 16, 21-22, 65, 82, 97,

Venice (Italy) 8, 10, 26, 153, 238, 249-50, 258-59, 267-68, 296, 364, 391

266, 292-95, 297-98, 300-1, 338, 357

367

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*

*

*

Index of food * Meat 18, 21, 26-28, 41, 71, 72-74, 75, 77, 79-80,

Alcohol 35, 330, 333, 336, 340-41 Barley 330, 334-35

99-102, 104-6, 155-58, 160, 181-82, 185-86, 195-

Beef 104, 248, 340

96, 199, 202-6, 247-49, 311, 314-16, 326-27,

Bird 98-99, 104, 108, 156, 186, 246, 248, 312, 315, 326

329, 333-36, 340-41, 378, 391

Bread 17, 39-41, 46, 72-74, 78, 157-58, 160, 187-88, Milk 27-29, 74, 155, 182, 297, 299, 311-13, 315, 317, 326-27, 329-30, 334-35

199, 235, 246, 248-49, 262, 289, 313-14, 316,

Mutton 27, 104

318, 325, 327, 334, 366, 397 Butter 73-74, 326-27, 335

Nut 84, 157, 246, 262, 289, 326-27, 334-35

Camel 26, 78, 102

Oil 44, 46-47, 84, 166, 262-63, 289, 315, 326-27, 330, 335, 378

Cereal 73, 79, 333 Cheese 157, 262, 289, 326-27, 335, 340, 378, 390-91

Olive 166, 248, 262-63, 289, 315, 326-27, 330, 335

Chicken 21, 27, 29, 74, 99, 156-57, 159, 163, 294,

Pig/pork 27, 35, 36, 98-99, 101, 103, 105, 108, 155, 159, 199, 206, 208, 326-27, 329, 390-91

311-13, 315-17, 326, 327, 366, 378, 397-98 Coffee 21, 291-301

Plant 74, 78, 80, 336, 338

Cow 28, 199, 208

Poultry 26, 104, 108, 156, 246, 248, 312, 315

Deer 98, 108

Salt 41, 74, 151, 157, 160, 204, 261-63, 283, 289, 326, 330, 364, 378

Dairy 101-2, 182, 326-27, 335, 341

Sheep 27, 98-103, 105, 108,115, 155, 199, 208, 326-

Donkey 105, 108, 127

27, 335, 359

Egg 27, 74, 127, 156, 163, 182, 248, 313, 315-16, 327,

Shell/shellfish 166, 327

330, 366, 378, 397-98

Spices, spiced 11, 26, 29, 41, 74, 151, 156-58, 160-61,

Fish 26, 28, 98-100, 104-8, 151, 157, 159, 161, 182,

163, 208, 224, 247-48, 262-63, 283, 289, 312-

199-201, 203, 205, 208-209, 262, 267, 289,

13, 330-31, 333, 336, 339, 354, 364, 378

314, 319, 326-27, 329, 333, 335, 340, 378

Sugar 26-27, 29, 74, 84, 156-58, 163, 167, 262-63,

Fruit 26-29, 75, 127, 158, 163, 246-48, 262, 283,

289, 297, 311-13, 315-17, 319, 327, 330, 333, 341,

289-94, 317, 326-27, 329, 333, 335-36, 364

378

Goat 98-105, 108, 115, 155, 199, 208, 326-27, 335, 359 Grape 158, 167, 246, 291, 315, 327, 329

Tea 297-301

Grain 73-74, 84, 127, 199, 248, 326, 330

Vegetable 73-74, 156-57, 194, 199, 326-27, 333-36

Herbs 157, 163, 208

Vinegar 73-74, 262, 289, 327, 330-31, 333-34, 378

Honey 26, 46, 157, 262, 289, 326-27, 329-331,

Wheat 27-28, 35, 73-74, 158, 326, 330, 335

333-35, 378

Wine 20, 28-29, 36, 71, 122, 127, 158-59, 161, 183,

Juice 26-27, 294, 329-30

187-88, 246, 248-51, 262, 289, 313, 315, 326-27,

Legume 41, 127, 326-27, 330, 334-36

330-31, 333-35, 339-40, 363, 378, 388

368

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*

*

Colour plates *

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m e di e va l m a s t e rc h e f

josé c. carvajal lópez & miguel jiménez puertas – Cuisine, islamisation and ceramics fig. 1 – colour plates page 371. yasemin bağci & joanita vroom – Dining habits in Tarsus in the Early Islamic period figs. 4a-b, 5, 6, 7 – colour plates pages 372-374. lubna omar – Approaching Medieval cuisine fig. 4 – colour plates page 375. ruth smadar gabrieli et alii – Cypriot and Levantine cooking wares in Frankish Cyprus figs. 1, 19, 11, 12 – colour plates pages 376-377. joanita vroom & elli tzavella – Dinner time in Athens figs. 1, 6d, 7, 9, 10, 11 – colour plates pages 378-380. roos van oosten – A Medieval cooking revolution fig. 4 – colour plates page 381. mauro librenti, cecilia moine & lara sabbionesi – From table to identity figs. 3, 5 – colour plates pages 382-383. alexandra van dongen – Global dining with Erasmus figs. 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10 – colour plates pages 384-388. van verrocchio – Material culture in Early Modern Abruzzo, Italy figs. 4, 6, 9, 10, 17, 18 – colour plates pages 389-392. filiz yenişehirlioğlu – A journey of taste figs. 1a-b, 2, 3, 5, 6, 7a-b – colour plates pages 393-396. claudia vandepoel – Blanc Manger figs. 1, 2, 3, 4 – colour plates pages 397-398. joanita vroom et alii – A matter of taste figs. 2a-c – colour plates page 399.

370

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c a rvaja l l ópe z & j i m é n e z pu e rta s – c u i s i n e , i sl a m i s at ion a n d c e r a m ic s

fig. 1 – Map with the location of sites mentioned in the text: 1. Shaqūnda, Cordoba; 2. Marroquíes Bajos, Jaén; Manzanil in Loja, Granada; 4. Ilbīra in Atarfe, Granada; 5. El Castillejo de Nívar, Granada; 6. El Castillejo de Los Guájares, Granada; 7. Bajjāna, Almería; 8 and 9. Monte Marinet and Monte Mollet respectively, Castellón de la Plana. 10. Santa Fe de Oliva, Valencia ( J.C. Carvajal López, M. Jiménez Puertas).

371

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b ağ c i & v ro om – di n i ng h a bi t s i n ta r s us

fig. 4a – left: Lustreware bowl from the Harvey Plotnick Collection, University of Chicago (after Pancaroğlu 2007, 46, fig. 5); right: Polychrome Painted Glazed Ware bowl from the Gözlükule Mound excavations, Tarsus (Y. Bağcı, J. Vroom).

fig. 4b – left: Lustreware tile of the Great Mosque of Karaiwan (also: al-Qayrawan), Tunisia; right: Polychrome Painted Glazed Ware bowl from the Gözlükule Mound excavations, Tarsus (Y. Bağcı, J. Vroom)

372

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b ağ c i & v ro om – di n i ng h a bi t s i n ta r s us

fig. 5 – Pseudo-Galen, Kitab al-Diryaq, Iraq, 1199, ms. Arabe 2964, old page 22, Bibliothèque Nationale, Paris (after Ettinghausen 1972, 84).

fig. 6 – Al-Hariri, Maqamat, Iraq, 1237, ms. Arabe 5847, fol.140r., Bibliothèque Nationale, Paris (after Grabar 1984, 96).

373

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b ağ c i & v ro om – di n i ng h a bi t s i n ta r s us

fig. 7 – Al-Hariri, Maqamat, Iraq, c. 1240s, ms. C-23, p.205, fol.103v., Institute of Oriental Manuscripts of the Russian Academy of Science, Saint Petersburg (after Petrosyan 1995, 151).

374

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om a r – a pproac h i ng m e di e va l c u i s i n e

fig. 3 – Distribution of ovis/capra’s skeletal elements from the Gözlüküle Mound, Tarsus (L. Omar).

fig. 4 – Distribution of cattle’s skeletal elements from the Gözlüküle Mound, Tarsus (L. Omar).

375

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ga br i eli, wa k sm a n, sh a piro & pecci – c y pr iot a n d leva n ti n e cook i ng wa r es

fig. 1 – Map of Cyprus (after Waksman 2014, fig. 1).

fig. 10 – Microphotograph of cooking pot bzy616: Q – quartz, Pl – plagioclase, Ol – olivine (crossed-polarized light) (A. Shapiro).

376

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ga br i eli, wa k sm a n, sh a piro & pecci – c y pr iot a n d leva n ti n e cook i ng wa r es

fig. 11 – Microphotograph of cooking pot bzy618: Q – quartz, Ch – chert (crossed-polarized light) (A. Shapiro).

fig. 12 – Microphotograph of cooking pot bzy692: Fe – alkali feldspar, Clp – clinopyroxene, Mi – mica (crossed-polarized light) (A. Shapiro)

377

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v ro om & t z av e l l a – di n n e r t i m e i n At h e ns

18 16 14 12 10 8 6 4 2 0

Ingredients

meat

vinegar

oil

salt

garum

honey

fish

wine

pepper

grains

70 60 50 40 Ingredients

30 20 10 0

spices

eggs

sugar almonds

lard

cloves

saffron cheese

ginger chicken

fig. 1 – Ten most used ingredients in Byzantine (top) and Medieval Italian (bottom) recipes (J. Vroom).

Late Medieval Pottery Types Zeuxippus subtype (9.8%)

1

5

99

44

Veneto Ware (2%) 9

7

7

Spanish Lustreware (1.6%) Glazed thin CW (1.6%)

Unglazed Domestic Wares (50%) Monochrome Sgraffito (1.1%)

Polychrome Sgraffito (0.4%)

45

Maiolica (0.2%) 1

2 5

Monochrome Glazed Ware (10%) 225

Ibriq (22%)

Green Stripe Painted (Arta) (0.2%) Monochrome Glazed (Mod) (1.1%)

fig. 6d – Athenian Agora: d. graph of the total of pottery types in well U14:1 ( J. Vroom, E. Tzavella).

378

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v ro om & t z av e l l a – di n n e r t i m e i n At h e ns

fig. 7 – Athenian Agora: composition image of glazed and unglazed ceramic finds from well U14:1 ( J. Vroom).

fig. 9 – Miniature from an illustrated paper edition of the Book of Job with Commentaries, Ms. Grec. 135, fol. 18v, ‘Festin des enfants de Job’, ca. 1361-1362, signed by Manuel Tzykandyles of Mystra, Constantinople or Mystra, Bibliothèque Nationale de France, Paris.

379

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v ro om & t z av e l l a – di n n e r t i m e i n At h e ns

fig. 10 – Miniature from Bible from Saint-Jean d’Acre, Arsenal Bible MS 5211, fol. 364v, ‘Marriage of Naomi’s sons with Ruth and Orpah’, Book of Ruth, Latin Kingdom of Jerusalem (Acre), ca. 1250-1254, Bibliothèque de l’Arsenal, Paris.

fig. 11 – Miniature from Fécamp Psalter, Manuscript 76 F13, folio 1v, ‘Janus’, north-eastern France, ca. 1180, Koninklijke Bibliotheek, The Hague.

380

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va n o os t e n – a m e di e va l co ok i ng r e volu t ion

fig. 4 – Historical cooking experiments: a) a replica pot in a fire of wooden logs; b) the post-fire replica pot; notice that the pot is sooty only where the flames touched the pot; c) replica pots in a smouldering charcoal fire; d) one of the post-fire replica pots; notice that the pot shows no sign of any soot (R. van Oosten).

381

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l i br e n t i , moi n e & s a bbion e s i – f rom ta bl e to i de n t i t y

fig. 3 – 15th-century pottery from San Paolo in Modena: 1-6: table ware; 7-10: glazed kitchen ware; 11: coarse ware (M. Librenti, C. Moine, L. Sabbionesi).

382

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l i br e n t i , moi n e & s a bbion e s i – f rom ta bl e to i de n t i t y

fig. 5 – 16th-century pottery from San Paolo in Modena: 1-3: table ware; 4-6: glazed kitchen ware; 7-10: coarse ware; 11-12: bowls with obscene decorations (M. Librenti, C. Moine & L. Sabbionesi).

383

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va n d ong e n – g l ob a l di n i ng w i t h e r a sm us

fig. 3 – Serving dish (fragment), fritware, Iznik, Turkey, decorated in a blue spiral pattern called ‘Golden Horn’, 1530-1550, found at De Baan, Enkhuizen, the Netherlands, l. 25 x w. 17 x h. 6,2 cm inv. nr. F 9527 (kn&v), Stichting Het Nederlandse Gebruiksvoorwerp on loan to Museum Boijmans Van Beuningen Rotterdam.

384

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va n d ong e n – g l ob a l di n i ng w i t h e r a sm us

fig. 4 – Anonymous, Netherlands, Pierre de Moucheron (1508-1567) and his wife Isabeau de Gerbier, their eighteen children, their son-in-law Allard de la Dale and their first grandson, oil on panel, h. 108 x l. 246 cm, inv. SK-A-1537, collection Rijksmuseum Amsterdam; cf. https://www.rijksmuseum.nl/ nl/collectie/SK-A-1537

fig. 5 – Book of Hours, Philip of Cleves (1456 – 1528), ca. 1480, Royal Library, Brussel, ms. iv 40. These two pages depict cinnamon, nutmeg and asparagus; cf. https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/ File:Getijdenboek_Philips_van_Kleef_(1456-1528)_heer_van_Ravenstein.jpg

385

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va n d ong e n – g l ob a l di n i ng w i t h e r a sm us

fig. 6 – Lucas Cranach the Elder, Albrecht van Brandenburg as Saint Hieronymus in his study (plus detail), 1525, Darmstadt, Hessisches Landesmuseum, inv. GK 71.

386

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va n d ong e n – g l ob a l di n i ng w i t h e r a sm us

fig. 7 – Serving fork, Italy, brass, ca. 1550, l. 8,3 cm, inv. F 6391 (kn&v), Museum Boijmans Van Beuningen Rotterdam;p cf. http://collectie.boijmans.nl/nl/object/54163/vork/Anoniem

fig. 8 – Francesco Xanto Avelli (Rovigo ca 1487 – Urbino ca. 1542), Plate depicting The Sword of Damocles, 1539, inv. T 9 (kn&v), Museum Boijmans Van Beuningen Rotterdam; cf. http://collectie. boijmans.nl/nl/object/106572/schotel/Francesco-Xanto-Avelli

387

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va n d ong e n – g l ob a l di n i ng w i t h e r a sm us

fig. 9 – Wine goblet, Facon de Venise soda glass, France, 1525-1550, decorated ‘forget-me-not’ flowers with as inscription the adage: TV NE TE FERAS MASGE TAILLE, h. 15,2 cm, inv. 632 (kn&v), Museum Boijmans Van Beuningen Rotterdam; cf. http://collectie.boijmans.nl/nl/object/234/ kelkglas/Anoniem

fig. 10 – Beaker, enameled and gilded, Syria, 1175-1250, archaeological find Maastricht (Vrijthof ), h. 15 cm, engraved inscription in Arab lettering: AL-SHIAH, inv. 1988.MAVR.46/3-1-58, Centre Céramique, Maastricht, the Netherlands.

388

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v e r ro cc h io – m at e r i a l c u lt u r e i n e a r ly mode r n a bru z z o, i ta ly

fig. 4 – Tablewares: metal objects (V. Verrocchio).

fig. 6 – Tablewares, ceramic objects: provenience and typology. Maiolica (tin-glazed wares) from Castelli, Faenza and Assisi; earthenwares from Anversa degli Abruzzi and Apulia (V. Verrocchio).

389

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v e r ro cc h io – m at e r i a l c u lt u r e i n e a r ly mode r n a bru z z o, i ta ly

METAL KITCHEN ITEMS

NOBLES

CITIZENS

Alambicchi (stills)

1

7

Bastardelle (pots)

8

Bronzi (pots)

3

5

Caldaie (cauldrons)

99

177

Cavanelli (pots)

7

Coccomi (pots/jugs)

7

6

Coltelli/mannaie (knives)

4

6

Conche (bowls)

24

24

Coperchi (lids)

40

38

2

Cucchiai (spoons)

33

44

8

ferri da nevole/ostie/pizzelle (wafer tools)

CRAFTSMEN

17

8

Fersore (frying pans)

37

56

8

Forchette (forks)

4

4

1

Ghiotte (fat collectors)

3

1

Graticole (grills)

14

26

5

Grattacacio (cheese graters)

13

26

5

Imbuti (funnels)

6

10

Ingorda (fat collector)

1

Introvatori (funnels?)

1

Lapaioli/lapei (cauldrons)

13

Leccarde (fat collectors)

2

6

Maccaronari (tools for macaroni)

7

Manieri (ladles)

5

12

1

Mortai (mortars)

15

12

1

Orologio da arrosto (grill watch)

1

Padelle (frying pans)

2

32

Passatoi (strainers)

2

3

Pezzetti (little pots)

3

Pignate (cooking pots)

11

11

Polzonetti (tripod pans)

18

21

Pratene (tranchers) Quartarone (pots)

1

1 1

Ramette/ramine/ramiere (copper pots) Secchietti (small buckets)

21 6

Scaldacacio (cheese warmers)

1

Scaldavivande (dish warmers)

1

Scommarelli (ladles)

7

3

1

Spiedi (spits)

68

77

18

Spiediere/trepiedi da spiedo (spits stands)

4

4

Stainetti/stagnate (pots?)

4

Testi (fire cooking lids) Tielle (pans)

2 35

Tiane (soucepans)

26

1

3

Tragni (buckets)

18

36

Trocchi (large buckets)

1

Voltarrosto (spit machine)

1

2

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ATTREZZI DA FOCOLARE (FIRE TOOLS) Cacciacarne (meat forks)

1

Catene da fuoco (fire chains)

21

59

8

Capifuochi (head cooks)

104

120

8

Cavacenere/cavabrace (ash/embers takers)

1

1

1

Mollette (tongs)

3

3

Palette (fireside shovels)

15

23

Soffiatore/soffietto da forno (bellows)

1

3

Tenaglie da fuoco (pincers)

8

20

6

Trepiedi (tripods)

20

24

3

Trepiedi da caldaie (cauldron tripods)

2

5

Trepiedi da tegami/padelle (pans tripods)

1

6

Guardacenere (ash keepers)

3

8

Tirafuoco/tirabrace (pokers)

4

1

Uncini da fuoco (fire hooks)

3

Zampino da fuoco (fire hook)

1

6

fig. 9 – Kitchen objects: table with the number of items found with illustration of identified objects taken from Bartolomeo Scappi’s, Opera, Venice, 1610 (V. Verrocchio).

fig. 10 – Kitchen or food storage: ceramic objects (V. Verrocchio).

391

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v e r ro cc h io – m at e r i a l c u lt u r e i n e a r ly mode r n a bru z z o, i ta ly

fig. 17 – Chieti, exemples of majolica plates with pseudo-heraldic coat of arms found in urban excavations. Produced in Castelli, 17th century (V. Verrocchio).

fig. 18 – Abruzzo. Other exemples of pseudo-heraldic coat of arms on Castelli majolica plates found in archaeological contexts: 1-2, L’Aquila, Convent of S. Domenico (from Verrocchio 2011, figs. 100b-101b); 3, from Teramo (from Proterra, Troiano and Verrocchio 2005, fig. 35); 4, from the Castle of Scurcola Marsicana (L’Aquila, unpublished) (V. Verrocchio).

392

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y e n i şe h i r l io ğ lu – a jou r n e y of ta s t e

fig. 1a – Ottoman miniature painting from a late 16th-century Turkish album of miniatures and calligraphy showing men drinking coffee, Chester Beatty Library, Dublin, MS4137.9 (after Pekin 2015, 124).

fig. 1b – Detail of Fig. 1a.

393

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y e n i şe h i r l io ğ lu – a jou r n e y of ta s t e

fig. 2 – Ottoman miniature painting of court page, 17th-century album page, TSMKE.H.2836 fol. 7b (after Atasoy and Raby 1989, 36, fig. 21).

fig. 3 – Ottoman coffee cup, 16th century, Iznik Archaeological Museum (after Atasoy and Raby 1989, 36, fig. 19).

394

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y e n i şe h i r l io ğ lu – a jou r n e y of ta s t e

fig. 5 – Kütahya coffee cups, 18th century (after Kürkman 2005, 81a).

fig. 6 – Ottoman coffee cup and saucer, Victoria and Albert Museum, no. 605&A-1874 (after Kürkman 2005, 81b).

395

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y e n i şe h i r l io ğ lu – a jou r n e y of ta s t e

fig. 7a – Kütahya coffee cup and saucer, 18th century (after Kürkman 2005, 133).

fig. 7b – Kütahya coffee cup and saucer, 18th century (after Kürkman 2005, 131).

396

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va n de p oe l – bl a nc m a ng e r , co ok i ng a h i s tor ic a l r ec i pe

fig. 1 – All the ingredients were collected for cooking (C. Vandepoel).

fig. 2 – The chicken has been cooked and chopped very fine. The breadcrumbs have been prepared, and the egg whites have been separated from the yolks (C. Vandepoel).

397

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va n de p oe l – bl a nc m a ng e r , co ok i ng a h i s tor ic a l r ec i pe

fig. 3 – Start with two ingredients, cream and almond crumbs, which were put together. Then the fine chicken has been put into the bowl, and the egg whites have been added. Everything was mixed, and then heated in the bowl until the substance thickened and became very hot (C. Vandepoel).

fig. 4 – When cooled down, the rosewater was added, and the paste was put into several forms/ moulds to cool down. Afterwards, these forms/moulds were put on top of each other in order to make a pile (C. Vandepoel).

398

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v ro om , va n i j z e n d o or n, va n n i eu w ko op & p os t – a m at t e r of ta s t e

Figs. 2a-c – The ‘Byzantine food lab’ at the Crafts Market in 2014 (Z. Rico Neves; P. Rush).

399

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*

*

*

r eserv ed h a r e i n bor der ed gouged ton do

*

Champlevé Ware bowl from Skopelos, ca. late 12th-mid 13th century. After P. Armstrong, ‘A group of Byantine bowls from Skopelos’, Oxford Journal of Archaeology 10.3 (1991), fig. 5 cf. J. Vroom, Byzantine to Modern Pottery in the Aegean: An Introduction and Field Guide (2nd rev. ed. Turnhout: Brepols, 2014), p. 92.

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