Making, Breaking and Remaking the Irish Missionary Network: Ireland, Rome and the West Indies in the Seventeenth Century [1st ed.] 9783030473716, 9783030473723

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Making, Breaking and Remaking the Irish Missionary Network Ireland, Rome and the West Indies in the Seventeenth Century m at t eo bi n a sco

Making, Breaking and Remaking the Irish Missionary Network

Via degl’Ibernesi—Street of the Irish—which was the first location of the Irish College of Rome. (Picture by Matteo Binasco)

Matteo Binasco

Making, Breaking and Remaking the Irish Missionary Network Ireland, Rome and the West Indies in the Seventeenth Century

Matteo Binasco Department of History Foreigners University of Siena Siena, Italy

ISBN 978-3-030-47371-6    ISBN 978-3-030-47372-3 (eBook) https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-47372-3 © The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s) 2020 This work is subject to copyright. All rights are solely and exclusively licensed by the Publisher, whether the whole or part of the material is concerned, specifically the rights of translation, reprinting, reuse of illustrations, recitation, broadcasting, reproduction on microfilms or in any other physical way, and transmission or information storage and retrieval, electronic adaptation, computer software, or by similar or dissimilar methodology now known or hereafter developed. The use of general descriptive names, registered names, trademarks, service marks, etc. in this publication does not imply, even in the absence of a specific statement, that such names are exempt from the relevant protective laws and regulations and therefore free for general use. The publisher, the authors, and the editors are safe to assume that the advice and information in this book are believed to be true and accurate at the date of publication. Neither the ­publisher nor the authors or the editors give a warranty, expressed or implied, with respect to the material contained herein or for any errors or omissions that may have been made. The publisher remains neutral with regard to jurisdictional claims in published maps and ­institutional affiliations. This Palgrave Macmillan imprint is published by the registered company Springer Nature Switzerland AG. The registered company address is: Gewerbestrasse 11, 6330 Cham, Switzerland

Acknowledgements

This book has been written thanks to the support provided by many ­people and institutions. As is always the case, all the flaws and omissions are entirely mine. Given that it originated as a doctoral dissertation, I am grateful to my supervisor, Professor Alison Forrestal, for her invaluable supervision and immense patience. My thesis was part of a project, funded by the then called Irish Research Council for the Humanities and Social Sciences, for which I acknowledge its support. I am also grateful for the support provided by the Faculty of Arts during the third year of my doctorate. In Galway, I was based at the Moore Institute which was then directed by Professor Nicholas Canny. His unique knowledge of early-­ modern Ireland and of the Atlantic world taught me so many things that I would never have found anywhere else. At the Moore Institute I enjoyed the company of a unique group of friends and “comrades,” among whom I would like to mention Dr Edward Collins, Dr Orla Power, and Dr Justin Tonra. In the Department of History, I owe a great debt to Professor Steve Ellis and to Professor Enrico dal Lago for their constant support. My doctoral examiners, Dr Padraigh Lenihan and Professor Igor Pérez Tostado, have helped me to revise my thesis into a book manuscript through illuminating advices. At Maynooth, Professor Thomas O’Connor has been—and continues to be—an invaluable adviser on many aspects of early-modern Irish Catholicism. At the Franciscan House of Studies in Killiney, Father Ignatius Fennessy welcomed and helped me with rare kindness. I am indebted to all the staff of the University College Dublin Archives for always answering my continuous requests. In New York, but also in Rome, v

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Professor Clare Carroll kindly shared with me her findings on the Irish community there, and, at the same time, gave me illuminating advice on how to improve my research. In Durham, I am grateful to Dr James E. Kelly for his invitations to conduct research at the formidable collections held at Ushaw College. There I was helped by the useful indications provided by Dr Jonathan Bush, its archivist. Though we have never met in person, Professor Edward Corp kindly shared with me an incredible amount of detail on the Irish presence at the Jacobite court. In Oxford Professor Ian McBride widened my (limited) knowledge of Irish history thanks to his expertise on the eighteenth century. I am grateful to Dr Brian Kirby, archivist of the Irish Capuchin Archives, for providing me essential details which I could not obtain anywhere else. In Italy I have always enjoyed the encouragement and invaluable advices of Professor Luca Codignola. It is thanks to his teachings that history has a meaning for me. In Rome I was lucky to be able to rely on the painstaking knowledge of the Roman archives of Professor Matteo Sanfilippo and Professor Giovanni Pizzorusso. I thank Professor Massimo Carlo Giannini and Professor Maurizio Sangalli for introducing me to the not easy context of early-modern Italian history. At the Escuela Española de Historia y Arqueología of Rome I have had the opportunity to learn so much about early-modern Spain thanks to the seminars organized by Professor Rafael Valladares Ramírez. I thank Professor Kathleen Sprows Cummings, Professor John McGreevy, and the staff at the Rome Global Gateway, University of Notre Dame, for a first-class experience while I was postdoctoral fellow there. During my research at St. Isidore’s College I benefited from the support of Father Michéal Mac Craith, who introduced me to the difficult but fascinating world of Luke Wadding, and more broadly of the Irish Franciscans. There I also relied on the assistance and friendship of Dr Donatella Bellardini and Dr Clauda Costacurta. Professor Giovan Battista Fidanza and Dr Giulia Spoltore have opened my eyes to the artistic patronage developed by Wadding. At the archives of the Irish College of Rome I received a warm welcome from the former vice-rector Albert McDonnell and from the present rector, Monsignor Ciaran O’Carroll. During my research there I relied on the superb help provided by Vera Orschel and Martin Fagan. At the Vatican Secret Archives (now Vatican Apostolic Archives) I was lucky to meet Dr Gianfranco Armando and Dr Luca Carboni, who guided me through the rich but enormous holdings of that repository. At the Archives of the Congregation of the Faith, Dr Daniel

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Ponziani was always ready to answer my queries. I also thank Monsignor Alejandro Cifres for granting permission to access these archives. The staff at the Archives of the Sacred Congregation “de Fide” always brought all the volumes that I needed to consult. At the Archivum Romanum Societatis Iesu I enjoyed the support of Father Brian Mac Cuarta, who always replied to all my queries. I must also thank Professor Irene Fosi, who put me in contact with the archivist of the Venerable English College of Rome. There I received a warm welcome and incredible support from Professor Maurice Whitehead. At the archives the Vicariate of Rome I acknowledge the support of Dr Domenico Rocciolo, its director, who helped me to identify the Irish material preserved therein. I am very grateful to Father Markus Pillat for providing me with references on the Irish students in the German College of Rome. In Scotland I am in debt to Dr Colin Barr from whom I have learnt something (I hope!) from his great knowledge of the Irish “spiritual” empire in the nineteenth century. In Canada I thank Professor Karly Kehoe for all her invaluable suggestions. Equally, Professor John G. Reid has always been ready to encourage me since I was a Masters student in Halifax. In the United States I was fortunate to be awarded a short-term fellowship from the John Carter Brown Library of Providence. Of the wonderful staff in Providence, I would like to mention its former director Dr Ted Widmer and Mrs Valerie Andrews. In Spain I had the opportunity to meet with Dr Cristina Bravo Lozano, from whom I learnt how the Spanish patronage for the Irish clerics worked. I am grateful to Professor Luke Clossey who gave me outstanding advice on how to revise my thesis into a book manuscript. Professor Ian Campbell shared with me his research on the Irish Franciscan Scotists and also corrected some errors which otherwise I would never have been aware of. At Palgrave, I have been greatly supported by Molly Beck, who, since the beginning, believed in this book. All the editorial staff—particularly Maeve Sinnott—provided constant support that is rare to find nowadays. I thank the anonymous reviewer for his clear and useful feedback which contributed to greatly improving the quality of the original manuscript. Throughout these years, I have spent most of my time in Rome. There I would like to express my gratitude to my girlfriend, Marina, for her help, patience, and for having tolerated too many refusals “to do something on the weekend.” I thank her mother, Mrs Tosca, for the warm hospitality. At home my family has been—and continues to be—the safe harbour where

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I have always found repair and help, and unique encouragement. My father and my mother (and they know why!) deserve special mention for always supporting me and for putting me on the right track as a scholar, but especially as a person. My sister and brother-in-law have always been ready to provide any form of support and to be updated on my research. My two little rogue nephews, Adele and Dario, have amused me with their chaotic enthusiasm (and sometimes distracted me from the writing of the thesis and then of this book!). My “feline” colony has kept me good company from the gloomy winters to the scorching summers. I would like to dedicate this book to the memory of my aunt Elda, and to three “little” but unique members of my enlarged family, Pallocca, Giuditta, and Tommy. As Oscar Wilde said, “memory is the diary we all carry about with us.” In a book which deals with people who constantly moved from one place to another, I cannot think of a better dedication.

Contents

1 Introduction  1 2 Irish Clergy in Rome in the Early Seventeenth Century 23 3 The Beginning: The Founding of St. Isidore’s and the Irish College 45 4 Forging the Missionary Links between the “Urbs” and “Hibernia” 71 5 A New Dimension to the Irish Mission: The West Indies 97 6 Missionary Supply in Crisis Years: The Colleges and Ireland121 7 The Colleges in Transition145 8 “Ten Thousand Irish Catholics Extremely Oppressed by the English Heretics”: Rome and the Irish Missions in the West Indies During the Second Half of the Seventeenth Century165 9 Conclusion193

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Appendices199 Bibliography239 Index273

Abbreviations

AAV

Archivio Apostolico Vaticano (Vatican Apostolic Archives, formerly Vatican Secret Archives), Vatican City ACDF Archives of the Holy Office, Vatican City ACSI Archives of the College of St. Isidore’s, Rome AGS Archivo General de Simancas Anal. Hib. Analecta Hibernica APF Archives of the Sacred Congregation “de Propaganda Fide,” Vatican City Arch. Hib. Archivium Hibernicum ARSI Archivum Romanum Societatis Iesu ASVR Archivio Storico del Vicariato di Roma AVCAU Archivum Venerabilis Collegii Anglorum de Urbe (Archives of the Venerable English College of Rome) Bar. Lat. Barberini Latini BAV Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana (Vatican Library), Vatican City Coll. Hib Collectanea Hibernica Collegium Hibernorum CP Congregazioni Particolari d. Died de Urbe Albert McDonnell, ed., Collegium Hibernorum de Urbe. An Early Manuscript Account of the Irish College, Rome, 1628–1678 (Rome: Pontifical Irish College, 2003) fol Folio HMC Franciscan Historical Manuscripts Commissions, ed., Report on Franciscan Manuscripts preserved the Convent, Merchants’ Quay, Dublin. Presented to both Houses of Parliament by Command of His Majesty (Dublin: Stationery Office, 1906) xi

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Abbreviations

I Irlanda I.E.R. Irish Ecclesiastical Record LL Cathaldus Giblin, ed., Liber Lovaniensis: A Collection of Irish Franciscan Documents, 1629–1717 (Dublin: Clonmore and Reynolds, ltd., 1956) OFM Order of the Friars Minors (Franciscans) OP Order of the Friars Preacher (Dominicans) PF Propaganda Fide PICR Pontifical Irish College Rome r Recto SC Scritture Congressi SC, America Antille Serie Congressi, America Antille SC, Anglia Serie Congressi, Anglia SC, Collegi Serie Congressi, Collegi SC, Collegio Urbano Serie Congressi, Collegio Urbano SJ Societas Iesu (Jesuits) SOCG APF, Scritture Originali riferite nelle Congregazioni Generali Spic. Oss. Patrick F. Moran, ed., Spicilegium Ossoriense being a Collection of Original Letters and Papers Illustrative of the History of the Irish Church from the Reformation to the Year 1800 (Dublin: W.B. Kelly, 1874) UCD-OFM University College Dublin-Franciscan Manuscript v Verso Vol. Volume

CHAPTER 1

Introduction

On 14 August 1643 Geoffrey Baron (1607–1651), a prominent Irish lawyer and the elder brother of the Franciscan theologian Bonaventure Baron (1610–1687) wrote from Paris to his uncle the Franciscan Luke Wadding (1588–1657). By then, Wadding had become the most influential Irishman in Rome.1 Since 1642, Geoffrey Baron had been the de facto delegate to the French court of the Irish Confederation—a political and military association of prominent Irish Catholics established in the aftermath of the Ulster rebellion of 1641.2 In his letter Baron informed Wadding that in the West Indies, and more precisely in St. Christopher’s island, there was a consistent number of Irish settlers. In the final part of his letter, the Irish Confederation’s delegate solicited Wadding to convince the Sacred Congregation “de Propaganda Fide” to repeal its own decree which made the French Capuchins the only missionaries in the island. Propaganda was the Roman congregation founded in 1622 with the key aim to oversee missionary activity in Protestant and non-Christian regions.3 Baron’s request followed the petition put forward by Matthew O’Hartegan (d.1666), an Irish Jesuit, who, in the spring of 1643, had volunteered to leave for St. Christopher as missionary.4 Baron’s letter to Wadding epitomizes the objective of this book, namely, to explore the efforts made to establish and develop a triangular missionary network between Rome, Ireland, and the West Indies from the early 1600s until the late 1670s. As we will show, this study argues that there was a continuous making, breaking, and remaking of a clerical network © The Author(s) 2020 M. Binasco, Making, Breaking and Remaking the Irish Missionary Network, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-47372-3_1

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connecting the above mentioned areas. Moreover this book will demonstrate that this networking did not follow an uniform pattern, and it developed along different paths, each of which had its peculiar features. The decision to focus on this clerical network has been prompted by the radical changes unfolding in the historiography of early-modern Ireland and early-modern Irish Catholicism during the last three decades. Indeed, a number of groundbreaking studies—authored by Irish and non-­ Irish historians—has demonstrated that from the second half of the sixteenth century onwards several clerical, commercial, and military links connected Ireland with continental Europe and more broadly with the Atlantic area. These links were largely the product of the migrations through which Irish Catholics escaped the persecutions imposed by the forced extension of Anglicanism.5 A consistent part of the Irish migrants were clerics who belonged to the diocesan clergy or to the regular orders. From the early 1570s onwards, these priests began to establish a series of colleges in continental Europe.6 The key aim of these seminaries was to cater—in line with the decree issued by the Council of Trent (1540–1563)— for the education and training of missionaries who, having completed their studies, would return to Ireland.7 This pattern followed the path traced by the English and Scottish clerics who developed akin structures on continental Europe between the late sixteenth century and the seventeenth century.8 The historiography of the Irish Colleges now consists of a sophisticated body of works that demonstrates how and to which extent these structures were not only seminaries, but also cultural and diplomatic centres for the Irish communities abroad. Yet, a quick glimpse at this historiography clearly indicates that the majority of studies has focused on the Iberian Peninsula, the Spanish Flanders, and France.9 This geographical focus has left other crucial areas such as Central Europe and the Italian Peninsula on the margins.10 This imbalance is more evident in the case of Rome. Indeed, works investigating the process which brought to the founding of St. Isidore’s and the Irish College, the first two structures of missionary formation of the Irish clergy founded in the city, are practically non-existent. So far, historiography still relies on hagiographical works written by religious historians and are thus heavily influenced by an inner perspective.11 With regard to St. Isidore’s the most recent works have investigated specific aspects of the polyhedric figure of Wadding, the way the college became a prominent artistic centre of the Roman Baroque, and how this structure became a site of memory in the late seventeenth century.12

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As for the Irish College, historiography relating to the seventeenth century is even smaller in quantity compared to the amount of analyses dealing with the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, and more recently those dealing with the troubled years between the last decades of the eighteenth century and the fall of the Napoleonic regime.13 The fact that very few works have investigated the earliest structures of missionary education for the Irish clergy in Rome contrasts with the impressive amount of painstaking guides, collection of documents, and inventories compiled by a group of Irish religious historians who, from the latter decades of the nineteenth century, perused the material preserved in the Vatican Archives and other ecclesiastical Roman repositories.14 None of these works, however, led to a more refined analysis that assessed how the Irish clergy based in Rome developed a series of cultural and missionary links with continental Europe and Ireland. Only in recent years has the personnel of the St. Isidore’s and the Irish College been viewed as the backbone of the Irish clerical community who resided in Rome during the early modern period. In that sense the detailed prosopographies compiled by the Irish Dominican Hugh Fenning have provided a much clearer picture of number of the Irish clerics ordained in Rome—including the students of the two colleges—from the late sixteenth century until the eighteenth century.15 More recently Clare Carroll’s work has demonstrated—through a longue durée approach—that the foundation of the two colleges was part of a complex cultural process through which the Irish displayed their own sense of identity to the other foreign nationes in Rome.16 A common problem which affects all the above works is that they largely ignore the fact that the Irish Colleges in Rome had the potential to develop a series of missionary links which could extend beyond Ireland, and thus reach the communities of Irish settlers who, from the early 1630s, established themselves in the West Indies. Most English-speaking historians have focused on the economic and political dimensions of this Irish migration, with the consequence that the Irish missionary ventures organized in West Indies were seen as peripheral.17 Until the mid-1980s the standard works were the pioneering studies authored by the Irish Jesuit Aubrey Gwynn, who interpreted the Irish missionary activity in the West Indies through an hagiographical perspective.18 Except for Gwynn, only the Italian historian Giovanni Pizzorusso—who focused on the last phase of their activity—has reassessed the role of the Irish missionaries by placing it within the broader context of the development of the Catholic missions

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in the Caribbean during the seventeenth century.19 More recently Igor Pérez Tostado has emphasized the “global” aspect of the Irish active in the Atlantic area during the early-modern period.20 Yet, the “Atlantic” dimension of the Irish clergy, and more broadly of the Holy See, continues to be relegated to a marginal position within the historiography on the Atlantic world. This continues to focus on traditional themes such as slavery, state formation, and encounters between the native people and the European settlers. This contrasts with the analyses made by Luca Codignola who has demonstrated that since the early seventeenth century a series of clerical networks were developed between Rome and the North-Atlantic area.21 Given its transnational nature, analysis of this Irish clerical networking must also be placed within the current historiographical trend that interprets the Catholic Reformation as a global phenomenon.22 As explained by Tadgh Ó hAnnaracháin, Ireland—though located on the western periphery of Europe—played a crucial role in the advancement and success of the Catholic renewal.23 The missionary movement is now seen as a seminal feature of the process which made Catholicism a global religion and transformed Rome in the “hub” of the Catholic world.24 This transnational approach has been successfully applied to the studies on the Irish Catholic clergy during the nineteenth century thanks to the radical transformations unfolded in the studies of the Irish Diaspora. Indeed the analyses of Colin Barr, Hilary Carey, and the third volume of Treasures of Irish Christianity have demonstrated that a consistent mass of Irish regulars and seculars succeeded to obtain prominent roles in many locations of the British Empire, thus building an “Irish spiritual empire”. Though the last decade has witnessed a remarkable expansion of studies on this spiritual empire, the historiography continues to be exclusively focused on the nineteenth century.25 The consequence is that, until now, no efforts have been made to apply this global approach to the activities of the Irish clergy during the early-modern period. The time is ripe for a new analysis that can illustrate the process which led to the establishment and development of a missionary network connecting Rome, Ireland, and the West Indies during the years from 1600 to 1669. This book seeks to fill the gap by exploring and assessing the complex interplay of factors which brought to the planning and development of this clerical network and its impact in the areas where it was developed. A further aim of this book is to trace and assess the movement, the activities, and the achievements of the personnel who were involved in this

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network, and how and whether the two missionary poles—Ireland and the West Indies—succeeded to be connected with Rome, the epicentre of early-modern Catholicism. By adopting a comparative perspective, the book will demonstrate which of the networks examined, and which flanks of them, were stronger and which instead were weaker. This will permit to illustrate how this networking developed and evolved on a transnational level. This book is structured in seven chapters which analyse the years from 1600 to the early 1670s. Given the fact that there is more material to investigate and assess how the missionary channel between Rome and Ireland was developed, the majority of the chapters, five, are devoted to this aspect. Yet the two chapters on the Irish missionary process in the West Indies must not be viewed as separated sections. Indeed their specific position within the framework of this study corresponds to two specific periods in which Irish missionary activity widened on account of the Irish migration beyond continental Europe. Chapter 2 is an introductory section which covers the first two decades of the seventeenth century. This chapter has two key aims: the first is to provide a broader historical context of the political and religious changes which affected Ireland between the late sixteenth century and early seventeenth century and how this brought a certain number of Irish ecclesiastics to migrate to continental Europe. The development of this ecclesiastical migration serves as a platform to demonstrate how, during this period, small groups of Irish clerics succeeded in establishing a network of colleges in France, the Iberian Peninsula, and the Spanish Flanders. The second aim of this chapter is to emphasize the fact that Rome, the capital of early modern Catholicism, was excluded from the development of the continental network of the Irish colleges, thus demonstrating to be an unfavourable location for the Irish clerics. Chapter 3 explores the years from 1620 to 1635. The first part of it seeks to explain how the early 1620s seemed to be a period of major change for the activity of the Irish clergy in Ireland and on continental Europe but, in particular, in Rome. This chapter emphasizes how the foundation of Propaganda in 1622 was seen by the Irish clergy as the beginning of a new era which would favour a process of greater co-­ ordination and involvement of the Roman congregation within the missionary channels which linked the Irish clerics on continental Europe with the Irish mission. Yet the founding of Propaganda did not have a relevant impact on the Irish clerics in Rome because the congregation played a very

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minimal part within the process which led to the establishment of St. Isidore’s and the Irish College. The limited role played by Propaganda reinforces the argument that the establishment of the first two Irish colleges in Rome was the result of a combination of efforts made by influential individuals. By illustrating the way in which the colleges were founded, this chapter also begins to identify, through a comparative approach, the financial and organizational differences which emerged between these institutions. Chapter 4 covers the years from 1636 to 1643. It illustrates the development of the Irish College and St. Isidore’s as institutions of missionary training. This chapter bridges the foundational era of the two colleges illustrated by Chap. 3 and the second decade of their activity. It continues to chart the growing differences between the Irish College and St. Isidore’s with particular emphasis on their ability to provide a clerical supply to Ireland. By stressing this latter point, this chapter demonstrates how, during that period, the line of missionary movement between Rome and Ireland substantially relied on the efforts made by St. Isidore’s. Chapter 5 illustrates the first phase of the Irish missionary process in the West Indies and covers the years from 1638 to 1643. The decision to place this chapter in this position has been suggested by the need to emphasize how the new Irish missionary involvement in the West Indies was a response to the Irish migration to that area which began in the 1630s. This chapter will seek to assess how and whether this emerging missionary area succeeded to be incorporated in the clerical networks developed by the Irish clergy in Rome. Chapters 6 and 7 examine the years from 1644 to 1659 and must be seen as two connected sections. Indeed their common aim is to examine the period of crucial transitions experienced by the two colleges from the second half of the 1640s to the late 1650s. The choice to analyse these years in two chapters has been suggested by the need to identify and highlight the external and internal factors which brought to this transition period. Chapter 6 analyses the external factors and demonstrates how the Cromwellian invasion and the persecutions against the Catholic clergy in Ireland had a profound impact on the missionary links which the two colleges had established with the Irish mission. Chapter 7 investigates the changes which took place in the two colleges during the 1650s. It begins by examining the transition which, at the mid-­1650s, unfolded within the Irish College which passed from the control of Italian rectors to Irish rectors. The chapter focuses on how this shift

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had a crucial impact on the college’s administration and, in particular, on its capacity to recruit and repatriate missionaries to Ireland. The chapter then explores how the transition period at St. Isidore’s was instead characterized by the passage from a dominance of Wadding to a post-­Wadding era. Chapter 8 covers the years from 1650 to 1669 and explains how the political turmoil of the 1650s in Ireland led to the necessity to widen, once again, the range of the Irish missionary activity beyond Europe. It begins by demonstrating how the Cromwellian regime forced a growing number of Irish Catholics to migrate and settle in the West Indies. This prelude is necessary in order to highlight the fact that this forced migration acted as a motor for the beginning of the second phase of the Irish missionary process in the West Indies. By linking with what has been illustrated in Chap. 5, this chapter stresses how the personnel of the two colleges were detached from the efforts to develop and support this second phase of the Irish missionary process. Two appendices complete this book. They respectively provide biographic details on the students admitted to the Irish College and St. Isidore’s during the period examined by this study. The choice to include them as appendices is dictated by the need to display a consistent amount of details on the students’ career and subsequent activities which would be otherwise difficult to read in the footnotes.26 This book is then a new study providing a comprehensive investigation of the efforts to establish and develop a missionary network between different areas in which the Irish clergy operated and which, until now, historians have largely neglected.

1.1   A Note on the Sources This book draws upon a wide variety of manuscript and published sources. Given that most of the chapters are devoted to the analysis of the development of the missionary network between the Irish College and St. Isidore’s, a substantial proportion of the sources used come from the holdings of these institutions. Amongst the Irish College’s holdings which have been recently calendared, one specific manuscript source provides information on the college’s activity and, in particular, on its recruitment and repatriation process.27 This source is the so-called Manuscript History of the Irish College, which describes the college’s activity from 1628 to 1678, thus providing specific insights into the seminary’s financial status, the rectors who administered it, and on the students admitted during that period.

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The strength of the Manuscript History is that it provides key details on the students’ body such as their year of admission, departure and subsequent activity after they left the college. Yet a problem which affects this source is that it records very little information on the students admitted during the years from 1628 until early 1635 during which the college was under the Irish Franciscans’ control. Given this dearth of information which is worsened by the absence of further sources, it has only been possible to trace the activity and movement of a limited number of students admitted during those years. By contrast, the sources became more and more detailed after 1635, when the college passed to the Jesuits’ administration. From that moment onwards, the records of the secular seminar must be combined with the material available at the Jesuit archives in Rome and Ireland. With regards to this, the recent collections of the Irish Jesuits’ letters edited by Vera Moynes have a provided a formidable tool to expand our understanding on the Society’s role in Ireland.28 In contrast to the Irish College, the holdings of St. Isidore’s have not been systematically calendared. This makes it more difficult to have a clear view of its sources.29 The situation is worsened by the fact that the discretorium register of St. Isidore’s for the seventeenth century was lost and only few parts of it survived.30 The absence of this manuscript register is noteworthy because it precludes to analyse and assess the running of the college, its financial status, and in particular its recruitment and repatriation’s process. The only way to overcome this absence is to rely on the diary of St. Isidore’s which was written by Francis Harold (d.1685), Wadding’s nephew, published in 1949. This diary covers the years from 1625 to 1654 and it provides key details such as the year of entry and departure of the students admitted during that period. Unfortunately the diary is affected by two crucial limitations: the first is that it stops at 1654; the second limitation is that most of the information on the students are fragmentary and incomplete.31 The dearth of details which affects the diary of St. Isidore entails the need to use further type of sources. Some valuable evidence is provided by the bulk of private correspondence and in particular by that of Wadding, a good part of which have been edited and published by the Killiney-based Franciscan historians. Such correspondence presents its own set of difficulties. Indeed the wide number of correspondents and the variety of the issues discussed therein requires a meticulous reading in order to find details which might shed light on the activities of the students of St.

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Isidore’s. Moreover, this correspondence provides little information on the lesser-known members of the Franciscan college.32 To remedy this, the Wadding’s correspondence has to be combined with the Liber Lovaniensis, a manuscript edited by Cathaldus Giblin in 1956. The wealth of the information it contains includes all the records pertaining to the meetings held by the Irish Franciscan province throughout the seventeenth century. This enables us to have a quite detailed picture on the activity of the St. Isidore’s returning students and in particular of the locations in which they operated and of the roles they fulfilled.33 A common problem which affects all the above sources is that they provide very few and incomplete details on the students’ ordination process. To overcome this problem it is necessary to use the material preserved within the Roman Vicariate which provides relevant information on the clerics who were promoted to ordination. The identification of the Irish candidates is greatly helped by Fenning’s painstaking research.34 Given that Propaganda had to oversee the worldwide missionary activity, the use of the congregation’s manuscript sources is necessary in order to explore and assess its role within the establishment of the missionary network examined. A particularly relevant series is Scritture originali riferite nelle congregazioni generali. This includes letters, petitions, and relationes which were sent by the bishops, clerical agents, missionaries, and nuncios to the congregation. At first glance, the use of this series is particularly difficult because, until 1668, the filing arrangement is not comprehensive and because it is structured on geographical lines rather on analytical ones. This arrangement makes research more difficult with regard to the West Indies because the congregation’s members had a fragmentary knowledge of the American continent and thus they often referred to areas which in reality were far away from their modern location. The difficulty of this series can be partially eased through a combined use of the Acta series, which includes the decisions taken by the congregation’s cardinals during their general meetings. The Acta are chronologically arranged and each decision taken by the congregation refers to a specific problem or request for which the original documents are in the Scritture riferite.35 The wealth of information provided by Propaganda is not equally balanced in this study. Indeed only a limited part of the congregation’s vast material related to Ireland provides relevant details on the two colleges’ activity and on their personnel for the years covered by this book. By contrast, in the case of the Irish missionary process in the West Indies, the

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information provided by the congregation, and in particular the relationes preserved in Scritture riferite, is of primary importance for it offsets the fact that the Irish missionaries did not write or publish any account of their missionary experience. A further way to counterbalance the lack of Irish missionary accounts is also to rely on the printed missionary accounts written by the Dominican Jean-Baptiste Du Tertre (1610–1687) and the Jesuit Pierre Pelleprat (1609–1667), two French missionaries active in the West Indies during the seventeenth century. Both works do offer relevant details on the missionary process in the West Indies, but, of the two, Pelleprat’s Relation is the most detailed source to evaluate the impact of the Irish missionary activity in that area. Indeed his Relation devotes an entire chapter to the activity of an Irish Jesuit priest, notably John Stritch (1616–1681), thus offering a precious case-study to examine the difficulties faced by the Irish missionaries operating within an extra-European base.36

Notes 1. Geoffrey Baron to Luke Wadding, 16 August 1643, Paris, in HMC, Franciscan, 243; on Luke Wadding see Franciscan Fathers, Dún Mhuire Killiney, eds., Father Luke Wadding Commemorative Volume (Dublin: Clonmore and Reynolds Ltd, 1957), 229; Ignatius Fennessy, OFM, “Wadding, Luke”, in Dictionary of National Biography (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2004), LVI: 643–649; for a recent assessment of Luke Wadding’s activities and roles see Matteo Binasco, ed., Luke Wadding, the Irish Franciscans, and Global Catholicism (New York: Routledge, 2020). 2. Micheál Ó Siochrú, Confederate Ireland 1642–1649: A Constitutional and Political Analysis (Dublin: Four Courts Press, 1999); on the Irish rebellion of 1641 see Michael Perceval-Maxwell, The Outbreak of the Irish Rebellion of 1641 (London-Montreal-Kingston: McGill-Queen’s University Press, 1994); Eamon Darcy, The Irish Rebellion of 1641 and the Wars of the Three Kingdoms (Woodbridge: The Boydell Press, 2013); for the discussion that took place over three centuries on the legacy of the 1641 rebellion see John Gibney, The Shadow of a Year: The 1641 Rebellion in Irish History and Memory (Madison: The University of Wisconsin Press, 2013); see also Jane H.  Ohlmeyer, ed., Ireland from Independence to Occupation, 1641–1660 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995). 3. The Sacred Congregation “de Propaganda Fide” was officially founded on 22 June 1622; however, the first general congregation was held on 6 January 1622. See APF, Acta, vol.3, fol.1, general congregation, 6 January

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1622, Rome; APF, Miscellanee diverse, vol.22, fols.1–4, Gregory XV, Inscrutabili divinae providentiae, 22 June, Rome; For a history of Propaganda see Joseph Metzler, OMI, ed., Sacrae Congregationis de Propaganda Fide memoria rerum: 350 anni a servizio delle missioni, 1622–1972 (Rom-Wien: Herder, 1971–1976), 5 vols.; for a recent analysis of Propaganda’s global role see Giovanni Pizzorusso, Governare le missioni, conoscere il mondo nel XVII secolo. La congregazione pontificia De Propaganda Fide (Viterbo: Edizioni Sette Città, 2018); see also Pizzorusso, “Agli antipodi di Babele: Propaganda Fide tra immagine cosmopolita e orizzonti romani (XVII-XIX secolo)”, in Storia d’Italia Einaudi. Annali 16: Roma la città del papa. Vita civile e religiosa dal Giubileo di Bonifacio VIII al Giubileo di Papa Wojtyla, ed. Luigi Fiorani and Adriano Prosperi (Torino: Einaudi, 2000), 479–518. 4. Matthew O’Hartegan, SJ, to Muzio Vitelleschi, Jesuits’general, 30 March 1643, Paris, document printed in Spic.Oss., I/1: 286; on the dispute over the missionary jurisdiction of St. Christopher see Chap. 5. 5. John Silke, “The Irish Abroad in the Age of the Counter-Reformation, 1534–1691”, in A New History of Ireland, III: Early Modern Ireland, 1534–1691, ed. T.W.  Moody, F.X.  Martin, and F.  J. Byrne (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1976), 587–633; John G.  Simms, “The Irish on the Continent, 1691–1800”, in A New History of Ireland, IV: Eighteenth Century Ireland, 1691–1800, ed. T.W. Moody, and W.E. Vaughan (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1986), 629–656; Louis M. Cullen, “The Irish Diaspora of the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries”, in Europeans on the Move. Studies on European Migration, 1500–1800, ed. Nicholas Canny (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1994), 113–149; O’Connor ed., The Irish in Europe, 1580–1815 (Dublin: Four Courts Press, 2001); O’Connor, and Mary Ann Lyons, eds., Irish Migrants in Europe after Kinsale, 1602–1820 (Dublin: Four Courts Press, 2003); O’Connor and Lyons, eds., Irish Communities in Early Modern Europe (Dublin: Four Courts Press, 2006); Patrick Fitzgerald, and Brian Lambkin, Migration in Irish History, 1607–2007 (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2008); David Worthington, ed., British and Irish Emigrants and Exiles in Europe, 1603–1688 (Leiden: Brill, 2010); Raymond Gillespie, and Ruairí Ó hUiginn, eds., Irish Europe, 1600–1650. Writing and Learning (Dublin: Four Courts Press, 2013); on the Irish in the Iberian Peninsula see Micheline Kerney Walsh, Spanish Knights of Irish Origins. Documents from Continental Archives (Dublin: Stationery Office, 1960–1978), 4 vols; Robert Stradling, The Spanish Monarchy and Irish Mercenaries. The Wild Geese in Spain (Dublin: Irish Academic Press, 1994); Declan M. Downey, and Julio Crespo MacLennan, eds., Spanish-Irish Relations through the Ages (Dublin: Four Courts Press, 2008); Igor Pérez Tostado, Irish Influence at the Court of Spain in the

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Seventeenth Century (Dublin: Four Courts Press, 2008); Enrique García Hernán, Ireland and Spain in the Reign of Philip II (Dublin: Four Courts Press, 2009); Óscar Recio Morales, Ireland and the Spanish Empire, 1600–1825 (Dublin: Four Courts Press, 2010); Eduardo de Mesa Gallego, The Irish in the Spanish Armies in the Seventeenth Century (Woodbridge: The Boydell Press, 2014); Ciaran O’Scea, Surving Kinsale. Irish Emigration and Identity-Formation in Early Modern Spain, 1601–40 (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2015); O’Connor, Irish Voices from the Spanish Inquisition. Migrants, Converts, and Brokers in Early Modern Iberia (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2016); on the Irish in France see Guy Rowlands, An Army in Exile: Louis XIV and the Irish Forces of James II in France, 1691–1698 (London: Royal Stuart Society, 2001); Lyons, Franco-­ Irish Relations, 1500–1610 (Woodbridge: The Boydell Press, 2003); E.  Maher, and G.  Neville, ed., France-Ireland: Anatomy of a Relationship (Frankfurt: Peter Lang, 2004); Nathalie Genet-Rouffiac, and D.  Murphy, ed., Franco-Irish Military Connections, 1590–1945 (Dublin: Four Courts Press, 2009); on the Irish in Spanish Flanders see Brendan Jennings, OFM, ed., Wild Geese in Spanish Flanders, 1582–1700. Documents relating chiefly to Irish Regiments from the Archives Générales du Royaume, Brussels and Other Sources (Dublin: Stationery Office for the Irish Manuscripts Commission, 1964); Jennings, and Cathaldus Giblin, OFM, ed., Louvain Papers, 1606–1827 (Dublin: Stationery Office, 1968); Henry Gráinne, The Irish Military Community in Spanish Flanders (Dublin: Irish Academic Press, 1992); on the Irish in the Italian Peninsula see Micheál Mac Craith “Early Modern Catholic Self-Fashioning: Tadgh Ó Cianáin, the Ulster Earls and Santa Francesca Romana (1608)”, in Ulster Earls and Baroque Europe: Refashioning Irish Identities, 1600–1800, ed. Thomas O’Connor and Mary Ann Lyons (Dublin: Four Courts Press, 2010), 242–261; Matteo Binasco, “Gli esuli irlandesi nella Roma del Seicento”, Bollettino della Società di Studi Valdesi 214 (Giugno 2014): 79–115; Brian Mac Cuarta, SJ, “Irish Soldiers in Loreto and Rome: A Pilgrimage, and an Employment Request c.1609”, British Catholic History 34, no.4 (2019): 587–598; on the Irish in Austria and in Central Europe see Helga Hammerstein, ed., Migrating Scholars: Lines of Contact between Ireland and Bohemia (Dublin: Navicula Publications, 1998); Downey, “Wild Geese and the Double Headed Eagle: Irish Integration in Austria, c.1630– c.1918”, in Austro-Irish Links Through the Centuries, ed. P.  Leifer, and E.  Sagarra (Wien: Diplomatic Academy of Wien, 2002), 41–57; Worthington, British and Irish Experiences and Impressions of Central Europe (Farnham: Ashgate, 2012). 6. The historiography on the Irish Colleges is extremely developed. See Patrick Boyle, The Irish College in Paris, 1578 to 1901 (London: Art &

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Book Co, 1901); Boyle, “The Irish College at Bordeaux, 1603–1794”, I.E.R. 22 (July–December 1907): 127–145; Boyle, “The Irish Seminary at Toulouse (1603?), (1659–1793)”, Arch. Hib. 1 (1912): 122–147; Denis J. O’Doherty, “Students of the Irish College, Salamanca (1595–1619)”, Arch. Hib. 2 (1913): 1–36; O’Doherty, “Students of the Irish College, Salamanca (1619–1700)”, Arch. Hib. 3 (1941): 87–112; Brendan Jennings, OFM, “Documents of the Irish Franciscan College at Prague. I.”, Arch. Hib. 9 (1942): 173–294; Jennings, “Documents of the Irish Colleges at Douai”, Arch. Hib. 10 (1943): 163–210; Jennings, “Reports on Irish Colleges in the Low Countries, 1649–1700”, Arch. Hib. 16 (1951): 1–39; Jennings, “Sint-­ Truiden: Irish Franciscan Documents”, Arch. Hib. 24 (1961): 148–198; 25 (1962): 1–74; 26 (1963): 1–39; John Brady, “The Irish Colleges at Douai and Antwerp”, Arch. Hib. 13 (1947): 45–68; Brady, “Father Christopher Cusack and the Irish College of Douai”, in Measgra Mhichíl Uí Chléirigh: Miscellany of Historical and Linguistic Studies in Honour of Brother Michael O Cleirigh, Chief of the Four Masters, 1643–1943, ed. Sylvester O’Brien (Dublin: Assisi Press, 1944), 98–107; Frederick. M.  Jones, “Documents concerning the Collegium Pastorale Hibernicum of Louvain, 1624”, Arch. Hib. 16 (1951): 4061; John J. Silke, “The Irish College, Seville”, Arch. Hib. 24 (1961): 103–147; Jennings and Cathaldus Giblin, eds., Louvain Papers, 1606–1827 (Dublin: Stationery Office for the Irish Manuscripts Commission, 1968); Helga Hammerstein, “Aspects of the Continental Education of Irish Students in the Reign of Elisabeth I”, Historical Studies III (1971): 137–153; Thomas J.  Walsh, The Irish Continental College Movement. The Colleges at Bordeaux, Toulouse, Lille (Dublin: Golden Eagle Books, 1973); Giblin, “The Irish Colleges on the Continent”, in The IrishFrench Connection, ed. Liam Swords (Paris: The Irish College in Paris, 1978), 9–20; Liam Swords, “History of the Irish College, Paris, 1578–1800”, Arch. Hib. 35 (1980): 3–246; Swords, Soldiers, Scholars, Priests. A Short History of the Irish College, Paris (Paris: Collège des Irlandais, 1985); for a recent assessment of the complex factors which brought to the establishment and development of this college’s network see Liam Chambers and Thomas O’Connor, eds., Forming Catholic Communities. Irish, Scots and English College Networks in Europe, 1568–1918 (Leiden: Brill, 2017); Liam Chambers and Thomas O’Connor, eds., College Communities Abroad. Education. Migration and Catholicism in Early Modern Europe (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2017). 7. Twenty-Third Session of the Council of Trent, “Decree on Reform”, chapter XVIII, 15 July 1563, in Decrees of the Ecumenical Councils, II: Trent to Vatican II, ed. Norman P.  Tanner (London: Sheed & Ward, 1990), 750–753; For detailed analyses on the first seminaries established

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after the closing of the Council of Trent see Thomas Deutscher, “Seminaries and the Education of Novarese Parish Priests, 1593–1627”, Journal of Ecclesiastical History 32, no.3 (July 1981): 304–305; Deutscher, “The Growth of the Secular Clergy and the Development of Educational Institutions in the Diocese of Novara (1563–1772)”, Journal of Ecclesiastical History 40, no.3 (July 1989): 381–398; Kathleen M. Comerford, Ordaining the Catholic Reformation: Priests and Seminary Pedagogy in Fiesole, 1575–1675 (Firenze: Leo S. Olschki Editore, 2001), 41–42; see also Comerford, Reforming Priests and Parishes. Tuscan Dioceses in the First Century of Seminary Education (Leiden-Boston: Brill, 2006); Domenique Julia, “La constitution du réseau des collèges en France du XVIe au XVIIIe siècle”, in Objet et méthodes de l’histoire de la culture, ed. Jacques Le Goff and Béla Köpeczi (Paris: Éditions du C.N.R.S., 1982), 73–94; Marc Venard, “Les séminaires en France avant Saint Vincent de Paul”, in Le Catholicisme à l’epreuve dans la France du XVIe siècle, ed. Olivier Christin and Alain Tallon (Paris: Éditions du Cerf, 2000), 117–134. 8. On the English colleges on the continent see William Croft, Historical Account of Lisbon College, with a Register (Barnet: St. Andrew’s Press, 1902); Michael Sharratt, ed., Lisbon College Register, 1628–1813 (London: Catholic Records Society, 1991); Simon Philip Johnson, The English College at Lisbon, I: From Reformation to Toleration (Downside Abbey: Downside Abbey Press, 2015); Thomas Francis Knox ed., The First and Second Diaries of the English College, Douay: And an Appendix of the Unpublished Documents, Edited by Fathers of the Congregation of the London Oratory (London: David Nutt, 1848); Francis Aidan Gasquet, A History of the Venerable English College, Rome: An Account of its Origins and Work from the Earliest Times to the Present Day (1920) (London: Longmans, Green and Co., 1920); Michael E. Williams, The Venerable English College Rome. A History, 1579–1979 (London: Associated Catholic Publications Ltd., 1979); Martin Murphy, St. Gregory’s College, Seville, 1592–1767 (London: Catholic Record Society, 1992); Edwin Henson ed., Registers of the English College at Valladolid, 1589–1862 (Leeds: Catholic Record Society, 1930); Jan Graffius, “ˈBullworks against the Furie of Heresieˈ: Identity, Education, and Mission in the English College of St. Omers”, in Forming Catholic Communities, 93–115; Frédéric Richard-Maupillier, “The English Benedectines in Eighteenth-Century Lorraine”, in Ibid., 116–142; James E. Kelly, ed., The English Convents in Exile, 1600–1800: Communities, Culture, and Identity (Aldershot: Ashgate, 2013); Kelly, “English Women Religious, the Exile Male Colleges and National Identities in Counter-Reformation Europe”, in College Communities Abroad, 198–220; Kelly, English Convents in Catholic Europe, c.1600–1800 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2020); for the broader context

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on the English Catholic scene during the early-modern period see John Bossy, The English Catholic Community, 1570–1850 (London: Darton, Longman & Todd, 1975); Michael Questier, Catholicism and Community in Early-Modern England. Politics, Aristocratic Patronage and Religion, c.1550–1640 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2006); Kelly, and Susan Royal, eds., Early Modern English Catholicism: Identity, Memory and Counter-Reformation, c.1570–1800 (Leiden: Brill, 2017); on the Scots college see Hubert Chadwick, “The Scots College, Douai, 1580–1613”, The English Historical Review 56, no. 224 (October 1941): 571–585; Thomas McInally, The Sixth Scottish University: The Scots Colleges Abroad (Leiden: Brill, 2012); Adam Marks, “The Scots Colleges and International Politics, 1600–1750”, in College Communities Abroad, 115–144. 9. On the Irish colleges in the Iberian Peninsula and in the Spanish Flanders see Downey, “Pietas Austriaca and ˈDispensers of Royal Authorityˈ: The Early Irish Colleges and Habsburg Cultural Strategies”, in Forming Catholic Communities, 62–92; Patricia O’Connell, The Irish College at Alcalá de Henares, 1649–1785 (Dublin: Four Courts Press, 1997); O’Connell, The Irish College at Lisbon, 1590–1834 (Dublin: Four Courts Press, 2001); O’Connell, The Irish College at Santiago de Compostela, 1605–1769 (Dublin: Four Courts Press, 2007); O’Connor, “Irish Migration to Spain and the Formation of an Irish College Network, 1589–1800”, in The Sea in European History, ed. Luc François, and Ann Katherine Isaacs (Pisa: Edizioni Plus, 2001), 109–123; O’Connor, “Irish Collegians in Spanish Service (1560–1803)”, in Forming Catholic Communities, 15–38; O’Scea, “The Spanish Court, Ecclesiastical Patronage, and the Irish College of Santiago de Compostela (1611–17)”, in Forming Catholic Communities, 143–168; see also Recio Morales, Irlanda en Alcalá. La comunidad irlandesa en la Universidad de Alcalá y su proyección europea, 1579–1785 (Alcalá de Henares: Fundación Colegio del Rey, 2004); García Hernán, “Irish Clerics in Madrid, 1598–1665”, in Irish Communities in Early-Modern Europe, 267–293; Cristina Bravo Lozano, Spain and the Irish Mission, 1609–1707 (New York: Routledge, 2019); on the Irish colleges in Spanish Flanders see Jeroen Nilis, “The Irish College in Antwerp”, Clogher Record 15, no.3 (1996): 1–86; Nilis, Irish Students at Leuven University, 1548–1797: A Prosopography (Leuven: Acco, 2010); Mary Ann Lyons, “The Role of St. Anthony’s College, Louvain in establishing the Irish Franciscan College Network, 1534–1607”, in The Irish Franciscans 1534–1990, ed. Edel Bhreathnach, Joseph MacMahon, and John McCafferty (Dublin: Four Courts Press, 2009), 27–44; on the Irish colleges in France see Chambers, “A Displaced Intelligentsia: Aspects of Irish Catholic Thought in Ancien Régime France”, in The Irish in Europe, 157–174; Chambers, “Rivalry and Reform

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in the Irish College, Paris, 1676–1775”, in Irish Communities, 103–129; Chambers, “Irish Catholics and Aristotelian Scholastic Philosophy in Early Modern France, c.1600–c.1750”, in The Irish Contribution to European Scholastic Thought, ed. James McEvoy and Michael Dunne (Dublin: Four Courts Press, 2009), 312–330; Chambers, Michael Moore, c.1639–1726: Provost of Trinity, Rector of Paris (Dublin: Four Courts Press, 2005); Priscilla O’Connor, “Irish Clerics and Jacobites in Early EighteenthCentury”, in The Irish in Europe, 175–190; Priscilla O’Connor, “Irish Clerics and French Politics of Grace: The Reception of Nicholas Madgett’s Doctoral Theses, 1732”, in Irish Migrants, 182–202; Laurence W. Brockliss and Patrick Ferté, “Prosopography of Irish Clerics in the Universities of Paris and Toulouse, 1573–1792”, Arch. Hib. 58 (2004): 7–166; Ferté, “Étudiants et professeurs irlandais dans le universités de Toulouse et de Cahors (XVIIe-­XVIIIe siècles): les limites de la mission irlandaise”, in Irish Communities, 69–84; Alison Forrestal, “Irish Entrants to the Congregation of the Mission, 1625–60: Prosopography and Sources”, Arch. Hib. 62 (2009): 37–79. 10. Benignus Millett, OFM, “Some Lists of Irish Franciscans in Prague, 1651–1791,” Coll. Hib. 36–37 (1994–95): 59–84; Millett, “Irishmen Ordained at Prague 1628–1700”, Coll. Hib. 39–40 (19971998): 23–31; Míchéal MacCraith and David Worthington, “Aspects of the Literary Activity of the Irish Franciscans in Prague, 1620–1786”, in Irish Migrants, 118–134; Jan Pařez, “The Irish Franciscans in Seventeenth and Eighteenth-­ Century Prague”, in Ibid., 104–117; Jan Pařez, and Hedvika Kucharová, The Irish Franciscans in Prague 1629–1786 (Charles University: Karolinum Press, 2015). 11. Gregory Cleary, OFM, Father Luke Wadding and St. Isidore’s College: Biographical and Historical Notes and Documents (Roma: Tipografia del Senato G. Bardi, 1925); Patrick Conlan, OFM, St. Isidore’s College, Rome (Rome: Tipografia S.G.S. , Roma 1982). 12. Paolo Broggio, “Un teologo irlandese nella Roma del Seicento: il francescano Luke Wadding”, Teologia e teologi nella Roma dei Papi (XVI-XVII secolo), ed. Paolo Broggio, and Francesca Cantù, Roma moderna e contemporanea XVIII, no. 1–2 (2010): 151–178; Binasco, “A Powerful ‘Hibernese’: Luke Wadding and his Diplomatic Role in SeventeenthCentury Rome”, Revue d’Histoire Ecclésiastique 112, no. 1–2 (2017): 169–184; Giovan Battista Fidanza, Luke Wadding’ Art. Irish Franciscan Patronage in Seventeenth-­ Century Rome (St. Bonaventure University: Franciscan Institute Publications, 2016); Suzanne Kubersky-Piredda, ed., Il Collegio di Sant’Isidoro. Laboratorio artistico e crocevia d’idee nella Roma del Seicento (Roma: Campisano, 2019); O’Connor, “Luke Wadding’s Networks at Home and Abroad”, in The Irish College, Rome, and its World,

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ed. Dáire Keogh, and Albert McDonnell (Dublin: Four Courts Press, 2008), 14–23; Benjamin Harzard, “Saint Isidore’s Franciscan College, Rome: From Centre of Influence to Site of Memory”, in Redes de Nación y espacios de poder: la comunidad irlandesa en España y la América española, 1600–1825, ed. Óscar Recio Morales (Valencia: Albatros Ediciones, 2012), 103–116; Hazard, “Luke Wadding and the Breviary of Urban VIII: A Study of the Book Trade between Rome, the Low Countries and the Spanish Empire”, Studia Hibernica 39 (2014): 87–101. 13. Patrick J.  Corish, “The Beginnings of the Irish College, Rome”, in The Irish College, Rome, and its World, ed. Dáire Keogh, and Albert McDonnell (Dublin: Four Courts Press, 2008), 1–13; see also O’Connor, “The Irish College, Rome, in the Age of Religious Renewal, 1625–1690”, in Collegium Hibernorum, 13–32; Carroll, ““The Spiritual Government of the Entire World”: A Memorial for the Irish College, Rome, January 1783”, in The Irish College, Rome, 64–82; Chris Korten, “The History of the Suppressed Irish College, Rome, Part 1: 1798–1808”, Arch. Hib. 67 (2014): 341–361; Korten, “Pietro Tamburini’s Jansenist Legacy at the Irish College in Rome and His Influence on the Irish Church”, The Catholic Historical Review 103, no. (April 2017): 271–296; Korten, HalfTruths: The Irish College, Rome and a Select History of the Catholic Church, 1772–1826 (Poznań: Faculty of History, AMU, 2018); for the history of the Irish College in the nineteenth and early twentieth century see the essays in The Irish College, Rome. 14. Corish, “Records in Archives outside Ireland”, in Records of the Irish Catholic Church, ed. Lyons (Dublin: Irish Academic Press, 2001), 10–17; see also Robert W. Dudley Edwards, and Mary O’Dowd, Sources for Early Modern Irish History, 1534–1641 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1985); for a complete list of all the calendars and inventories done in the Roman archives see the bibliography in my “The Irish Community in Rome, 1377–1870: A Historiographical Overview”, Arch. Hib. 71 (2018), 145–155. 15. Hugh Fenning’s research has also covered the years from 1698 to 1800: Fenning, “Irishmen Ordained at Rome, 1698–1759”, Arch. Hib. 50 (1996): 29–49; Fenning, “Irishmen Ordained at Rome, 1760–1800”, Arch. Hib. 51 (1997): 13–63; Fenning, “Irishmen Ordained at Rome, 1572–1697”, Arch. Hib. 59 (2005): 1–36; see also Fenning, “Irish Dominicans at Rome, 1570–1699”, Coll. Hib. 44/45 (2002–2003): 13–55. 16. Clare Lois Carroll, Exiles in a Global City. The Irish and Early Modern Rome, 1609–1783 (Leiden: Brill, 2017); for a more broader analysis of the concept of Irish Catholic identity from the early medieval period up until the early twentieth century see Oliver P.  Rafferty, SJ, Irish Catholic Identities (New York: Routledge, 2013).

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17. Richard S.  Dunn, Sugar and Slaves: The Rise of the Planter Class in the English West Indies, 1624–1713 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1972); Carl and Roberta Bridenbaugh, No Peace beyond the Line: The English in the Caribbean, 1624–1690 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1972); Kenneth R. Andrews, Canny, and Paul Edward Hedley Hair, eds., The Westward Enterprise: English Activities in Ireland, the Atlantic, and America, 1480–1650 (Liverpool: Liverpool University Press, 1978); Canny and Anthony Pagden, eds., Colonial Identity in the Atlantic World, 1500–1800 (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, c1987); Canny, Kingdom and Colony. Ireland in the Atlantic World, 1560–1800 (Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins University Press, 1988); see Joyce Lorimer, ed., English and Irish Settlement on the River Amazon, 1550–1646 (London: The Hakluyt Society, 1989); Hilary McD Beckles, “‘A Riotous and Unruly Lot’: Irish Indentured Servants and Freemen in the English West Indies, 1644–1713”, William and Mary Quarterly 47, no.4 (October 1990): 477–502; Donald Harman Akenson, If the Irish ran the World. Montserrat, 1630–1730 (Montréal, Kingston, McGill-Queen’s University Press, 1997); Carla Gardina Pestana, The English Atlantic in an Age of Revolution, 1640–1661 (Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard University Press, 2004); Pestana, Religion and the Making of the British Trans-Atlantic World (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2009); Pestana and Sharon V. Salinger, eds., The Early English Caribbean, 1570–1700, II: Fitting into the Empire (New York: Routledge, 2014); see also Pestana, The English Conquest of Jamaica. Oliver Cromwell’s Bid for Empire (Cambridge, Massachusetts: The Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 2017); Nini Rodgers, Ireland, Slavery and Anti-Slavery: 1612–1685 (Houndmills: Palgrave Macmillan, 2007); Natalie A. Zacek, Settler Society in the English Leeward Islands, 1660–1776 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2010); Kristen Block, Jenny Shaw, “Subjects without Empire: The Irish in the Early Modern Caribbean”, Past & Present 210, no. 1 (2011): 33–60; Block, Ordinary Lives in the Early Caribbean. Religion, Colonial Competition, and the Politics of Profit (Athens: University of Georgia Press, 2012); Shaw, Everyday Life in the Early English Caribbean: Irish, Africans, and the Construction of Difference (Athens: University of Georgia Press, 2013); William O’Reilly, “Ireland in the Atlantic World: Migration and Cultural Transfer”, in The Cambridge History of Ireland, ed. Jane H. Ohlmeyer (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2018), 385–408. 18. Aubrey Gwynn, SJ, “Early Irish Emigration to the West Indies”, Studies, An Irish Quarterly Review of Letters, Philosophy & Science XVIII (1929): 377–393, 648–663; Gwynn, “Documents relating to the Irish in the West Indies”, Analecta Hibernica 4 (1932): 139–286.

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19. Giovanni Pizzorusso, “Catholic Missions in the West Indian Colonies: John Grace, an Irish Missionary of Propaganda Fide, 1666–1668”, Storia Nordamericana 2 (1985): 74–93; Pizzorusso, Roma nei Caraibi. L’organizzazione delle missioni cattoliche nelle Antille e in Guyana (1635–1675) (Roma: École Française de Rome, 1995), 64–79. 20. Pérez Tostado, “The Irish in the Iberian Atlantic and Rome: Globalized Individuals and the Rise of Transatlantic Networks of Information”, in Rome and Irish Catholicism, 23–46. 21. Luca Codignola, The Coldest Harbour of the Land: Simon Stock and Lord Baltimore’s Colony in Newfoundland, 1621–1649 (Kingston, Montreal: McGill-Queen’s University Press, 1988); Codignola, “Pacifique de Provins and the Capuchin Network in Africa and America”, in Proceedings of the Fifteenth Meeting of the French Colonial Historical Society: Martinique and Guadeloupe, May 1989/Actes du Quinzième Colloque de la Société d’Histoire Coloniale Française: Martinique et Guadeloupe Mai 1989, ed. Patricia Galloway, and Philip P.  Boucher (Lanham: University Press of America, 1992), 46–60; Codignola, “The Holy See and the Conversion of the Indians in French and British North America, 1486–1760”, in America in European Consciousness, 1493–1750, ed. Karen Ordahl Kupperman (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1995), 195–242; Codignola, “Roman Catholic Ecclesiastics in English North America, 1610–58. A Comparative Assessment”, The Canadian Catholic Historical Association, Historical Studies 65 (1999): 107–124; Codignola, “Competing Networks: Roman Catholic Ecclesiastics in French North America, 1610–58”, The Canadian Historical Review 80, no. 4 (December 1999): 539–584; this concept of Atlantic network is further expanded in Codignola, Blurred Nationalities across the North Atlantic. Traders, Priests, and their Kin travelling between North America and the Italian Peninsula, 1763–1846 (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2019). 22. Ronnie Po-Chia Hsia, The World of Catholic Renewal, 1540–1770 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1998); Ditchfield, “Decentering the Catholic Reformation. Papacy and Peoples in the Early Modern World”, Archiv für Reformationsgeschichte 101 (Jarhgang 2010): 186–208. 23. Tadgh Ó Hannracháin, Catholic Europe, 1592–1648. Centre and Peripheries (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2015). 24. Peter Burke, “Rome as Center of Information and Communication for the Catholic World, 1550–1650”, in From Rome to Eternity: Catholicism and the Arts in Italy ca.1550–1650, ed. Pamela M. Jones and Thomas Worcester (Leiden: Brill, 2002), 252–270; Ditchfield, “Reading Rome as a Sacred Landscape, c.1586–1635”, in Sacred Space in Early Modern Europe, ed. Will Coster and Andrew Spicer (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2005), 167–192; Ditchfield, “Romanus and Catholicus: Counter-­

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Reformation Rome as Caput Mundi”, in A Companion to Early Modern Rome, 1492–1692, ed. Pamela M.  Jones, Barbara Wisch, and Simon Ditchfield (Leiden: Brill, 2019), 131–147; Luke Clossey, Salvation and Globalization in the Early Jesuit Missions (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2008); Giuseppe Marcocci and other, ed., Space and Conversion in Global Perspective (Leiden: Brill, 2014); Alison Forrestal, and Séan Alexander Smith, ed., The Frontiers of Mission: Perspectives on Early Modern Missionary Catholicism (Leiden: Brill, 2016); Ronnie Po-chia Hsia, ed., A Companion to Early Modern Catholic Global Missions (Leiden: Brill, 2018). 25. Hilary Carey, ed., Empires of Religion (London: Palgrave Macmillan, 2008); Colin Barr, “‘Imperium in Imperio’: Irish Episcopal Imperialism in the Nineteenth Century”, The English Historical Review 123 (2008): 611–650; Carey, God’s Empire. Religion and Colonialism in the British World, c. 1801–1908 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2011); Colin Barr, and Carey, ed., Religion and Greater Ireland. Christianity and Irish Global Networks (Kingston-Montreal: McGill-Queen’s University Press, 2015); Barr, Ireland’s Empire. The Roman Catholic Church in the English Speaking World, 1829–1914 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2019); Salvador Ryan ed., Treasures of Irish Christianity, III: To the Ends of the Earth (Dublin: Veritas Publications, 2015); see also Sheridan Gilley, “The Roman Catholic Church and the Nineteenth-Century Irish Diaspora”, Journal of Ecclesiastical History XXXV (1984): 188–207; Kevin Kenny, “Diaspora and Comparison: The Global Irish as a Case Study”, Journal of American History 90 (2003): 134–162; Barry Crosbie, Irish Imperial Networks: Migration, Social Communication and Exchange in Nineteenth-Century India (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2011); Ciarán O’Neill, Catholics of Consequence. Transnational Education, Social Mobility and the Irish Catholic Elite, 1850–1900 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2014); Niall Whelehan, ed. Transnational Perspectives on Modern Irish History (New York: Routledge, 2015). 26. For a complete prosopography of the students admitted to the Irish College from 1628 until its closure in 1798 see Binasco, and Vera Orschel, “Prosopography of Irish Students admitted to the Irish College, Rome, 1628–1798 [with Index]”, Arch. Hib. 66 (2013): 16–62. 27. Vera Orschel and John Hanly, “Calendar of 17th-and 18th-c. Documents at the Archives of the Irish College, Rome (with Index)”, Arch. Hib 63 (2010): 7–263; Orschel, “The Archives of the Pontifical Irish College, Rome: History and Holdings”, in The Irish College, Rome, and its World, 267–278. See also John J.  Hanly, “Sources for the History of the Irish College, Rome”, I.E.R 102 (1964): 28–34.

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28. Vera Moynes, ed., The Jesuit Irish Mission: A Calendar of Correspondence, 1566–1752 (Rome: Institutum Historicum Societatis Iesu, 2017); Moynes ed., Irish Jesuit Annual Letters (Dublin: Irish Manuscript Commission, 2019), 2 vols; for a broader analysis of the role played by the Jesuits in the context of the British Isles during the sixteenth century see Thomas M.  McCoog, SJ, The Society of Jesus in Ireland, Scotland, and England, 1589–1597. Building the Faith of Saint Peter upon the King of Spain’s Monarchy (Farnham, Rome: Ashgate-Institutum Historicum Societatis Iesu, 2012). 29. Until now the best guides are Millett, “The Archives of St. Isidore’s College, Rome”, Arch. Hib. 40 (1985): 1–13; Millett, “Guide to Material for a Biography of Father Luke Wadding”, in Luke Wadding, 242–243; Ignatius Fennessy, “Alphabetical Index for Some Manuscripts in St. Isidore’s College, Rome”, Coll. Hib. 43 (2001): 50–85. 30. Millett, “Copies of some Decisions from the Missing Discretorial Registers of St. Isidore’ College, Rome, 1652–1739”, Coll. Hib. 43 (2001): 86–104. 31. Jennings, “Miscellaneous Documents-II, 1625–1640”, Arch. Hib. 14 (1949): 1–12. 32. HMC Franciscan; Wadding Papers; Jennings, “Some Correspondence of Father Luke Wadding, OFM”, Coll. Hib. 2 (1959): 66–94. 33. LL. 34. See note no. 15. 35. Codignola, Guide to Documents relating to French and British North America in the Archives of the Sacred Congregation de Propaganda Fide in Rome, 1622–1799 (Ottawa: National Archives of Canada, 1991), 29–32; Corish, “Records in Archives outside of Ireland”, in Records of the Irish Catholic Church, ed. Lyons (Dublin: Irish Academic Press, 2001), 14–17. 36. Pierre Pelleprat, SJ, Relation des Missions Des PP. de la Compagnie de Iesvs Dans les Isles, & dans la terre ferme de l’Amerique Meridionale Divisée En Deux Parties (Paris: Sebastien Cramoisy, 1655), 36–46; Jean Baptiste DuTertre, OP, Histoire generale des Ant-Isles Habitees Par Les François Enrichie de Cartes & de Figures, III: Dans Lequel Il est Traité Du changement des Proprietaires des Ant-Isles. De l’Etablissement de la Compagnie Royale des Indes Occidentales: et de son Gouvernement jusqu’à la guerre entre la France & l’Angleterre (Paris: Jolly, 1667–1671), 300–301. The parts of the accounts which deal with the Irish missionary activity have been published in the collection of documents, edited by Gwynn, on the Irish migration to the Americas during the seventeenth century. See Gwynn, “Documents relating to the Irish in the West Indies.”

CHAPTER 2

Irish Clergy in Rome in the Early Seventeenth Century

2.1   The Rise and Spread of the Irish “Continental” Network The opening decade of the seventeenth century hosted momentous changes in Ireland with the culmination of the Nine Years’ War and the inauguration of the new Stuart regime in 1603. The most significant consequence was the completion of the Tudor conquest, and the extension of English law and administrative structures in the Gaelic lordships.1 This period was also characterized by the strong anti-Catholic policy that Sir Arthur Chichester (1563–1625), lord deputy of Ireland from 1605 until 1616, implemented in Ulster.2 In this context of war, strict anti-Catholic measures and plantation encouraged a significant number of Irish Catholics to emigrate to the Iberian Peninsula, and particularly to the Galicia region.3 This latter attracted Irish émigrés because of the long-established fishing and commercial relations which linked the ports of Waterford, Dublin, Limerick, and Galway with those of Bilbao and La Coruña. Emigration to this region was also favoured by financial support provided by the Spanish crown which, by the late 1590s, had already developed a system of patronage to integrate Irish soldiers, merchants, and students into Spanish society.4 As the more recent studies have remarked, Catholicism was one the main pillar on which the Irish-Spanish relations were established and nourished. The Spanish authorities proved particularly concerned with the training, in accord with Tridentine principles, of priests who would return © The Author(s) 2020 M. Binasco, Making, Breaking and Remaking the Irish Missionary Network, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-47372-3_2

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to operate as missionaries in Ireland.5 From the last decades of the sixteenth century onwards a series of dedicated structures for the Irish clergy were developed all over the Iberian Peninsula. The process began in 1590, when twenty Irishmen grouped in Lisbon under the protection of Garcia Melho Silvia, with the strong support of the Irish Jesuit John Howlin (1542–?) and his Portuguese confrère Pedro Fonseca. This paved the way for the foundation of the first Irish College there.6 Expansion soon followed with the establishment of the Irish Colleges at Salamanca and Valladolid, in 1592, Santiago de Compostela in 1605 and Seville, in 1612.7 This pattern of collegial establishment was repeated in the Spanish Flanders, where, between 1578 and 1616, four Irish colleges were founded at Douai, Antwerp, Lille, and Tournai.8 The development of the Irish Colleges also involved France, where four colleges were respectively established in Paris, Bordeaux, Lille, and Rouen in the years from 1578 to 1618.9 By and large, this network followed the path traced by the akin structures founded by the English and Scots Catholic exiles from the second half of the sixteenth century.10 Studies of individual Irish colleges have demonstrated that these structures recruited overwhelmingly from the provinces of Leinster and Munster.11 This was a cause of concern and discontent among some Irish Franciscans. To the eyes of Florence Conry (1561–1629), provincial of the Irish Franciscan order and archbishop of Tuam from 1609 to 1629,12 the impact of the returning Old-English priests within the Gaelic areas of Ireland would be negligible because they would not be able to speak the Irish language.13 To counteract this risk, he planned, from 1601, to establish a Franciscan college in Spanish Flanders, which would favour the entry of Gaelic students, from Ulster and Connaught.14 In 1606 the project began to take shape with the grant of 1000 crowns annually from Philip III (1578–1621), and in 1607 the college was officially founded.15 Like the other Irish colleges scattered on continental Europe, the aim of Saint Anthony’s college was to prepare missionaries to operate at home. However, the term missionaries had to be adapted to the unique context of Ireland, where the structure of the Catholic Church differed from that of the other confessional states ruled by Protestant monarchs.16 The particularity of the Irish context emerged during the first two decades of the seventeenth century as the diocesan episcopate was reconstructed. Between 1618 and 1630, nineteen episcopal nominations were made.17 The emerging network of the Irish colleges played a seminal role in the reconstruction of the Irish episcopal body. Almost all the nineteen bishops

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nominated between 1618 and 1630 attended the Irish colleges of Spanish Flanders, France, and the Iberian Peninsula.18 Thus, the Irish colleges steadily contributed to the reestablishment of hierarchical structures and discipline in Ireland. Yet the ministries of the priests assumed the tone of a mission, because the pre-existing parish system could be ignored, and they could be posted to places of most need.19 To determine how many students entered each college is difficult since comprehensive figures are rare and, most of the time, incomplete. Thomas O’Connor has suggested that, during the first two decades of the seventeenth century, at least thirty students graduated each year from all the Irish Colleges.20 One of the main difficulties faced by the students, upon completion of their studies, was the lack of viable financial means to support their journey back to Ireland. None of the Irish Colleges was in the conditions to provide a steady financial support to the returning students. This lack of resources was partly offset by the intervention of the Spanish monarchy which, began to support the Irish clerics resident in its territories in two ways: on one side it exerted a strong influence on the episcopal appointments on the Irish sees; on the other side, from the late 1610s, it decided to grant a viaticum—a sort of travelling allowance—to the Irish clerics residents in the Iberian Peninsula or the Spanish Flanders and who wished to return to the Irish mission.21 Thus, by the late 1610s, the Irish clergy could rely on a series of dedicated structures which, albeit in different ways, had developed a missionary network with Ireland. Yet Rome was still excluded from this network.

2.2   The Isolation of Rome from the Irish Missionary Network By the early 1620s the network of the Irish Colleges stretched from the Iberian Peninsula to the Spanish Flanders. However, by that time, there was no Irish College in Rome, the epicentre of early-modern Catholicism.22 The absence of a dedicated structure for the training of the Irish clergy in the heart of the Papal States might surprise, but in early 1600s the Papal Curia seemed to have much less concern for the welfare of the Irish Catholic exiles than the Spanish crown. One of the reasons for the scarce papal interest for supporting the Irish was imputable to the paucity of the Holy See’s financial resources.23 The situation was worsened by the cold

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relations that Paul V (1552–1621) had with Philip III during his pontificate.24 The above factors explain why, in papal circles, the authorities were not impressed by the developing structure of missionary formation that the Irish colleges afforded. The most eloquent demonstration was the lack of any reaction to the report that, in 1613, the papal nuncio in Spanish Flanders, Cardinal Guido Bentivoglio (1579–1644), sent to Paul V on the state of the Catholic religion in Ireland. According to his estimate, in Ireland there were 800 seculars, 130 Franciscans, twenty Jesuits plus a few Benedictines and Dominicans. The nuncio did not specify how many clerics had been educated abroad or at home but remarked that the better clerics were those educated in the colleges outside of Ireland, and specifically mentioned the Irish Colleges of Douai, Bordeaux, Lisbon, and Salamanca. He was however worried by the low educational standard of some of their graduates. Moreover, he drew attention to the fact that many Franciscan missionaries were educated in Ireland, and thus they lacked the requisite qualities for priestly ministry.25 Bentivoglio referred to four colleges amongst those which connected Ireland to the Iberian Peninsula, France and Spanish Flanders. His report seemed to emphasize the isolation of Rome from this missionary network. By and large, in the late 1610s the city was also far from the migratory routes of the Irish Catholic exiles who fled to continental Europe in search of religious toleration and better economic opportunities.26 One noteworthy factor which played against the arrival of the Irish in Rome was the lack of dedicated structures both for clerics and lay. This absence remarkably contrasted with the English and Scots, who, by that time, could count on their “national” colleges, respectively founded in 1579 and in 1600.27 Both these structures had been founded from the former hospices and national churches established by the English and Scots during the Middle Ages. In the case of the English they had begun to root in Rome since the eighth century with the foundation of the Schola Saxonum, but their presence consolidated in the late fourteenth century with the establishment of the St. Thomas and St. Edmund’s hospices.28 The Scots permanently rooted in Rome around 1450 when they established their hospice and church. Beyond these structures, both these communities could boast a certain number of ecclesiastics who were employed in the Papal Curia since the pontificate of Boniface VIII (1230–1303).29 Though there are mentions of pilgrims from Ireland who visited Rome since the ninth century, no dedicated structure like a hospice or a national

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church was founded for the Irish clerics who resided, for shorter or longer periods, in the city during the Middle Ages.30 The only exception was a mysterious structure, possibly founded in the early years of the fifteenth century, but there are sources to assess what happened to it.31 The presence of Irish lay people was even more limited. According to the records of the confraternity of Santo Spirito in Sassia, a charitable institution founded in 1204, only twenty Irish people enrolled there in the years between 1478 and 1500, a sharp contrast with the 81 Scots or even with the 269 English who entered during that period.32 The absence of dedicated structures continued to be a problem for the Irish who arrived and decided to remain in Rome during the sixteenth century. This harsh context left very few choices for the Irish who had but two options: to rely on colleges or churches which belonged to other nationes or to gather into informal groups. Two cases demonstrate this aspect: the first were the six Irish students hosted by the German College during the years 1562–157533; the second were the two, or possibly three Irish students, who stayed at Richard Creagh’s Roman residence, in which he resided from January 1563 until July of 1564, the year in which he was appointed archbishop of Armagh.34 In addition to these groups, other fourteen Irish clerics were recorded in the ordination registers of the Vicariate of Rome during the years from 1572 to 1599.35 Things did not improve even with the beginning—in 1572—of the pontificate of Gregory XIII (1502–1585) who demonstrated to be an eager promoter of the Tridentine program of reform of the Catholic clergy. Gregory XIII strongly backed a program to develop a series of proper structures for the training of priests who had to operate in Protestant and Orthodox areas. The outcomes of his program were tangible as he established the Greek College and the Maronite College— respectively founded in 1577 and 1584—and he was one of the key figures who backed the transformation of the English hospice into the English College.36 At first glance, Gregory XIII’s interventionist program in favour of these national colleges seemed that there might be room for the establishment of an Irish college in Rome, but the possible allocated sum was diverted to support the second Desmond Rebellion in Ireland.37 The persistent lack of a dedicated structure for the Irish was soon associated with the isolation of this community who had no political influence at the Papal Curia, and who thus remained an unknown natio amid the many foreign groups of Rome.38

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A further problem which heightened this isolation was that the Irish lacked an influential spokesman who could represent their needs and problems to the highest members of the Papal Curia. All these noxious elements brought a negative perception of the few Irish who resided in Rome. In this regard the statement of Cardinal Tolomeo Gallio (1527–1607), papal secretary, was emblematic. At mid-July 1583, he wrote to Filippo Sega (1537–1596), nuncio in Spain from 1577 to 1581, to lament of “these poor Irishmen, who linger here in Rome, they are so continuously pressing us, that they won’t let us live.”39 Gallio’s negative view of the Irish did not mean that it was shared by all the most prominent members of the Papal Curia. There is evidence that some of them sought to provide form of assistance to the Irish clerics who came to Rome. One of them was Cardinal Girolamo Mattei (1547–1603), protector of Ireland from 1594 to 1603, who, in the late 1590s, possibly left a house for the Irish clerics close to his personal residence and the church of Santa Lucia alle Botteghe Oscure.40 The only information on this structure are found in the description made by Henry Piers (1568–1623), a Catholic Anglo-Irish landowner, who resided in Rome in the years 1595–1597. According to his travel’s account, close to the church of Santa Lucia there was “a place of residence for the priestes and scollers wch com from Ireland where theie have hansom lodginges and other good commodities.”41 The triumphant atmosphere of Catholic Reform which pervaded Rome had little impact on the few Irish clerics who resided there. Indeed, only six Irish clerics—among whom two of the six Irish students enrolled in German College—would be active in Ireland as missionaries.42 This figure contrasted with the capacity of other “national” colleges which trained clerics for the areas exposed to the Protestant’s threat. In this sense the example of the English Colleges of Douai and Rome stressed how, by the late sixteenth century, these structures had successfully built a clerical network with the English mission with 136 priests who had been sent back home.43

2.3   A Persistent Harsh Context Between the end of the sixteenth century and the early years of the seventeenth century prominent political and religious Irish figures arrived in Rome. The first of these was Peter Lombard (1554–1625), who arrived in Rome in 1598 on business for the university of Louvain, where he had

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graduated in 1575. Lombard’s permanence in the city—which, in his original plan, would be temporary—proved a formidable platform for the Irishman’s career. Indeed, in 1601, he was named archbishop of Armagh, and, the following year, he was included as one of the chief theologians in the De Auxiliis divinae gratiae, the congregation on the Divine Grace established by Clement VIII (1536–1605).44 Lombard was also the first Irishman to play a diplomatic role at the Papal Curia, where he acted as Roman agent for Hugh O’Neill, the second earl of Tyrone (c.1550–1616), and Rory O’Donnell (1575–1608), first count of Tyrconnell. All these roles strengthened Lombard’s position, who, from 1606, was included in the entourage of the close collaborators of Paul V.45 At first glance, Lombard’s rise at the Papal Curia could contribute to change the view on the Irish in Rome. His exceptional career combined with the arrival of Ulster earls, and their entourage in Rome, where they were received by the Pope, the cardinals, and by Lombard himself at the end of April 1608. As rightly pointed out by Clare Carroll, the arrival of the earls and their pompous reception demonstrated two aspects: the acknowledgment of their allegiance to Roman Catholicism and the recognition of the Irish by the Papal authorities as a separate and distinct nation.46 Given Lombard’s influential position and the warm reception of the Ulster earls, there seemed to be all the possibilities to establish a proper structure for the training of the Irish clergy in Rome. Yet neither the prelate nor O’Neill made any efforts to fill one of the most noteworthy gaps in the map of the Irish continental colleges. In the case of the Ulster noble, he displayed no interest to establish a church or a college for his entourage and more broadly for the Irish community of Rome, thus being completely absorbed by his utopic desire to return to Ireland. A tangible demonstration of this disinterest was that the earl and most of his entourage were buried in the churches of St. Pietro in Montorio and St. Spirito in Sassia.47 Though Lombard in his De Regno Hiberniae sanctorum insula commentarius eulogized the Irish colleges of Salamanca, Lisbon and Douai, also the prelate did not feel the necessity to put forward a concrete strategy to equip the Irish clerics in Rome of a similar structure.48 The evidence indicates that Lombard limited to provide hospitality to some Irish clerics in his private house in Strada Gregoriana where he lived since 1612.49 Lombard’s form of support was symptomatic of the fact that during the early 1610s the Irish clerics continued to rely on provisional structures.

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The prelate’s hospitality was thus the only way of surviving in a context of slender resources and lack of papal support. In this regard the experience of Patrick Roche, a cleric from Kinsale ordained in 1615, is a significant example of the difficulties experienced by the Irish who wished to study in Rome.50 The letter that he penned to an anonymous “Monseigneur” at mid-May 1615 reveals a disappointing context that left little hope. Roche recounted his difficulty in getting into one of the colleges for the training of the clergy that existed in Rome. In order to obtain financial assistance, he had asked the support of his cousin—a certain Father Malcot—who would speak to an ambassador, whose identity remained secret, who was close to Cardinal Scipione Caffarelli (1576–1633). Roche stressed how difficult was to enter the German College, which was deemed the best seminary in Rome. By contrast the Scots College was in such poor conditions that there were few resources available for the students. As a temporary solution, Roche would have stayed in Lombard’s house at the prelate’s expense. In the final part of the letter, Roche concluded that he did not know what to expect because “the words of those who become Romanized do not always carry much weight; they pretend and promise much but do little.”51 Roche’s following experience in Rome proves that even the help provided by the highest authorities was not necessarily enough to guarantee security. A letter that John White, a student of the Irish College of Douai, addressed to Roche at mid-May 1615 confirms this aspect. White congratulated him for managing to obtain a contribution to his livelihood from the Pope, and thus hoped that this would maintain his friend until he could gain, through the intercession of a patron, more financial assistance from cardinals.52 It is likely that Roche failed to obtain any form of support as in 1623 he addressed to Gregory XV (1554–1623) to request some financial help because he was “in great need” and had “nothing to live on.”53 Possibly the Irishman managed to obtain some assistance for, in 1624, he was reported to be back in Kinsale.54 Roche’s correspondence highlighted the key problems faced by the Irish clerics in Rome during the early 1600s. The need to find some form of suitable accommodation was obviously one of these thorny problems which forced the Irish to elaborate strategies for surviving. The gathering of Irish students who stayed at Lombard’s house might have brought to the development of an informally organised college, which was named “Saint Patrick’s College”, and of which Roche was a member.55

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Another problem which beset the permanence of the Irish in Rome was the search of powerful patrons who might offer a financial aid. Roche’s frustrating experience contrasts with that of Thomas Rothe, the nephew of bishop Rothe, who was the last Irish student to be admitted to the German College in late July 1607.56 His admission here was ensured through the assistance of his uncle, but especially of Albert VII, archduke of Austria (1559–1621), who, in May of that year, contacted Cardinal Scipione Borghese (1577–1633), protector of Germany from 1611 to 1633.57 The patronage behind Rothe favoured not only his entry to the German College, but also his subsequent career. This is demonstrated by the fact that, once completed his studies, Rothe became a tutor to the son of a German prince, before returning to Ireland, where, in 1621 he was appointed vicar general of Ossory.58 Though completely different, the experiences of Roche and Rothe had as common fil-rouge the persistent lack of a planned support from the Papal Curia, which continued to display little interest to help the Irish clerics in Rome, thus precluding any opportunity to build and develop a missionary link with Ireland. The scant attention of the Roman authorities combined with the fact that in the early 1600s Rome had a poor educational offer, with only one university—La Sapienza—founded in 1303.59 This appeared insufficient if it was compared with the academic infrastructure of the Iberian Peninsula which, by that time, had thirty-three universities. Moreover, teaching at La Sapienza may have not been of a high standard. Although made a generation later, a hint of this is provided by the comment of the Spanish Jesuit Juan de Polanco (1517?–1576), the personal secretary of Ignatius de Loyola (1491–1556), who remarked that teaching at La Sapienza was of poor quality.60 Given the above financial and logistical problems, most of the Irish clerics who fled from Ireland instinctively preferred locations—such the Iberian Peninsula or the Spanish Flanders—where there were already communities of their fellow countrymen with strong connections with Ireland.61 Another factor to consider is that Rome had likely less symbolic attraction for the Irish compared to other foreign communities like, for the example, the Spanish who, by the early 1600s, could count on a well-­ developed network of churches and structures through which they exerted a remarkable cultural and political influence over the Papal Curia, and more broadly on the city.62 Though these persistent problems, in the early two decades the number of the Irish clerics who settled in Rome increased. The registers of the

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Vicariate indicate that from 1600 until 1625, twenty-nine Irish clerics— including Roche and Rothe—were recorded to be ordained at Rome, fifteen more compared to the last three decades of the sixteenth century. The secular clergy with twenty-one clerics represented the majority of this cohort, followed by five Jesuits, and three Franciscans.63 Possibly the three Franciscans stayed at the convent of St. Pietro in Montorio—the epicentre of the Spanish influence in Rome—where Conry resided in 1609 at the time of his consecration as bishop.64 The rest of the other Irish clerics resided in different structures, but the lack of evidence impedes to identify the exact locations. The improved number of Irish clerics who were ordained brought no substantial improvements to the missionary network between Rome and Ireland. As in the late decades of the sixteenth century, there continued to be a low number of clerics who, after the ordination, decided to return Ireland. Surprisingly this scarce missionary motivation was evident amid the Irish Jesuits who belonged to an order that, in the early seventeenth century, had the lion’s share in the global process of the Catholic missionary expansionism.65 This is evinced from a catalogue of Irishmen enrolled in the Society which stated that, in 1609, there were twelve Irish Jesuits in Rome, eighteen in Ireland, thirty in the Iberian Peninsula, six in Spanish Flanders, two in Germany, two in France, and one each in Austria and Paraguay.66 The document stressed how this group of Jesuits was dominated by recruits from Leinster and Munster provinces. Yet only three of those mentioned in the 1609 catalogue were recorded in the ordination register, with two who were promoted to minor orders, and one to the deaconate.67 In addition to them, there were two other Jesuits who were not included in the catalogue of 1609. One was promoted to sub diaconate in 1600, while the other was admitted to minor orders in 1607.68 This suggests that the majority of the Irish Jesuits in Rome, despite joining the order, were not anxious to be ordained and to return to Ireland, a trend that would continue in the following decades.69 The reluctance of the Irish Jesuits in Rome to return home sharply contrast with the figures of English mission, which would count 121 Jesuits at home in 1621.70 Compared to the Jesuits, the provenance of the twenty-two secular candidates revealed a more heterogeneous composition with a slight preponderance of clerics from Ulster—nine—followed by Leinster and Munster provinces which had six representatives each, with one cleric of unknown origin.71 It remains difficult to assess the reason for this majority of Ulster candidates but it was likely due more to the development of

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events unfavourable to Catholics in that province than to the presence of Hugh O’ Neill in Rome from 1608.72 Indeed the fears about the arrival of the Protestant English and Scottish settlers in Ulster influenced the ordination policy that the Holy See adopted towards the Ulster candidates, with seven of them who were ordained ad titulum missionis in Ibernia— that is with the faculty to operate as missionaries in Ireland.73 By granting this faculty the Holy See recognized the difficulty to operate in an area where Catholicism had largely remained unaffected by the Tridentine reforms.74 Moreover, the Roman officials sought to provide some form of financial to the Ulster clerics who were ordained in Rome. Two of them were granted—in 1616 and 1623 respectively—the benefit of the per obitum by which the papacy filled a benefice in an Irish diocese where the incumbent died.75 For a cleric studying abroad, this benefice was a valuable means to claim some form of sustenance, and became customary in Spanish Flanders. However, in the following decades, few other Ulstermen would again obtain it in Rome.76 Once again the level support provided by the Papal authorities continued to be inconsistent and markedly below the system of viatica developed by the Spanish monarchy, and to which ninety-seven Irish regulars and seculars were recorded to have applied during the years 1611–1625.77 The considerable increase of petitioners for a viaticum signalled that the number of Irish clerics in the Habsburg territories was steadily growing. Inevitably the number of the existing colleges was insufficient to cater for the needs of this expanding clerical population, who began to look for other destinations. This meant that the time was ripe for expanding the network of the Irish colleges through the establishment of a proper structure in Rome. Yet the first call to establish a college for such individuals in Rome was not made by an Irish individual in the city or by a member of the Papal Curia, as might be expected. Instead it was queen Margaret of Austria (1584–1611), wife of Philip III, who strongly encouraged the foundation of an Irish college in Rome. In 1611 she pleaded with Paul V that more colleges should be provided for the education of Irishmen for the priesthood justifying her request by explaining that the number of Irish students in the Iberian Peninsula was increasing but that the existing seminaries could only admit a limited number of them. Consequently, some Irish students were considering travelling to Rome, necessitating in her opinion, the foundation of an Irish college there to house and train them.78 The queen’s appeal felt on deaf ears in Rome as none of the highest authorities replied to her, thus displaying the disinterest of the Holy

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See to establish a structure which would have contributed to lay a platform for building steady missionary links between the city and Ireland, and, at the same time, to boost Irish representation at the Papal Curia. The period from the late sixteenth century to the early decades of the seventeenth century thus brought no crucial improvements for the Irish clerics who came to Rome. The continuous absence of a dedicated structure and the lack of patrons or spokesmen barred any chances to establish a missionary network through which it would be possible to deploy missionaries to Ireland. The contemporaneous presence of Lombard and O’Neill did not contribute to alter the status quo of a community who was relegated to a marginal position with no capacity to exert any concrete influence on the members of the Papal Curia who, for their part, provided no significant support to the Hiberni in Rome. Roche’s unfortunate residence demonstrates the disadvantages of staying in Rome for Irish students in the first two decades of the seventeenth century, during which the settlement in the city was problematic and without any planned papal intervention. In consequence of these negative factors the Irish clergy based in Rome was unable to contribute to the defence of Catholicism in Ireland. By the time that Lombard died in 1625, Rome remained distinct from places such as Salamanca and Douai, which were already prominently positioned in the landscape of the Irish mission, through their ability to attract significant numbers of Irish ecclesiastics, and to host institutions that specialised in producing clergy to serve in Ireland. It is to the efforts to emulate their progress in Rome that the next chapter turns.

Notes 1. Steven G.  Ellis, Ireland in the Age of the Tudors, 1447–1603. English Expansion and the End of the Gaelic Rule (London: Longman, 1998), 352–358; Hiram Morgan, Tyrone’s Rebellion. The Outbreak of the Nine Years War in Tudor Ireland (Woodbridge: Boydell Press, 1993); John McCavitt, Sir Arthur Chichester, Lord Deputy of Ireland, 1605–1616 (Belfast: Institute of Irish Studies, 1998), 226. 2. John McCavitt, “The Political Background to the Ulster Plantation, 1607–1620”, in Ulster 1641. Aspects of the Rising, ed. Brian Mac Cuarta, SJ (Belfast: Institute of Irish Studies, 1993), 7–23. 3. Karin Schüller, Die beziehungen zwischen Spanien und Irland im 16. und 17 jahrhundert: diplomatie, handel und die soziale integration katholoscher exulanten (Münster: Aschendorff, c1999), 200.

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4. Ciaran O’Scea, Surviving Kinsale. Irish Emigration and Identity Formation in Early Modern Spain, 1601–40 (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2015); Thomas O’Connor, “Irish Migration to Spain and the Formation of an Irish College Network, 1589–1800”, in The Sea in European History, ed. Luc François and Ann Katherine Isaacs (Pisa: Edizioni Plus, 2001), 110. 5. Javier Burrieza Sánchez, “Escuelas de sacerdotes y mártires: los colegios del exilio católico”, in Irlanda y la monarquía hispánica: Kinsale, 1601–2001. Guerra, politíca, exilio y religion, ed. Enrique García Hernán et  al. (Madrid: Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Científicas, 2002), 39–74. 6. Patricia O’Connell, The Irish College at Lisbon (Dublin: Four Courts Press, 2001), 22–25. 7. Sánchez, “Escuelas de sacerdotes y mártires”, 39–74; Timothy. J. Walsh, The Irish Continental College Movement. The Colleges at Bordeaux, Toulouse, Lille (Dublin: Golden Eagle Books, 1973), 52–53. 8. Ibid., 63–64. 9. Patrick Boyle, The Irish College in Paris from 1578 to 1901, with a Brief Account of the Other Irish Colleges in France: viz., Bordeaux, Toulouse, Nantes, Poitiers, Douai, and Lille; and a Short Notice of the Scotch and English Colleges in Paris (London: Art & Book Co, 1901), 9–10; Walsh, “Some Records of the Irish College at Bordeaux”, Arch. Hib. 15 (1950): 134–135, footnote no.4; Walsh, The Irish Continental College Movement, 71–72. 10. Tom McInally, The Sixth Scottish University: The Scots College Abroad: 1575 to 1799 (Leiden: Brill, 2012); Adam Marks, “The Scots College and International Politics, 1600–1750”, in College Communities Abroad: Education, Migration and Catholicism in Early Modern Europe, ed. Liam Chambers and Thomas O’Connor (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2017), 115–141; Michael Questier, “Seminary College, Converts and Religious Change in Post-Reformation England, 1568–1688”, in ibid., 142–171; James E. Kelly, “English Women Religious, the Exile Male Colleges and National Identities in Counter-Reformation Europe”, in ibid., 198–220; see also Caroline Bowden and James E.  Kelly, eds., The English Convents in Exile, 1600–1800: Communities, Culture, and Identity (Burlington, Vermont: Ashgate, 2013); James E. Kelly and Susan Royal, eds., Early Modern English Catholicism: Identity, Memory, and Counter-­ Reformation (Leiden: Brill, 2017). 11. O’Connor, Irish Jansenists, 1600–70. Religion and Politics in Flanders, France, Ireland and Rome (Dublin: Four Courts Press, 2008), 99. 12. O’Connor, “Hugh O’ Neill: Free Spirit, Religious Chameleon or Ardent Catholic?”, in The Battle of Kinsale, ed. Hiram Morgan (Bray: Wordwell,

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2004), 69; On the life and career of Conry see Benjamin Hazard, Faith and Patronage. The Political Career of Flaithrí Ó Maolchonaire, c.1560–1629 (Dublin: Irish Academic Press, 2009). 13. Óscar Recio Morales, “Irish Emigrè Group Strategies of Survival, Adaptation and Integration in Seventeenth and Eighteenth-Century Spain”, in Irish Communities in Early-Modern Europe, ed. O’Connor and Lyons (Dublin: Four Courts Press, 2006), 254–255. 14. Philip III to Archduke Albert, 21 September 1606, in Louvain Papers, 1606–1827, ed. Brendan Jennings, OFM, and Cathaldus Giblin, OFM (Dublin: Stationery Office, 1968), 1; Schüller, “Irish Migrant Networks and Rivalries in Spain”, 97. 15. Philip III to Archduke Albert, 21 September 1606, in Louvain Papers, 1–2. 16. Patrick J. Corish, The Catholic Community in the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries (Dublin: Helicon 1981), 17. 17. Donald A. Cregan, “The Social and Cultural Background of a Counter-­ Reformation Episcopate, 1618–1660”, in Studies in Irish History presented to R.  Dudley Edwards, ed. A.  Cosgrove and D.  MacCarteny (Dublin: Leinster Reader, 1979), 108–109, 112–113. 18. The only exceptions were bishops Hugh O’Reilly and John O’Molony. O’Reilly did his philosophy and theology studies between Ireland and the universities of Rouen and Paris. John O’Molony completed his philosophy studies in Galway under the supervision of Alexander Lynch. Afterwards he pursued his theology degree at Paris and Orléans. See Cregan, “The Social and Cultural Background”, 112–113. 19. Alison Forrestal, Catholic Synods in Ireland, 1600–1690 (Dublin: Four Courts Press, 1998), 31–34. 20. O’Connor, “The Domestic and International Role of Irish Overseas Colleges, 1590–1800,” in College Communities Abroad, 92. 21. Cristina Bravo Lozano, “The Other Irish Mission: Spanish Patronage and Catholic Hierarchy in the Seventeenth Century”, in Rome and Irish Catholicism in the Atlantic World, 1622–1908, ed. Matteo Binasco (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2018), 215–217; Cristina Bravo Lozano, Spain and the Irish Mission, 1609–1707 (New York: Routledge, 2019). I thank Dr Cristina Bravo Lozano for sharing the results of her research with me. 22. On the rise of Rome as the epicentre of global Catholicism see Gérard Labrot, Roma “caput mundi”. L’immagine barocca della città santa (Napoli: Electa, 1997); Simon Ditchfield, “Reading Rome as a Sacred Landscape, c.1586–1635”, in Sacred Space in Early Modern Europe, ed. Will Coster and Andrew Spicer (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2005), 167–192; Ditchfield, “Decentering the Catholic Reformation.

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Papacy and Peoples in the Early Modern World”, Archiv für Reformationsgeschichte 101 (Jarhgang 2010): 186–208. 23. Wolfang Reinhard, “Finanza pontificia e Stato della Chiesa nel XVI e XVII secolo”, in Finanze e ragion di stato in Italia e in Germania nella prima età moderna, ed. Aldo de Maddalena et  al. (Bologna: Il Mulino, 1984), 353–387; see also Massimo Carlo Giannini, L’oro e la tiara. La costruzione dello spazio fiscale italiano della Santa Sede (1560–1620) (Bologna: Il Mulino, 2003). 24. Silvano Giordano, ed., Le istruzioni generali di Paolo V ai diplomatici pontifici (Tübingen: Max Niemeyer, 2003). 25. AAV, Fondo Borghese, Serie I, vols.269–272, fols.89v–92r, Guido Bentivoglio to Pope Paul V, 6 April 1613. 26. For an overview of Irish emigration to continental Europe during the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries see David Worthington, ed., British and Irish Emigrants and Exiles in Europe, 1603–1688 (Leiden: Brill, 2010). 27. Archivio di Stato di Roma, Camerale III, Organi e uffici preunitari, Istituzioni di beneficenza ed istruzione 1552–1896—collegi, busta 2046, fols. 1rv–2rv; Mark Dilworth, “Beginnings, 1600–1707”, in The Scots College, Rome, 1600–2000, ed. R.  McCluskey (Edinburgh: John Donald 2000), 19–20. 28. Nicholas Howe, “Rome: Capital of Anglo-Saxon England”, Journal of Medieval and Early Modern Studies 34/1 (2004):147–172; Margaret Harvey, The English in Rome, 1362–1420. Portrait of an Expatriate Community (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999); Camillo Fanucci, Trattato di tvtte l’opere pie dell’alma citta di Roma (Roma: Per Lepido Facij & Sebastiano Paolini, 1601), 90–92; AAV, Archivio della Valle-­Del Bufalo, Busta 99, fascicolo 13, pp.77–78. Daniel McRoberts, “The Scottish National Churches in Rome. I-The Medieval Church and Hospice of Sant’Andrea delle Fratte”, Innes Review 1/2 (1950): 112–116. 29. Marco Venditelli, “In Partibus Angliae”. Cittadini romani alla corte inglese nel Duecento: la vicenda di Pietro Saraceno (Roma: Viella, 2001); Thèrese Boesplug, La Curie au temps de Boniface VIII. Étude prosopographique (Roma: Istituto Storico del Medioevo, 2005); between 1466 and 1555 twelve Scots acted as procurators at the tribunal of the Sacra Rota. See AAV, Sacra Romana Rota, Manualia Actorum, vol.1, fol.98; vol.3, fol. 51; vol.4, fols.55, 105, 243v; vol.11, fol. 44; vol. 28, fol. 433v; vol. 37, fol. 217; vol. 43, fols. 63, 110; vol. 263, fol. 324v. 30. In the eleventh century a small community of Gaelic monks resided in a monastery called Santa Trinitas Scotorum, which by the thirteenth century was no longer existing. See BAV, Vaticani Latini, vol. 378, fol. 72v (1–2); Aubrey Gwynn, “The Twelfth Century Reform”, in A History of Irish Catholicism, ed. Patrick J.  Corish (Dublin: Gill, 1968), II: 8s; Marie

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Therese Flanagan, The Transformation of the Irish Church in the Twelfth Century (Woodbridge: Boydell Press, 2010). 31. Katherine Walsh, “The Roman Career of John Swayne, Archbishop of Armagh, 1418–1439: Plans for an Irish Hospice in Rome”, Seanchas Ard Mhacha. Journal of the Armagh Diocesan Historical Society 11, no. 1 (1983–1984):1–21; Fearghus Ó Fearghail, “Irish Links with Santa Maria dell’Anima in Rome”, Seanchas Ard Mhacha. Journal of the Armagh Diocesan Historical Society 22, no. 2 (2009): 25–50. 32. Pietro Egidi, “Liber fraternitatis S. Spiritus et S. Mariae in Saxia de Urbe: cod. Lancisiano, n. 328”, in Necrologi e libri affini della provincia romana, ed. Pietro Egidi (Roma: Istituto Storico del Medioevo, 1914), II: 107–446; Piero De Angelis, L’Ospedale apostolico di Santo Spirito in Saxia nella mente e nel cuore dei papi (Roma: Tipografia Editrice Italia, 1956). 33. Alphons Bellesheim, Geschichte der katholischen kirche in Irland von der einführung des christenthums bis auf die gegenwart (Mains: Franz Kirchheim, 1890–1891), II: 714–715; Archivio storico Collegio Germanico-Ungarico, [hereafter in ASCGU], Liber iuramentorum 1584–1627, Fondo Historica, “Nomina alumnorum Collegii Germanici et Hungarici”, no.42. 34. Calendar of the State Papers relating to Ireland, of the Reigns of Henry VIII, Edward VI, Mary, and Elizabeth, 1509–1573, preserved in the State Paper Department or Her Majesty’s Public Record Office, ed. Hans Claude Hamilton, (London: Longmans, Green, Reader, & Dyer, 1860), doc. no 60, 255, Colm Lennon, An Irish Prisoner of Conscience of the Tudor Era. Archbishop Richard Creagh of Armagh, 1523–1586 (Dublin: Four Courts Press, 2000), 50–53. 35. One of the six Irish students enrolled in the German College obtained the tonsure in 1575. See Fenning, “Irishmen Ordained at Rome, 1572–1697”, Arch. Hib. 59 (2005): 7–8. 36. Paolo Broggio, “L’Urbs e il mondo. Note sulla presenza degli stranieri nel Collegio Romano e sugli orizzonti geografici della ‘formazione romana’”, Rivista di Storia della Chiesa in Italia 1 (2002): 82s. 37. John Silke, “The Irish Abroad, 1534–1691, in the Age of the Counter-­ Reformation”, in A New History of Ireland, III: Early Modern Ireland, 1534–1691, ed. F.  J. Byrne, F.  X. Martin, and T.  W. Moody (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1976), 618. 38. The bibliography on the foreign communities in Rome in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries is extremely developed. For an overview see Anna Esposito, Un’altra Roma. Minoranze nazionali e comunità ebraiche tra Medioevo e Rinascimento (Roma: Il Calamo, 1995); Irene Fosi, “‘Roma patria comune’. Foreigners in Rome in the Early Modern Period”, in Art and Identity in Early Modern Rome, ed. Jill Burke and Michael Bury

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(London: Ashgate, 2008), 27–43; Fosi, Convertire lo straniero. Forestieri e Inquisizione a Roma in età moderna (Roma: Viella, 2011); Alexander Koller, and Suzanne Kubersky-Piredda, eds., Identità e rappresentazione. Le chiese nazionali a Roma, 1450–1650 (Roma: Campisano, 2016); Antal Molnár, Giovanni Pizzorusso, and Matteo Sanfilippo, eds., Chiese e nationes a Roma: dalla Scandinavia ai Balcani (Roma: Viella, 2017); Sara Cabibbo, and Alessandro Serra, eds. Venire a Roma. Restare a Roma. Forestieri e stranieri fra Quattrocento e Settecento (Roma: Roma TrEPress, 2017). 39. AAV, Segreteria di Stato, Spagna, vol.30, fol.341, Cardinal Tolomeo Gallio to Filippo Sega, former nuncio in Spain, 18 July 1583 (“questi poveri Hiberni, che si trattengono qui in Roma, ci sono così di continuo ai fianchi, che non ci lasciano vivere”). 40. On the cardinal protectors see Josef Wodka, Zur Geschichte der nationalen Protektorate der Kardinale an der romischen Kurie (Rom: Osterreichischen Historischen Instituts in Rom, 1937), 121; Massimo Carlo Giannini, “Politica curiale e mondo dei regolari: per una storia dei cardinali protettori nel Seicento”, Cheiron 43–44 (2005): 241–302; William E.  Wilkie, The Cardinal Protectors of England. Rome and the Tudors before the Reformation (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1974); Katherine Walsh, “The Beginnings of a National Protectorate: Curial Cardinals and the Irish Church in the Fifteenth Century”, Arch. Hib. 32 (1974): 72–80; Matteo Binasco, “L’Irlanda e i suoi cardinali protettori nel Seicento”, in Gli “Angeli Custodi” delle monarchie: I cardinali protettori delle nazioni, ed. Matteo Sanfilippo and Péter Tusor (Viterbo: Edizioni Sette Città, 2018), 153–176. 41. Brian Mac Cuarta, ed., Henry Piers’s Continental Travels, 1595–1598 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2018), 109. 42. Edmund Hogan, Ibernia Ignatiana seu Ibernorum Societatis Iesu Patrum Monumenta (Dublin: Excudebat Societas Typographica Dubliniensis 1880), I: 52; Michael Curran, “Our Predecessors. 1. Irishmen in the Germanicum”, Manuscript Journal of Irish College I, no.3 (1928): 29–33; Fenning, “Irishmen Ordained at Rome”, 7–8. 43. Michael A. Mullet, The Catholic Reformation (London: Routledge, 1999), 124; on the first phase of the English Jesuit mission see Thomas M.  McCoog, SJ, The Society of Jesus in Ireland, Scotland, and England, 1589–1597: Building the Faith of Saint Peter upon the King of Spain’s Monarchy (Farnham: Ashgate, 2012). 44. On Lombard’s role in Rome see Bruno Boute, “Our Man in Rome: Peter Lombard, Agent of the University of Louvain, at the Grand Theatre of European Politics, 1598–1612”, in The Ulster Earls and Baroque Europe: Refashioning Irish Identities, 1600–1800, ed. Thomas O’Connor and Mary

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Ann Lyons (Dublin: Four Courts Press, 2010), 110–141; Boute, Academic Interests and Catholic Confessionalisation: The Louvain Privileges of Nomination to Ecclesiastical Benefices (Leiden: Brill, 2010), 313–422; on the thorny debate of the Divine Grace see Paolo Broggio, La teologia e la ­politica. Controversie dottrinali, Curia romana e Monarchia spagnola tra Cinque e Seicento (Firenze: Leo S. Olschki Editore, 2009). 45. AAV, Fondo Borghese, Serie IV, vol. 56, fol. 43. 46. Clare Lois Carroll, Exiles in a Global City. The Irish and Early-Modern Rome, 1609–1783 (Leiden: Brill, 2017), 25–26; Turas na dTaoiseach nUltach as Éirinn from Ráth Maoláin to Rome, ed. N. Ó Muraíle (Rome: Pontifical Irish College, 2007), 342–343; Mícheál Mac Craith, “Early Modern Catholic Self-Fashioning: Tadgh Ó Cianáin, the Ulster Earls and Santa Francesca Romana (1608)”, in The Ulster Earls and Baroque Europe, 242–261. 47. O’Neill, with Rory O’Donnell, were buried in the church of St. Pietro in Montorio. The rest of the earls’ entourage was buried in the church of St. Spirito in Sassia. See ASVR, Santo Spirito in Sassia, Liber Mortuorum, vol. I, 1591–1621, fols. 59v, 60r, 65v, 72r, 77v, 92r, 96v, 110r, 112v; ASVR, Santo Spirito in Sassia, Liber Mortuorum, vol. II, 1619–1652, fol. 30v; Fearghus Ó Fearghail, and Kieran Troy, “The ‘Flight of the Earls’: New Light from a Roman Necrology”, Ossory, Laois, and Leinster 4, (2010): 72–106. 48. Peter Lombard, De regno hiberniae, sanctorum insula, commentarius authore illustriss. ac reverendiss. domino, Petro Lombardo, hiberno, ed. Patrick F. Moran (Dublin: J. Duffy, 1868), 137–139. 49. BAV, BL, MS 8928, fols. 37r–38r. 50. Fenning, “Irishmen Ordained at Rome”, 10. 51. UCD-OFM, MS B 33, pp.88–89, Roche to Monsieur/Monseigneur [before 16 May 1615?], Rome (“nam qui sunt Romanisati (ut ita loquas), vix solat ipsoviem verbis pondus messe, stimulant, promittunt multa, pauca faciunt”). 52. UCD-OFM, MS B 32, John White to Roche, 16 May 1615, Douai; John Brady, “The Irish Colleges at Douai and Antwerp”, Arc. Hib. 14 (1947): 76. 53. Roche to Gregory XV, [1623?], Rome, in Wadding Papers, 1614–38, ed. Brendan Jennings (Dublin: Stationery Office, 1953), 72 (“in magna necessitate quia nihil habet quo posset vivere”). 54. Ibid., 63.

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55. This is evinced from an inscription found in Roche’s letter to the anonymous “Monsieur”. See UCD-OFM, MS B 33, pp.  88–89 (“alumno Collegij S.  Patrij/Romae”); Ignatius Fennessy, OFM, “Patrick Roche of Kinsale and St. Patrick’s College, Rome”, Journal of the Cork Historical and Archaeological Society 100 (1995): 91–104. 56. Rothe took the college oath on 25 April 1610. See ASCGU, Liber iuramentorum 1584–1627, Fondo Historica, “Nomina alumnorum Collegii Germanici et Hungarici,” no.42. 57. AAV, Fondo Borghese, Series II, vol.70, fol.70, Albert VII to Cardinal Scipione Caffarelli Borghese, 8 May 1607; on Borghese as cardinal protector of Germany see Martin Faber, Scipione Borghese als Kardinalprotektor. Studien zur römischen Mikropolitik in der Frühen Neuzeit (Mainz: Philipp von Zabern, 2005). 58. John Lynch, De Praesulibus Hiberniae potissimis Catholicae Religionis in Hibernia Serendae, Propagandae, et Conservandae Authoribus. In hoc opere pleraeque res ecclesiasticae per omnis praeteritae praesentisque memoriae temporis gestae referuntur. Oratorii Sammagloriani, ed. John Francis O’Doherty (Dublin: The Stationery Office, 1944), I: 397–398. 59. Anna Esposito and Carla Frova, Collegi studenteschi a Roma nel Quattrocento: gli statuti della Sapienza Nardina (Roma: Viella, 2008). 60. Richard L. Kagan, Students and Society in Early Modern Spain (Baltimore: John Hopkins University Press, 1974), 63; John O’Malley, SJ, The First Jesuits (Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard University Press, 1993), 218. 61. Mary Ann Lyons, Franco-Irish Relations, 1500–1610: Politics, Migration and Trade (Woodbridge: The Boydell Press, 2003), 167–197. 62. Manuel Vaquero Piñeiro, “Una realtà nazionale composita: comunità e chiese ‘spagnole’ a Roma”, in Roma capitale (1447–1527), ed. Sergio Gensini (Roma: Ministero per i beni culturali e ambientali, 1994), 473–491; Thomas James Dandelet, Spanish Rome, 1500–1700 (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2001); Maria Antonietta Visceglia, Roma papale e la Spagna. Diplomatici, nobili, e religiosi tra due corti (Roma: Bulzoni, 2010). 63. Fenning “Irishmen Ordained at Rome”, 8–12. 64. Charles P. Meehan, The Fate and Fortunes of Hugh O’Neill, Earl of Tyrone, and of Rory O’Donel, Earl of Tyrconnel; Their Flight from Ireland, their Vicissitudes abroad, and their Death in Exile (Dublin: J. Duffy, 1868), 280; Flavia Cantatore, San Pietro in Montorio: la chiesa dei Re Cattolici a Roma (Roma: Quasar, 2007).

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65. On the global role of the Jesuit mission there is a boundless scholarship which is continuously expanding. For an overview see The Jesuits: Cultures, Sciences, and the Arts, 1540–1773, ed. John O’Malley et  als. (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1999), 2 vols; Alison Forrestal and Séan Alexander Smith, eds., The Frontiers of Mission: Perspectives on Early Modern Missionary Catholicism (Leiden: Brill, 2016); Ronnie Po-chia Hsia, ed., A Companion to Early Modern Catholic Global Missions (Leiden: Brill, 2018). 66. The twelve Jesuits were John Lombard of Waterford, Thomas Comeford of Waterford, Edward Barnewall of Dublin, George Geraldine of Meath, Robert Neterville of Meath, John Shaw of Kilkenny, William Malone of Dublin, Jacob Morgan of Meath, Nicholas Nugent of Meath, Bartholomew Hamly of Meath, George Galtrome of Dublin, Stephan Gold of Cork. See “Catalogus Ibernorum in Societate An.1609”, in Ibernia Ignatiana seu Ibernorum Societatis Iesu Patrum Monumenta, ed. Edmund Hogan, SJ (Dublin: Dubliniensis Excudebat Societas Typographica, 1880), I: 228–229; Louis McRedmond, To the Greater Glory. A History of the Irish Jesuits (Dublin: Gill and Macmillan, 1991). 67. They were John Lombard, William Malone, and Nicholas Nugent. See Fenning “Irishmen Ordained at Rome”, 9–10. 68. They were Maurice Wyse and Laurence Lea. See Ibid., 8–9. 69. O’Connor, “The Irish College, Rome in the Age of Religious Renewal, 1625–1690”, in Collegium Hibernorum de Urbe, 24. 70. John Bossy, The English Catholic Community, 1570–1850 (London: Darton, Longman & Todd, 1975), 419; for a recent assessment of the English Jesuit mission in the context of early-modern English Catholicism see James E. Kelly and Susan Royal, eds., Early Modern English Catholicism: Identity, Memory, and Counter-Reformation (Leiden: Brill, 2017); Kelly and Hannah Thomas, eds., Jesuit Intellectual and Physical Exchange between England and Mainland Europe, c. 1580–1789 (Leiden: Brill, 2018). 71. Fenning “Irishmen Ordained at Rome”, 8–12. 72. O’Connor, Irish Jansenists, 46. 73. These were: Eugene Morrison, Philip McArdle, Patrick Callaghan, Donatus O’Cahan, Patrick Fleming, Donatus O’Loan, and Peter Magennis. See Fenning, “Irishmen ordained at Rome”, 10–11. 74. Oliver P.  Rafferty, Catholicism in Ulster, 1603–1983: An Interpretative History (Columbia, South Carolina: University of South Carolina Press, 1994), 13–15; see also Raymond Gillespie, “Gaelic Catholicism and the Ulster Plantation”, in Irish Catholic Identities, ed. Oliver P.  Rafferty (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2013), 124–138. 75. These were McArdle and Gavan. See AAV, Dataria Apostolica, Per Obitum, vol.1616, fol.57r; vol.1623, fol.61v.

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76. Mac Cuarta, Catholic Revival in North of Ireland, 1603–41 (Dublin: Four Courts Press, 2007) 117–118. 77. Bravo Lozano, Spain and the Irish Mission, Appendices, 212–215. 78. See letter of queen Margaret of Austria to Paul V, 29 February 1611, document cited in Martin Coen, “Rome’s Irish College under the Franciscans”, in Bethlehem. An Eighth Franciscan Book at Christmas, ed. Lucius McClean, OFM, and Jude O’Riordan (Dublin: Assisi Press, 1959), 34.

CHAPTER 3

The Beginning: The Founding of St. Isidore’s and the Irish College

3.1   A New Context The 1620s and the early 1630s were a period of major significance for the co-ordination of the Irish clergy in Rome. This period was characterized by two crucial developments that were related to each other: the first of these was the foundation—1622—of the Sacred Congregation “de Propaganda Fide” which took an active interest for the Irish mission; the second factor was that a growing number of bishops perceived the Roman congregation as a way to strengthen the links with the Holy See, and thus to improve Irish representation in the Papal Curia.1 In the minds of its founders, the new-born congregation would give to the Holy See an increased global control over continental and overseas territories, thus challenging the leading role played until moment by the Portuguese and Spanish monarchies in the process of missionary expansionism.2 Given that Ireland fell in the geographic band—together with England and the northern Low Countries—where Catholicism was officially outlawed and thus “martyred,” Propaganda soon displayed a proactive attitude towards the Irish scene.3 The congregation’s increasing attention towards Ireland concretized in various forms. One of these was the decision taken by Urban VIII in 1624 to appoint the almighty Cardinal Francesco Barberini (1597–1679), his nephew, as protector of Ireland. However, between February 1625 and October 1626, he was absent from Rome on diplomatic missions to Paris and Madrid, being replaced by Cardinal Ludovico Ludovisi © The Author(s) 2020 M. Binasco, Making, Breaking and Remaking the Irish Missionary Network, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-47372-3_3

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(1595–1638)—nephew of Gregory XV and one of the founding members of Propaganda—who acted as his substitute until 1627.4 In that year Ludovisi became the official cardinal protector of Ireland with responsibility for all issues relating to the Irish Church.5 Prior to his appointment as protector of Ireland, Ludovisi had already displayed to be a keen interlocutor for some members of the Irish clergy.6 The cardinal’s sphere of influence progressively expanded as it did limit to the episcopal appointments in Ireland, but it included a wider range of problems which went from the mission of the Irish Franciscans to Scotland to the linguistic difficulties faced by the seculars who operated in the Gaelic areas.7 Ludovisi’s commitment towards Ireland combined with the fact that he was of the strongest promoter of the foundation of the Irish secular college of Louvain.8 On the Irish side, and perhaps contributing to the Propaganda’s new interest in Irish affairs, efforts were being made to improve Irish ecclesiastical representations in papal circles. This initially came from Irish bishops and considerably from Eugene Matthews (1574–1623) archbishop of Dublin between 1611 and 1623, who, in 1622, went to Rome to request financial support for the erection of a secular college in Louvain.9 On 4 February 1623 he also solicited Propaganda to favour the establishment of an Irish College in Rome.10 In 1623 the Irish College of Louvain was founded through an allowance of 1000 crowns granted by Urban VIII. To this sum, Propaganda added an annual maintenance grant of 300 crowns in 1625.11 To the eyes of the most influential Irish bishops, the establishment of an Irish College in Rome would not fill a gap in the network of the Irish continental colleges, but it also came to be associated with the question of Irish identity in the city. According its promoters, the college would offer a public platform to represent Irish ecclesiastics in Rome.12 This expectation transpires from an anonymous memoir which was addressed to Ludovisi on behalf of several Irish bishops in 1625. It argued that the founding of an Irish college would change the negative views of the Irish held by many in Rome, overcoming the prejudice excited against the whole community because of the ambition and ignorance of some.13 A more detailed letter that, at mid-September 1625, David Rothe, bishop of Ossory, penned to Peter Lombard was emblematic of the strong expectations placed on Ludovisi. Rothe emphatically stated that “and nowe having a new Protector that hath a desire to further us with erecting a newe

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seminary in the Citty (as we heare) it is our partes rather to animate him for so good a woorke.”14 Possibly the anonymous petition submitted to Ludovisi had been written by John Roche (1576–1636) who, by that moment, had become one of the most influential characters of the Irish clergy in Rome. A secular priest, Roche belonged to the first generation of Irish students educated at Douai, where he was ordained priest in 1600. After six years, during which he was entrusted with supervising the precarious finances of the college, Roche came under the patronage of the nuncio Guido Bentivoglio. Roche’s experience as well as his connection to Bentivoglio were decisive factors when, after nuncio’s election to cardinal in 1621, the Irish bishops sought an influential individual to act on their behalf in Rome. On 14 June 1622 Roche was nominated procurator in Rome of “certain Irish bishops,” among whom were Rothe, Maurice O’Hurley of Emly, Richard Arthur of Limerick, Balthazar Delahyde, (c1564–c1623), vicar general of Armagh, Jacob Talbot, Daniel O’Drohen, vicar apostolic of Ferns, Robert Barry, vicar apostolic of Ross, and Lawrence Lea, general vicar and dean of Waterford.15 By the time that Roche was in Rome, the Irish representation at the Papal Curia did not limit to the secular clergy. Indeed, four years before Roche’s arrival in Rome in 1622, the Franciscan Luke Wadding had settled in Rome and had quickly risen to prominence. Born in 1588  in a merchant family of Waterford, Wadding entered the Irish College of Lisbon in 1603. From there he moved in 1604 to the friary of the Immaculate Conception in Matozinhos, in order to join the Franciscan order. In 1613 he was ordained and from then until 1618, he taught theology and became involved in debating theological issues within the order, winning the esteem of powerful Franciscan patrons such as Antonio de Trejo (d.1635), bishop of Cartagena and Benigno da Genoa (1575–1651), minister general from 1615 to 1625.16 By contrast to Roche who mainly enjoyed the support of prominent members of the Irish hierarchy, Wadding’s arrival in Rome was directly linked to his deep political and religious connections with the Spanish monarchy. In autumn 1618, Cardinal Gabriel Trejo y Paniagua (1562–1630) charged him to participate in the royal commission on the Immaculate Conception.17 Wadding’s position was further enhanced by the fact that, in 1619, Benigno da Genoa gave him responsibility to collect all documentation from the Franciscan provinces and to arrange it in a

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strict chronological way with the key aim to write a history of the Franciscan order since its foundation.18

3.2   The Founding of St. Isidore’s Though both Roche and Wadding could respectively count on powerful patrons, the Irish secular seemed advantaged over the Franciscan because he was politically aligned with the Spanish crown which was then out of favour with the pro-French position of Urban VIII. This would mean that the possibility of establishing an Irish college in Rome lay in favour of a secular foundation. However, between 1624 and 1625, the course of the events changed to the advantage of the Irish Franciscans.19 The death of Lombard in 1625, and Roche’s return to Ireland in 1627—following his appointment as bishop of Ferns in 1624—left the Irish seculars in Rome without representation. Both events weakened the position of the Irish seculars, while presenting a potential opportunity for Wadding.20 Surprisingly the drastic waning of the Irish secular representation put little pressure on Wadding who in the early years of his Roman residency displayed little interest to establish a college for his Irish confreres. Two seminal reasons prevented the Irish Franciscan to do so: the first was that the Irish Franciscan, like his confreres who came to Rome, could rely on the hospitality provided by the convent of San Pietro in Montorio, where Wadding lived from 1619;21 the second was imputable to his involvement in the Royal Commission of the Immaculate Conception, to which the Franciscan was devoted full-time. However, in 1621, with the death of Philip III (1578–1621), promoter of the Commission, and the accession to the throne of Philip IV (1605–1665), who was less motivated and interested in the matter, the entire theological dispute cooled down, resulting in the failure of de Trejo’s mission.22 Though the failing outcome of de Trejo’s mission, Wadding remained in Rome, where, in 1625, he found himself enmeshed in a series of events that would lead him to establish the first Irish seminary in the Italian Peninsula. The origin of these events lay in 1621, when a small group of Spanish Discalced Franciscans arrived in Rome.23 After the customary petitions to Pope Gregory XV, they obtained a grant to establish a friary in the area of the Pincian Hill. According to their plans, the foundation would also include a church, dedicated to St. Isidore’s,24 one of four Iberian saints canonized in March 1622 as one of the strongest signs of papal favour and respect towards the Spanish community in Rome.25 Yet

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the building of the friary and church soon encountered problems due to escalating expense. In addition, the friars were considered as a splinter group within the Franciscan order, which prevented any sort of internal or external support from forthcoming.26 In the solution to this affair, the Spanish crown’s revived ascendancy over Rome proved decisive. On 10 November 1624, King Philip IV wrote to his ambassador in Rome to order the Spanish Franciscans to leave St. Isidore’s which was becoming a source of conflict.27 At the beginning of 1625 their place was taken by another group of Spanish Franciscans, of the Regular Observance branch, led by Bernardino da Siena (b.1571), commissary general of the Franciscans.28 Even this change of residents proved an unsuccessful effort because the new friars could not tackle the ongoing building expenses and were forced to leave.29 According to the account of events written by the Franciscan Francis Harold, Wadding’s nephew, the Irishman initially did not display any interest in this matter in the early stage. It was Benigno da Genoa who invited the Irishman to take over the unfinished friary of St. Isidore’s in early 1625. The decision to contact Wadding was motivated by the fact that, according to him, the Irishman had a network of powerful friends who could provide a persistent financial support.30 For his part, Wadding seemed reluctant to take over responsibility of such a poorly managed property because it would persistently require a financial support from different investors.31 Yet a later letter that, in 1656, Wadding addressed to Alexander VII (1599–1667) proves that he did play a decisive role in the entire foundational process. In it, the Franciscan clearly stated that it had been him who wanted to clear the unfished friary from the debts in order to establish a college for the Irish province.32 What seems sure is that the process which brought to the establishment of St. Isidore’s revealed the influential network developed by Wadding. Amid the prominent figures approached by the Franciscan there were Urban VIII, Cardinal Francesco Barberini, and Ruiz Gomez da Silva, duke of Pastrana, the Spanish ambassador in Rome, who all agreed to support the Franciscan.33 Officially the new Franciscan institution came into being on 13th June 1625 by virtue of the decree of Bernardino da Siena, and on 20th October of that year Urban VIII ratified the decree.34 The financial support granted to the college revealed how the influential networks established by Wadding had been successful. From June 1625 to August 1630, almost 20,000 crowns were granted to the Franciscan to ensure the purchase of the site, the completion of the college’s structure,

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and the acquisition of the first books for the library. This assistance was provided by Urban VIII, the two cardinals Barberini, cardinal Ludovisi, his brother prince Niccolò Ludovisi (1613–1664), King Philip IV, cardinal de Trejo, and the Spanish ambassador in Rome.35 The founding documents left no room for misinterpretation of the aim of the new college: St. Isidore’s was to become a base from which the order could send missionary priests to the persecuted lands of Ireland, England and Scotland, but neither specified any other regions nor forbade mission to them. This meant that the potential missionary outreach of St. Isidore’s could extend well beyond Europe, and thus include the new areas discovered and settled during the process of European expansion. Another peculiar feature of the decree of foundation emphasized how the college had to maintain strong links with the order’s Spanish province. This reflected in two seminal points: the minister general could appoint a guardian and introduce one or two friars from the Spanish province; the visitation of the college was entrusted to the commissary general of the Franciscan family and, in case of his absence, to the procurator of the order at the papal curia.36 The statutes of St. Isidore’s compiled by Wadding and officially approved by the minister general on 16th October 1625 were similar to those of St. Anthony’s College, which was by then the power-house of Irish Catholic Reformation activities.37 The guardian was to be appointed by the minister general from a list of three or four candidates supplied by a group of senior advisers, called the discretorium and composed of lecturers or former lecturers. Their task was to help the guardian in the college’s administration and only the minister general could appoint or replace lecturers. With regards to teachings at St. Isidore’s, Wadding stressed that they should be based on theology, with emphasis given to analysis of Scriptures, the writings of the Fathers, the decrees of the Council of Trent. Students were also to instructed on use of rhetoric in the public debates.38 Wadding also included the practice of scholastic disputation into the curriculum, and students were required to complete exercises in it every Friday and Saturday throughout the scholastic year.39 As previously noted, the college was also to have a guardian and one or two friars from the Spanish province. Even in this case, Wadding’s hand was tangible as he had strong links with the two Spanish friars who worked in St. Isidore’s in its early years. The first was Juan de Riera who acted as guardian from June 1625 to May 1627 when Wadding replaced him;40 the second was Gaspar de la Fuente who lectured in theology for a time.41

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Their selection was part of a strategy elaborated by the Waterford Franciscan to attract very skilled scholars of theology through maintaining amicable ties with San Pietro in Montorio. Both Riera and de la Fuente had resided there before moving to St. Isidore’s. Wadding appreciated De La Fuente for his expertise on John Duns Scotus (c.1266–1308) of whom Wadding was a fervent admirer,42 while de Riera was a learned scholar of Raymon Lull (1232–1315), a Spanish Franciscan philosopher.43 The early staffing of St. Isidore’s certainly portrayed a college that was influenced by Wadding’s personal friendships and by a high number of recruits from his own province. In the first case the appointment of the first theology and philosophy lecturers revealed Wadding’s connections. In 1625 Anthony Hickey, a Munsterman born in Thomond, was named as first theology lecturer.44 Hichey was educated at Louvain where he joined the order in 1607. Due to his special interest in the order’s history, Wadding invited him to come to Rome as his collaborator in 1619.45 Another lecturer who had been educated in Louvain was Patrick Fleming, born in 1599 in county Louth, and who, in June 1625, became first lecturer in philosophy.46 The students’ recruitment during the first years of St. Isidore’s activity seemed to leave no doubt about the Munster’s predominance as thirty-two out of the sixty-four students who entered the college from 1625 to 1635 were from Munster. The Leinstermen and Ulstermen were equally represented with ten students from each province, followed by nine Connachtmen, while the origin of three students is unknown.47 The successful establishment of St. Isidore thus fulfilled a double aim: it paved the road for the development of a steady missionary connection with Ireland, and, at the same time, it contributed to strengthen Irish identity in Rome. This latter aspect was evident as, since 1625, the parish of St. Andrea delle Fratte—where the college was located—came to be described as Isola d’Hibernia—literally an “Island of Ireland.”48

3.3   The Founding of the Irish College In the same year that Wadding orchestrated the foundation of St. Isidore’s, attempts were made to provide a similar establishment for secular students. As previously seen, Rothe, through his exhortation, hoped that Ludovisi could convince Propaganda to grant financial support for the erection of an Irish secular college in Rome. However, in the period immediately following the founding of St. Isidore’s, the cardinals of the

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Roman congregation were more worried about resolving the financial problems besetting the Irish college of Louvain, than about developing a new seminary in Rome.49 The congregation’s intervention was dictated by the nature of this structure which was a pontifical college that depended on the Pope. Though he supported it by annual subsidies, the seminary was struggling with impecuniosity and poor resources, two conditions which encouraged the various regular orders, often better funded, to use it as a recruiting ground.50 This concerned the Irish bishops for whom the original purpose of the secular colleges, to provide diocesan clergy to the Irish sees, was therefore not being met. They thus found themselves exposed because they depended on seminary priests educated in the continental secular colleges to minister in Ireland.51 Their exposure had worsened with the publication of the brief of Paul V in 1614 which was then confirmed by the bull Piis Christifidelium, of 15 July 1626, for these permitted that the students of each college could be ordained if they agreed to return to Ireland or if they were nominated by their respective rectors. Both documents were issued without any type of recommendation or approval by the Irish bishops.52 The desire of bishops to counter practices that snubbed their authority and rendered vain their efforts to oversee the Irish mission and its clergy pervaded their correspondence with the Holy See in the late 1620s. On 14 March 1627 Thomas Walsh (1580–1654), archbishop of Cashel and cousin of Wadding, wrote to Roche in order to complain about the Jesuits’ attitude in the Iberian colleges, where he accused them of paying insufficient attention to the requests of the Irish hierarchy. By contrast, Walsh noted with relief that the same selfishness did not occur at St. Isidore’s, where, according to him, Wadding was dedicating himself to procuring good men for the prosperity of the Irish Church.53 During spring of 1627, the bishops’ letters to the Holy See made specific appeals for restoring from financial embarrassment the Irish secular colleges in Spanish Flanders as well as for promoting new diocesan seminaries, especially in Rome. On 4th April 1627 Thomas Fleming, archbishop of Dublin, Rothe, and William Thirry, bishop of Cork, wrote to Ludovisi and urged the cardinal to “hasten the erection of a new seminary in Rome.”54 At the time the bishops wrote this letter, Ludovisi had already began to conceive a provisional solution for the Irish seculars of Rome. However, the cardinal required the support and advice of members of the Irish clergy, and the choice obviously felt upon Wadding and Roche, who pushed the cardinal to erect a seminary, which, like St. Isidore’s, would

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educate zealous priests to send back to Ireland. What hoped Roche and Wadding clashed with the fact that Ludovisi’s finances could not afford this so, from 1625 to the end of 1627, the Irish secular college remained only a proposal. According to the account, dated 1630, compiled by Lucantonio Giunti, Ludovisi’s almoner, the cardinal granted an annual provision of 600 crowns from his private revenues, pay for the lodging of a group of six students: two in the English College, two in the Maronite College, and the remaining two elsewhere in Rome.55 The students’ distribution and the financial provision made by Ludovisi seemed different according to the financial accounts of the English College. The records there indicate that, from the end of November 1625 until early January 1628, four Irish students were hosted as boarders there, and that, at the beginning of their stay, Ludovisi paid an annual rate of almost eighty-six crowns each.56 His support to the Irish student would become a further addition for a prelate who, according to a financial report of 1629, granted a sum of 2,034,446 crowns in subsidies.57 Yet, despite his munificence, Ludovisi’s provision does not bear comparison with the annual subsidies of Gregory XIII who provided an annual grants of 10,000 crowns and 2100 crowns to the German and English colleges respectively, a generosity favoured by the positive status of the papal finances which, in 1576 for instance, were in credit of almost 44,000 crowns. By the time Ludovisi decided to establish the Irish College, the situation had changed, and the status of the papal finances had dramatically worsened, with a deficit of more than 50,000 crowns in the early 1620s58 Like the students of the English College and Maronite College, the Irish students attended lectures at the Collegio Romano, the centre of the Jesuit educational system in Rome.59 The initial project of Ludovisi had limited success because one student was expelled from the English College for insubordination. At the Maronite College, one student was banished when he threw a knife against a Maronite collegian.60 But, despite these failures, in early 1628 Eugene Callanan, later to become the first rector of the Irish college in Rome, was able to request that the Holy Office of the Inquisition should accord the “usual faculties granted to the missionaries of Ireland.” Callanan presented six “men of honest life” who had completed their studies in Rome.61 His request was addressed to the Holy Office because, despite the foundation of Propaganda, it still retained authority to grant the spiritual faculties required by each missionary.62 These Irishmen were likely the first nucleus of the Irish college that had been hosted in the English College and Maronite College, although

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unfortunately it is impossible to identify their ages or provincial origins. On 4th May 1628 the Holy Office granted the necessary faculties for a period of seven years, without further comment.63 The expulsion of the two students forced Ludovisi to find a new solution. According to Harold, Wadding proposed to put all the Irish students in a house of their own under the disciplinary control of an Irish superior, and he stressed that this would not require persistent financial support. The Franciscan suggested that Giunti rented a house close to St. Isidore’s, so that the students could attend the lectures there which would reduce costs.64 However, Wadding may have done so in order to protect the project from the influence of the Society of Jesus which, by that time, was entrusted with educating the students of the English College and the German College, thus reinforcing its role as a fully-fledged teaching order of Roman Catholicism.65 Wadding feared that what had occurred in the Irish Colleges in the Iberian Peninsula could repeat in Rome. There, in 1613, King Philip III handed the Irish college of Santiago de Compostela to the Jesuits due to disciplinary problems amongst the student body.66 In 1619, a royal order placed the Irish college in Seville under the supervision of the Jesuit Richard Conway (1573–1626), one of the most influential Irish ecclesiastics within the Spanish court.67 Again the entrusting of the college to the Jesuit authorities was justified by the poor administration of the seculars and by the students’ indiscipline. Except for Alcalá De Henares, founded in 1649, all the Irish colleges there remained under the Jesuits’ control.68 Wadding may also have feared that, if handed over to the Jesuits, the foundation in Rome would soon undergo the same troubling clashes experienced in the English College. There, until 1624, the Society had recruited the best students and sent the less talented to England. In the spring of that year, Propaganda, alerted by the complaint of William Bishop, vicar apostolic of England and Scotland (1553–1624), began to attempt to mediate a solution. After eighteen months of discussions and debates, it issued a decree on 24th November 1625 which was originally restricted to the English College but then extended to all the pontifical colleges, and stipulated that all present and future students, on completion of their studies, were to return to their native places. Furthermore, they should never join a regular order without permission from the Holy See. At the close of 1625 Propaganda revised its former decree so that the terms of the oath were restricted to a period of three years after the

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student’s departure from the college, irrespective of whether he had completed his studies.69 Ludovisi was not fully satisfied by Wadding’s proposal and was unconvinced by two points of his project. Officially Ludovisi accepted that the students should attend lectures at the Collegio Romano because he feared that Wadding would depart from St. Isidore’s, otherwise this was presumably a fudge that enabled the cardinal to keep his links with the Society of Jesus. More seriously, the cardinal claimed that his finances prevented him from making a formal foundation, which was what Wadding asked of him.70 On 24th November 1627, an arrangement was finally made, and a house was rented on the Pincian Hill. Crucially, the agreement stressed that cardinal Ludovisi would provide a subsidy for the rental of a house on the Pincian Hill, close to St. Isidore’s, but it made no mention of the establishment of a college. Its terms stipulated that no more than the prescribed six students could be admitted; any possible arrival or removal would have to be approved by Ludovisi. Wadding was granted power to supervise the institution and Ludovisi granted 600 crowns with which the Franciscan had to provide a rector and a servant, pay a monthly rent of fifty crowns, and furnish the house. The terms reaffirmed that the students should wear a black soutane and ferraiulo, that is, an ordinary clerical dress. It must be noted that, except Ludovisi, none of the other leading papal authorities intervened in the process of foundation of the secular college.71 The extent of Franciscan influence in the government of the house was manifested in the constitutions which were drawn by Wadding and approved on 29 January 1628. Officially the Franciscan outlined a structure which left to Ludovisi any final decision on key questions such as the students’ admission or removal as well as the election of the rectors. Though the rector would be a secular, Wadding established formal methods of procedure to ensure that the Franciscans retained teaching and control on the students’ curriculum. Indeed, the entire academic and spiritual formation of the students was entrusted to the Franciscans who had also to supervise on their discipline. Moreover, they also had to verify the students’ aptness for the Irish mission thorough a careful examination.72 Admittance to the secular foundation was reserved to any Irish born students, aged fourteen or above, regardless of their regional provenience. A crucial point of the constitutions was that, six months after their admission, the students were to sign an oath which bound them to receive holy orders and to return to Ireland whenever the college’s authorities decided

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it. Regarding the ordination procedure, Wadding, possibly in the late 1620s’, succeeded to obtain from Urban VIII a dispensation through which the Irish students could be directly ordained by the vicar of the pope.73 As first rector, Wadding chose Eugene Callanan, a secular priest of the Killaoe diocese.74 This was an appointment that may have been made partially to please Roche and Thomas Walsh, archbishop of Cashel, by whom he had been respectively personal agent and archdeacon, as well as protonotary apostolic of Cashel.75 On 1 January 1628 the first group of six students entered the house. One of the seminal differences with the first cohort of students who were admitted at St. Isidore’s is was their provincial background. Four of the six were from Ulster, while the other two were from Munster.76 News about the creation of the Irish College reached Ireland, where they were greatly appreciated by the Irish episcopate, whose hopes were again rekindled. On 20 February 1628 Walsh wrote to Wadding to eulogize him for the new foundation, wishing “a holy competition between this seminary and those that are under the control of the Company”, a clear reference to the Iberian colleges controlled by the Jesuits.77 For its part, Propaganda showed little interest in the process that resulted in the founding of the Ludovisian establishment, even though its patron was one of its sitting members; it also did not comment on the constitutions compiled by Wadding. What drew the attention of the Roman congregation was the paucity of resources provided by the two colleges which were insufficient to enhance the supply of missionaries from Rome to Ireland. In the general congregation held on 8th May 1628, the cardinals decided to grant money to both regular and secular students for their journey home, although this was one-off decision rather than a new policy that the cardinals did not repeat for the remainder of this period. Specifically, it granted fifteen crowns to Terence O’Kelly, from Raphoe diocese, who was student of the Irish College who had been ordained in Rome in 1626.78 Twenty crowns were also destined for two unnamed friars of St. Isidore’s. Propaganda repeated its support at the end of 1628 through a grant of ten crowns to a friar of St. Isidore’s mentioned as “Francisco de S. Cruce.”79 Clearly the level of funding provided by the congregation continued to be consistently below to that was available in the territories of the Spanish monarchy which usually granted a viaticum of 100 ducats to the Irish regulars and seculars who returned to Ireland.80 Despite it is not possible to identify the friars, Kelly did repay Propaganda’s trust by returning to mission after completing his college

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training. His testimonial letters had been written by the Franciscan Hugh McCaghwell (Aodh Mac Aingil) (1571–1626), appointed bishop of Armagh in 1626.81 The connection with McCaghwell must have favoured O’Kelly, who in 1626 obtained a per obitum benefice for the diocese of Derry.82 Also in favour of his promotion was the possible familial link he had in the Derry area where a namesake of him acted as dean of that diocese. In 1629 he returned to Ireland to substitute for Eugene Sweeney, nominated bishop of Kilmore, as vicar apostolic of Derry. This might indicate why O’Kelly obtained the position only one year after he left the Irish college.83 Further evidence on O’Kelly show that he bypassed his religious role by acting as an informer on behalf of the Ulster lords, a role that brought him to the attention of the Protestant authorities. According to two reports written in January 1630 by George Downham, the Protestant bishop of Derry, O’ Kelly was “a dangerous fellow who brought news of the eagerness of the Irish regiment to invade Ireland under Tyrone’s and Tyrconnell’s son, and of their wish to know the feeling in Ireland.”84 Although Downham ordered his arrest, O’Kelly continued to exercise his functions.85 In the summer of 1629 Callanan died.86 Following the constitutions, Wadding appointed Martin Walsh (d.1634), his confrere to the post in 1630. In the same year Walsh also became the new guardian of St. Isidore’s.87 Wadding was just observing the rules that, in exceptional circumstances, provided the election of the St. Isidore’s guardian as rector.88 According to Patrick J. Corish and Thomas O’Connor, the appointment of a regular rector to exercise authority over secular students might be controversial considering the turbulent relationships between seculars and regulars in Ireland during that period.89 However their hypothesis is not supported by any evidence which proves that Walsh’s appointment created tensions amongst the secular students. Yet, at the beginning of 1630s, another death brought a bigger problem which would hamper the development of the Ludovisian foundation as a source of missionaries for Ireland. On 18 November 1632 Ludovisi died and his death introduced a complex era which coincided with a series of harsh disputes.90

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3.4   The Struggle for the Control of the Irish College Despite Wadding’s efforts to safeguard the government and discipline of the college, he could not fully anticipate or control its patron’s decision-­ making. At first glance the cardinal’s will, dated 11 April 1629, looked as if he intended to reinforce his foundation and to develop it into a proper college. According to Giunti, who compiled the will, Ludovisi decided to improve the resources of the Irish students’ house in order to establish a proper secular college. This was a crucial passage because, from that moment, the Ludovisian foundation would transform into a proper seminary for the Irish secular students. The cardinal’s decision envisaged that his heirs would have to raise the initial endowment from 600 to 1000 crowns, buy the house rented, to which was also left an estate in Castelgandolfo, near Rome. All this could be but beneficial for assuring the seminary’s future. However, one condition pushed the institution into a storm when the cardinal declared to entrust the government of this college to the Society of Jesus.91 The testament of Ludovisi shocked the Irish Franciscans, above all Wadding, and surprised the seculars because it brought uncertainty over the future government and control of the Irish College. Analysis of the cardinal’s disposition, despite being favoured by a perspective of almost 400 years, allow us to conclude that Ludovisi made a spontaneous decision, possibly considering the long and sturdy acquaintances existing between his family and the Society of Jesus.92 Wadding’s worries manifested when he was compiling the statutes came to pass. He feared that another secular Irish college would fall under the Jesuits’ control, a common preoccupation among the Irish Franciscans, due to what occurred in the Iberian Peninsula. Like his confrere Florence Conry, who actively opposed the Jesuit strategy to establish a university in the Spanish Flanders, Wadding’s response to the turn of events was to appeal, in 1633, to Urban VIII to set up a commission of enquiry which was composed of four cardinals aided by three monsignors.93 Hopes that the matter would be easily resolved were soon disappointed by the emergence of dissensions caused by the favouritism which seemed to be given to the students of certain provinces. There was the suspicion that the Ulster students were subject to a discrimination policy that barred their admission to the college. The situation worsened when specific accusations were made against Wadding. An unsigned complaint, which might

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have been compiled between 1630 and 1632, composed of fourteen headings and addressed to cardinal Antonio Barberini (1569–1646) accused the Franciscan of partiality towards the Munster students. It charged that four out of the six students hosted by the college were from that province, Wadding’s own province, while the only Ulster student had unjustly been expelled without any grants and was thus being forced to beg around Rome. The same discriminating policy supposedly repeated at St. Isidore’s, where no friar from Ulster, the province most damaged by the Protestant plantations, was recorded.94 This controversial dissension, the product of personal grumbles, focused on provincial issues that were already well known in the other Irish continental colleges and were by then, as Aidan Clarke remarks, the product of provincial rather than racial rivalries.95 At the Irish college of Douai, since its foundation, the admission policy had been orientated to favour the entry of students from the Leinster dioceses. This discontented the other candidates and in 1614 they appealed to Archduke Albert who forbade this partiality.96 However, his intervention did not alarm the rectors of the other Irish colleges, especially Francis Nugent who continued to adopt an accession policy governed by partiality in Lille. He even succeeded in obtaining a brief from Urban VIII in 1634 which stated that only Leinster and Meath students could be admitted.97 In 1633 the struggle for the control of the Irish College reached a climax when the Franciscans, with the cooperation of the seminary’s students, asked Urban VIII to ensure that the controversy continued to be analysed by the specially appointed commission and not transferred to the Sacra Rota, the judicial tribunal of the Holy See.98 They feared that the Jesuits might be advantaged by such a transfer.99 The students went even further and demanded, around the same time, in the interests of the entire Irish church, that Propaganda maintained the status quo of the college. The request was endorsed by all seven students of the college, among whom two were from Ulster.100 Neither petitions had a positive outcome. By the time they were presented, Propaganda had already taken a position directly contrary to their suggested proposals. In the general congregation held on 16 March 1633, the cardinals were in favour of transferring the Irish college to the Jesuits. However, they agreed that the Franciscans could retain the administration of the seminary, if they demonstrated that a canonical erection had been made during Ludovisi’s lifetime.101

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Propaganda’s requirement was evidently impossible to meet. The agreement between Ludovisi with Wadding in 1627 explicitly stated that the cardinal did not intend to establish a college. Due to this, Wadding could never proceed to the stage of establishing an institution that could match the proper standards of a secular seminary. Propaganda’s ability to remain neutral may have been influenced by two petitions that asked the institution to be placed under Jesuit control. Both submitted around 1633 two petitions, on behalf of the Irish nobles and clergy and on behalf of the Ulster earls, were respectively addressed to Francesco Ingoli, Propaganda’s first secretary (1578–1649) and Antonio Barberini in order to definitively settle the question in favour of the Jesuits.102 Of the two, the earls’ request would have made the greatest impact. The high esteem they enjoyed within the Holy See had never dwindled since the late sixteenth century, when appointments to three out of the four Irish archbishoprics were made at the instance of Hugh O’ Neill.103 In any case, despite having on his side Niccolò Ludovisi, the late brother of the cardinal (1613–1664), Wadding was unable to prove the erection of a canonical foundation over which he would have any rights.104 On 13 November 1634, the Sacra Rota pronounced in favour of the Jesuits, a decision which was published on 19 January 1635.105 Inevitably this legal dispute and resultant tensions threatened to deflect attention from the stated purpose of the new institution, which was the preparation of missionaries for Ireland, but it is difficult to assess if the accusations made against Wadding were justified. What the documentation seems to indicate is that the Franciscan’s possible favouritism towards the students of the southern provinces was more evident at St. Isidore’s than at the Irish College. The admission figures for the period 1628–1635, when the Jesuits took over the college, indicate that the seminary accepted twenty-one students of whom seven were from Munster, six from Ulster, five from Leinster, and three from Connacht. The Ulster province could not at all be considered overlooked, being the second representative group. Furthermore, the Ulster students predominated in the first entrant group of 1628, being four candidates out of six.106 As already noted, the recruitment pattern of St. Isidore’s instead betrays an implicit favouritism towards the Munster students. Of the sixty-one students admitted between 1625 and 1635 thirty-one came from Munster. This dominance was a source of concern, as indicated by the letter that the Irish Franciscan Hugh Ward penned to Wadding in August 1630. Ward asked his confrere to

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accept two Ulster students at St. Isidore’s stressing that would “pacify some who complain that there is none from Ulster in that college.”107 It might be also possible that, in Rome, the rows over admissions were a diversion through which some ecclesiastics hoped to damage the growing power of Wadding within the papal curia, and especially within Propaganda. In the years 1630–1645, his ability and versatility as a counsellor enabled him to sit in congregations which, besides Irish affairs, also dealt with a variety of international questions that went from the difficulties of the Greek Church to the problems encountered by missionaries in Japan.108 His influence was also evident in the scholarly activity of St. Isidore’s which revealed the powerful network of figures with whom Wadding was in contact. In the years 1632–1635, twenty-three students defended as many theses on the doctrine of Scotus of which Wadding was a renowned scholar.109 Beyond their theological importance, the theses were dedicated to the leading cardinals of the Papal Curia or to the Spanish ambassadors. In most cases, these were present at the debates, a tangible sign of Wadding’s status and his ability to create and maintain a network of association and potential patronage.110 By the early 1630s the process to establish two Irish colleges in Rome had been concluded. A common element which weaved the entire foundational process of St. Isidore’s and the Irish College was the fact that it was conceived by prominent figures—Wadding and cardinal Ludovisi— who carried out the establishment of these structures with any direct and planned intervention of the Holy See. Despite this major setback, in early 1630s Rome had been included in the map of the Irish continental colleges. Yet, the missionary contribution provided by St. Isidore’s and Irish College would not prove uniform due to a series of financial problems and mismanagement that the next chapter will show.

Notes 1. Josef Metzler, “Foundation of the Congregation “de Propaganda Fide” by Gregory XV”, in Sacrae Congregationis de Propaganda Fide Memoria Rerum, ed., Josef Metzler (Rome; Freiburg; and Wien: Herder, 1971), I/1: 82–83, 87–91; Metzler, “Francesco Ingoli, der erste Sekretär der Kongregation (1578–1649)”, in Memoria Rerum, I/1: 200, 202, 241; Niccolò Del Re, La Curia Romana. Lineamenti storico-giuridici (Roma: Edizioni di Storia e letteratura, 1970), 2nd ed., 190.

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2. Michael A.  Mullett, The Catholic Reformation (London: Routledge, 1999), 144; Giovanni Pizzorusso, Governare le missioni, conoscere il mondo nel XVII secolo. La Congregazione Pontificia de Propaganda Fide (Viterbo: Edizioni Sette Città, 2018), 23–24. 3. Ronnie Po-Chia Hsia, The World of Catholic Renewal, 1540–1770 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1998), 80. 4. On Ludovisi see Paolo Broggio and Sabina Brevaglieri, “Ludovico Ludovisi”, in Dizionario Biografico degli Italiani (Roma: Istituto dell’Enciclopedia Italiana, 2007), LXVI: 460–467. 5. William Maziere Brady, The Episcopal Succession in England, Scotland and Ireland, A.D. 1400 to 1875: With Appointments to Monasteries and Extracts from Consistorial Acts taken from Mss. in Public and Private Libraries in Rome, Florence, Bologna, Ravenna and Paris (Roma: Tipografia della Pace, 1876), I: 224, 269, 364, 375; Dominic Conway, “The Anglican World: Problems of Co-existence: A. during the Pontificates of Urban VIII and Innocent X (1623–1655)”, in Memoria Rerum, I/2:149–150. 6. BAV, Bar. Lat., MS 6810, fol.121rv, Lucio Sanseverino, internuncio at Brussels, to Ludovico Ludovisi, 8 May 1621, Brussels; BAV, Barb. Lat., MS 6812, fol. 324r, Gianfrancesco Guidi di Bagno, nuncio at Brussels, to Ludovisi, 23 July 1622, Brussels; BAV, Barb. Lat., MS 6813, fol. 28r, Guidi di Bagno to Ludovisi, 17 June 1623, Brussels. 7. APF, SOCG, vol. 14, fols. 79rv, 87rv, Thomas Fleming, archbishop of Dublin, to Ludovisi, 19 November 1626, Dublin; APF, SOCG, vol. 129, fols. 251rv, 262rv, Guidi di Bagno to Ludovisi, 9 January 1627, Brussels; APF, SOCG, vol. 129, fols. 253rv, 260rv, Guidi di Bagno to Ludovisi, 16 January1627; APF, SOCG, vol. 129, fols. 256rv, 258rv; APF, SOCG, vol. 294, fols. 180r-181v, John Roche to Ludovisi, 20 July 1631; APF, SOCG, vol. 294, fols.193rv, 198rv, Malachy O’Queally, archbishop of Tuam, to Ludovisi, 6 October 1632; on the mission of the Irish Franciscans to Scotland see Cathaldus Giblin, OFM, ed., Irish Franciscan Mission to Scotland 1619–1646: Documents from Roman Archives (Dublin: Assisi Press, 1964); Fiona A.  MacDonald, Missions to the Gaels. Reformation and Counter-Reformation in Ulster and the Highlands and Islands of Scotland, 1560–1760 (Edinburgh: John Donald Publishers Ltd, 2006). 8. APF, SOCG, vol. 294, fols. 170r-171v, Guidi di Bagno to Ludovisi, 5 April 1625, Brussels; APF, SOCG, vol.294, fols. 172rv, 177rv, rector of the Irish College of Louvain, to Ludovisi, 19 June 1625, Louvain. 9. Thomas O’Connor, Irish Jansenists, 1600–1670. Religion and Politics in Flanders, France, Ireland and Rome (Dublin: Four Courts Press, 2008), 85.

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10. Patrick F. Moran, History of the Catholic Archbishops of Dublin, since the Reformation (Dublin: James Duffy, 1864), I/1: 281. 11. APF, Miscellanee Varie, vol.21, fols.355v-356r; APF, Acta, vol.3, fol.248; Ralph M.  Wiltgen, “Propaganda is Placed in Charge of the Pontifical Colleges”, in Memoria Rerum, I/1: 496; T. J. Walsh, The Irish Continental College Movement. The Colleges at Bordeaux, Toulouse, Lille (Dublin: Golden Eagle Books, 1973), 64–65. 12. Patrick J. Corish, “The Beginnings of the Irish College, Rome”, in The Irish College, Rome and its World, ed. Dáire Keogh and Albert McDonnell (Dublin: Four Courts Press, 2008), 2–3. 13. BAV, Bar. Lat., MS. 4994, fol. 50r, anonymous memorial submitted to Cardinal Ludovico Ludovisi. 14. David Rothe to Peter Lombard, 17 September 1625, Rome, in Wadding Papers, 1614–1638, ed. Brendan Jennings (Dublin: Stationery Office, 1953), 104. 15. Appointment of John Roche as procurator in Rome for certain Irish bishops, 14 June 1622. See Wadding Papers, 22–24; Benignus Millett and C.J. Woods, “Roman Catholic Bishops from 1534”, in A New History of Ireland, IX: Maps, Genealogies, Lists, ed., T.W.  Moody, F.X.  Martin, F.J. Byrne (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1984), 365, 372–374. 16. Francis Harold, OFM, Vita Fratris Lucae Waddingi (Quaracchi: Tipografia Alfani e Venturi, 1931), 3rd ed., 1–17. This account of Wadding’s life was firstly published as a prefix to Harold’s work, Epitome Annalium Waddingi (Romae: Tinassi, 1662). 17. Manuel de Castro, OFM, “Wadding and the Iberian Peninsula”, in Father Luke Wadding Commemorative Volume, ed. Franciscan Fathers, Dún Mhuire (Dublin: Clonmore and Reynolds, 1957), 140–144; O’Connor, “Luke Wadding’s Networks at Home and Abroad”, in The Irish College and its World, 18–19. 18. Harold, Vita Fratris, 38–39; Canice Mooney, OFM, “The Writings of Father Luke Wadding, OFM”, Franciscan Studies XVIII (1958): 227–231. 19. Corish, “The Beginnings of the Irish College, Rome”, 4. 20. Ibid., 4; O’Connor, “Luke Wadding’s Networks”, 18. 21. Albert Hugh O’Donnell to Cardinal Protector, 7 October 1619, Leuven, in Wadding Papers, 19–20. 22. de Castro, “Wadding and the Iberian Peninsula”, 152–154; on the spread of the doctrine of the Immaculate Conception in the Irish Franciscan Colleges on continental Europe see Mícheál Mac Craith, OFM, “The Irish Franciscan Continental Colleges and the Doctrine of the Immaculate Conception”, in Matteo Binasco, ed., Rome and Irish Catholicism in the

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Atlantic World, 1622–1908 (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2018), 137–166. 23. The Discalced section of the Franciscans traced its origins in the early years of the sixteenth century. See John Moorman, OFM, A History of the Franciscan Order. From its Origins to the Year 1517 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1968), 581–584. 24. Harold, Vita Fratris, 63–65. 25. The other three saints canonized were Ignatius of Loyola, Teresa of Avila and Francis Xavier. See Thomas James Dandelet, Spanish Rome, 1500–1700 (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2001), 106–107. 26. Harold, Vita Fratris, 63–68. 27. Philip IV to his ambassador in Rome, 10 November 1624, Madrid, in Gregory Cleary, Father Luke Wadding and St. Isidore’s College Rome: Biographical and Historical Notes and Documents (Rome: Tipografia del Senato G. Bardi, 1925), documents, 175. 28. The rise of the Regular Observants within the Franciscan order originated in 1368. The official sanction to separate was given on 28 July 1373 by Pope Gregory XI. See Moorman, A History of the Franciscan Order, 372. 29. Harold, Vita Fratris, 65. 30. ACSI, sectio W4, no. 2. 31. Harold, Vita Fratris, 64–65. 32. ACSI, Fondo Capranica, Wadding to Alexander VII, St. Isidore’s, 18 April 1656. I thank Dr Donatella Bellardini and Dr Claudia Costacurta for providing me the details of this outstanding document. 33. Harold, Vita Fratris, 64–65; on the entourage around Wadding see Matteo Binasco, “Not only a “Hibernese” in the Urbs: Luke Wadding and His Entourage in Seventeenth-Century Rome,” in Luke Wadding, the Irish Franciscans, and Global Catholicism, ed. Matteo Binasco (New York: Routledge, 2020), 77–91. 34. ACSI, Sectio W 4, no. 1, no. 2. 35. Harold, Vita Fratris, 80. 36. ACSI, Sectio W 4, no. 1, no. 2. 37. Mooney, “The Golden Age of the Irish Franciscans, 1615–50”, in Sylvester O’ Brien, OFM, ed., Measgra i gCuimhne Mhichil Uí Chlreirigh. Miscellany of Historical and Linguistic Studies in honour of Brother Michael O Cleirigh, Chief of the Four Masters, 1643–1943 (Dublin: Assisi Press, 1944), 27. 38. ACSI, Sectio W 4, no. 6. 39. Harold, Vita Fratris, 86–87. 40. UCD-OFM, MS C 58, 3. 41. Jennings, “Miscellaneous Documents-II”, 11.

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42. On Wadding’s interest in John Duns Scotus, see Charles M. Balic, OFM, “Wadding the Scotist”, in Father Luke Wadding Commemorative, 463–507. 43. Cleary, Father Luke Wadding, 79–80. 44. Jennings, “Miscellaneous Documents-II. 1625–1640”, in Arch. Hib. 14 (1949): 1. 45. Harold, Vita Fratris, 24. 46. Cleary, Father Luke Wadding, 141–142. 47. See Appendix A, 186–188. 48. ASVR, S.  Andrea delle Fratte, Stati d’Anime (1623–1628), vol. 37, fol. 126v. 49. APF, Acta, vol. 4, fol. 144; APF, Acta, vol. 4, fol. 208v, general congregation, 16 April 1627, Rome. 50. Wiltgen, “Propaganda is Placed in Charge of the Pontifical Colleges”, 495. 51. Tadgh Ó hAnnracháin, Catholic Reformation in Ireland: The Mission of Rinuccini, 1645–1649 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2002), 55. 52. John Silke, “The Irish Abroad in the Age of the Counter-Reformation, 1534–1691”, in T.W. Moody, F.X. Martin, F.J. Byrne eds., A New History of Ireland, III: Early Modern Ireland, 1534–1691 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1976), 625–626. 53. Thomas Walsh, archbishop of Cashel, to John Roche, Madrid, 14 March 1627, in Wadding Papers, 245–246. 54. Letter of Thomas Fleming, David Rothe, and William Tirry, to Cardinal Ludovisi, Dublin, 4 April 1627, in Wadding Papers, 247 (“altera per erectionem novi docimilii in Urbe nobis accelerandam”). 55. AAV, Archivio Boncompagni-Ludovisi, Armadio IX, protocollo 317, parte IV, no. 1, fol. 458–465; unsigned letter to Alessandro Vittrico, cardinal-­assessor of the Holy Office, in favour of the bishop of Down, no place, 1626, in ibid., 168. 56. AVCAU, Liber 62, p.  236; AVCAU, Liber 103, p.  52. The author’s thanks to Professor Maurice Whitehead, archivist of the Venerable English College, for allowing him to consult these documents. 57. AAV, Archivio Boncompagni-Ludovisi, Armadio IX, protocollo 317, no. 10, fols. 188v-189r, no. 10. 58. Wiltgen, “Propaganda is Placed in Charge”, in Memoria Rerum, I/1: 484–485; Wolfang Reinhard, “Finanza pontificia e Stato della Chiesa nel XVI e XVII secolo”, in Finanze e ragion di stato in Italia e in Germania nella prima Età moderna, ed., Aldo de Maddalena et  al. (Bologna: Il Mulino, 1984), 360–361. 59. AAV, Archivio Boncompagni-Ludovisi, Armadio IX, protocollo 317, parte IV, no. 1, fols. 458–465; Riccardo Garcia Villoslada, SJ, Storia del Collegio Romano, dal suo inizio (1551) alla soppressione della Compagnia

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di Gesù (1773) (Romae: Apud Aedes Universitatis Gregorianae, 1954), 143. 60. AAV, Archivio Boncompagni Ludovisi, Armadio IX, protocollo 317, numero 1. 61. The students were: Peter Briminghan, Nicholas Britt, Iacob Fallagan, Hugh Maguire, Iacob Malachy Fallagan, and Dermot Hanny. See ACDF, SO, St. St., SS, vol. 1-c, fol. 791rv, 794rv-795rv, Eugene Callanan to Holy Office, 1628, Rome, (“quibus facultates aliis Hibernia missionariis concedi solitas” … “viros esse probae vitae”). 62. Giovanni Pizzorusso, “Percorsi di ricerca nell’Archivio della Congregazione “de Propaganda Fide” per la storia degli ordini religiosi”, in Gli archivi per la storia degli ordini religiosi. I: Fonti e problemi (secoli XVI–XIX), ed. Massimo Carlo Giannini and Matteo Sanfilippo (Viterbo: Edizioni Sette Città, 2007), 39. 63. ACDF, SO, St. St., SS, vol. 1-c, fol. 792rv-793rv, general congregation, 4 May 1628, Rome. 64. AAV, Archivio Boncompagni-Ludovisi, Armadio IX, protocollo 317, parte IV, no. 1, fols. 458–465. 65. Wiltgen, “Propaganda is Placed in Charge of the Pontifical Colleges”, 483–485. 66. Walsh, The Irish Continental College Movement, 51–52. 67. Enrique García Hernán, “Irish Clerics in Madrid, 1598–1665”, in Irish Communities in Early-Modern Europe, ed. Thomas O’Connor and Mary Ann Lyons (Dublin: Four Courts Press, 2006), 286. 68. O’Connor, “Irish Migration to Spain and the Formation of an Irish College Network, 1589–1800”, in The Sea in European History, ed. Luc François and Ann Katherine Isaacs (Pisa: Ediplus 2001), 110–112; The Irish College of Alcalá de Henares was founded by the baroness doña Beatriz, widow of Don Jorge de la Paz de Silveira, a Portuguese baron. See Patricia O’Connell, The Irish College at Alcalá de Henares, 1649–1785 (Dublin: Four Courts Press, 1997), 16–17. 69. On the congregation of 29 October Urban VIII added that students, under the age of fourteen years old, entering any Pastoral college were not obliged to take to oath until they had completed their 14th year. See APF, Acta, vol. 3, fol. 93rv, 101v, 104rv, 108rv, 126v-127r, 195v-196r, 269r-270r, 276v-277r, 288v-291r, 295v. 70. AAV, Archivio Boncompagni-Ludovisi, Armadio IX, protocollo 317, parte IV, no. 1, fols. 458–465. 71. AAV, Archivio Boncompagni-Ludovisi, Armadio IX, protocollo 317, parte IV, no. 2, fols. 466–469.

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72. Institutiones Domus Hibernorum de urbe ab Ill.mo et R.mo Ludovicus Card.le Ludovisio S.R.E Vice-Cancellario, ac Protectore fundator primo die anni MDCXXVIII (1628), PICR, Liber XXVII, fols. 1r-10r. 73. PICR, Liber XXVII, fol. 2v. 74. AAV, Archivio Boncompagni-Ludovisi, Armadio IX, protocollo 317, parte IV, no. 1, fols. 458–465. 75. Roche to Eugene Callanan, Rome, 30 April 1627; Thomas Walsh, archbishop of Cashel, to Callanan, Madrid, 20 June 1627, Wadding Papers, 249–250. 76. The Ulster students were Eugene Colgan, John St. Laurence, Christopher Chamberlain, and Terence O’Kelly. Those coming from Munster were Edward Wall and John De Courcey. See PICR, Liber I, fols. 67v-68r, 80v. 77. Thomas Walsh to Wadding, Madrid, 20 February 1628, Wadding Papers, 257–258 (“una santa emulation entre esse seminario y los que están a cargo de la Compañia”). 78. PICR, Liber I, fol.80v; Hugh Fenning, OP, “Irishmen Ordained at Rome, 1572–1697”, in Arch. Hib., 59 (2005): 12. 79. APF, Acta, vol.6, fol.55; APF, Acta, vol. 6, fol. 183. 80. Cristina Bravo Lozano, Spain and the Irish Mission, 1609–1707 (London: Routledge, 2019), 82–83. 81. Fenning, “Irishmen Ordained at Rome”, 12. 82. AAV, Dataria Apostolica, Per Obitum, vol. 1626, fol. 97v. 83. Brian Mac Cuarta, SJ, Catholic Revival in the North of Ireland, 1603–1641 (Dublin: Four Courts Press, 2007), 105, 107. 84. George Downham, bishop of Derry, to Lord of Justices, Fahan, 9 January 1630, Rober Pentland Mahaffy, ed., Calendar of State Papers relating to Ireland of the Reign of Charles I [hereafter in CSPI] (London: Printer for His Majesty’s Stationery Office, 1900), XVI: 511–512. 85. In 1631 he participated in a meeting of twenty Derry priests, among whom there was another Ulsterman ordained in Rome, to decide on the lifting of an excommunication against Owen O’Quigg, a layman who brought a Derry priest to court over an unpaid debt. The Ulster cleric ordained at Rome was Donatus O’Cahan. See voluntary oath of Owen O’Quigg taken before Sir Thomas Philipps, no place, 17 December 1631, in CSPI, XVI: 637; Fenning, “Irishmen Ordained in Rome”, 10–11. 86. The evidence of his death come from a letter that Roche sent to Wadding in January of 1630. See Roche to Wadding, no place, January 1630, Wadding Papers, 332–333. 87. PICR, Liber I, fol.68r; Jennings, “Miscellaneous documents-II”, 3. 88. PICR, Liber XXVII, fol. 209rv.

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89. Corish, “The Beginnings of the Irish College, Rome”, 7; O’Connor, “The Irish College, Rome in the Age of Religious Renewal, 1625–1690”, in Collegium Hibernorum, 18–19. 90. PICR, Liber I, fol.59rv. 91. AAV, Archivio Boncompagni-Ludovisi, Armadio IX, protocollo 293, numero 27, fols. 371–404. 92. Corish, “The Irish College, Rome”, 8. 93. Mario Marefoschi, Relazione della visita apostolica del collegio ibernese fatta dall’eminentissimo e reverendissimo signor cardinale Mario Marefoschi presentata alla santità di nostro signore, Papa Clemente XIV (Roma: Marco Pagliarini, 1772), 78–79; APF, Acta, vol. 8, fols. 193–209v. 94. Jennings, “Miscellaneous Documents-I, 1588–1634”, Arch. Hib, 12 (1946): 184–187. 95. Aidan Clarke, The Old English in Ireland, 1625–1642 (Dublin: Four Courts Press, 2000), 2nd ed., 24. 96. Jennings, “Documents of the Irish College at Douai”, Arch. Hib., 10 (1943): 174–178. 97. Walsh, The Irish Continental College Movement, 69–70. 98. The early constitution of the Sacra Rota goes back to the twelfth and thirteenth centuries. It was a board of auditors who had authority and competence over ecclesiastical judicial cases. Its role was officially defined by the Code of Canon Law of 1598. See Catholic University of America ed., New Catholic Encyclopaedia, (London: McGraw-Hill, 1967), XII: 683–685. 99. Marefoschi, Relazione della visita apostolica del collegio ibernese, 78–81. 100. The student who signed the petition were John De Courcey, (Munster), Patrick Walsh (Munster), John Fahy (Connacht), Edmund Gould (Munster), Malachy Rath (Connacht), Philip Clery (Ulster), and Roger Duierma (Ulster). See APF, SOCG, vol. 294, fol. 420rv, 425rv, petition of seven students of the Irish College to PF, Rome, [1633?]; PICR, Liber XI, fol. 25rv. 101. APF, Acta, vol. 8, fols. 193–209v. 102. To these two requests we need to add that put forward by the executors of the will of Ludovisi who were the general of the Society and his assistants. See APF, SOCG, vol. 294, fols. 421rv, 424rv, petition to cardinal Antonio Barberini presented by Eugene Colgan on behalf of the nobles and clergy of Ireland, Rome, [1633?]; APF, SOCG, vol. 294, fols. 422r-423v, 429r-430v, petition of the executors of the will of cardinal Ludovisi to cardinal Barberini, Rome, [1633?]; APF, SOCG, vol. 294, fols. 428rv, 431rv, petition to Ingoli, (probably presented by Colgan), Rome [1633?].

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103. Corish, The Catholic Community in the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Century (Dublin: Helicon, 1981), 19. 104. Corish, “The Irish College, Rome”, 10. 105. Marefoschi, Relazione della visita apostolica del collegio ibernese, 81–82. 106. See Appendix B, 197–209. 107. APF, Acta, vol. 8, fols. 93–209v, 16 March 1633, Rome; Hugh Ward, OFM, to Wadding, Brussels, 9 August 1630, Wadding Papers, 388 (“tendré con que satisfacer a algunos que a caso entre dientes lo murmuran que no ay dellos en este collegio”). 108. APF, Acta, vol. 7, fol. 254v; APF, Acta, vol. 10, fol. 365; APF, Acta, vol. 12, fols. 180–183; APF, Acta, vol. 16, fol. 108v. 109. Jennings, “Theses Defended at St. Isidore’s College, Rome, 1631–1649”, in Coll. Hib. 2 (1959): 95–96. 110. Ibid., 96–99.

CHAPTER 4

Forging the Missionary Links between the “Urbs” and “Hibernia”

4.1   The Difficult Beginnings of the Irish College By the early 1630s Rome had finally two Irish colleges through which the city could establish and forge a new missionary channel with Ireland. Both the Irish College and St. Isidore’s thus needed to develop their ability to meet their key objectives of recruiting, training students, and repatriating students. This was necessary if the colleges were to respond to the new missionary possibilities offered by the widening of Irish migrations which, during the late 1630, began to expand beyond continental Europe and to include the West Indies. Yet the development of the colleges and their missionary’s capacity did not follow the same track, as a series of problems seriously limited the role played by the Irish College in the missionary network between Rome and Ireland. The hopes that the beginning of the Jesuit administration would place the Irish College on steadier basis clashed with a reality of slender resources. This paucity of means had a detrimental effect on the recruitment’s capacity of the college, where the demand for places outstripped the number available, and where each province had a specified number of places available to it.1 In this regard, the experience of Anthony MacGeoghegan, a priest from Meath, is emblematic as it embodies the problems faced by the Irish clerics who could not access the Irish College. In 1635 he wrote to cardinal Antonio Barberini declaring that he had come to Rome with the intention of studying at the Irish College, but his admission there was refused because the Leinster quota was already full. In his letters, © The Author(s) 2020 M. Binasco, Making, Breaking and Remaking the Irish Missionary Network, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-47372-3_4

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MacGeoghegan stressed that he had been forced to rely on money collected through the celebration of masses, and implored the cardinal to procure him a place in the hospital of Santo Spirito, a charitable institution for pilgrims founded in 1198, which, according to him, traditionally hosted two Irish students attending the lectures at the Collegio Romano.2 He clearly stated that board at the hospital of Santo Spirito in Sassia or any of the other Roman seminaries would allow the student to continue to perform masses, the only way to collect the necessary funds to return to Ireland.3 MacGeoghegan’s subsequent experience in Rome reveals how the permanence in Rome for those excluded from the Irish College was left to chance or to the capacity of the individual to find viable means to survive. In his case, the Irishman succeeded to carve out a position of certain prestige by using his familial links at home as, from the end of 1636, he acted as procurator of Roche MacGeoghegan (1580–1644), Dominican bishop of Kildare since 1629 and member of a Gaelic aristocratic family of Westmeath. There is no evidence to assess for how much time MacGeoghegan acted as agent, but what is certain is that he opted to remain in Rome until his death in 1655.4 The lack of resources did not only affect the clerics who could not access the secular seminary. A closer examination of the financial resources of the Irish college reveals that, during the early 1630s, even the collegians encountered the same difficulty as the Irish college was such in a poor financial status that it could not grant any viaticum. The figures speak for themselves. When Alessandro Gottifredi—the first Jesuit rector—began his office in early 1635, the college was laden with almost 398 crowns of debt while its ready cash was limited to only five crowns, a sum which only increased to twenty when, in early December of that year, James Ford replaced him.5 The financial problems of the Irish Colleges soon combined with a series of problems related to its management. An essential prerequisite for developing the colleges’ ability to train potential missionaries was a permanent residence. The achievement of this proved problematic for the Irish College’s rectors who between 1635 and 1643 were Forde, Agostino Garzadoro, William Malone (1586–1656), and Fabio Albergati.6 Of these four rectors, it was Forde who realized that securing a permanent residence should be a top priority. This was dictated by the fact that the house bought on Pincian Hill close to St. Isidore’s was no longer suitable due to its distance from the Roman College where the Irish students attended classes. In 1635 or 1636, Forde obtained permission from Muzio

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Vitelleschi (1563–1645), to sell that building to countess Lucrezia Ricasoli di San Secondo for 2250 crowns. But Forde subsequently proved unable to find a new permanent housing for the students who reportedly moved between various residences in Rome.7 It was Malone who succeeded in finding a permanent residence, which was situated at the southern base of the Quirinal and bought at the price of 8000 crowns from Girolamo Rosolini in early April 1639. Malone agreed to pay 2250 crowns cash, obtained from Forde’s sale. The outstanding 5750 crowns was to be paid through annual instalments of 400 crowns at an interest rate of four per cent.8 Malone succeeded in repaying 3800 crowns to Rosolini but his efforts were nullified by the financial incapacity of Albergati, his successor. In early 1642, he interrupted the payment method agreed by Malone by concurring with Rosolini that only interest of 171 crowns should be paid annually, with no obligation to pay anything from the capital sum. Moreover, Rosolino increased the seminary’s expenses by equipping it with more furnishings and by promoting the cultivation of its vineyard. It was not alleviated even by his decision to bequeath the Irish College a quarter of the remaining debt to be paid in March 1643.9 The financial restrictions and the need to find a suitable residence were not the only problems which hampered the activity of the secular seminary. One of the principal weaknesses of the procedures adopted in the Irish College to establish a pool of missionaries in the first decade of its existence was the fact that, prior the beginning of the Jesuit administration, the students were permitted to ignore their obligation to sign the missionary oath. In the years from 1628 until early February 1635 only one student signed it.10 Another crucial problem was the oath formula to which the students pledged themselves. As previously seen, the constitutions drafted by Wadding stated that the students had to return to Ireland whenever the college’s authorities ordered it. The formula of the only oath taken by the students during the Franciscan declared that “I am resolved and always be to take holy orders at the appropriate time and return to Ireland to win the souls of my countrymen, whenever it seems fitting in the Lord to the authorities of this college.”11 As it was written the oath was conditional and the key condition for returning home depended on an order of the rectors. The Jesuit management failed to revise the oath formula until 1662. What instead the Jesuit rectors succeeded to do was to force the students to take the oath from the spring of 1635.12

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The most striking feature of students’ progression during these years is the low number of students who proceeded to ordination. Only six out of the twenty-one admitted became priests. Of the remaining sixteen, three became deacons, one was admitted to the subdiaconate, and two were made ostiarius.13 Therefore, either the majority of the students admitted had little interest in being ordained or were considered unsuitable for priesthood by their superiors, perhaps because as the manuscript account of the Irish College put it, they were “too unstable in their vocation.”14 The fact that, during the Franciscan administration, the students did not take the oath partially explains why the contribution of the Irish College to the Irish mission was so moderate by 1635. Between 1628 and early 1635, the seminary admitted twenty-one students, although only five of them were recorded as having returned to Ireland. One of them was O’Kelly, the possible accuser of Wadding, who, as seen in Chap. 2, was admitted in 1628 but who did not complete his studies due to his appointment as vicar apostolic of Derry in 1629.15 Another student James Barry, admitted in 1635, left the seminary in late September 1641 and later joined the Franciscan order.16 In 1645 he was named philosophy lecturer in the convent of Askeaton, and, in 1650, was appointed guardian of the Buttevant convent.17 Three students Eugene Colgan, Philip Clery, and John Fahy succeeded in completing their studies and returning to Ireland, thus fulfilling the seminary’s aim. However, their activity at home had a limited impact. In the case of Clery, it was of very short duration for he left Rome in October 1640 and was killed by Protestants in 1642. No dates are provided on Colgan’s departure from the Irish College. What is sure is that Propaganda granted Colgan and Andrew Wolfe, a student admitted probably after 1628, viaticums around 1630. Yet, in the early 1630s, both were still in Rome as indicated by the complaint that Wadding sent to Ingoli in 1631 or 1632.18 The absence of sources prevents us from tracing Colgan’s movements until 1671, when he was mentioned as archdeacon of Derry.19 Colgan continued to operate in the Derry diocese until his death in early September 1673.20 In early April 1635 Fahy asked Propaganda for a viaticum which would allow him to return to Ireland. Fahy introduced himself as a good student of honest life and enclosed the testimonies of Wadding and Alessandro Gottifredi, the Irish College’s first Jesuit rector.21 Despite this, the Roman congregation ignored Fahy’s request, although he did manage to return home where he operated from 1635 to 1642 under the supervision of

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Robert Barry, vicar apostolic of Ross between 1620 and 1647.22 In 1643 he returned to Rome where he entered the Congregation of Missionary Priests of the Most Blessed Sacrament.23 In 1646 he was appointed procurator of the college at Avignon, and from 1647 until 1650 he acted, following to appointment by Propaganda, as vice-prefect of the mission in Sweden. By the early 1660s Fahy was back in Rome where he petitioned Propaganda to appoint him coadjutor to John Burke,24 archbishop of Tuam from 1647 until 1667.25 Three other students limited to leave Rome in September 1635, having petitioned Propaganda to obtain viaticum in the summer.26 Their request was rejected on 21 August as it had with Fahy’s. This confirms that Propaganda’s decision to financially support students of St. Isidore’s and Irish College had not inaugurated a new policy of its part. It was agreed that the colleges should encourage the students to support themselves by leaving a certain sum in the seminary’s treasury which would be returned on completion of their studies This was an established practice in other foreign colleges.27 But Propaganda’s denial was possibly also influenced by the difficult financial situation of the other Irish Colleges under its supervision. Indeed, Louvain continued to be in the storm-centre of this crisis for, from 1633, its deficit was growing alarmingly.28

4.2   The Rise of St. Isidore’s and the Isolation of the Irish College The contribution of St. Isidore’s to the Irish mission in its early years was more consistent than that of the Irish College, although it was not equal to that provided by St. Anthony’s College, which, within ten years of its foundation, claimed to have sent back thirty-one friars.29 From 1625 until 1635, ten students were recorded to have left Rome to return to Ireland. Their provincial background was thus divided: four were from Connacht, three from Munster, three from Leinster, while one’s place of birth was not specified.30 As remarked in Chap. 2, the statutes of the college also envisaged the sending of missionaries to Scotland, but, in this case, only Francis MacDonnell, an Ulster student, was deployed there in 1627.31 This was not surprising for, since its inception, the mission to Scotland was backed by St. Anthony’s College which provided missionaries and funds.32 Little is known on the locations and types of activity that the Irish friars carried out once they returned to Ireland. Of the ten students who

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returned home between 1625 and 1635, six are known to have acted as guardians or confessors within different convents in Ireland.33 The most prominent position was that of Bernard Conny, a Connacht student admitted to St. Isidore’s between 1625 and 1626, who acted as provincial from 1644 until 1647.34 The available documentation on Conny also indicates that he addressed the Holy Office in 1627 to obtain the required missionary faculties.35 His request was supported by a letter from Wadding, who testified on 4 September to his maturity and judged him an upright man “sufficiently instructed and fit for the mission’.36 On 16 September the Holy Office agreed to grant missionary faculties to Conny for a period of seven years. According to a standard formula, he could celebrate masses in any place, administer the sacraments, except confirmation, and give apostolic benediction in Catholic churches, where there were neither bishops nor vicars apostolic. In practice his faculties had no geographical limits. although the expectation was that Conny would minister in Ireland. But, in theory, the Franciscan could carry out his mission anywhere in Ireland, England, Scotland, as well as any other place under the control of the Stuart monarchy.37 On 4 May 1628, the Holy Office conceded the same faculties to Tarpy and Macdaniel.38 The provision of the missionary faculties did not guarantee that the missionaries would permanently reside in Ireland. The pursuit of an academic career within a continental college might prove more appealing than the risks of mission. Tarpy moved in this direction. After having taught philosophy in 1629  in the friary of Galway for example, Tarpy moved to Louvain in 1630 where he held the chair of philosophy. From there he transferred to the Irish Franciscan College of the Immaculate Conception of Prague, founded in 1629, to lecture in theology.39 The missionary contribution provided by St. Isidore’s to the Irish mission is best highlighted when compared to the available figures on Irish clergy active at home in the 1630s. The most detailed sources for this period are two lists on the regular and secular clergy active in the Connacht province and Ardfert diocese, in Munster. The first was possibly compiled by Dominic Burke, procurator of the Irish Dominican province, in 1636 and addressed to Propaganda. According to his count, there were four seculars, eighteen Dominicans, seven Franciscans, three Augustinians, and two Jesuits in Connacht. Because Burke identified where these men had accomplished their studies, his list revealed that most of the clerics had been trained at Louvain, the Iberian Peninsula or in France. Only two, Bernard Conny and Joseph Curneen were former students of St. Isidore’s.40

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The second list also possibly compiled in 1636, by an anonymous author recorded that, in Ardfert, there were thirteen seculars, twelve Dominicans, eight Augustinians, eight Franciscans, three Jesuits and one Cistercian active. None of the Franciscans in this list was recorded in the entry lists of St. Isidore’s.41 If, during the early 1630s, the capacity of St. Isidore’s to contribute to the missionary network was moderate, the college instead succeeded in becoming a seminal training centre for the Franciscan order. From 1625 until 1635 seven students educated there left Rome to teach philosophy and theology in other colleges or convents. The geographical range of their destinations included not only Louvain and Prague, but also the Franciscan convents of Jerez de la Frontera, in Spain, Lyons, Augsburg, Salzburg, Siracusa, Patti, Palermo, Trapani, Messina and Nicosia, these latter six in Sicily. With two exceptions, they usually lectured philosophy in one location and then moved to another to teach theology.42 Links quickly developed between St. Isidore’s and the Franciscan scholarly houses in the southern part of the Italian Peninsula. This mobility did not involve also the outgoing friars, but also those who were admitted to the college. In 1629 Wadding invited two Irish Franciscans James Miles and Paul Molloy from the Province of Terra di Lavoro, in Naples, where they entered the order, to Rome.43 On 25 May 1629, Molloy, a native of Drogheda, was appointed instructor of students. In June of the same year, Miles was nominated vicar of the college, but he was soon dismissed because of his unsuitability, and returned to Naples, where he died in 1634.44 During the late 1630s and the early 1640s the differences between the Franciscan college and the Irish College became more and more pronounced, and not only in the missionary contribution. Hardly surprisingly the financial status was a seminal aspect which revealed the stability of the Franciscan college compared to the secular seminary. The figures speak for themselves: according to the account registers for the years from 1635 until 1643, the Franciscan college’s budget had a credit balance of 1210 crowns.45 This allowed the Irish Franciscans to run the college’s finances efficiently, as demonstrated by the register of receipts which indicates that, between 1636 and 1643, the college spent almost 187 crowns, forty more that the overall sum of ready cash available at the Irish College during that period.46 A further element which heightened the differences between the two colleges was their capacity to develop and emerge as cultural centres. In the case of the Irish College the limited resources left little margin for

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investing in intellectual resources. In this regard the only exceptions were the efforts made by rector Forde, and his successor who began to develop the library. From 1635 until 1642 almost eighty-one crowns were spent for purchasing and binding books, thus expanding the library’s holdings which, prior to the commencement of the Jesuit administration, consisted of two trunks of books. The first set of books consisted of forty-eight texts which had been left in 1611 to the Jesuit house of Sant’Andrea by the Irish Jesuit Henry Fitzsimon (1566–1643/1645), and were transferred to the Irish College in 1635.47 The second set of thirty-eight books was bequeathed to the College in 1633 by Malachy MacBrehun (1588–1633), an Irish layman who had been living in Rome since about 1627.48 The scarce financial resources available to the Jesuit rectors had a repercussion on the intellectual vitality of the students’ body of the Irish College, who displayed little interest to produce and publish scholarly texts. The only exception was Clery, the student admitted in 1632, who translated two books of catechism into Irish in 1637, a language for which, in 1638, Propaganda approved a specific casting type to use at the polyglot press which it had established in 1626.49 In spring 1640 Clery petitioned the congregation for permission to print the texts on its press, and in late June, Propaganda approved his request on condition that it could examine the books once they were printed.50 Unfortunately Clery’s publishing plan did not come to fruition because of the death unfolded in 1642, and his attempt stood as an isolated effort because it was not succeeded by another in the following years.51 By contrast to the Irish College, St. Isidore’s progressively became one of the cultural and intellectual hubs of the Irish Franciscan Province, which, as stressed by Benjamin Hazard, developed a “Mediterranean” view—more influenced by the Catholic Reformation—, and less concerned with the Protestant Reformation, such instead was St. Anthony’s at Leuven.52 The growing intellectual reputation of the college combined with the fact that, since its founding, it soon became a main centre of the Roman Baroque, in which worked prominent artists of the calibre of Andrea Sacchi (1599–1661)—who painted the college’s main altarpiece in 1626—and Carlo Maratta (1625–1713) who made three portraits of Wadding in the years 1652–1657.53 This flourishing intellectual context linked to the positive financial conditions of the college which was in condition to offer a steady support for the scholarly outputs of the students. The accounts for the years 1635–1643 indicate that St. Isidore’s paid fifty crowns to print and bind theses

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defended by students on completion of their studies.54 Beyond the healthy financial status of the colleges, these theses are a good means to display the deep connections that Wadding had successfully built. During that period twenty-two theses were defended and each of them was dedicated to prominent members of the Holy See, who, most of the time, attended at the discussion. The list included Cardinals of high standing like Francesco Barberini, Alonso de la Cueva Benavides y Mendoza-Carrillo (1574–1655), Peter Pàzmàny (1570–1637), Giulio Roma (1584–1652), and Agostino Spinola Basadone (1597–1649), as well as Nicola Ridolfi (1578–1650), general of the Dominicans from 1629 to 1642 and master of the Sacred Apostolic Palace.55 A seminal factor which favoured the incoming students at St. Isidore is that they could rely on a well-equipped library for their spiritual training, which had begun to be developed by Wadding, and which—by 1655—would amount to about 5000 volumes.56 A further element which displayed the intellectual vitality of St. Isidore’s was its continuous capacity to train students to become philosophy or theology lecturers. From 1635 to 1643, two distinct groups of lecturers emerged: those who operated in the Italian Peninsula and those who taught elsewhere in Europe, including Ireland. The first group was composed of twelve lecturers who taught in Naples, Milan, Rome, Barletta, Tivoli, Perugia, Venice, Viterbo, Bolzano, Capranica, and Mantova. The second group consisted of eleven lecturers who, after their departure from Rome, taught in a series of different locations like Louvain, Prague, Wien, Klosternenberg, Salzburg, St. Malo, Pontoise, Kilkenny, and other unspecified Irish locations.57 As well as producing a new generation of lecturers, St. Isidore’s became a nerve centre of Franciscan culture. Much of the growing scholarly reputation of the Franciscan college was due and heavily reliant on the personal reputation of its most prominent resident, Wadding who, by 1643, had published thirteen works and edited four volumes of the Annales Minorum.58 In addition, the college’s literary activity was enriched by Bonaventure Baron, nephew of Wadding and philosophy lecturer in the college where he was admitted in 1633.59 He published two works in 1642 and 1643.60 But it was Wadding who proved the most important representative of the college in these years. Since the late 1620s, he had been a consultor for the Congregation of the Index, a responsibility that put him under growing pressure from confreres outside Rome and who identified as a potential lobbyist.61 For instance, in 1640, Remigio della Tripalda, an Italian Franciscan, wrote to Wadding to ask him to “do some

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reflections” on his book and “to express your opinion” kidding that this “for me, will be esteemed truer than the many I will ever hear.” Tripalda asked “your very reverend paternity may favour this effort a lot.”62 Between the late 1630s and the early 1640s, Wadding built a network of international contacts—amid whom there were prominent members of the Franciscan hierarchy—in order to favour the circulation of texts written at St. Isidore’s. One of these prominent Franciscan figures was Juan de Merinero, (1600–1663), minister general from 1639 until 1645, to whom Wadding appealed in order to circulate the first comprehensive edition of John Dun Scotus’ works, published at Lyons in 1639.63 It was to the Iberian Peninsula, that in 1639 and 1640 Wadding dispatched the majority of the unbound drafts of the edition to Marinero so that he could oversee the printing process.64 The volume was so successful that it was out of print within a few years.65 Wadding’s contacts also extended beyond the Franciscan order as his interest in the history of the ecclesiastical provinces of the Italian Peninsula provided him with the opportunity to approach prominent members of the secular clergy who were compiling extensive histories of dioceses or cities in an annalistic style. One of these was Scipione Agnelli Maffei, bishop of Casale from 1624 until 1653, whose work on Mantova would be posthumously published in 1675.66 In early January 1635, in return to the provision of help in Wadding’s search for past bishops of Casale, he asked that the Franciscan could “favour more and more strongly my book” within the Papal Curia.67 The prominence of St. Isidore’s was not restrained to the intellectual sphere, but it also reflected on a diplomatic level. The intellectual achievements of Wadding—combined with his influential roles at the Papal Curia—caused St. Isidore’s to become the main point of contact for ecclesiastical-­political relations between the papacy and Ireland in the early 1640s. This connection began to develop in late October 1641 when the Ulster rebellion broke out.68 Wadding was the first Irishman in the city to be informed of the outbreak of hostilities on foot of a report forwarded to him by his confrere Hugh Burke at the end of November 1641.69 Throughout the winter of 1641–1642, Burke continued to channel information to Wadding who was constantly updated on the military operations of the Irish insurgents.70 For his part, Wadding used these reports for a dual purpose: to inform Cardinal Antonio Barberini on the Irish rebellion’s development and to lobby him to allocate funding to the Irish rebels and to dispatch an agent to Ireland to survey the situation.71 The Franciscan’s influence produced a result for, in March 1642, he dispatched

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10,000, granted by Cardinal Barberini, to the Irish insurgents for the purchase of artillery and ammunitions.72 The importance of Wadding’s role grew at the same pace as the Irish insurgents evolved into a proper political body. On 7 June 1642 several lay leaders and Catholic bishops met at Kilkenny to draw up an oath of association. This paved the way for the formation of the Confederate Catholics of Ireland, the official birth of which was sanctioned by the general assembly held at Kilkenny from 24 October to 21 November 1642.73 The Irish Confederates considered Wadding an essential figure for their strategies and, on 6 December 1642, they appointed him as their official agent and procurator for their affairs in Rome.74 After his appointment, Wadding’s support towards the Irish rebellion grew and he updated Antonio Barberini on the Irish rebellion and requested financial assistance.75 Moreover he was instrumental in the appointment of Pierfrancesco Scarampi (1596–1656), an Italian Oratorian priest, as papal delegate to Ireland at mid-April 1643.76 This is indicated by the letter, dated 4 March 1643 that Wadding addressed to Antonio Barberini. In it, the Franciscan recounted that he had contacted Scarampi and invited him to come to Rome in anticipation of his mission to Ireland, which would set the agenda for the nunciature of Giovanni Battista Rinuccini (1592–1663) in 1645.77 By contrast to St. Isidore’s, the isolation of the Irish College repeated at political level as none of the residents—rectors and students—of the secular seminar played any role in Rome for the Irish Confederates during the 1640s. This contrasted with the fact, from the rebellion’s outbreak, Muzio Vitelleschi (1563–1645), the Jesuit general, took a keen interest in the Irish situation, on which, from 1642, he was punctually through the reports which were sent to him by the Society’s members active at home and from Matthew O’Hartegan, the Irish Jesuit, who operated as the Confederates’ agent in Paris.78 The intellectual and political gap which, during the late 1630s and early 1640s, existed between St. Isidore’s and the Irish College repeated in the most important objectives that the colleges had to fulfil: the formation of students and the supply of missionaries to Ireland.

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4.3   The Missionary Supply from Rome to Ireland between the 1630s and the Early 1640s The entry records of the Irish College for the years between 1635 and 1643 indicate that it admitted ten students, eleven less than those accepted during the period from 1628 until early 1635. From this figure it may be inferred that the meagre resources and the decision to purchase a new residence made it impossible to admit many new students, and almost impossible to improve on its early intake.79 Though, the provincial background of this cohort of new entrants displays significant changes compared to the previous period of 1628—early 1635. The Munster recruits no longer formed the dominant group because their number had reduced to one from seven. Three students were from Ulster and five from Leinster. While the background of one collegian was unknown, there was no record of any Connacht native entering the college.80 The students’ provincial background mirrored what happened in the Irish provinces. The absence of Connacht students may have been due to the troubled situation in that province, where from 1634 the Catholic proprietors had been viewed with suspicion by Thomas Wentworth (1593–1641), lord deputy of Ireland from 1632. More specifically Wentworth considered their support of the students in the continental Irish Colleges to be an impediment for the advancement of Protestantism. In 1634, he promoted a plantation scheme in Connacht which aimed to place landowners under government control. Though by 1640 this scheme had no practical outcome, Patrick J.  Corish suggests that the Catholic gentry’s fear of being deprived of their lands may have induced them to halt their support of the students studying in the continental colleges.81 This period continued to witness the poor results of the Jesuit management for developing a steady missionary link with Ireland. In particular, the Jesuit rectors were still coping to find viable solutions for improving the necessary missionary procedures. One of these was the missionary oath, which they did succeed in obliging the new students to sign it, but the formula of which was not modified. Despite the oath was taken by nine out of ten students, its effect was weakened by the fact that only a low number of students proceeded to ordination. 82 Only four of the ten became priests, while two were made ostiarius, but they left the Irish College without taking holy orders. No details are available on four students.83 Beyond the low number of students ordained, this period also witnessed the arrival of the first “miscreant”, that is the students who did

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not have any religious vocation such as James Quirke who was admitted in 1640. His stay in the Irish College was very brief because he was transferred to the Jesuit noviciate in late August 1641 before being dismissed in October.84 After this expulsion, Quirke remained in the city where he supported himself by selling chestnuts. He was subsequently ordained and became a priest. The Jesuit management did not seem to consider Quirke’s admission as a problem as his name was simply the first to be included within the list of “miscreants.” The document revealed that the student’s admission was encouraged by some unknown patrons who “solicited in his behalfe to be receaved to this college.”85 The low number of ordinands was, however, offset by the fact that almost all of these returned to operate on the Irish mission. Three out of ten students were back in Ireland before the end of the 1640s, with one who quickly rose through the clerical ranks there. This was Luke Plunkett who was admitted in the Irish College in 1638 and left it in 1641 to go to Paris to continue his studies. He was possibly ordained there, before holding the key positions of principal chaplain of the Confederate Leinster army and protonotary apostolic during the Confederate War (1641–1653).86 A further indication of Plunkett’s prestigious career is his participation as the only representative of the Meath clergy in the synod of the Irish Catholic Church held at Jamestown on 12 August 1650. Plunkett was one of the clerics who signed the declaration that sanctioned the excommunication of as well as the refusal to obey to James Butler (1610–1688), first duke of Ormond and Protestant lord lieutenant of Ireland.87 From 1665 until around 1670 Plunkett operated as pastor of Athboy in the Meath diocese, and was, from 1664, also titular abbot of St. Thomas’ church in Dublin.88 At the beginning of the 1670s Plunkett’s career took a further step thanks to the help provided by Oliver Plunkett (1625–1681), archbishop of Armagh between 1669 and 1681, who was a kinsman of the Fingal branch of the Plunkett, to which Luke belonged.89 In 1671, Plunkett was named metropolitan vicar of Raphoe, and, in 1672, Archbishop Plunkett transferred him to Derry, where he acted as vicar general. During the Popish Plot (1678–1681), the conspiracy organized by Titus Oates (1649–1705) to kill King Charles II (1630–1685),90 he was arrested and transported to London, although by early 1680 he had been released and returned home.91 The other two students who returned home were Maurice Ward (b. 1612) and William Bergin (b.1614), who joined the Jesuits after their arrival in Ireland. Their joining may have been partly due to the contact or

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affection that they had with the Society while students. Yet this did not mean that the Jesuits recruited students exclusively for their Society during this period, despite the initial fears that this would happen when they took over the seminary’s management in 1635. The available evidence indicates that Ward entered the Jesuits in 1646 at Kilkenny and took vows in 1648. According to a Jesuit catalogue of 1654, he was included within the missionaries of the Society active in Ireland. Another catalogue of 1662 accounted that he carried out his activity in Galway, and he died in 1663.92 In contrast to Ward, Bergin’s conduct within the Society was less satisfactory. Possibly between 1648 and 1649 he left the Irish College to return home where he entered the order. In 1650, he was sent to Portugal where he was dismissed from the Society for unknown reasons. According to the manuscript history of the Irish College, he then went to Livorno where he dedicated himself to converting English Protestant traders. He late died in that city.93 According to the manuscript history of the Irish College, two other students became Jesuits while one entered the Franciscan order. Two students, namely Richard Stafford and Ignatius Teeling, entered the Society in the Italian Peninsula where they remained. Stafford died in Puglia while working on behalf of the Collegio Romano. For his part, Teeling entered the Jesuits in 1647 and subsequently taught philosophy in Siena, mathematics in Rome, theology at Ingolstad, Bologna, and Naples. In 1676 he resided in the German College of Rome where he acted as revisor for the German Assistancy.94 He possibly died in 1699.95 The student who joined the Franciscan order was Matthias Ball who left the Irish College in 1645 without taking holy orders.96 Yet, in contrast to Plunkett, Ward and Bergin, none of the above mentioned students returned to Ireland as their oath required. Their refusal or inability to return home once they completed their studies was due to a variety of reasons. Most obviously, the poor conditions for the secular clergy at home and instability at home played against their return.97 The situation was worsened by the fact that, after 1635, Propaganda decided to no longer grant a viaticum to Irish students.98 The Irish College was not unique in encountering difficulties relating to resources and an unfavourable political climate at home, and it is possible to suppose that the limited contribution that the seminary made to the supply of missionaries for the Irish church might mirror that of similar institutions in the city, notably the English College and the Scots College.99 Long before the Irish College, the English College had already been

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placed under Jesuit administration, and, since 1598, the rector of the college had always been an English member of the Society. Both colleges were already familiar with financial restrictions as well as severe disputes between rectors and students.100 However, the two seminaries still succeeded in providing missionaries for England and Scotland. Between 1580 and 1642 the English College could boast the formation of 122 missionaries, forty-eight of whom were killed by the Protestant authorities.101 It is more difficult to gauge the missionary contribution of the Scots College because the available figures are limited to one year. Despite this, the number of returning students appears to have been much higher proportionally than the Irish College in the same period. According to its records, in 1643 the Scots College had ten students and by the late 1640s seven of them returned to Scotland.102 The best way to highlight the difficulties encountered by the Irish College in developing a missionary link with Ireland is to compare it with that of St. Isidore’s. The differences continued to be striking, from recruitment of students to repatriation of missionaries. The Franciscan college recruited just as well between 1635 and 1643 as it had during the previous decade. The entry records display that sixty new students were accepted, of whom seventeen were from Leinster and eighteen from Munster, nine from Ulster and five from Connacht. No details were provided for eleven students.103 In contrast to the early 1630s when Munstermen were the outright majority (thirty-two out of sixty-four students), there was a shift during this period so that an almost equal proportion of Leinster and Munster recruits dominated in the catalogue of entry. By contrast to the Irish College, there was a thin representation of Connachtmen. Possibly their small number might have again been determined by the political conditions previously described in that province. In any case, the dominance of the southern provinces did not bring the Connacht and Ulster students to raise any complaint about provincial favouritism at either college in this period. Further examination of the students’ body at St. Isidore’s reveals that there was a low ordination rate as only seven of them were ordained in Rome. Of the remainder, the available information reveals that three were made deacon, one promoted to minor orders, and one was named exorcist while at the college.104 However, in contrast to the Irish College, other students may already been ordained elsewhere before their arrival in Rome, for the Franciscan training network linked St. Isidore’s with other Irish Franciscan colleges and Franciscan convents in continental Europe.105

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Thus, in early April 1636 St. Isidore’s admitted seven students. Six of them were called from St. Anthony’s College of Louvain, while one travelled from the Iberian Peninsula. A further example of this mobility was the invitation made by the Franciscan college to four students, two from the Iberian Peninsula and two from Spanish Flanders, to admission to its theology course in March 1638.106 Beyond its links to other Franciscan centres on the continent, St. Isidore’s succeeded in extending its connections with the Irish mission. The records indicate that twenty-third out of the sixty students (or 38 %) admitted in the years from 1636 to 1643 did return to Ireland, even if they were not ordained in Rome. This represented a tangible improvement compared to the eleven students recorded to have done so during the years 1625–1635. A further positive aspect was that the majority of the students, sixteen of them, returned to operate on the Irish mission before the end of the 1640s.107 The figures of this period indicate that just over a third of the Franciscan students returned to operate within the Irish mission. However almost a third of the students of the Irish College also returned in the same period so proportionally the rate of return did not differ much between the two colleges. The real difference is in the number of students recruited and in the number of those who completed their training. It is difficult to present a clear picture of the financial support provided by the Franciscan College towards the returning students because the evidence is scarce. According to the account register, in late September 1642 the college paid almost four crowns towards ship’s passage for Francis Magruairk (1614?-1665) and Bonaventure Conny (b.1612?), two Ulster students admitted to study in 1636.108 Another indication of this form of support evinced in early April 1644 when the college gave almost eight crowns to Thaddeus O’Carraghy and to another friar, simply named as William, for travel costs and for the provision of equipment to buy for their journey to Ireland.109 The friar named William might be William Meacher, a student admitted on 2 January 1638.110 However, it is not certain whether or not he returned to Ireland due to the complete absence of sources on his subsequent activity. Some of the returning students succeeded to rise to prominent positions within the order in continental Europe and in Ireland. John Barnewall, Anthony Doherty, and Bernardine Barry were three telling cases. Barnewall, a Leinsterman received the minor orders and was admitted to the subdiaconate in Malines in December 1617.111 In 1627 he

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defended his theology theses in Louvain from where he moved to St. Isidore’s. At mid-April 1629 he was made acolyte and two years later was ordained priest.112 He defended his philosophy thesis in 1632.113 The available evidence indicates that in the summer of 1638 he returned home following his appointment as minister provincial, an office he still held in early November 1642.114 In 1645 Barnewall was guardian of Dublin115, and three years later he was amongst those friars who opposed the excommunications of Rinuccini.116 Doherty, an Ulsterman, entered the Franciscans in St. Anthony’s college of Louvain probably in late 1620s, and was sent from there to St. Isidore’s to study philosophy in 1636.117 In late February 1638 he was made exorcist but there are no further details on his ordination or on his departure from Rome.118 The first mention of him in Ireland was at the provincial chapter of 1647 during which he was elected custos of the province. In 1658 Doherty was appointed guardian of Moyne and at the chapter of 1661 he was named provincial, an office he held until 1666. In 1687 he was named master of novices in the Moyne convent. The last record of him indicates that in 1689 he was appointed as one of the examiners of the friars seeking approval as confessors.119 Barry was ordained in Rome in mid-September 1635, and taught philosophy in the convent of Santa Maria Nuova in Naples and the Aracoeli in Rome in 1638 and 1639 respectively. For some time he also taught at St. Isidore’s where, in 1642, he was appointed vicar.120 In 1647 he moved to Louvain following his appointment as guardian of that college, remaining there until 1652, the year of his return to Rome. From 1652 until 1655 he acted as guardian of St. Isidore’s and remained there until 1659, when Michelangelo Buongiorno di Sambuca, minister general from 1658 until 1664, named him commissary of the Irish Franciscan colleges in Louvain and Prague.121 At the provincial chapter of 1666 Barry was named minister provincial, although his election was contested by Mark Brown, the chapter’s president, and it was not confirmed.122 The reason for this was linked to the fact that Barry had refused to sign the Remonstrance, the statement through which, in 1661, leading Old-English Catholics acknowledged Charles II as lawful king, to whom obedience was necessary in all civil and temporal affairs.123 Brown’s refusal forced the Irish province to appeal to the general curia in Rome which ratified Barry’s election only at the end of September 1668, five months after his death in Louvain.124 The sources on the other twenty-students who returned to Ireland demonstrate that twelve of them acted as guardian in a variety of locations,

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eight of them holding this role in two or three different locations during their career.125 Further evidence indicates that six were named confessors and preachers, two became philosophy lecturers, one a theology lecturer, and two acted as definitor at the provincial chapters, in 1647 and in 1648 respectively.126 The mobility of the former students was favoured by the fact that the order’s network at home was in a stage of expansion. By 1647, it possessed a total of sixty-one houses, twenty-nine more than recorded by the provincial chapter of 1629.127 In summary, the years 1635–1643 witnessed a growing gap between St. Isidore’s and the Irish College, the development of which differed both in pace and achievement. The fundamental difficulty for the Irish College was the continuous paucity of resources, while was also hindered by the absence of a long-term strategy that survived changes in personnel. Inevitably the prudent management strategies carried out by the Irish rectors clashed with the ruinous decisions taken by the Italian rectors who did not consider the meagre seminary’s resources. The case of rectors Ford and Malone is eloquent as both focused on their search to find a permanent residence for the Irish College and implemented their plans through careful investments which considered the seminary’s limited resources. However, Albergati completely nullified their efforts by introducing a method of payment to Rosolino which simply accumulated the college’s debt to him. The need to find a permanent residence and the perpetual absence of financial stability hampered the seminary’s capacity to recruit many students, as St. Isidore’s did so successfully, thus consolidating the foundations laid during the previous decade. The Franciscan college was advantaged by the growing intellectual reputation and ecclesio-political stature of Wadding, while the Irish College lacked an equivalent figurehead, who could act as its spokesman and representative and who could use his extensive web of associations to promote it and its students. All the above factors played in favour of the Franciscan college which spearheaded the missionary link between Rome and Ireland. The figures indicate that the college succeeded in sending home twenty-two students, eleven more than those who left in the period between 1625 and 1635. The college also used the international network of Franciscan institutions to its benefits, with students moving between colleges during their formation and being deployed to serve in the expanding province in Ireland and in a variety of roles elsewhere. Given its leading role, St. Isidore’s thus seemed the only structure which was equipped to respond to the growing

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spiritual needs of the Irish emigrants even in the areas beyond continental Europe like the West Indies as it will be examined by the next chapter.

Notes 1. Thomas O’Connor, “The Irish College, Rome in the Age of Religious Renewal, 1625–1690”, in Collegium Hibernorum, 26. 2. Pietro de Angelis, L’Ospedale di Santo Spirito in Saxia: Dalle origini al 1300 (Roma: Academia Lancisiana, 1960). 3. APF, SOCG, vol. 14, fol. 88rv-89rv, 97rv-98rv, 106rv, 109rv, Anthony MacGeoghegan to Cardinal Antonio Barberini, Rome, [1635?]. 4. AAV, Dataria Apostolica, Processus Datariae, vol. 8, fol. 1r-19r; ASVR, Libro dei Morti, Sant’Andrea delle Fratte, vol. 3 (1647–1685), fol. 97r; Thomas Flynn, OP, The Irish Dominicans, 1536–1641 (Dublin: Four Courts Press, 1993), 163–165, 175–176. 5. PICR, Liber I, fol. 69v. 6. Forde was rector from 2 December 1635 to the end of February 1637; Garzadoro from the end of February 1637 to 10 December of the same year; Malone from 10 December 1637 to the end of January 1642; Albergati, cousin of cardinal Ludovico Ludovisi, from early February 1642 until 2 February of 1647. See PICR, Liber I, fols. 69r-70v 7. PICR, Liber V, fols. 15r-16r. 8. Before this residence, Malone bought a house in Piazza Morgana in January 1639, but the seminary residents had to vacate the premises soon after its purchase, although the reason for this is unclear. See PICR, Liber I, fols. 69v-70v; PICR, Liber VIII, fols. 1r-9. 9. PICR, Liber I, fols. 69v-70v; APF, SC, Collegi Vari, vol. 34, fols. 6–7. 10. The student was Roger Duierma who took the missionary oath in 1633. See PICR, Liber XII, fol. 25rv. 11. Oath of Roger Duierma, 1633, PICR, Liber XII, fol. 25rv (“quare promitto iuroque omnipotenti Deo, Beatissime Virgini Mariae et Sancto Patricio me animo paratum esse ac semper futurum ut suo tempore sacros ordines suscitiamo, et in Hyberniam ad proximorum animas lucrandas reperta quandocumque superioribus huius seminarii”). 12. PICR, Liber I, fol. 68v. 13. See Appendix A, 186–188. 14. PICR, Liber I, fol. 71r (“parum constants in vocatione”). 15. PICR, Liber I, fol. 71r. 16. PICR, Liber I, fol. 73r. 17. LL,18, 36. 18. APF, SOCG, vol. 294, fol. 271rv, 274rv, Luke Wadding to Francesco Ingoli, PF secretary, Rome [1631–1632?].

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19. APF, CP, vol. 18, fol. 76rv, Oliver Plunkett, archbishop of Armagh, to Carlo Francesco Airoldi, Dublin, 19 September 1671. 20. See John Hanly, ed., The Letters of St. Oliver Plunkett, 1625–1681, Archbishop of Armagh and Primate of all Ireland. Edited and Translated with an Introduction by Monsignor John Hanly of the Irish College in Rome (Dublin: The Dolmen Press, 1979), 371. 21. APF, SC, Collegi Vari, vol. 34, fol. 2rv, John Fahy to PF, 6 April 1635. 22. AAV, Dataria Apostolica, Processus Datarie, vol. 26, fols. 6v-8v, 15v-16r; 29r-30v, 31r-33v. 23. The Congregation of Missionary Priests of the Most Blessed Sacrament was founded in 1632, in Avignon, by Christophe d’Authier de Sisgau, bishop of Bethlehem. See Bernard Pujo, Vincent de Paul, The Trailblazer (Notre Dame: Notre Dame University Press, 2003), translated by Gertrud Graubart Champe, 111. 24. APF, Fondo di Vienna, vol. 14, fols. 186r-187v, John Fahy to Cardinal Decio Azzolini, Rome, after 1660s? 25. Benignus Millett, and Christopher J. Woods. “Roman Catholic Bishops from 1534”, in A New History of Ireland, IX: Maps, Genealogies, Lists, eds., T. W. Moody, F. X. Martin, F. J. Byrne (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1984), 379. 26. PICR, Liber I, fol. 72rv. 27. APF, Acta, vol. 8, fol. 315. 28. APF, SOCG, vol. 134, fol. 114rv, 120rv, Fabio de Lagonissa, archbishop of Conza and nuncio in Spanish Flanders, to Ingoli, Brussels, 20 December 1633. 29. Canice Mooney, OFM, “The Golden Age of the Irish Franciscans, 1615–1650”, in Measgra i gCuimhne Mhichil Uí Chlreirigh: Miscellany of Historical and Linguistic Studies in Honour of Brother Michael O Cleirigh, Chief of the Four Masters, 1643–1943, ed., Sylvester O’ Brien (Dublin: Assisi Press, 1944), 27. 30. See Appendix B, 197–209. 31. Ibid., 198. 32. See Cathaldus Giblin, OFM, Irish Franciscan Mission to Scotland, 1619–1646: Documents from Roman Archives (Dublin: Clonmore and Reynolds, 1964), VII–XVI. 33. See Appendix B, 197–209. 34. See ibid., 198. 35. ACDF, SO, St. St., SS, vol. 1-c, fol. 742r, Bernard Conny, OFM, to Holy Office, Rome, 1627. 36. ACDF, SO, St. St., SS, vol. 1-c, fol. 743r, Wadding to Holy Office, 4 September 1627, Rome (“sufficienter instructum, missioni idoneus”). 37. ACDF, SO, St. St., SS, vol. 1-c, fol. 746rv-747rv.

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38. ACDF, SO, St. St., SS, vol. 1-c, fol. 792rv-793rv. 39. On the earlier history of this college see, Jennings, “Irish Franciscan documents. Prague 1”, Arch. Hib., 9 (1942):173–294; LL, 6; Jennings, “Miscellaneous Documents-II”, 10; Jan Parez and Hedvika Kucharová, The Irish Franciscans in Prague 1629–1786 (Prague: Charles University/ Karolinum Press, 2015). 40. APF, SOCG, vol. 135, fols. 204rv, 209rv, Dominic Burke, procurator of the Irish Dominican province, to PF, 1636. 41. APF, SOCG, vol. 135, fols. 205rv, 208rv, anonymous report to PF [1636?]. 42. See Appendix B, 198, 206. 43. The date of their entry in the Franciscan order is not specified. 44. Jennings, “Miscellaneous Documents-II”, 2–3; Cleary, Father Luke Wadding and St. Isidore’s College Rome: Biographical and Historical Notes and Documents (Rome: Tipografia del Senato G. Bardi, 1925), 82–83. 45. UCD-OFM, MS C 63, fols. 89rv-101rv. 46. UCD-OFM, MS C 35. 47. PICR, Liber XXI, fol. 236rv; the full list of the books has been published in Hugh Fenning, OP, “Some Irish Donors of Books to the Irish College in Rome, 1611–1678”, in The Irish College, 46–52. 48. PICR, Liber IV, fols. 141–145, 151, 154; Thomas Walsh, archbishop of Cashel, to John Roche, bishop of Ferns, Madrid, 14 March 1627, in Wadding Papers, 1614–1638 (Dublin: Stationery Office, 1953), 245. 49. AAV, Dataria Apostolica, Per Obitum, vol. 1637, fol. 213v; APF, Acta, vol. 13, fol. 90rv; See also Giuseppe Fumagalli, Lexicon Typographicum Italiae: dictionnaire geographique d’Italie pour servir à l’histoire de l’imprimerie dans ce pays (Firenze: L.S. Olschki, 1904), 354–356; on the printing-press of Propaganda see Giovanni Pizzorusso, “I satelliti di Propaganda Fide: il Collegio Urbano e la Tipografia Poliglotta. Note di ricerca su due istituzioni culturali romane nel XVII secolo”, Mélanges de l’Ecole Française de Rome. Italie et Méditerranée 116, no. 2 (2004): 471–498; Clare Lois Carroll, Exiles in a Global City. The Irish and Early-­ Modern Rome, 1609–1783 (Leiden: Brill, 2017), 168. 50. APF, Acta, vol. 14, fol. 127r. 51. See Chap. 2. 52. Benjamin Hazard, “St. Isidore’s Franciscan College, Rome: From Centre of Influence to Site of Memory”, in Redes de Nación y espacios de poder: la comunidad irlandesa en España y la América española, 1600–1825, ed. Óscar Recio Morales (Valencia: Albatros Ediciones, 2012), 110. 53. Giovan Battista Fidanza, Luke Wadding’s Art: Irish Franciscan Patronage in Seventeenth Century (St. Bonaventure: Franciscan Institute, 2016); 43–57, 155–177; Il Collegio di Sant’Isidoro. Laboratorio artistico e croce-

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via d’idee nella Roma del Seicento, ed. Suzanne Kubersky-Piredda (Roma: Campisano, 2019); Stella Rudolph, “Carlo Maratti e l’Inghilterra”, in Maratti e l’Europa, ed. Liliana Barroero (Roma: Campisano Editore, 2015), 127–143; Donatella Bellardini and Claudia Costacurta, “I volti di Luca Wadding”, Frate Francesco 2 (2013): 425–439; Giulia Spoltore, “Luke Wadding and Scholars for the Arts in Seventeenth-Century Rome,” in Luke Wadding, the Irish Franciscans, and Global Catholicism, ed. Matteo Binasco (New York: Routledge, 2020), 123–144. 54. For a full list of the authorities to whom the theses were dedicated see Jennings, “Theses Defended at St. Isidore’s College, Rome, 1631–1649”, Coll. Hib. 2 (1959): 98–102. 55. Ibid., 96–99; on Ridolfi see Massimo Carlo Giannini, “Three General Masters for the Dominican Order: The Ridolfi Affaire between International Politics and Faction Struggle at the Papal Court (1642–1644)”, in Papacy, Religious Orders, and International Politics in the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries, ed. Massimo Carlo Giannini (Roma: Viella, 2013), 95–144. 56. Donatella Bellardini, and Claudia Costacurta, “I luoghi del sapere. Genesi della biblioteca e dell’archivio del Collegio di Sant’Isidoro”, in Il Collegio di Sant’Isidoro, 57–76; Joseph MacMahon, and John McCafferty, “The Wadding Library of St. Isidore’s College Rome, 1622–1700”, Archivum Franciscanum Historicum 106, no. 1–2 (Ianuarius–Iunius 2013): 98–110; See also Donatella Bellardini, and Claudia Costacurta, “The Development of Libraries in the Seventeenth Century: Luke Wadding’s Library,” in Luke Wadding, the Irish Franciscans, 95–107; McCafferty, “Luke Wadding: A Life in and for Books,” in ibid., 108–122. 57. See Appendix B, 210–220. 58. Cleary, Father Luke Wadding and St. Isidore’s, 53–58. 59. Jennings, “Miscellaneous Documents-II”, 4, 12; Thomas Wall, “A Distinguished Irish Humanist: Bonaventure Baron of Clonmel (1610–1696)”, Irish Ecclesiastical Record 67 (1946): 92–102. 60. Benignus Millett, The Irish Franciscans, 1651–1665 (Rome: Gregorian University Press, 1964), 469, 471. 61. The first indication of this role is provided by a letter written by Thomas Fleming, archbishop of Dublin, in 1629. See Wadding Papers, 310–311. 62. ACSI, Sectio W 8, no. 20, Remigio della Tripalda, OFM, to Wadding, 7 July 1640, no place (“ci facci reflessioni” … “et ci dica il suo parer, e quello da me sarà stimato il più vero di quanti ne potrò mai sentire”… “Vostra paternità molto reverenda può far assai a favorir questa fatica”… “alcuna cosa mi cap[ita] la mandarò a vostra paternità subito”). 63. Patrick Conlan, St. Isidore’s College, Rome (Roma: Istituto Pio XI, 1982), 41.

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64. ACSI, Sectio W 8, no.2, Wadding to Laurence Durand, 20 October 1639; Juan de Merinero, OFM, minister general, to Wadding, 13 December 1639, ACSI, Sectio W 8, no.17; Merinero to Wadding, 21 December 1639, Genoa, ACSI, Sectio W 8, no. 18 (1); Merinero to Wadding, 13 January 1640, Genoa, ACSI, Sectio W 8, no.18 (2); ACSI, Sectio W 8, no. 18 (3), Marinero to Wadding, 14 July 1640. 65. Conlan, St. Isidore’s College, 41. 66. Scipione Agnelli Maffei, Gli Annali di Mantova scritti da… Vescovo di Casale e dedicati all’Altezza Serenissima di Ferdinando Carlo Duca di Mantova, Monferrato, Nivers, Umena, Retel &tc (Tortona: appresso Nicolò e fratelli Viola, 1675). 67. Scipione Agnelli Maffei, bishop of Casale, to Wadding, Mantova, 19 January 1635, in Jennings, “Some Correspondence of Father Luke Wadding. O.F.M”, Coll. Hib. 2 (1959): 73 (“a favorire sempre più caldamente il mio libro”). 68. Raymond Gillespie, “Destabilizing Ulster, 1641–1642”, in Ulster 1641. Aspects of the Rising, ed. Brian Mac Cuarta (Belfast: Institute of Irish Studies, 1993), 107–109. 69. Hugh Burke to Luke Wadding, Louvain, 29 November 1641, in HMC Franciscan, 109–110. 70. Burke to Wadding, Brussels, 7 December 1641; Burke to Wadding, Louvain, 27 December 1641; Burke to Wadding, Brussels, 18 January 1642, in HMC Franciscan, 111–114. 71. BAV, Barberini Latini, MS 6484, fol. 4rv, Wadding to Cardinal Antonio Barberini, Rome, January 1642; BAV, Barberini Latini, MS 6485, fol. 11r, Wadding to Barberini, Rome, February 1642. 72. Wadding to Burke, Rome, 22 March 1642, in HMC Franciscan, 127–129. 73. Micheál Ó Siochrú, Confederate Ireland. A Constitutional and Political Analysis (Dublin: Four Courts Press, 1999), 42–44. 74. See Richard Bellings, History of the Irish Confederation and the War in Ireland. Containing a Narrative of Affairs of Ireland by Richard Bellings, Author of “a Sixth Book to the Countess of Pembroke’s Arcadia”, Secretary of the Supreme Council of the Irish Confederation: With Correspondence and Documents of the Confederation and of the Administrators of the English government in Ireland, Contemporary Statements etc. Now for the First Time Published from Original Manuscripts [hereafter in Irish Confederation], ed. John T. Gilbert (Dublin: M.H. Gill & Son, 1882), II: 117–118; on the diplomatic role of Wadding on behalf of the Irish Confederates see Matteo Binasco, “A Powerful ‘Hibernese’: Luke Wadding and His Diplomatic Role in Seventeenth-Century Rome”, Revue d’Histoire Ecclésiastique 112, no. 1–2 (2017): 169–184.

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75. BAV, Barberini Latini, MSS 6485, fol. 46rv; BAV, Barberini Latini, MSS 6485, fols. 54rv, 55r, Wadding to Antonio Barberini, 14 November 1642, Rome; BAV, Barberini Latini, MSS 6485, fols. 54rv, 55r, same to same?, May 1643, Rome; BAV, Barberini Latini, MSS 6485, fol. 56r, same to same, May 1643, Rome. 76. BAV, Barberini Latini, MSS 4886, fols. 1r-48. 77. BAV, Barberini Latini, MSS 6485, fol. 47r, Wadding to cardinal Antonio Barberini, 4 March 1643, Rome; Tadgh Ó hannracháin, Catholic Reformation in Ireland. The Mission of Rinuccini, 1645–1649 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2002). 78. ARSI, Anglia, vol. 6a, fol. 12, Robert Nugent, SJ, to Muzio Vitelleschi, SJ, 24 March 1642; ARSI, Anglia, vol. 6a, fol. 14, same to same, 24 April 1642; ARSI, Anglia, vol. 6a, fol. 17, Matthew O’Hartegan to Vitelleschi, 2 June 1642; ARSI, Anglia, vol. 6a, fol. 18, O’Hartegan to Vitelleschi, 16 June 1642; same to same, 5 August 1642, ARSI, Anglia, vol. 6a, fol. 20–24. 79. Patrick Devitt, “The Irish College under the Jesuits (1635–1772)”, The Coelian (1968): 7. 80. See Appendix A, 189. 81. Patrick J.  Corish, The Catholic Community in the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Century (Dublin: Helicon, 1981), 24–25; Nicholas Canny, Making Ireland British, 1580–1650 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2001), 279–291. 82. See Appendix A, 189. 83. Ibid. 84. PICR, Liber I, fol. 73r. 85. PICR, Liber XXVI, fol. 50r. 86. PICR, Liber I, fol. 73r. 87. Thomas Burke, OP, Hibernia dominicana: sive historia provinciae Hiberniae ordinis praedicatorum, Ex antiquis Manuscriptis, probatis Auctoribus, Literis Originalibus … depromata; Inqua Nedum omnia, quae ad memoratam attinent Provinciam, & Caenobia ejus, tam intra quam extra Regnum Hiberniae constituta … atque Alumnos ipsius … exhibentur; Sed etiam plura Regulares generatim sumptos, Clerumque Saecularem, nec non & Res Civiles Hiberniae, atque etiam Magnae Britanniae spectantia, … inseruntur (Coloniae: ex Typografia Metternichiana, 1762), 692–693, 695. 88. Hanly, The Letters of St. Oliver Plunkett, 303. 89. Ibid.; Tomás Ó Fiaich, Tomás Ó Fiaich and Desmond Forristal, Oliver Plunkett, His life and Letters (Dublin: Veritas Publications, 1975), 7. 90. For the most recent analysis on the Popish plot see John Gibney, Ireland and the Popish Plot (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2008).

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91. Hanly, The Letters of St. Oliver Plunkett, 303, 411, 440–442, 448–452, 461–464, 513–519, 549–550, 572–575. 92. PICR, Liber XX, fol. 136r-139v, 141rv, 147r. 93. PICR, Liber I, fol. 74v. 94. PICR, Liber I, fol. 73rv. 95. PICR, Liber I, fol. 73v; Liber XII, fol. 33r; Binasco, and Vera Orschel, “Prosopography of Irish Students admitted to the Irish College, Rome, 1628–1798 [with Index]”, Arch. Hib. 66 (2013): 52. 96. PICR, Liber I, fol. 73v. 97. O’Connor, “The Irish College, Rome”, 24. 98. See Chap. 3. 99. See Chap. 2. 100. Francis Aidan Gasquet, A History of the Venerable English College, Rome. An Account of its Origins and Work from the Earliest Times to the Present Day (London: Longmans, Green and Co., 1920), 79–106; Mark Dilworth, OSB, “Beginnings 1600–1707”, in The Scots College, Rome, 1600–2000, ed. Raymond McCluskey (Edinburgh: John Donald, 2000), 19–22. 101. Gasquet, A History of the Venerable, 123–146. 102. Dilworth, “The Beginnings”, 21–22. 103. See Appendix B, 210–220. 104. Ibid. 105. Mary Ann Lyons, “The Role of St. Anthony’s College, Louvain in establishing the Irish Franciscan College Network, 1534–1607”, in The Irish Franciscans 1534–1990, ed. Edel Bhreathnach, Joseph MacMahon, OFM, and John McCafferty (Dublin: Four Courts Press, 2009), 40. 106. See Appendix B, 214. 107. See Appendix B, 210–220. 108. UCD-OFM, MS C 63, fol. 98r; Jennings, “Miscellaneous Documents-II”, 5. 109. UCD-OFM, MS C 63, fol. 102v. 110. Jennings, “Miscellaneous Documents-II”, 5. 111. Jennings, “Irish Names in the Malines Ordination Registers, 1602–1749”, in I.E.R., 5th series, 75 (1951): 154. 112. Ignatius Fennessy, OFM, “Canon E.  Reusen’s List of Irish Franciscan Theses in Louvain, 1620–1738”, Coll. Hib. 48 (2006): 22–23; Fenning, “Irishmen Ordained at Rome”, 13. 113. Jennings, “Theses Defended at St. Isidore’s College”, 97. 114. Jennings, “Brussels MS. 3947: Donatus Moneyus, de Provincia Hiberniae S. Francisci”, Analecta Hibernica 6 (November 1934):111, footnote no. 46; John Barnewall, OFM, provincial, to Wadding, 1 November 1642, in HMC Franciscan, 214.

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115. LL, 21. 116. Bellings, Irish Confederation, vol. 6, 277; Ó hannracháin, Catholic Reformation in Ireland, 85, 111–115. 117. Millett, The Irish Franciscans, 51. 118. Fenning, “Irishmen Ordained at Rome”, 17. 119. LL, 14, 184, 189; Millett, The Irish Franciscans, 51–52. 120. Jennings, “Miscellaneous documents-II”, 4, 7, 11. 121. LL, 13, 17; Ignatius Fennessy, OFM, “A Selected Prosopography of Some Irish Franciscans”, in The Irish Franciscans, 1534–1990, 332. 122. LL, 78, 82, 84–85, 91–95, 100, 102, 107, 110. 123. Ibid., 72–112; Conor Ryan, “Religion and State in Seventeenth-Century Ireland”, Arch. Hib. 33 (1975): 122–131. 124. AAV, Segreteria di Stato, Nunziatura di Fiandra, vol. 52, fol. 109r-110r, Irish Franciscans to the minister general of the Franciscan order; AAV, Segreteria di Stato, Nunziatura di Fiandra, vol. 52, fol. 111r-112r, undated copy of a statement drawn up by the Irish Franciscans at Dublin, 17 August 1666; APF, Fondo di Vienna, vol. 14, fol. 329r; APF, Fondo di Vienna, vol. 16, fol. 347r, Thomas O’Sheerin, OFM, to Francis Molloy, OFM, 7 June 1668, Louvain. 125. See Appendix B, 210–220. 126. Ibid. 127. LL, 4–6, 20–29.

CHAPTER 5

A New Dimension to the Irish Mission: The West Indies

5.1   An Emerging Area: The West Indies By 1643, the Irish clerical community of Rome could count on two established colleges which, although there were tangible differences between them, had as a common aim to train and send back clerics to serve the Irish mission. As explained in Chaps. 3 and 4, of the two Irish colleges in Rome only St. Isidore’s had developed a steady missionary channel with Ireland, and thus it appeared more equipped to embark in missionary ventures outside of Europe. This possibility seemed more and more concrete as the 1630s witnessed a change in patterns of Irish emigration which began to extend beyond continental Europe. More precisely, from the early 1630s, Irish men and women began to emigrate towards the West Indies.1 This brought a change in the geography of relationship between Rome and the Irish clergy at home and raised the prospect that missionaries would be needed to serve Irish Catholics in places other than Ireland or even the continent. This missionary involvement initiated in 1638 and concluded in 1669. However, these years are best distinguished into two phases: the first from 1638 until 1643, and the second from 1650 until 1669.2 This dating is dictated by the timing of the missions themselves. The first phase, on which this chapter will concentrate, was defined by two crucial characteristics: the first was that it was carried out by two Irish seculars who operated within the narrow geographical area of the island of St. Christopher between 1638 and 1640; the second was defined by the fact that the © The Author(s) 2020 M. Binasco, Making, Breaking and Remaking the Irish Missionary Network, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-47372-3_5

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mission was the only one directly proposed by an Irish bishop resident in Ireland. This chapter will illustrate how this new missionary network evolved independently from the clerical channels developed between Rome and Ireland and how it soon appeared inconsistent and weaker due to a series of crucial factors. Irish missionary involvement in the Atlantic world developed very slowly and quite late if we consider that the broader Catholic evangelization process traced its origins to the late fifteenth century. Innocent II’s bull Orthodoxe fidei propagationem, followed by Alexander VI’s Inter cetera bulls, urged “the Catholic faith and Christian religion be particularly exalted in our day and everywhere spread and enlarged, so that souls be saved and barbaric peoples be humbled and brought to the faith.”3 In this context of heightened exaltation of the Catholic religion, the geographical discoveries of the Portuguese and of the Spanish came to be considered by the Holy See as a sign of a new age of concord during which the eschatological dream to have all the men united in a common faith would be realized.4 The first missionary enterprises outside Europe were spearheaded by the Franciscans in Central and South America and by the Jesuits, who, throughout the sixteenth century and early decades of the seventeenth century, established missions in India, Japan, Brazil, China, and on the Atlantic coast of what is today called Canada. In the first two decades of the seventeenth century the French Capuchins founded missions in Egypt, Constantinople, and eastern Brazil.5 Between the late sixteenth century and the first decades of the seventeenth century, the Irish contribution to this missionary expansion was very limited, with three exceptions. Two Jesuits, Thomas Field (1549–1625) and Michael Wadding (1591–1644), respectively, operated in today’s Brazil and Paraguay from 1587 to 1626, and in Mexico from 1610 until 1644. A third Irish Jesuit—simply named as John Baptist (b.1581)—worked in the Philippines from 1612 until his death there in 1630.6 This scarce involvement of the Irish clergy in the process of global Catholic expansionism explains why the Irish priests were rarely included in new missionary enterprises. Yet there were some significant exceptions to this pattern. During the 1620s and the 1630s, two proposals were put forward to use Irish priests as an effort to counter Protestant expansion in the Americas, but both initiatives remained elusive projects which never concretized. The first effort was made by Richard Conway, the Jesuit rector of the Irish College of Seville from 1619 to 1623 and from 1625 to

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1626, who first suggested—likely in the early 1620s—sending Irish Jesuits to the Indies, without, however, providing a clear location on where they had to operate. On 19 April 1621, Muzio Vitelleschi (1563–1645)—the Jesuit general from 1615 to 1645—laconically replied to Conway that sending Irish Jesuits to the Indies would involve great expense and difficulties, and thus the matter petered out.7 The second proposal was more detailed and it came from Alonso de Bonavides, a Portuguese Franciscan who had been active in today’s New Mexico between 1626 and 1629.8 In mid-February 1632 he wrote to the Sacred Congregation “de Propaganda Fide” to warn that the Protestant heresy could spread to New Mexico from Virginia where it had been introduced by the English and by Dutch traders, and should be countered by establishing a mission of Irish Franciscans who spoke English, and could engage in converting Protestants as well as natives.9 On 5 June, Propaganda, who had entrusted Cardinal Cesare Monti (1593–1650) to examine Bonavides’ proposal, decided to send Irish priests to Virginia, and added New Mexico to their missionary jurisdiction, so that they could cover all of the areas within the range of English and Dutch navigators.10 Through this decision, the mission did not materialize. In any case, Bonavides’ proposal was based on an incorrect mapping of North America which identified Virginia as an area bordering with New Mexico. This mistake fitted into the pattern of contradictory and inaccurate information that characterized the correspondence between Propaganda’s officials and their correspondents on North America during the first half of the seventeenth century.11 Bonavides’ proposal was timely, as it was put forward during a period which saw the beginning of an early migratory movement from Ireland to the American continent. In the case of the West Indies, the first record of an Irish presence traced back to 1626–1627, when Anthony Hilton, an English planter, established a temporary settlement of Irish indentured servants in the western part of St. Christopher, which had begun to be settled in 1624. However, in 1628, a natives’ raid forced the colonists to leave the island and resettle at Nevis.12 The arrival of these indentured servants formed part of the process of European expansion in the West Indies. Beyond St. Christopher and Nevis, the English settled in Barbados and Antigua, in 1627 and 1628 respectively. In 1627 the French also established at St. Christopher. Due to this, in the same year the English and the French officially partitioned the island in two parts: a central area under English control which kept the name of St. Christopher, and two outer French areas renamed St. Christophe. In 1635, the French

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established two new colonies, Guadeloupe and Martinica. The Dutch also became involved in the Caribbean, beginning by settling in Tobago in 1628. From there, they extended their control over St. Eustatius in 1632, and Curaçao in 1634.13 There is no evidence to suggest that any Irish priests travelled with the group of indentured servants to St. Christopher, although other colonial enterprises led by Irishmen are known to have required Irish priests to provide spiritual assistance to their fellow countrymen. This was the case for the settlement on the river Amazon founded by Philip and James Purcelle, two Irish traders, in 1612. Despite changing fortunes, this colony lasted until 1631, when it was destroyed by a Portuguese expedition.14 Some efforts were made to request Irish priests who could evangelize the natives, although these had no effect. In the second half of the 1630s, Irish endeavours to settle in the Amazon area continued, but no concrete requests to have Irish priests were put forward.15 A crucial factor which hampered Irish involvement in the Atlantic settlement ventures was that the Irish investors had less capital available to them than their competitors.16 Despite this, in the 1630s, the Irish also began to settle in the West Indies. In the years between 1630 and 1700, it has been estimated that this area received 190,000 settlers from the British Isles.17 Within this emigration pattern, Louis Cullen estimated that, from the 1630s, the Irish numbered around 100 annually. Initially the migrants were composed mainly of merchants from the Galway area and indentured servants who were principally from the Munster province, home of the oldest and largest English plantation.18 The dearth of specific information makes it difficult to depict the religious denomination of the Irish emigrants to the West Indies. The first evidence on this point is provided by the account written by Andrew White, an English Jesuit (1579–1656), who accompanied Leonard Calvert (1610/11–1647), son of Lord Baltimore, to Maryland, in 1632, where Calvert’s father obtained a concession of land located on the north of the Potomac river from Charles I.19 White reported that on 26 January 1634 they arrived at Montserrat, the inhabitants of which “are Irishmen, who were banished by the English, on account of their professing the Catholic faith.”20 Writing from a clerical perspective, White tended to stress the Catholic identity of the Irish and their religious oppression. However, it is possible that these Irishmen were dispossessed Old-English landowners from Waterford who had been sent to Virginia in 1630, where the Anglican

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elite prevented them from settling.21 What is sure is that by the time of White’s report, Montserrat was in the process of being colonized, and not only by Irish expelled from Virginia. Between 1629 and 1630, a small party of Irish settlers arrived there from the disbanded colony on the Amazon. Between 1631 and 1633, a larger group of Irishmen was brought there by Anthony Briskett, a Protestant trader from county Wexford.22 Officially, Briskett was the first governor of the island thanks to the patent granted to him at some stage during the late 1620s and the 1630s, by James Hay, first Earl of Carlisle (c.1590–1636).23 The official religion of Montserrat was Protestant, as Briskett confirmed in 1636, when he petitioned Charles I to renew his rights on the island. In his appeal he intentionally emphasized the religious conformity of Montserrat where he was “erecting a Church of Stone and Bricke, for the glory of God, and your Majesties honor.” Crucially, however, he did not mention that the church would be served by a minister.24 This suggests that by the time of Briskett’s petition, no Catholic missionaries or Anglican ministers were operating on the island. Matters were no better on the other islands. On St. Christopher, where in 1637 almost 240 Irish settlers arrived, no Catholic missionaries operated.25 On Barbados, White related that there were “some few Catholiques there be both English and Irish,” but he did not mention any Catholic or Protestant missionaries.26 The absence of Protestant missionaries in these islands contrasted with the evangelical efforts carried out in the New England colonies. There the extension of Protestantism and the conversion of the natives were the two primary goals of early colonization. A possible explanation for the lack of Protestant ministers from the English settlements in the West Indies might be garnered from the fact that, except for Montserrat, they were under the control of groups of competing London merchants who, despite adhering to the Anglican Church, had no interest in supporting missions on their islands.27 The situation on these islands also differed markedly from those under French influence, which, in 1635, passed under the control of the Compagnie des Isles de l’Amérique. Founded by Cardinal de Richelieu (1585–1642) and Louis XIII (1601–1643), this company, modelled on that of the Compagnie des Cent-Associés created in 1627,28 sustained a scheme which envisaged colonization and evangelization.29 According to the second article of the founding charter, the associates of the Compagnie des Isles de l’Amérique had “to do their best to convert the savages to the Roman, Apostolic, Catholic religion.”30 The colonization programme was

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imbued with a strict religious orthodoxy as indicated by the fourth article of the charter which explicitly stated that only French Catholics would be admitted to the settlements.31 The colonization agenda set by the Compagnie des Iles de l’Amérique fitted with the missionary agenda of Propaganda, the main interests of which focused on the Catholic settlers and on the natives. Initially this favoured cooperation between the Roman ministry, the French court and the Compagnie, and resulted in the foundation of the first Dominican mission on Guadeloupe and the first Capuchin mission on St. Christophe in 1635 and 1636 respectively.32 By contrast to French missionary initiatives, however, Irish Catholic missionaries could not expect to benefit from any help from either the crown or the official local church. This meant that support for any missionary initiatives would have to come from elsewhere, either from the Holy See or from the clergy in Ireland, or from a combination of both.

5.2   The First Irish Mission in the West Indies: St. Christopher In 1638 the situation changed, albeit unexpectedly and without any intervention from Rome. In the early months of that year, Malachy O’Queely, archbishop of Tuam (d.1645), penned a letter to Propaganda to inform it that “in the island of St. Christopher and other adjacent to it, in the West Indies, live English, Scottish and Irish.” The Irish were the majority and lived “mixed with the English and Scottish heretics and are daily exposed to the danger of perversion.” To remedy this, the archbishop reported that he had sent two priests there, and that they had departed with many Catholics. The priests had been properly instructed on how to act but they were without missionary faculties. In the final part of his letter, O’Queely advanced two requests. The first was that he should be nominated prefect of that mission. Second, the archbishop asked for a small financial contribution to supply resources to the two missionaries, for he could not provide for the needs of this mission, which required sacred ornaments and books.33 By the time O’Queely sent his letter to Rome, the Irish settlers seemed to already enjoy some form of religious assistance from the French Capuchins, though it is possible that the archbishop was unaware of this. From 1636, the Capuchins ran a mission on St. Christophe, the French

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part of the island. Although their missionary jurisdiction was officially limited to this area, the Capuchins also secretly operated on St. Christopher. This was confirmed by a report that Hyacinthe de Longueville, superior of the mission, sent to Propaganda in the 1650s to inform it of the outcomes of the Capuchin apostolate on the island since 1636. According to de Longueville, his confreres secretly visited the English part of the island, where they provided religious services to Irish Catholics. He added that the Capuchins had also converted a group of 300 Protestants who included some French, English, Irish, and Scottish settlers.34 Outside of the communication established between Rome and Ireland, other Irish clerics, resident in continental Europe, were aware of this colony and may have tried to use it as way to promote ecclesio-political plans. On 14 January 1639, Sir Arthur Hopton (1588–1650), English ambassador in Madrid, wrote a report to Francis Windebank (1582–1646), secretary of State, to inform him that Murtagh O’Grady, an Irish Franciscan, had told King Philip IV (1605–1665) of the Irish settlement on St. Christopher, where, according to the priest, there lived 2000 Irishmen. Moreover, the friar had told the King of Spain that the Irish settlers of St. Christopher could be considered as a potential group to be recruited into the Spanish army. Hopton claimed that O’Grady was willing to embark for that colony from Bristol.35 In Rome, O’Queely’s letter was received with a mix of surprise and interest. Francesco Ingoli, the first secretary of Propaganda, soon perceived the potential of the enterprise undertaken by the archbishop of Tuam. His concern for this mission is not surprising, for since the early 1620s, Ingoli had developed an interest in the missions of the Atlantic world thanks to the correspondence forwarded to Propaganda about Newfoundland by Simon Stock, an English Discalced Carmelite (1576–1652) (born Thomas Doughty).36 It is striking that there is no evidence to demonstrate that Luke Wadding played a role in the negotiations between O’Queely and Propaganda, thus contrasting with the fact that, since the early 1630s, the Franciscan had acted as a versatile consultor of the congregation on a variety of different issues.37 The absence of Wadding in these negotiations is also noteworthy if we consider that, as the chief compiler of the Annales Minorum, he was aware of the missionary activities carried out by his Spanish confreres in Central and South America, which he strongly eulogized.38 Conceivably the missionary effort promoted by O’Queely, a fellow countryman of Wadding, might have raised some interest in the Irish Franciscan, although, he did not intervene.

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In Rome the first individual to take the first step was not Wadding or any other Irishman but Ingoli who drafted a response on the reverse side of the document in which he urged that the mission should be authorized quickly and the prefect should be O’Queely, who was “a watchful and prudent prelate.”39 Ingoli also made an estimate of the financial support required. From his point of view, the main expenses to anticipate were the shipping of ornaments, chalices, and ecclesiastical books. Additional forms of support would not be required because “the missionaries have food on that island.”40 However, despite Ingoli’s promptness, Propaganda, before proceeding, needed to acquire more information on the mission. On 20 April 1638, Propaganda agreed to ask Edmund O’Dwyer, O’Queely’s Roman agent, for a detailed report of the Irish mission on St. Christopher.41 At the end of the same month, O’Dwyer replied that “in the month of last March six hundred Irish of both sexes came to those parts, thanks to a safe and functional communication line, recently established.” O’Queely had sent “two diocesan priests of his diocese, (whose names are Ferdinand Fareissy and David O’Neill).” As Ingoli did, O’Dwyer asked Propaganda to appoint the archbishop of Tuam prefect of the mission “in those parts of Virginia, and on the island of St. Christopher and in other parts where there are English, Scots and Irish.” The Irish agent stressed that the “English and Scots lack Protestant ministers,” and that this would aid the missionaries in bringing “the whole region under the obedience of the Holy See.”42 The fact that this mission had been specifically organized by O’Queely rather than by other Irish bishops can probably be imputed to the Connacht origins of the settlers who left for St. Christopher in 1638.43 Another factor to consider is the proactive role of O’Queely who was one of the most active members of the Irish episcopate implementing Tridentine diocesan reforms within his diocese. His dynamism brought him to issue a series of decrees which aimed to improve the quality and the quantity of the diocesan clergy and oversaw an increase in the number of secular clergy of the Tuam diocese from thirty-four in 1630 to fifty-seven in 1638.44 However, these figures impede the assessment of whether the archbishop specifically selected the two priests for the mission or if they spontaneously decided to go. From the correspondence exchanged between O’Queely and Propaganda there are no indications to suggest that the West Indies appeared as the salvific “Indies” as they were portrayed in the indipetae—the annual letters sent to the Jesuit general by the aspiring missionaries.45

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The data transmitted by O’Queely and O’Dwyer put Propaganda in contact with a complex political and religious reality. The mission on St. Christopher developed in a milieu where, in addition to the Irish, there were English and Scottish settlers who professed a different religion. It is likely that the Scots mentioned by O’Queely were a small minority because the Scottish migration to the West Indies during the seventeenth century was not composed of large numbers. According to the census of 1678, there were only about 201 Scottish settlers, in striking contrast with the 3466 Irish reported to live on St. Christopher, Nevis, Montserrat, and Antigua.46 Another striking detail to emerge from the correspondence between O’Queely and Ingoli was that the archbishop did not request any practical support for the two missionaries based in St. Christopher, except for liturgical equipment. This might imply that he assumed that the two priests would enjoy some form of sustenance from their fellow countrymen on the island. Furthermore, the exchange of correspondence also reveals the linguistic complexity of the St. Christopher settlement. Ingoli urged that the missionaries sent should be able to speak at least two or three different languages. Although he did not specify which, these were plausibly English, Irish, and French. This means that the missionaries would have to operate amongst two distinct groups of Irishmen: one composed of Old-­ English and one of Gaelic settlers. With regards. to French, Ingoli probably considered it necessary because of the political division which existed on the island. Like O’Queely, O’Dwyer had offered vague and inaccurate geographical details, which did not help the cardinals of Propaganda to clarify the possible jurisdiction of the mission. Notably, on the reverse side of O’Dwyer’s letter, Ingoli drafted a response that solicited Propaganda to authorize the mission and argued that it was necessary in order to prevent the spreading of the heresy which could be introduced by the English preachers of Virginia.47 Clearly, Ingoli and the other cardinals of Propaganda had a fragmentary knowledge of the West Indies and of their location within the Atlantic world. This was because they still elaborated their strategies against Protestant activity in North America using the inaccurate map made in 1625 by Gregorio Bolivar (1580–1631), a Spanish Recollect. Despite the distance between the two areas, Ingoli considered St. Christopher close to Virginia and consequently exposed to the risk of being visited by the Protestant preachers from there. As Luca Codignola correctly explains, their weak knowledge of North America’s geography influenced the

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cardinals’ decision-making. The fact that they were making these decisions about future missions in Rome meant that they were obliged to rely on the correspondence that bishops or missionaries dispatched to them. Of course, this also meant that they exhorted their correspondents to compile accurate reports.48 Thus, on 20 April 1638, Propaganda asked Archbishop O’Queely to produce a second and more precise relatio and to inform its members whether he was willing to send more missionaries. The archbishop probably sent his report between 1638 and 1639, and confirmed that, in contrast to the expectations of Ingoli, the mission had made little progress and the situation for the Irish Catholic settlers within the West Indies was gloomy. On St. Christopher and the other islands under English control “the number of the Irish Catholics in those parts exceed the three thousand.” Yet these were not served by an adequate number of priests. Of the two missionaries O’Queely had sent one had died and “the other is not enough for such a multitude of Catholics.” This dearth of missionaries was becoming more problematic as Protestant ministers arrived from Scotland and England because, according to O’Queely, they “can infect the natives of those parts who trade with the said nations.”49 There was, therefore, an evident disproportion between the number of missionaries deployed and the number of settlers they had to serve, and two priests were certainly not sufficient to cater for the spiritual needs of the estimated 3,000 Irish Catholics that O’Queely reported to live in the English islands.50 Due to this inadequate number, the apostolate of the Irish priests focused on the needs of their fellow countrymen, and this explains the fact that no efforts were made to begin an evangelization process towards the natives who were relegated to a marginal position throughout the first Irish missionary experience on St. Christopher. As for the previous letters, Ingoli was the first to examine the report and to outline a strategy based on the information therein. With less enthusiasm than previously, he suggested that the archbishop could “find some suitable subjects who might know the said languages, and at least one might know one or two and the others the rest.” Ingoli exhorted O’Queely to appoint two priests, one of whom, rather than O’Queely, should be appointed prefect, and to inform Rome of their names and of the viaticum they needed. Ingoli suggested that “the missionary faculties will be sent together with some more money for the chalices, paraments, and missals.” Despite this plan, the sending of more missionaries seemed

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uncertain, for Ingoli recommended that O’Queely “send two missionaries if, by chance, he has the opportunity to find a passage.”51 However, he and his fellow cardinals of the Roman congregation still did believe that the Irish mission of St. Christopher had the potential to continue, even though one of its priests had died. On 19 December 1639, Propaganda advised that, due to the linguistic skills required and the difficulty of funding the priests, O’Queely should choose two new missionaries from a religious order, because they would be better prepared to adapt to the conditions of the St. Christopher mission.52 By the time Propaganda gave its blessing to the revival of the mission, the situation had rapidly deteriorated. Eleven days before, O’Queely had left little room to hope for any future development of the mission when he informed Antonio Barberini, Cardinal protector of Ireland, that the second missionary had also died because of the “mercy of the elements and of the wounds provoked by the inhabitants.” O’Queely gave no further details on this death, although he hastened Propaganda to send adequate support and the essential missionary faculties quickly.53 Despite this disappointing news, on 23 April 1640, Propaganda again decided to solicit the archbishop to send two new missionaries, to whom it conceded the necessary faculties, and, in addition, endowed them with 110 crowns each which covered the viaticum as well as travel expenses.54 Even so, in October, O’Queely gloomily replied that the sum awarded was insufficient to establish a new mission, and he thus abruptly ended this opportunity to further this missionary plan.55

5.3   Matthew O’Hartegan’s Effort and the End of the Missionary Experience O’Queely’s decision to halt his intervention in the West Indies seems difficult to interpret, considering that he had been the most enthusiastic promoter of a mission there. What was the main reason behind his decision? Likely he may have distanced himself from the initiative because of the rapid unfolding of events in Ireland which culminated in the outbreak of the Ulster rebellion, in which he held a key role. Indeed, he raised a personal army to maintain order in his diocese soon after the beginning of the turmoil in 1641.56 Clearly, the need to concentrate on political developments in Ireland curbed his ability to plan a mission elsewhere and, despite Propaganda’s offer, the pressure and urgency of Irish events inevitably

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reduced his interest in St. Christopher. In consequence, the communication between Rome and Ireland on this issue was interrupted because Propaganda was left without an individual who was ready to organize all the practicalities of the mission. On the other hand, the cardinals of the Roman congregation had increased their knowledge of an area on which, prior to O’Queely’s letters, they had little information. Despite the mission’s failed outcome, the flow of data transmitted and collected by Propaganda would be useful should future approaches be made. The political upheavals and the wars which engulfed Scotland, Ireland, and England from 1641 also had crucial repercussions for the English colonies in the Atlantic world. Religious tension soon coalesced with political tension in the English West Indies, where, from 1643, former governors and English settlers maintained a royalist position and refused to accept new parliamentary governors. For the Irish Catholics, the situation progressively worsened after the Ulster Protestants’ massacre, for it encouraged an aversion towards them which had been growing since the early 1630s.57 An example of the mounting anti-Catholic hysteria was the law which the authorities of Barbados passed in 1644, although ineffectual, against the arrival of any Irish servants.58 At St. Christopher the situation was no better. In 1643, Thomas Warner (1580–1645), governor of the island, decided to expel a party of Irishmen to Montserrat, while another group of settlers was forced to move to Antigua.59 This expulsion may have been an element of the persecutions that English planters reportedly began to carry out against Irish Catholics after 1641.60 In 1643, Peter Sweetman, an Irish captain and entrepreneur in the West Indies, presented a proposal to the Portuguese King João IV (1603–1656), that he be permitted to resettle the colony on the Amazon River by moving 400 Irishmen from St. Christopher. Sweetman justified his plan by saying that “seeing that he with the rest of his fellow Irishmen harassed by the English heretics on the island of St. Christopher, are deserving of your Majesty’s protection, to live under you as Catholics and vassals of such a Catholic prince.” 61 Although the King agreed to this request in mid-June 1644, Sweetman did not bring any Irish settlers to the Amazon. Two years later, an identical grant was given to another Irish captain named William Brum who wanted to remove 130 Irish Catholics from St. Christopher, but it is not clear whether or not they settled in the Amazon area.62 The requests of Sweetman and Brum emphasized that the Irish settlers of St. Christopher may have lived in dangerous circumstances where they could not freely

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profess the Catholic religion. Unfortunately, due to the lack of precise records, it is not possible to assess the extent to which the persecution was real, or an excuse used to justify the foundation of new settlements. In early 1643 a new political phase in the Irish conflict began. The Irish Confederates and James Butler (1610–1688), duke of Ormond and Protestant lord lieutenant of Ireland, began formal negotiations for peace.63 Within these negotiations, Irish clerics on the continent played diplomatic roles in the main continental Catholic courts. One of these clerical agents was a Jesuit, Matthew O’Hartegan who, in March 1643, put forward a new missionary initiative for the Irishmen of St. Christopher, but promoted it entirely independently of Propaganda. On 30 March, O’Hartegan penned a letter to Vitelleschi to report that, five days before, he had received two letters on behalf of “20,000 Irish in the island of St. Christopher and adjacent places.” O’Hartegan explained that the Irishmen, following the suggestion of Philippe Longvilliers de Poincy, Lieutenant General of the French Caribbean Islands and governor of St. Christophe, required that “two or more Irishmen of our Society should be appointed to go.”64 O’Hartegan’s letter held some points in common with O’Queely’s earlier correspondence. Both stressed the need to bring religious assistance to a distant community, but did not emphasize the need to catechize the native peoples, considered by the French missionaries as docile and well-­ disposed to be converted.65 Furthermore, the Irish correspondents overstated the number of Irish Catholics in the West Indies in order to draw attention and financial support. This latter aspect was particularly evident in the proposal of O’Hartegan. The 20,000 Irishmen that the Jesuit reported to live in St. Christopher was an utter exaggeration, considering that this number was twice the estimated total of settlers who resided in the English Leewark Islands.66 Of course, as a proactive Jesuit, O’Hartegan saw his request as an opportunity to embark on a new missionary task.67 Accordingly, he asked Vitelleschi “that you would be pleased to send me there: and one thing favours this, that I shall have shortly completed the work imposed on me by the province of transacting business in this Court.” He justified his plea on the basis that “my constitution is sufficiently strong: I am well skilled in three languages, French, English, and Irish which is commonly used in those parts; and by the grace of God I have an intense zeal for souls, and a will strongly inclined towards that mission.”68

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The enthusiasm which characterized O’Hartegan’s request fitted well with the general Jesuit identification of missionary work as a way to do or to glorify the work of God.69 Thus, his offer was welcomed by Vitelleschi who, on 23 May 1643, replied to the Irish Jesuit that he was willing to favour his request.70 The missionary zeal displayed by O’Hartegan must have remained unknown in Ireland as, on 23 May 1643, Vitelleschi also wrote to Robert Nugent, the superior of the Irish mission, to inform him of the request from the Irish Catholics of St. Christopher and of O’Hartegan’s volunteering. The general left any final decision to Nugent on whom to send there, and to decide if O’Hartegan might be a suitable subject for the mission.71 Beyond the religious significance, this mission also had a political dimension which Geoffrey Baron, the Irish delegate who worked in Paris on behalf of the Irish Confederates, revealed to Luke Wadding in a letter, in August 1643. Officially, Baron penned the letter to stress the political relevance of this mission in Ireland. He stated that at St. Christopher there was “a considerable number of Irish, who give themselves out for 20,000,” and that “This, as an overture of consequence of our country, has been certified home to the Council, who think to advantage the kingdom and weaken their enemy by the opportunity of that place, and number of the Irish there.” Yet Baron warned Wadding that, by the time of writing, the Capuchins had procured a decree from Propaganda which would allow only missionaries of that order to operate there.72 To avoid it, he pleaded with Wadding that “you should think it fit to solicit the Congregation for repeal of that decree, I think you will do good service to the Congregation and your country.”73 For his part, Wadding did not reply to Baron’s request. Moreover, the Franciscan, due to his position in Propaganda, did not intervene in this issue. Wadding may also have remained aloof because, by that time, he was fully engrossed in promoting the interests of the Irish Confederation in Rome. Even prior to Baron’s letter, the proposal put forward by O’Hartegan stood as an isolated petition, with no impact on the Jesuits’ upper echelon in Rome. This is demonstrated by the fact that on 28 July 1643 Vitelleschi wrote again to Nugent to inform him of Propaganda’s decision to assign the mission of St. Christopher to the care of the Capuchins of the Normandy province.74 Throughout the 1640s no further missionary requests to operate at St. Christopher or in the other English islands were presented by Irish clerics, whether they were based in Ireland or in continental Europe.

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The fact that Wadding ignored Baron’s letter is symptomatic of the fact that, throughout the years 1638–1643, such suggestions raised no interest from the residents within the communities of the Irish College and St. Isidore’s. The efforts to establish and promote Irish missions in the West Indies were rather piecemeal, dependent largely on individuals such as O’Queely and O’Hartegan, neither of whom had any association with the Irish College or St. Isidore’s. Indeed, they were disjointed and uncoordinated with no involvement of the clerics residing or trained in the two colleges in Rome. Furthermore, Propaganda’s cardinals, except for Ingoli, played a minimal role in promoting such ventures. When Propaganda did offer support, it was the fruit of O’Queely’s proactive pleas from Ireland. Despite its short duration and few positive results, O’Queely was clearly the initiator of this short-lived mission and took responsibility for its actualization. This chapter has highlighted all the challenges which were associated with developing a new clerical network which failed to be integrated in the missionary channels that linked the personnel of the two Irish Colleges in Rome with Ireland. Inevitably the scarce support from Ireland and the paucity of the personnel involved played against the development of this network. By 1643 the lines of communication, travel, and ministry remained confined to the network between the two colleges, especially St. Isidore’s, and the mission field in Ireland itself. Yet this missionary network would face substantial crises during the late 1640s and early 1650s as the next chapter will explain.

Notes 1. Louis Cullen, “The Irish Diaspora of the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries”, in Europeans on the Move. Studies on European Migration, 1500–1800, ed. Nicholas Canny (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1994), 126. 2. Chapter 9 will deal with the second phase. 3. “Inter cetera divine maiestati beneplacita opera et cordis nostri desiderabilia illud profecto potissimum existit ut fides catholica et christiana religio nostris presertim salus procuretur ac barbare nationes deprimantur et ad fidem ipsam reducantur.” See Josef Metzler, ed., America Pontificia primi seculi evangelizationis 1493–1592: Documenta pontificia ex registri et minutis praesertim in Archivio Secreto Vaticano existentibus (Città del Vaticano: Libreria Editrice Vaticana 1991), I: 71–75; Luca Codignola, “The Holy See and the Conversion of the Indians in French and British North America, 1486–1760”, in America in European Consciousness,

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1493–1750, ed. Karen Ordahl Kupperman (Chapel Hill, North Carolina: University of North Carolina Press, 1995), 195–196. 4. John W. O’Malley, SJ, “The Discovery of America and Reform Thought at the Papal Court in the Early Cinquecento”, in First Images of America. The Impact of the New World on the Old (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1976), I:190–191; O’Malley, “Was Ignatius de Loyola a Church Reformer? How to look at Early Modern Catholicism”, in The CounterReformation. The Essential Readings, ed. David M.  Luebke (Oxford: Blackwell Publishers, 1999), 74. 5. Guillaume de Vaumas, L’éveil missionaire de la France au XVIIe siècle (Paris: Bloud & Gay, 1959), 35–36; Michael A.  Mullet, The Catholic Reformation (London, New York: Routledge, 1999), 96–97, 192–193. 6. Field was also spelled Fihilly. See Aubrey Gwynn, SJ, “Father Thomas Fihilly S.I. (1549–1625)”, The Irish Way (1932): 155–167; Gwynn, “The First Irish Priests in the New World”, Studies 21 (1932): 214–215; on the Irish in the Iberian Atlantic during the early-modern period see Thomas O’Connor, Irish Voices from the Spanish Inquisition. Migrants, Converts, and Brokers in Early Modern Iberia (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2016); Igor Pérez Tostado, “The Irish in the Iberian Atlantic and Rome: Globalized Individuals and the Rise of Transatlantic Networks of Information”, in Rome and Irish Catholicism in the Atlantic World, 1622– 1908, ed. Matteo Binasco (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2018), 23–46. 7. ARSI, Anglia, vol. 1 I, fol. 94rv, Muzio Vitelleschi, SJ general, to Richard Conway, SJ, Rome, 19 April 1621; on Conway see John MacErlean, “P.  Richard Conway, S.J. (1573–1626)”, The Irish Monthly 51, no. 596 (February 1923): 88–94; Patricia O’Connell, The Irish College at Santiago de Compostela (Dublin: Four Courts Press, 2007), 59; Cristina Bravo Lozano, Spain and the Irish Mission, 1609–1707 (New York, London: Routledge, 2019), 31–35, 41–42, 81–82; for the transcription and edition of the Irish Jesuits letters for the early-modern period see Vera Moynes Orschel ed., The Jesuit Irish Mission: A Calendar of Correspondence, 1566–1752 (Rome: Institutum Historicum Societatis Iesu, 2017). 8. In 1630 a long-detailed memorial of Bonavides’ missionary experience was published in Madrid and dedicated to King Philip IV. See Memorial que Fray Ivuan de Santander de la Orden de San Francisco, Commissario General de Indias, presenta a la Magestad Catolica del Rey don Felipe Qvarto nuestro Señor. Hecho por el Padre Fray Alonso de Benauides Commissario del Santo Oficio, y Custodio que basido de las Prouincias, y conuersions del Nueuo-­Mexico. Tratase enel de los tesores espirituales, y temporales, que la diuina Magestad ha manifestado en quella conuersiones, y nueuos descubrimientos, por medio de los Padres desta serafica Religion (Madrid: En Emprenta Real, 1630); see Edward E. Ayer translation, The

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Memorial of Fray Alonso de Benavides, 1630 (Chicago: privately printed, 1916). 9. By contrast to this incorrect geographical information, the Spanish friar gave updated details on the presence of the Dutch and English traders in Virginia where, in the 1630s, they had established mutual commercial relations. See APF, SOCG, vol. 259, fol. 218v, Alonso Bonavides, OFM, to PF, no place, 12 February 1634; Thomas Hughes, SJ, History of the Society of Jesus in North America, Colonial and Federal (London: Longmans & Co, 1908), I: 321–322. 10. APF, Acta, vol. 10, fol. 56, general congregation, Rome, 5 June 1634. 11. Codignola, “The Holy See”, 207–208; on Bonavides and other correspondents who informed Propaganda from the Spanish colonies in America see Matteo Sanfilippo, and Giovanni Pizzorusso, “L’America iberica e Roma fra Cinque e Seicento: notizie, documenti, informatori,” in Gli archivi della Santa Sede e il mondo asburgico nella prima età moderna, ed. Matteo Sanfilippo, Alexander Koller and Giovanni Pizzorusso (Viterbo: Sette Città, 2004), 91–94. 12. Carl and Roberta Bridenbaugh, No Peace beyond the Line. The English in the Caribbean, 1624–1690 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1972), 21. 13. Richard S.  Dunn, Sugar and Slaves: The Rise of the Planter Class in the English West Indies, 1624–1713 (Chapel Hill, North Carolina: University of North Carolina Press, 1972), 16–20; Kenneth Gordon Davies, The North Atlantic World in the Seventeenth Century (Minneapolis: University of Minneapolis Press, 1974), 39–45; Cornelis Ch. Goslinga, The Dutch in the Caribbean and on the Wild Coast, 1580–1680 (Assen: Van Gorcum, 1971), 434–438;Wim Klooster, Illicit Riches. Dutch Trade in the Caribbean, 1648–1795 (Leiden: Brill, 1998); Hilary McD. Beckles, “The ‘Hub of Empire’: The Caribbean and Britain in the Seventeenth Century”, in The Oxford History of the British Empire, I: The Origins of Empire. British Overseas Enterprise to the Close of the Seventeenth Century, ed. Nicholas Canny (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1998), 220–222. 14. Gwynn, “An Irish Settlement on the Amazon, 1612–1629”, Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy, sect. C, 41 (1932): 1–54; for a recent analysis on this settlement see Joyce Lorimer ed., English and Irish Settlements on the River Amazon, 1550–1646 (London: Hakluyt Society, 1989). 15. Lorimer, English and Irish Settlements, 74, 398–404. 16. Canny, “The Origins of the Empire: An Introduction”, in The Oxford History of the British empire, I: 17; Cullen, “The Irish Diaspora of the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries”, 113–149. 17. Henry A. Gemery, “Markets for Migrants: English Indentured Servitude and Emigration in the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries”, in Colonialism and Migration: Indentured Labour before and after Slavery,

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ed. P.C.  Emmer (Dordrecht: M.  Nijhoff, 1986), table II, 40; Canny, “English Migration into and across the Atlantic during the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries”, in Europeans on the Move, 63–64. 18. Cullen, “The Irish Diaspora of the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries”, 126; Michael MacCarthy-Morrogh, The Munster Plantation: English Migration to Southern Ireland, 1583–1641 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1986), 244–284; Donald Harman Akenson, If the Irish Ran the World. Montserrat 1630–1730 (Kingston, Montréal: McGill-­ Queen’s University Press, 1997), 51–52. 19. Codignola, The Coldest Harbour of the Land. Simon Stock and Lord Baltimore’s Colony in Newfoundland, 1621–1649, trans. Anita Weston (Kingston and Montréal: McGill-Queen’s University Press, 1988), 58–59. 20. See E.A.  Dalrymple ed., Narrative of Voyage to Maryland, by Father Andrew White, S.J. An Account of the Colony of Lord Baron of Baltimore. Extracts from Different Letters of Missionaries (Baltimore: J.  Murphy, 1874), 29 (“Habet Montserrate incolas Hybernos, pulsos ab anglis Virginia ob fidei catholicae professionem”); see also John D. Krugler, English and Catholic: The Lords Baltimore in the Seventeenth Century (Baltimore: The John Hopkins University Press, 2004). 21. David Beers Quinn, Ireland and America. Their Early Associations, 1500–1640 (Liverpool: Liverpool University Press, 1991), 26; Akenson, If the Irish Ran the World, 30–31. 22. Briskett was the grandson of Antonio Bruschetto, a Genovese merchant, who, around the 1530s, went to England, where he anglicized his name into Anthony Briskett. In 1582 his father Lodowick Briskett acquired a confiscated estate at Macmine, in county Wexford. On the life of Lodowick Briskett see Henry R.  Plomer and Tom Peete Cross, The Life and the Correspondence of Lodowick Bryskett (Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1927), 33. 23. We have no exact date for the first settlement of Montserrat and neither are there documents on Carlisle’s first concession to Briskett. See Gwynn, “Documents relating to the Irish”, Analecta Hibernica 4 (October 1932): 183–185. 24. See petition of Anthony Briskett to Charles I, 1636?, in Calendar of State Papers Colonial, America and West Indies, ed. W.  Noël Sainsbury et  al. (London: Longman & Roberts, 1870), I: 240; Akenson, If the Irish Ran, 43. 25. Bridenbaugh, No Peace beyond the Line, footnote no. 9, 14–15; Gabriel Debien, Les engagés pour les Antilles (1634–1715) (Paris: Société de l’histoire des colonies françaises, 1952), 90–91. 26. Clayton Colman Hall ed., Narratives of Early Maryland, 1633–1684. With a Map and Two Facsimiles (New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1910), 37.

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27. Dunn, “Experiments Holy and Unholy, 1630–1”, in The Westward Enterprise. English activities in Ireland, the Atlantic, and America, 1480–1650, ed. Kenneth R.  Andrews, Nicholas Canny, and P.E.H.  Hair (Detroit: Wayne State University Press, 1979), 272–273; Neal Salisbury, “Puritan Missionaries and Native Americans in Seventeenth Century Southern New England”, in Il Cristianesimo nel mondo Atlantico nel secolo XVII.  Atteggiamenti dei cristiani nei confronti dei popoli e delle culture indigeni. Atti della tavola rotunda tenutasi a Montréal (martedì 29 Agosto 1995) al XVIII Congresso Internazionale di Scienze Storiche (Città del Vaticano: Libreria Editrice Vaticana, 1997), 235–236; Carla Gardina Pestana, “Religion”, in The British Atlantic World, 1500–1800, ed. David Armitage and Michael J.  Braddick (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2002), 78–79. 28. Marcel Trudel, Histoire de la Nouvelle France La seigneurie des Cent Associés, 1627–1663, III/1: Les Événements (Montréal: Éditions Fides, 1979), 7–13. 29. Philip P. Boucher, Les Nouvelles Frances. France in America, 1500–1815. An Imperial Perspective (Providence, Rhode Island: John Carter Brown Library, 1989), 28–30; Boucher, France and the American Tropics to 1700. Tropics of discontent? (Baltimore: John Hopkins University Press, 2008), 67–68. 30. Jean Baptiste DuTertre, OP, Histoire générale des Antilles Habitées par les François Divisée en deux Tomes et enrichie de Cartes & de Figures, I: Contenant tovt ce qui s’est passé dans l’establissement des Colonies Françoises (Paris: Jolly, 1667–1671), 47 (“lesdits Associez s’y habituans, feront leur possible pour les convertir à la Religion Catholique, Apostolique & Romaine: & pour cet effect en chacune habitation, lesdits Associez feront entretenir au moins deux ou trios Ecclesiastiques pour administrer la parole de Dieu, & les Sacrements aux Catholiques, & pour instruire les Sauvages”). 31. Ibid., 47–48. 32. Joseph Rennard, Histoire religieuse des Antilles françaises des origins à 1914, d’après des documents inédits (Paris: Larose et Société de l’histoire des colonies françaises, 1954), 262; Giovanni Pizzorusso, Roma nei Caraibi. L’organizzazione delle missione cattoliche nelle Antille e in Guyana (1635–1675) (Rome: École Française de Rome, 1995), 16–19; Pizzorusso, “Politica, etnia e religione nei Caraibi: un’agenda per la Congregazione ‘de Propaganda Fide’ e gli ordini missionari”, in Dagli indiani agli emigranti. L’attenzione della Chiesa Romana al Nuovo Mondo, 1492–1908. Quaderni Storici, ed. Giovanni Pizzorusso and Matteo Sanfilippo (Viterbo: Edizioni Sette Città, 2005), 97–107. 33. APF, SOCG, vol. 399, fol. 84rv, Malachy O’Queely, archbishop of Tuam, to PF, no place, [spring of 1638], (“insulam Sancti Christophori cum aliis

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adiacentibus in India occidentali Angli, Scoti et Hiberni inhabitant”… “mixti viventes cum Anglis et Scotis haereticis, ac proximo periculo perversionis”). 34. APF, SOCG, vol. 260 , fols.17rv-20rv, Hyacinthe de Longueville, OFM Cap, to PF, Le Havre, 1 March 1650. 35. Sir Arthur Hopton, English ambassador in Madrid, to Francis Windebank, Secretary of State, Madrid, 14 January 1639, in Calendar of the Clarendon Papers preserved in the Bodleian Library, ed. O.  Ogle and W.H.  Bliss (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1932), I: 165. 36. Codignola, “The Holy See”, 204–205; see also Codignola, The Coldest Harbour of the Land. On Ingoli see Pizzorusso, “Francesco Ingoli: Knowledge and Curial Service in 17th Century Rome,” in Copernicus Banned. The Entangled Matter of the Anti-Copernican Decree of 1616, ed. Natacha Fabbri and Federica Favino (Firenze: Olschki, 2018), 157–189. 37. See Chap. 3. 38. Benjamin Hazard, “‘In Novi Orbis Amplitudine’: Irish Franciscan Views of the Americas in the Seventeenth Century, 1610–1683”, in Irlanda y el Atlántico Ibérico. Movilidad, participación e intercambio cultural (1580–1823)/Ireland and the Iberian Atlantic. Mobility, Involvement and Cross-Cultural Exchange (1580–1823), ed. Igor Pérez Tostado and Enrique García Hernán (Valencia: Albatros Ediciones, 2010), 204. 39. APF, SOCG, vol. 399, fol. 84v, draft response of Francesco Ingoli (“essendo Prelato vigilante e prudente”). 40. APF, SOCG, vol. 399, fol. 84v (“havendo li missionari in quell’isola il vitto”). 41. APF, Acta, vol. 13, fols. 83v-84r, general congregation, Rome, 20 April 1638. 42. APF, SOCG, vol. 399, fols. 258rv, 269rv, agent of O’Queely in Rome [Edmund O’Dwyer], to PF, Rome, April 1638 (“adeo ut mense martio huius anni sexcenti Hiberni utriusque sexus omnes catholici, ad dictas partes inhabitandas discesserint, propter certam et utilem correspondentiam nuper repertam”… “duos suae dioecesis sacerdotes (quorum nomina Ferdinandus Fareissy et David Onellus)”…“in insula Sancti Christophori aliisque locis in quibus Angli, Scoti et Hiberni incolae reperiuntur” “carenti ministris haereticis”… “reducendi totam regionem sub obedientia Sedis Apostolicae”). 43. Gwynn, “The First Irish Priests”, 23. 44. In 1631 he convoked a provincial synod in which it was approved a series of articles related to clerical dress, parish records, restriction of penances, the Eucharist, admission to clerical orders, marriage and catechism. Moreover the synod stressed the non-repeatability of confirmation and stressed the need to disseminate simple doctrinal information among the

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people of the province. See decrees and statutes of the provincial synod of Tuam, Galway, 9 December 1632, APF, SC, Irlanda, vol. 1, fols. 171r-181v. 45. Pizzorusso, “Le choix indifferent: mentalités et attentes des Jésuites aspirants missionnaires dans l’Amérique française au XVIIe siècle”, Mélanges de l’Ecole Française de Rome, Italie et Méditerranée 109 (1997): 881–894; Luke Clossey, Salvation and Globalization in the Early Jesuit Missions (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2008), 117–135. 46. Calendar of State Papers, Colonial Series, 444–446; Cullen, “The Irish Diaspora”, 127. 47. APF, SOCG, vol. 399, fol. 258v. 48. Codignola, “The Holy See”, 207. 49. APF, SOCG, vol. 400, fol. 184rv, [O’Queely ?], to [PF], no place, no date (“respondet numerum catholicorum Hibernorum in illis partibus excedere tria millia”…“mortuus sit, et alius non sufficiat tantae multitudini catholicorum”… “gentiles idolatras illarum partium qui ex dictarum nationum commercio idolatriam deserunt”). 50. See footnote no. 51. 51. APF, SOCG, vol. 400, fol. 184rv (“che trovasse li soggetti a proposito che sapessero le suddette lingue, e ch’almeno uno ne sapesse una o due e gli altre l’altre”… “perche colà è impossibile mandar le provisioni; che se li manderà la patente con le facoltà et li viatici, et insieme qualche denaro di più per li calici, paramenti e messali”… “che intanto se vien l’occasione di passaggio ne mandi due”). 52. APF, Acta, vol. 13, fol. 441v, general congregation, Rome, 19 December 1639. 53. APF, SOCG, vol. 139, fol. 295rv, O’Queely to cardinal Antonio Barberini, Galway, 8 December 1639 (“aeris intemperis et incolarum feritas”). 54. The sum was thus divided: sixty crowns for travel and fifty for the viaticum. See APF, Acta, vol. 14, fol. 84rv, general congregation, Rome, 23 April 1640. 55. APF, SOCG, vol. 295, fols. 116rv, 123rv, O’Queely], to [PF], [Galway], 6 October 1640. 56. Raymond Gillespie, “Mayo and the Rising of 1641”, Cathair na Mart, Journal of the Westport Historical Society, 5 (1985): 41; Micheál Ó Siochrú, Confederate Ireland, 1642–1649. A Constitutional and Political Analysis (Dublin: Four Courts Press, 1999), 26. 57. Pestana, The English Atlantic in an Age of Revolution, 1640–1661 (Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard University Press, 2004), 25–29. 58. Beckles, “A ‘Riotous and Unruly Lot”: Irish Indentured Servants and Freemen in the English West Indies, 1644–1713”, William and Mary Quarterly. Third series, 47, no. 4 (October 1990): 505.

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59. Acts of Assembly, passed in the Island of Montserrat from 1668 to 1740, Inclusive. (An Abridgment of the Acts of Assembly, etc.) (London: J. Baskett, 1740), 26; Bridenbaugh, No Peace beyond the Line, footnote no. 26, 145. 60. Akenson, If the Irish Ran, 26. 61. Bibliotheca Nacional of Lisbon, Secçaõ VII (Manuscriptos), Codice no.7627, fol.96, reprinted in Gwynn, “Documents related to the Irish”, 197: (“pois elle com os mais Irlandeses seus naturaes vexados pellos hereges Ingrezes na Ilha de S. Christivaõ, se valem do emparo de Vossa Mag. de para viver debaixo delle como Catholicos, e vassallos de tam Catholico Principe”); Lorimer, English and Irish Settlement, 121–122. 62. Ibid., 122. 63. Ó Siochrú, Confederate Ireland, 61. 64. Matthew O’Hartegan, SJ, to Muzio Vitelleschi, Paris, 30 March 1643, document printed in Spic. Oss., I: 286 (“viginti millium Hibernorum in insula St. Christophori et locis circumiacentibus”…“ut duo aut plures e nostra Societate Hibernie eo destinarentur”). 65. Codignola “A World yet to be Conquered. Pacifique de Provins and the Atlantic World, 1629–1648”, in Canada ieri e oggi. Atti del 6° Convegno Internazionale di Studi Canadesi. Selva di Fasano, 27-31 marzo 1985, III: Sezione Storica, ed. Luca Codignola and Raimondo Luraghi (Fasano: Schena Editore, 1986), 70–73. 66. The English Leewark islands, a geographical definition that would be officially used from 1671, included St. Christopher, Nevis, Antigua and Montserrat. According to the population figures elaborated by Carla Gardina Pestana, in the 1640s the Leewark Islands had 10,000 European settlers. See Pestana, The English Atlantic, Appendix I, 229–234. 67. Thomas J.  Morrissey, SJ, “The Strange Letters of Mathew O’Hartegan, S.J., 1644–45”, Irish Theological Quarterly, 37, no.2 (April 1970): 170. 68. O’Hartegan, to Vitelleschi, Paris, 30 March 1643, document printed in Spicilegium Ossoriense, I: 286 (“Obtestor et ipse V.P. uti me velit eo mittere: favet vehementer quod brevi defungars imposita mihi rerum in hac aula tractandarum provincia; vires mihi satis firmae; trium linguarum Gallicanae, Anglicanae, et Hibernicae (quarum in illis partibus promiscuous usus) peritia non vulgaris; zelus animarum per Dei gratiam intensus, et prona vehementer in eam aut similem Missionem voluntas”). 69. Clossey, Salvation and Globalization, 123. 70. ARSI, Fondo Anglia, vol. 4a, fols. 53v-54r, Vitelleschi to O’Hartegan, Rome, 23 May 1643. 71. ARSI, Fondo Anglia, vol. 4a, fols. 53v-54r, Vitelleschi to Robert Nugent, Rome, 23 May 1643. 72. O’Hartegan’s claim regarding Propaganda’s decree was incorrect, because it dealt with the mission at St. Christophe located in the French part.

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Approved at the end of June 1643, it was issued to settle a controversy which pitted the Jesuits against their fellow countrymen, the Capuchins of the Normandy province, over missionary control of St. Christophe. In this dispute, Propaganda decided in favour of the Capuchins, who were permitted to retain control over the French part. See Codignola, “Pacifique de Provins and the Capuchin network in the French Colonies in Africa and America”, in Proceedings of the Fifteenth Meeting of the French Colonial Historical Society. Martinique and Guadeloupe, May 1989/Actes Du Quinzième Colloque De La Société Coloniale Française. Martinique et Guadeloupe Mai 1989, ed. Patricia Galloway and Philip P.  Boucher (Lanham: University Press of America, 1992), 57–58. 73. Geoffrey Baron to Wadding, Paris, 14 August 1643, in HMC. Franciscan, 242–243. 74. ARSI, Anglia, vol. 4a, fol. 54v, Vitelleschi to Nugent, 20 July 1643, Rome.

CHAPTER 6

Missionary Supply in Crisis Years: The Colleges and Ireland

6.1   The Status of the Two Colleges in the Late 1640s Matthew O’Hartegan’s proposal to revive the mission on the island of St. Christopher failed to impress Luke Wadding, and it did not raise the interest of any of the personnel of the two Irish colleges in Rome. If they should be exclusively dedicated to serving the Irish mission at home, the colleges’ personnel did not broaden their perspective to include emerging communities in the West Indies. However, from 1644, the emerging mission links between the colleges and Ireland—more solid in any case for St. Isidore’s—faced substantial threats. One means of gauging the status of the two colleges is again provided by their entry records. From 1644 until 1659 the Irish College admitted nineteen students.1 More precisely, during the years from 1644 to 1652 the seminary admitted ten students, the same number accepted in the preceding period from 1635 to 1643. Yet a better performance is evident for the years 1653–1659 because, within a shorter period, the Irish College admitted nine students. This figure might be influenced by the flow of Irish clerics who left or were expelled from Ireland following the edit issued, on 6 January 1653, by the English Parliament for Irish affairs which banned within twenty days all “Jesuits, seminary priests and persons in Popish orders.”2 Analysis of the students’ provincial background confirms the predominance of recruits from the southern provinces, especially from Leinster, © The Author(s) 2020 M. Binasco, Making, Breaking and Remaking the Irish Missionary Network, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-47372-3_6

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and is similar to the pattern of the previous years. Nine students were from Leinster, five from Munster, and two from Ulster, while no details are available for three students.3 A possible factor for explaining the continued scarcity of Ulstermen and the absence of Connachtmen might be the progressive worsening of the economic conditions in these two provinces during the 1640s. According to a report on the state of Ireland dated 1647, the economy of Leinster and Munster had improved despite the Confederate war. By contrast, five of nine counties in Ulster were devastated and the same pattern repeated in Connacht where four of six counties lay in ruin.4 Beyond the basic figures of recruitment, the Irish College suffered from a continuation of problems encountered in the previous decade, that is, a low number of students, poor resources, and poor management, as well as the worsening of what had been a relatively minor problem then, the “miscreants.” Between 1647 and early 1656 the seminary’s financial situation, already poor, further worsened due to the poor management of a series of Italian rectors, namely Giovanni Rusco, Gianbattista Bargiocchi, and Petronio Ferri.5 The consequences of their financial incapacity are indicated by the fact that in early February 1647, at the beginning of Bargiocchi’s term as rector, the ready cash available within the seminary counted 140 crowns, a sum which, in early 1656, was just thirteen crowns. By that year the college was laden with a debt of 5071 crowns.6 Continued poor recruitment and financial debt were combined with a worse problem, the growth of the “miscreants,” students who entered without any genuine vocation to priestly ministry. A minor problem in the previous decade, it became more acute now: from 1644 until 1658, the Irish College admitted seven “miscreants,” namely, Thomas Luttrell,7 Thomas Arthur, Bonaventure White, James Stafford, John Creagh, John Plunkett, and Gerard Dowdall.8 The fact that the number of miscreants increased so clearly indicates that the Jesuit rectors were either unwilling or unable to prevent their admission. The “miscreants list” records that all these students arrived in Rome without invitation but succeeded in being admitted to the Irish College through the support of powerful patrons. For example, Stafford, prior to his admission, studied grammar in Spanish Flanders, where he became a soldier. From there he moved to Florence and entered the service of an unidentified nobleman who provided him letters of reference to support his admission to the Irish College. These letters made a positive impression on Prince Niccolò Ludovisi who recommended Stafford’s admission, and thus he entered the seminary in early

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April 1653. Two other students who enjoyed the support of powerful patrons were John Plunkett and John Creagh. The admission of the former was again backed by Ludovisi, while that of Creagh was encouraged by John Creagh, his uncle and chaplain to Pope Alexander VII (1599–1667) since 1655.9 The admission of these students caused a series of problems in the seminary. Fundamentally, some were patently unsuitable to seminary life. Both White and Stafford were expelled from the college, respectively in 1654 and 1657, due to their disruptive behaviour. They were addicted to alcohol and, according to the “miscreants list,” White also used physical violence against other students.10 Those students who did remain proved extremely reluctant to progress to ordination. Only Stafford was ordained, but this was in 1656, one year before his expulsion11. Of the other students, only Creagh was promoted to minor orders in 1656,12 but in 1658 he refused to become a priest and left the seminary. Arthur, Plunkett, and Dowdall followed suit.13 Luttrell seems to be the only student whose reason for leaving the Irish College cannot be imputed to misbehaviour or a refusal to become a priest. The documentation attests that, after his admission, he fell sick and had to be sent back home in 1648.14 Despite the college’s scant resources, rector Giovanni Rusco granted him a viaticum of forty crowns, which the student committed himself to refunding upon his arrival in Ireland.15 However, there is no evidence that he did, and he was accused of having caused “great expenses to this college, without any profit to the nation.”16 Two others may have done the same. John Young, rector of the Irish College from late February 1656 to mid-July 1664, forced Creagh and Plunkett to sign promissory notes to refund the seminary for their maintenance.17 On 20 October 1658 Creagh agreed to repay 210 crowns, which was the cost of his keep for two years and ten months. Plunkett signed his note in 1660 and agreed to refund the Irish College the sum of 399 crowns, the cost of his keep for four years and nine months.18 Again the documentation fails to indicate whether the students refunded the seminary. In any case, the rectors continued to take no action against the miscreants and failed to put in place any stringent measures to ensure that students did not fail to repay the investment the college made in them. From 1654, they simply limited themselves to reporting whether a student came to Rome by invitation from the Irish College.19 Miscreant students were a burden on the Irish College and a hindrance to its ability to produce missionaries because they took places and used

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resources that would have been more appropriately deployed on worthy entrants. Some of these worthies sought support for their entry through Propaganda Fide, but they also benefited from the backing of a powerful patron. Thus, in 1647, when PierFrancesco Scarampi, the papal delegate for Ireland, returned to Rome, he brought five Irish youths for priestly studies.20 Three students of this group, namely Peter Walsh, John Brenan, and Oliver Plunkett, entered the Irish College.21 Scarampi is therefore the most powerful figure in the patronage of entrants to the Irish College if we consider that, between 1644 and 1652, almost half of the cohort, three students out of ten, were favoured and promoted by him. Inevitably this result was produced by his sojourn in Ireland and by his own links there. Yet his role in networking and creating a link between the Irish mission and the Irish College was a one-off regarding facilitating recruitment. In September 1647, Scarampi informed the cardinals of Propaganda that three Irish students had come to Rome in May with the intention of studying philosophy and theology and “to prepare themselves to serve God and their country.” Scarampi stressed that the three Irishmen were staying at the Irish College as paying guests until the conclusion of the academic year in 1648. He emphasized that they “have no way of paying the usual fee required by the college, and they therefore requested to be supported for this short period of time by the charity of the sacred congregation.”22 Initially Propaganda dealt rapidly with this plea, agreeing to support it,23 but the final decision was only taken on 17 February 1648.24 The delay discontented the students, who presented a second petition, around February, to ask the cardinals for the expenses for their keep to be paid to Scarampi, who had been their continual supporter. This specific financial request was a signal of the difficult conditions that the students faced living in Rome; the cost of their upkeep at the Irish College had been six crowns each per month. This sum only covered their living expenses and “not the clothes and the other things which have been provided by Father Scarampi.”25 Propaganda did not reply to this appeal, which suggests that it simply paid the sums due for three students, who were probably admitted to the Irish College between the second half of 1648 and early 1649.26 The overall picture provided by the entry records of the Irish College reveals that its recruitment remained quite static and characterized by the admission of a growing number of undesirable students. In contrast at St. Isidore’s, the recruitment of students continued to be far healthier. Analysis of this process at St. Isidore’s is hampered, however, by a gap in

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the entry records, which unfortunately conclude in 1654. The existing figures are enlightening, nonetheless. During the period from 1644 to 1654, the Franciscan college admitted seventy-three new students, fifty-­ four more than the secular seminary, but only thirteen more than it had recruited in the previous eight years.27 In contrast to the early 1640s, when there was an almost equal proportion of Munstermen and Leinstermen, the years from 1644 to 1654 recorded a shift with recruits from Munster, the majority. Twenty-six students were from this province, and nineteen from Leinster. Connachtmen and Ulstermen numbered six and seven respectively,28 while the origin of fifteen students is unknown.29 According to Canice Mooney, the scarce representation of Connachtmen and Ulstermen might reveal an unconscious prejudice towards the students from those provinces.30 The overall pattern of recruitment at St. Isidore’s clearly demonstrates that the Franciscan college was associated with students from the southern provinces. Despite the fact that the statutes made no mention of whether, in terms of admission, one province had priority over the others, the entry records indicate that from 1625 to 1654, St. Isidore’s admitted seventy-five Munstermen, forty-six Leinstermen, twenty-six Ulstermen, and twenty-one Connachtmen.31 The Franciscan college also continued to enjoy greater financial stability than the Irish College, as evinced by the account register. Although it concluded in 1649, it had a credit balance of 1896 crowns, in obvious contrast with the debt accumulated by the secular seminary.32 Furthermore, the efficiency of its recruitment system ensured that no undesired students entered the college. Instead the entry records demonstrate that some students were specifically invited to study there, with students from areas as far afield as Majorca, Bologna, Milan, and Turin invited to the college between 1646 and 1653.33 These invitations provide evidence of the international mobility which continued to be a particular trait of the residents of St. Isidore’s. As noted in Chaps. 3 and 4, this mobility did not simply involve the students, but also included lecturers who taught throughout the Franciscan infrastructure of the Italian Peninsula and the rest of continental Europe. However, during this period, connections of this sort between St. Isidore’s and other Franciscan bases weakened, and the number of lecturers deployed by the Franciscan college decreased. Fourteen lecturers left Rome in this period, a sharp reduction considering that, in the shorter period between 1635 until 1643, St. Isidore’s had trained and deployed twenty-one lecturers. The lecturers’ range of deployment also shrank, as

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nine of the thirteen taught exclusively within the Italian Peninsula.34 Three went to teach theology in Prague in 1645 and in 1650, while another was named “magister” of the students in Granada in 1646. One lecturer had previous teaching experience within the Italian Peninsula and from 1661 to 1664 he would go on to lecture in Prague.35 Although its production of lecturers declined somewhat, St. Isidore’s managed to continue to support and promote the scholarly productions of its students. According to the account register between 1644 and 1649, the college paid fifty-eight crowns for printing and binding student theses.36 This financial support contrasts markedly with the support offered by the Irish College for such activity. The only expense related to the cultivation of intellectual pursuit in the seminary’s register was two crowns paid for the binding of some books for its library in the period between 1655 and 1657.37 The capacity of St. Isidore’s to finance the students’ educational activity contributed to the maintenance of the strong literary tradition that the college had attained, partly thanks to the works written by its students but especially to those of the most prominent resident of the Franciscan community, Wadding. By 1657 he had composed twenty-three works, eight of which were volumes of the Annales Minorum.38 Wadding’s literary reputation enriched the emerging scholarship of his confreres at St. Isidore’s: by 1660, seven students educated in the Franciscan college had written and published twenty-five works which dealt with scholastic theology, philosophy, and the Franciscan order’s history.39 Beyond the Franciscan order, Wadding was still considered the most influential figure of St. Isidore’s. For example, Giovanni Pietro Puricelli, a secular priest of the Milan diocese, who was compiling a history on the Umiliati,40 a monastic order founded in 1201,41 sought Wadding’s support in order to ensure that his manuscript found a positive reception in Rome, and their correspondence between 1644 and 1647 again highlights the significance of the Franciscan’s position in Rome. In 1644 and 1645, Wadding wrote on several occasions to Puricelli to state that he had done his best to protect his manuscript from any possible criticism made by the Congregation of the Index.42 Ultimately, Wadding’s help proved unnecessary because Puricelli never published his manuscript on the Umiliati.43 In contrast to St. Isidore’s, none of the students of the Irish College were recorded to have written or published any works in the years from 1644 to 1660, thus leaving the seminary quite intellectually isolated. This

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isolation was repeated at political level because this period witnessed no significant changes within the framework of the diplomatic relationships between the papacy and the Irish Confederation, of which Wadding remained the key agent in Rome. The only change unfolded in mid-June 1644 when the Supreme Council of Kilkenny informed the Franciscan that it had decided to give him “Dr. Dwyre, to assist you in promotinge our affaires in the Courte of Rome,” a choice made on the basis of “an advertisement from you.”44 The cleric mentioned in this letter was Edmund Dwyer, the Roman agent of the Connacht bishops since the early 1630s.45 However, this cooperation must have been short-lived because in spring 1645, the secular cleric returned to Ireland having been appointed bishop of Limerick.46 O’Dwyer’s appointment stood as an isolated experience because no other member of the Irish secular clergy, and especially none from the Irish College, played a role on behalf of the Irish Confederates in Rome.

6.2   The Breakdown of the Missionary Network To what extent is the intellectual and political isolation of the Irish College repeated when its repatriation of missionaries is considered in comparison with St. Isidore’s? At first glance there continued to be a tangible discrepancy in the capacity of the two colleges to provide a clerical supply to the Irish mission. Indeed, during the years 1644–1659, St. Isidore’s proved extremely successful in maintaining its provision of missionaries to Ireland. This was evinced in the fact that twenty-two students of the seventy-two students admitted between 1644 and 1654 returned home. This represented 30.5% of the student body especially since, in contrast, none of the students of the Irish College returned home during the years 1644–1659. It also compares quite favourably to a return rate of 37% for the years 1636–1643. However, the St. Isidore’s contribution to the Irish mission should be distinguished into two periods, pre-1659 and the Restoration. Only six students returned to operate on the Irish mission before 1660. As for the earlier years, it is difficult to assess the extent of the financial support provided by St. Isidore’s. The only available indication is given by a receipt within the account register according to which, in early October 1648, the college paid almost one crown for the passage of Anthony Carthy,47 a student admitted to study in May 1644.48 It is certain that students who returned to Ireland before the 1660s were extremely mobile and fulfilled a wide variety of roles. Four of them

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acted as guardians in different locations.49 Three were appointed as confessors and two acted as lecturers.50 One of them was also appointed custos of the Irish province and provincial chapter, in 1669 and in 1683 respectively, while one was elected definitor at the provincial chapter of 1675.51 However, the fact that, during the years from 1644 to 1659, only six students returned home is an indication of the difficulties and the risks of operating on the Irish mission. Indeed, since 1649, the Cromwellian soldiers had been capturing and executing members of the Catholic clergy regardless of whether they bore arms.52 The Cromwellian conquest also brought to a halt the expansionism which had characterized the Irish province during the 1640s. Most of the infrastructure of the order was destroyed. According to the provincial chapter of 1658, all the friaries in Munster, except Cashel and Quin, were vacant.53 Like their secular fellow countrymen, the Franciscans had to cope with the edict of banishment of 1653 which stated that priests refusing to leave were outlawed.54 Patrick Seachnesy, one of the six students who returned home, was captured, and according to an anonymous list of 1653 was kept prisoner on Inishbofin.55 Two other former students of St. Isidore’s, Bernard Conny and Bonaventure Delahoid, who had returned to Ireland in the 1630s and the early 1640s were also imprisoned during the Cromwellian regime. The former was captured in 1651, and two years later he was imprisoned on Inishbofin.56 Delahoid was captured in Galway in the early 1650s, and, in 1653, was exiled to Spain where, in the same year, he died in the Franciscan province of Castille.57 Another three former students of St. Isidore’s, Thaddeus O’Carraghy, Denis O’Nelan, and Eugene O’Cahan, were captured between 1651 and 1652, and were immediately executed.58 The students were deterred from returning by the possibility of being captured or executed. Throughout the Interregnum only one student contacted Propaganda in order to obtain missionary faculties for operating in Ireland. This was not because it was impossible to do so. In 1633 the congregation had decided to no longer grant these faculties in order to avoid abuse. In 1650, however, it decided to reverse its decision due to the destruction of the Catholic hierarchy brought by the Cromwellian invasion, and permitted the Irish Franciscans and other regular orders to secretly run missions, each headed by a prefect who was placed under the congregation’s direct control.59 But the only St. Isidore’s student who petitioned Propaganda was Thomas Grace, admitted to the college in 1651.60 In his petition, submitted around 1658, Grace claimed that he

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had gone from Rome to Paris once he completed his studies. His request was endorsed by John Heslenan (b.1615), guardian of St. Isidore’s from 1657 to 1660,61 who declared that Grace was an honest friar of adequate learning and good health.62 On 1 October 1658, Propaganda examined his request but the cardinals did not make a decision on it and no further documentation exists on this matter.63 Inevitably the risky Irish situation was also a problem for the seculars, who, from 1653, had barely any opportunity of finding safe refuge at home, or in the houses of Catholics, because of spying by informers and house-raiding by soldiers. Moreover, the situation was worsened by the outbreak of an epidemic of bubonic plague in the towns of Connacht, Leinster, and Munster which further complicated the ministry of the priests.64 More broadly, the dismal rate of repatriation for the two colleges, and especially of the Irish College, corresponded to the breakdown of the Catholic church organization in Ireland witnessed by the destruction of the episcopacy, the exile of the clergy to the continent—the peak of which was reached in 1653— and the absence of synods between 1652 and 1657, after which a significant number of these were held until the late 1640s.65 The dangerous situation that awaited the Irish clerics at home unnerved even the most motivated students of the Irish College, who were determined to return upon completion of their studies. Consequently, they were required to ask permission to obtain a dispensation from the missionary oath in order to delay or prevent their travel to Ireland. Yet, throughout the years 1644–1659, there is evidence of only one request made by Oliver Plunkett, who, in mid-June 1654, petitioned Goswin Nickel (1584–1664), the Jesuit general, to obtain permission to remain in Rome because it was impossible to return to Ireland. Instead, Plunkett declared that he intended to reside in the Oratorian house located within the church of San Girolamo della Carità. The student concluded his request by stating that he would be ready to return to Ireland at a future date.66 Plunkett’s reference to the Oratorian house indicates that he remained under the protection of Scarampi, with whom he had arrived in Rome in 1647, as well as that the Oratorian’s role in nurturing potential missionaries was sustained after he sponsored their instalment as students in 1647. Plunkett was fortunate to benefit from Scarampi’s help while he remained in Rome. In 1656 he declared to Virgilio Spada (1596–1662), an Oratorian priest and brother of cardinal Bernardino Spada (1594–1661) that Scarampi had continuously provided assistance to him since his arrival in

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Rome.67 This may have been because Plunkett was a proactive cleric who devoted himself to visiting the sick at Santo Spirito in Sassia, where he “employed himself even in most abject ministrations, serving the poor infirm.”68 Plunket’s zeal seemed to be appreciated by Scarampi, who considered the Irishman as a worthy cleric to introduce to curia circles. On 4 October 1656, Scarampi wrote to Plunkett, declaring that he wished to recommend him to his confrere Spada and, more importantly, to one of the two cardinals Barberini.69 John Brenan, another student who arrived in Rome with Plunkett in 1647, also maintained close contact with Scarampi after he concluded his studies at the Irish College. In an undated letter the Oratorian delegated the Irish priest to ask Propaganda for missionary faculties for James Felan, chancellor of Kilkenny cathedral, who had been expelled from Ireland to France. The document records that Brenan held an ecclesiastical benefice in Rome; he was the “incumbent of S. Maria in Via Lata.”70 The fact that Plunkett’s request to be dispensed from the missionary oath is the only one for the years 1644–1659 might indicate that some students did not bother to seek a dispensation. It may also demonstrate that the students were not wholly under the control of the Irish College’s authorities. More conclusive evidence of this limited control by the Jesuit management manifests in the case of the miscreants who represented almost one third of the students admitted throughout the years 1644–1659. This high rate, combined with the Cromwellian persecutions at home, had a detrimental effect on the Irish College’s capacity to provide a clerical supply to the Irish mission. The evidence on the miscreants’ subsequent activity after dismissal confirms their unsuitability to become priests and to operate as missionaries at home, anyway. Arthur and Creagh went to France where both got married, for example.71 In 1678 Arthur was reported to be in Limerick where he practised canon and civil law.72 However, in the case of some miscreants, the college authorities proved unable to deter them from becoming missionaries in Ireland. Once again patronage proved decisive. Stafford was able to thwart the seminary’s authorities because he possessed the protection of a circle of powerful patrons. Despite his expulsion in 1657, he remained determined to return home, an ambition revealed in a letter that Mario Alberizzi (1609–1680), Propaganda secretary from 1657 to 1664, wrote to rector Young in early December 1657. In his letter Alberizzi informed Young that Stafford had petitioned Propaganda for missionary faculties in Ireland. Alberizzi asked him for details on Stafford’s behaviour during his course of studies at the

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Irish College, thus revealing that he was completely unaware of his expulsion from the seminary.73 While it is not known whether Propaganda responded positively or negatively to Stafford’s request, within a few years he was enjoying the support of influential ecclesiastics. According to a later letter written by Oliver Plunkett, in 1665 Edmund O’Reilly (1616–1669), archbishop of Armagh from 1657 to 1669, recommended that Stafford be named abbot of Tintern Abbey, and he obtained this benefice in Padova in June of that year.74 A further indication of the level of support that he gained is provided by the letter that Stafford penned to Alberizzi in October 1665 to inform him of his journey from Rome to Bologna. In Bologna he had been received with honour by Cardinal Carlo Carafa della Spina (1611–1680), nuncio in that city.75 Stafford was back in Ireland in the early 1670s. There his behaviour continued to be a source of complaint, especially for Nicholas French (1604–1678), bishop of Ferns from 1645.76 In 1673, the bishop wrote to Carlo Francesco Airoldi (1637–1683), internuncio in Brussels, to lament Stafford’s conduct in the diocese of Ferns where he granted matrimonial dispensations without any faculty and indulged in games. French suggested recalling Stafford to Rome and the forbidding of his return to Ireland.77 Other students also frustrated the seminary’s aim to produce reliable missionaries to serve in Irish dioceses, even though they completed their studies. John O’Clohessy and Richard Quinn were admitted in 1647 and 1654 respectively.78 O’Clohessy appeared full of potential; ordained priest in 1651,79 he was reported to be a “trustworthy and pious man.”80 However, he did not return to operate on the Irish mission because, after the conclusion of his studies, he held a chaplaincy in the church of San Rocco a Ripetta in Rome for a time.81 Around 1657, he left for France with Cardinal Celio Piccolomini (1609–1681), who had been appointed nuncio there. He served in Piccolomini’s household, from whom he obtained a benefice in the Lorraine region. The Irish College’s authorities disapproved of O’Clohessy’s activity, arguing that he did not do “great service to the seminary’s reputation.”82 The Irish College authorities made a similar assessment of Quinn’s return after their educational investment in him. After having completed rhetoric in France, Quinn was invited to study in Rome. During his course of studies at the Irish College, the student conducted himself well and, on 8 October 1661, the day of his departure from Rome, the college granted him a viaticum of twenty-one crowns. However, once again Quinn disappointed his superiors for he then refused to take the missionary oath. This irritated the college

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authorities who criticized Quinn because he “has spent and continues to spend his time without merit in Italy, especially in Venice.”83 Two other students who did not fulfil the missionary oath were Francis Xavier Madden and Peter Walsh, admitted in 1647 and 1649 respectively. In contrast to O’Clohessy and Quinn, their refusal or incapacity to return to the Irish mission did not seem to bother the Jesuit rectors. After the completion of his studies, Madden entered the Jesuits and for some time taught mathematical subjects in the province of Venice, where he died. Unfortunately, the sources omit to indicate in which year he entered the Society or his date of death. With regard to Walsh, he was ordained in early January 1654, and, after completing his studies, he joined the Oratorians in Perugia where he remained for more than twenty years and gained a reputation “for great integrity and a devoted helper of souls.”84 Around the end of the 1670s he moved to Rome where he took up residence at the church of San Giovanni dei Fiorentini.85 The information on four students, namely Peter Peppard, James Gough, Patrick Ledwith, and Robert Strange, is scarce. Strange entered the college in 1649 and after three years of philosophy and one of theology, he died of fever in late October 1653.86 Peppard was possibly admitted in 1644, Gough in 1646, and Ledwith in 1655,87 but there are no sources to confirm whether or not they returned home. But if we exclude the seven miscreants and the eight collegians discussed above, the Irish College’s missionary contribution was limited to four students who returned to operate on the Irish mission in the early 1660s when the structure of the Catholic church began to be reconstructed under the Restoration.88 Proportionally, the rate of return was poor, just a fifth of the student body. In contrast, within a shorter period of time, from 1635 to 1643, three students out of ten had returned home before the end of the 1640s.89 The generally limited contribution that the Irish College made to the Irish mission is somewhat alleviated by the fact that the four students who returned home after 1660 did rise to prominent positions. Before their arrival in Rome, Ronan Maginn (b.1629) and James Cusack (b.1643) studied rhetoric, the former in Antwerp and the latter in Lille. Maginn was admitted to the Irish College in 1654, and Cusack the following year.90 The manuscript history of the college recounted that Maginn, after his ordination as priest in 1660, started to celebrate masses in order to collect money for his viaticum.91 The income he collected was probably

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insufficient to pay for his journey to Ireland because the seminary granted him seventeen crowns on the day he departed for Ireland (3 October 1661).92 The first mention of Maginn in Ireland indicates that, in December 1661, he participated in the meeting in Dublin of lay and clergymen who, under the leadership of Richard Bellings (c.1603–1677) former secretary of the Irish Catholic Confederation, drafted the Remonstrance, a declaration of Catholic loyalty to Charles II.93 Further reference to Maginn is found in a letter, dated 22 August 1663, that Edmund O’Reilly (1616–1669), archbishop of Armagh from 1657 to 1669, penned to Propaganda to provide a list of suitable candidates for the Irish dioceses. According to O’Reilly, Maginn was a good cleric who should be appointed vicar general of the Connor diocese or alternatively of the Dromore diocese.94 It was to this latter diocese that Maginn was named vicar apostolic in 1671,95 an office that, according to the seminary records, he still held in 1678.96 Cusack’s initial period of studies within the Irish College was not easy because, according to the manuscript history of the seminary, he “lived a troublesome life.”97 However, he changed his attitude and studied theology in which he obtained his doctorate. After his ordination in 1658, Cusack began to say masses to collect money for his viaticum.98 Like Maginn’s income, this was not enough, for the Irish College gave him only fifteen crowns, a sum to which prince Niccolò Ludovisi, Cardinal Ludovico Ludovisi’s brother, added six crowns to support his return home.99 Unusually, there is some evidence to trace how Cusack’s journey to Ireland progressed after his departure from Rome at the end of September 1661.100 On 22 November 1661, he wrote to Mario Alberizzi (1609–1680), Propaganda’s secretary from early May 1657 to August 1664, to inform that he had reached Paris after a difficult and long journey, most of it made on foot. Due to his weakness and the severe weather conditions, he declared that he could not travel further.101 He succeeded in getting to Ireland during 1662 because on 10 September of that year he wrote a letter to Alberizzi from Dublin to report on the situation in the country.102 Cusack carried out his ministry in the Dublin diocese.103 There he did such “great work as pastor of souls” that in 1665 Oliver Plunkett included him in a list of Irish clerics which Propaganda should promote to the episcopate or office of vicar apostolic.104 According to the manuscript history of the Irish College, Cusack “engaged himself so zealously there in the pastoral ministry” that, in 1678, Propaganda decided to appoint him

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coadjutor bishop to Patrick Plunkett, bishop of Meath. In November 1679 Plunkett died and Cusack was officially appointed bishop of Meath, an office he would keep until 1688, the year of his death.105 The other two students who rose to prominent clerical positions in Ireland were Brenan and Plunkett, although neither of them returned to Ireland until approximately a decade after the fall of the Interregnum when it became safe to do so. They may have been delayed by their assumption of positions of intellectual status, for in November 1657 they were appointed to lectureships in scholastic theology (Brenan) and philosophy (Plunkett) at the Collegio Urbano of Propaganda.106 In 1666, Plunkett obtained the chair of controversy, and from approximately 1667 to 1669 he served the Congregation of the Index as consultor.107 The appointment of these two up-and-coming clerics as lecturers at the Collegio Urbano signalled a significant change within the Irish clerical community of Rome because it was the first time that two former students of the Irish College had obtained prestigious offices within the papal curia after the conclusion of their studies. Plunkett remained in Rome until mid-September 1669 when he left the city to return home following his appointment as archbishop of Armagh in July of that year.108 Brenan followed the same path when, in 1671, he was named bishop of Waterford and Lismore, from where he transmitted to Propaganda the first report on the status of his diocese in 1672.109 In 1677 he was translated to Cashel, but he was allowed to retain the administration of Waterford and Lismore until his death in 1693.110 Like the four collegians of the Irish College, the majority (sixteen) of the students at St. Isidore’s returned to Ireland after the Restoration, and some rose to prominent positions within the order in continental Europe and in Ireland. These students included Eugene Callanan, Patrick Tyrell, and John Brady. Callanan was admitted to St. Isidore’s in 1648 and was sent from there to work as a philosophy lecturer in Hungary in 1653. In 1661 he was elected guardian of St. Anthony’s College in Louvain. The first mention of him in Ireland was at the provincial chapter of 1666 at which he was elected definitor, an office he held again in 1669. In that year he was also appointed guardian of Meelick, and in 1672 he moved to Kilnalahan following his nomination as theology lecturer there. In 1675 Callanan was named commissary visitor of the Irish province, of which he became provincial in 1678. In 1684 he was appointed guardian of Enagh, where, from 1687, he also held the office of magister of the novices. The

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last mention of him indicates that he was appointed guardian of Clonmel in 1693.111 Callanan’s confrere Tyrell was admitted to St. Isidore’s in 1650. Between the early 1660s and early 1670s he lectured in theology in Naples and Rome. In 1665 he was elected commissary of the Irish province in Madrid. At the chapter of the Irish province in 1670 Tyrell was appointed definitor, while in the early 1670s he was back in Rome where he acted as St. Isidore’s guardian from 1671 to 1676. In 1676 Tyrell was named bishop of Clogher, where he remained until 1689, when he was transferred to Meath. He remained there until his death in 1692.112 Brady was ordained priest in 1647 and, in 1650, he was sent to Prague to lecture in theology.113 At the provincial chapter of 1669 he was elected definitor and guardian of Drogheda. In 1672, Brady was appointed commissary of Ulster and three years later was elected minister provincial, an office he held to 1678. In that year he was appointed confessor of lay people and in 1684 was named guardian of Cavan. In 1689, Brady was appointed an examiner of friars to be approved as confessors.114 The sources on the other thirteen students who returned to Ireland reveal that their activity at home was far less varied and they were less mobile than the group who operated in the pre-1660 period. Nine of them acted as guardian, but only one held this role in four different locations.115 Their lack of mobility may have been due to the destruction wrought by the Cromwellian conquest on the infrastructure and on personnel of the Irish province during the preceding decade.116 The Interregnum witnessed a drastic decline in the number of friars, which, according to the provincial chapter of 1663, was about 200 by that year, 374 less than recorded in 1639.117 Further evidence on the thirteen former students indicates that nine of them were named confessor of lay people, one acted as president of the provincial chapter held in 1666, and two were appointed definitor, in 1675 and in 1689 respectively.118 Additional sources recount that three of them were named jubilatus lector, two in 1670 and one in 1687.119 It is difficult to gauge the subsequent activity of the other St. Isidore’s students who did not return to Ireland because the only available evidence concerns John Clenan and Ludovic Durcan. The former was named college vicar in mid-April 1645, but no further information exists.120 Durcan was invited to go to study at St. Isidore’s from Bologna in early September 1646, but there is no indication of when he departed from the college.121 At some stage, he went to Turin to lecture there.122 In 1666, the nuncio

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in that city contacted Propaganda to request Durcan’s appointment as prefect of the Franciscan mission in the Lucerne Valley. On 22 March, the Congregation agreed to this request, but in mid-April, it decided to suspend Durcan’s nomination due to representations made by the nuncio in Florence in favour of Alberto da Sartiano, an Italian cleric.123 For the period 1644–1659, the differences which separated the Irish College and St. Isidore’s continued to be of considerable importance for the supply of missionaries. The poor management of the Irish College’s slender financial resources nullified the earlier efforts made by rectors James Forde and William Malone to stabilize the establishment. This situation was aggravated by the increase in the number of miscreants who brought problems of discipline for which the Italian rectors found no viable solutions. This difficult phase within the college’s life had serious repercussions for the links that the Irish College had established with the Irish mission. Students were recruited, with Scarampi proving the most active patron, but the hope for reciprocity that would be activated by their return was not realized; indeed, this link was broken during these years. None of the students known to have been admitted during this period returned to Ireland before the Restoration. The scale of repatriation was also discouraged by the anti-Catholic laws issued during the Interregnum, which played against the students’ return despite the situation in Ireland did not cause recruitment to decline dramatically. In contrast to the Irish College, St. Isidore’s retained sound finances and an efficient recruitment system which permitted the admission of many students. These two key conditions enabled the college to maintain its links with the Irish mission, although its contribution was not evenly balanced in terms of chronology. There was an evident disproportion between those who returned to the Irish mission before and after the Restoration in 1660. The damage suffered by the Irish province during the Interregnum deprived the returning students of an infrastructure which, in the previous years, had provided essential support for their ministries. Thus, most of the students returned only in the second half of the 1660s when the order entered a stage of reconstruction in Ireland.124 This period saw a resumption of the missionary between Ireland and the two colleges in Rome, which, at the same time, would experience a series of seminal changes.

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Notes 1. See Appendix A, 190–191. 2. John P. Prendergast, The Cromwellian Settlement of Ireland (New York: P.M.  Haverty, 1868), 183; see also John Cunningham, Conquest and Land in Ireland: The Transplantation to Connacht, 1649–1680 (Woodbridge: The Boydell Press, 2011). 3. See Appendix A, 190–191. 4. Raymond Gillespie, “The Irish Economy at War, 1641–1652”, in Ireland from Independence to Occupation, 1641–1660, ed. Jane Ohlmeyer (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995), 172. 5. Giovanni Rusco was rector from 2 February 1647 until 24 February 1650, Gianbattista Bargiocchi from 24 February 1650 until 24 February 1653, and Petronio Ferri from 24 February 1653 until 24 February 1656. See PICR, Liber I, fol. 62rv. 6. PICR, Liber I, fol. 62rv. 7. Prior to his admission in the Irish College, Luttrell, in the spring of 1643, successfully petitioned Propaganda to be accepted in the Collegio Urbano to study Latin. He was admitted in early May 1645 and in early October he was transferred to the Irish College. See APF, Acta, vol. 15, fol. 32, general congregation, Rome, 20 April 1643, Rome; Archivio del Collegio Urbano, Registro degli Alunni del Collegio Urbano, vol. VII-1, p. 34. I owe this reference to professor Giovanni Pizzorusso. 8. PICR, Liber XXVI, fols. 50rv-51r. 9. PICR, Liber XXVI, fols. 50rv-51r; John Canon Begley, The Diocese of Limerick in the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries (Dublin: Browne and Nolan, 1927), II: 470. 10. PICR, Liber I, fol. 76v; Liber XXVI, fol. 50rv. 11. Hugh Fenning, OP, “Irishmen Ordained at Rome, 1572–1697”, Arch. Hib.59 (2005): 22. 12. Ibid. 13. Plunkett and Dowdall left from Rome in 1660. See PICR, Liber XXVI, fols. 50v-51r. 14. PICR, Liber XXVI, fol. 50r. 15. PICR, Liber XIV, fol. 116r. 16. PICR, Liber XXVI, fol. 50r. 17. PICR, Liber I, fol. 62v. 18. PICR, Liber I, fol. 78r; PICR, Liber XII, fol. 54r. 19. The first student to be reported as being invited was Maginn. See PICR, Liber I, fol. 77r. 20. Unfortunately, there is no evidence to assess the identity of the two students and their subsequent activity in Rome.

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21. PICR, Liber I, fol. 75v; See John Hanly ed., The Letters of St. Oliver Plunkett, 1625–1681, Archbishop of Armagh and Primate of all Ireland. Edited and Translated with an Introduction by Monsignor John Hanly of the Irish College in Rome (Dublin: The Dolmen Press, 1979), 1. 22. APF, SOCG, vol. 415, fol. 31r, joint petition (in Scarampi’s hand), to the cardinals of PF, [September 1647], [Irish College, Rome], (“habilitarsi à servir Dio, et alla loro patria”… “non havendo essi il modo di pagare nel Collegio l’ordinaria dozione”… “acciòche sostenuti per questo breve tempo dalla carità di cotesta Sac. Congregazione”). 23. APF, Acta, vol. 17, fol. 524v, general congregation, 30 September 1647, Rome. 24. General congregation, 17 February 1648, Rome, APF, Acta, vol. 18, fols. 32, 33v. 25. APF, SC, Visite e Collegi dell” anno 1648, vol. 29, fol. 117r, joint petition to the cardinals of PF, [shortly after 17 February 1648], [Irish College, Rome], (“senza il vestire, e senza l’altre spese, delle quali sono proveduti dal sudetto Pre Scarampi”). The expenses were to be paid to cover two periods: one of eighteen months and one of sixteen months. The first period was shorter because a place in the Irish College became vacant by the time the petition was presented. In contrast, the longer period referred to the permanence of the other two students whose places in the Irish College would become available in the late summer of 1648. 26. See footnote no.1. 27. Brendan Jennings, “Miscellaneous Documents-II, 1625–1640”, Arch. Hib., 14 (1949): 7–10. 28. At first glance this scarcity of Connachtmen and Ulstermen could again be linked to the poor economic conditions of these provinces. However, in the early 1650s, this small representation of students from Connacht and Ulster began to raise complaints from a group of Irish Franciscans against Wadding, as will be discussed in the next chapter. 29. See Appendix B, 221–229. 30. Canice Mooney, OFM, “Was Wadding a patriotic Irishman?”, in Father Luke Wadding Commemorative Volume, ed. Franciscan Fathers, Dún Mhuire, Killiney (Dublin: Clonmore & Reynolds, 1957), 73–74. 31. Jennings, “Miscellaneous Documents-II, 1625–1640”, 1–10. 32. UCD-OFM, MS C 63, fols. 102rv-122rv. 33. See Appendix B, 221–229. 34. Ibid. 35. Ibid., 220, 222–224, 228. 36. Jennings, “Theses Defended at St. Isidore’s College, Rome, 1631–1649”, Coll. Hib. 2 (1959):102–104. 37. PICR, Liber XVIII, fol. 35rv.

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38. Cleary, Father Luke Wadding, 53–59. 39. Ibid., 83, 86, 88–100, 107, 127, 131, 134–136; Millett, The Irish Franciscans, 1651–1665 (Rome: Gregorian Univ), 464–487. 40. The title of the work was Historia Ordinis Humiliatorum, but it was never published. Puricelli’s writings on the Umiliati are housed in the Biblioteca Ambrosiana. Biblioteca Ambrosiana, ms D 113 inf and ms D 87; ms C 74 inf. fols. 121v-122r; ms C 103 inf.; Simona Schenone “Frate Mario Pizzi e la decadenza degli Umiliati”, in Sulle tracce degli Umiliati, ed. Maria Pia Alberzoni, Annamaria Ambrosioni, and Alfredo Lucioni (Milano: Vita e Pensiero, 1997), 68–69. 41. Annamaria Ambrosioni, “Introduzione”, in Sulle tracce degli Umiliati, XI. 42. BA, ms D 156 inf., fol. 21, 83rv, Luke Wadding to Giovanni Pietro Puricelli, 7 May 1644, St. Isidore’s, Rome; BA, ms D 115 inf., fols. 13, 5rv, Wadding to Puricelli, 4 January 1645, St. Isidore’s, Rome; the entire correspondence between Wadding and Puricelli has been published in Benjamin Hazard, “Some Unpublished Correspondence of Luke Wadding OFM to Giovanni Pietro Puricelli, Archpriest of San Lorenzo Maggiore, Milan and Pietro di Gallarà”, Seanchas Ard Mhacha. Journal of the Armagh Diocesan Historical Society 24, no.1 (2012): 29–45. 43. Schenone “Frate Mario Pizzi e la decadenza degli Umiliati”, 68. 44. Supreme Council to Luke Wadding, Kilkenny, 13 June 1644, in Richard Bellings, History of the Irish Confederation and the War in Ireland. Containing a Narrative of Affairs of Ireland by Richard Bellings, Author of “a Sixth Book to the Countess of Pembroke’s Arcadia”, Secretary of the Supreme Council of the Irish Confederation: With Correspondence and Documents of the Confederation and of the Administrators of the English Government in Ireland, Contemporary Statements etc. Now for the first Time Published from Original Manuscripts, ed. John T. Gilbert (Dublin: M.H. Hill & Son, 1882–1891), III: 182–183. 45. See Chap. 4. 46. AAV, Dataria Apostolica, Processus Datariae, vol. 24, fols. 29r-36v. 47. UCD-OFM, MS C 63, fol. 121v. 48. Jennings, “Miscellaneous Documents-II”, 9. 49. See Appendix B, 220–229. 50. Ibid. 51. Ibid. 52. Austin Wollrych, Britain in Revolution, 1625–1660 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2002), 676. 53. LL, 66. 54. Millett, “Survival and Reorganization, 1650–1695”, in A History of Irish Catholicism, ed. Patrick J. Corish (Dublin: Gill & Son, 1968), III: 4–7. 55. LL, 40.

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56. At some point Conny was released and died possibly in 1663. See Anthony Bruodin, OFM, Propugnaculum catholicae veritatis, libris X. constructum, in duasque partes divisum (Pragae: typis Universitatis Carlo-­Ferinandeae, 1669), 723–724; LL, 40; ACSI, Sectio W 5, no.5, Anthony Docharty, minister provincial, to Francis O’Molloy, 16 July 1663, Ireland. 57. Aliquorum Provinciae Iberniae Religiosorum Scriptis Illustrium, vita et morte gloriosorum ab anno 1640, ACSI, Sectio W 28, fol. 17rv. 58. Bruodin, Propugnaculum catholicae veritatis, 709–712; Aliquorum Provinciae Iberniae Religiosorum, fols. 15v-16v. 59. APF, Acta, vol. 19, fol. 378, general congregation, 4 July 1650, Rome; Dominic Conway, “The Anglican World: Problems of Co-Existence. A. During the Pontificates of Urban VIII and Innocent X (1623–1655)”, in Sacrae Congregationis de Propaganda Fide Memoria Rerum, ed. Josef Metzler (Rome-Freiburg-Wien: Herder, 1971), I/1: 166–167. 60. Jennings, “Miscellaneous Documents -II”, 9. 61. Patrick Conlan, St. Isidore’s College Rome (Rome: Tipografia S.G.S, 1982), 222. 62. APF, Fondo di Vienna, vol. 14, fols. 293r-294v, petition of Thomas Grace to PF cardinals, no place, 1658? 63. APF, Acta, vol. 27, fols. 262v-263r, general congregation, Rome, 1 October 1658. 64. Millett, “Survival and Reorganization”, 7. 65. Ibid., 4–5; Conway, “The Anglican World”, 166; Alison Forrestal, Catholic Synods in Ireland, 1600–1690 (Dublin: Four Courts Press, 1998), 75–76. 66. PICR, Liber XII, fol. 7rv, petition of Oliver Plunkett to Goswin Nickel, Jesuit general, Rome, 14 June 1654; 67. BAV, Barb. Lat., MS 4729, fol. 530rv. 68. Giovanni Marangoni, Vita del servo di Dio il P. Buonsignore Cacciaguerra: compagno di S.  Filippo Neri nella Casa di S.  Girolamo della Carità di Roma (Roma: Per Gio. Francesco Buagni in S. Michele a Ripa, 1712), 116 (“si esercitava ne’ ministeri anco più abietti in servizio dei poveri infermi”). 69. PierFrancesco Scarampi to Plunkett, [Rome], 4 October 1656, in Spic. Oss., II: 170–171. 70. APF, Fondo di Vienna, vol. 15, fols. 20r-20Av, Scarampi to John Brenan, no date, [Rome] (“beneficiato di S. Maria in Via Lata”). 71. PICR, Liber XXVI, fol. 50v. 72. PICR, Liber I, fol. 75v. 73. APF, Lettere, vol. 33, fol. 22v, Mario Alberizzi, PF secretary, to John Young, SJ, Irish College’s rector, Rome, 8 December 1657.

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74. APF, SOCG, vol. 438, fols. 261rv-263r, Oliver Plunkett, archbishop of Armagh, to Carlo Francesco Airoldi, internuncio at Brussels, Armagh, 2 April 1672. 75. Stafford also recounted that during his journey he stopped in Arezzo, where he stayed at the residence of Tommaso Salviati, bishop of Arezzo from 1638 until 1671. See APF, Fondo di Vienna, vol. 14, fols. 133r-134v, James Stafford to Alberizzi, Bologna, 2 October 1665. 76. Millett and C.J.  Woods, “Roman Catholic Bishops from 1534”, in A New History of Ireland, IX: Maps, Genealogies, Lists, ed. T.W.  Moody, F.X. Martin, F.J. Byrne (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1984), 372. 77. APF, SC Irlanda, vol. 3, fols. 361r-362v, Nicholas French, bishop of Ferns, to Carlo Francesco Airoldi, internuncio in Brussels, Ghent, 20 August 1673. 78. PICR, Liber I, fol. 77r; PICR, Liber XII, fol. 42rv. 79. Fenning, “Irishmen Ordained at Rome”, 21. 80. PICR, Liber I, fol. 75v (“solidus et pius”). 81. BAV, Barb. Lat., MS 4994, fols. 92r, 93v, unsigned and undated letter to cardinal Francesco Barberini. 82. PICR, Liber I, fol. 75v (“quo exemplo parum de huius collegi fama”). 83. PICR, Liber I, fol. 77rv (“nam in Italia, et prasertim Venetiis reliquum a discessu tempus sine laude consumpsit et adhuc consumit”). 84. PICR, Liber I, fol. 75v (“fama magnae probitatis, et sedulous animarum adiutor”). 85. PICR, Liber I, fol. 75v. 86. PICR, Liber I, fol. 76v. 87. PICR, Liber I, fol. 78r; Liber XII, fol. 39rv-40rv. 88. Millett, “Survival and Reorganization”, 1–5; for the broader context of the Restoration in the British Isles see Coleman A.  Dehenny, ed., Restoration Ireland: Always Settling and Never Settled (Aldershot: Ashgate, 2008); Danielle McCormack, The Stuart Restoration and the English in Ireland (Woodbridge: The Boydell Press, 2016); Tim Harris, Restoration: Charles II and His Kingdoms 1660–1685 (London: Penguin, 2005); see also Alessandro Cont, Corte Britannica e Stati italiani. Rapporti politici, diplomatici e culturali (1685–1688) (Roma: Società Editrice Dante Alighieri, 2019). 89. See Chap. 3. 90. PICR, Liber I, fol. 77r. 91. Fenning, “Irishmen Ordained at Rome”, 22. 92. PICR, Liber I, fol. 77r; Liber XII, fol. 51rv. 93. Peter Walsh, OFM, The History & Vindication of the Loyal Formulary, or Irish Remonstrance, so graciously received by His Majesty Anno 1661 (London, 1674), 670.

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94. APF, Fondo di Vienna, vol. 13, fols. 454r-461v, Edmund O’Reilly, archbishop of Armagh, to PF, no place, 22 August 1663. 95. Millett, “Roman Catholic Bishops from 1534”, 348. 96. PICR, Liber I, fol. 77r. 97. PICR, Liber I, fol. 77v (“vixit valde inquietus”). 98. Fenning, “Irishmen Ordained at Rome”, 22. 99. PICR, Liber I, fol. 77v. 100. PICR, Liber I, fol. 77v. 101. APF, SOCG, vol. 371, fol. 3r, James Cusack to Mario Alberizzi, PF secretary, Paris, 22 November 1662. 102. APF, Fondo di Vienna, vol. 14, fols. 177r-178v, Cusack to Alberizzi, Dublin, 10 September 1662. 103. APF, Fondo di Vienna, vol. 13, fols. 128r-129v, Cusack to Alberizzi, Dublin, 2 November 1662. 104. APF, Fondo di Vienna, vol. 16, fol. 287rv, Oliver Plunkett to PF, 1665 ?, [Rome], (“gran frutto havendo una cura d”anime”). 105. PICR, Liber I, fol. 77v; Liber IV, fol. 208r (“illic ab eo tempore tanto cum fructu animarum”); Millett, “Roman Catholic Bishops from 1534”, 351. 106. APF, SC, Collegio Urbano, vol. 5, fols. 449rv-453rv, “Catalogo dei lettori del Collegio Urbano dall”anno 1657”, 11 September 1732, Rome. 107. Within the series of Barberini manuscripts, there are six references to Plunkett’s activity as consultor of the Congregation of the Index from 28 March 1667 until 3 September 1669: BAV, Barb. Lat., MS. 3146, fols. 260r, 261v, 264r, 265v; MS. 3147, fols. 3rv, 4v, 5r, 8v, 19r, 20v, 45r, 47v. 108. There is no exact date to precisely track Plunkett’s departure from Rome. His last letter written from Rome is dated 1 September 1669, while the first one written outside the city was sent from Brussels on 15 November 1669. See APF, CP, vol. 13, fols. 46r, 48r, Plunkett’s testimonial to PF cardinals, Rome, 1 September 1669; APF, CP, vol. 12, fols. 89rv-92r, Plunkett to Federico Ubaldi Baldeschi, PF secretary, Brussels, 15 November 1669; APF, SC, Collegio Urbano, vol. 5, fols. 449rv-453rv. 109. APF, SC, Irlanda, vol. 3, fols. 1r-7r, “Relatione delle diocesi Waterfordiense e Lismorense” of John Brenan to PF, no place, 1672; Millett, “Roman Catholic bishops”, 368. 110. Ibid., 355. 111. LL, 66, 92, 95, 98, 117, 119–120, 124, 127, 131–132, 135, 140, 145, 150, 154, 166, 168, 179, 184–185, 189, 194, 196, 199. 112. Ibid., 118–121; Millett, The Irish Franciscans, 527, 529, 531–532. 113. Fenning, “Irishmen Ordained at Rome”, 19. 114. LL, 119–121, 124, 132, 135–136, 140, 144–145, 150, 161, 168, 184, 189–190, 194.

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115. See Appendix B, 220–229. 116. Gillespie, “The Irish Franciscans, 1600–1700”, in The Irish Franciscans, 1543–1990, ed. Edel Bhreathnach, Joseph MacMahon, OFM, and John McCafferty (Dublin: Four Courts Press, 2009), 63. 117. Millett, The Irish Franciscans, 96–97. 118. See Appendix B, 220–229. 119. These were Kennedy and Broudin, both in 1670, and Barnewall in 1687. See ibidem, 118, 190. 120. Jennings, “Miscellaneous Documents-II”, 7. 121. Ibid., 8. 122. John Punch, OFM, Scotus Hiberniæ restitutus (Paris: Sumptibus D. Bechet et L. Billaine, 1660), 23. 123. APF, Acta, vol. 35, fols. 72r-73r, general congregation, Rome, 22 March 1666; APF, Acta, vol. 35, fols. 96v-97r, general congregation, Rome, 12 April 1666. 124. Gillespie, “The Irish Franciscans, 1600–1700”, 67.

CHAPTER 7

The Colleges in Transition

7.1   A New Era: John Young’s Management of the Irish College Between 1644 and 1659, the Irish Colleges in Rome encountered substantial challenges to their ability to meet their objectives to supply missionaries to the Irish mission. Political and military conflict, as well as the breakdown of ecclesiastical structures and communication in Ireland, and between Ireland and Rome, impacted negatively on the ability of the colleges to develop as bases for missionary formation. However, these were not the sole influences to affect the colleges’ capacity in this domain around this time. During the early 1650s, the colleges entered periods of transition, marking for each the end of their founding era and the emergence of new phases in their functioning and in the production of missionaries. While at St. Isidore’s the transition was characterized principally by the passage of the college from the dominance of Luke Wadding to a post-Wadding era during the late 1650s, in the Irish College it was characterized primarily by the tenure of John Young from 1656 to 1664. In late February 1656, Young began his term as rector of the Irish College.1 At the onset of his tenure, the Irish College’s affairs remained in an extremely poor state, due to the disciplinary and financial problems that continued to beset its stability. The already difficult situation of the Irish College had worsened again in the late 1640s when tensions developed between the Irish students and Giovanni Rusco, rector from early February 1647 to late February 1650.2 Soon after Rusco took office, an anonymous © The Author(s) 2020 M. Binasco, Making, Breaking and Remaking the Irish Missionary Network, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-47372-3_7

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complaint against him was presented on behalf of the students to Prince Niccolò Ludovisi, brother of Cardinal Ludovico Ludovisi. It criticized the “indiscretion” of Rusco who did “not allow the students to apply [themselves] to virtue or to study.” The impact was reportedly very serious as it stated that one collegian, who was “one of the more modest students of the Irish College, went crazy when he had to endure the rector’s tyrannical punishments and threats.” The aggrieved student or students alleged that “we are not listened to by the Superiors of the Society who now want to support this Father.” In the final part, they asked Ludovisi “to appoint some impartial person, who has no dependence on the Fathers of the Company, or at least we plead that you obtain an apostolic visitor, to whom we can present our grievances,” and who would give them satisfaction.3 The complaint against Rusco suggested that the Italian rector was, as the manuscript history of the Irish College agreed, a man “not well adapted to managing this college.”4 It certainly inspired Ludovisi to issue a warning about the appropriate practice of authority in the college; he intervened by presenting a claim to his rights of patronage over the seminary to Innocent X (1574–1655) in early 1647. On 22 May 1647, after consulting with Ludovisi and Costanza Pamfili, third wife of Niccolò and niece of the pontiff, the pope issued the brief Inscrutabilis divinae providentiae, which declared that the Irish College would remain part of Ludovisi’s patrimony in perpetuity. He and his descendants would therefore retain the right to decide on a student’s admission or, in case of scandal, on his expulsion from the seminary. Innocent X also specified that Ludovisi and his heirs should maintain as many students as possible using his brother’s endowment. Crucially, the brief also stated that the students were obliged to observe an oath through which they promised to enter the ecclesiastical life and to agree, before their admission, to hand over to the Irish College’s treasury a sum of money which would be returned to them as their viaticum.5 Innocent X’s brief irritated the Jesuit authorities who saw it as a manoeuvre to undermine their authority, and ultimately to restore the status quo ante of the Irish College prior to the decision of the Sacra Rota of 1635.6 Thus, on 25 September 1647, Vincenzo Carafa (1585–1649), the Jesuit General from 1645 to 1649, declared his intention to defend the Society’s rights against the Pope’s decision.7 However, he did not need to, for the matter did not develop further. Although the brief was not revoked, the prince and his heirs, perhaps satisfied that they had reaffirmed

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their rights, did not insist on them, and the college continued to be administered by Jesuit rectors.8 A second dispute that involved the college, somewhat unwittingly, is indicative of its continued financial troubles. In 1647, a former student, Matthias Ball (who had been admitted in 1643 and departed in 1645 without taking holy orders) brought a legal case against the college, claiming that its authorities had appropriated the money that he had deposited there in 1642.9 In fact, his case had no basis, because the money belonged to his cousin, Henry Sedgrave, who had decided to transfer 168 English pounds to Antwerp via two Irish Jesuits, Richard Shelton and Thomas Quinn. Then, in August 1644, Sedgrave wrote to the former rector of the college, William Malone, to ask for the restitution of the money.10 On being informed of the request by Malone, the Jesuit general, Muzio Vitelleschi, decided that the college should refund Sedgrave in full around 1645.11 The college did not repay Sedgrave until 1667, over twenty years after it was formally ordered to do so, and this protracted delay is an indication of the continuously fragile state of its resources. As Chap. 4 demonstrated, between 1647 and 1656 the Irish College’s financial situation drastically worsened between 1647 and 1656, due to the poor management of Rusco, Gianbattista Bargiocchi, and Petronio Ferri, the three Italian rectors who administered the seminary during these years.12 None of the trio displayed great managerial acumen in either discipline or financial administration. According to the manuscript history of the Irish College, Bargiocchi frequently stayed outside of Rome, and devoted a great deal of his time to private business rather than to administering the seminary. Due to his prolonged absences from the city discipline within the college suffered because the students were accustomed to excessive liberty.13 Like Bargiocchi, Ferri had no concern for the seminary’s problems, and thus the manuscript history of the Irish College portrays him as a rector who did not know “how to dispose himself to the students,” and was never “pleased with the many duties they carried out.”14 Despite the continued problems of authority and management in the Irish College, recruitment did improve during these years, although, as Chap. 6 suggested, this was at least partly due to the pressures applied on clergy and potential clergy in Ireland. However, the installation of Young as rector was of critical importance for the college’s performance in this area because he proved to be an efficient strategist who identified and tackled key points of weakness in the system of recruitment, formation,

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and repatriation. Young introduced a series of decisive alterations to the seminary’s management which improved its performance in student recruitment, but just as importantly in repatriation after ordination. From the outset, Young targeted two crucial problems which had historically dogged the seminary’s attempts to act as a venue for the formation of missionaries. The first of these was financial instability, which Young began to tackle by repaying 266 of the 546 crowns of debt accumulated by Bargiocchi and Ferri. Although he was not able to pay any of the capital debt owed to Girolamo Rosolini, he did manage to hand over 500 crowns to repay interest in July 1664 to his successor, Philipp Roche. The second crucial problem that Young identified was the lack of discipline in the student body.15 His determination to improve it did not bring immediate results since the only two students accepted between 1656 and 1658 turned out to be two miscreants.16 However, in spring 1659, Young introduced a stricter code of discipline, with the first measure taken against students who sought the viaticum after the completion of their studies. He contacted Goswin Nickel (1584–1661), the Jesuit general, to modify the rules of the Irish College, which had been written by Wadding and approved in 1628. On 25 May 1659, Nickel approved a change in the regulation relating to the admission of students, decreeing that each new student, before being admitted, had to sign an oath declaring that the Irish College would not owe a viaticum to him on his departure.17 A further key innovation by Young was the revision of the formula with which the students made their missionary oath. Since the Irish College’s foundation in 1628, the formula had never been modified and the oath stated that the return of the students as missionaries to Ireland depended on the decision of the rector. Around early 1662 Young contacted Giampaolo Oliva (1600–1681), the new Jesuit general (1661 to 1681), to modify the oath’s formula, which the general agreed to do on 13 May.18 According to the new formula, the entering student now had to swear that he “will take holy orders at the appropriate time and will return to Ireland without delay after I have departed from the college to win the souls of my countrymen: unless the Superior or Vicar General of the Society of Jesus adjudges in the Lord that this should be delayed for a time.”19 As it was written, this missionary oath left no room for excuses or misinterpretation because it clearly obliged the students to return home without any delay after the completion of their studies. The introduction of the viaticum oath in 1659 combined with the revised form of missionary oath brought positive effects in the longer

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term. The changes in policy introduced by Young improved the ability of the Irish College to recruit and to repatriate new missionaries. Between 1659 and mid-July 1664, the date of Young’s death, the seminary admitted nine students, amongst whom there was an equal proportion of Munstermen and Leinstermen with four representatives from each province (the origin of one student is unknown).20 Compared to the previous decades, the number of ordinations significantly increased, for six of the nine students were made priests.21 The information on the other three students indicates that one died of fever in 1664, two years after his admission, while the others did not complete their formation.22 These latter, George Fleming and Robert Butler, felt the effects of the new rules introduced by Young, and compared to the experiences of earlier students without vocations their stays in the seminary were very brief. Fleming was included within the “miscreants list,” but he was the only such student admitted in the period from 1659 to mid-July 1664.23 This is telling, for it contrasts with the names of the six miscreants who entered the seminary between 1653 and 1658. It is almost certainly indicative of the success of the disciplinary measures that Young introduced, which aimed to discourage those without a true vocation from entering. The repeated failures of Fleming and Butler to succeed in persisting in their training anywhere else suggest that they were unsuited to seminary routines and discipline, and therefore disorderly in the judgement of their superiors. Fleming arrived in Rome in 1659 and for three and a half years studied Latin at St. Peter’s College. In mid-July 1663 he was admitted to the Irish College but left after four months because it was revealed that he had no vocation to be a priest. From Rome he went to Venice, and subsequently to Santiago de Compostela where he was admitted to the Irish College there. After a short time, he again abandoned the seminary without having received holy orders.24 Butler’s story was similar. He studied humanities as a lodger in the English Jesuit College of St. Omer before he arrived in Rome in 1664. In mid-October of that year he was admitted to the Irish College but, after a few months, asked to join the Jesuits.25 Young agreed to his request, but Butler never entered the Jesuit noviciate in Rome. Instead, after Easter 1665, he was sent to the English College of Douai and it was only this that he finally decided not to take vows.26 More compelling evidence of the impact of improved discipline in the seminary and the most successful aspect of the transition from the tenure of the Italian rectors to the tenure of Young was the Irish College’s repatriation rate. Of the six students who completed their studies, the majority,

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four, returned to Ireland without delay. This was a marked improvement compared to the students recruited between 1644 and 1659, none of whom returned to Ireland during that period. Of course, as already explained in Chap. 5, the Restoration, which brought more favourable conditions in Ireland from the early 1660s, was probably an influential factor in the students’ return.27 From this group, one student rose to prominent positions in Rome and Ireland. This was Peter Creagh, the brother of John Creagh who left the seminary in 1658 before ordination.28 Peter Creagh was admitted to the Irish College in early November 1660, after having completed his rhetoric studies in France. In contrast to his brother John, he was a dedicated and talented student who defended his theological and philosophical theses “with great distinction.”29 In 1666, the year in which he was ordained, he began to say mass in order to collect money for his viaticum. In 1667, he left the Irish College to return to Ireland, where he remained until September 1671 when Oliver Plunkett appointed him agent of the secular clergy in Rome.30 Creagh remained in Rome from early 1672 until mid-­ May 1676, when he was made bishop of Cork and Cloyne, an office he held until March 1693 when he was translated to Dublin.31 He remained there until late August 1703, when he fled to France due to the risk of persecution. From that year until his death in July 1705, Creagh resided in Strasbourg, where he assisted the local bishop.32 Three other students, namely James Stritch, Peter Arthur, and James Brenan, returned directly to Ireland after their departure from the Irish College. Stritch, after having studied humanities in France for four years, entered the Irish College in mid-December 1660. In 1666 he was ordained and began to say mass in order to collect money for his viaticum. In 1667, he completed his theology and philosophy studies and, in the same year, he returned to Ireland, where he became “the most successful labourer in the Lord’s vineyard.”33 The information on Peter Arthur recounts that he was a brother of Thomas Arthur who was admitted to the college in 1647, but abandoned his studies when he decided not to become a priest. In contrast, Peter was admitted to the Irish College on 7 November 1660 where he lived “quietly and devoutly” in the seminary and concentrated on the study of metaphysics and moral theology. At the end of April 1663, he left Rome to return home, and was appointed dean of Limerick in later years.34 Brenan, before his arrival in Rome, studied humanities in Spanish Flanders for four years, followed by a period studying philosophy for almost two years in Louvain. In early February 1664 he was admitted to

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the Irish College, where he remained until the end of April 1665, when he departed for Ireland. In 1678 Brenan was still alive “doing pastoral work in Ireland.”35 Of this group of “graduates,” two students, James Reilly and Edward Chamberlain, joined the Jesuits. It is worth noting that neither returned to Ireland, thus not fulfilling the terms of the revised missionary oath which they took in March and December 1663 respectively.36 The quality of their intellectual achievements suggests that they may have been recruited by the Jesuits to serve the Society as teachers in various of its institutions. Therefore, while the Irish College was not a major recruiting ground for the Jesuits as had been feared when they first began to administer the seminary, it certainly offered opportunities to cultivate relationships and loyalties that might result in recruitment. Reilly had studied humanities for four years in Lille and philosophy for two years in Paris before his arrival in 1662  in Rome. Admitted to the Irish College in September 1662, he studied metaphysics for one year and theology for four years. In June 1667 Reilly joined the Jesuits, and after sixteen months he was transferred from Rome to Viterbo, where he taught grammar until 1671. In that year he moved to Loreto where he acted as confessor until 1672, when he was transferred to Perugia to teach philosophy. In 1675 Reilly returned to Rome where he acted as prefect of studies in the Greek College for six months before being transferred to the Irish College to act as confessor and prefect of studies there.37 The evidence on Chamberlain reveals that he was admitted to the Irish College in 1663, after having studied humanities and rhetoric for five years in Tournai. From 1663 until 1666 he studied philosophy, demonstrating “exceptional probity” as a collegian.38 In 1666, he joined the Jesuits, and, after completing his noviciate in 1668, he taught grammar and humanities, in Montesanto and Loreto, until 1672. In that year he returned to Rome to study speculative theology until 1676, when he was named confessor in Loreto. At the end of November 1678 Chamberlain left Loreto following his transfer to the Irish College of Poitiers, which had been founded in 1674 and which was administered by Irish Jesuits.39 He was sent there in order “to be employed in some ministry,” but no further details are found on his specific duties in Poitiers.40

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7.2   St. Isidore’s and the End of Wadding’s Leadership In contrast to the Irish College, where the arrival of a new authority in the person of John Young resulted in improved discipline and a greater contribution to the Irish mission, St. Isidore’s struggled in this period to make the transition to a post-Wadding era. Although it remained financially healthy, it was subjected to quarrels that first manifested between early June 1652 and April 1654, when there were two cases of misbehaviour, one involving a member of the teaching staff and the other two students. In early June 1652 Wadding reported that at St. Isidore’s there was a “foolish and turbulent” lecturer, the identity of whom was not revealed but who was not afraid to upset the college’s stability.41 More seriously, in April 1654 the college decided to expel Bonaventure Cassin and Joseph Murphy, two students admitted in 1650, following an order from cardinal Antonio Barberini.42 The reason given for the expulsion was vague, with the authorities revealing only that it was decided “on account of certain transgressions” made by the two students.43 During the summer of 1654 the situation worsened, and the tensions within St. Isidore’s involved Wadding, Julian Perez, the Franciscan procurator in Rome, and two former students of the college, Paul King and Francis Bermingham. King was a Leinsterman who from 1649 to 1652 had acted as guardian of St. Isidore’s,44 while Bermingham was a Connachtman who was elected definitor general in 1648.45 Their disagreement fitted within a context of the wider dissension which split the Irish Franciscan province after the breakdown of the Irish Confederation in 1648. Most immediately, it had an impact on the election of the guardian of St. Isidore’s, who was, of course, a key authority within the college. In August 1654 Wadding claimed to Pedro Manero, minister general of the Franciscans, that his authority was contested by Perez, King, and Bermingham, who resided at the Aracoeli friary. Wadding claimed that these friars were allied with a “group of misled people,” based at the Aracoeli friary, who were launching malignant accusations against him. He concluded his letter defensively, by stating that his work had always been appreciated and respected since 1618, when he arrived in Rome, and that “all the works I did can testify it for me.”46 Wadding’s letter did not provide a clear description of the type of accusations made against him or the reasons for them. However, he did not receive any support from Manero, who did not even reply to his letter.

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Indeed, in early 1654, Manero blamed Wadding for the dissensions at St. Isidore’s and more broadly in the Irish province, in a letter he sent to Philip IV.  He identified two fundamental reasons for discontent. First, there were rumours in Rome about the possible appointment of Wadding as commissary general at the Franciscan chapter which would be held there in May. Fear that this would lead to a further reduction in Spanish influence in the city was fuelled by the apparent hostility of Wadding to the Spanish crown and his Gaelic confreres who deemed him the chief figure responsible for Ireland’s ruin. The second cause of protest was that, in 1653, Francesco Barberini had appointed Bernardine Barry, a Munster friar who had acted as St. Isidore’s guardian since 1652, as provincial of the Irish province following Wadding’s suggestion.47 Manero stated pointedly that, like Wadding, Barry was Old English with a strong inclination for France.48 In mid-February, the minister general wrote to Francesco Barberini to lament that Barry’s election had been widely criticized by his Irish confreres in Spain, France, and Germany.49 Shortly afterward, Barberini was also contacted by Perez, who identified irregularities in Barry’s election in order to have it overturned. According to him, Barry had succeeded Francis O’Sullivan, a former St. Isidore’s student, who was also from Munster.50 This succession ignored the customary rule that required that the position of provincial be alternated between friars from the four Irish provinces.51 In mid-May, Manero decided to intervene and replaced Barry with Bonaventure Mellaghin, a Leinsterman, who was appointed vicar provincial.52 Linking the letters of Manero and Perez were their regular references to the fact that Wadding was of Old English stock from Munster. This was used as a way to stress his alleged responsibilities for the Irish Confederation’s disunity and was linked to what had unfolded in Ireland during spring 1648 when the Supreme Council of the Irish Confederates agreed to sign the second Inchiquin truce with the royalist forces on 20 May. This decision had been strongly opposed by Giovan Battista Rinuccini, who decided to excommunicate those who agreed with the peace treaty.53 Amongst the Irish Franciscans only about thirty friars, the majority of whom were Old English, out of 400 accepted the truce. As the order was divided over the issue, some friars resumed the project, first conceived in 1623, to divide the Irish province into two distinct parts, one for the Gaelic and the other for the Old English members. During the summer of 1648 Pierre Merchant (d.1661) (the Franciscan commissary general of the

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German-Belgian province, with responsibility also for Ireland) was informed of the project.54 Yet, despite his authority, Marchant was easily manoeuvred by Peter Sweetman, an Ormondist friar, who convinced the commissary to send home Raymond Caron, a theology lecturer at St. Anthony’s College of Louvain, to supervise the status of the Irish province. Upon his arrival in Ireland in 1649, Caron thus became an instrument in the hands of James Butler, marquis of Ormond and protestant lieutenant of the royalist army, who used the friar to try to bring the pro-­ nuncio Franciscans under his control.55 In February 1649, they reacted by sending King to Rome to represent those friars who opposed the peace and to request an apostolic commissioner for the Irish province.56 For the pro-nuncio friars, Wadding became suspect, for they believed him responsible for Caron’s appointment and his arrival in Ireland, on the flimsy basis that in May 1649 Ormond wrote to Wadding to demand his support for Caron, a letter to which the Franciscan never replied.57 The Commentarius Rinuccinianus included King amongst those in the order who contested Wadding’s authority within St. Isidore’s community.58 As Benignus Millett suggests, it is possible that the hostility against the Waterford Franciscan played a role in the election of King as guardian of St. Isidore’s in 1649.59 King concluded his period as St. Isidore’s guardian in December 1652 when he was replaced by Barry, whose term ended in early December 1655.60 Wadding managed the matter of Barry’s succession but seemed to be guided by the need to settle the division within the college. Thus, at the end of June 1655, he wrote to Manero to submit a list of four friars who he considered suitable replacements for Barry. These were Edmund Bray (1611–1675), a lecturer in Sicily from the early 1630s and from 1647 guardian in Clonmel; Maurus Matthews; Daniel Brouder (b.1605), a former St. Isidore’s student in the late 1620s and early 1630s and subsequently lecturer in Sicily and Prague; and Heslenan (b.1615), who undertook his studies in Spain and lectured in Palermo.61 The provincial backgrounds of the four candidates are notable: Bray and Matthews were from Munster, and Brouder and Heslenan were from Connacht, but Wadding did not suggest any candidate from Leinster or Ulster. With regard to the lack of Ulstermen he simply stated that “in future nominations, those who shall be living there at the time will propose some from Ulster, if they find them suitable.” While he did not reveal his reason for not recommending a Leinsterman, it was evidently in order to avoid accusations of favouritism to Old English candidates and therefore to assuage

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sensitive opinions. He affirmed categorically that he wished Brouder or Heslenan to be appointed as a result for two reasons. The first was that there had been a dearth of suitable candidates from Connacht until that moment. He then stressed that both Brouder’s and Heslenan’s nominations were made in order that “it will not be said that it was always Munstermen and Leinstermen who governed here.”62 Wadding’s decision not to recommend Leinstermen was an obvious departure from the pattern of guardianship because, from 1625 until 1654, this office was alternated between two Leinstermen and four Munstermen, amongst whom Wadding held it for four terms.63 Wadding’s suggestion that a Connachtman should be appointed was welcomed by the Franciscan hierarchy, who, on 10 September 1656, named Heslenan as the new guardian. Yet he did not take the post immediately, beginning his term only in early May 1657.64 In the meantime, Wadding acted as a temporary guardian. This was a condition allowed by the college’s statutes, although it is not known whether he was elected praeses by the board of discreets or if he independently took the post.65 The appointment of Heslenan as St. Isidore’s guardian did not end the attacks against Wadding, who in 1656 was criticized again, this time by Francis Magruairk, an Ulster friar and a former St. Isidore’s student.66 He presented a long memorial in Latin to the Spanish king in which he denounced the Waterford Franciscan as the individual responsible in Rome for the Irish Confederation’s defeat. According to Magruairk, Wadding had played against the Irish cause by favouring a papal alliance with France, and opposing a possible Spanish intervention in Ireland.67 On 17 November 1656, the Spanish council of state discussed Magruairk’s memorial but it agreed to take no further action without consulting Perez, who was contacted by Pedro Coloma, secretary of the council, at the end of November.68 In mid-December Perez replied to Coloma to state that he could not verify the allegations.69 For his part, Wadding did not reply to any of the accusations brought by Magruairk and seemed keen to avoid any further conflict. Another possible reason for his silence was that, between the end of 1655 and early 1656, he was fully committed to expanding the structures of the Irish province in the papal states. He petitioned pope Alexander VII (1599–1667) to grant to the Irish Franciscans the priory of Our Lady of the Plain near Capranica, a small town of the Sutri diocese which was located thirty miles north of Rome. Wadding stated that this structure could be used as a noviciate which would house the men who could no

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longer be professed in Ireland due to the devastations wrought by the Cromwellian regime. The Franciscan stressed five key conditions: the first was that this new foundation should be under the minister general’s direct jurisdiction, despite its incorporation into the Irish province, while the second was that only six novices would be admitted in the early stage. Wadding’s third and fourth conditions requested that only youths of Irish birth or origin should be accepted, and that no province should be given preferential treatment to another’s detriment. The fifth point required that the superior should be selected from a list of four names submitted by the guardian and discreets of St. Isidore’s.70 During the process of establishing the Capranica friary, Wadding enjoyed the support of prominent figures such as Marcello Anania (d.1670), bishop of Sutri, Cardinal Francesco Maria Brancaccio (1592–1675), archbishop of Viterbo, and Prospero Fagnani (d.1678), the prelate responsible for matters relating to regular houses. The most decisive favour came from Alexander VII who, according to Francis Harold, highly esteemed Wadding for his studies and activity.71 Thus he issued the brief Inter gravissimas on 8 May 1656 granting the priory to Wadding according to the terms he had requested.72 Six days later the Irish Franciscans entered their new foundation.73 In 1660, the Capranica’s community counted eighteen members among whom was Maurus Matthew (b.1617), a former St. Isidore’s student and philosophy lecturer at Bologna in the late 1640s, who acted as guardian.74 There were also eight other Irish priests. Only one of the nine novices in residence was Irish however, indicating that Wadding’s plan to use Capranica as a noviciate for the Irish province had failed.75 Wadding’s effort to open a new noviciate suggests either that he wished to establish a new environment for the formation of friars which would be free of the hostility that dogged his influence at St. Isidore’s, or that he expected the number of Irish novices to expand significantly in the future. In any case, he did not live to see either result, and he died on 18 November 1657, having been succeeded by Heslenan beforehand.76 With that, the Wadding era of the college ended, and tensions within the community decreased substantially. The only exception occurred in early January 1658 when Bermingham, one of Wadding’s three main opponents, attempted to become guardian of the college.77 Heslenan’s successor as St. Isidore’s guardian was Anthony Tighe, another Connachtman,78 whose term lasted from the autumn of 1660 until the end of 1663.79 The fact that two Connachtmen were

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consecutively appointed as guardian signalled a shift in the provincial dominance prevalent in the college until then. However, the dearth of sources for the periods of their guardianship makes it impossible to assess whether, in the longer term, the quarrels that characterized the close of the Wadding era and the transition in authority had any impact on the college’s ability to recruit and repatriate missionaries. Figures exist for only one year, in consequence of an apostolic visitation of all the ecclesiastical establishments of Rome, including St. Isidore’s, in the spring of 1663.80 While it is unwise to draw general conclusions from these records, it does provide an insight into the St. Isidore’s community during the 1660s. The Franciscan college then counted forty members, seventeen of them from the Italian Peninsula and one from the Iberian Peninsula. This group was composed of one priest who acted as confessor and seventeen lay brothers.81 The acceptance of non-Irish lay brothers was a condition that was allowed by the college’s bull of foundation, although it also explicitly forbade the acceptance of non-Irish friars.82 In addition to Tighe who acted as guardian, the group of Irishmen was composed of six priests, fourteen students (five of whom were awaiting ordination), and one novice.83 There is little information on the provincial background of this group. The few details indicate that there were three Munstermen, two Leinstermen, two Connachtman, one Ulsterman while the origin of the other fourteen is unknown.84 By 1663, it appears that Isidore’s was operating quite well in terms of recruitment and repatriation and had recovered from its poor performance in the years 1644–1659. Indeed, five of the fourteen students (36%) present at St. Isidore’s in 1663 would return to Ireland, an improvement compared to the overall proportion (30.5%) of students who travelled back during the years from 1644 to 1659. Two other students would become active in England. These students, Francis Fitzgerald and Michael Mansell, acted as procurators of the Irish province in London from early 1664 to late 1669. More precisely Fitzgerald operated as procurator from early 1664 until June of 1665, when he was replaced by Mansell.85 There is no evidence on Fitzgerald’s activity in London, although he died possibly in 1666.86 In contrast, Mansell’s activity in London is better recorded, thanks to two documents preserved in Propaganda. The first is a petition that Mansell sent to Propaganda, possibly in 1669, in order to gain special missionary faculties. According to the petition, he had converted seventy-five heretics between 1664 and 1669.87 The second document on Mansell’s activity is provided by a report that Claudio Agretti, the papal agent in

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London, sent to Rome in 1669. He recorded that Mansell was still ministering in England and was a worthy priest who “labours incessantly for the salvations of souls.”88 The sources on the five students who returned to Ireland reveal that they returned after some delay. Only one, Mark MacDonnell, was active at home in the early 1670s. In 1672 he was named guardian of Rosserk, where he remained possibly until 1684. In that year he was appointed guardian of Rosserly, an office which he would hold again three times in 1689, in 1690, and in 1703.89 The information on the other four students reveal that three returned to the Irish mission in the early 1680s and one in the late 1690s. Their activity at home continued to be far less varied and they were less mobile than the students who had returned in the pre-1660 period. Indeed, only one Francis Philbin, held the role of guardian in two different locations, in 1685 in Moyne, and in 1687 in Galway. He was also the only one to assume different roles such as lector jubilatus in 1681, confessor in 1685, and commissary visitator of the Irish province in 1690.90 The evidence on the other three students reveals that two were named confessors in 1680 and in 1699 respectively, while one was named guardian in 1681.91 As the Irish Colleges in Rome entered the mid-1660s, they were marking the end of transitions that began a decade earlier. For the Irish College, the appointment of Young was a major landmark because, not only did he place the seminary on a firmer footing from a financial and disciplinary viewpoint, his changes to regulations also facilitated healthier recruitment and the supply of missionaries to Ireland. In contrast to the Irish College, the transition of St. Isidore’s was far rockier. While the college remained financially sound and its students relatively disciplined, Wadding’s influence was challenged to the point where it became untenable. Accusations made against his partiality arose to an extent from the disillusion and discontent which fractured the unity and regularity of the Irish Franciscan province after the Irish Confederation’s defeat. Ultimately, Wadding’s death inaugurated a new period of stability for the college, characterized less by Munster dominance, but it was itself ushered in by the aged actions of the Waterford Franciscan in his final years. Thus, like the Irish College, St. Isidore’s appears to have substantially recovered from the years of low recruitment and repatriation by 1663. However, the transition of the Irish College was perhaps the more successful of the two, given that it had stood in 1656 in a less advantageous position than its collegiate neighbour. Overall, by the early 1660s,

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the transition period of the two colleges was concluded, and both St. Isidore’s and the Irish College were ready to resume their missionary network with Ireland and—eventually—to respond to the spiritual needs of the growing number of Irish who arrived in the West Indies.

Notes 1. PICR, Liber I, fol.71v. 2. PICR, Liber I, fol.71r. 3. PICR, Liber XXIII, fols. 128r–129r (“dalla di lui indiscrezione, ne li permette applicarsi alla virtù o allo studio” … “uno dei giovani più modesti del Collegio dalle sue tiranniche penitenze e minacce diventò pazzo” … “non siamo uditi dai superiori della compagnia, i quali ora vogliono spalleggiare questo padre” … “si degni di nominare qualche persona imparziale, che non abbia dipendenza dai Padri della Compagnia” … “o almeno le supplichiamo ad ottenere un visitatore apostolico, al quale possiamo esporre le nostre doglianze”). 4. PICR, Liber I, fol. 71r (“non tamen aptissimus ad huius collegii regimen”). 5. Brief of Innocent X, Inscrutabilis divinae providentiae, PICR, Liber I, fols. 170r–175r; a copy of it is found in APF, SOCG, vol. 371, fols. 77r–80v. 6. See Chap. 3. 7. Declaration drawn up at Porta Pia by Vincenzo Carafa, Rome, 25 September 1647, PICR, Liber I, fols. 147r–151r. 8. Patrick Devitt, “The Irish College under the Jesuits (1635–1772)”, The Coelian (1968): 8. 9. See Chap. 3. 10. PICR, Liber IV, fol. 121r, Henry Sedgrave to William Malone, SJ, Waterford, 20 August 1644. 11. PICR, Liber I, fols. 73v–75r. 12. See Chap. 6. 13. PICR, Liber I, fol. 71r. 14. PICR, Liber I, fol. 71r (“nec ipse subditis gratificari scivit, nec ipsi grata fuerunt plura quae ab istis sunt repensa”). 15. PICR, Liber I, fol. 79r. 16. These were John Plunkett and Gerard Dowdall. See PICR, Liber XXVI, fols. 50v–51r. 17. PICR, Liber I, fol. 79r; PICR, Liber XXVII, fol. 46r–58r. 18. PICR, Liber I, fol. 78v–79r. 19. PICR, Liber XII, fol. 21rv, 22v, Gianpaolo Oliva, SJ general, to John Young, SJ, Irish College’s rector, Rome, 13 May 1662 (“me suo tempore sacros ordines suscepturum et in Hiberniam ad proximorum animas

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l­ucrandas sine mora postquam ex hoc collegio discessero reversurum: nisi praepositus vel vicarius generalis Societatis Jesu pro tempore differendum id in Domino iudicaverit”). 20. See Appendix A, 192. 21. Ibid. 22. This student was Plunkett. See PICR, Liber I, fol. 89v–90r. 23. PICR, Liber XXVI, fol. 51r. 24. PICR, Liber I, fol. 91r; PICR, Liber XXVI, fol. 51r. 25. The English College of St. Omer was established by the English Jesuit Robert Parsons (1546–1610) in 1594. See Edward Petre, Notices on the English Colleges and Convents established on the Continent after the Dissolution of the Religious Houses in England (Norwich: Bacon and Kinnebrook, 1849), 15. 26. PICR, Liber I, fols. 90v–91r. 27. Benignus Millett, “Survival and Reorganization, 1650–1695”, in A History of Irish Catholicism (Dublin: Gill & Son, 1968), III: 12–22. 28. See Chap. 5. 29. PICR, Liber I, fol. 88v (“utrobique egregie”). 30. PICR, Liber I, fol. 89r; APF, CP, vol. 18, fol. 76rv, Oliver Plunkett to Carlo Francesco Airoldi, internuncio in Brussels, Brussels, 19 September 1671. 31. PICR, Liber I, fol. 89r; BAV, Barb. Lat., MS 2900, fol. 29rv, translation of Peter Creagh to Dublin, Rome, 9 March 1693. 32. Myles O’Reilly, Memorials of Those who suffered for the Faith in Ireland in the 16th, 17th, and 18th Centuries (London: Burns, Oates, & Co, 1868), 356–357. 33. PICR, Liber I, fol. 89v (“utilissimum se ostendit in Domini vinea operarium”). 34. PICR, Liber I, fol. 89v (“quiete et pie”). 35. PICR, Liber I, fol. 91v (“in Hibernia curam animarum agens vivit”). 36. See Appendix A, 192. 37. PICR, Liber I, fol. 90rv. 38. PICR, Liber I, fol. 90v (“eximiae probitatis”). 39. PICR, Liber I, fol. 90v. On the history of the Irish College of Poitiers see Francis Finegan, “The Irish College of Poitiers, 1674–1762”, I.E.R. 104 (July–December 1965): 8–35. 40. PICR, Liber I, fol. 90v (“occupandus in aliquot ministerio”). 41. ACSI, Sectio W 8, no. 8, Luke Wadding to Julian Perez, OFM, Rome, 9 June 1652 (“moço y inquieto”). 42. See Chap. 5. 43. The information on the subsequent activity of these two students is limited to Murphy who, in mid-July 1654, obtained permission to return home

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from cardinal Francesco Barberini. See Brendan Jennings, “Miscellaneous-­ Documents-­II. 1625–1640”, Arch. Hib. 14 (1949): 10 (“propter certos excessus”); BAV, Barb. Lat., MS 2126, fols. 88v–89r, cardinal Francesco Barberini to Joseph Murphy, OFM, Rome, 17 July 1654; LL, 183, 198, 288. 44. Jennings, “Miscellaneous-documents-II”, 8. 45. Millett, The Irish Franciscans, 1651–1665 (Rome: Gregorian University Press, 1964), 59. 46. ACSI, Sectio W 8, no. 9, Wadding to Manero, Rome, 23 August 1654 (“una compania de gente desencaminada” … “Opera quae ego feci testimonium perhibent de me”). 47. Appointment of Bernardine Barry as St. Isidore’s guardian, 3 June 1652, UCD-OFM, MS C 31; reprinted in Millett, “Copies of Some Decisions from the Missing Discretorial Registers of St. Isidore’s College, Rome, 1652–1739”, Coll. Hib. 43 (2001): 87–90. 48. AGS, Secretaria de Estado, Negociaciones de Roma, legajo 3026, Manero to Philip IV, King of Spain, 1654. 49. Manero to cardinal Francesco Barberini, Madrid, 17 February 1654, UCD-OFM, MS D 22, document cited in Canice Mooney, OFM, “Was Wadding a Patriotic Irishman?”, in Father Luke Wadding Commemorative Colume, ed. Franciscan Fathers, Dún Mhuire, Killiney (Dublin: Clonmore & Reynolds, 1957), footnote no. 10, 17. 50. He was admitted on 8 April 1626. See Appendix B, 197. 51. Appeal of Perez to cardinal Francesco Barberini, 1654, Rome?, in Aniceto Chiappini ed., Annales Minorum seu trium Ordinum a S. Francisco institutorum continuati a p. Aniceto Chiappini; collaborantibus pp. Juliano Palazzolo et Hyacintho Marinangeli (Florentiae: Tipografia Barbera, 1951), 30, 160–161. 52. Manero to Bonaventure Mellaghlin, OFM, Majorca, 12 May 1654, in LL, 44–45. 53. Patrick J. Corish, “Ormond, Rinuccini, and the Confederates, 1645–9”, in A New History of Ireland, III: Early Modern Ireland, 1534–1691, ed. F.J.  Byrne, F.X.  Martin, and T.W.  Moody (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1976), 328–330; Micheál Ó Siochrú, Confederate Ireland, 1642–1649. A Constitutional and Political Analysis (Dublin: Four Courts Press, 1999), 170–204. 54. Since 1526 the office of commissary general of the German-Belgian province also had responsibility for the Irish and English provinces. It is not possible to identify the year in which the commissary of the GermanBelgian province began to exercise his authority on the Irish province: Patrick Conlan, OFM, Franciscan Ireland (Dublin: Assisi Press, 1978), 31. 55. Mooney, “Was Wadding a Patriotic Irishman?”, 36–37.

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56. Stanislaus Kavanagh, ed., Commentarius Rinuccianus, de sedis apostolicae legatione ad foederatos Hiberniae catholicos per  annos 1645–9 [hereafter Comm. Rinucc.] (Dublin: Stationery Office, 1932–194I), V: 53–54. 57. James Butler, 12th earl of Ormond and lord lieutenant of Ireland, to Wadding, Kilkenny?, 20 May 1649, Bodleian Library, Carte Papers, vol. 24, p. 461, reprinted in John T. Gilbert ed., A Contemporary History of Affairs in Ireland, from 1641 to 1652. Now for the First Time Published with an Appendix of Original Letters and Documents (Dublin: Irish Archaeological and Celtic Society, 1880), II: 220. 58. Comm. Rinucc., IV: 248. 59. Millett, The Irish Franciscans, 119–120. 60. Ibid., 120–121. 61. Gregory Cleary, Father Luke, 113–114, 127–129. 62. Wadding to Manero, Rome, 25 June 1655, UCD-OFM, MS D 12, reprinted in Jennings, “Some Correspondence of Father Luke Wadding, OFM”, Coll.Hib., 2 (1959): 91–92 (“y para otro nombramiento, los que entonces vinieren propondrán algunos de Ultonia si los uviere a proposito” … “pero por que no digan que siempre han governado aquí Momoniensis y Lagenienses” … “persona calificada, y de authoridad”). 63. Jennings, “Miscellaneous documents-II”, 1–10; Conlan, St. Isidore”s College, Rome (Roma: Tipografia S.G.S, 1982). 64. Joseph Mari Pou, OFM, Index regestorum Familiae Ultramontanae (saec. XVI et XVII), (Quaracchi: Typ. Collegii S.  Bonaventurae, 1927), VII: no. 75. 65. Millett, The Irish Franciscans, 122. 66. See Chap. 3. 67. AGS, Secretaria de Estado, Negociaciones de Roma, legajo 3030, Memorial of Francis Magruairk presented to King Philip IV, Madrid, [late September or early October 1656]. 68. Pedro Coloma, secretary of the Spanish council of State, to Julian Perez, order’s procurator in Rome, Madrid, 28 November 1656, Archivio General de Simancas, Estado, Secretaria de Estado, Negociaciones de Roma, legajo 3030. 69. Perez to Coloma, Granada, 12 December 1656, Archivio General de Simancas, Secretaria de Estado, Negociaciones de Roma, legajo 3030. 70. Wadding to Pope Alexander VII, Rome?, between the end of 1655 and early 1656, see Aniceto Chiappini, OFM, ed., Annales Minorum seu trium Ordinum a S.  Francisco institutorum continuati a p. Aniceto Chiappini; collaborantibus pp. Juliano Palazzolo et Hyacintho Marinangeli (Florentiae: Quaracchi Editori, 1951), vol. 30, 1651–1660, doc no. XXXIII, 337–339. 71. Francis Harold, OFM, Vita Fratris Lucae Waddingi, 3rd edition (Ad Claras Aquas: Tipografia Barbera, 1931), chapter LXXIII, 103.

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72. Bull Inter gravissimas, Rome, 8 May 1656, AAV, Segreteria dei Brevi, Registra Brevium, vol. 1155, fol. 37–39. 73. Pou, Index regestorum Familiae Ultramontanae, vol. 7, no. 51. 74. He defended his thesis in 1645: Jennings, “Miscellaneous documents-­II”, 8,11; Jennings, “Theses Defended at St. Isidore’s College, Rome, 1631–1649”, in Coll. Hib., 2 (1959): 103. 75. The other Irish friars were John Clery, Francis Lot, Bonaventure Golding, Eugene Lucran, John O’Donell, Francis Philbin, Bernard Graneel, Anthony Thiernan. The Irish novice was Patrick Gormly. See Archivio di Stato di Viterbo, notarial volume entitled Alceo Cerrini, fol. 200r–201r, 298rv. 76. Harold, Vita Fratris Lucae Waddingi, chapter XCI, 143–144; Millett, The Irish Franciscans, 123. 77. John Heslenan, OFM, to cardinal Francis Barberini, Rome, 8 January 1658, BAV, Barberini Latini, MS 8626, fol. 89r. 78. Prior to his appointment as St. Isidore’s guardian he had been named philosophy lecturer in the friary of Kilconnel in 1647. Two years later he was elected guardian of Ballymote. See LL, 18, 29. 79. UCD-OFM, MS C 31; Millett, The Irish Franciscans, 124, 126. 80. For a complete study of this visitation see Donatella Bellardini and Claudia Costacurta, “Sancti Isidoro Visitatio Apostolica”, Archivum Franciscanum Historicum 108, no. 3–4 (2015): 609–630. 81. AAV, Miscellanea, Armadio VII, vol. 60, fol. 331rv–351rv, 511r. 82. Due to this in early June 1663 the pope ordered the removal of the Italian friar from St. Isidore’s: AAV, Miscellanea, Armadio VII, vol. 60, fol. 390r–392r, 511r; Cleary, Father Luke, Appendix, document 3, 177–184. 83. See Appendix B, 230–231. 84. Ibid. 85. Peter Walsh, OFM, The History & Vindication of the Loyal Formulary, or Irish Remonstrance, so graciously Received by His Majesty anno 1661 (London, 1674), 562. 86. Millett, The Irish Franciscans, 546. 87. APF, Acta, vol. 38, fols. 110–111, general congregation, 2 April 1669, Rome. 88. APF, SC, Anglia, vol. 1, fol. 454r, Claudio Agretti, papal agent in England, to PF, London, 1669 (“fatica incessantemente per la salute delle anime”). 89. LL, 127, 168, 186, 191, 287. 90. Ibid., 153, 173, 176, 180, 194. 91. See Appendix B, 230–231.

CHAPTER 8

“Ten Thousand Irish Catholics Extremely Oppressed by the English Heretics”: Rome and the Irish Missions in the West Indies During the Second Half of the Seventeenth Century 8.1   John Stritch’s Mission During the 1650s and early 1660s, the Irish College and St. Isidore’s entered new phases, in which they emerged as institutions which were more ably equipped to supply missionaries to Ireland. In this period, however, political developments in Ireland led to the emergence of new demands in regard to the deployment of missionaries: between 1649 and 1659, the Cromwellian regime forcibly transported 12,000 Irish Catholics to the English West Indies to employ them as a labour force on the sugar plantations.1 This increased the rate of Irish migration to that area, where, during the 1650s and 1660s, the Irish were the most numerous of white immigrants.2 Their growing number raised the prospect that missionaries would be needed to serve them, and initiated a second period of Irish missionary activity in the English West Indies, where it had been interrupted in the early 1640s. This second phase was characterized by an extension of the geographical range in which missionaries would have to operate to serve the Irish; in addition to St. Christopher, potential for the ministry included Montserrat, Martinica, Guadeloupe, Antigua, and, latterly, Barbados, and was decided by the settlement of Irish immigrants on these islands. This chapter will illustrate how, even during this period, there was no integration of the © The Author(s) 2020 M. Binasco, Making, Breaking and Remaking the Irish Missionary Network, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-47372-3_8

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West Indies into the missionary networking which linked Rome with the Irish mission. This will reconfirm the difficulties of developing a missionary channel which remained extremely weak and isolated compared to the network which linked the two colleges in Rome with Ireland. As explained in Chap. 5, the first Irish mission to the English West Indies, specifically to St. Christopher, was entirely established and directed by an Irish bishop resident in Ireland, Malachy O’Queely, in the 1630s. Yet this was never the case during the second phase, for each effort to resurrect the mission came from individuals and institutions based outside of Ireland. Thus, the first effort to revive the missions in the 1650s was entirely a Jesuit enterprise, and was conceived and carried out without the involvement of other ecclesiastics or organizations. It began in 1650, two years before the beginning of the forced transportation of Irish Catholics, and therefore aimed to care for existing settlers. Its initiation was indirectly linked to changes in the missionary pattern in place on the island of St. Christopher in the late 1640s. In 1646, Philippe Longvilliers de Poincy, Lieutenant General of the French Caribbean Islands and governor of St. Christophe, decided to expel the Capuchins of the Normandy province from the island. Their place was taken by the French Jesuits who began to arrive on the island in 1647.3 The Society’s arrival on St. Christophe represented an opportunity to ensure a Jesuit presence on St. Christopher and thus to fill a missionary vacuum. As a result, in 1650 Francesco Piccolomini, the Jesuit general (1582–1651), decided to choose English or Irish Jesuits to send to the island. Initially the general selected Robert Buckley, a Welsh Jesuit. At the end of April he wrote to Henry Silesdon, provincial of the English Jesuit province from October 1646 to February 1650, to inform him that he had decided to approve the departure of Buckley for St. Christopher, in the hope that this would satisfy the French Jesuits who operated on the French part of the island.4 A month later, he wrote to Silesdon to reject the suggestion that an English Jesuit, Francis Matson, should be appointed, justifying his refusal by stating that Matson was not demonstrating enough “virtue” at home.5 Buckley, however, never left for St. Christopher because during the summer the general instead designated another missionary, namely John Stritch, who was an Irish Jesuit. The biographical details on Stritch reveal that he studied at the Irish College of Bordeaux, where he joined the Society in 1640. At the end of 1648 he left France to accompany his confrere Mercure Verdier, visitator for Ireland, to Galway, where he was

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ordained priest at the beginning of 1649.6 There is no information available on why Piccolomini decided to select Stritch, but, in September 1650, he wrote to Stritch to inform him that he had been selected for the mission, and to encourage him to confront the dangers of his mission.7 What we also miss is the missionary motivation of Stritch, and thus it is not possible to ascertain whether—like his other confreres—he wanted to go the West Indies following a call from God.8 The first stage of Stritch’s mission on St. Christopher is documented in the relatio written in 1655 by Pierre Pelleprat (1606–1667), a French Jesuit who operated at St. Christophe in the early 1650s.9 The information provided by Pelleprat on Stritch’s experience offers an excellent case study of the challenges involved in creating a missionary service in the West Indies, and missionary links between this area and bases in Europe. Furthermore, Pelleprat’s account of Stritch’s mission highlights the difficulties faced by an isolated missionary who had to cover a large, somewhat inhospitable terrain—both in terms of travel and governing authorities— with negligible hope of support from contacts in Europe. Pelleprat recounted that “Father Jean Destriche who was sent to [the Irish settlers] assistance arrived in the year 1650 at St. Christophe: there he immediately erected a chapel at Point de Sables, in the French part, fairly close to that of the English, where lived the best part of the Irish.”10 Pelleprat stressed the fact that Stritch operated alone on St. Christopher, which made his task extremely challenging. There were two reasons why Stritch found himself alone in ministering. The first was the paucity of resources and the difficulty of sending men from Europe, which were two problems that affected all of the non-European missions of the Society.11 The second reason was that the Jesuit mission on St. Christophe and those located on the other French islands were low priorities in the international missionary activities of the Society. In 1653, there were only fourteen Jesuit missionaries, including Stritch, active in the entire West Indies area. This scarcity of personnel was repeated in Maryland and in New France, where there were respectively one and eighteen Jesuits. But, more broadly, the Jesuit involvement in the entire North-West Atlantic area was minimal compared to the overall number of missionaries who operated in Asia or in South and Central America, where there were respectively 149 and 210 Jesuits at this time.12 Furthermore, in Europe, there were 381 Jesuits active on the continent, 162 ministering in England and Scotland, and nineteen in Ireland.13

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Although he could not benefit from the assistance of other Irish missionaries on St. Christophe, Stritch was positively received by the Irish settlers of St. Christopher. According to Pelleprat’s account, their reception of the Jesuit was so enthusiastic that they ignored “the danger to which they exposed themselves; for they went in great number, and without hiding themselves as [if to see] a man that God sent to their succour.”14 Slowly Stritch’s activity began to have a routine somewhat similar to that of parish priests in Europe. During his three-month residence at Point-de-Sable, Stritch administered the sacraments of baptism, confession, and the Eucharist.15 The mission attracted an increasing number of Irish settlers who, according to Pelleprat, numbered “almost three thousand Irishmen.”16 Yet this figure is unlikely if we consider that, according to the census of the English Leeward Islands compiled in 1678, the Irish population of St. Christopher counted 187 settlers.17 In any case, Stritch did not prove contented with ministering to the Irish residents of St. Christopher and decided to use the island as a base from where he visited the Irish settlers of Montserrat. According to Pelleprat, Stritch was aware that the English “could not tolerate a priest in their island.”18 This meant that strategy must be adopted and so he “disguised himself as a merchant, and went there with the pretext of wanting to buy some wood.”19 This strategy of camouflage, adopted by other Catholic missionaries in dangerous areas from the early sixteenth century to the mid-nineteenth century, was necessary to avoid the risk of capture on an island which, in the 1650s, was affected by political instability.20 Indeed, Roger Osborne, an Irish Protestant appointed as second governor of Montserrat in 1650, ruled in a despotic way, and was favoured by the relative weakness of the London government’s authority in the English West Indies.21 In such a risky environment, Stritch had to act with the utmost caution. He began “to make himself known to some Irishmen, and through these to all the others,”22 and “chose a place in the woods, where [he] went every day to say Mass and confer the Sacraments.”23 However, his ministry was not as secret as it seems, for it depended on a type of unwritten compromise that he had with Governor Osborne.24 In 1654, three settlers made depositions to Edmund Sheffield, second Earl of Mulgrave (1611–1658), in which they stated that Osborne permitted “a preist in said island, called Father John, to have said masse. He might stay there as long as he would, as to any restraint putt upon him by said Governor.”25

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Stritch’s return to St. Christophe from Montserrat coincided with the climax of persecutions against the Irish Catholics of St. Christopher. His mission at Point-de-Sable was no longer tolerated by the authorities of St. Christopher, who, around 1653, forbade the Irish settlers to visit the French part of the island. The situation worsened when the authorities expelled a party of 125 Irishmen to the deserted Vieques Island. This group was composed of “the most fervent and most important” Irish Catholics and they were thus probably regular attendees of Stritch’s services.26 In response to these measures, Stritch decided that the mission at Point-de-Sable had to be moved to another island. Therefore, he contacted Charles Houel, the French governor of Guadalupe, to ask him to accept a group of Irishmen from St. Christopher. When Houel agreed, he established his new mission there immediately. In addition, from Guadalupe he travelled to visit Irish Catholics on the islands of Montserrat and St. Christopher.27 According to Pelleprat, Stritch’s apostolate was so successful that “while working for the Catholics, he consistently [won] several Heretics, English and Irish,” so that, by 1655, he “had purportedly brought back to the Church more than 400 Heretics.”28 The information provided by Pelleprat on Stritch concludes in 1655, the year that Pelleprat’s missionary account was published in France. Thereafter information on Stritch’s activities and movements can be drawn only from his own correspondence with Goswin Nickel (1584–1664), the Jesuit general from 1652 to 1661. In these letters, Stritch asked whether he could return to Europe to complete his studies, thus fulfilling a vow that he had made before his departure for the West Indies.29 However, Nickel’s reply was categorical. Twice, in the summers of 1658 and 1659, he denied Stritch permission to return, and reminded him that he had just recently, at the end of June 1658, expressed his wish to remain on Guadeloupe where he would educate young boys.30 Nickel’s negative response was also influenced by the positive report on the Irish Jesuit’s activity that Henri Duvivyer, Jesuit superior of the St. Christophe mission, forwarded to Rome in 1659, and which Nickel cited in evidence to Stritch in justifying his refusal.31 Nickel’s refusal did not discourage Stritch, who, on 5 May 1659, again penned a letter to the general to reaffirm his desire to return to Europe. This time he changed tack, professing that he wished to return to Ireland in order to help his fellow countrymen, apparently hoping that Nickel would approve his request based on the Irish mission’s greater priority.

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After all, it best fulfilled two criteria that determined Jesuit assignments: insufficient number of ecclesiastics and persecution of Catholics.32 Of course, it is also possible that Stritch wanted to return to Europe because conditions in the West Indies were proving too difficult to endure by the late 1650s. His desire to return to Ireland suggests that he was not dissatisfied with missions per se, simply with the specific conditions that he endured in the West Indies. Initially Stritch’s request was again rejected, but in the spring of 1661 Duvivyer gave him permission to return to the Aquitaine province, from where he applied for the Irish mission in 1662.33 In 1666 he was mentioned in a catalogue of Irish Jesuits as being active in Limerick, where he taught “humanities to some.”34 By 1680, he had returned to the Aquitaine province, and he died in La Rochelle in 1681.35 It is difficult to judge the impact of Stritch’s mission due to the disputed figures that were presented in evidence. In the first place, the size of his congregation was downsized from 3000 to 1500 by the Dominican missionary Jean-Baptiste Dutertre (b.1610), in the late 1660s.36 But, from 1640, Dutertre had ministered on Guadeloupe, and was possibly in competition with Stritch from 1653, so his downgrading of the Irish Jesuit’s mission may be an example of the rivalry over territory and souls that was prevalent between missionaries of different orders.37 However, even in the Jesuit order, the triumphant figures of Pelleprat on Stritch’s activity were debated. Specifically, it was the number of his conversions which was questioned. Pelleprat asserted that Stritch had converted over 400 heretics alone, but, in 1661, André Castillon, Jesuit superior of the Paris province, informed Propaganda that “in the island of Montserrat [Stritch] consecrated to the church thirty men, half Irish and half English.”38 This suggests that Pelleprat’s overall figure was a vast exaggeration. Castillon, in addition, may have been referring to Irish Protestants amongst the settlers, who Stritch had converted to Catholicism. Some may also have been settlers who moved more than once between the denominations. Brian McGinn observes that the religious status of the early Irish settlers in Montserrat may have been quite equivocal and flexible, and that some of them may have adhered to the Catholic and Protestant faith, at separate times, or, even simultaneously.39

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8.2   Other Missionaries at Work Stritch’s mission was instigated and orchestrated entirely by the Society of Jesus and the absence of agency by members of Propaganda, the authorities of the Irish Colleges in Rome, and Irish bishops is striking. The delay with which Propaganda was informed of Stritch’s mission is not surprising, for since its foundation the Roman congregation had had a turbulent relationship with the Society of Jesus, whose authorities wished to maintain independence in its missionary enterprises. Propaganda was also hampered by difficulties inherent in receiving and collecting accurate information on missions such as Stritch’s, although it was still forced to rely heavily on the patchy reports that missionaries sent. Castillon’s letter would therefore have been welcomed in Rome because it was sent during a time when it was particularly difficult for Propaganda to collect data on the Atlantic area. This was due to the death of the Capuchin Pacifique de Provins (1588–1648?), its informant on the French West Indies, in 1648, and to the conclusion of the Capuchin mission in Acadia in 1655, both of which gradually dried up the best sources for the Roman congregation.40 Neither did Stritch’s mission engage any member of the Irish colleges in Rome, even though the secular seminary was still under the control of his brethren, and though both colleges were dedicated to the production of missionaries. The detachment of their personnel from developments in the West Indies, where the number of Irish was growing, was apparent throughout the 1650s, and is particularly noticeable when it is compared to the initiatives that emerged from other quarters from the mid-1650s. Efforts to establish and maintain missions for the Irish in the West Indies did not come from the colleges, and not always even from Irish clergy. Notably, in the mid-1650s, an initiative was begun from Paris, and more specifically from two institutions in Paris, the Compagnie Du St-Sacrament and the Société des Missions Étrangères, both of which were representative of the zeal of the French Catholic Reformation after the Wars of Religion. They were also supported by Peter Taafe, the rector of the Irish College in Paris, although he does not seem to have been the primary initiator or material supporter of the missionaries. However, he did prove to be quite knowledgeable about the progress made. The Compagnie du St-Sacrament was founded in 1629 by Henri de Lévis, duke of Ventadour. At its height, in the 1650s, this confraternity had enrolled more than 4000 members, among whom were influential ecclesiastics and socially elevated laymen including such prominent Dévots

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as Vincent de Paul (1581–1660), Jean-Jacques Olier (1608–1657), and Friedrich Hermann, Duke of Schomberg (1615/1616–1690). The Compagnie’s main aims were the moral reform of the clergy and lay Catholics, the provision of assistance and instruction to the poor, and the support of missions abroad.41 In 1639, for example, it backed the foundation of the Société de Notre-Dame de Montréal in New France, which was dedicated to the evangelization of the aboriginal people.42 The Société des Missions Étrangères was established three decades later, between 1659 and 1663. In 1659, when Propaganda issued its approval for the Société’s foundation, its members opened a seminary which was recognized by the king of France and by the Holy See in 1663 and in 1664 respectively. The key aims of the Société were to increase the participation of French clerics and laity in extra-European missionary efforts and to create a native clergy in Indochina.43 The pressure to send Irish missionaries to the West Indies initially came from the Compagnie, and then from the Société, some of whose members were also members of the Compagnie. In 1654, Niccolò Guidi di Bagno, nuncio in France, wrote to Propaganda to recommend two Irish priests, James Taaffe, “vicar of the church of Ardie’s Virgin and prior of the St. John monastery in the diocese of Armagh,” and James Fougourty, who wished to be sent to Guadalupe where many Irishmen resided. There, the nuncio reported, the adult Irish settlers were said to speak only Gaelic and needed an interpreter to confess. By contrast their sons learned French and were thus accepted by the French colonial community. Di Bagno added that the two clerics resided in the parish of St. Sulpice in Paris, where they were supported by the Compagnie.44 Such assistance to prospective missionaries fitted the Compagnie’s declared purpose, but also demonstrated its interest in supporting potential Irish missionaries. It had already provided financial support to other Irish clerics, who resided in Paris, and had contributed to efforts to develop an infrastructure to serve missions by providing funding for the foundation of the Irish College in Toulouse.45 It is not apparent whether Propaganda replied to di Bagno and if this project came to fruition. However, in 1659, François Pallu (1626–1684), titular bishop of Heliopolis, reported to Propaganda that two Irish secular priests, John Maddon and Peter Purcelle, had gone to Guadalupe “to help their [fellow countrymen] in the American islands.” He did not reveal when the two clerics left and simply requested that they be granted the necessary missionary faculties.46 The interest displayed by Pallu in the proposed missionaries is explained by the fact that he was a founding member

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of the Société and a member of the Compagnie.47 Propaganda was next informed of this mission in 1664, five years later. In that year its cardinals received a report compiled by Peter Taafe, rector of the Irish College of Paris. Taafe recounted that the two clerics were sustained by the Séminaire des Missions-Étrangères. He also stated that Maddon resided for seven years in Guadalupe, where he dedicated himself to the care of his fellow countrymen and to the “heretics and to the infidels.” Maddon’s experience is the only noteworthy case of an Irish priest who also ministered to the native peoples, but the absence of details prevents an assessment of his activity among them. No mention was made of Purcelle’s activity.48 Taafe’s report did not receive any response from Propaganda, which took no action, possibly because of the lack of detailed information on which it could base its decision. In general, the lack of detailed missionary reports, which described the Irish clergy’s experience, compares poorly to the wealth of French missionary literature which, throughout the years 1640–1655, transferred information to Paris from mission sites about the natural, political, religious, and social life in the French islands of the West Indies, and contributed to promoting the idea that evangelical success was the key to colonial development.49 More precisely, the lack of details in Taafe’s relatio contrasts with the detailed report on the religious state of the entire West Indies that the congregation received in 1663.50 This document was compiled by “a Scottish gentleman,” whose identification still relies on hypothesis, and it was likely presented in Rome by William Lesley (b.1619), another Scottish Catholic, who, from 1657, acted as procurator in Rome of the Parisian promoters of the Société.51 This document described a place where the Irish settlers “rarely and furtively see priests, although the governor of the island [Roger Osborne] is not enemy of our faith.” It stressed that Osborne still did not tolerate the Catholic religion in public due to the presence of English spies who could ensure that he would be removed from his office.52 In contrast to this relatio, Taafe’s report simply summarized what Maddon did, but not how he did it, especially vis-à-vis the Protestants and natives. There was no description of the island or of the natives, and no mention of the Irish settlers’ conditions in the Caribbean.

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8.3   The Irish Priests Transported to Barbados The attempts of the Compagnie and the Société to support Irish missionaries concentrated on the French territory of Guadalupe, but, in the 1650s, the geographical scope of potential missions needed to expand yet again, this time to accommodate the islands of Barbados. The need to provide missionaries for these islands was a consequence of political events in Ireland where, after the battle of Drogheda in 1649, Irishmen and women began to be shipped to the English West Indies.53 Then, in 1652, with the completion of the military conquest of Ireland, the Cromwellian government began to transport to Barbados—which had surrendered to the Commonwealth in the same year—three categories of the Irish population: those dangerous to the state, the poor, and vagabonds.54 Catholic priests were deemed to fit within the first category and the edict of 6 January 1653 banned all clergy, regular and secular, from the country within twenty days. Many were forced into exile to continental Europe.55 Others were “put aboard such Ship or other vessel as shall (with the first opportunity) set sail from thence to ye Barbado-Isles.”56 Cromwellian officials in Ireland assumed that priests sentenced for transport to Barbados were to be treated like indentured servants, and, in 1655, the Dublin Castle administration sent an order to Daniel Searle, governor of Barbados, which stated that the priests “may be so employed as they may not be at liberty to return again into this Nation.”57 However, the order had little impact because the number of priests actually transported was small; between 1654 and 1657, only nine were officially ordered to leave.58 There was, however, disagreement between Cromwellian officials and the Barbadian authorities over the actual transportation of priests. In early January 1655, the council of Barbados complained that “three Irish priests were landed on this island,” although it took no action to remove them.59 But, in mid-May 1656, another landing of four Irish clerics provoked a tough response from the council. On 21 May, it ordered the expulsion of “Richard Shelton, James Tuite, Robert Eagan, and Richmond Moore, Irish priests” who “have 15 days liberty to seeke passage for their departure from this Island to any place without ye Dominions of ye Commonwealth of England.”60 The authorities’ stern reaction to the arrival of the priests was combined with measures taken by the Barbadian governors against all Irishmen, who were placed under tight military control in order to discourage rebellion.61 Further, by the end of 1657,

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governor Searle, strongly anti-Papist, established a programme which aimed to prevent and repress rebellion of Irish servants against their English masters. It included permission for English masters to execute Irish servants trying to escape. This paved the way for the establishment in 1661 of the Servant Code, which put the Irish under a strict set of laws that forced them to reside on the plantations and forbade them to hold properties.62 The biographical information on the priests who arrived on Barbados in May 1656 is limited to Shelton, who was the superior of the Jesuit mission in Ireland, and to Tuite, who was a Franciscan friar.63 At the beginning of November 1656 Shelton succeeded in returning to continental Europe, and more precisely to Antwerp.64 During the 1660s, he operated in Ireland where he took a prominent role in opposing the Irish Remonstrance of 1661 which preoccupied many Irish clerics during the Restoration.65 Tuite also returned and was elected guardian of Feorish convent in the Irish provincial chapter of 1661.66 In the case of Barbados, it was Irish clergy in Ireland who alerted Propaganda to developments. In that sense, in pressuring Propaganda to take an active interest in supporting the pastoral needs of the Irish there, its tactic harked back, for the first time in this period, to its predecessor, O’Queely, who had petitioned the congregation from Ireland in the late 1630s. On this occasion, however, they were not attempting to begin a mission, but rather to gain support for priests who were already present there, and who had not been sent there as missionaries. The first to inform Propaganda of the presence of Irish priests in Barbados and to request missionary faculties for them was James Fallon, vicar apostolic of Achonry since 1631, in 1656.67 He asked that faculties be given to counter Protestantism in Ireland, and that these should cover suitable priests, even those in “America,” who had to consecrate chalices and portable altars in places where there were no churches.68 Although neither Fallon nor Propaganda mentioned Barbados specifically, it is likely that they included its islands under the broader geography of the term “America.” In mid-June 1657, Propaganda agreed to grant the faculties to the priests in Ireland and to those “as far as in America.” The term America was extremely vague, but the cardinals of Propaganda presumably referred to Barbados.69 The second request for faculties was made by Bernardine O’Ferrall, the prefect of the Irish Capuchin mission who, on 10 July 1657, petitioned Propaganda to grant missionary faculties to “all the Capuchins and other

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Irishmen that Cromwell sent to America, and the Barbados islands.” His request revealed some of the problems that faced Catholic priests on the islands. The prefect emphasized that the missionaries should be equipped with faculties “to bless and consecrate portable altars, and chalices for the celebration of masses,” so that they could be of “consolation and spiritual help to these poor exiled.”70 The lack of further evidence suggests that Propaganda ignored his plea, however. This may have been partly because the requests were made by correspondents writing independently of each other, with the result that there was no coordinated campaign to force Propaganda to act. In addition, the requests were completely devoid of details on the number of priests transported, whether they really landed in Barbados, and their activities amongst the Irish there.71 Further information on the Irish priests then in Barbados is limited to two brief references. The first was made by the anonymous author of “Aliquorum Provinciae Iberniae,” a martyrological history of the Irish Franciscan province written in 1657. The author mentioned that one friar, simply named as O’Kelly, was transported to Barbados where he died, but he did not add any further details.72 The second reference was contained in the report that Felix O’Connor, an Irish Dominican based in Louvain, compiled on the state of his order in Ireland in the summer of 1658. This document was forwarded by Girolamo de Vecchi (d.1691?), abbot of Monte Reale and internuncio in Spanish Flanders, to cardinal Antonio Barberini. O’Connor stated that two confreres “after a long squalid imprisonment, have been sent to the Barbados islands, and sold as slaves.” Again, he did not give any indication of the names of the two priests, when they left Ireland, or if they remained permanently in Barbados.73

8.4   John Grace’s Mission The petitions of Fallon and O’Ferrall remained isolated to answer to the influx of Irish to Barbados in the later 1650s. Indeed, it was not until well into the first decade of the Restoration that fresh efforts were made to ensure that Irish missionaries were provided to serve a new community there and elsewhere in the West Indies. In Ireland, the re-­establishment of the Stuart monarchy favoured the homecoming of military, political, and clerical migrants from continental Europe.74 The fabric of the Irish Catholic Church gradually began to be reconstructed, especially through the return of the regular clergy who, according to the estimate of Peter Walsh, counted 788 clerics in 1665.75 However, at first the return of

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Catholic clergy to Ireland brought no concrete advantages for the establishment of a mission in the English West Indies. After Stritch’s departure in 1661, no other Irish priests operated on Antigua, Montserrat or St. Christopher before 1666, and no missionary had travelled to Barbados either. In that year, the first steps to start a new mission were made with initiative taken once again by an Irish priest based outside Rome. Again, the Irish Colleges’ personnel continued to be isolated from efforts to establish a supply of missionaries. The proposal did involve an Irish priest resident in Rome, but he did not cooperate at all in the venture with members of the two Irish Colleges. The efforts of Dermot Hederman and William Burgat represent the final attempt to develop a solid and lasting mission of Irish priests in the English West Indies in the seventeenth century. Hederman (b. c.1629) was an Irish secular priest in exile in Paris. Probably originally from Cashel diocese, he was equipped with a bachelor’s degree in theology from the Sorbonne, and had founded St. Barbara’s College in Paris around 1660, which provided for the education of twenty students.76 Burgat, who acted on his behalf in Rome, had been vicar apostolic of Emly from 1657, and was appointed procurator of the clergy of Cashel in Rome in 1662.77 He arrived there in October 1664.78 In May 1666 Burgat presented two petitions to the cardinals of Propaganda on Hederman’s behalf. In the first, he simply asked for assistance for St. Barbara’s College, which, due to a paucity of resources, could receive only three or four new students per year. He then described the poor spiritual conditions endured by the Irishmen and women deported by Cromwell to the English West Indies, and asked Propaganda to grant a viaticum to any zealous cleric who volunteered to serve in this area. He went on to report that Thomas Grace, a devout Irish priest from St. Barbara’s community had, in fact, already left for “that mission.”79 In his second petition, Burgat asked Propaganda to grant the same faculties to St. Barbara’s college that Urban VIII had given to the rectors of the Irish Colleges in 1626, which authorized them to ordain students and dispatch them as missionaries to Ireland.80 Burgat then specifically urged the congregation to give viaticums and maintenance to priests of St. Barbara’s College who travelled as missionaries to the American islands.81 The petitions make it clear that interest in beginning a new mission in the English West Indies came from the small college of St. Barbara’s, which had been founded only six years before. Once again, this contrasts with the silence of those attached to the Irish College and St. Isidore’s,

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which were both established structures for training and repatriating missionaries to Ireland by 1666 and which, conceivably, might have made the same request. On this occasion, once again, Propaganda was informed of the dispatch of the missionary after Burgat had left. But it was difficult for the cardinals to offer faculties without detailed information on his location, and this may have discouraged them from offering immediate support and endorsement for his mission. Instead, they asked Carlo Vittori Rossetti (d.1681), archbishop of Tarsus and nuncio in France, to provide more information on Grace in the summer of 1666.82 In mid-October, Rossetti replied that Grace’s first name was John rather than Thomas, and that he was reportedly a good ecclesiastic. Crucially, he concluded by confirming that the priest “four months ago, left for St. Christopher’s island, although without any faculties from the said Sacred Congregation.”83 As in previous cases the distance between correspondents as well as between the mission site and Rome manifested, with Propaganda struggling to acquire trustworthy information on which to base its decisions. Propaganda’s cardinals could not check the information forwarded from the English West Indies, but if they wished to develop a formal link with the Irish priest’s mission, they had to grant faculties.84 On 20 December 1666, the congregation, therefore, appointed Grace as “missionary in America for his nation.”85 This was the first time that Propaganda issued faculties for an Irish priest to minister by identifying him as a cleric who would operate within a precise and distinct ethnic group, that of the Irish settlers, who were supposed to be all Catholics. Yet, it was evident when Fallon had petitioned Propaganda ten years earlier that the term “America” was rather general because the congregation did not specify the precise area covered by Grace’s faculties. The only specific information on where Grace could operate comes from a note which Girolamo Casanate (1620–1700), Propaganda’s secretary from 1666 to 1668, subsequently added to a letter that Burgat sent to Rome in early February 1667. In this note Casanate stated that Grace had obtained faculties for the island of St. Christopher.86 In any case, the initial faculties were therefore very limited in their range and did not take heed of the distribution of the Irish in the West Indies since the 1650s. The area covered by Grace’s faculties was soon revised due to radical changes in the political pattern of St. Christopher.87 Between 1665 and 1667 all of the Leewark Islands were engulfed in the Anglo-Dutch War, with the consequences of conflict particularly evident on St. Christopher, which, in the spring of 1666, passed to the control of

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the French, who, allied with the Dutch, had defeated the English in the battle of Point-de-Sable.88 This shift in the control of the island favoured the Catholic religion, although as a condition of peace, the French agreed to tolerate the private practice of the Protestant religion.89 The French permitted the English settlers to stay on condition that they took an oath of allegiance to King Louis XIV, but 500 of them refused to take the oath and were expelled. According to Du Tertre, the French also transported 800 Irishmen to St. Barthélémy while another 300–400 were sent to Martinica and Guadalupe.90 In February 1667 Burgat requested, on Grace’s behalf, that Propaganda extend his missionary faculties to other islands. He also asked that Grace be granted “some subsidy, without which it will not be possible to find anyone willing to expose to such a long and dangerous journey.”91 However, Burgat did not identify the specific locations to which Grace intended to travel, and Propaganda delayed making a decision when its members discussed his plea in February 1667.92 Between then and early March, possibly on the congregation’s order, the procurator clarified his request, penning a letter to Propaganda in which he declared that Grace’s faculties should be extended to Guadalupe, Montserrat, St. Patrick, Bermuda, and Barbados.93 As a result, on 1 March 1667 Propaganda gave its permission for the extension of Grace’s faculties, with the condition that there were “no other missionaries” on these islands.94 Furthermore, at the end of the month, the congregation decided to grant to Grace a temporary subsidy of fifty crowns per year with the expectation that the mission might give satisfactory results.95 Grace desperately needed financial support, as demonstrated by the letter that Burgat received from him in early March 1667, and which he forwarded to Rome in early August. Grace recounted that he had landed on Martinica in December 1666 with a group of fellow countrymen from St. Christopher. In his opinion, the Irish settlers on this island did not “acknowledge any benefit from the French” and continued to live in extreme poverty. He added that he visited the Irish living on Martinica, Guadeloupe, and Antigua, and confessed more than 300 Irishmen, fifty of them on the point of death. The missionary concluded that he could no longer carry on his work without the arrival of more missionaries and financial aid.96 He revealed that he could not rely on other missionaries to cooperate with him for there were none nearby, that he received no assistance from the secular authorities, and that it was impossible for him to pursue elaborate missionary strategies as a result.97 Thus, in early 1668,

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Burgat sought to persuade Propaganda to provide more support for Grace’s mission by sending him a portable altar to celebrate Mass, and he especially stressed the need to send more missionaries.98 Yet Propaganda did not act. Grace’s difficulties were compounded by the estimated population of Irish settlers that he had to serve. He confirmed this himself in his first and only letter, dated 5 July 1669, to Propaganda. The priest attached a report about the Irish Catholics in the English West Indies and claimed that Montserrat was the only “refuge of priests.”99 By contrast, the picture which emerged from the other islands was discouraging. Grace stated that the Catholic religion was under constant threat on the English islands, where the priests were often expelled by local authorities, so that no one dared to risk his own life to start a mission or to bring religious assistance to the Catholic population. Grace went on to calculate briefly the number of Irishmen on each of the West Indies’ islands. The figure coinciding most closely with the census of the Leewark Islands that William Stapleton, governor of the Leewark Islands, compiled in 1678 is that of Montserrat, where 1869 Irishmen reportedly then lived.100 According to Grace’s estimates, in Montserrat there were 2000 Irishmen.101 The census of 1678 also accounted that 187 Irishmen lived on St. Christopher, 800 on Nevis, and 610 on Antigua.102 Grace also estimated that 600 Irish lived scattered between Nevis and St. Christopher, where they could only receive the sacraments on the French part of the island. He recorded that Antigua had 200 Irishmen, and the same number resided on Martinica where, despite the linguistic difficulties, they were assisted by French missionaries. In Barbados, the Irishmen were 8000 out of a total population of 40,000 and were exposed to persecution by the English authorities. Guadalupe had 800 Irish Catholics, who lived in the most inhospitable part of the island and were rarely visited by the French missionaries. The situation was worse on Tobago, St. Eustatius, St. Martin, and St. Croix, where the Irish lived “mixed with the heretics.”103 Of all the islands mentioned, the Irish priest confirmed that he had operated on five of them, namely St. Christopher, Martinica, Antigua, Guadeloupe, and St. Eustatius and that, even though he was a lone cleric, he was required to attempt to serve approximately 11,000 Irish. In conclusion, Grace informed Propaganda that he was on the point of leaving for Ireland, but that he still wanted returning to the islands.104 By the time Grace sent this relatio, he had already returned to France. Burgat alerted Propaganda to this when he wrote to declare that the

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missionary was ready to return to the English West Indies to serve “ten thousand Irish Catholics so oppressed by the English heretics.” This was, of course, a description which was designed to evoke Propaganda’s sympathy for the subjugated Irish and made no distinction between those forced into exile and the free settlers. The procurator concluded that Montserrat was the only safe island to send more missionaries because of the presence of “a certain Stapleton, Irish gentleman and Catholic governor.”105 This was William Stapleton (d.1686), who, since 1668, had acted as governor of Montserrat. There he was managing to find a balance between his loyalty to the English crown and his adherence to Catholicism, thus allowing for some toleration towards priests.106 Grace’s report offered Propaganda’s cardinals a detailed account of his mission and of the population that he served there and was therefore the most valuable report that it had yet received. Following their discussion of the report, they decided to follow Burgat’s suggestion that such a mission should receive formal and permanent backing. Not having any potential missionary to whom to grant faculties immediately, the cardinals decided to establish officers to supervise a formal mission, by appointing Burgat as its prefect and entrusting its development to the protection and patronage of Carlo Francesco Airoldi, internuncio in Brussels.107 Burgat was determined to realize the mission, and thus tried to maintain close contact with Propaganda. He also attempted to recruit new missionaries in the diocese of Cashel, where he acted as bishop from March 1669.108 This proved unsuccessful due to the dearth of clerics. In February 1673, Burgat wrote to Airoldi, informing him that he had found only one suitable candidate to date to embark on a mission to the English West Indies.109 After this letter, the correspondence between Burgat and Rome seems to have dried up, and the next mention of the bishop was made in the summer of 1675, when Propaganda was informed of his death on 27 April 1675.110 Burgat’s death brought to a complete halt the attempts to develop a missionary channel between Rome and the West Indies, but unorganized initiatives continued to be carried out by isolated Irish missionaries. One of these was John Skerrett, an Irish Augustinian educated in Spain who operated in Virginia likely in the 1670s. The details of his missionary activities were scarce and reached the congregation only in 1685. According to a letter that Skerrett addressed to the governor of Puerto Rico in July of 1680 he declared to “have served as an apostolic missionary in the territory of Virginia and in those islands which are called the Caribbean which

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are subject to the king of England and where I suffered such as only God knows.” Skerrett frankly stated that he was forced to leave that area after the Popish Plot for “I could not continue to live among those barbarians and enemies of the Catholic faith, and they had already ordered me to leave.”111 The only viable solution for the missionary was to obtain a passage through which he could safely travel to Puerto Rico. The evidence on Skerrett’s subsequent activity reveals that he went from Puerto Rico to Cuba, before his return to Castile. From there he travelled to Rome to participate at the Augustinian general chapter in 1685. He died around 1687 as vicar-general of the Augustinians in England.112 A further attempt to bring religious assistance to the Irish Catholics in the West Indies unfolded in the late 1680s, when Alexander Plunkett, an Irish Capuchin professed in the convent of Charleville in 1671, and active in Virginia since the late 1680s, was convinced to move to Barbados.113 Likely his decision was dictated by the tolerance granted to the Catholics in that area by Thomas Montgomery, an Irish Catholic who acted as attorney general for James II (1633–1701).114 At the end of February 1689, he clearly wrote to Montgomery stating that “Though I have not your acquaintance, the fame of your zeal for the propagation of the Catholic religion has reached Virginia. I feel great inclination to join you and work with you.”115 Despite his eagerness, there is no evidence to prove that Plunkett operated in Barbados. Moreover, Propaganda never received a report from the Irish Capuchin. Skerrett’s activity and Plunkett’s likely action in Barbados thus stood as isolated experiences, which prompted no reaction from Propaganda. During the last two decades of the seventeenth century no further missionary requests or initiatives to operate in that area were presented to the Roman congregation, and, without encouragements, it did not press the matter.116 The most notable feature of the second phase of Irish missionary activity in the West Indies is the minuscule number of missionaries who voluntarily travelled and operated there. Only a total of five missionaries served, three in the English West Indies and two in the French West Indies. Judged by numbers alone, the second phase failed to establish a supply line of missionaries to the growing Irish population in these regions. Behind this failure lay fundamental problems of communication and co-­ ordination, which inhibited attempts to gather interest in and instigate action on a mission which would link Rome, specifically Propaganda Fide, and Ireland with the West Indies.

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The missions failed partly because so few missionaries were sent. Moreover, they were poorly supported once they arrived and were not equipped with resources to minister to the Catholics they aimed to serve. In Europe, those who sought to send them, and to establish a mission, usually operated as independent petitioners, and most often failed to inspire Propaganda to lend its formal approval to their ventures. Until 1666, Propaganda’s involvement was minimal, and it failed in the subsequent efforts made, in 1666–1667, and again in 1669, to encourage and improve, indeed to formalize, the deployment of missionaries for the Irish in the West Indies, by issuing faculties to Grace and then appointing a prefect for this missionary territory. Even so, it was more active than either of the Irish colleges in Rome, which remained utterly independent of the efforts to develop Irish missionary links with the West Indies; at no time was any effort made to utilize these institutions to produce missionaries for the region, so that the five men who did travel there had no connection to them at any point previously during their vocations. This chapter has revealed how the West Indies remained an isolated missionary pole of the networking examined. All the efforts made by the personnel of the two colleges in Rome always remained focused on the Irish scene, which was their priority. From the perspective of the Roman authorities, the establishment of Irish missions in the West Indies was principally a question of ensuring that faculties were put in place for missionaries sent. On only one occasion, when Burgat petitioned Propaganda in 1666, was it envisaged that an institution that would provide a location to form and deploy missionaries should be the recipient of formal papal support. Greater co-ordination between petitioners may have roused Propaganda to action sooner, since representations by more than one agent on behalf of a new mission and missionaries were more likely to have drawn its attention, and perhaps to have attracted a champion to patronize the cause within the congregation itself. Even so, the West Indies was just a minor area of interest for the congregation, and the proposals for the formalizing of mission to the Irish there competed with reports and petitions for other regions that were far more informative on the specific circumstances for which missionaries, faculties, and resources were required. When Propaganda’s members did discuss a new plea that invoked the need to supply missionaries to ensure the spiritual welfare of Irish inhabitants of the West Indies, they were reluctant to make decisions without being provided with enough details. Thus, these pleas did not manage to forge secure links based on the communication of information and deployment

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of missionaries for the Irish between the West Indies and either Rome or Ireland during this period.

Notes 1. Patrick J.  Corish, “The Cromwellian Conquest, 1649–53”, in A New History of Ireland, III: Early Modern Ireland, 1534–1691, ed. T.W. Moody, F.X. Martin, F.J. Byrne (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1976), 363–364. 2. Louis Cullen, “The Irish Diaspora of the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries”, in Europeans on the Move: Studies on European Expansion, ed. Nicholas Canny (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1994), 126; Nicholas Canny, “The Origins of the Empire”, in The Oxford History of the British empire, I: The Origins of the Empire: British Overseas Enterprise to the Close of the Seventeenth Century, ed. Nicholas Canny (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1998), 23. 3. Giovanni Pizzorusso, Roma nei Caraibi. L’organizzazione delle missioni cattoliche nelle Antille e in Guyana (1635–1675) (Rome: École française de Rome, 1995), 36, 40–41; Philip B. Boucher, France and the American Tropics to 1700: Tropics of Discontent? (Baltimore: John Hopkins University Press, 2008), 85. 4. ARSI, Anglia, Epistola Generalium, Francesco Piccolomini to Henry Silesdon, 30 April 1650, document cited in Thomas Aloysius Hughes, SJ, History of the Society of Jesus in North America, Colonial and Federal. Text, I: From the First Colonization till 1645 (London: Longmans & Co., 1908), 470; The Jesuit province of England was established in 1623. See Bernard Basset, The English Jesuits: From Campion to Martindale, ed. Rodger Charles (Leominster: Gracewing, 2004), 66; Hughes, History of the Society of Jesus in North America, Colonial and Federal, I: 33. 5. ARSI, Anglia, Epistola Generalium, Piccolomini to Silesdon, 28 May 1650, document reprinted in Hughes, History of the Society of Jesus in North America, Colonial and Federal, I, 37 (“virtutem”). 6. ARSI, Fondo Francia, vol. 13, fol. 245v; ARSI, Fondo Aquitania, vol. 6, fol. 322v; ARSI, Fondo Anglia, vol. 6/a, fol. 45; Louis McRedmond, To the Greater Glory: A History of the Irish Jesuits (Dublin: Gill and MacMillan, 1991), 72. 7. ARSI, Fondo Aquitania, vol. 3, fol. 137, Piccolomini to John Stritch, Rome, September 1650. 8. Pizzorusso, “Le choix indifferent: mentalités et attentes des Jésuites aspirants missionnaires dans l’Amérique française au XVIIe siècle”, Mélanges de l’École Française de Rome, Italie et Méditerranée 109 (1997): 881–894; Luke Clossey, Salvation and Globalization in the Early Jesuit Missions (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2008), 114–135.

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9. Pizzorusso, “Catholic Missions in the West Indian Colonies: John Grace, an Irish Missionary of Propaganda Fide, 1666–1668”, Storia Nordamericana 2 (1985): 83. 10. Pierre Pelleprat, SJ, Relation des Missions Des PP. de la Compagnie de Iesvs Dans les Isles, & dans la terre ferme de l’Amerique Meridionale Divisée En Deux Parties (Paris: Sebastien Cramoisy, 1655), 36–37 (“Le Pere Iean Destriche qui fut enuoyé à leur secours, arriua l’année 1650 à S. Christophe: il y fit d’abord d’éleuer vne Chapelle à la pointe de Sables, au quartier des François, assez proche de celuy des Anglois, où demeuroit la meilleure partie des Irlandois”). 11. Liam Matthew Brockey, Journey to the East: The Jesuit Mission to China, 1579–1724 (Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard University Press, 2007), 37. 12. Johannes Baptist Goetstouwers, Synopsis historiae Societatis Iesu (Louvain: Typis ad Sancti Alphonsi, 1950), no page; Luca Codignola, “Competing Network: Roman Catholic Ecclesiastics in French North America, 1610–1658”, Canadian Historical Review 80, no. 4 (December 1999): 551. 13. Officially the Jesuits active in England numbered 153, while those in Scotland numbered nine: Synopsis historiae Societatis Iesu. 14. Pelleprat, Relation des Missions, 37 (“leur fit ignorer le danger auquel ils s’exposaient; Car ils alloient en foule, et sans se cacher, comme vn homme que Dieu enuoyoit à leur secours”). 15. Ibid., 38. 16. Ibid., 38 (“de près de trois mille persone”). 17. William Stapleton to Lords of Trade, 29 June 1678, in Calendar of State Papers: Colonial Series. America and the West Indies, ed. Noël Sainsbury and J.W. Fortescue (London: Stationery Office, 1896), X: 266. 18. Pelleprat, Relation des Missions, 38 (“qu’ils souffriroient pas vn Prestre dans leur isle”). 19. Ibid., (“se déguisa en marchant, et y alla sous pretexte de vouloir acheter du bois”). 20. Matteo Sanfilippo, “Abito, adattamento e interventi romani nelle missioni”, in Dagli indiani agli emigranti. L’attenzione della Chiesa Romana al Nuovo Mondo, 1492–1908. Quaderni Storici, ed. Giovanni Pizzorusso and Matteo Sanfilippo (Viterbo: Sette Città, 2005), 61–77. 21. Donald Harman Akenson, If the Irish Ran the World: Montserrat 1630–1730 (Kingston, Montréal: McGill and Queen’s University Press, 1997), 58; Carla Gardina Pestana, The English Atlantic in an Age of Revolutions (Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard University Press, 2004), 97.

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22. Pelleprat, Relation des Missions, 38 (“il se fit connoistre à quelques Irlandois, et par ceux cy à tous les autres”). 23. Pelleprat, Relation des Missions, 38–39 (“il se fit connoistre à quelques Irlandois, et par ceux cy à tous les autres,” “choisit vn lieu dans les bois, où le Pere se rendoit tous les iours, pour y dire la Messe et y conferer les Sacraments”). 24. Akenson, If the Irish, 45. 25. Aubrey Gwynn, SJ “Documents Relating to the Irish in the West Indies”, Analecta Hibernica 4 (October 1932): 227. 26. Pelleprat, Relation des Missions, 41 (“les plus feruens, et les plus considerables”); Jean Baptiste DuTertre, OP, Histoire generale des Ant-Isles Habitees Par Les François Enrichie de Cartes & de Figures, III: Dans Lequel Il est Traité Du changement des Proprietaires des Ant-Isles. De l’Etablissement de la Compagnie Royale des Indes Occidentales: et de son Gouvernement jusqu’à la guerre entre la France & l’Angleterre (Paris: Jolly, 1667–1671), 301. 27. Pelleprat, Relation des Missions, 48. 28. Ibid., 48 (“il gagne tousjours plusieurs Heretiques, soit Anglois, soit Irlandois”…“il a ramené à l’Eglise plus de quatre-cents Heretiques”). 29. ARSI, Fondo Gallia, vol. 39, fol. 182, Goswin Nickel to Henri Duvivyer, 19 August 1658; ARSI, Fondo Gallia, vol. 103/II, fols. 266r-267, Stritch to Nickel, 5 May 1659. 30. ARSI, Fondo Gallia, vol. 39, fol. 182, Nickel to Duvivyer, 19 August 1658; ARSI, Fondo Gallia, vol. 9, fol. 135r. 31. Duvivyer’s report was succinct and simply stated that Stritch was a dedicated and good missionary. ARSI, Fondo Gallia, vol. 39, fols. 182, 191. 32. ARSI, Fondo Gallia, vol. 103/II, fols. 266r–267, Stritch to Nickel, 5 May 1659; ARSI, Fondo Gallia, vol. 39, fol. 182, Nickel to Stritch, 4 August 1659; Clossey, Salvation and Globalization, 29–30. 33. ARSI, Fondo Gallia, vol. 103/II, fol. 300, Duvivyer to Nickel, 18 April 1661; ARSI, Fondo Anglia, vol. 4-a, fol. 114v; ARSI, Fondo Gallia, vol. 121, sub voce. 34. ARSI, Fondo Anglia, vol. 16, fol. 53 (“Docet nonnullos humaniora”); ARSI, Fondo Anglia, vol. 16–1, fol. 53; PICR, Liber XX, fols. 148–149. 35. ARSI, Fondo Aquitania, vol. 7, fols. 108r, 119v. 36. Dutertre, Histoire générale, IV, 300–301 (“par plusieurs Pretres Irlandois gens de grande édification”…“un homme fervent et charitable, estant Irlandois de Nation, a este incomparablement plus chery de tous les Irlandois et Anglois, que tous les autres Missionnaires”). 37. Codignola, “A World yet to be Conquered. Pacifique de Provins and the Atlantic World, 1629–1648”, in Canada ieri e oggi. Atti del 6° Convegno internazionale di Studi Canadesi. Selva di Fasano, 27–31 marzo 1985, III:

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sezione storica, ed. Luca Codignola and Raimondo Luraghi (Fasano: Schena Editore, 1986), 78. 38. APF, SOCG, vol. 202, fols. 87–88, André Castillon to PF, 13 December 1661 (“In Insula uero Montis-Serrati, triginta viros, partim Anglos, partim Hibernos addixit Ecclesiae”). 39. Brian McGinn, “How Irish is Montserrat? Part 2”, Irish Roots 2 (1994): 16. 40. On the activity of Pacifique de Provins in the West Indies see my Viaggiatori e missionari nel seicento. Pacifique de Provins fra Levante, Acadia, e Guyana (1622–1648) (Novi Ligure: Città del Silenzio Edizioni, 2006); on the Capuchin mission in Acadia see APF, SOCG, vol. 260, fols. 39–43, Ignace de Paris to PF, [1656]; see also my “Few, Uncooperative and Endangered: The Troubled Activity of the Roman Catholic Missionaries in Acadia (1610–1710)”, Reformation and Renaissance Review 8, no. 3 (2006): 323–349. 41. René Taveneaux, Le catholicisme dans la France classique, 1610–1715 (Paris: SEDES-CDU, 1980), I: 225–234; Alain Tallon, La Compagnie du Saint-Sacrement (1629–1667). Spiritualité et société (Paris: Editions du Cerf, 1990), 52–53; Ronnie Po-Chia Hsia, The World of Catholic Renewal, 1540–1770 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1998), 218; Alison Forrestal, Vincent de Paul, the Lazarist Mission, and French Catholic Reform (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2017). 42. Taveneaux, Le catholicisme dans la France classique, 232; Guillaume de Vaumas, L’éveil missionnaire de la France au XVIIe (Paris: Bloud & Gay, 1959), 249–251. 43. Jean Guennou, “La foundation de la Société des Missions Étrangères de Paris”, in Sacrae Congregationis de Propaganda Fide memoria rerum, ed. Josef Metzler (Rom, Freiburg, Wien: Herder, 1971), I/1, 523–537. 44. APF, SOCG, vol. 260, fols. 268–269/278–279, Niccolò Guidi di Bagno to PF, 27 September 1654 (“vicario perpetuo della chiesa della Madonna d’Ardie e priore del monastero di S. Giovanni nella diocesi di Armagh”). 45. René de Voyer d’Argenson, Annales de la Compagnie du Saint-Sacrement, ed. Henri Beauchet-Filleau (Marseille: Imprimerie Saint-Léon 1900), 172, 175, 177, 181; Patrick Ferté, “The Counter-Reformation and Franco-Irish Solidarity: Irish Clerical Refugees at the Universities of Toulouse and Cahors in the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries”, in Irish Communities in Early-Modern Europe, ed. Thomas O’Connor and Mary Ann Lyons (Dublin: Four Courts Press, 2006), 36. 46. APF, SOCG, vol. 227, fols. 160–162, François Pallu to PF, May 1659 (“per aiutare i suoi alle isole americane”); APF, Fondo Vienna, vol. 13, fols. 199–200; APF, SOCG, vol. 257, fols. 65–66, Peter Taafe to PF, 3 October 1664.

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47. Louis Baudiment, François Pallu, principal fondateur de la Société des Missions-Étrangères (1626–1686) (Paris: Imprimerie Saint-Denis, 1934); Guennou, “La foundation de la Société des Missions Étrangères”, 529. 48. APF, Fondo Vienna, vol. 13, fols. 199–200: (“haeresos et infedelitatis”); APF, SOCG, vol. 257, fols. 65–66, Taafe to PF, 3 October 1664. 49. Boucher, “The Caribbean and the Caribs in the Thought of Seventeenth-­ Century French Colonial Propagandists: The Missionaries”, in Proceedings of the Fourth Meeting of the French Colonial Historical Society. April 6–8, 1978, ed. A.A.  Heggoy and J.J.  Cooke (Lanham: University Press of America, 1979), 22–24; François Regourd, “Capitale savante, capitale coloniale: sciences et savoirs coloniaux à Paris aux XVII et XVIII siècles”, Revue d’Histoire Moderne et Contemporaine 55, no. 2 (2008): 121–151. 50. APF, SOCG, vol. 257, fols. 73–76, “Scottish gentleman” to PF, 23 November 1663. 51. Giovanni Pizzorusso has hypothesized that this “Scottish gentleman” could be Jacques Maubray, former Secretary of State, who, in the early 1650s, resided in Martinica and Antigua. However, due to the lack of further sources, it is not possible to trace if Maubray ever went to Rome: Pizzorusso, “Un laboratorio seicentesco per la chiesa cattolica: il melting pot caraibico”, in Dagli indiani agli emigranti, 86–87; on Wesley’s role see Henry Sy, “Guillaume Lesley et les Missions-Étrangères de Paris”, Neue Zeitschrift für Missionwissenschaft IV, no. 2 (1948): 117–120. 52. APF, SOCG, vol. 257, fols. 73–76, “Scottish gentleman” to PF, 23 November 1663 (“vedono sacerdoti molto di rado e furtivamente benché il Governatore dell’isola non sia nemico della nostra S. Fede”). 53. Gwynn, “Cromwell’s Policy of Transportation-Part I”, Studies 19, no.76 (1930–1931): 611. 54. Corish, “The Cromwellian Conquest”, 363–364. 55. Robert Dudley Edwards, “The Irish Catholics and the Puritan Revolution”, in Father Luke Wadding Commemorative Volume, ed. Franciscan Fathers, Dún Mhuire, Killiney (Dublin: Clonmore and Reynolds, 1957), 93–118. 56. James MacCaffrey, “Commonwealth Records”, Arch. Hib. 6 (1917): 179–181. 57. MacCaffrey, “Commonwealth Records”, Arch. Hib. 7 (1918–1921): 37. 58. MacCaffrey, “Commonwealth Records”, Arch. Hib. 6 (1917): 189–190, 195, 197–198; 7 (1918–1922): 20–24, 29–30, 37, 39; Benignus Millett, The Irish Franciscans, 1651–1665 (Rome: Gregorian University Press, 1964), 276. 59. See Extracts from the minutes of the Council of Barbados, 2 January 1654/1655, reprinted in Gwynn, “Documents relating to the Irish”, 233. 60. Ibid., 235.

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61. Richard S. Dunn, Sugar and Slaves: The Rise of the Planter Class in the English West Indies, 1624–1713 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1972), 69. 62. Hilary McD Beckles, “‘A Riotous and Unruly Lot’: Irish Indentured Servants and Freemen in the English West Indies, 1644–171”, William and Mary Quarterly 3rd series, 47 (October 1990): 516–517. 63. McRedmond, To the Greater Glory, 84. 64. ARSI, Anglia, vol. 4a, fol. 99r, Nickel to Richard Shelton, 4 November 1656, Rome. 65. McRedmond, To the Greater Glory, 90; James Brennan, “Gallican Interlude in Ireland: The Irish Remonstrance of 1661”, Irish Theological Quarterly 24 (1957): 219–237. 66. LL, 66. 67. Fallon was elected vicar apostolic on 13 January 1631: AAV, Segreteria dei Brevi, Registra Brevium, vol. 770, fol. 82. 68. APF, Fondo di Vienna, vol. 13, fols. 260–262, petition of James Fallon to Pope Alexander VII, [1656–1657?]. 69. APF, Acta, vol. 26, fols. 97–98, general congregations, 11–12 June 1657 (“sino nell’America”). 70. APF, SOCG, vol. 319, fols. 438–439, Bernardine O’Ferrall to PF, 10 July 1657 (“a tutti i Cappuccini che con gl’altri Hibernesi vengono mandate da Cromwello all’America, et isole Barbades”… “di benedir e consacrare altari portatili, e calici per la celebrazione delle messe”… “di consolazione et aiuto spirituale a questi poveri esiliati”). 71. Pizzorusso, Roma nei Caraibi, 71. 72. ACSI, sectio W 28, “Aliquorum Provinciae Iberniae Religiosorum Scriptis Illustrium, vita et morte gloriosorum ab anno 1640”, fol. 19r. 73. APF, SOCG, vol. 370, fols. 311–313r, report of Felix O’Conor forwarded by Girolamo de Vecchi to cardinal Antonio Barberini, 31 August 1658 (“post diuturnum carceris squalorem, ad insulas Barbadas relegati sunt, ibique in servitutem venditi”). 74. Igor Pérez Tostado, Irish Influence at the Court of Spain in the Seventeenth Century (Dublin: Four Courts Press, 2008), 37. 75. Peter Walsh, The History & Vindication of the Loyal Formulary, or Irish Remonstrance, so Graciously Received by His Majesty Anno 1661 (London, 1674), 575. 76. Laurence W.B.  Brockliss and Patrick Ferté, “Prosopography of Irish Clerics in the Universities of Paris and Toulouse, 1573–1792”, Arch. Hib. 58 (2004): 151; Éamon Ó Ciosáin, “The Irish in France, 1660–90: The Point of No Return”, Irish communities, 96–97. 77. William Maziere Brady, The Episcopal Succession in England, Scotland and Ireland, A.D. 1400 to 1875: With Appointments to Monasteries and

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Extracts from Consistorial Acts taken from Mss. in Public and Private Libraries in Rome, Florence, Bologna, Ravenna and Paris (Roma: Tipografia della Pace, 1876), II: 24–25; Millett and C.J. Woods, “Roman Catholic Bishops from 1534”, A New History of Ireland, IX: Maps, Genealogies, Lists, ed. T.W.  Moody, F.X.  Martin, F.J.  Byrne (Oxford: Oxford University Press 1984), 361. 78. Millett, “Ninety Candidates Proposed for Irish Dioceses, c.1665”, Catholic Survey 2, no.1 (1955): 94, 109, 122. 79. APF, SOCG, vol. 371, fol. 14r, William Burgat, to the cardinals of PF, [May 1666?] (“ille missio”). 80. John Silke, “Irish Scholarship and the Renaissance, 1580–1673”, Studies in the Renaissance 20 (1973): 189. 81. APF, SOCG, vol. 371, fol. 23r, Burgat to PF, [May 1666?]. 82. APF, Acta, vol. 35, fol. 201rv, general congregation, 19 July 1666. 83. APF, SOCG, vol. 371, fols. 20–22, Carlo Vittori Roberti to PF, 15 October 1666 (“sono quattro mesi che partì per l’isola di S. Christoforo, senza però alcuna facoltà di codesta Sacra Congregazione”). 84. Codignola, “The Holy See and the Conversion of the Indians in French and British North America, 1486–1760”, in America in European Consciousness, 1493–1750, ed. Karen Ordahl Kupperman (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1995), 207. 85. APF, Acta, vol. 35, fols. 331v-332, general congregation, 20 December 1666 (“missionarius in America Ioannes Grace pro sua natione”). 86. APF, SOCG, vol. 257, fols. 87–88, Burgat to PF, [before 8 February 1667]. 87. Pizzorusso, “Catholic Missions in the West Indian Colonies”, 84. 88. Nellis M.  Crouse, The French Struggle for the West Indies, 2nd ed. (London: Frank Cass, 1966), 22–34. 89. Ibid., 33; Pizzorusso, Roma nei Caraibi, 72. 90. Dutertre, Histoire générale, IV, 62. 91. APF, SOCG, vol. 257, fols. 87–88, Burgat to PF, [before 8 February 1667] (“qualche sussidio, senza il quale dice non si troverà chi voglia esporsi ad un viaggio così lungo e pericoloso”). 92. APF, Acta, vol. 36, fol. 30, general congregation, 8 February 1667. 93. APF, SOCG, vol. 257, fols. 91–92, Burgat to PF [before March 1, 1667]. 94. APF, Acta, vol. 36, fol. 52, general congregation, 1 March 1667 (“non sint alii missionarii”). 95. APF, Acta, vol. 36, fols. 77r–78v, general congregation, 22 March 1667. 96. APF, SOCG, vol. 257, fol. 112, John Grace to Burgat, 11 March 1667 (“galli beneficium non agnoscunt”); APF, SOCG, vol. 257, fols. 111, 113, Burgat to PF, [before 2 August 1667]. 97. Pizzorusso, “Catholic Missions in the West Indian”, 90. 98. APF, SOCG, vol. 257, fols. 114–115, Burgat to PF, [before 7 May 1668].

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99. APF, SOCG, vol. 421, fols. 112–113, 115, Grace to PF, 5 July 1669 (“asylum clericis”). 100. William Stapleton to Lords of Trade, 29 June 1678, in Calendar of State Papers: Colonial Series, X: doc no. 741, 265–266. 101. APF, SOCG, vol. 421, fols. 112–113, 115, Grace to PF, 5 July 1669. 102. Calendar of State Papers: Colonial Series, X: doc no.741, 265–266. 103. APF, SOCG, vol. 421, fols. 112–113, 115, Grace to PF, 5 July 1669 (“haeretics permixti”). 104. APF, SOCG, vol. 421, fols. 112–113, 115, Grace to PF, 5 July 1669. 105. APF, SC Irlanda, vol. 2, fol. 236, Burgat to PF, 21 and 29 June 1669 (“10 milia Ibernesi Cattolici angariati assai dagli eretici inglesi”…“un tale Stapletonio gentiluomo Ibernese e cattolico governore di Montserrat”). 106. Akenson, If the Irish Ran, 102–103. 107. APF, Acta, vol. 38, fols. 432–434, general congregation, 17 September 1669. 108. Millett, “Roman Catholic Bishops from 1534”, 355. 109. Patrick F. Moran ed., Spic. Oss., I: 511–512. 110. APF, Acta, vol. 45, fols. 176v–177v, general congregation, 30 July 1675. 111. APF, SC, Irlanda, vol. 5, fol. 160r, copy of a letter of John Skerrett to the governor of Puerto Rico, c July 1680 (“servio Misionario Apostolico nella terra rme de Virginea et in queste Isole che chiamano Carribi, sugiecte che sono al Re de Ingalaterra, a dove patito quello che id Dio sa”; “si puole piu vivere fra questi barbari, et inimici della fede Chatolica, e gia mi anno ordinato che mene vadia”). 112. Francis X. Martin, “‘Obstinate’ Skerrett, Missionary in Virginia, the West Indies and England (c.1674–c.1688)”, Galway Archaeological & Historical Society 35 (1976): 12–51. 113. Irish Capuchin Archives, CA/EMT/2/1/2/3/1; see also Donald Shearer, OFM Cap, and Nobert H. Miller, OFM Cap, Pioneer Missionaries in the United States (Massachusetts: The Heffernan Press, 1932); Donald Shearer, A Documentary History of the Catholic Church in the United States (1784–1816) (Washington, DC: Catholic University of America Press, 1933). 114. Owen Stanwood, The Empire Reformed. English America in the Age of the Glorious Revolution (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2011), 85–112; Stanwood, “Rumours and Rebellions in the English Atlantic World, 1688–1689”, in The Final Crisis of the Stuart Monarchy. The Revolutions of 1688–91  in their British, Atlantic and European Contexts, ed. Tim Harris and Stephen Taylor (Woodbridge: The Boydell Press, 2013), 189–218. 115. Calendar of State Papers: Colonial Series, XIII: 52. 116. Pizzorusso, “Una minoranza cattolica”, in Dagli indiani agli emigranti, 140.

CHAPTER 9

Conclusion

A quick glance at the clerical networking examined in this book indicates that the process of integrating and connecting Ireland and the West Indies as two missionary poles in the clerical links developed by the Irish clerics who established in Rome did not follow the same pattern. As explained in Chaps. 5 and 8, the increasing number of Irish people who migrated to the West Indies favoured the possibility of developing a missionary channel in which Ireland could act as the connecting point between that area and Rome. Yet, this study highlights that there was never any form of cooperation between the personnel of the two Irish colleges in Rome and the Irish missionaries who were deployed to the West Indies. Throughout the period examined, the members of the colleges and the missionaries, as well as the organizers of the Irish missions in the West Indies, operated as two separate bodies who always remained focused on their respective mission fields. Several key factors played against the development of this triangular missionary networking, which could have linked the “centre” that was Rome and Ireland with the periphery, which remained the West Indies.1 A noteworthy feature of this clerical networking was the limited role played by the Sacred Congregation “de Propaganda Fide.” If its foundation in 1622 seemed to herald a new era of coordination for the Irish clergy, things turned to be different in the processes which led to the foundation of the Irish Colleges in Rome and in the development of the Irish missions in the West Indies. Both organizationally and financially, © The Author(s) 2020 M. Binasco, Making, Breaking and Remaking the Irish Missionary Network, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-47372-3_9

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Propaganda played a marginal role regarding the two colleges and the promotion of the Irish missionary links. At organizational level, the entire foundational process of the two colleges was solely orchestrated by Luke Wadding, Cardinal Ludovico Ludovisi, and, to a lesser extent, John Roche. Their proactive role contrasts with the fact that Propaganda did not intervene in the process in establishing the two colleges or in the drafting of their constitutions and their subsequent development. The pattern which characterized the development of the missionary network between the two colleges in Rome with the Irish mission repeated in the process of establishing the Irish missionary process in the West Indies. The efforts to establish the Irish missions in that area were piecemeal and uncoordinated initiatives made by a series of individuals who were not part of Propaganda. Though Francesco Ingoli, the congregation’s first secretary, sought to implement the Irish missionary ventures during the 1630s, Propaganda’s role was always too limited to support a missionary networking, which would require much more intervention. Yet its inability to play a crucial role must be set against the background of the congregation’s missionary policy for the West Indies, and more broadly for the Atlantic area, which, throughout the seventeenth and most of the eighteenth century, would never become a top priority on Propaganda’s agenda.2 This explains why the Roman bureaucrats formalized the Irish missions, rather than organizing them directly, thus playing a mere bureaucratic role.3 The limitations of Propaganda also existed at a financial level. As explained in Chap. 2, this was a problem which began to manifest itself even prior to the founding of Propaganda. Indeed, during the first two decades of the seventeenth century, the Holy See provided no financial assistance to the Irish clerics for founding an Irish college in Rome, with the consequence that the missionary link between the city and the Irish mission was inconsistent during that period. The absence of papal support left few choices to the Irish clerics, who could only rely on the help of influential patrons who might support their training and favour their return to the Irish mission. Propaganda—through its proactive role in the reconstruction of the Irish episcopate during the 1620s and 1630s and through the financial support provided to establish the Irish College of Louvain in 1623— seemed the key institution which could support the Irish clergy in Rome to develop and forge its missionary links with Ireland and the West Indies. In the eyes of the Irish clerics, the congregation could develop a

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centralized and sophisticated system of patronage like that conceived and supported by the Spanish monarchy and through which—despite its ebbs and flows—hundreds of Irish regulars and seculars returned to Ireland.4 Yet, given Propaganda’s limited resources, this never concretized. The evidence presented in this book demonstrates that the congregation’s financial support was always too scarce. In the case of the missionary network established by the Irish colleges with Ireland the congregation simply granted few viatica to the students of the Irish Colleges who returned to the Irish mission during the years from 1628 to 1635, but this revealed a one-off decision rather than a proper planned strategy. With regard to the West Indies, Propaganda granted 220 and 50 crowns to Malachy O’Queely and William Hederman respectively, a sum which was markedly inadequate to support the mission in a remote and risky area. Given the scarce involvement of Propaganda’s and more broadly the Roman bureaucracy, the process which developed the missionary networking examined in this book was carried out by individuals—such as bishop O’Queely—and institutions—such as the two colleges. Until the late 1650s, the missionary channel between Rome and Ireland was spearheaded by St. Isidore’s thanks to its capacity to deploy a significant number of missionaries. It is no surprise that the Franciscan college was favoured by the steady financial platform on which it was placed as a result of the consistent level of funding ensured by the prominent patronage which gravitated around Wadding. The ability to train both missionaries and lecturers—who in most cases played both roles—permitted St. Isidore’s to stand out as the leading missionary training ground, and, at the same time, as the seminal cultural centre of the Irish Franciscan province in the Mediterranean. The continuous movement of students and lecturers from and to St. Isidore’s points out how and to what extent the college had successfully built a steady network in which there was a constant flow of personnel but, also, of books and ideas. The capacity of St. Isidore’s to become the Irish structure of missionary formation par excellence in Rome also identified the college as the “hub” of the Irish nation in the city. As explained by the literary historian Clare Carroll, this association was favoured by the prominent position held by Wadding, who, through his literary achievements and influential roles, succeeded in portraying and disseminating a strong sense of Irish exilic identity in the epicentre of global Catholicism.5 The analysis that this book offers of the Irish College differs from that of St. Isidore’s. From its founding in 1628 up until the late 1650s, the

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secular college remained at the margins of the missionary networking between Rome and Ireland. The persistent dearth of adequate funding combined with the dramatic shift from the Franciscans’ administration to the Jesuits’ management in the early 1630s hampered the development of the college. The situation was worsened by the continuous disagreements between the Italian and Irish rectors and by the poor quality of some of the students. All these debilitating factors heightened the isolation of the secular seminary, which, until the late 1650s, could supply very few missionaries to Ireland, with the consequence that the Irish College came to be perceived as a low-level institution isolated from the missionary networks which connected the Irish clergy based in continental Europe with Ireland. The late 1650s ushered in a new era of changes for the missionary channel between Rome and Ireland as it witnessed the progressive waning of St. Isidore’s from its leading role and the rise of the Irish College, which, thanks to the radical reforms introduced by rector John Young, succeeded in establishing a steady link with Ireland. During this period the missionary contribution of the secular seminary increased both in quantity and quality, with four students who came to be appointed to the most prominent Irish dioceses. At first glance, the early 1660s—when the structure of the Irish Catholic church began to be reconstructed after the devasting blow brought by the Cromwellian regime—seemed the most propitious period for developing a link between the two colleges in Rome, Ireland, and the communities of Irish settlers in the West Indies. By that time both St. Isidore’s and the Irish College had emerged as two established structures of missionary formation, fully incorporated within the clerical network which connected the Irish clergy in continental Europe with the Irish mission. Yet this book reveals that the two colleges and their personnel never developed a global missionary outlook, and thus remained exclusively focused on the Irish mission. Possibly this global view could have encouraged the students of St. Isidore’s and the Irish College to view the ministry in Ireland on the same level as the ministry in the West Indies and, thus, to consider them as part of the same missionary strategy, which was to bring religious assistance to the Irish people at home and beyond Europe. The overall picture which emerges from this missionary networking is that the strongest flank of it was the clerical channel connecting Rome and Ireland. Indeed, it mainly developed and evolved thanks to a constant— albeit not uniform—flow of personnel between the city and the island. By

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contrast, the network with the West Indies proved to be the weakest part due to the scant number of missionaries deployed and the insufficient resources sent from both Ireland and Rome. The efforts to develop this triangular missionary connection had different impacts. A good way to assess these differences is to look at the words of Oliver Plunkett and Urbano Cerri (1611–1690), secretary of Propaganda. In 1671, writing from Ireland and looking back—with some nostalgia—at his Roman years, Plunkett stated that the students educated at Rome “understand better the mind of the Holy See, they have grasped its principles; in a word all Rome is a great book.”6 His enthusiastic view contrasted with Cerri, who, in his narration on the worldwide missions submitted to Propaganda in 1677, gloomily remarked that in the West Indies the best islands were still occupied by the Dutch and the English.7 Thus, the former with joy and the latter with regret demonstrated that the efforts to build an Irish missionary network between Rome, Ireland, and the West Indies had proved successful only for the connection between the Urbs and the remote Hibernia. Things changed in the second half of the eighteenth century, but that would require another century.

Notes 1. On this concept of centre and periphery in early-modern Catholicism see Tadgh Ó Hannracháin, Catholic Europe, 1592–1648. Centre and Peripheries (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2015). 2. Luca Codignola, “The Holy See and the Conversion of the Indians in French and British North America, 1486–1760”, in America in European Consciousness, 1493–1750, ed. Karen Ordahl Kupperman (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1995), 207. 3. Giovanni Pizzorusso, “Propaganda fide e le missioni cattoliche sulla frontiera politica, etnica e religiosa delle Antille nel XVII secolo”, Mélanges de l’École française de Rome. Italie et Méditerranée 109, no. 2 (1997): 586–587. 4. Cristina Bravo Lozano, Spain and the Irish Mission, 1609–1707 (New York: Routledge, 2019). 5. Clare Lois Carroll, Exiles in a Global City. The Irish and Early Modern Rome, 1609–1783 (Leiden: Brill, 2017), 282; on Rome as the centre of the Catholic world see Simon Ditchfield, “Romanus and Catholicus: Counter-­ Reformation Rome as Caput Mundi”, in A Companion to Early Modern Rome, 1492–1692, ed. Pamela M.  Jones, Barbara Wisch, and Simon Ditchfield (Leiden: Brill, 2019), 131–147.

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6. APF, C, I, vol. 2, fol. 725rv, Oliver Plunkett to PF, 1671, [Dublin?] (“sanno meglio l’intentione della Sede Apostolica, sanno li principij d’essa; et uno vero Roma e un gran libro”). 7. APF, Miscellanea, Varie, vol. XI, fols. 153r–154v, “Relazione di Monsignor Urbano Cerri alla Santità di Ns. PP. Innocenzo XI dello stato di Propaganda”; for a detailed study on this relation see Gaetano Platania, “Viaggiare senza mai partire. La relazione di Urbano Cerri segretario della Congregazione de Propaganda Fide”, in Ad Ultimos usque Terrarum Terminos in Fide Propaganda. Roma fra promozione e difesa della fede in età moderna, ed. Massimo Ghilardi et al. (Viterbo: Edizioni Sette Città, 2014), 203–214.



Appendices

Two appendices complete this book. Each provides biographical information on the students admitted to the Irish College and Saint Isidore’s College in the years under review in this study. Appendix A provides biographical information on students admitted to the Irish College between 1628 and 1664, and complements material outlined and analysed in the main text. Appendix B provides biographical information on students admitted to St. Isidore’s between 1625 and 1654, and those resident there in 1663, and supplements information outlined and analysed in the main text. The biographical categories for each appendix follow the same format, with one exception. The small number of students in the Irish College permits a full description of individual lives and collective analysis of the student body to be placed in the main text. St. Isidore’s, however, had a greater number of students, who went on to fill a larger variety of roles after they departed the college. Consequently, the chapters do not contain detailed biographical information on each student, and instead focus on a collective analysis of the student body as a whole. Appendix B therefore includes an additional category, which describes the “Subsequent Activities” of each student after he left the Franciscan college, and it should be read in conjunction with the investigation of the characteristics and activities of the student body as a whole contained in the main text of the book.

© The Author(s) 2020 M. Binasco, Making, Breaking and Remaking the Irish Missionary Network, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-47372-3

199

200 

APPENDICES

Abbreviations A: acolyte C: confessor CM: commissary CON: Connacht CV: commissary visitator D: deacon DF: definitor E: exorcist G: guardian J: Jubilatus LEI: Leinster LJ: lector jubilatus MO: minor orders MUN: Munster O: ostiarius P: provincial PL: philosophy lecturer PRT: priest SD: subdiaconate TL: theology lecturer ULS: Ulster

Appendix A List of students admitted to the Irish College of Rome, 1628–1664 Name

Date of birth

Origin

Students admitted from 1628 to 1635 Eugene Colgan ? ULS2 John St. Laurence Christopher Chamberlain Edward Wall Terence O’Kelly John De Courcy Edward Forde Edward Archer

Admission

Ordination1

Death

16283

D in 16314

?

ULS6

16287

?

Derry, 16735 ?

?

ULS8

16289

?

?

? ?

MUN10 ULS12

162811 162813

? ?

?

MUN15

162816

? ?

LEI18 LEI19

After 1628? After 1628?

? PRT in 163414 MO in 163117 ? ?

? ? ? (continued)

 APPENDICES 

201

(continued) Name

Date of birth

Origin

Admission

Ordination1

Death

Andrew Wolfe

?

MUN20

After 1628?

?

Patrick Walsh

?

MUN22

After 1628?

Malachy Rath Edmund Gould John Fahy

? ?

CON24 MUN25

After 1628? After 1628?

PRT in 163221 MO in 163223 ? SD in 163426

1605/160627

CON28

After 1628?

Roger Duierma ? Philip Clery ?

ULS30 Raphoe, ULS31

After 1628? 163232

Roger Gorman ?

MUN35

After 1630?

Daniel Hayes Donough Brouder John Moriarty Mark Quigley Patrick Archer James Barry

? ?

LEI37 CON38

After 1630? 163439

? ? ? ?

LEI41 MUN44 LEI45 MUN47

163442 After 1630? After 1630? 163548

Students admitted from 1636 to 1643 Luke Plunkett ? LEI50 John Russell ? MUN52 James Quirke

?

?

Maurice Ward

161256

ULS57

Patrick Bathe

?

ULS60

Richard Stafford

1620. Son of Patrick Stafford63 ?

LEI64

Ignatius Teeling

ULS68

163851 163953 1640? 1642?55 Between 1641 and 164258 Between 1641 and 164261 Between 1641 and 164265 Between 1641 and 164269

PRT in 163429 ? PRT in 164033

PRT in 163736 ? PRT in 163340 D in 163443 ? D in 164046 PRT in 164049

? ? ? ? ? Killed in 1642 by Protestants in Ireland34 ? ? ? ? ? ? ?

? PRT in 164154 ?

? ?

?

In 166359

PRT in 164662

?

PRT in 164666

In Puglia, but no date is provided67 Possibly in 169971

PRT in 164770

?

(continued)

202 

APPENDICES

(continued) Name

Date of birth

Christopher ? Cleark William Bergin 161475

Origin

Admission

Ordination1

Death

LEI

1643

O in 1644

?

LEI76

164377

?

164380

O in 164481

Livorno in the early 1670s78 ?

PRT in164984

?

MO in 163087 ?

?

72

Matthias Ball ? LEI79 Students admitted from 1644 to 1659 Peter Peppard ? ULS82

73

James Gough

?

MUN85

Between 1644 and 164583 164686

Thomas Luttrell John O’Clohessy Francis Xavier Madden

?

LEI88

164589

?

MUN90

164791

?

?

164793

Thomas Arthur ? Peter Walsh ?

MUN95 LEI97

John Brenan

1627100

LEI101

Oliver Plunkett 1625105

LEI106

Robert Strange 1629110

MUN111

James Stafford

LEI115

164796 Late summer of 1648— early 164998 Late summer of 1648— early 1649102 Late summer of 1648— early 1649107 1649 probably112 1653116

?

Ronan Maginn 1629118

ULS119

Richard Quinn ?

LEI122

James Cusack

LEI126

1634125

1654 invited120 1654, invited123 1655, uninvited127

74

PRT in 165192 ?

? PRT in 165499

? ? In Venice, but no date is provided94 ? ?

PRT in 1654103

In 1693104

PRT in 1654108

Executed in London in 1681109 In 1653114

MO in 1651113 PRT in 1656117 PRT in 1660121 PRT in 1661124 PRT in 1660128

? ? ? In 1688129 (continued)

 APPENDICES 

203

(continued) Name

Date of birth

Origin

Admission

Ordination1

Death

Patrick Ledwith John Creagh

1634

LEI

MUN135

John Plunkett

1636138

LEI139

PRT in 1658133 MO in 1656137 Dispensed from ordination141 ?

?

1635134

1655, uninvited132 1655, uninvited136 1656, uninvited140

130

131

Gerard ? ? Dowdall Students admitted from 1660 to 1664 Peter Arthur 1632143 MUN144 (brother of Thomas, related to Peter Creagh) James Stritch 1640147 MUN148 Peter Creagh (brother of John) Andrew Plunkett (cousin of Oliver Plunkett) James Reilly

1642151

MUN152

1642156

LEI157

1640160

LEI161

Edward Chamberlain Robert Butler

1644164

George Fleming

?

James Brenan

1641173

1644168

1658, uninvited142

? ?

?

1660, uninvited145

PRT in 1662146

?

1660, invited149 1660, invited153

PRT in 1666150 PRT in 1666154

?

1662, uninvited158

?

Rome in 1664159

PRT in 1666163 A in 1665167

?

1662, uninvited162 165 LEI 1663, invited166 Of English 1664, origin but invited170 born in Ireland169 LEI171 before end of July 1663, uninvited172 MUN174 1664, uninvited175

In 1705155

?

Not ordained ?

Not ordained ?

PRT in 1665176

?

Date of birth

ULS

CON

?

?

ULS

?

Francis MacDonnell

CON

?

Florence O’Duda (lay) Thomas O’Gavan Bernard Conny

MUN

?

Francis O’Sullivan

PRT in 1625 in Spanish Flanders190

PRT in 1622 in Spanish Flanders187

?

?

?

? ?

Origin177 Ordination178

Students admitted from 1625 to 1635 Felix Dempsy ? MUN John Punch 1599182 MUN

Names

List of students admitted to St. Isidore’s, 1625–54

1625?

1625? 1626?

1626

1626

1626

1625 1625

Admission179

Appendix B

?

?

?

?

?

? ?

Date of defence of thesis180

C in Ireland in 1629; G of Louvain in 1639; P in 1644; G of Rosserilly in 1650; imprisoned by the Cromwellian authorities in 1653188 Sent to Scotland in 1627. G of Drogheda in 1634; G of Louvain in 1635191

?

Sent to Ireland in 1629181 Sent to lecture in Lyons and Paris in 1648; author of eight works183 DF in 1639; G of Ardfert in 1646, of Timoleague in 1649; P in 1650185 ?

Subsequent activity

Louvain in 1636192

In 1662 or in 1663189

?

?

Killed in 1653186

? In Paris in 1661184

Death

204  APPENDICES

? ?

MUN

MUN

? Brother of John Punch200 ?

? MO in 1628198 ? MO in 1628199 MO in 1628201

MO in Louvain in 1621195

PRT in 1623 in Spanish Flanders193 ?

MUN

CON LEI

? ?

William Kennedy Didacus Barry ?

CON MUN

? ?

MUN

?

Bernard Birrin Anthony Boyton Patrick Conny Thomas Raynellus Edmund Punch

LEI

?

Thomas Halpin (lay) Bonaventure Delahoyde

CON

?

Francis Tarpy

?

1628

?

1628 ?

1628 ?

?

1626

?

?

?

1632

? ?

? ?

?

?

?

? ?

? ?

PL and TL in Siracusa and Patti in 1628204

? (continued)

Castille in 1653197

?

?

Left in 1634 for Spain where he ? acted as PL in Segovia and TL in Valladolid202 PL in Germany in 1651203 ?

? ?

PL in Louvain in 1628, and then TL in Augsburg and Salzburg; G of Louvain in 1636; vicar of the Irish province in 1639; G of Quin in 1646, of Ennis and Galway in 1647–48 and 1650; expelled from Ireland in the early 1650s196 ? ?

?

PL in Galway in 1629; PL in Louvain in 1630, then TL in Prague194

 APPENDICES 

205

MUN MUN

1604209

?

?

?

Thaddeus Daly

Bernard Higgin

Anthony Mahowny Eugene O′ Cahan

CON

MUN

?

?

Francis Shiel

PRT in 1632

?

?

?

?

1629

1629

1629

?

?

1628

PRT in 1630

CON

1608205

Daniel Brouder

Admission179

Origin177 Ordination178

Date of birth

Names

(continued)

1632 and in 1635

?

?

?

?

1633

Date of defence of thesis180

?

?

?

?

Prague in 1687207

Death

PL in Barletta in 1638; recalled Killed in to St. Isidore’s in 1639; in 1652214 1640, sent to Pontoise and then to Ireland to teach philosophy and theology. G of Ennis in 1646, and lecturer there in 1647. G of Askeaton in 1650213

Sent to Sicily in 1634 where he acted as TL in Palermo and Trapani until 1640; from that year TL in Prague and Wien206 Sent to Ireland in 1629; C in 1639; C in Athlone in 1648208 TL in Palermo and Trapani in 1629; G of St. Isidore’s from 1637 to 1640, and again from 1643 to 1646; consultor of the sacred congregation of the index210 TL in Prague in 1650; G of Rosserilly in 1669, and of Ballimote in 1672; DF in 1678211 C in Ireland in 1647212

Subsequent activity

206  APPENDICES

LEI ? MUN MUN

?

? ?

?

John Barnewall Bernard Byrne Denis O′ Nelan Ludovicus Wynne

MUN

?

CON ULS

LEI

?

? ?

MUN

?

Francis Ruark Jacob/James Ferrall

LEI

?

Paulus a S. Maria, (alias Geoghegan) Dionisus a Conceptione Bernardine Burnell Edmund Bray

?

?

Dionisius O’Donel

?

? ?

PRT in 1631

PRT in 1630 in Spanish Flanders218 ? PRT in 1630

PRT in 1630

?

?

?

?

? ?

?

? ?

1630

1630?

?

?

?

1632

? ?

? 1632 and in 1634 1632

1633

?

?

?

?

Sent to Perugia in 1631223 Sent to Perugia in 1631; returned to Ireland in 1642224 Vicar of the choir and instructor of the young in 1631226

PL in Germany in 1637222

PL and TL in Salzburg in 1635; G of Clonmel in 1641, and in 1649; custos of the Irish province in 1658. J in 1675219 Sent to Ireland in 1630221 ?

?

Sent to Ireland in 1630217

In 1630 he went to Jerez de La Frontera where he acted as magister of students215 Sent to Ireland in 1630. J in 1671216

(continued)

? Killed in 1651225 ?

?

? ?

Louvain in 1676220

?

?

?

?

 APPENDICES 

207

LEI MUN MUN

?

?

Clonmel in 1610235

Anthony Comerford Bonaventure Gorman Bonaventure Baron

LEI

?

LEI

?

Patrick O’Connor

MUN

MUN

?

?

MUN

?

Christopher Arthur Patrick Brenan

MUN

?

Edmund Galvan John O’Molloy Thomas Lee

PRT in 1634

?

PRT in 1632

?

D in 1625 in Spanish Flanders230

?

?

?

?

Origin177 Ordination178

Date of birth

Names

(continued)

1633

1633

?

?

?

?

?

?

1631

Admission179

1635

?

1635

?

?

?

?

?

?

Date of defence of thesis180

G of Quinn from 1639 until 1649234 At some stage named PL and TL in St. Isidore’s; author of twenty-two works236

Coadjutor for the instructor of the young in 1631227 PL in 1631 in Messina and Nicosia228 Retained at St. Isidore’s in 1631229 PL at St. Isidore’s in 1631; TL in Louvain in 1639; from 1645 G of Louvain; in 1649 G of new Ross; custos of the Irish province and LJ in 1650231 Ordered to return to Ireland, but retained in Rome at mid June 1631; TL in Nancy in 1634, and then in Rouen232 PL in Barletta in 1638233

?

Subsequent activity

Rome in 1696237

?

?

?

?

?

?

?

?

Death

208  APPENDICES

Francis Verdon

?

MUN

CON

?

LEI

?

ULS

ULS

?

?

MUN

?

Ludovic Grady Philip Magnellus Brendan O’Connor

John MacCaffy Joseph Curneen

ULS ULS ULS

Thomas Cyrin ? Nicolas Raricy ? Malachias ? Corkran

?

PRT in 1634241 ?

A in 1635

?

?

? ? ?

?

?

1634?

1633

1633

1633

1633 1633 1633

1632 and in 1634

1634

?

?

?

?

1635 1635 ?

?

?

? ? ?

Left in 1634 for Ireland where he preached for almost fifteen years; possibly expelled from Ireland in 1649242 From 1635 until 1668, TL in St.-Malo243

(continued)

Between 7 July 1668 and 18 January 1670244

?

Went to Louvain in 1638; ? reported to be in Wexford in 1642; in 1644 he was in Prague where he acted as TL240 ? ?

?

PL in Louvain in 1645238 ? PL in 1639 in Milan; from 1646 G of Lisgoole; DF in 1650; G of Monaghan in 1658; from 1669 G of Lisgoole again; J in 1678239 ?

 APPENDICES 

209

Cornelius Lucar

?

?

MUN

LEI

?

?

MUN

MUN MUN

? ?

?

MUN

?

Matthew of St. Mary Robert Mede Nicholas Walsh

Philip a S. Antonio Francis De la Mar Philip Roche

ULS

?

Columba a S. Maria

?

?

?

?

? PRT in 1634247

?

?

?

Origin177 Ordination178

MUN

Date of birth

John Geraldin ?

Names

(continued)

1635

1634?

1634

1634

1634 ?

1634

?

?

Admission179

?

?

?

?

? 1635

?

?

?

Date of defence of thesis180

PL in Naples in 1637; at some stage he was recalled to Rome; G of Youghal in 1646, and of Cork in 1650; signed the Remonstrance in London in 1662250 ?

?

?

? PL in Perugia in 1640 and afterwards in Mantova248

Left for Ireland in 1634; C in 1647; G of Adare in 1650; J in 1697245 In early April 1634, it was decided to retain him in St. Isidore’s246 ?

Subsequent activity

?

?

? At some stage in Mantova249 ?

?

?

?

Death

210  APPENDICES

ULS MUN MUN

?

MUN

1610253

? ?

MUN

?

Students admitted from 1636 to 1643 Peter Tiernan ? CON

Tullius (lay) Edmund Mally Jeremias Herbert

Bonaventure Mede Bernardine Barry

?

1635?

? ?

PRT in 1635251 PRT in 1635254

?

? ?

?

?

Called from ? Louvain to be admitted to the philosophy course in 1636

? Admitted as novice in 1635 ?

?

?

? ?

G of Claregalway in 1646; DF ? in 1647 and in 1649; again G of Claregalway in 1650260

(continued)

Possibly in early May of 1668256

?

TL in Naples in 1638; G of ? Askeaton in 1646; DF in 1650; G of Adaare in 1669, and of Askeaton in 1675; JL and DF in 1678259

PL in Naples in 1638 and Aracoeli (Rome) in 1639; vicar of St. Isidore’s in 1642; G of St. Anthony’s in 1647; G of St. Isidore’s from 1652 to 1654; vicar provincial in 1653; CM of the Irish Franciscan colleges of Louvain and Prague in 1659; back to Ireland by mid-1660s255 Sent to Prague in 1635257 G of Galbally in 1647258

G of Cork in 1646252?

 APPENDICES 

211

LEI

Francis Dillon ?

1609 at ULS Donagh Chidi, Derry diocese268

LEI

?

John Dalton

Michael a S. Maria

LEI

?

Bonaventure Dillon

SD in 1636 in Spanish Flanders269

PRT in 1636 in Spanish Flanders266

?

D in 1619 in Spanish Flanders263

?

Origin177 Ordination178

ULS

Date of birth

Francis Magruairk

Names

(continued)

Called from Louvain to be admitted to the philosophy course in 1636 Called from Louvain to be admitted to the philosophy course in 1636 Called from Louvain to be admitted to the philosophy course in 1636 Called from Louvain to be admitted to the philosophy course in 1636 Called from Louvain to be admitted to the philosophy course in 1636

Admission179

1640

?

?

?

1640

Date of defence of thesis180

Death

PL and TL in Genoa in 1645270

G of Moyen in 1660, and of Ballymote in 1661; one of the signatories of the Remonstrance in Ireland267

C in Ireland in 1639265

G of Ballymote in 1650, and in 1669; G of Kilconnell in 1676; J in 1678264

Genoa in 1652271

?

?

?

In Ireland since the early 1640s; Dublin in embraced Protestantism in 1665262 England261

Subsequent activity

212  APPENDICES

?

?

?

1612274

?

?

?

Anthony Doherty

Christopher Civers

Patrick Gearnon

Bonaventure Conny

Francis Bermingham

Hugh Canavan

Francis Baringarius

?

?

CON

ULS

ULS

LEI

ULS

?

?

?

?

?

?

E in 1638

1636?

Called from Louvain to be admitted to the philosophy course in 1636 Called from Louvain to be admitted to the philosophy course in 1636 Called from Louvain to be admitted to the theology course in 1636 Called from Louvain to be admitted to the theology course in 1636 Called from Spain to be admitted to the theology course in 1636 1636?

?

?

?

?

?

?

?

PL and TL in Prague in 1639; G and TL in Rosserilly in 1646; G and PL in Clane in 1647277 PL and TL in Milan in 1639278

Left for Ireland in 1642; G of Armagh in 1646, and in 1661; DF in 1647; G of Dundalk in 1658, and of Carrickfergus in 1669; J in 1678275 PL and TL in Milan in 1639; DF in 1648; G of Capranica in 1662; author of one work276

G of Dundalk in 1646, and of Drogheda in 1647273

?

?

?

?

?

?

?

Custos of the Irish province in ? 1647; G of Moyne in 1658; P from 1661 to 1666; examiner of the friars in 1689272

(continued)

 APPENDICES 

213

MUN ?

?

?

?

Bernardine Daly

Bonaventure Piercy John Ward ULS LEI

LEI

ULS MUN MUN290

Patrick Ruany ? Francis O′ 1606284 Molloy

?

?

?

?

Paul King

Nellanus Nellus Thomas Croch James Dooly

CON

CON

?

John Maddin

PRT in 1637289 ?

?

?

? ?

?

?

?

?

Origin177 Ordination178

Date of birth

Names

(continued)

1637?

1637?

1637

1637?

1637? 1637?

1636?

1636?

1636?

1636?

Admission179

1640291

?

?

?

1640 1640

?

?

?

?

Date of defence of thesis180

Death

?

?

Went to Sicily in 1639; C in Ireland in 1647282 Left in 1642283 Left for Germany in 1642; PL in Klosterneuberg in 1645, and then TL in Gratz; author of seven works, and of the first printed Irish grammar, published in Rome in 1677285 Left in 1640 for Brindisi, where he acted as TL; PL in Kilkenny in 1646; G of St. Isidore’s in 1649; author of one work287 ?

?

?

?

Possibly in Rome in 1655288

? Rome in 1684286

?

Sent to France in 1639; G of ? Meelick in 1648279 Sent to Naples in 1639; PL in ? Kilconnell in 1646; C in 1647; G of Carrickfergus in 1650, and of Kilconnell in 1661280 Went to Sicily in 1639281 ?

Subsequent activity

214  APPENDICES

?

?

?

?

?

?

?

?

?

?

?

?

?

John O’Connor

Anthony Falvey

Bonaventure Mihan

Patrick Molloy

LEI

?

MUN

LEI

?

?

?

?

LEI

PRT in 1636 in Spanish Flanders296 ?

1638?

1638

?

?

?

?

?

MUN

William ? Meacher Patrick Whitty ?

1638

1638?

?

Called from Spain in 1638 Called from Spain in 1638 Called from Spanish Flanders in 1638 Called from Spanish Flanders in 1638 ?

1638

1638

?

?

1641

1640

?

?

?

?

?

?

PL in Tivoli in 1642, and in Aracoeli in 1644; TL in Naples in the early 1650s294 PL in Palermo in 1647; during the 1650s he taught in Plasencia; G of Lisglaghtin in 1671, and of Quinn in 1672; J in 1685295 PL in Milan in 1641; named secretary of the procurator general in 1644; G of Louvain in 1650297 ?

?

?

?

Left with Thaddesus O’Carraghy in 1644?292 PL in Laibach and Vienna in 1641293 ?

? (continued)

Louvain in 1657298

?

?

?

?

?

?

?

?

 APPENDICES 

215

MUN

LEI MUN MUN

LEI LEI

Early 1600s. Nephew of Luke Wadding301

?

? ?

? ?

Francis Harold

Richard Dudal John Barry Anthony Malony (Mahon) John Clench Antonio a S. Maria ? ?

? ?

?

PRT in 1640

? ?

Origin177 Ordination178

MUN ULS

Date of birth

Francis Ferrall ? Charles 1612299 O’Reilly

Names

(continued)

1639 1639

1639 1639

1639

1639

1638 1639

Admission179

? ?

? ?

?

?

? 1640

Date of defence of thesis180

? ?

? C in Ireland in 1647304

? PL and G of St. Bartholomew (in Rome) in 1641; G of Cavan from 1647 until 1649; G of Drogheda in 1650300 PL in Prague from 1642 to 1645; also lectured in Wien and Gratz; appointed lecturer and librarian of St. Isidore’s in 1655; in mid-April 1655 he succeeded to Wadding as compiler of the Annales; author of thirteen works302 ?

Subsequent activity

? ?

?

Rome in 1685303

? ?

Death

216  APPENDICES

James Darcy Nicolas Aylmer

MUN

?

? ?

LEI

MUN

?

?

ULS

?

Michael Forstal Maurus Matthews

MUN

?

Bonaventure Condon Daniel Cavellus Francis Coppinger

CON

?

Maurice Conry

LEI

PRT in 1642

?

PRT in 1635 in Spanish Flanders308

?

PRT in 1645

?

PRT in 1643

1641?

1640?

1639?

1639

1639

1639

1641?

1644

?

?

1644

?

?

PL in Bologna in 1647, and in Genoa from 1650 until 1652; recalled in 1655 to St. Isidore’s where he obtained the chair of theology; G of Capranica in 1657311

TL in Venice in 1642; G of Cork from 1660 until 1661; one of the Franciscans who signed the Remonstrance in Ireland309 Left in 1643310

TL in Prague between 1650 and 1652; imprisoned in England from 1655 until 1658; in Rome from the summer of 1658 until 1659; back to England in the 1660s; author of one work305 Lecturer at Sant Isidore’s, then TL in Angers in the 1650s307 ?

?

(continued)

In 1682312

?

?

?

?

Before 1669306

 APPENDICES 

217

MUN

MUN LEI

MUN LEI

?

?

?

Francis O’Reilly

Francis Loftus ? James Turner ?

?

Philipp Kelly

Bonaventure Galvan Peter Rothe

LEI

LEI

?

Thaddeus O’Carraghy

PRT in 1643

D in 1642

PRT in 1646 MO in 1642

PRT in 1645

?

D in 1644

Origin177 Ordination178

Date of birth

Names

(continued)

1642?

1642?

1642? 1642?

1642?

1642

1641?

Admission179

?

?

? ?

?

?

1644

Date of defence of thesis180

Secretary general of the Franciscan order in Rome in 1660318

G of Trim in 1658, then of Stradbally in 1661; custos of the Irish province in 1669; from 1675 until 1682 G of Dublin; elected P at mid-June 1683313 PL in Kilkenny in 1647; G of Kilkenny from 1658 to 1660; from 1661 until 1675 G of Enniscort;. G of Wicklow in 1677, and again of Enniscort from 1678 to 1683; G of Wexford in 1684, and of Kilkenny in 1686314 Preacher in Prague in 1653; G of St. Isidore’s from 1664 until 1666315 TL in Capranica in 1660316 One of the Franciscans who signed the Remonstrance in Ireland317 ?

Subsequent activity

?

?

? ?

?

?

?

Death

218  APPENDICES

?

Richard Haly

MUN

MUN

Students admitted from 1644 to 1654 Anthony ? MUN Carthy Francis Young ? MUN Joseph O′ ? CON Flynn

1614324

Bonaventure Connor

ULS

MUN

?

?

MUN

?

1644 1644? 1644

? ?

Called from Venice in 1643

1642

1642?

1642?

1642?

1642?

PRT in 1645

D in 1644

D in 1644

?

PRT in 1644

D in 1642

MUN319 PRT in 1641

?

Anthony Gearnon

Bernardine Mede Anthony Scallan Francis Gray

? ?

?

?

?

?

?

?

?

PL and C in Enagh in 1647; G of Kilcree in 1650327 Sent to Sardinia in 1647328 C in Ireland in 1647329

PL in Stronconi (Umbria) in 1645320 C in Ireland in 1649; G of Lislaghten in 1650321 G of Kilcree in 1669; C and G of Youghal in 1672322 Sent to Milan in 1645; G of Dundalk in 1647; chaplain in Spanish Flanders in the early 1650s; G of Dublin in the second half of 1650s; DF and G of Drogheda in 1675; signed the Remonstrance in London. Author of one work323 In 1648 went to lecture in Bolzen; recalled to Rome in 1650; PL in Prague from 1661 to 1664; author of five works325 Left in 1646 for Granada where he acted as magister of students326

? ?

?

?

?

?

?

?

?

(continued)

 APPENDICES 

219

Bonaventure Daly John Duffy ULS

?

MUN333 PRT in 1646

?

ULS

MUN

?

?

LEI

?

?

?

PRT in 1650

PRT in 1647

?

?

?

?

?

?

PRT in 1646

?

CON

?

Bonaventure Brennach Patrick Molloy James Darcy (junior) Bonaventure Bruodin Antony Bruodin

MUN

?

Francis Burgatt James Burke

Origin177 Ordination178

Date of birth

Names

(continued)

1645?

1645?

1645?

1645?

1645

1645

1645

1645?

1645

Admission179

?

?

1648

1648

?

?

?

?

?

Date of defence of thesis180

?

?

?

?

?

?

Death

Left in 1648 to go to Majorca; ? went to lecture in Sicily at some stage337

Sent to lecture in the Irish Prague in College of Prague; G of several 1680335 convents; DF of the bohemian province; in 1671, lecturer in the Irish Franciscan college of Prague; author of seven works334 Left in 1648 to go to Majorca336 ?

LJ and G of Ennis in 1671332

Left in 1648331

?

Gained permission to go on pilgrimage to Loreto in 1646330 ?

?

Subsequent activity

220  APPENDICES

ULS

MUN LEI

MUN MUN

?

?

?

?

?

?

?

?

John Brady

Francis Brenan

Ludovic Durcan

Nicolas Leonard Patrick Ball

Nicolas Sall

Bernardine Roche Thomas Cleary

MUN

LEI

PRT in 1648

PRT in 1650

?

PRT in 1648

PRT in 1648

?

?

PRT in 1646339 PRT in 1647

MUN

LEI

?

LEI

Andrew a ? Conceptione Francis Tyrrell ?

1647

1647

Called from Milan in 1647 1647

Called from Bologna on 11 September 1646 1647?

Called from Majorca in 1646

1646?

1646?

1645?

?

?

?

?

?

?

1649

?

?

?

?

Signed the Remonstrance in London in 1662344 ?

?

?

At some stage he went to lecture in Prague340 TL in Prague in 1650 or 1651; DF and G of Drogheda in 1669; CV of ULS in 1672; P from 1675 until 1678; C in 1678; G of Cavan in 1684;examiner for confessors in 1689341 PL in 1649; lectured at St. Isidore’s from 1649 until 1653; in 1655 taught in the studium generale of the order in Viterbo342 Possibly went to Turin in early 1650343

Left in 1648338

?

?

?

?

?

?

?

?

?

?

(continued)

 APPENDICES 

221

MUN ?

?

?

?

?

?

?

?

?

?

Eugene Callanan

Anthony Baron ?

?

?

?

?

?

?

?

?

?

?

?

?

MUN

MUN

?

Francis Kennedy

?

?

?

?

?

?

?

?

?

?

Origin177 Ordination178

Date of birth

Names

(continued)

Called in 1649 from Ireland Called in 1649 from Ireland Called in 1649 from Ireland Called in 1649 from Ireland Called in 1649 from Ireland Called in 1649 from Ireland Called in 1649 from province other than Irish

1648

1648

1648

Admission179

?

?

?

?

?

?

?

?

?

?

Date of defence of thesis180

?

?

?

?

?

?

TL in Louvain in 1666; LJ in 1671; DF and G of Limerick in 1675345 Sent to Hungary in 1653 as PL; G of Louvain in 1661; DF in 1666 and in 1669; G of Meelick in 1669; CV in 1675; P in 1678; G of Enagh in 1684; G of Clonmel in 1694346 Sent to Hungary in 1653 as PL; G of Galbally and C in 1669347 ?

Subsequent activity

?

?

?

?

?

?

?

?

?

?

Death

222  APPENDICES

CON

?

LEI

LEI MUN

? ?

?

MUN

?

MUN

?

?

?

LEI

?

LEI

CON LEI

? ?

?

MUN

?

Juniper Veldon Patrick Seachnesy Joseph Murphy

CON MUN

? ?

Jacob Tully Michael Nestor Didacus Hehir Peter Bodkin Bonaventure Aish Bernard Golding Bernard Beling Francis Moelsinog Stephan Daly Anthony Roche Marcus Brown

?

?

?

PRT in 1652

?

?

?

? SD in 1651

?

?

?

PRT in 1651 ?

?

? ?

?

1650

1650

1650

1650

1650 1650

1650

1650

1650

1650 1650

1650

?

?

?

?

? ?

?

?

?

? ?

?

Called in 1649 ? from province other than Irish 1649 ? 1650 ?

Prisoner on Inishbofin in 1653350 Expelled in 1654; C in Ireland in 1687, 1694, and in 1703351

President of the provincial chapter held in Dublin in 1666349 ?

? ?

?

?

?

C in Prague in 1657348 ?

?

? ?

?

?

?

?

?

? ?

?

?

?

? ?

?

? ?

?

(continued)

 APPENDICES 

223

? PRT in 1651

LEI LEI MUN

?

Simon Kimoe

Bonaventure ? Cosrinus Francis Junius ? of St. Mary

? ? LEI

?

? ?

Ludovic Carthy Paul Barry John Connor

MUN

? ?

?

?

? ?

CON MUN

?

?

LEI

Donatus Matthews

Bernard ? Patrick Boetius Egan ? Thomas Grace ?

SD in 1654

LEI

?

?

Origin177 Ordination178

LEI

Date of birth

Anthony ? Dalton Patrick Tyrrell ?

Names

(continued)

1652 1652

1652

1651

1651 1651

1651

?

1650

1650

1650

1650

Admission179

? ?

?

?

? ?

?

?

?

?

?

?

Date of defence of thesis180 ?

Death

? C in Ireland in 1661; G of Kilkenny in 1669358 At some stage he went to lecture in the Roman province of the Riformati359 G of Adare in 1660, and C in 1661360 ? ?

Lecturer at St. Isidore’s in 1653, and in Naples at some stage356 ?

? ?

?

?

? ?

?

In 1682357

TL at St. Isidore’s and Naples in In 1692353 the early 1660s and 1670s; CM of the Irish province in Madrid in 1665; DF in 1671; G of St. Isidore’s from 1671 to 1676; bishop of Clogher in 1676, and, in 1689, bishop of Meath352 C in Ireland in 1661; G of ? Wicklow in 1675354 Expelled in 1654355 ?

?

Subsequent activity

224  APPENDICES

? ? ? ? ?

ULS ULS ULS ? ?

?

PRT in 1654

LEI

?

?

?

?

?

?

MUN

?

?

Francis ? Geraldine Laurence ? Bathe Bonaventure ? Brady Paul Gowan ? St. Isidore’s students in 1663367 Anthony ? O’Brien Francis ? Philbin

MUN

?

Anthony Molan Thomas Landre Patrick Barnewall

MUN

LEI

?

?

LEI

?

Jacob/James Vitus (White)

Michael Conny John Nell (O’Neill)

1659

1658

1654

1654

1654

1654

1653

1653

1653

1652

1652

1652

?

?

?

?

?

?

?

?

?

?

?

?

?

?

LJ in 1682; C and G of Moyne in 1685; G of Galway in 1687; CV in 1690369

C in Ireland in 1699368

?

C in Ireland in 1681366

?

?

?

?

G of trim and C in 1684; G of ? Dublin in 1685; LJ in 1687; DF in 1689; G of Dublin in 1693364 G of Inisherkin and C in ? 1661365 ? ?

?

C in Ireland in 1675; G of ? Capranica in 1676; G of Dungannon in 1690; G of Bunamargy in 1699362 C in Ireland in 1661; G of ? Youghal in 1669, of Carrick-on-­ Suir in 1671, of Clonmel in 1675, and of Waterford in 1678363 ? ?

C in Ireland in 1661361

(continued)

 APPENDICES 

225

? ? ?

?

? ?

?

Michael Mansell

Francis Burke Didacus Sheridan Mark MacDonnell Lei376

? ULS379 ? ? ? ?

Francis Porter c.1631–32, Kingstown Meath375

? ?

?

?

? ?

Conall Boyle James Gallagher Maurice Dunleavy Bonaventure Forstall Francis Tobin John Langan PRT in 1663 A in 1664

PRT in 1661

SD in 1665

PRT in 1665 A in 1664

?

?

? ?

MUN372 ?

MUN370 PRT in 1662

?

Francis Fitzgerald

Origin177 Ordination178

Date of birth

Names

(continued)

? ?

?

1663

1662 1662

1662

1662

1661 1661

1660

1660

Admission179

? ?

?

?

? ?

?

?

? ?

?

?

Date of defence of thesis180

G of Carrick-on-Suir in 1682381 ?

C in Ireland in 1680380

?

G of Rosserk in 1672, and of Rosserly in 1684, 1689, 1690, and in 1703374 LJ in 1678 and in 1684; PL and TL in 1664 and in 1668; G of St. Isidore’s in 1674; historian to the exiled Stuart court in Rome in 1690; author of seven works377 ? ?

Procurator of the Irish province in London between 1663 and June of 1665371 Procurator of the Irish province in London from June of 1665 to 1669373 ? ?

Subsequent activity

? ?

?

?

? ?

In 1702378

?

? ?

?

?

Death

226  APPENDICES

 APPENDICES 

227

Notes 1. Unless otherwise specified, all the information on this column is taken from Hugh Fenning, “Irishmen Ordained at Rome, 1572–1697”, Arch. Hib. 59 (2005): 1–36. 2. PICR, Liber I, fol. 80r. 3. PICR, Liber I, fol. 80r. 4. Fenning, “Irishmen Ordained at Rome”, 14. 5. APF, CP, vol. 18, fol. 76, Oliver Plunkett to Carlo Francesco Airoldi, 19 September 1671. 6. PICR, Liber I, fol. 80r. 7. PICR, Liber I, fol. 80r. 8. PICR, Liber I, fol. 80r. 9. PICR, Liber I, fol. 80r. 10. PICR, Liber I, fol. 80r. 11. PICR, Liber I, fol. 80r. 12. PICR, Liber I, fol. 80r. 13. PICR, Liber I, fol. 80r 14. Fenning, “Irishmen Ordained at Rome”, 15. 15. PICR, Liber I, fol. 80r. 16. PICR, Liber I, fol. 80r. 17. Fenning, “Irishmen Ordained at Rome”, 14. 18. PICR, Liber I, fol. 80v. 19. PICR, Liber I, fol. 80v. 20. PICR, Liber I, fol. 80v. 21. Fenning, “Irishmen Ordained at Rome”, 14. 22. PICR, Liber I, fol. 80v. 23. Fenning, “Irishmen Ordained at Rome”, 14. 24. PICR, Liber I, fol. 80v. 25. PICR, Liber I, fol. 80v. 26. Fenning, “Irishmen Ordained at Rome”, 14. 27. AAV, Dataria Apostolica, Processus Datariae, vol. 26, fols. 6v–8v, 15v–16r, 29r–30v, 32r–33v. 28. AAV, Dataria Apostolica, Processus Datarie, vol. 26, fols. 6v–8v, 29v-30v, 32r–33v. 29. Fenning, “Irishmen Ordained at Rome”, 15. 30. PICR, Liber I, fol. 80v. 31. AAV, Dataria Apostolica, Per Obitum, vol. 1637, fol. 213v; APF, Acta, vol. 14, fol. 127r, general congregation, 25 June 1640. 32. PICR, Liber I, fol. 82v. 33. Fenning, “Irishmen Ordained at Rome”, 17. 34. PICR, Liber I, fol. 82v.

228 

APPENDICES

35. PICR, Liber I, fol. 80v. 36. Fenning, “Irishmen Ordained at Rome”, 17. 37. PICR, Liber I, fol. 80v. 38. PICR, Liber I, fol. 80v. 39. PICR, Liber I, fol. 82v 40. Fenning, “Irishmen Ordained at Rome”, 15. 41. PICR, Liber I, fol. 80v. 42. PICR, Liber I, fol. 82v. 43. Fenning, “Irishmen Ordained at Rome”, 15. 44. PICR, Liber I, fol. 80r. 45. PICR, Liber I, fol. 80r. 46. Fenning, “Irishmen Ordained at Rome”, 17. 47. PICR, Liber I, fol. 83r. 48. PICR, Liber I, fol. 83r. 49. Fenning, “Irishmen Ordained at Rome”, 17. 50. PICR, Liber XII, fol. 30. 51. PICR, Liber I, fol. 83r. 52. PICR, Liber XII, fol. 31. 53. PICR, Liber I, fol. 83r. 54. Fenning, “Irishmen Ordained at Rome”, 18. 55. In the manuscript history of the Irish College, Quirke’s entry date was 25 November 1640. By contrast, according to an entry in Liber XXVI, he was admitted in 1642: PICR, Liber I, fol. 83r; Liber XXVI, fols. 56r–59v. 56. PICR, Liber XX, fol. 136v. 57. PICR, Liber XII, fol. 32. 58. He took the missionary oath on 6 January 1642: PICR, Liber XII, fol. 32. 59. Matteo Binasco, and Vera Orschel, “Prosopography of Irish Students admitted to the Irish College, Rome, 1628–1798 [with Index]”, Arch. Hib. 66 (2013): 52. 60. PICR, Liber XII, fol. 34. 61. He took the missionary oath on 6 January 1642: PICR, Liber XII, fol. 34. 62. Fenning, “Irishmen Ordained at Rome”, 19. 63. AAV Dataria Apostolica, Processus Datariae, vol. 24, fols. 16r–20v. 64. AAV, Dataria Apostolica, Processus Datariae, vol. 24, fols. 16r–18r; PICR, Liber XII, fol. 35. 65. He took the missionary oath on 6 January 1642: PICR, Liber XII, fol. 35. 66. Fenning, “Irishmen Ordained at Rome”, 19. 67. PICR, Liber I, fol. 83r. 68. PICR, Liber XII, fol. 33r. 69. He took the missionary oath on 6 January 1642: PICR, Liber XII, fol. 33r. 70. Fenning, “Irishmen Ordained at Rome”, 19.

 APPENDICES 

229

71. Binasco, and Orschel, “Prosopography of Irish Students admitted to the Irish College”, 52. 72. PICR, Liber XII, fol. 38. 73. He took the missionary oath on 25 October 1643: PICR, Liber XII, fol. 38. 74. Fenning, “Irishmen Ordained at Rome”, 19. 75. AAV, Dataria Apostolica, Processus Datariae, vol. 24, fols. 18v–20v. 76. PICR, Liber XII, fol. 36. 77. He took the missionary oath on 25 October 1643: PICR, Liber XII, fol. 36. 78. PICR, Liber I, fol. 85r 79. PICR, Liber XII, fol. 37. 80. He took the missionary oath on 25 October 1643: PICR, Liber XII, fol. 37. 81. Fenning, “Irishmen Ordained at Rome”, 19. 82. PICR, Liber XII, fol. 39. 83. He took the missionary oath on 5 February 1645: PICR, Liber XII, fol. 39. 84. Fenning, “Irishmen Ordained at Rome”, 19. 85. PICR, Liber XII, fol. 40. 86. He took the missionary oath in 1646: PICR, Liber XII, fol. 40. 87. Fenning, “Irishmen Ordained at Rome”, 13. 88. PICR, Liber XII, fol. 41. 89. Archivio del Collegio Urbano, Registro degli Alunni del Collegio Urbano, vol.VII-1, p. 34. 90. PICR, Liber XII, fol. 42. 91. PICR, Liber I, fol. 85v 92. Fenning, “Irishmen Ordained at Rome”, 21. 93. PICR, Liber I, fol. 85v. 94. PICR, Liber I, fol. 85v. 95. PICR, Liber I, fol. 85v. 96. PICR, Liber I, fol. 85v. 97. PICR, Liber XII, fol. 44. 98. APF, SC,Visite e Collegi dell’anno 1648, vol. 29, fol. 117r. 99. Fenning, “Irishmen Ordained at Rome”, 21. 100. PICR, Liber I, fol. 86r. 101. PICR, Liber XII, fol. 43. 102. APF, SC,Visite e Collegi dell’anno 1648, vol. 29, fol. 117r. 103. Fenning, “Irishmen Ordained at Rome”, 21. 104. Benignus Millett, and C.J.  Woods, “Roman Catholic Bishops from 1534”, in A New History of Ireland, IX: Maps, Genealogies, Lists, ed. T. W. Moody, F. X. Martin, F. J. Byrne (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1984), 355.

230 

APPENDICES

105. According to the Manuscript History of the Irish College, Plunkett was born in 1629. However, his official date of birth is usually indicated as on 1 November 1625: PICR, Liber I, fol. 86r; Helena Concannon, Blessed Oliver Plunkett: Archbishop of Armagh and Primate of all Ireland; Martyred at Tyburn, 11th July 1681 (Dublin: Browne and Nolan, 1935), XXI. 106. Tomás Ó Fiaich and Desmond Forristal, Oliver Plunkett: His Life and Letters (Dublin: Veritas Publications, 1975), 7. 107. APF, SC,Visite e Collegi dell’anno 1648, vol. 29, fol. 117r. 108. Fenning, “Irishmen Ordained at Rome”, 21. 109. PICR, Liber I, fol. 86r; John Hanly, ed., The Letters of Saint Oliver Plunkett, 539–587. 110. PICR, Liber I, fol. 86v. 111. PICR, Liber XII, fol. 45. 112. PICR, Liber I, fol. 86v. 113. Fenning, “Irishmen Ordained at Rome”, 21. 114. PICR, Liber I, fol. 86v. 115. PICR, Liber XII, fols. 46r-47v. 116. PICR, Liber XXVI, fol. 50v. 117. Fenning, “Irishmen Ordained at Rome”, 22. 118. PICR, Liber I, fol. 87r. 119. PICR, Liber I, fol. 87r. 120. Beginning with Maginn, the manuscript history of the Irish College reported whether a student came to Rome on invitation from the College’s authorities: PICR, Liber I, fol. 87r. 121. Fenning, “Irishmen Ordained at Rome”, 22. 122. PICR, Liber I, fol. 87r. 123. PICR, Liber I, fol. 87r. 124. Fenning, “Irishmen Ordained at Rome”, 22. 125. PICR, Liber I, fol. 87v. 126. PICR, Liber I, fol. 87v. 127. PICR, Liber I, fol. 87v. 128. Fenning, “Irishmen Ordained at Rome”, 22. 129. Millett, “Roman Catholic Bishops from 1534”, 351. 130. PICR, Liber I, fol. 88r. 131. PICR, Liber I, fol. 88r. 132. PICR, Liber I, fol. 88r. 133. Fenning, “Irishmen Ordained at Rome”, 22. 134. PICR, Liber I, fol. 88r. 135. PICR, Liber XII, fol. 52. 136. PICR, Liber I, fol. 88r. 137. Fenning, “Irishmen Ordained at Rome”, 22.

 APPENDICES 

231

138. PICR, Liber I, fol. 88r. 139. PICR, Liber I, fol. 88r. 140. PICR, Liber I, fol. 88r. 141. PICR, Liber I fol. 88v. 142. PICR, Liber XXVI, fol.51r. 143. PICR, Liber I, fol. 89r. 144. PICR, Liber XII, fol. 56. 145. PICR, Liber I, fol. 89r. 146. Fenning, “Irishmen Ordained at Rome”, 23. 147. PICR, Liber I, fol. 89v. 148. PICR, Liber I, fol. 89v. 149. PICR, Liber I, fol. 89v. 150. Fenning, “Irishmen Ordained at Rome”, 23. 151. PICR, Liber I, fol. 88r. 152. PICR, Liber XII, fols. 57, 60. 153. PICR, Liber I, fol. 88v. 154. Fenning, “Irishmen Ordained at Rome”, 23. 155. PICR, Liber I, fol. 88v; PICR, Liber IV, fol. 208r. 156. PICR, Liber I, fol. 89v. 157. PICR, Liber I, fol. 89v. 158. PICR, Liber I, fol. 89v. 159. PICR, Liber I, fol. 90r. 160. PICR, Liber I, fol. 90r. 161. PICR, Liber I, fol. 90r. 162. PICR, Liber I, fol. 90r. 163. Fenning, “Irishmen Ordained at Rome”, 24. 164. PICR, Liber I, fol. 90v. 165. PICR, Liber I, fol. 90v. 166. PICR, Liber I, fol. 90v. 167. Fenning, “Irishmen Ordained at Rome”, 24. 168. PICR, Liber I, fol. 90v. 169. PICR, Liber I, fol. 90v. 170. PICR, Liber I, fol. 90v. 171. PICR, Liber I, fol. 91r. 172. PICR, Liber I, fol. 91r. 173. PICR, Liber I, fol. 91r. 174. According to Fenning, he was from Achonry diocese: Fenning, “Irishmen Ordained at Rome”, 24. 175. PICR, Liber I, fol. 91r. 176. Fenning, “Irishmen Ordained at Rome”, 24. 177. Unless otherwise specified, the information in this column is taken from Brendan Jennings, “Miscellaneous Documents-II, 1625–1640”, Arch. Hib. 14 (1949): 1–12.

232 

APPENDICES

178. Unless otherwise specified, the information in this row is taken from Hugh Fenning, “Irishmen Ordained at Rome, 1572–1697”, Arch. Hib. 59 (2005): 1–36. 179. Unless otherwise specified, the information in this column is taken from Jennings, “Miscellaneous Documents”, 1–12. 180. Unless otherwise specified, the information in this column is taken from Jennings, “Theses defended at St. Isidore’s College, Rome, 1631–1649”, Coll. Hib. 2 (1959): 95–104. 181. Jennings, “Miscellaneous Documents”, 2. 182. AAV, Dataria Apostolica, Processus Datariae, vol. 24, fols. 32v, 35r-36v. 183. Gregory Cleary, Father Luke, 84–86. 184. Jérôme Poulenc, OFM, “Deux registres de religieux décédes au grand couvent de Paris au XVIIe siècle”, Archivium Franciscanum Historicum 59, no.3–4 (1966): 344. 185. LL, 23, 28; Benignus Millett, The Irish Franciscans, 1651–1665 (Rome: Gregorian University Press, 1964), 36–38. 186. Ibid., 38. 187. Jennings, “Irish Names in the Malines Ordination Registers, 1602–1749”, I. E. R. 76 (July–December 1951): 47. 188. APF, SOCG, vol. 135, fols. 204, 209, Dominic Burke to PF, [1636?]; LL, 6, 14, 20, 24, 30, 34, 358; Cleary, Father Luke, 145–146; Millett, The Irish Franciscans, 284–285. 189. Ibid., 285. 190. Jennings, “Irish Names in the Malines”, I. E. R. 76: 232. 191. Jennings, “Miscellaneous Documents”, 2; Giblin, “Francis MacDonnell, O.F.M., Son of the First Earl of Antrim (d.1636)”, Seanchas Ardmhacha 8, no.1 (1975–1976): 44–54. 192. Ibid. 193. Jennings, “Irish Names in the Malines”, I.E.R. 77 (January–June 1952): 203. 194. Jennings, “Miscellaneous Documents”, 2; Cleary, Father Luke, 124. 195. Jennings, “Irish Names in the Malines”, I.E.R. 76: 131. 196. Cleary, Father Luke, 123–124. 197. Millett, The Irish Franciscans, 497. 198. Jennings, “Miscellaneous Documents”, 2. 199. Ibid., 2. 200. Cleary, Father Luke, 126–127. 201. Jennings, “Miscellaneous Documents”, 2. 202. Ibid., 10. 203. Ibid., 9. 204. Ibid., 10. 205. AAV, Dataria Apostolica, Processus Datariae, vol. 20, fols. 320r-326v.

 APPENDICES 

233

206. Jennings, “Miscellaneous Documents”, 10; Cleary, Father Luke, 128–129. 207. Ibid. 208. Jennings, “Miscellaneous Documents”, 3; LL, 29, 359. 209. AAV, Dataria Apostolica, Processus Datariae, vol. 26, fols. 17v-18r. 210. Jennings, “Miscellaneous Documents”, 2; Cleary, Father Luke, 86–87; LL, 23, 358. 211. ACSI, Sectio W 14, no.17; LL, 117, 120, 140. 212. Ibid., 18. 213. Cleary, Father Luke, 148–149. 214. Ibid. 215. Jennings, “Miscellaneous Documents”, 11. 216. Ibid., 3; LL, 118. 217. Jennings, “Miscellaneous Documents”, 3. 218. Jennings, “Irish Names in the Malines Ordination Registers”, I. E. R. 75 (1951): 158. 219. Ignatius Fennessy, “A Selected Prosopography of some Irish Franciscans on the Continent”, in The Irish Franciscans, 1534–1990, ed. Edel Bhreathnach, Joseph MacMahon, and John McCafferty (Dublin: Four Courts Press, 2009), 333. 220. Ibid. 221. Jennings, “Miscellaneous Documents”, 3. 222. Ibid., 11. 223. Ibid., 3. 224. Ibid.; Anthony Bruodin, Propugnaculum catholicae veritatis, libris X.  Constructum, in duasque partes divisum (Pragae: typis Universitatis Carlo-Ferinandeae, 1669), 708–709. 225. Ibid. 226. Jennings, “Miscellaneous Documents”, 3. 227. Ibid. 228. Ibid., 11. 229. Ibid., 3. 230. Jennings, “Irish Names in the Malines”, I.E.R 75: 158. 231. LL, 18, 23, 27, 34, 39; Cleary, Father Luke, 87. 232. Jennings, “Miscellaneous Documents”, 3, 10. 233. Ibid., 11. 234. LL, 17, 28, 357. 235. Cleary, Father Luke, 88. 236. Ibid., 88–99. 237. Cleary, Father Luke, 92. 238. Ibid., 98; Jennings, “Miscellaneous Documents”, 11. 239. LL, 21, 34, 39, 54, 56–57, 64, 67–68, 98, 121, 144, 168. 240. HMC, Franciscan, 194; Cleary, Father Luke, 132–133.

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241. Jennings, “Miscellaneous Documents”, 4. 242. APF, SOCG, vol. 135, fols. 204, 209, Dominic Burke, to PF, [1636?]; Millett, The Irish Franciscans, 328. 243. Ibid., 364. 244. Ibid. 245. LL, 18, 36, 204. 246. Jennings, “Miscellaneous Documents”, 4. 247. Ibid. 248. Ibid., 11. 249. Ibid. 250. Ibid.; LL, 16, 22, 36; Millett, The Irish Franciscans, 434. 251. Jennings, “Miscellaneous Documents”, 4. 252. LL, 22. 253. AAV, Dataria Apostolica, Processus Datariae, vol. 24, fols. 33r-34r. 254. Jennings, “Miscellaneous Documents”, 4. 255. Millett, The Irish Franciscans, 39–41. 256. Ibid. 257. Jennings, “Miscellaneous Documents”, 4. 258. LL, 16, 28. 259. LL, 16, 23, 28, 34, 39, 116, 123, 133, 137, 141, 145, 161, 163, 182, 189. 260. LL, 14, 19, 20, 30, 34. 261. For a full analysis of his life see Canice Mooney, “Father Francis Magruairk, OFM”, Seanchas Ardmhacha. Journal of the Armagh Diocesan Historical Society 2, no. 2 (1957): 229–261. 262. Ibid., 251. 263. Jennings, “Irish Names in the Malines”, I.E.R. 76: 132. 264. LL, 6–7, 34, 120, 133, 138, 144. 265. Ibid., 359. 266. Jennings, “Irish Names in the Malines”, I.E.R. 76: 132. 267. LL, 56, 64, 96, 103. 268. Cleary, Father Luke, 142–143. 269. Jennings, “Irish Names in the Malines”, I.E.R. 76: 399. 270. Cleary, Father Luke, 142–145. 271. Ibid., 144. 272. LL, 14, 30, 53–54, 64, 67, 75, 121, 170, 184–185, 189. 273. Ibid., 15, 21, 26, 274. AAV, Dataria Apostolica, Processus Datariae, vol. 21, fols. 82v-83v. 275. LL, 14, 19, 21, 30, 35, 54, 57–58, 65, 67–68, 121, 128, 144. 276. Cleary, Father Luke, 131; Millett, The Irish Franciscans, 59, 200, 478–479. 277. Jennings, “Miscellaneous Documents”, 11; LL, 14, 20.

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278. Jennings, “Miscellaneous Documents”, 11. 279. Ibid., 6; LL, 28, 34, 53, 56. 280. Jennings, “Miscellaneous Documents”, 11; LL, 18, 24, 34, 64. 281. Ibid. 282. Ibid.; LL, 18. 283. Jennings, “Miscellaneous Documents”, 6. 284. Cleary, Father Luke, 104. 285. Jennings, “Miscellaneous Documents”, 11; Cleary, Father Luke, 104–108 286. Ibid., 107. 287. Jennings, “Miscellaneous Documents”, 6, 8; Cleary, Father Luke, 114–118. 288. Ibid., 118. 289. Jennings, “Miscellaneous Documents”, 5. 290. Cleary, Father Luke, 141. 291. Ibid. 292. UCD-OFM, MS C 63, fol. 102v. 293. Cleary, Father Luke, 139. 294. Millett, The Irish Franciscans, 363–364. 295. Jennings, “Miscellaneous Documents”, 12; LL, 91–92, 116, 130, 177, Cleary, Father Luke, 141. 296. Jennings, “Irish Names in the Malines”, I.E.R. 76: 399; Cleary, Father Luke, 132 297. Ibid. 298. Ibid. 299. AAV, Dataria Apostolica, Processus Datariae, vol. 21, fol. 84. 300. LL, 14, 26, 35. 301. Cleary, Father Luke, 108. 302. Ibid., 108–112. 303. Ibid., 110. 304. LL, 18. 305. Millett, The Irish Franciscans, 136, 217, 267, 276–278, 328–330. 306. Ibid., 278. 307. Jennings, “Miscellaneous Documents”, 12; Millett, The Irish Franciscans, 365. 308. Jennings, “Irish Names in the Malines”, I.E.R. 76: 47. 309. Jennings, “Miscellaneous Documents”, 11; LL, 58, 65, 68; Millett, The Irish Franciscans, 435. 310. Jennings, “Miscellaneous Documents”, 7. 311. Cleary, Father Luke, 112–113. 312. Ibid., 113. 313. Ibid., 138–139; LL, 52, 54, 57, 66, 120, 124, 133, 162.

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314. LL, 18, 53–55, 57, 66, 115, 122, 128, 136, 141, 146, 151, 162, 167, 175. 315. LL, 70; Millett, The Irish Franciscans, 126, 137. 316. Ibid., 201. 317. Ibid., 435. 318. Ibid., 123, footnote no.89. 319. Ibid., 141. 320. Jennings, “Miscellaneous Documents”, 11. 321. LL, 30, 36. 322. LL, 122, 129–130. 323. Ibid., 15, 132, 134–135, 139–140; Millett, The Irish Franciscans, 279–281, 426. 324. AAV, Dataria Apostolica, Processus Datariae, vol. 26, fols. 6v-8v. 325. Cleary, Father Luke, 134–136. 326. Jennings, “Miscellaneous Documents”, 11. 327. LL, 18, 36. 328. Jennings, “Miscellaneous Documents”, 8. 329. LL, 18. 330. Jennings, “Miscellaneous Documents”, 7. 331. Ibid., 8. 332. LL, 117–118, 123. 333. Cleary, Father Luke, 136. 334. Ibid., 136–138. 335. Millett, “List of Irish Franciscans in Prague, 1656–1791”, Coll. Hib. 36/37 (1994/1995): 63. 336. Jennings, “Miscellaneous Documents”, 8. 337. Ibid., 8, 12 338. Ibid., 8. 339. Jennings, “Miscellaneous Documents”, 7. 340. Ibid., 12. 341. ACSI, MS W 14, ‘Nomina patrum ac fratrum collegii nostri Pragensis ex quatuor Hiberniae partibus,’ no.7; LL, 119–121, 124, 132, 135–136, 140, 144–145, 150, 161, 168, 184, 189–190, 194. 342. Jennings, “Miscellaneous Documents”, 8; Cleary, Father Luke, 139. 343. Millett, The Irish Franciscans, 364. 344. Ibid., 434. 345. LL, 104, 118, 132–133, 135, 137. 346. Ibid., 66, 92, 95, 98, 117, 119–120, 124, 127, 131–132, 135, 140, 145, 150, 154, 166, 168, 179, 184–185, 189, 194, 196, 199. 347. Ibid., 228, 230. 348. Millett, “List of Irish Franciscans in Prague”, 62. 349. LL, 72.

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350. LL, 40. 351. Ibid., 183, 198, 288; Jennings, “Miscellaneous Documents”, 10. 352. LL, 118–121; Millett, The Irish Franciscans, 527, 529, 531–532. 353. Cleary, Father Luke, 121. 354. LL, 67, 133. 355. Jennings, “Miscellaneous Documents”, 10. 356. Ibid., 10, 12, Cleary, Father Luke, 113. 357. Ibid. 358. APF, Fondo di Vienna, vol. 14, fol. 293r, petition of Thomas Grace to PF, 1658?; LL, 67, 115, 122, 133, 137. 359. Jennings, “Miscellaneous Documents”, 12. 360. LL, 58, 65–66, 68, 116, 122, 129. 361. Ibid., 66. 362. Ibid., 134, 139, 191, 229. 363. Ibid., 66, 116, 122, 129, 133, 137, 141. 364. Ibid., 167, 170, 174, 180, 183, 185, 190, 195. 365. Ibid., 65–66. 366. Ibid., 154. 367. Dates of entry are taken from the apostolic visitation made in 1663. See AAV, Miscellanea, Armadio VII, vol. 60, fols. 331r-351v. 368. LL, 230. 369. Ibid., 153, 173, 176, 180, 194. 370. Millett, The Irish Franciscans, 63. 371. Ibid., 63, 319–320, 546. 372. Ibid., 63. 373. APF, Acta, vol. 38, fols. 110–111, general congregation, 2 April 1669. 374. LL, 127, 186, 191, 287. 375. Fennessy, “A Selected Prosopography”, 341. 376. Ibid., 341–342; see also Lucien Ceyssens, “François Porter, franciscain irlandais à Rome”, in Miscellanea Melchor de Pobladura, ed. Isidorus a Villapadierna (Romae: Institutum Historicum O.F.M.  CAP., 1964), I: 387–419. 377. Fennessy, “A Selected Prosopography”, 342; LL, 143. 378. Fennessy, “A Selected Prosopography”, 342. 379. AAV, Miscellanea, Armadio VII, vol. 60, fols. 339v–344. 380. LL, 149. 381. Ibid., 151.(continued)(continued)(continued)(continued)

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Index1

A Achonry, 175 Acta, 9 Agretti, Claudio, 157 Airoldi, Carlo Francesco, 131, 181 Albergati, Fabio, 72, 73, 88, 89n6 Alberizzi, Mario, 130, 131, 133 Albert VII, archduke, 31, 41n57 Alexander VI, Pope, 98 Alexander VII, Pope, 49, 123, 155, 156, 162n70 Amazon, 100, 101, 108 America, Central, 98, 103, 167 America, South, 98, 103, 167 Anania, Marcello, 156 Anglicanism, 2 Anglo-Dutch War, 178 Annales Minorum, 79, 103, 126, 161n51 Antigua, 99, 105, 108, 118n66, 165, 177, 179, 180, 188n51 Aquitaine, 170 Aracoeli, convent, 87, 152

Ardfert, 76, 77 Armagh, 27, 29, 38n31, 47, 57, 83, 131, 133, 134, 172 Arthur, Peter, 150 Arthur, Richard, 47 Arthur, Thomas, 122, 123, 130, 150 Asia, 167 Askeaton, 74 Athboy, 83 Atlantic, 2, 4, 19n21, 98, 100, 103, 105, 108, 112n6, 114n17, 171, 194 Augsburg, 77 Augustinians, Irish, 76, 77 Austria, 12n5, 31–33 Avignon, 75, 90n23 B Ball, Mathias, 84, 147 Baptist, John, 98 Barbados, 99, 101, 108, 165, 174–177, 179, 180, 182

 Note: Page numbers followed by ‘n’ refer to notes.

1

© The Author(s) 2020 M. Binasco, Making, Breaking and Remaking the Irish Missionary Network, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-47372-3

273

274 

INDEX

Barberini, Antonio, 59, 60, 68n102, 71, 80, 81, 107, 152, 176, 189n73 Barberini, Francesco, 45, 49, 50, 79, 153, 161n43, 161n49, 161n51 Bargiocchi, Gianbattista, 122, 137n5, 147, 148 Barletta, 79 Barnewall, John, 86, 87 Baron, Bonaventure, 1, 79 Baron, Geoffrey, 1, 10n1, 110, 111 Barr, Colin, 4, 20n25 Barry, James, 74 Barry, Robert, 47, 75 Basadone Spinola, Agostino, 79 Bellings, Richard, 133, 139n44 Benavides de la Cueva y Mendoza-­Carrillo, Alonso, 79 Benedectines, Irish, 26 Bentivoglio, Guido, 26, 47 Bergin, William, 83, 84 Bermingham, Francis, 152, 156 Bilbao, 23 Bishop, William, 54 Bolivar, Gregorio, 105 Bolzano, 79 Boniface VIII, Pope, 26 Borghese, Scipione, 31 Brady, John, 13n6, 134, 135 Brancaccio, Francesco Maria, 156 Bray, Edmund, 154 Brazil, 98 Brenan, James, 150, 151 Brenan, John, 124, 130, 134 Briskett, Anthony, 101, 114n22 British Empire, 4 Brouder, Daniel, 154, 155 Brown, Mark, 87 Brum, William, 108

Brussels, 12n5, 62n6, 62n7, 62n8, 69n107, 131, 141n74, 142n108, 181 Buckley, Robert, 166 Burgat, William, 177–181, 183 Burke, Dominic, 76 Burke, Hugh, 80 Burke, John, 75 Butler, James (duke of Ormond), 83, 109, 154 Buttevant, 74 C Caffarelli, Scipione, 30, 41n57 Callanan, Eugene, 53, 56, 57, 66n61, 134, 135 Calvert, Leonard (lord Baltimore), 100 Canada, 21n35, 98 Capranica, 79, 155, 156 Capuchins, French, 1, 98, 102, 103, 110, 119n72, 166 Capuchins, Irish, 175 Carafa, Carlo, 131 Carafa, Vincenzo, 146 Carey, Hilary, 4, 20n25 Caribbean, 4, 100, 109, 173, 181 Carmelite, Discalced, 103 Caron, Raymond, 154 Carroll, Clare, 3, 17n13, 17n16, 29, 40n46, 195 Cartagena, 47 Carthy, Anthony, 127 Casale, 80 Casanate, Girolamo, 178 Cashel, 52, 56, 128, 134, 177, 181 Cassin, Bonaventure, 152 Castelgandolfo, 58 Castile, 182 Castille, Franciscan province, 128 Castillon, André, 170, 171

 INDEX 

Catholicism, 2, 4, 5, 23, 25, 29, 33, 34, 36n22, 42n70, 45, 54, 170, 181, 195, 197n1 Cerri, Urbano, 197 Chamberlain, Edward, 151 Charles II, 83, 87, 133 Charleville, 182 Chichester, Arthur, 23 China, 98 Cistercian, Irish, 77 Clarke, Aidan, 59 Clement VIII, Pope, 29 Clenan, John, 135 Clery, Philip, 68n100, 74, 78 Clonmel, 135, 154 Codignola, Luca, 4, 19n21, 21n35, 105, 111n3, 113n11 Colgan, Eugene, 67n76, 68n102, 74 Collegio Romano, 53, 55, 72, 84 Collegio Urbano, 134, 137n7 Coloma, Pedro, 155, 162n68 Commentarius Rinuccinianus, 154 Commonwealth of England, 174 Compagnie des Cent-Associés, 101 Compagnie des Isles de l’Amérique, 101 Compagnie du St-Sacrament, 171 Congregation of Missionary Priests of the Most Blessed Sacrament, 75, 90n23 Connacht, 60, 68n100, 75, 76, 82, 85, 104, 122, 129, 138n28, 154, 155 Connachtmen, 51, 85, 122, 125, 138n28, 152, 155–157 Conny, Bernard, 76, 128, 140n56 Conny, Bonaventure, 86 Conry, Florence (Flaithrí Ó Maolchonaire), 24, 32, 58 Constantinople, 98 Conway, Richard, 54, 98, 99, 112n7

275

Corish, Patrick J., 17n13, 17n14, 21n35, 57, 82 Cork, 42n66, 52, 150 Creagh, John, 122, 123, 130, 150 Creagh, Peter, 150 Creagh, Richard, 27 Cuba, 182 Cullen, Louis, 11n5, 100 Curaçao, 100 Curneen, Joseph, 76 Cusack, James, 132–134 D Da Genoa, Benigno, 47, 49 Da Sartiano, Alberto, 136 Da Siena, Bernardino, 49 Da Silva Gomez, Ruiz, 49 De Bonavides, Alonso, 99 De La Frontera, Jerez, 77 De La Fuente, Gaspar, 50, 51 De Lévis, Henri (duke of Ventadour), 171 De Longueville, Hyacinthe, 103 De Loyola, Ignatius, 31 De Merinero, Juan, 80 De Paul, Vincent, 172 De Poincy Longvilliers, Philippe, 109, 166 De Polanco, Juan, 31 De Provins, Pacifique, 19n21, 119n72, 171, 187n40 De Riera, Juan, 50, 51 De Trejo, Antonio, 47, 48, 50 De Vecchi, Gerolamo (abbot of Monte Reale), 176 Delahoid, Bonaventure, 128 Delahyde, Balthazar, 47 Della Spina Carafa, Carlo, 131 Della Tripalda, Remigio, 79 Derry, 57, 67n84, 67n85, 74, 83 Desmond Rebellion, 27

276 

INDEX

Di Bagno Guidi, Niccolò, 172 Di Sambuca, Michelangelo Buongiorno, 87 Doherty, Anthony, 86, 87 Dominicans, Irish, 26, 76, 176 Dowdall, Gerard, 122, 123 Downham, George, 57, 67n84 Drogheda, 77, 135, 174 Du Tertre, Jean-Baptiste, 10, 21n36, 115n30, 170, 179 Dublin, 10n1, 12n5, 13n6, 23, 37n30, 39n42, 46, 52, 62n7, 83, 87, 92n61, 96n124, 133, 150 Durcan, Ludovic, 135, 136 Dutch, 99, 100, 113n9, 179, 197 Duvivyer, Henri, 169, 170, 186n31 E Egypt, 98 Emly, 47, 177 Enagh, 134 England, 35n10, 45, 50, 54, 76, 85, 106, 108, 114n22, 157, 158, 167, 182, 184n4 English, 2, 18n17, 24, 26–28, 32, 33, 84, 85, 99–106, 108–110, 113n9, 121, 147, 153, 154, 161n54, 165–184, 197 English College, Douai, 28, 149 English College, Rome, 28 English College, St. Omer, 149, 160n25 Europe, 2–5, 7, 12n5, 24, 26, 37n26, 50, 71, 79, 85, 86, 89, 97, 98, 103, 110, 125, 134, 167–170, 174–176, 183, 196

F Fagnani, Prospero, 156 Fahy, John, 68n100, 74, 75 Fallon, James, 175, 176, 178 Fareissy, Fernand, 104, 116n42 Father Malcot, 30 Felan, James, 130 Fenning, Hugh, 3, 9, 17n15 Feorish, 175 Ferns, 47, 48, 131 Ferri, Petronio, 122, 147, 148 Field, Thomas, 98 Fingal, 83 Fitzgerald, Francis, 157 Fitzsimon, Henry, 78 Fleming, Patrick, 51 Fleming, Thomas, 52, 62n7 Fonseca, Pedro, 24 Ford, James, 72, 88 Fougourty, James, 172 France, 2, 5, 12n5, 24–26, 32, 76, 130, 131, 150, 153, 155, 166, 169, 172, 178, 180 Franciscans, Irish, 8, 24, 26, 32, 46, 48, 58, 59, 62n7, 77, 96n124, 99, 138n28, 153, 155, 156 Franciscans, Spanish Discalced, 48 French, 1, 10, 19n21, 98, 99, 101–103, 105, 109, 118–119n72, 131, 166, 167, 169, 172–174, 179, 180 G Gaelic, 23, 24, 37n30, 46, 72, 105, 153, 172 Gallio, Tolomeo, 28, 39n39 Galway, 23, 36n18, 76, 84, 100, 117n44, 128, 158, 166 Garzadoro, Agostino, 72, 89n6 German Assistancy, 84 German College, Rome, 84

 INDEX 

Giblin, Cathaldus, 9, 12n5, 13n6, 36n14 Giunti, Lucantonio, 53, 54, 58 Gottifredi, Alessandro, 72, 74 Gough, James, 132 Grace, John, 176–184 Grace, Thomas, 128, 129, 177 Greek, 27, 61, 151 Greek College, Rome, 151 Gregory XIII, Pope, 27, 53 Gregory XV, Pope, 11n3, 30, 46, 48 Guadeloupe, 100, 102, 165, 169, 170, 179, 180 Gwynn, Aubrey, 3, 21n36, 112n6 H Habsburgs, 33 Harold, Francis, 8, 49, 54, 156 Hay, James (first earl of Carlisle), 101 Hazard, Benjamin, 78, 139n42 Hederman, Dermot, 177 Heliopolis, 172 Hermann, Friedrich (Duke of Schomberg), 172 Heslenan, John, 129, 154–156 Hickey, Anthony, 51 Hilton, Anthony, 99 Holy Office, 53, 54, 65n55, 66n61, 76 Holy See, 4, 19n21, 25, 33, 45, 52, 54, 59–61, 79, 98, 102, 104, 172, 194, 197 Hopton, Arthur, 103, 116n35 Houel, Charles, 169 Howlin, John, 24 I Iberian Peninsula, 2, 5, 11n5, 15n9, 23–26, 31–33, 54, 58, 76, 80, 86, 157 Inchiquin, 153

277

Index, Congregation of, 79, 126, 134, 142n107 India, 98 Indochina, 172 Ingoli, Francesco, 60, 103–107, 111, 194 Ingolstad, 84 Inishbofin, 128 Innocent II, Pope, 98 Innocent X, Pope, 146 Ireland, 1–9, 23–29, 31–34, 36n18, 45, 46, 48, 50–53, 55–57, 60, 71–76, 79–89, 97–99, 102, 103, 107–111, 121–136, 145, 147, 148, 150, 151, 153–159, 165–167, 169, 170, 174–178, 180, 182, 184, 193–197 Irish College, Alcalá De Henares, 54, 66n68 Irish College, Antwerp, 24, 132 Irish College, Bordeaux, 24, 26, 166 Irish College, Douai, 24, 26, 29, 30, 59 Irish College, Lille, 24, 132 Irish College, Lisbon, 26, 29, 47 Irish College, Paris, 24, 171, 173 Irish College, Poitiers, 151 Irish College, Rome, 3, 6, 27, 33, 46, 48, 53, 61, 97, 111, 121, 145, 158, 171, 183, 193, 194 Irish College, Salamanca, 24, 26, 29 Irish College, Santiago de Compostela, 24, 54 Irish College, Seville, 24, 54, 98 Irish College, Tournai, 24 Irish College, Valladolid, 24 Irish Confederates, 81, 109, 110, 127, 153 Irish Confederation, 1, 110, 127, 152, 153, 155, 158 Irish Franciscan College, Louvain, 87 Irish Franciscan College, Prague, 76, 87 Irish secular college, Louvain, 46

278 

INDEX

J James II, 182 Jamestown, 83 Japan, 61, 98 Jesuit, 8, 21n28, 26, 32, 41n65, 42n70, 52–54, 56, 58–60, 71–74, 76–78, 81–85, 98–100, 104, 109, 110, 119n72, 121, 122, 129, 130, 132, 146–149, 151, 166–170, 175, 196 Jesuits, Irish, 1, 3, 8, 10, 24, 32, 98, 99, 110, 112n7, 147, 151, 166, 169, 170 João IV, 108 K Kilkenny, 79, 81, 84, 127, 130, 139n44 Killaoe, 56 Kilnalahan, 134 King, Paul, 152 Kinsale, 30 Klosternenberg, 79 L La Coruña, 23 La Rochelle, 170 La Sapienza, 31 Lea, Laurence, 47 Ledwith, Patrick, 132 Leewark Islands, 109, 118n66, 178, 180 Leinster, 24, 32, 59, 60, 71, 75, 82, 85, 121, 122, 125, 129, 154 Leinster army, 83 Leinstermen, 51, 125, 149, 155, 157 Lesley, William, 173 Liber Lovaniensis, 9 Limerick, 23, 47, 127, 130, 150, 170

Lismore, 134 Livorno, 84 Lombard, Peter, 28–30, 34, 39n44, 46, 48 London, 83, 101, 157, 158, 168 Loreto, 151 Louis XIII, 101 Louth, 51 Louvain, 28, 46, 51, 52, 75–77, 79, 86, 87, 134, 150, 154, 176, 194 Low Countries, 45 Lucern, 136 Ludovisi, Ludovico, 45–47, 50, 55, 57–61, 133, 146, 194 Ludovisi, Niccolò, 50, 51, 60, 122, 123, 133, 146 Lull, Raymond, 51 Luttrell, Thomas, 122, 123, 137n7 Lyons, 77, 80 M MacBrehun, Malachy, 78 Macdaniel, Francis, 76 MacDonnell, Mark, 158 MacGeoghegan, Anthony, 71, 72 MacGeoghegan, Roche, 72 Madden, Francis Xavier, 132 Maddon, John, 172, 173 Madrid, 45, 103, 112n8, 135 Maffei, Agnelli Scipione, 80 Maginn, Ronan, 132, 133, 137n19 Magruairk, Francis, 86, 155, 162n67 Manero, Pedro, 152–154 Mansell, Michael, 157, 158 Mantova, 79, 80 Maratta, Carlo, 78 Marchant, Pierre, 154 Margaret of Austria, 33 Maronite College, Rome, 27, 53 Martinica, 100, 165, 179, 180, 188n51

 INDEX 

Maryland, 100, 167 Matozinhos, friary of, 47 Matson, Francis, 166 Mattei, Girolamo, 28 Matthews, Eugene, 46 Matthews, Maurus, 154 McCaghwell, Hugh (Aodh Mac Aingil), 57 McGinn, Brian, 170 Meacher, William, 86 Meath, 59, 71, 83, 134, 135 Meelick, 134 Melho Silvia, Garcia, 24 Mellaghin, Bonaventure, 153 Messina, 77 Middle Ages, 26, 27 Milan, 79, 125, 126 Miles, James, 77 Millett, Benignus, 21n29, 154 Molloy, Paul, 77 Montesanto, 151 Montgomery, Thomas, 182 Monti, Cesare, 99 Montserrat, 100, 101, 105, 108, 114n23, 118n66, 165, 168–170, 177, 179–181 Moore, Richmond, 174 Moyne, 87, 158 Moynes, Vera, 8 Munster, 24, 32, 51, 56, 59, 60, 67n76, 75, 76, 82, 85, 100, 122, 125, 128, 129, 153, 154, 158 Munstermen, 51, 85, 125, 149, 155, 157 Murphy, Joseph, 152, 160n43 N Naples, 77, 79, 84, 87, 135 Nevis, 99, 105, 118n66, 180 New England, 101

279

Newfoundland, 103 New France, 167, 172 New Mexico, 99 Nickel, Goswin, 129, 148, 169 Nicosia, 77 Nine Years War, 23 O Oates, Titus, 83 O’Cahan, Eugene, 128 O’Carraghy, Thaddeus, 86, 128 O’Clohessy, John, 131, 132 O’Connor, Felix, 176 O’Connor, Thomas, 25, 57 O’Donnell, Rory, 29, 40n47 O’Drohen, Daniel, 47 O’Dwyer, Edmund, 104, 105, 127 O’Ferrall, Bernardine, 175, 176 O’Grady, Murtagh, 103 Ó hAnnaracháin, Tadgh, 4 O’Hartegan, Matthew, 1, 81, 107–111, 118n72, 121 O’Hurley, Maurice, 47 O’Kelly, Terence, 56, 57, 74, 176 Old-English, 24, 87, 100, 105, 153, 154 Olier, Jean-Jacques, 172 Oliva, Giampaolo, 148 O’Neill, David, 104 O’Nelan, Denis, 128 O’Queely, Malachy, 102–109, 111, 166, 175, 195 Oratorian, 81, 129, 130, 132 O’Reilly, Edmund, 131, 133 Orthodox, 27 Orthodoxe fidei propagationem, bull, 98 Osborne, Roger, 168, 173 Ossory, 31, 46 O’Sullivan, Francis, 153

280 

INDEX

P Padova, 131 Palermo, 154 Pallu, François, 172 Papal Curia, 25–29, 31, 33, 34, 45, 47, 50, 61, 80, 134 Paraguay, 32, 98 Paris, 1, 11n4, 24, 36n18, 45, 81, 83, 110, 129, 133, 151, 170–173, 177 Pastrana, 49 Patti, 77 Paul V, Pope, 26, 29, 33, 52 Pàzmàny, Peter, 79 Pelleprat, Pierre, 10, 167–170 Peppard, Peter, 132 Pérez Tostado, Igor, 4 Perez, Julian, 4, 152, 153, 155 Per obitum, 33, 57 Perugia, 79, 132, 151 Philbin, Francis, 158 Philip III, 24, 26, 33, 48, 54 Philip IV, 48–50, 103, 153 Philippines, 98 Piccolomini, Celio, 131 Piccolomini, Francesco, 166, 167 Piers, Henry, 28 Piis Christifidelium, bull, 52 Pincian Hill, 48, 55, 72 Pizzorusso, Giovanni, 3, 113n11, 188n51 Plunkett, Alexander, 182 Plunkett, John, 122, 123 Plunkett, Luke, 83 Plunkett, Oliver, 83, 84, 124, 129–131, 133, 142n107, 142n108, 150, 160n30, 197 Point-de-Sable, 168, 169, 179 Pontoise, 79 Popish Plot, 83, 182 Portuguese, 24, 45, 98–100, 108

Potomac, 100 Prague, 77, 79, 87, 126, 135, 154 Propaganda Fide, Sacred Congregation de, 1, 10n3, 45, 99, 193 Protestant, 1, 24, 27, 28, 33, 57, 59, 74, 83–85, 98, 99, 101, 103–106, 108, 109, 154, 168, 170, 173, 179 Puerto Rico, 181, 182, 191n111 Puglia, 84 Purcelle, James, 100 Purcelle, Peter, 172, 173 Purcelle, Philip, 100 Puricelli, Giovanni Pietro, 126, 139n40, 139n42 Q Quin, 128 Quinn, Richard, 131, 132 Quinn, Thomas, 147 Quirke, James, 83 R Raphoe, 56, 83 Recollect, Spanish, 105 Reilly, James, 151 Restoration, 127, 132, 134, 136, 150, 175, 176 Ricasoli di San Secondo, Lucrezia, 73 Ridolfi, Nicola, 79 Rinuccini, Giovanni Battista, 81, 87, 153 Roche, Patrick, 30–32, 34 Roma, Giulio, 79 Rome, 1–6, 8, 23–34, 45–54, 56, 58, 59, 61, 71–75, 77–79, 81–89, 97, 98, 102–104, 106, 108, 110, 111, 121–127, 129–136,

 INDEX 

142n108, 145, 147, 149–155, 157, 158, 165–184, 193–197 Rosolini, Girolamo, 73, 148 Ross, 47, 75 Rosserk, 158 Rosserly, 158 Rossetti Vittori, Carlo, 178 Rothe, David, 46, 47, 51, 52 Rothe, Thomas, 31, 32 Rusco, Giovanni, 122, 123, 137n5, 145–147 S Sacchi, Andrea, 78 Sacra Rota, 59, 60, 68n98, 146 Sacred Apostolic Palace, 79 St. Andrea delle Fratte, parish of, 51 St. Barbara’s, college, 177 St. Barthélémy, 179 St. Christophe, 99, 102, 109, 118–119n72, 166–169 St. Christopher, 1, 97, 99–110, 121, 165–169, 177–180 St. Edmund, Hospice, Rome, 26 St. Eustatius, 100 St. Isidore’s College, Rome, 232n180 St. John, monastery, 172 Saint-Malo, 79 St. Maria in Via Lata, church of, 130 Saint Patrick’s College, Rome, 30 St. Peter’s college, Rome, 149 St. Pietro in Montorio, church of, 29, 32 St. Spirito in Sassia, church of, 29 St. Thomas, church, 83 St. Thomas, Hospice, Rome, 26 Salzburg, 77, 79 San Giovanni dei Fiorentini, church of, 132 San Girolamo della Carità, church of, 129

281

San Rocco a Ripetta, church of, 131 Santa Lucia alle Botteghe Oscure, church of, 28 Santa Maria Nuova, convent of, 87 Sant’Andrea, Jesuit house of, 78 Saxonum, Schola, 26 Scarampi, Pierfrancesco, 81, 124, 129, 130, 136 Scotland, 46, 50, 54, 75, 76, 85, 106, 108, 167 Scots, 26, 27, 104, 105 Scots College, of Rome, 30, 84, 85 Scotus, John Duns, 51, 61, 80 Scritture originali riferite nelle congregazioni generali, 9 Seachnesy, Patrick, 128 Sedgrave, Henry, 147 Sega, Filippo, 28 Servant Code, 175 Sheffield, Edmund (second Earl of Mulgave), 168 Shelton, Richard, 147, 174, 175 Sicily, 77, 154 Siracusa, 77 Skerrett, John, 181, 182, 191n111 Société de Notre-Dame de Montréal, 172 Société des Missions Étrangères, 171, 172 Sorbonne, 177 Spada, Bernardino, 129, 130 Spain, 28, 77, 103, 128, 153, 154, 181 Spanish Flanders, 2, 5, 24–26, 31–33, 52, 58, 86, 122, 150, 176 Stafford, James, 122, 123, 130, 131 Stafford, Richard, 84 Stapleton, William, 180, 181 Stock, Simon (born Thomas Doughty), 103

282 

INDEX

Strada Gregoriana, Rome, 29 Strange, Robert, 132 Strasbourg, 150 Stritch, James, 150 Stritch, John, 10, 165–171, 177 Stuart, monarchy, 76, 176 Sutri, 155, 156 Sweden, 75 Sweetman, Peter, 108 Sweetman, Peter (Irish Franciscan), 108, 154 T Taafe, Peter, 171, 173 Talbot, Jacob, 47 Tarsus, 178 Teeling, Ignatius, 84 Terra di Lavoro, Franciscan province, 77 Thirry, William, 52 Thomond, 51 Tighe, Anthony, 156, 157 Tintern, 131 Tivoli, 79 Trapani, 77 Trent, Council of, 2, 50 Tuam, 24, 75, 102–104 Tudor, 23 Tuite, James, 174, 175 Tyrell, Patrick, 134, 135 U Ulster, 1, 23, 24, 29, 32, 33, 56–61, 75, 80, 82, 85, 86, 107, 122, 135, 154, 155 Ulster earls, 29, 60 Ulstermen, 33, 51, 122, 125, 138n28, 154 Umiliati, 126, 139n40 Urban VIII, Pope, 45, 46, 48–50, 56, 58, 59, 177

V Venice, 79, 132, 149 Verdier, Mercure, 166 Viatica, 33, 195 Viaticum, 25, 33, 56, 72, 74, 75, 84, 106, 107, 123, 131–133, 146, 148, 150, 177 Vieques, Island, 169 Virginia, 99–101, 104, 105, 113n9, 181, 182 Vitelleschi, Muzio, 72–73, 81, 99, 109, 110, 147 Viterbo, 79, 151, 156 W Wadding, Luke, 1, 2, 7–9, 47–61, 73, 74, 76–81, 88, 103, 104, 110, 111, 121, 126, 127, 145, 148, 152–159, 194, 195 Wadding, Michael, 98 Walsh, Peter, 124, 132, 176 Walsh, Thomas, 52, 56 Ward, Maurice, 83, 84 Warner, Thomas, 108 Waterford, 23, 47, 100, 134 Wentworth, Thomas, 82 West Indies, 1, 3–7, 9, 10, 71, 89, 97–111, 121, 159, 165–184, 193–197 Wexford, 101 White, Andrew, 100, 101 White, Bonaventure, 122, 123 White, John, 30 Windebank, Francis, 103 Wolfe, Andrew, 74 Y Young, John, 123, 130, 145–152, 158, 196