Macedonia-Alexandria: The Monumental Funerary Complexes of the Late Classical and Hellenistic Age 1789691362, 9781789691368

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Macedonia – Alexandria Monumental funerary complexes of the late Classical and Hellenistic age

Dorota Gorzelany

Macedonia – Alexandria Monumental funerary complexes of the late Classical and Hellenistic age

Dorota Gorzelany

Archaeopress Publishing Ltd Summertown Pavilion 18-24 Middle Way Summertown Oxford OX2 7LG www.archaeopress.com

ISBN 978-1-78969-136-8 ISBN 978-1-78969-137-5 (e-Pdf) © Dorota Gorzelany, Archaeopress and Muzeum Narodowe w Krakowie 2019 Translated by Iwona Zych Revision by Keith Horechka Publication funded under the Polish Ministry of Science and Higher Education’s programme entitled The National Programme for Development of Humanities for the years 2017-2019, project number: 0121/NPRH5/H21/84/2017

First published in 2014 as MACEDONIA–ALEKSANDRIA. Analiza monumentalnych założeń grobowych z okresu późnoklasycznego i hellenistycznego by Muzeum Narodowe in Krakow.

All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying or otherwise, without the prior written permission of the copyright owners.

Printed in England by Oxuniprint, Oxford This book is available direct from Archaeopress or from our website www.archaeopress.com

To My Parents

Contents List of Figures��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� ii Introduction������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������1 Historical outline��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������11 1. Macedonia������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 11 2. Alexandria������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 18 Types of funerary complexes in Macedonia ��������������������������������������������������������������25 1. Forms of tombs from the Archaic and Classic periods – cist graves��������������������������� 25 2. Cist graves contemporary with the oldest Macedonian tombs������������������������������������� 29 3. Macedonian tombs��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 47 Architectural forms, painted decoration, interior furnishings���������������������������������� 47 Grave goods������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 76 4. Rock-cut tombs��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 83 Types of funerary complexes in Alexandria ��������������������������������������������������������������88 1. Architectural form, painted decoration, interior furnishing���������������������������������������� 88 2. Form of burial and grave goods���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 118 The symbolism of the architectural forms, painted decoration and furnishings of tombs in Macedonia��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������124 1. Architectural forms, painted decoration, interior furnishings ���������������������������������� 124 2. Forms of the burial and grave goods ������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 130 The symbolism of the architectural form, painted decoration and furnishings of tombs in Alexandria��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������166 1. Architectural form, painted decoration, interior furnishings������������������������������������ 166 2. Burial form and grave goods��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 181 Conclusion�����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������195 Abbrevations and Bibliography��������������������������������������������������������������������������������199 Bibliography���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 200 Index of localities and tombs������������������������������������������������������������������������������������233 Topical index�������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������235

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List of Figures Figure 1. Macedonia, map of the more important sites ����������������������������������������������������������� 26 Figure 2. Sedes, pottery from a cist grave ���������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 30 Figure 3. Cist grave in Pella ���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 31 Figure 4. Pella, female protome from the eastern necropolis ������������������������������������������������ 32 Figure 5. Vergina, Tomb of Persephone ������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 33 Figure 6. Aiani, decoration of cist grave II ��������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 35 Figure 7. Aiani, myrtle wreath of gilded bronze with clay berries ���������������������������������������� 37 Figure 8. Derveni, grave A – lantern of bronze �������������������������������������������������������������������������� 38 Figure 9. Kassandreia, olive wreath of gold ������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 38 Figure 10. Cist grave Derveni B ���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 40 Figure 11. Derveni, grave B, krater ���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 40 Figure 12. Derveni, grave B – vessels of bronze ������������������������������������������������������������������������� 41 Figure 13. Derveni, grave B – glass vessel ����������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 41 Figure 14. Sevasti, gold ivy wreath ���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 43 Figure 15. Pydna, reconstruction of the larnax decorated with gilded silver plaques�������� 44 Figure 16. Amphipolis-Kastas, fragment of the decoration of a cist grave ��������������������������� 46 Figure 17. Vergina, Great Tumulus, tomb IV ���������������������������������������������������������������������������� 46 Figure 18. Section through the Great Tumulus in Vergina ����������������������������������������������������� 48 Figure 19. Pella, the tumulus of tomb Δ ������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 49 Figure 20. Vergina, plan of the Great Tumulus ������������������������������������������������������������������������� 50 Figure 21. Vergina, section through the Tomb of ‘Rhomaios’ ������������������������������������������������ 50 Figure 22. Lefkadia, Tomb of the Judgment, section ���������������������������������������������������������������� 51 Figure 23. Lefkadia, Tomb of the Palmettes, chamber ������������������������������������������������������������� 52 Figure 24. Vergina, Great Tumulus, tomb II – tomb of Phillip II, facade�������������������������������� 53 Figure 25. Vergina, Great Tumulus, tomb III ����������������������������������������������������������������������������� 54 Figure 26. Agios Athanasios, fragment of the façade �������������������������������������������������������������� 55 Figure 27. Tomb in Thessaloniki-Maieutiriou���������������������������������������������������������������������������� 56 Figure 28. Pella, tomb Δ ����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 56 Figure 29. Agios Athanasios, tomb with Ionian facade ������������������������������������������������������������ 57 Figure 30. Pella, tomb Γ ����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 57 Figure 31. Lefkadia, Tomb of the Judgment ������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 59 Figure 32. Lefkadia, Tomb of the Palmettes ������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 60 Figure 33. Vergina, the Bella Tumulus, tomb II, facade and throne in the burial chamber 61 Figure 34. Lefkadia, Tomb of Lyson and Kallikles, chamber ���������������������������������������������������� 64 Figure 35. Vergina, Great Tumulus, tomb III, wall painting in the vestibule ����������������������� 65 Figure 36. Vergina, Tomb of Eurydice, interior with the throne �������������������������������������������� 66 Figure 37. Lefkadia, Tomb of the Palmettes, painted decoration of the vault ��������������������� 67 Figure 38. Potidea, kline ����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 69 Figure 39. Dion, painted decoration of the kline ������������������������������������������������������������������������ 71 Figure 40. Vergina, Great Tumulus, tomb II – decorations of the kline ���������������������������������� 72 Figure 41. Vergina, tomb II, larnax ���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 75 ii

Figure 42. Vergina, tomb II, chamber – silver table set ������������������������������������������������������������ 77 Figure 43. Vergina, tomb II, oak wreath of gold ������������������������������������������������������������������������ 81 Figure 44. Vergina, tomb III – hydria ������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 82 Figure 45. Pella, plan of rock-cut tomb Γ ������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 84 Figure 46. Pella, terracotta figurines from rock-cut tombs, 3rd- 2nd century BC ��������������� 86 Figure 47. Alexandria, map marking the locations of the discussed tombs ������������������������ 89 Figure 48. Sidi Gaber, plan of the tomb ��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 91 Figure 49. Sidi Gaber, beginning of the 20th century ��������������������������������������������������������������� 91 Figure 50. Mustapha Pasha, plan of hypogeum II ��������������������������������������������������������������������� 92 Figure 51. Mustapha Pasha, section through hypogeum II ����������������������������������������������������� 92 Figure 52. Mustapha Pasha, plan of hypogeum III �������������������������������������������������������������������� 93 Figure 53. Mustapha Pasha, section through hypogeum III ���������������������������������������������������� 94 Figure 54. Mustapha Pasha, courtyard of hypogeum III ���������������������������������������������������������� 94 Figure 55. Suk el-Wardian, plan ��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 95 Figure 56. Suk el-Wardian, section ���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 95 Figure 57. Mustapha Pasha, hypogeum IV ��������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 96 Figure 58. Mustapha Pasha, plan of hypogeum I ���������������������������������������������������������������������� 97 Figure 59. Mustapha Pasha, section through hypogeum I ������������������������������������������������������ 98 Figure 60. Mustapha Pasha I, burial chamber with kline ���������������������������������������������������������� 98 Figure 61. Shatby, plan of hypogeum A ������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 100 Figure 62. Shatby, hypogeum A, courtyard facade ����������������������������������������������������������������� 100 Figure 63. Shatby, chamber g, back wall ����������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 101 Figure 64. Anfushy, plan of the hypogea ���������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 101 Figure 65. Alabaster tomb ����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 103 Figure 66. Sidi Gaber, chamber with kline ��������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 104 Figure 67. Suk el-Wardian, burial chamber with kline ������������������������������������������������������������ 105 Figure 68. Anfushy, painted decoration of the walls in hypogeum II ���������������������������������� 106 Figure 69. Mustapha Pasha, hypogeum I, courtyard facade �������������������������������������������������� 107 Figure 70. Gabbari B24, decoration of the vault ���������������������������������������������������������������������� 109 Figure 71. Anfushy, decoration of the vault in chamber 2 of hypogeum II ������������������������� 110 Figure 72. Anfushy, entrance to chamber 2 in hypogeum II ������������������������������������������������� 111 Figure 73. Shatby, kline in chamber g’ ��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 112 Figure 74. Gabbari B26, kline ������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 113 Figure 75. Mustapha Pasha II, kline in chamber 5 ������������������������������������������������������������������� 114 Figure 76. Mustapha Pasha III, kline in the burial chamber ��������������������������������������������������� 114

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Introduction Diverse cultural aspects are reflected in the manner in which a society buries its dead. Studying grave goods reveals differences in economic and social status among the deceased, although the resultant picture need not always express true status, being sometimes intended as an idealised vision of the deceased’s identity. The type of burial is instrumental for reconstructions and interpretation of burial rites and customs associated with the passage from life to death. It also brings coded information on eschatological questions: the end of life, life after death and the yearning for immortality, rituals of death and mourning, and commemoration of the dead. The attitude toward death was described by a set of beliefs contained in myths and by historical factors impacting the interpenetration of different religions and the intensity of intercultural contacts. Architecture and its decoration decode an ideology that gave the tombs their specific form. A monumental tomb likewise bears a message for the living, emphasizing the social status of the deceased and acting as a means of commemoration. The simplest form of funerary monument was the tumulus. In Macedonia, it concealed a monumental structure founded by members of an aristocratic elite; less affluent families invested in a more modest cist tomb or rock-cut grave. The ‘Macedonian tomb’ – a term referring to masonry structures of stone blocks set partly in a pit below ground level, consisting of a burial chamber with a preceding vestibule, the complex barrel-vaulted and furnished with an architecturally elaborate facade or a dromos and covered with a tumulus – exemplifies a special category of funerary architecture specific to Macedonia alone. Tombs of this kind are undoubtedly among the most impressive Greek burial complexes, owing to their manner of construction, their decoration, and rich grave furnishings. Their form reflects an assimilation of Greek eschatological beliefs characterizing the mystery religions and the kingdom’s social ideology. Their importance for ancient art studies in general lies in the information they bring on late Classical and early Hellenistic architecture and even more significantly, on the monumental painting of the period. Indeed, the painted decoration of these tombs is the only preserved example in Greece of large-format painted compositions, preceding Pompeian wall painting. Most of the grave furnishings have been looted, but even the remaining objects, when considered in the light of a few undisturbed assemblages, demonstrate the importance of certain items for the deceased and their role in beliefs concerning life in the underworld. A complex idea that took shape under the influence of the Macedonian and Egyptian traditions was instrumental in shaping the Alexandrian funerary establishments. Discovered for the most part in the late 19th and early 20th century, these subterranean tombs have since suffered extensive deterioration of their historical substance; in many cases all that remains today are the preliminary reports and excavation publications. Just as in Macedonia, they hardly ever yielded any grave goods of substance, but it was their form that made them an extremely important link in the history of sepulchral architecture. These rock-cut hypogea, not as numerous as the Macedonian tombs, anticipated in form the later catacomb tomb complexes that gained in popularity in Egypt and Rome. 1

2

Macedonia – Alexandria

The chronological frame of this study starts with the floruit of the Macedonian kingdom in the times of Phillip II and Alexander the Great, taking into consideration data from earlier cemeteries with tombs that could have shaped the form of the Macedonian type of sepulcher and the ideology associated with it, as well as examples from the 3rd century BC, which witnessed the emergence of the Alexandrian monumental complexes. The political and socio-economic situation of the period impacted the making of elaborate tombs in Macedonia as much as it fostered the continuation of the form under entirely different conditions in Alexandria, where it was carried out by the Macedonian hetairoi. The study ends with tombs from the first half of the 2nd century BC. In Macedonia these were tombs of modest architectural form and few grave goods, corresponding to a period of economic decline terminating in the fall of the kingdom after the Battle of Pydna in 168 BC. In Alexandria, the tombs in question already demonstrated a palpable increase of Egyptianizing motifs in their decoration, corresponding to weakening Ptolemaic authority. The preserved monuments demonstrate an evolution of burial form and a correspondence between the structure of the monumental Macedonian tombs and the rock-cut funerary hypogea of Alexandria. The following text provides a comparative study of ornamental motifs and the themes of the scenes decorating the tombs. The grave furnishings of both the Macedonian and Alexandrian tombs will also be presented, or as much as was left behind after the extensive looting of these sepulchers in antiquity. This will be done in the form of a discussion of a representative group of artifacts, moving on to conclusions of a more general nature on the characteristics of the sets of grave goods. Aspects of Greco-Macedonian religious ideas and beliefs on death and the Underworld, which contributed to the shaping of the ultimate resting places of the dead in Macedonia and Alexandria, will receive special attention. This issue reflects the role of the tomb and how it was perceived by the inhabitants of these two regions. Expressions of this are found in the architectural form, the decoration and iconography of the sepulchral paintings, the manner of burial, and the selection of grave goods buried with the deceased. Also related to this is the symbolism of particular elements making up the sepulchral complex: tomb size, doors, facades, painted decoration, and the presence of textiles and their imitations in the interior decoration of the tombs. With regard to the Alexandrian tombs, it is important in this context to recognise the coexistence and popularity of Egyptian beliefs introduced in Alexandrian sepulchral art, while noting the differences in the perceptions of the tomb’s role in the consciousness of Macedonians and Egyptians respectively. The first investigation1 of ancient remains in the territory of Macedonia was carried out by L. Heuzey. Traveling there first in 1855 and then again in 1861 with the architect H. Daumet, Heuzey prepared an extensive report for Napoleon III, including a detailed description of the region around Philippi, the Hellenistic palatial complex in Palatitsa, and other sites in central and western Macedonia and on the Albanian coast. During World War I, Macedonia was occupied by British and French armies; members of the British School at Athens 1 Works by earlier travelers concern the topography of Macedonia (Cousinéry 1831), fortresses, sea harbors and the ‘political and military views of the population’ (Lake 1835). Successive articles by the Briton A.J B. Wace shared observations from his travels in Macedonia in 1906–1912 (Wace, Woodward 1911–12, 166–188; Wace 1909–10, 232– 53; Wace, 1913–14, 123–32; Wace 1914–15/1915–16, 11–15).

Introduction

3

enlisted in these occupational forces conducted explorations on a broader scale, publishing their results in British and French periodicals.2 This work was continued on a larger scale in the 1920s on Tazos and in Philippi,3 in Chauchitsa in the central part of the Axios valley,4 and in Olynthus,5 where a cist tomb, erroneously identified then as a Macedonian tomb, was discovered during fieldwork near the modern village of Myriophyto and excavated in 1928, 1931, and 1934. The prehistoric period was also investigated on a regular basis.6 Most of the excavation work since the 1950s has been carried out by Greeks. Heuzey and Daumet produced the first publication of Macedonian tombs in 1876.7 The tombs they had investigated in Palatitsa, Pella and Pydna shared enough features in common to warrant a description of a single type: tombs with subterranean vaulted burial chambers, an architecturally developed facade, and stuccowork wall decoration of the burial chamber furnished with a kline. Successive discoveries of tombs with similar features confirmed this definition; these monuments are referred to by the names of their discoverers: Kinch’s Tomb in Lefkadia8 and Perdizet’s in Amphipolis.9 Further discoveries, such as the tomb in Dion, published in 1930 by G. Sotiriadis,10 demonstrated how these tombs differed despite having so many features in common. The first list of these tombs to be published was that of B. Filow,11 who also included in it the domed tombs as an earlier, in his opinion, version of the vaulted form. The ultimate definition of the Macedonian tomb as a type was provided by W. Hoepfner. The characteristic features of this type include a tumulus, facade and vestibule, and these last two elements may not occur in the simple tombs; the main diagnostic feature is a barrel vault.12 This definition fits most monuments, also those of a more modest architectural form, and does not use burial type as a criterium. The first typology of Macedonian tombs, taking into consideration complexes departing from Hoepfner’s definition and situated outside Macedonia, was presented by D. Pandermalis in 1972.13 It encompassed 44 known monuments, divided into four groups by burial chamber size. Emphasizing the diversity of Macedonian tombs, the author observed that more than half of these tombs shared one characteristic: a square burial chamber, measuring 3 m by 3 m, its form and size resulting from the arrangement of two or three beds. These investigations included studies of prehistoric tumuli, historical monuments, artifactual material, and preparing archaeological maps and plans, among others, Picard 1918–19, 1–9; Casson 1916, 293–297; Mendel 1918, 9–17; Rey 1916, 257–292; Rey 1917–1919; Gardner, Casson 1918–19, 10–43. 3 Published in Études Thasiennes, Guide de Thasos; Collart 1937. 4 Casson 1926. 5 British excavations, see Wace, 1914–15/1915–16, 11–15; American project, see Robinson et al. 1929–1952; Robinson 1935, 289ff. 6 Heurtley 1939. During this time N.G.L. Hammond, author of the most numerous studies concerning the region, started journeying in and exploring Macedonia, see the bibliography. 7 Heuzey, Daumet 1876. 8 Kinch 1920. 9 Perdrizet 1898, 335–353. 10 Sotiriadis 1930, 36–51. 11 Filow 1937, 115. 12 Höpfner 1971, 137f. 13 Pandermalis 1972, 177ff.; for a listing of tombs divided by chamber size, see below, page 62f. 2

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Macedonia – Alexandria

The question of the model for the Macedonian tomb and the origin of particular characteristics was treated cursorily by the first researchers. Heuzey14 compared the facades of the tombs in Pydna and Palatitsa to residential architecture, emphasizing the importance of the doors. K.A. Rhomaios15 was of the opinion that the facade of the tomb in Vergina, which he was studying, copied the front of a temple. The similarity between the tiered facade of the Tomb of the Judgment in Lefkadia and residential architecture was first observed by P. Petsas,16 noting that the parallel need not hold for all complexes of this kind. The architectural elements of the facade of the palace in Vergina, discovered a few years later,17 confirmed this idea. The vaulting of Macedonian tombs was widely discussed among researchers. The first to study the issue was A.K. Orlandos,18 based on Plato (Laws 947d–e) and Seneca (Letters 90, 32), and on the shape of the arches in Akarnania. Orlandos assumed that arches and vaults, adopted from Egypt and the Near East, appeared in Greece for the first time in the 5th century BC. He believed that these elements, sporadic at first, became widespread after Alexander the Great’s expedition. T.D. Boyd shared Orlandos’s view on the origins of the vault.19 In his doctoral treatise written prior to the discoveries in Vergina, he examined the vaulted structures known from Greece. The issue was also undertaken by K. Dornisch20 in his work on Greek vaulted gates. He believed the evidence of the ancient written sources was sufficient to assume that vaulted roofs appeared in tombs in the first half of the 4th century BC, and that the architectural theory behind this construction was borrowed from Egypt. Macedonian tombs were also discussed by D.C. Kurtz and J. Boardman,21 who derived the form of the tomb from the plan of the Greek house or megaron, enriched with more elements of architectural decoration. These were described in greater detail by S.G. Miller22 in her analysis of the facades of a few Macedonian tombs accompanying a general discussion of the eclectic and innovative form of Macedonian architecture. She did not go at that time into the question of the origin of the facade in subterranean tombs. She presented the architecture of the facades as an example of a typical element of Macedonian architecture in an article published in 1982.23 The spectacular discovery made by M. Andronikos in 1977/78 of four royal tombs under the Great Tumulus in Vergina (Figure 20) gave rise to a growing interest in Macedonian tombs, resulting in a flood of publications on the subject. The cist tomb, which was excavated first, contained a wall painting showing the abduction of Persephone, which proved of Heuzey, Daumet 1876, 253, pls 15, 18. Rhomaios 1951, 20. 16 Petsas 1966a, 87f. 17 See page 126. 18 Orlandos 1968, 235–254. 19 Boyd 1978, 83–100. 20 Dornisch 1992. 21 Kurtz, Boardman 1971, 271–306. 22 Miller 1970. 23 Miller 1982, 153–171. 14 15

Introduction

5

great importance for the history of Greek painting.24 Tombs II and III,25 which had not been looted, contained not only remains of wall paintings, but also a rich set of grave goods that yielded information on objects of everyday use and those included among the offerings to the dead. The largely destroyed tomb IV with a freestanding portico is an example of the emergence and evolution of Macedonian sepulchral architecture. Regardless of the many controversies surrounding the subject, the largest of the tombs in the Great Tumulus, tomb II, is identified as the burial place of the Macedonian king Phillip II,26 while tomb III was the last resting place of Alexander’s son, Alexander IV, with the Sogdian princess Roxana (323–310 BC). The first general characteristics, and a catalogue of 43 Macedonian tombs, was presented by B. Gossel in her dissertation of 1980.27 The chronological issue was treated summarily in her study, as was the distribution of buildings of this type and particular characteristic elements: barrel vault, facade and tumulus. Gossel was the first to distinguish tombs with dromoi as typical of eastern Macedonia, and she presented a typological division of the tombs. In view of the diversity of these monuments, only about half of the known tombs were covered by this typology. They were divided into tombs of the oikos type and the heroon type. Gossel assumed that the prototype of the tomb facade was either a temple portico, a house of the prostas type, or a propylon. She explained the presence of a tumulus above the tomb as influenced by Asia Minor in terms of the monumentality of the form, but the structural side was in her view strictly Macedonian. She considered the issue of the vault in the light of Plato’s treaty (Laws 947d–e), not excluding the possibility that Plato’s ψαλίς actually meant a corbel vault. Following Boyd’s reasoning,28 Gossel also pointed to an Eastern origin for the vault, but she considered it an outcome of earlier contacts between the Macedonians and the Achaemenids.29 K.L. Sismanidis also presented general characteristics of the Macedonian tombs.30 He believed that their facades imitated a temple front and he emphasised the diversity of the monuments, which made it so difficult to qualify them by type. The distribution of the tombs also shows that it is impossible to assume that they were always built in specific locations: they could be grouped near important ancient urban centres or could stand alone. However, he did observe that these tombs tended to be concentrated next to ancient roads. M. Andronikos also took up the subject of Macedonian tombs and their provenience.31 He was critical of using architectural elements for the dating of the tombs, considering that study of the pottery would yield more certain results. With regard to the vault and facade, Andronikos 1994. Andronikos 1997. 26 For a review of the arguments, see below, pages 158ff. 27 Gossel 1981. 28 See below. 29 Similarly, Tomlinson (1987, 305–312), who does not decide about the origins of the vault but believes it to be an improved version of Eastern vaults or else a spontaneous invention preceding Alexander’s expedition. 30 Sismanidis 1985, 35–70. 31 Andronikos 1987a, 1–16; Andronikos 1997, 218ff. 24 25

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he demonstrated a theoretical evolution from the cist tomb,32 through an enlarged chamber and the related issues of roofing a larger space and depositing the burial, to the concept of a vault. Citing literary accounts and archaeological evidence, he rejected Boyd’s theory that the earliest vaults originated in 305 BC. He considered the application of the arch in Macedonia as a reaction to a practical structural problem and linked it to the subterranean form of the building.33 The facade was introduced for aesthetic reasons in order to conceal the arching vault. Its form was modeled on a propylon with a portico leading to the heroon of the deceased or his or her eternal home, and a real portico may have initially been constructed in this place instead of a facade. An extensive study of the Macedonian type of tomb appeared in S.G. Miller’s monograph on the Tomb of Lyson and Kallikles in Lefkadia.34 Miller discussed the chronology, architectural elements and structure of the tombs, enriching her work with numerous comments and providing references to other writings on the various issues. She listed 83 tombs with an exhaustive bibliography, including 11 similarly constructed tombs from outside the territory of Macedonia. The most important Macedonian tombs were reviewed and described in a collective work edited by B. Barr-Sharrar and E.N. Borzy35, and another written by R. Ginouvès36 on the history and art of Macedonia from the Paleolithic through Hellenistic times. Separate chapters written by experts on given issues, such as history, architecture, mosaics, pottery and jewellery, constitute an expert presentation of Greco-Macedonian culture as a whole. Recent years have seen the publication of a number of the tomb complexes in separate monographs.37 Painted representations on the facade of the tomb and in its interiors were also an important research question, in technological as well as iconographic terms.38 Ongoing excavations have brought new finds significantly impacting research on the Macedonian tombs. A tumulus with three burials was explored recently in the royal necropolis in Vergina39, and another Macedonian tomb from the end of the 4th century BC was discovered in Amphipolis-Kastas, provisionally identified as the tomb of Roxana and either her son Alexander IV or Alexander the Great’s General Laomedon from Mythilene.40 Rock-cut tombs from Macedonia are located near Veroia, Pella, Amphipolis, and Edessa, with a few more around Pydna. The highest number of tombs was found in Veroia, owing to intensified construction works after World War II. Some of them were described by S. 32 Similarly, Hammond 1991, 62–82 (with a discussion of the identification of the dead buried in the Great Tumulus). On cist graves, see Themelis, Touratsoglou 1997 (necropolis in Derveni); see Vokotopoulou 1990 (necropolis in Aiani). 33 Similarly, Wesenberg (1991, 252–258) who sees the barrel vault as an improvement of the segment technique but does not exclude the possibility of the Egyptian vault construction techniques influencing Greek building theory. 34 Miller 1993a. 35 Barr‑Sharrar, Borza 1982. 36 Ginouvès 1993a. 37 Tsimbidou‑Avloniti 2005; Rhomiopoulou, Schmidt‑Dounas 2010. 38 Brecoulaki 2006; Descamps‑Lequime 2007. 39 http://www.archaiologia.gr/en/blog/2013/03/21/new-finds-at-aigai/ [8.09 2014] 40 http://greece.greekreporter.com/2014/08/13/two-scenarios-for-the-great-tomb-in-amphipolis/[8.09.2014]

Introduction

7

Drougou and I. Touratsoglou in a monograph covering an analysis of the architectural form and a catalogue of the grave goods.41 A second large set of rock-cut and cist tombs is located in the vicinity of Pella. These tombs were discovered relatively late compared with other monuments of this type in other parts of Macedonia. In the 19th century, a large burial chamber was discovered; it was described by the travelers W.M. Leake and A. Delacoulonche.42 In 1976, agricultural works led to the discovery of a second tomb and eight more in the next two years. They were studied exhaustively by M. Lilimbaki‑Akamati,43 who also listed the rock-cut tombs from Macedonia and briefly presented this type of tomb found outside Macedonia. Particular categories of artifacts making up the grave goods have been studied to various degrees in a few monographs and articles on the subject.44 The first Hellenistic tombs discovered in Alexandria were those in Hadra, which were found in 1874 during the construction of a new road to Cairo. They were explored and described by T.D. Neroutsos.45 Excavations were carried out without any control until the inauguration of the Greco-Roman Museum in Alexandria. Chance finds were described by Neroutsos in his brochure L’Ancienne Alexandrie.46 Regular excavations started in 1892, either directed or supervised by the successive museum directors.47 Annual excavation reports were published from 1898 in the Bulletin de la Société archéologique d’Alexandrie48 (BSAA), established by G. Botti in 1893, in the Bulletin de la corespondance hellénique, and recently also in Études alexandrines-Alexandrina, a publication edited by J.-Y. Empereur since 1998 and issued by the Institut Francais d’Archéologie Orientale.49 The earliest investigated necropolis with many small tombs cut into the soft bedrock was in Hadra/Eleusis and in the coastal Shatby extending to the north of it. Two larger hypogea, A and B, were discovered during G. Botti’s and E. Breccia’s excavations in 1904–1910, as well Drougou, Touratsoglou 1980. Leake 1835, 260; Delacoulonche 1859, 138. 43 Lilimbaki‑Akamati 1994. 44 Pottery: Drougou 1991a; stele from the Great Tumulus: Saatsoglou‑Paliadeli 1984; metal vessels: Barr-Sharrar 1982, 123–139; Barr-Sharrar 1986, 71–82; jewellery: Higgins 1982, 141–151. See also below, chapters II and IV. 45 Neroutsos (1875) refers to the first topographical description of the city, published in 1866 by Mahmoud-Bey el Falaki. The next study of the topography of Alexandria was made by E. von Sieglin together with W. Dörpfeld in 1898. Sieglin then financed two campaigns conducted by T. Schreiber. The first one in 1898/99, field directed by F. Noack, was dedicated to exploring the Roman necropolis in Kom-esh-Shukafa. The second one in 1900/1901 was carried out by A. Thiersch, H. Thiersch and A. Schiff and E. Fichter; test trenches were dug in the Serapeion, a tomb in Gabbari and another tomb in Hadra. Artifacts from these excavations were published in 1908–1927 in the series Expedition Ernst von Sieglin. Ausgrabungen in Alexandria (vol. I, 1908: T. Schreiber, Die Nekropole von Kom-Esch-Schukâfa. Expedition Ernst von Sieglin. Die griechisch-ägyptische Sammlung, vol. II 1 A 1923: R. Pagenstecher, Malerei und Plastik; vol. II1 B, 1927: C. Watzinger, Malerei und Plastik; vol. II 2, 1924: J. Vogt, Terrakotten; vol. II 3, 1913: R. Pagenstecher, Die Gefäße in Stein und Ton. Knochenschnitzereien). On the urban topography, see Tkaczow 1977, 47–57; Tkaczow 1986, 1–25; Tkaczow 1993. 46 Neroutsos 1888. 47 Giuseppe Botti (1892–1907), Evaristo Breccia (1908–1934), Achille Adriani (1934–1953). 48 The Museum journal Le Musée gréco-romain published reports from the excavations: Rapports sur la marche du Service du Musée. BSAA was published from 1898, in later years under the title Rapport sur la marche du Service du Musée, and then Le musée gréco-romain d’Alexandrie. In 1932–1952 Adriani published reports in the journal Annuario del Museo Greco-Romano; he also served as editor of BSAA (1933–1939). 49 Particular volumes in the series constituted separate studies of artifact groups, see, among others, Nenna, Seif el-Din 2000 (faience vessels from the Greco-Roman period) and Empereur, Nenna 2001 (Gabbari necropolis). 41 42

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as the cemetery in Ibrahimieh located further to the east.50 Botti initiated work in Hadra in 1874 and 1875, and continued it in 1894;51 subsequent excavations were continued by D.G. Hogarth and E.F. Benson. Successively, the cemeteries of Alexandria were excavated by the Ernst von Sieglin Expedition52 (1900–1901), E. Breccia (1905–1906, 1912–1916, 1925–1933), Achilles Adriani53 (1939–1940 and 1950–1952) and Dorea Said54 (1987). One of the earliest of the big tombs to be discovered was the Tomb of the Soldiers in Ibrahimieh, published by T. Neroutsos.55 The Sidi Gaber tombs located further to the east, on the shore, were mentioned first by Neroutsos56 and then described by H. Thiersch at the beginning of the 20th century; at the time they were already partly damaged by seawater.57 The farthest cemetery to the east of Alexandria is the Mustapha Pasha (Mustapha Kamel) necropolis, discovered during leveling and cleaning work. During two years of excavations by Adriani (1933–1935), seven monumental rock-cut chamber tombs were discovered. Of these, three were in excellent condition.58 Monumental blocks of alabaster were discovered in 1907 in the area of the modern Latin Cemetery in eastern Alexandria, within the ancient city walls. In 1936, the vestibule and half of the burial chamber were reconstructed from these blocks.59 The form, resembling the architecture of Macedonian tombs, and the expensive material suggested to the discoverers that it was the tomb of Alexander the Great, but data from recent excavations have challenged this theory.60 The district of Faros contains two other ancient necropoleis, one of them from the 2nd century BC.61 Anfushy spreads out in the northern part of the island. Hypogea I and II were explored in 1901 and the results were published by Botti.62 In 1919–1920, four more tombs (III–VI) were uncovered and studied by Breccia,63 while Adriani published an extensive drawing and photographic documentation of the necropolis.64

Breccia 1905, 55–100; Breccia 1912. Botti 1898a, 76; Botti 1898b, 54; Hogarth, Benson 1894–1895. 52 See above note 45; Schreiber 1908, vol. I, 172f. and 183. 53 Adriani 1940, 65–83, 83–122. 54 Preliminary report published by Leclant, Clerc 1988, 309f. 55 Neroutsos 1887, 291–298; Neroutsos 1888, 81f., 102–109; Brown 1957, 4–12 (with a discussion of the form of the tomb); Adriani 1966, 123. Slabs closing the loculi and the Hadra hydriae with the ashes of the dead deposited in them first became part of E E. Farman’s collection and were then purchased by the Metropolitan Museum of Art. 56 Neroutsos 1875, 46f. 57 Thiersch 1904, 1–6. 58 Adriani 1936. 59 Breccia 1907c, 7; Adriani 1940, 15–23; Bernhard 1956, 129ff.; Adriani 1966, 140–143; Leclant, Clerc 1985, 339f.; Adriani 2000, 102 note 72 and 104 note 75, pls XXIV–XXVI. For the key bibliography to the Alabaster Tomb, see Adriani 2000, 5 note 2. 60 Limnaiou-Papakosta 2001, 66ff.; see also below, page 102. 61 Ras el-Tin is the second, later established necropolis that was discovered in 1913–1914, see Adriani 1952, 48–54. 62 Botti 1901a, 335–337; Botti 1902, 9–36; also the dissertation by Schiff 1905. 63 Breccia 1913. 64 Adriani 1952, 55–128. 50 51

Introduction

9

The earliest tombs (3rd/2nd century BC) in western Alexandria are found in the region of Gabbari, where excavations were carried out at the end of the 19th century by Botti,65 Breccia66 and Henri Riad.67 In 1975, Gunther Grimm undertook excavations in this area, investigating 11 subterranean tombs during four seasons of fieldwork.68 Further excavations were carried out by the Egyptian Antiquities Organisation in the 1990s,69 headed by the Director of the Greco-Roman Museum Ahmed Abd el-Fattah and Jean-Yves Empeurer. The results of excavations in Suk el-Wardian/Mafrousa, an area located further to the west, were published by Breccia,70 while work in the nearby hypogea in Minet el Bassal was conducted by Adriani in 1950–1951.71 The Alexandrian tombs, their architecture, tomb markers and preserved grave furnishings were treated collectively in a study published in 1919 by Pagenstecher, which also includes a broader discussion of particular issues; in part of Noshy’s study72 of 1937 on the subject of Ptolemaic art; and in catalogue form in a volume of the Repertorio d’arte dell’Egitto Greco-Romano by Adriani, published in 1966. The most recent discussion of Alexandrian tombs is the 2002 book by M.S. Venit,73 which gathers all the data from extant publications on the tombs, starting from the Hellenistic period through late Roman times. The descriptions are accompanied by a discussion of their dating, the burial practices of particular ethnic groups of Alexandrian residents, and the heritage of Alexandrian funerary art in Egypt and beyond, in terms of the iconography as well as style. An alphabetical list of the tombs from both the eastern and western necropoleis, along with exhaustive references to each, appears in the appendix to this volume. The most important category of finds74 from the Alexandrian tombs are the Hadra hydriae and the steles and slabs closing the loculi. Key publications on the hydriae are articles by L. Guerrini, B.F. Cook and A. Enklaar.75 This last author presented an extensive typology of these vessels, and discussed the painters, execution techniques and the activity of workshops producing particular groups of hydriae. The first steles with figural painting were discovered in the 1880s and were linked to the merchant and antiquary G. Puglioli.76 Brief studies of the loculi slabs and steles were included in works by Botti,77 Breccia,78 and Noshy.79 Breccia commissioned M. Bartocci80 Botti 1899, 37–56. Breccia 1932, 36f. 67 Riad 1967, 89–96. 68 Sabottka 1983, 195–203, pls 38–43. 69 Empereur 1998a, 622–630. 70 Breccia, 1907b. 71 Adriani 1956, 1–48. 72 For the architecture, Noshy 1937, 16–40. 73 Venit 2002; see also a review by Babraj, Gorzelany 2003, 166–169 and Kerkeslager 2003. 74 For references to artifact groups other than the ones mentioned above, see also chapter III. 75 Guerrini 1964; Cook 1966a; Cook 1966b, 325–330; Callaghan, Jones 1985, 1–17; Enklaar 1985, 106–151; Enklaar 1986, 41–65. 76 Parakenings Bozkurt 1998, 321ff. 77 Botti 1898; Botti 1901b. 78 Breccia 1905, 58ff.; Breccia 1906, 46ff.; Breccia 1907a, 35ff.; Breccia 1930, 99ff. and Breccia 1922, 131ff. 79 Noshy 1937. 80 Parakenings Bozkurt 1998, 321f. 65 66

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to prepare watercolour and drawing documentation of the state of preservation of these delicate paintings;81 a few of these were presented in his publication of the Shatby necropolis.82 Next is a dissertation by Barbara Brown,83 who catalogued some of the known Alexandrian steles, paintings and mosaics, and reviewed the debate on the finds from the Tomb of the Soldiers and the style of the steles. The collection of steles kept in the GrecoRoman Museum in Alexandria was studied and published by S. Schmidt.84 This book was prepared during visits to the library collection of the Institute of the History of Art and Archaeology of the Aristoteles University in Thessaloniki, the Deutsches Archäologisches Institut in Athens, and the libraries of the Karl Ruprecht University in Heidelberg and Vienna University. It was funded by scholarships from the Greek Ministry of Education, the Deutscher Akademischer Austauschdienst, and the Lanckorońscy from Brzezia Foundation. The principal part of the manuscript was completed by 2004; later additions were made only to bibliographical references concerning selected publications from the body of writing on the subject. I would like to thank Prof. Ewdoksia Papuci‑Władyka, Prof. Zsolt Kiss, Prof. Marek Jan Olbrycht and Prof. Janusz A. Ostrowski for reading the manuscript and their valuable remarks. The English edition of the book would not have been possible without the outstanding assistance of Dr Kamilla Twardowska.

81 Ibidem. Copies of the drawings are now in the collection of the Greco-Roman Museum in Alexandria, inv. nos 20082–20091, 20197–20208. 82 Breccia 1912, fig. 20, pls 23, 26, 31, 32a. 83 Brown 1957. 84 Schmidt 2003.

Chapter 1

Historical outline 1. Macedonia Ancient Macedonia, with Mount Olympus rising on its western border and at its foot Leibetra with the last resting place of Orpheus1 and Pieria, the seat of the Muses, lies between the upper run of the Haliakmon in the west and the River Strymon in the east. Macedonian kings gradually extended their holdings in this territory from the 8th to the 5th centuries BC. The earliest testimony of the beginnings of Macedonian kingship comes from Herodotus (VIII 137–139), followed by Thucydides (II 99). The Argeads traced their origins to the Temenids from Argos, mentioned by both the above historians, whose ancestor was Temenus, a great-great-grandson of Herakles. This ancestry and the genealogy given by Hesiod (Catalogue of Women, fr. 3) were meant to show the Hellenic origins of the Macedonians, who belonged to the group of Doric tribes.2 The Argeads of Macedonia spread rapidly, if the extensive tumuli fields of the early Iron Age are any proof: they are found in southern Pieria and at the base of Mount Olympus.3 Perdikkas, the founder of Aigai (modern Vergina) in Imathia4 in the first half of the 7th century BC, was the first known basileus.5 A dearth of pastures and arable land led to the population shifting to the northeast, pushing out the Bottiaeans (inhabitants of the plain between the Haliakmon and Axios rivers), who had reached Olynthus in the early 7th century BC. Forested areas, metal ore deposits and some of the arable land in the territories occupied at this time belonged to the king, whereas the Macedonians settled in communities, forming poleis that were subordinated to the king in military matters and external affairs.6 It is likely that the ruler started forming the group of the hetairoi out of the major landowners whose wealth accrued as a result of successive episodes of expansion.7 The hetairoi were dedicated to military service and administration, as well as accompanying the royal family in hunting and feasting.8

Pausanias IX 30,7. Hesiod (Catalogue of Women/Ehoiai, fr. 4) mentions them next to the Dorians, Spartans and Thessalians; Herodotus I 56. See Rzepka 2006, 18–30. 3 Andronikos 1997, 25–30. 4 Diodorus Siculus VII 16; Justin VIII 1,1. 5 Herodotus VIII 137. Earlier there is also mention of Káranos from Argos, scion of Herakles and Temenus (see Diodorus Siculus VII 15–16; Pausanias IX 40,8). According to Daskalakis 1965, 101–105; Grzybek 1986, 223ff.; Borza 1990, 83, the term karanos referred to a ruler; the image of a ruler’s head in a diadem without descending fillets, like the one found in the Tomb of Phillip II in Vergina, appeared for the first time on the coins of Archelaus (about 413–399 BC); Sprawski 2010; Sprawski 2012; Sprawski 2013a. 6 Hammond 1999, 28. 7 Welwei 1987, 13. 8 Kienast 1973, 247ff.; see p. 136 note 103 and p. 158 note 362. 1 2

11

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In the course of the 6th century BC the Macedonians took Almopia and Eordaia.9 In the middle of the century they were expulsed by the Paeonians from the land of Amphaksitis on both sides of the Axios, the latter also taking Pella and Krestonia, where gold was being extracted near Kilkis, as well as Mygdonia extending around the Thermaic Gulf and the lakes of Koroneia and Volvi. These territories were not recovered until 511/510 BC when the Persian armies marched in.10 With Persian support the Thracian tribes, the Edonians among them, took Mygdonia, important for its gold mine at Lete and an abundance of this precious metal in the Gallikos/Echedoros River. The Macedonians were given Anthemont, a region to the southeast of Thessalonica, by the Persians and reached the Strymon late into the Persian occupation.11 Finds from the necropolis in Sindos constitute important archaeological testimony from this time.12 Other Macedonian tribes occupied the region of Pindos in upper Macedonia. The relations of their rulers with the Argeads of lower Macedonia (Imathia) were rather loose. Excavations at Aiani13 in ancient Elimeia demonstrate a close similarity between the artifacts found there with those from Vergina and Sindos, indicating no backwardness of cultural evolution in this mountainous region when compared to lower Macedonia, and a general following of artistic trends coming from Attica and Ionia. The oldest known written document of the Macedonians is an early 5th-century source from Aiani.14 Macedonian kings became active in the affairs of southern Greece during the Persian wars of the end of the 6th century BC. In 510 BC Amyntas I (540–498 BC)15 showed his submissiveness to the Persian envoys sent by Megabazus.16 About 505 BC, Archelaus offered Hippias, exiled from Athens, the valley of Anthemont on the east coast of the Thermaic Gulf, which he had received from the Persians.17 Persian rule extended Macedonian borders and fostered the economic development of the country. Alexander I, son of Amyntas (498/7–about 452 BC), unable to defend Macedonia’s sovereignty, acknowledged Persian authority but secretly supported the Greeks, passing on to them intelligence on Persian movements.18 He was the first of his dynasty to seek official acclaim in Hellas in order to assure himself and his successors full participation in the Greek cultural koine.19 These 9 The geography of Macedonia and of the lands that the Macedonians occupied is discussed in Thomas 2010, 65–80. 10 Hammond 1989, 55f.; Olbrycht 2004, 20. 11 Herodotus V 17–18; Hammond 1979, 82f. 12 Despini 1985; Borza 1990, 88f.; Hammond 1999, 56; for the attribution of the necropolis in Sindos, see p. 131 note 64. 13 See p. 34f. 14 Karamitrou‑Mentesidi in Makedonen, 34: an early 5th-century BC kantharos with an engraved inscription: ΑΛΙΟΣ ΕΜΙ ΤΗΣ ΔΟΛΙΟ, fragment of a pithos rim with engraved letters of the Megarian alphabet; two steles of the second half of the 5th century BC with the names of ΚΛΕΙΟΝ and ΑΤΤΥΑ. Tradition gave Aianos son of Elymos from the times of the Trojan War as the town’s founder, associating it thus with the population movements at the close of the Mycenaean period. 15 Herodotus (VIII, 139) and Thucydides (II 100.2) both gave lists of kings. The founder of the dynasty Perdikkas was followed by Argaios, Phillip, Aeropos, Alketas and Amyntas I. 16 Herodotus V 17–18; Badian 1982, 34; Olbrycht 2010, 342–345. 17 Herodotus V 94,1. 18 Herodotus (IX 45), who stayed at Alexander’s court, reported on the king’s motivation: ‘I myself am by ancient descent a Greek, and I would not willingly see Hellas change her freedom for slavery’. See Borza 1990, 99–131; Nawotka 2004, 34; Sprawski 2013b. 19 Alexander’s participation in the games at Olympia attests official acceptance of his family as Greek (Herodotus

Historical outline

13

aspirations come through clearly in the worship of gods of the Greek pantheon, religious beliefs and festivals, adoption of urban planning ideas, and cultural and artistic life despite ethnic, political and social differences. The second half of the 5th century BC was marked by conflict between three kings, sons of Alexander I, and by the efforts of Perdikkas II (about 452–413 BC) to ward off successive Athenian attacks.20 The next ruler, Archelaus21 (about 413–399 BC), developed closer ties with the Athenians, who obtained their natural resources from the Macedonians after being defeated in Sicily in 413 BC. Archelaus has gone down in history as a patron of the arts. Perdikkas II had already invited artists to the Macedonian court,22 but it was Archelaus who promoted Greek art on a wide scale, even forsaking the Macedonian form of his name, Archelas. He moved his capital to the small village of Pella on the northern shore of the Thermaic Gulf,23 seeking proximity not only to the sea, but also to the eastern borders of his lands, beyond which he had plans to expand. Archelaus reformed the administration of his kingdom and reorganised the army and fleet. Among the artists and philosophers invited to his court were the painter Zeuxis24 to decorate the palace, the tragedians Euripides25 and Agaton, the musician Timotheus of Miletus, and the epic poet Choirilos. Archelaus also established a festival26 for the Olympian Zeus and the Nine Muses from Pieria in Dion27, combined with a drama competition. Euripides’s tragedies Archelaus and Bacchae were presumably staged V 22, VIII 137–139 and Thucydides II 99, V 80; Pindar, Frgs 120, 121 and Bakchylides, Frg. 20B; all of these authors stayed one time or another at the court in Pellla). However, the Greeks mostly considered the kingdom of the Macedonians as a barbarian institution, more like the Balkan states than the Greek poleis in structure, and did not count the Macedonians among the Greek peoples (Aristotle Politics 1327b 29–33, 1286b 12–14 and 1287a 22–33; Isokrates [Phillipos] V 108 and 154; Macedonians are not mentioned by Homer [Iliad 2]; later on, Polibius (7.9) treats Macedonians as related to the Greeks, and Strabo (11.14.12) considers the Thessalians as Greeks living in the northernmost regions; Pausanias fails to include a description of Macedonia, although their language was related to Greek (in the Macedonian dialect: it is attested by the inscriptions from Aiani from the beginning of the 5th century BC and the texts on steles and official documents already from the 5th century BC, see Vokotopoulou in Makedonen, 7, see note 14; see Borza 1990, 90–97; Nawotka 2004, 23ff.; Rzepka 2006, 18–30; generally on Hellenisation processes, see Badian 1982; Engels 2010. On Alexandros’s calling as ‘Philhellenos’, see Sprawski 2013b. 20 Thucydides I 57, II 29, 80, IV 78; see Borza 1990, 132–160; Roisman 2010, 146–154. 21 Thucydides (II 100) believed him to be an excellent politician and leader (‘Of these there was no great number, most of those now found in the country having been erected subsequently by Archelaus, the son of Perdiccas, on his accession, who also cut straight roads, and otherwise put the kingdom on a better footing as regards horses, heavy infantry, and other war material than had been done by all the eight kings that preceded him.’); in turn, Plato (Gorgias 470d–473a) sharply criticised the form in which he took power: he had murdered his stepbrother. See Borza 1990, 161–179; Nawotka 2004, 34f.; Roisman 2010, 154–158. 22 For example, the dithyrambic poet Melanippides. The founder of medicine as a science, Hippocrates of Kos, was also the king’s guest (Hammond, Griffith 1979, vol. 2, 149). 23 Siganidou, Lilimbaki‑Akamati 1997, 7ff. Pella was first mentioned by Herodotus (VII, 123). The rivers flowing through the central plain of Macedonia gradually brought enough alluvia to form marshes about 30 km wide separating the city from the seacoast. A rooftile inscribed with ‘PELLHS’ (from Pella), found in the ruins of the town, confirms the identification of the site with the ancient capital. 24 Aelian Varia Historia XIV 17; Pliny (XXXV 62) mentions a lost painting representing Pan; his work was the model for the mosaic floor image depicting the kidnapping of Helen, and for another mosaic with the centaurs (Family of Centaurs described by Lukian Zeuxis, 3–8). 25 Hammond, Griffith 1979, vol. 2, 149; Hardiman 2010, 506f. Euripides spent the last two years of his life (died in 406 BC) at the court in Pella, writing two trilogies: Bacchae, Alkmeon in Corinth (lost), Iphigenia at Aulis and the lost Archelaus, Temenos, and the Temenidae. 26 Arrian Anabasis of Alexander I 11; Diodorus Siculus XVII 16,3; Badian 1982, 35. 27 Pandermalis 1997, 9ff. Dion was first mentioned in connection with the expedition of Brasidas, who supported Perdikkas II against the Chalkidikian poleis. It was the first city he encountered upon crossing the border in the summer of 424 BC.

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here. Relations with the inhabitants of the colonies of Athens, Corinth and Eretria were not without significance to the process of adopting Greek culture locally. The first half of the 4th century BC was a period of instability, inner strife, and raids by the Illyrian tribes and a federation of poleis from Chalkidiki, all of which were laying Macedonia to waste.28 With clever diplomacy, Amyntas III (393–369 BC)29 acted as a vassal of the Chalkidikians first, and then of the Athenians and Spartans. After the brief reign of Alexander II his brother Perdikkas III (365–359 BC) ascended to the throne,30 with Ptolemy from Alorus acting as his guardian during his minority. Perdikkas favoured philosophy and was counseled by a student of Plato, Euphraios from Oreos.31 After the death of this ruler in battle with the Illyrians, Phillip II (357–336 BC) took the throne,32 returning after half a century’s break to the policies of Amyntas I, strengthening Maxedonia’s position in the ancient world. He set great store in the education of the royal boys, the future hetairoi, in military matters as much as in the humanities.33 He consolidated power in Macedonia in his hands and fortified his borders on the north and east thanks to a series of military expeditions against the Illyrians, Paeonians and Thracians.34 He maintained relations with Persia, sheltering the rebel Persian satrap Artabazus, and giving support to Artaxerxes for his expedition mounted against Egypt in 351/350 BC.35 He conquered the Athenian Amphipolis36 and Chalkidiki (destroying Olynthus in 348 BC), Xenophon Hellenica 5.2.43, 5.3.1, 5.3 3. The economic situation was also dependent on the fact that unlike the Persian period when the Macedonian state benefited from trade down the Balkan route to the south and east, after the mid 5th century BC the more frequently used road was from the Adriatic to the Black Sea by way of the Danube, bypassing Macedonia and thus depriving it of the income from being an intermediary in the trade, see Hammond 1999, 97. 29 Borza 1990, 181–189; Roisman 2010, 158–161. 30 Borza 1990, 194–197; Roisman 2010, 161–164. 31 Plato Epistles V. 32 Hammond (2002, 44f.) assumed a reign of 22 years for Phillip II based on Justin (7.2.8–12; 8.1.3 uses the term rex when writing of his policy toward the city-states), who used the works of Marsyas of Macedon, considering it more probable than the period 359–336 BC, given by Diodorus Siculus (XVI 1,3 and 95,1). Philip was a regent on behalf of Amyntas, son of Perdikkas for two years, but the threat from a coalition of the Chalkidikian Union, the Illyrians and Athens led to him taking the throne at the insistence of the people. See Borza 1990, 200–252; Nawotka 2004, 36–48, 83–126; Müller 2010a, 166–187. 33 Alexander embarked upon a reform of the army, changing first the infantry into units of hoplites (see Hammond 2002, 27). Athenaeus (VI 261a) gives the number of Phillip II’s hetairoi at 800, including also non-aristocrats, e.g., Greeks (see Hampl 1934, 66–77) and members of the tribal monarchies from Upper Macedonia abolished after the victory over the Illyrians in 358 BC (Elimiotes, Orestians, Lyncestians and Pelagonians). Phillip also made use of Greek mercenaries, recruiting whole units later commanded by Macedonians. The hetairoi in the reign of Alexander were more than one hundred strong; it was a function more in the field. The hetairoi proper remained at the court as the king’s bodyguards (somatophylakes). In the 3rd century BC, the hetairoi of Phillip’s time were replaced by the philoi, who served in this role with the king. Phillip’s army near the end of his reign counted 30,000 infantry and 3,000 riders (Diodorus Siculus XVII 9.3); in the spring of 334 BC Alexander commanded 4,200 riders (Hammond 1999, 125). On the armies of Phillip II and Alexander, see Nawotka 2004, 48–64; Olbrycht 2004, 92–99 and 100–204 (changes in the army during the Asian campaign); Rzepka 2006, 39–48, 89–95; King 2010, 373–391; Sekunda 2010, 446–471. 34 See Greenwalt 2010, 279–305; Archibald 2010, 326–341. 35 Planning to take Thrace and control the isthmus between Europe and Asia, Phillip placated the Persians by signing an agreement in 343 BC not to intervene in Asia, in return for which Artaxerxes took it upon himself not to cross into Thrace and not to challenge Phillip on the seas, see Hammond 2002, 174; Olbrycht 2010, 345–351. 36 Amphipolis was founded by an Athenian, Agnon son of Nikias, in 437 BC on the site of the Thracian town of Ennea Hodoi, at the crossing of important trade routes. The inhabitants were not ethnically homogeneous, but Athenian colonists joined by Ionians and Thracians among others. After a battle in 422 BC, the Athenians left 28

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and extended Macedonian supremacy over almost all of Greece thanks to his victory at the battle of Cheronea in 338 BC. The Greek cities recognised this officially at the first pan-Hellenic congress, held in Corinth in 338/7 BC.37 There Phillip also announced a panHellenic expedition against Persia to free the Greek cities in Asia and to retaliate for the Persian invasion of Greece 150 years earlier. The assassination of Phillip in the theater at Aigai in 336 BC interrupted preparations for the expedition.38 Under his reign Pella became the biggest city in Macedonia,39 the court being peopled by Alexander’s tutor Aristotle; Theopompus, a student of Isokrates; the geographer Nearchus; and Aristotle’s student Theophrastus.40 Dion had importance for Phillip as well: it was there that he once celebrated with Alexander their victories, worshipping Zeus and the Muses and holding games.41 As the religious leader of the Macedonians, Phillip made daily offerings on behalf of the state as a whole to Zeus, Apollo, Athena, Herakles Patroos,42 and himself being worshipped in his role as an intermediary between the Macedonians and the gods.43 All the tribal groups and poleis under Macedonian rule retained administrative autonomy and their identity as in earlier times. The king imposed neither language nor religion, nor changes to the legal system, but he decided in matters of foreign policy. He also founded new cities in these territories, settling not only Macedonians there, but also Illyrian and Scythian peoples, forming ‘one kingdom and one peoples out of many peoples and tribes’.44 Artists, poets and philosophers invited to the court by the aristocracy influenced the development of court culture and a specific ‘courtly life’ that was imitated by the lower classes. Taking power after the murder of his father, Alexander (336–323 BC)45 continued his policies in Macedonia; in Greece, he fortified his position by forcing the cities to confirm the colony, which was incorporated into the Macedonian kingdom in 357 BC. Taking Amphipolis ensured control over ships sailing the Strymon River and over the gold mine at Pangaion, which was also a source of ship timbers. Amphipolis became one of the strongest and most important Macedonian centres, see Lazaridis 1997, 14ff. 37 Müller 2010a, 177–179. 38 Will 1987, 219ff. 39 Xenophon Hellenica V, 2,13. 40 See Badian 1982, 38f. 41 Borza 1990, 173f. 42 Herodotus VIII 139; Thucydides I 57,2; Curtius Rufus III 6 17 and X 7 15. 43 Hammond 2002, 239ff. A scion of Zeus through Herakles, Phillip was a favourite with the gods and his successes were proof of this. Offerings were made to him and to Amyntas at Aigai, where a temple was built to the two of them; a heroon by his tomb and in the Great Tumulus were also related to a cult of the dead. This custom is confirmed in a Hellenistic inscription from Eordai, which speaks of the ‘priesthood of Archelaus’, indicating that offerings were made to him after his death and that he was treated like a deity. In the Greek cities religious beliefs did not run as strong, the polis being more secular in nature. In his last letter Isokrates (Letters III 5) wrote that were Phillip to conquer the Persian king, he ‘could only now become god’, having in mind the pinnacle of human achievement. Alexander was granted, like Phillip, divine status by the Greek cities before his death, which meant that his actions had become equal to those of the gods. Isokrates’s statement shows the underpinning of the deification of Alexander and the later Hellenistic rulers: including heroes of divine descent in the genealogies of aristocratic Greek families led to the conviction that great deeds could ensure a form of posthumous worship and even deification, as was the case with Herakles, see Ryś 2002, 119. In Macedonia, Alexander’s request to establish a divine cult of his person was rejected, see Curtius Rufus X 5,11; Fredrickmeyer 1979, 3ff.; Badian 1981; Hammond 1999, 218f. On the role of the Macedonian ruler in religious ritual and aspects of deification in general, see Christesen, Murray 2010, 440–443. 44 Hammond 2002, 148ff. 45 Among others, Will 1987; Hammond 1999, 105–219; idem 2000; Nawotka 2004; Gilley, Worthington 2010, 186– 207. Alexander’s attitude toward his father is discussed by Müller 2010b, 25–32.

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his superiority in the Persian campaign. Crossing the Hellespont in 334 BC, he led the Macedonian and Greek armies in a victorious march across Asia Minor all the way to India. In occupied territory he emplaced Macedonian administration. Applying the same standards of religious tolerance as in the Macedonian kingdom, he worshipped the gods venerated in the places along his way. The expedition ended with Alexander’s death in Babylon in 323 BC. His body was embalmed by Chaldean priests, crowned with a diadem and placed in a golden coffin. The funeral was supposed to take place in Aigai, but ultimately only the regal paraphernalia reached the city through Eumenes of Cardia, the longtime Greek secretary of Phillip II and Alexander. His body was deposited in Egypt.46 The lack of an heir who could take the royal title47 led to a division of power. The intellectually disabled Phillip III Arrhidaeus, son of Phillip II and the Thessaian Philinna, and the unborn child of Roxana were proclaimed kings. Antipater remained in Macedonia.48 Perdikkas, who had been given by Alexander his ring and seal, commanded the army, while the prostasia in the kingdom was entrusted to Krateros, who was on his way back to the kingdom with the soldiers. The division of power between Alexander’s companions in the occupied territories marked the beginning of a struggle to maintain the state’s unity. The death of Alexander created a dangerous situation in Macedonia, which had been supplying manpower continuously since 334 BC for the army, originally numbering 15,000.49 The male population must have been decimated, considering that the army in the 3rd century BC was made up almost exclusively of mercenaries.50 The hetairoi had been replaced by the philoi, an elitist group personally connected with the ruler and fulfilling high offices. Pella lost its status of the royal court, that being wherever Alexander was, and the situation in the land governed by Antipater and Olympias until 324 BC became unstable, with Alexander’s decision to move his mother to Molossia as a consequence of conflict between them.51 The return of 3,000 veterans from Asia in 320–319 BC must have enriched the country indirectly with the booty brought back by the soldiers,52 but otherwise there is very little in the sources on the economic situation in Macedonia and the life standards of the returning veterans.53 On his deathbed in 319 BC, Antipater named Poliperchon his successor. Poliperchon, a commander from the times of Phillip II, sought the help of Olimpias in his difficult situation. By her order, Phillip Arrhidaeus and his wife Eurydice, a granddaughter of Phillip II and an Illyrian by origin through her grandmother Diodorus Siculus XVIII 3,5; Nawotka 2004, 512–519; see below note 82 and p. 167f. Herakles born in 327 BC of the Iranian Barsine was not taken into consideration, see Nawotka 2004, 253, 307f. 48 His army counted 10,000 (Arrian Anabasis of Alexander VII 2,4) and an additional 5,000 soldiers who were to act together with the veterans to suppress the rebellions in Greece (see Hammond 1999, 132). 49 Hammond 1999, 143, 161. Making up this number were 1,800 hetairoi, 12,000 infantry and the allied armies of the Paionians and Thracians. A force 13,000 strong remained at home under Antipater’s command. Most of the hetairoi defending the borders came from Upper Macedonia, in contrast to the group taking part in the expedition, which was from Lower Macedonia. 50 Bravo, Wipszycka 1992, 71; Wipszycka 2003. 51 The prostasia was taken over in Macedonia by his sister Cleopatra, daughter of Phillip and Olympias, wife of Alexander I, Olimpias’s brother reigning in Molossia, which was subject to Macedonia at this time. 52 It is thought that 6,000 of the original 10,000 veterans who started out with Crateus in 324 BC and crossed from Cilicia into Europe in 322 BC never reached Macedonia. They took part in the Lamian War, then fought against the Etolians in 322/321 BC and in Antipater’s Asia Minor campaign in 321 BC. The remaining 4,000 soldiers who stayed in Cilicia and Alexander’s unit of argyraspides, still in Asia, were killed during the Wars of the Diadochi, see Touratsoglou 1994, 177. 53 Athenaeus IV 128c. 46 47

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Audata, were murdered in 317 BC. The queen, residing in Pydna at the time, was sentenced to death a year later by Cassander,54 Antipater’s son, who took power in Macedonia in 317 BC with the support of the other commanders of Alexander. To legitimise his rule, he wedded Thessalonike, daughter of Phillip II and the Thessalian Nikesipolip. In 308 BC, he was also responsible for the death of the last of the Argeads, Alexander IV, on whose behalf he held power. His rule lasted until 298/7 BC, during which time he managed to protect the borders, fortify the more important sites and build new cities (synoikismos of Thessalonica, Stratos and Agrinion, and the foundation of Kassandreia and Antipatreia in Illyria). The continuing struggle for power in Macedonia,55 that is, the rule of Demetrios Poliorketes of the Antigonids (294–287 BC), the division of the land between Lysimachus and Pyrrhus, and the reign of Ptolemy Keraunos (281–279 BC) ended with the enthronement of Antigonos II Gonatas (276–239 BC), who was married to Phila of the Seleucids. His reign, Pyrrhus’s invasion and the Celtic raid notwithstanding, brought stabilisation and a continuation of Macedonian traditions. Two years after the victory over the Celts at Lysimachia in 277 BC, Antigonos Gonatas, who had become the unquestioned ruler of Macedonia after this battle, embarked on the development of Demetrias in Thessaly, the second capital after Pella founded in 294 BC by Demetrios, and on organizing his court at Pella. It was a time of cultural development, with Antigonos striving to bring a wide array of philosophers, poets and scholars to his court.56 Pella was a strong political, intellectual and artistic centre in Greece despite its inability to attain a level of cultural independence to match Athens, which had lost little of its cultural splendor even while losing political importance after the Chremonidean War of 268/7 BC.57 The situation remained unchanged through the reigns of the successive Antigonids (Demetrius II, 239–229 BC; Antigonus Doson, cousin of Demetrius and regent during the minority of Philip V, 229–221 BC; Phillip V, 221–179 BC; Perseus, 179–168 BC) despite warring on the northern borders and the struggle to retain hegemony in Greece. The defeat at the hands of the Romans in the battle of Cynoscephalae (197 BC) during the Second Macedonian War, which resulted in the loss of influence in Greece proper and lesser political significance, marked the beginning of the waning of Macedonia. The division of power after Alexander’s death and the Wars of the Diadochi led to the emergence of the states of the Ptolemies, Seleucids and Macedonians. The system of government created by Alexander and the foundations of economic development that were put in place determined the future of the newly established Hellenistic kingdoms. The old Greek cities strived to maintain their autonomy, often in the form of regional unions or koine, such as Epirus, Achaia, and Etolia. However, the unending conflicts between particular tribes made it easier for the Romans to meddle in Greek affairs and, after the final battle of Pydna in 168 BC, to take all of Greece and to divide it into four districts. In 148 BC the Romans suppressed the rebellion of Andronikos in Macedonia; this resulted 54 Diodorus Siculus XIX 52, 5; Edson 1949, 84f. (epigrams found near Pydna-Makryghialos and Kitros); Hammond 1984, 31ff.; Adams 2010, 214–218. 55 Adams 2010, 218–224; Eckstein 2010, 225–250. 56 His guests included Timon of Phlius, a philosopher also in good relations with Ptolemy II; the tragedian Alexander of Pleuron in Etolia, flourishing in the Alexandrian Library in 285–283 BC; the poets Antagoras from Rhodes, and Aratos from Soloi, the author of Phainomena, a description of the heavenly constellations. 57 Zeno of Kition was one of those who did not agree to moving from Athens to Pella, see Huß 2001, 317f.

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in a loss of independence and the forming of a province with its administrative centre in Thessalonica. 2. Alexandria From the start of the 7th century BC, large numbers of Greek merchants and Ionian and Carian mercenaries were attracted to settle in Egypt. Their presence is attested to during the reign of Psammetichus I (664–610 BC) and his son Nechos I (610–595 BC).58 The Greek settlers were concentrated in two localities: Naukratis,59 which was the most important harbor in Egypt accessible through Canopus and through the Canopian branch of the Nile, and Memphis, where the two population groups had started to merge during the lifetime of Alexander the Great, creating a kind of intercultural formation based on cultural relations, exchange and efforts at a common understanding.60 By making offerings to the Egyptian gods, Alexander honored Memphis as Egypt’s oldest capital and residence of the pharaohs with a long and rich tradition as one of the most important cult sites.61 Intending to journey to the Oasis of Siwa to legitimise his rule in Egypt before Amon,62 Alexander sailed down the Nile to Lake Mareotis, where on 20 January 331 BC, on a sandbar between the lake and the sea, much like the location of Pella, he ordered a city to be established. This city, Alexandria, would later become the capital of Ptolemaic Egypt. Applying the teachings of Aristotle (Politics 5,6,11 and 12), he delineated the city walls and established the location of the city centre, the street grid, and the locations of the temples of Isis and the Greek gods.63 Moving the capital from Memphis was conditioned mainly by economic and political reasons.64 The location of Alexandria had numerous benefits: it had its advantages as a centre for administration and trade, and for controlling the territory under Ptolemaic influence.65 The construction of the city, which would continue for dozens of years, Alexander left to two Greeks: Kleomenes of Naukratis, later satrap of Egypt, and Deinokrates of Rhodos, responsible for the urban plan.66 The city was to be divided into five phylai (within this frame Schubart 1927, 5ff.; Felber, Pfisterer-Haas 1999, xxi; Huß 2001, 25f. The pharaoh Amasis (570–526 BC), who accepted the Greeks for military reasons and counted on their support in his fighting with Assyria, Babylon and Persia, established Naukratis as a Greek colony in view of the antipathy that surrounded them and the threatening rebellion against the growing number of Greek settlers, see Huß 2001, 29. 60 Felber, Pfisterer‑Haas 1999, xiv. 61 Mastrocinque 1987, 289ff ; Huß 2001, 58 note 15. By assuming a name (Beloved of Re, Chosen by Amon) referring to the name of the last Egyptian pharaoh Nektanebos and making an offering to Apis, he stopped being a foreign king and invader, and became instead another of the rulers and at the same time a god as son of Amon, see Plauman 1920; Fredericksmeyer 1979, 1ff ; Nawotka 2004, 283–289. 62 Strabo XVII 1,43. 63 Plutarch Aleksander 26; Diodorus Siculus XVII 52,4; Arrian, The Expedition of Alexander the Great III 1–2; Strabo XVII 1–6; Grimm 1998, 18ff ; Huß (2001, 63f.) presents a discussion of the date of the founding of the city; Bagnall (1979, 46ff.) is among those arguing in favour of April 7. 64 The Greek town of Naukratis lay in the Nile Delta, but not directly on the coast; it was dependent on the internal situation of Egypt, being actually an enclave in Egyptian territory with obligations to the state. Greek political intervention was not possible here. Therefore, the place that according to legend Homer showed Alexander in his dream (Plutarch Alexander, 26) gave many more advantages and opportunities for development, see Green 1996, 9ff. 65 Heinen 1981, 3ff. 66 Vitruvius II, Introduction, 4; von Gerkan 1924, 62–74, 78f., 82–94; Grimm 1996, 55ff.; Tomlinson 1997, 155ff.; Tkaczow 1993. The difficulties in reconstructing the topography of Alexandria are due to major rebuilding, first in the Roman period and then in the 19th and 20th centuries, and to changes of the coastline. 58 59

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12 demoses made up of 12 phratries each).67 The section of the coast opposite the island of Pharos68 was occupied by Egyptian settlements, including the village of Rhakotis,69 forcing Alexander, and later Kleomenes, to incorporate their inhabitants into the population of the newly founded city.70 The synoikismos thus ran along Greek–Macedonian lines (presumably bringing together people also from Naukratis, Memphis and Canopus) and this group constituted the fully fledged citizens of Alexandria, and native Egyptian ones, a much poorer local population living on the fringes of the new city occupied in services and craftwork.71 The southern district with the city walls embraced the residences, including the Serapeum, while the northern part had the basileia, Museion, Library, and Paneion, as well as typical urban foundations like a theater, gymnasium, temples, parks and gardens, along with the Sema, the tomb of Alexander the Great.72 A necropolis extended to the west, beyond the Gate of Selene,73 and gardens filled the area 2–3 km further west, reaching today’s elWardian.74 Beyond the Canopus gate on the east was the hippodrome, and 1.5 km to the southeast of the walls the village of Eleusis on the Canopus Canal,75 inhabited by many Greeks for whom it was like a resort; it was here that Kallimachos taught.76 The settlement of Nikopolis lay about 5.5 km from Alexandria, beyond the hippodrome.77 Its temples were highly popular with the Alexandrians and it also had a stadium and amphitheater. Further to the east, Strabo reported makra Taposiris and the settlement of Zephyrion,78 Kanopos, describing it as a ‘place for excursions’ 22 km from Alexandria and Heraklea.79 Before moving the capital from Memphis in 320/319 BC80 Ptolemy I (as satrap in 322–305 BC and king in 305–282 BC), the closest friend, companion and historiographer81 of Alexander and one of his most trusted generals, raised a palace (basileia) and tomb of Alexander the Great, whom he had initially buried in Memphis.82 During his reign Egypt became a strong independent state, with Alexandria as an intellectual centre of renown, converging scholars in the Museion and Library.83 Ptolemy’s activities, among them introducing a Fraser 1972, I, 38ff. incorporating the chorai nearest to the city within the demos boundaries. Strabo XVII 1, 6 (C 792). Pharos was inhabited by Egyptians and later also by Jews. 69 Strabo XVII 1,6; Fraser 1972, I, 271. 70 Curtius Rufus The History of Alexander the Great IV 8,5. 71 Jähne 1980, 141. 72 Information about the city is found in Book 17 of Strabo’s Geography; Strabo visited Alexandria sometime between 24 and 20 BC; see Mahmoud el Falaki 1872; Neroutsos‑Bey 1888; Adriani 1966, 13ff.; Fraser 1972, I, 3ff.; Hoepfner, Schwandner 1994, 235ff.; Grimm 1996, 55ff. 73 Strabo XVII 1, 10. 74 Fraser 1972, I, 26. 75 Strabo XVII 1, 16. The absence of data on the eastern necropolis presumably results from this part of the city being developed with new living quarters, see Fraser 1972, I, 31f., II, 102 note 236; Grimm 1996, 62f. 76 Suda, Καλλίμαχος. 77 Strabo XVII 1, 10 (name from the Roman period). 78 Strabo XVII 1, 16. 79 Strabo XVII 1, 17. 80 Huß 2001, 65. Memphis was officially recognised again as Egypt’s second capital in the times of Ptolemy V Epiphanes. 81 Müller 2012, 83–85. 82 Ptolemy intercepted the body of Alexander being transported in a burial carriage to Aigai (Diodorus Siculus XVIII 26, 26) while it was still in Syria (Pausanias I 6,3 ‘He (Ptolemy) crossed over to Egypt in person, and killed Cleomenes, whom Alexander had appointed satrap of that country, considering him a friend of Perdiccas, and therefore not faithful to himself; and the Macedonians who had been entrusted with the task of carrying the corpse of Alexander to Aegae, he persuaded to hand it over to him. And he proceeded to bury it with Macedonian rites in Memphis’). On Alexander’s place of burial, see p. 167f. 83 Huß 2001, 232ff. Demetrios of Phaleron was the spiritus rector of the two institutions which both derived from 67 68

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developed system of management in Egypt based on Athenian models, were bolstered by Demetrios of Phaleron, who arrived in Egypt in 307 BC. The ruler’s pro-Greek policy called for freeing the Greek poleis of Cassander’s garrisons. Plans for invading Macedonia were dropped with the killing of Cleopatra, who had been charged with the care of Alexander IV. Good relations with the priests are attested by Ptolemy’s participation in cult practices and crowning himself according to the Egyptian custom.84 There was no way to hold the whole land by force, hence the need to cede power to members of the more influential Egyptian families. The newly established cult of Serapis, a deity that assimilated the characteristics of both Egyptian and Greek gods, filled the religious needs of the Greeks.85 Unlike Alexander, Ptolemy I did not introduce a divine cult of his person86 and he did not identify with the Egyptians either culturally or politically. All through his rule he remained a Hellenised Macedonian referring to his ties with the Argeads,87 building his power on a Macedonian army88 and a Macedonian–Greek administration and working for a modus vivendi for both the Greeks and the Egyptians together. For his successor he chose Ptolemy, the son of his third wife Berenike I. Ptolemy II Philadelphos (284–246 BC) continued the consolidation of the state initiated by his father and strived to develop Alexandria as a centre of intellectual and cultural life.89 His diplomatic countering of Macedonian influence in Greece led to the Chremonidean War (268–262 BC) and he also engaged in the power struggle in Syria. About 275 BC he married his sister Arsinoe II90 (the former wife of Lysimachus from Thrace and then his stepbrother Ptolemy Keraunos), who was greatly influential with regard to her brother’s political decision-making. After 283 BC Ptolemy II initiated the cult of dead rulers: his parents Ptolemy I and Berenike, the theoi soteres, and then his sister and wife Arsinoe, the tradition of the peripatetic school. The first superintendent of the Library was Zenodotus of Ephesus (see Orru 2002, 31ff.). Others who lived in Alexandria were Strato of Lampsakos, a member of the school of Theophrastus of Eresos and tutor of the royal heir; Theodoros of Kyrene; Hegesias of Kyrene (banned from teaching because of propagating suicide as a problem-solving method); Hekataios of Abdera; Kleitarchos of Alexandria, author of ‘The History of Alexander’; the poets Philetas of Kos and his student Zenodotus of Kos, who stayed in correspondence with Menander; the painter Antiphilos, who depicted Ptolemy as Meleager during the Caledonian boar hunt; and the scholars: Euclides and the medics and anatomists Herophilus of Chalcedon and Erasistratos of Keos. 84 The Stele of the Satrap from 311 BC shows Ptolemy, who was crowned in 306/5 BC, as a pharaoh making an offering; the cartouches were left empty, see Hölbl 2004, 75f. Regarding Ptolemy’s coronation, see Koenen 1977, 56ff. 85 See p. 189f. and Stambaugh 1972; Hornbostel 1973. 86 The Rhodians established a cult of Ptolemy, building for him a temenos and calling him Soter in recognition of his help to them against Demetrios Poliorketes in 305/4 BC. In ideological terms this corresponded to the hiera anagraphe of Euhemeros of Messene, the author arguing that the Olympian gods had once been kings and started to be worshipped as gods for their deeds after their death (Diodorus Siculus V 48,8; VI 1). 87 Lianou 2010. 88 The army of Ptolemy I consisted of units assigned to him as satrap in Babylon and a garrison left by Alexander in Egypt (about 20,000 soldiers); he recruited Greeks living in Cyrenaica and after the death of Perdiccas took over some of his Greek-Macedonian army. Until the conflict with Antioch III the army was made up of non-Egyptians. Nearest to the king were the ‘relatives’ (syngeneis), ‘first friends’ (hoi protoi philoi), ‘commanders of the guard’ (archisomatophylakes), ‘friends’ (philoi), ‘followers’, ‘heads of the guard’ somatophylakes, see Bravo, Wipszycka 1992, 165f., 170. The philoi group was ethnically homogeneous because at least from the 3rd century BC the native population did not have access to the highest offices, but it was also quite varied, consisting as it did of Greeks and Macedonians originating from all parts of the Greek world and from very different social and political traditions, see Völcker‑Janssen 1993, 10; listing by origin of members of the higher class in the Ptolemaic state, see Heichelheim 1925, 36ff.; Braunert 1965/66, 231ff. 89 See Müller 2009. 90 Carney 2013, 31–48 and 83–105.

Historical outline

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who died in 270 (268) BC, giving her the name Philadelphos,91 extolled in Kallimachus’s poetry. The Arsineion in Alexandria was dedicated to her,92 as were the temple of ArsinoeAphrodite-Zephiritis, raised on Cape Zephyrion by Kallikrates of Samos,93 and the Arsinoeia festival.94 He organised the Ptolemaia, the first pan-Hellenic games, dedicated to Ptolemy I and held for the first time in 278/7 BC. The procession organised as part of these games demonstrated an ideological image of Ptolemaic power, serving propaganda purposes and accentuating ties with Alexander the Great, Ptolemy I and Dionysus.95 The next step was to establish the cult of his own person as the consort of a goddess (theoi adelphoi).96 It was an important change in the formula of the dead ruler’s cult, referring to the position of Alexander the Great: the ‘priest of Alexander’ received the title of ‘priest of Alexander and of the divine siblings’. In his capacity as pharaoh, he participated in cult ceremonies97 and built temples.98 His ideological efforts were meant to ensure Ptolemy II a stronger political position and increased prestige as a ruler; it also gave the state greater social stability. At the same time, he emphasised Greek religious traditions by making Dionysus the new god of the dynasty.99 Adonis gained in importance compared to Greece, this in the context of his relations with Aphrodite/Arsinoe and Pan.100 Ptolemy was followed on the throne by his son born of Arsinoe I, Ptolemy III (246–222 BC), who was married to Berenike II, daughter of the Cyrenaican ruler Magas and his Seleucid wife Apame. He started off with a successful campaign in Syria to defend his sister Berenike’s rights to the Syrian throne. He brought back to Egypt many vessels and statues said to belong to the Persian king, hence his title theos euergetes. With regard to mainland Greece he maintained his hegemony in the Achaean League through his close relations with the league’s recurrent strategos Aratos of Sycyon and through supporting the anti-Macedonian movement and fighting in the Demetrian War after the death of Antigonos Gonatas. He managed the freeing of Athens in 229 BC and later kept up close relations between the two metropolises. His campaigns in the Eastern territories and in the Greek islands, largely supported by General Sosibios, strengthened Egypt’s position. Internally, he was forced to quell in 245 BC the first riots of the villagers, supported most likely by the priests. Economic and social issues stood behind the unrest, and possibly a nationalistic element to some extent.101 In the cultural sphere he aimed at developing the 91 The hieroglyphic text on the stele of Mendes and a depiction of Arsinoe II as a new goddess receiving offerings among the Egyptian divinities attests to the approval that the cult of the queen met with among Egyptian priests, see Grimm 1998, 76. 92 Adriani 1966, 207. 93 On the temple and poetry, see Rostropowicz 2002, 120ff. 94 Fraser 1972, I, 225f., 228ff., 232; Burr Thompson 1973, 25f. 95 A description of the procession of Kallixenos, preserved fragmentarily in the work by Athenaeus (V 197c–203b; see also p. 179 note 59, 194 note 187). Another festival celebrated by Ptolemy II was the Basileia, which Alexander the Great first organised upon his return from the Oasis of Siwa. On the references to New Dionysus, see Müller 2009, 159–172. 96 The dikeras with which Arsinoe was shown was a symbol guaranteeing prosperitas for the king and queen, see Burr Thompson 1973; Carney 2013, 77–79, 100 and below, p. 194 note 182, 202 note 237. On the cults of the theoi soteres and the theoi adelphoi, see Müller 2009, 246–300. 97 Huß 1994, 51ff. 98 Temple of Isis on the island of Philae, temple of Satet on Elephantine, see Huß 1994, 28f.; Hölbl 2004, 78f. 99 Fraser 1972, I, 202f., 205, 287f.; see p. 189f. 100 Fraser 1972, I, 197, 287, 672; on the Paneion, see ibidem, 29; Castiglione 1978. 101 Huß 2001, 373f.

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Museion and Library, then directed by Eratosthenes of Kyrene, the philologist Aristophanes of Byzantium and mathematician Apollonios of Perge. In terms of religious policies, he upheld both Egyptian and Macedonian traditions: supported the cults, built and renovated numerous temples,102 organised annual priestly synods, and took care of the cult of Serapis by initiating the construction of a temple complex in Alexandria. The Greek cities joined in the cult of the ruler, while in Egypt it took on the form of the old Egyptian cult of the pharaoh as an embodiment of Re. His wife Berenike legitimised her position by following in the footsteps of her predecessor, Arsinoe II; The legend of the katasterismos of her lock of hair, extolled in Kallimachus’s poetry, told of her rise to divine status.103 The greatness of the Lagid Dynasty ended with the death of Ptolemy III. Berenike and her younger son Magas, whom she favoured, were killed at the order of the influential general Sosibios. Ptolemy IV (222–205 BC) took the title of Philopator, thus legitimizing his power against the claims of Berenike’s followers, matching this with the Egyptian title of ‘Horus, who protects his father’. Egypt’s borders were in direct danger of attacks mounted by Antioch III. Allowing Egyptians to fight in the army was decisive in the Ptolemaic victory at the battle of Raphia in 217 BC, but the outcome of this move was a rise in nationalist movements on the part of the Egyptian soldiers. Persuaded of their power, they rejected the rule of the foreign Greeks and Macedonians, protested their fiscal obligations, became increasingly vociferous in demanding their rights, and incited the agricultural classes to rebellion. Internal problems kept Ptolemy IV out of foreign policy. Most of his life was spent worshipping Dionysus and mounting literary and theatrical shows. He supported science at the Museion and Library, but he also laid out the financial resources for building Egyptian temples. Significant changes occurred in the arts, with Greek and Egyptian elements being combined in a new style.104 The cult of the ruler was broadened to include the theoi soteres, establishing thus in 215/4 BC a dynastic cult of the house of Ptolemy, linked to the consecration of the Sema and the organisation of the first Soteria festival.105 The title ‘Beloved of Isis’ reflected his special worship of this goddess identified with Arsinoe III. Depicted often with her consort, the god Serapis, she was indicative of the ties that linked the divine couple with the royal one.106 Ptolemy IV’s body was cremated after death, just like that of Arsinoe II. The five-year-old Ptolemy V (204–180 BC), titled Epiphanes, was given power by the soldiers. The regency and the internal crisis resulted in the loss of Syria and Palestine. Some of the Greek cities subordinated to Egypt seized the opportunity to recover their independence. 102 The greatest undertaking was the building of the temple of Horus in Edfu. The king followed a strictly Egyptian ritual when personally laying the foundation stone, see Huß 2001, 376f. 103 For the Greek and Egyptian aspects of the poem, see Huß 2001, 353f. Arsinoe as patroness of poets, see Carney 2013, 102–103. 104 Noshy 1937, 132ff. One example is the Sema, the funerary enclosure built by Ptolemy IV for Alexander and his successors. It combined a subterranean burial chamber with a tumulus and monumental pyramids as markers (see p. 168). As well, the tympanum of the stele commemorating the victory in the battle of Raphia, set up by the Egyptian priests, was decorated with an image of the ruler in Greek style, on horseback, wearing Macedonian armor and holding a spear. The juxtaposition of Greek and Egyptian forms is also clear in the shape of the Thalamegos, see Athenaeus V 204d–206c; Caspari 1916 and below, p. 170f. note 47. 105 Fraser 1972, 232f., 288. 106 See a bilingual text on plaques produced in connection with the completion of the building of the temple of Serapis and Isis in Alexandria in: Stambaugh 1972, 90f.

Historical outline

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The priestly class helped to stabilise the internal situation, gradually suppressing the rebellions that were ongoing ever since the battle of Raphia. In 197 BC Ptolemy was the first ruler of the Lagid dynasty to be crowned in Memphis, in keeping with Egyptian custom. His reign was marked by especially strong links between religion and politics.107 Even though the Greek ideology of the kingdom had not become Egyptianised, it had come closer to it in means of expression. Cities founded by Alexander the Great along the route of his victorious march to the East were intended to assuage social issues caused by poverty and social deprivation in 4thcentury Greece and the large numbers of mercenaries that were being let off.108 Although the inhabitants of Greek cities were for colonisation, the cities established by Alexander the Great were settled initially only by Greek mercenaries and Macedonian veterans, as well as an Asiatic population.109 The end of the expedition led to a change in the attitude toward cities in these newly conquered territories. Intensified colonisation took place in an eastward direction after 323 BC and the preference was for cities lying as close as possible to the boundaries of the Greek world. Kleomenes and Ptolemy I afterwards searched for colonists to come to Alexandria; among the first inhabitants were Macedonians and most likely Athenians as well. Ptolemais, established in 311 on the site of a small village called the House of the Crocodile in Upper Egypt, was colonised by people from Argos, Thessaly and Sparta.110 Although modeled on the Greek poleis, the new urban units did not have political sovereignty. In Alexandria, which was initially autonomic,111 Ptolemy I reformed the government at the end of the 4th and beginning of the 3rd centuries BC to reflect an oligarchic and timocratic form of management intended to match the political relations of the Greek cities in Egyptian territory to the autocratic state of the Ptolemies. Despite the presence of central offices, Alexandria retained a Greek city structure throughout the Hellenistic period.112 The first citizens were Greek-speaking soldiers settled there by Alexander to maintain law and order, and settlers brought for the purpose. The Greek inhabitants of Alexandria included xenoi, from specific poleis or ethne, without citizen status,113 preserving their origins by taking their homelands (ethnikon) as their surnames. This also concerned the civilian Macedonians. Egyptians were the most numerous group in Alexandria, ranking lower than the non-Greek xenoi in the hierarchy. They had to observe the city laws, but kept their customs, practiced their own cults and were subject to Egyptian law implemented by Egyptian judges.114 The Greeks organised life in the new territories in a dynamic manner, Huß 2001, 532. This issue is taken up by Aristotle (Politics, 1303 a 1–2), who writes of a growing number of paupers; Isokrates ([Panegirykos] IV, 168; 5,96) considers the socially dangerous issues of poverty and mercenaries. The division into poor and rich polities is noted also by Plato (Republic, 4, 423a). 109 Regarding Alexander’s relations with the Persians and Iranians, see Olbrycht 2010, 351–369. 110 Fraser 1972, I, 62 and II 146 note 189; Lewis 1986, 10ff ; Delia 1996, 41ff.; Wipszycka 2003. 111 The city reserved the right to an independent administration, had its own nomoi, elected officials and the right to administer land belonging to the city, see Fraser 1972, I, 93ff.; Jähne 1980, 110. 112 Samuel 1989, 51ff. 113 Fraser 1972, I, 46ff. mentions groups of Alexandrians without citizenship: a) without a demotikon; b) arrivals from the years 250–160 BC; c) soldiers of incomplete status; d) not privileged in any way, certifying only their own and their father’s names; see also Wipszycka 2003. 114 Fraser 1972, I, 54; Huß 2001, 223. 107 108

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serving in the various offices, but primarily profiting from a strong economy.115 Sanctuaries also offered a chance at becoming wealthy, hence the appearance of Greeks among the Egyptian priests should be treated as a process similar to the gradual penetration of Greek administrative circles by Egyptian priests and officials.116 Society characteristically had no divisions formed on ethnic grounds.117 The groups were made up of representatives of both Macedonians and Greeks, who were not treated in Egypt as separate ethnicities,118 as well as Egyptians. Their emergence was conditioned by social factors. To keep their privileged status, they protected their native culture, establishing schools and gymnasiums.119 An essential adaptation to life in the Egyptian state was learning at least the basics of the language, land cultivation appropriate to the requirements of local plants, and building houses based on traditional Egyptian designs. Moreover, local beliefs were gradually being assimilated, while maintaining a native autonomy.120 The Ptolemies rested their power in Egypt on their own army, at the same time assuming forms of Egyptian state organisation, administration, economy, and monarchical system. In this manner they formed a base that was acceptable equally to the Egyptians and to the Greeks and Macedonians.121 This Egyptian–Macedonian consensus was possible because of the ideological similarity of the two monarchies,122 with support from both Ptolemy’s philoi and the Egyptian priests. The legitimisation of power was also possible on the Greek side in view of the parallels between the institution of the ruler and the heros eponymos. Two poets in the court of Ptolemy II, Theocritus of Syracuse and Kallimachos of Kyrene, took it upon themselves to acquaint the Greeks with Egyptian beliefs, which were not quite foreign to them in view of ongoing contacts starting from the 7th century BC. They searched for Greek parallels in mythological stories and the epic poems of Homer.123 The first signs of weakening of the state that had been consolidated under the first three Ptolemies appeared already in the rule of Ptolemy IV. His death came at a time when awareness was growing among the Egyptian part of society, especially the priestly class, of a weakening royal dynasty. Despite brief intervals of stability, Ptolemy V, a minor, could not counter the infighting, rebellions and hunger that swept the land, further destabilizing the internal situation and undermining royal authority and the Greek–Macedonian domination.

Lewis 1986, 14ff.; Bowman 1986, 89ff ; Wipszycka 2003. See Samuel 1983, 105ff. 117 Jähne 1980, 40f. Maintaining peace in such a varied society was an important tenet of the internal policy adopted by the Ptolemies, ensuring them uninterrupted work by the different groups of craftsmen. 118 Asirvatham 2010, 121. 119 Lewis 1986, 26f. 120 On religion, see below, p. 185ff. 121 Schubart 1927, 9ff. 122 Scholz 1994, 228. The premises of the two monarchies, referring to the ‘tasks’ of a king among others, are largely parallel. The orientation is a key difference: secular in Macedonia, sacral in Egypt; see also Samuel 1989, 67ff.; Huß 1991, 55ff. 123 Koenen 1981, 143ff.; Merkelbach 1983, 27ff. For example, marriage between a ruler and his sister could be accepted on mythological grounds by analogy with the marriage of Zeus and Hera. 115 116

Chapter 2

Types of funerary complexes in Macedonia 1. Forms of tombs from the Archaic and Classic periods – cist graves The earliest cemeteries with richly furnished cist graves date to the Archaic period. They can be found at Vergina, Sindos, Aiani, Olynthus, Pella, Toumba Paionia, Katerini, Derveni, and Pydna1 (Figure 1). These tombs with a flat or gable roof and fitted with a stone theke gave rise to the official Macedonian type of tomb. The grave goods were produced in local workshops as a rule, but imported pieces from Athens, Corinth, Eubea, Boeotia and the Greek islands may also be discerned in the funerary assemblages. In turn, similar burial practices as well as similar types of tombs and furnishings recorded in the necropoleis of Macedonian, Illyrian, Paionian and Thracian cities stand as proof of the ties which existed among the Macedonians and their tribal neighbors.2 Upon discovery, the tombs in Vergina were found to be for the most part robbed, but the remaining finds still left no doubt as to the original abundance of high-quality grave goods in burials, at least the wealthiest ones, from the second half of the 6th and the 5th centuries BC in the necropolis of Macedonia’s prime city. The tombs evinced the existence of a social class of considerable affluence.3 The standard furnishings encompassed pottery, terracotta figurines, bronze vessels, jewellery, and weapons. An unrobbed burial of a woman from 500–490 BC4 contained a collection of golden jewellery comprising a diadem, plaques sewn onto robes, spiral chains, fibulae and pins, pendants, and earrings. Sandals of gilded silver complemented the deceased’s apparel.5 A bronze hydria and silver cup were placed by the woman’s feet and a set of 11 bronze cups and six terracotta female busts encircled 1 The oldest examples of this kind of burial, dated to the early Iron Age, come from the necropolis in Pydna (see Besios 1994, 171f.). 2 Koukouli‑Chrysanthaki and Vokotopoulou in: Makedonen, 208ff. A cist grave from Stavroupolis from the end of the 5th century BC yielded a set of grave goods similar to those of contemporary tombs from Macedonian territory: a bronze oinochoe (cat. 243), a spouted jar with a sharply carinated cylindrical body (cat. 244), a bronze patera with a handle terminating in a swan’s head, popular in Macedonia (cat. 245), a double pin of the Illyrian type (cat. 246), and two plaques with representations of lions (cat. 247–249). 3 The oldest tomb (from about 540–530 BC) contained a large number of terracotta figures (representing kouroi, korai and animals), Attic and Corinthian pottery, bronze vessels, and gold and silver jewellery. A tomb from the mid-5th century BC yielded nothing but golden roundels, a popular dress adornment of the period. Sandal soles made of gold are of interest, as are rare amber beads discovered together with a few bronze cups in a robbed grave from about 470–460 BC (Ginouvès 1993, 35ff.). Burials were often made within a standing tumulus but without disturbing their structure, which could mean that the dead were all from one clan. Female burials from the vicinity of the Tomb of Eurydice contained jewellery, gold sheet ornaments decorating robes and sandal soles, Attic red-figured pottery, white-grounded lekythoi, a Panathenaic amphora, ostrich eggs, marble vessels (exaleiptron, lekythoi) and metal ones (Tomb K1 from the end of the 5th century BC), see Andronikos 1988b, 99ff ; Andronikos 1989, 192ff.; Kottaridou 1992, 1ff.; Andronikos 1991b, 189ff ; Andronikos 1991a, 1ff. Some finds parallel grave goods from tombs of the end of the 6th century from Sindos, among others a golden diadem with mythological scenes rendered in repoussage, a bronze hydria, a silver phiale, an iron exaleiptron with a bronze tripod, and an iron cart, see note 8. 4 Ibidem. 5 Silver soles were also found in a robbed shaft grave LIII from about 480 BC, see note 3.

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Figure 1. Macedonia, map of the more important sites

the body. The grave goods included a miniature cart of iron, a glass unguentarium of the Phoenician type and a unquentarium. Unique in this group were 25 life-sized terracotta heads associated with ritual practices: idealised female heads; some diademed, naturalistic male heads; and heads of old men.6 The ancient cemetery in Sindos/Chalastra near Thessaloniki has yielded important data on burial customs from Archaic and early Classic times (mid 6th–mid 5th century BC). In the second half of the 6th century BC, the territories to the north of the Thermaic Gulf were inhabited by Paionian tribes,7 and it is probably from them that the Macedonians took over the necropolis in Sindos at the close of the 6th century BC. The cemetery counts 121 cist graves with flat slab roofs or simple pit graves excavated in low eminences, all containing single burials. Despite roughly half of the tombs being robbed, the remaining grave goods, which included objects made of terracotta, gold, silver, bronze and iron, leave no doubt as to the great affluence of the 6th-century BC settlement.8 Similar furnishings can be found in 6 Similar protomes were found in tomb LIII from about 480 BC. The diademed male and female heads were painted and there was an opening in the neck serving to mount it on a base. The execution was perfunctory, made in local workshops producing under eastern Ionian influence, see Kottaridou, in: Makedonen, 158, cat. 141; Kottaridou 1992, 2. 7 See page 12. 8 Despini 1986. Many of the grave goods were made specifically for the purpose, for example, miniature iron

Types of funerary complexes in Macedonia

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nearby necropoleis from the 6th century belonging most likely to the the Paionian tribes: Agia Paraskevi, which was used in the 6th century BC;9 Agios Athanasios;10 Thermia;11 and the Thracian Ennea Hodoi in the territory of the later Amphipolis.12 The necropolis in Aiani provides proof of outstanding Archaic and Classic craftsmanship also in Upper Macedonia. The tombs found there, of rather large dimensions, were built for members of the royal family,13 while the town on the acropolis must be judged the capital of the Elimeotes. Cist graves from the 5th century BC in the Leivadia necropolis to the north of Aiani14 testify to the structural changes that changed the form of the tombs. Slabs roofing large sections of the chamber were supported not just on the lateral walls of the tombs, furniture models, two- or four-wheeled carts, tripod tables, stools and skewers with potstands. These artifacts are found in the graves of men, women and children. Golden masks were placed on the faces of the deceased in five cases, the burials dated to 520–500 BC. In other burials, golden plaques of rhomboid shape, placed on the mouth of the deceased, replaced the masks. The men’s graves were equipped for war: bronze helmets of the Illyrian or Corinthian type, iron swords, spearheads, knives and, in four cases, circular shields of bronze. Double pins in the abdominal part probably clasped the himation, and golden plaques ornamented the dress. The deceased often wore a finger ring. Female burials contained rich jewellery: bracelets, rings, pairs of large dress pins for pinning the robe on the shoulder, arched fibulae, chains (often attached to the pins), and diadems. Necklaces were made of golden elements of different shapes decorated with filigree. Pendants were also found separately. The most valuable piece is a necklace of biconical beads with filigree decoration and pendants in the shape of pomegranate fruit; it was found in grave 67 from about 510 BC. Necklaces from two burials consisted of amber beads. Three types of earrings were recorded: golden rings, silver omega-shaped forms (about 450 BC) and the Macedonian type (510–500 BC) consisting of a ribbon with appliqué flowers. Filling out the picture of the grave goods is the pottery. Unlike the metal vessels, only a small percentage of the ceramics came from local workshops, as most of the finds represent imports from Attic workshops (6th century BC black-figured skyphoi, cups, lekythoi, and a plemochoe; 5th century BC black-glazed skyphoi, cups, red-figured kraters and lekythoi), the more numerous Corinthian products in the 6th century BC (mainly miniature kotyle, ovoid lekythoi and exaleiptra) as well as Ionian ones, attesting to the region’s established trade contacts with the most important artistic centres of the period. Bronze vessels are more common in the 6th century, whereas the presence of silver is rare. Terracotta figurines of enthroned women in high poloi came from the 6th century eastern Ionian workshops, while the popular 5th century BC protomes and figures of women with a flower held to their breasts represented a type well known from Rhodos, Boetia and Attica. They were accompanied by some figures of young males, small glass vessels (aryballoi and amphoriskoi, more numerous in the 5th century BC), and toys (in the 5th century BC). Inlays decorated the wooden boxes. 9 The tombs were not robbed: the women were buried with the head to the east, the men with the head to the west. Males were buried with their weaponry: swords, spears, and helmet, and the women with jewellery of copper alloy, silver and gold (earrings, bracelets, fibulae, necklaces). Similarly to the burials from Sindos, Karabournaki and Thermi, the graves here yielded rhomboidal plaques with impressed decoration placed on the mouth of the deceased, terracotta figures, glass phials and faience vessels, large quantities of imported pottery (Attic blackfigured kraters, cups, skyphoi, phiales, aryballoi, kotylai, jars, hydriae, kiatoi, lekytoi; Corinthian and eastern Ionian exaileptrons, especially the common goblets from Chios) as well as local workshop products, including bucchero vessels widespread in Macedonia in the Archaic period, see Sismanidis in: Makedonen, 170f. 10 Tsimbidou‑Avloniti 1995, 369ff.: male burials contained iron spearheads, knives, swords, and an Illyrian helmet; female burials yielded iron jewellery and in three cases gold plaques sealing the mouth of the deceased. Corinthian ceramics predominated: aryballoi, small kotylai and exaleiptrons, single finds of a goblet from Chios and a faience aryballos. 11 Moschonesiotou 1988, 283ff.; Alamani 2001, 153ff. 12 The Kastas Tumulus contained, among others, burials from the Archaic period with female protomes, Corinthian exaileptrons, aryballoi; bronze fibulae, earrings, knives, spearheads and glass beads, and gold plaques in the form of a trapezoid sealing the mouth of the deceased. A cist grave from the end of the 5th century BC was found inside the city walls; it contained a burial in a silver larnax with golden olive wreaths. This burial should perhaps be associated with Brazydas, the hero founder of Amphipolis, who was buried within the town limits, according to Thucydides (V, 11), see Lazaridis 1997, 61f. 13 Hammond 1991, 62. 14 Kallipolitis, Feytmans 1948–49, 85ff.; Karamitrou‑Mentesidi 1996, 29ff.; the tombs are situated inside two square periboloi, one measuring 10 5 m and the other 8 m along the sides. Architectural elements discovered by tomb A suggest a heroon at the site.

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but also on a group of both wooden and stone Ionian columns, traces of which survive as holes in the floor.15 The rich furnishings16 tell a tale of economic prosperity and of ties with southern Greece in this region. Tomb structures of more monumental form started being constructed in Macedonia in the first quarter of the 4th century BC. Gable roofs would be built over the burial chamber, or a partition wall with a doorway or two supports would be constructed to divide the space into two lesser units roofed separately with flat slabs of rectangular shape. The first solution was applied in a robbed tomb from the 4th century BC in Olynthus.17 It was constructed of well-dressed stone blocks and was entered down five steps, the doorway sealed with four slabs. The gable roof must have been of wood.18 Painted stucco decorated the internal walls: a blue band at the bottom, topped by a white one, a red one and a white one again. Nail holes in the walls suggest garlands hanging on the walls. The second form of roofing was used in tombs in Katerini19 and Palatitsa.20 Here the burials were made through holes in the flat roof. The interior at Katerini was divided into two, with a marble door facing the smaller of the two units, thus suggesting a division into a vestibule and chamber. The roofing slabs were laid in two rows overlapping the partition wall, first the larger of the two units, then the smaller unit, making it slightly higher. The plastered walls were decorated with a zone of orthostats in the lower parts and a red-coloured zone cut off by a taenia at mid-height. In the vestibule, the taenia was decorated with a meander motif and above it, against a white background, round shields in relief, two on the east wall and one each on the south and north walls – with the one on the north wall decorated with a representation of a dog. The chamber held a bed (kline) and table, preserving some of the burnt bones of a young man. Scattered in the two chambers were pieces of a rich set of grave goods.21 Remains of the funeral pyre collected from outside were placed in the vestibule. The tomb in Palatitsa is dated to the third quarter of the 4th century BC. The interior is divided by two pillars supporting an epistyle at a distance of 1.60 m from the north wall. The slabs roofing the chamber, set in two rows, were superimposed above the epistyle. The lower parts of the walls were painted with an imitation of marble orthostats; above that a painted vegetal scroll ran around the room and an image of a bird (dove?) appeared on Karamitrou‑Mentesidi 1988, 19. The furnishings included black- and red-figured pottery (kylices, lekythoi, oinochoe), bronze vessels, jewellery, gold plaques with repoussé ornamentation placed on the mouth of the deceased, terracotta figurines, relief terracotta plaques, amber beads and miniature cart models. There were also fragments of statues: the head of a kora, the torso of a kuros, and a lion. The large tomb-heroon A yielded silver plaques shaped like ivy leaves, gilded, each with small single or double holes, and disks with impressed rosettes; see Kottaridou, in: Makedonen, 161, cat. 148ff. 17 Robinson 1935, 289ff. Chamber: 2.75x2.06x2.50 m. The only preserved parts of the furnishings are 30 gilded beads, fragments of alabastra, two bronze plaques from the fittings of a door, pottery fragments, and a lamp. 18 See page 55 for the tomb from Amphipolis TII. A gable roof is also found on tombs from Trophilos and Tsagetsi/ Amphipolis (Kotzias 1937, 867f.), and Simvola in the Rhodopes (Pentadzou, Triantafillou 1976, 314). 19 Despini 1980. 198ff. Chambers: 3.66x2 32x2.95 m and 3.66x1.95 m. 20 Mylonas 1985a, 32; Mylonas 1986, 19f ; Andronikos 1985, 55ff. Chamber: 4x3 m. 21 Despini 1980. 198ff. These are fragments of weaponry, a pectoral, gold rosettes, and gold wreaths. The deceased must have been from the immediate royal family. The tomb was dated to the second quarter of the 4th century BC on the grounds of a coin of Amyntas III (381–369 BC). 15 16

Types of funerary complexes in Macedonia

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the west wall.22 Fragments of a gilded copper wreath were among the remains of the grave goods. The tombs presented here already contain the features that will become trademarks of Macedonian tombs: a subterranean chamber, a framed entrance, and plastered walls in white or colour. Structural changes of the cist grave leading to the emergence of the Macedonian type consisted primarily of enlarging the dimensions of the chamber and adding an entrance in one of the shorter walls to facilitate the burial procedures (in the flat-covered tombs bodies were lowered inside through the top opening). The larger size of the burial chamber was a factor of social changes taking place in the second half of the 4th century BC in an economically and administratively developing Macedonia. 2. Cist graves contemporary with the oldest Macedonian tombs Some of the more important cist graves from the second half of the 4th century BC have architectural features that refer to the already existing Macedonian complexes, distinguished by the rich interior decoration and/or furnishings. The characteristic division into chamber and vestibule roofed with flat stone slabs was applied in one of the two cist graves23 near Heuzey Tomb24 in Vergina. The simple facade with wooden doors is plastered white. A more elaborate facade appears in the undisturbed tomb (G)25 in Sedes, containing the burial of a woman from the last quarter of the 4th century BC. The subterranean burial chamber was constructed of blocks of poros stone and covered with a gable roof of stone slabs. The facade is cut by a relatively large door opening. Running above it, across the entire length of the wall, are three stone blocks, the centre one of which acts as a huge lintel. Acroteria decorate the tympanon. A wooden kline and a chest that had once been decorated with images of mythological themes were found in the chamber.26 The furnishings also included vessels27 (Figure 2), gold jewellery,28 ornaments of robes29 and 22 See the decoration of the walls of the tomb from Amphipolis (page 45f.), Aiani (page 34f.) and Lefkadia (page 36 note 60). 23 The of Heuzey Tomb A with the burial of a woman is dated to the early reign of Alexander the Great. The surviving grave goods include a gold pin of the Illyrian type, a gold coin of Karian satrap Pixodaros, younger brother of Mausolos (340–336 BC), fragments of a gilded bronze wreath, fragments of glass and ivory inlay from a piece of furniture, sherds of a small black-glazed vessel with gilding, and an alabastron, see Drougou 2000, 395ff.; Drougou 2001b, 535ff.; Drougou 2001a, 227ff. 24 Heuzey‑Daumet 1876, 262ff. 25 Kotzias 1937, 867f.; Vokotopoulou 1996, 186ff. Tomb: 2.56x2.12x2.07 m. 26 Vokotopoulou 1996, 187f.; Tsigarida and Ignatiadou 2000, 26. The legs and bolster were decorated with eight golden plaques covered with transparent glass, depicting Apollo between Demeter and Kora and the nymphs; above this were triangular glass inlays. The longer side was decorated with a figural frieze of elephant ivory; a figure of either Demeter or Hekate with a torch has been preserved. The decoration of the box consisted of small heads of griffins, small columns, rosettes and fragmentarily preserved ivory plaques with an engraved figure of a youth. 27 Ibidem. A high quality black-glazed skyphos and a pyxis with a West Slope decoration, as well as a silver cup. 28 Ibidem. A chain terminating in lion’s heads and a clasp in the form of a knot of Herakles, arched fibulae, a ring, a pair of earrings, a head ornament in the shape of a scrolling vine with a knot of Herakles and a small Eros in the centre, terminating in lion’s heads (a generally simpler version of a similar ornament from the Tomb of Phillip II in Vergina), a gilded terracotta chain, terracotta grapes, corymbs forming part of a wreath (a similar olive wreath was found in tomb A). A bronze mirror in addition to the jewellery. 29 Ibidem. Gilded circular plaques with relief images of an eight-pointed star, gorgoneia and the head of Athena, sewn onto robes, constituted a cheaper version of the massive gold plaques known from the royal tombs in Vergina, see below, note 218.

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Figure 2. Sedes, pottery from a cist grave (Vokotopoulou 1996, 188)

coins of Phillip II. Architectural references to Macedonian tombs are evident also in tomb T 1930 in Agios Athanasios, where the facade of unbaked bricks was decorated with a painted Doric frieze above an entrance sealed with three stone blocks. Cist graves appear in the vast cemeteries from the 4th century BC in Pella;31 masonry tombs and tombs cut partly in the rock are noted in the eastern necropolis.32 Funerary monuments, steles and statuary were raised by the funerary mounds.33 The walls were plastered in either white or bands of white, red and black. Marble revetment and stone ashlar masonry were also imitated. Painted decoration is also present, e.g. garlands34 and female utensils.35 Motifs of this kind were best preserved in tomb IV, on the upper parts of walls:36 on the southern side, a cylindrical pyxis of pink colour, a wreath, a blue (silver) pyxis, an orange-red casket depicted in perspective, and an unidentified object in blue, all on a dark yellow plaster background; two blue (silver) unguentaria appeared on the north Tsimbidou‑Avloniti 1997, 254ff. Chrysostomou 1987, 1007ff.; Tomb A and Tomb B were covered with wooden beams below the poros slabs sealing the chamber. The thickening in the central part, which is typical of flat-roofed tombs, was designed to prevent their cracking under the weight of the grave mound. In most cases, however, it did not serve its purpose. The chambers ranged in size: 1.45–3.3x0.7–1.55x1.1–2.15 m. See Lilimbaki‑Akamati 1992, 91ff. 32 Lilimbaki‑Akamati 1989–91, 73ff.; Lilimbaki‑Akamati 1992, 91ff.; the neatness of tomb construction from the second half of the 4th century suggests elite burials from the higher social classes. This is confirmed also by the foundation of the naiskos (width 5.9 m, depth 2.6 m), comprising well-dressed blocks of the jambs and fragments of engaged columns and Ionian capitals from the facade. A similar structure lies at a short distance to the west. 33 Two funerary monuments were set up next to tombs A and B under the tumulus in Rachona: one was a statue of a lion, the other a representation of a woman seated inside a naiskos (Chrysostomou 1987, 1014ff.); a monument in the form of a marble statue of a dog comes from the eastern cemetery in Pella (Siganidou, Lilimbaki‑Akamati 1997, 34). 34 Tomb 1, see Siganidou 1976, 261. Fig. 201b; Siganidou 1981, 319f.; Lilimbaki‑Akamati 1992, 92; Lilimbaki‑Akamati 1989–91, 73ff. 35 Lilimbaki‑Akamati 1989–91, 75: Tomb II: a small box, a mirror, a pyxis, and an unguentarium. 36 Lilimbaki‑Akamati 1989–91, 85ff. 30 31

Types of funerary complexes in Macedonia

31

Figure 3. Cist grave in Pella (photo Archaeological Museum in Pella)

wall and an alabastron of yellow (golden) colour as well as a blue pyxis and wreath on the east wall with a garland in its upper part. A white band with an Ionian kymation runs below the images. Iron nails indicate real objects that were hanging as decoration on the walls. Some tombs contained a plastered stone bench or depressions in the floor for the legs of a wooden kline, decorated with bone and glass appliqués.37 The grave, with goods consisting of pottery, jewellery and weaponry, was almost wholly robbed.38 Gilded wreaths of myrtle with leaves of bronze and fruit of clay were found in practically all the tombs. Inscribed golden laurel leaves came from tombs T3 and T1.39 Original painted wall decoration was preserved in one of the larger cist graves in the eastern necropolis of Pella dating from the close of the 4th century, perhaps as early the 3rd century BC40 (Figure 3). It appeared in the upper part of the walls, above a frieze with plant decoration and a narrow band of Ionian kymation running at mid-height. The deceased was depicted on the shorter west wall as a wreathed young man standing with one leg on a rock. Lilimbaki‑Akamati 1989–91, 98. The bed in tomb 10 (end of 4th – early 3rd century BC) had an original kind of decoration; the surviving parts of this decoration comprised a baluster leg and a fragment of a Dionysiac scene: glass ovules and anthemia, and bone plaques with a representation in relief of Dionysos holding a thyrsos and a griffin tearing a buck to pieces, see Lilimbaki‑Akamati 1995, 123f. 38 Lilimbaki‑Akamati 1989–91. The grave goods commonly included unguentaria, lamps, pyxides, alabastra, iron strigils, numerous terracotta figures of females dressed in chitonia and himatia, enthroned and sitting on a rock, female protomes (Figure 4), figures of Erotes and Aphrodite, and coins. 39 Eadem, 95. The name of the deceased woman, Philoxena, was engraved on a leaf plaque from Tomb T3. The typical ending ‘a’ is also present in other female names from the Pella inscriptions. The inscription on the leaf plaque from tomb T1 reads: ΦΕΡΣΕΦΟΝΗΙ ΠΟΣΕΙΔΙΠΠΟΣ ΜΥΣΤΗΣ ΕΥΣΕΒΗΣ. 40 Lilimbaki‑Akamati 2003, 451–460; Brecoulaki 2006, 256–259. 37

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Macedonia – Alexandria He is touching a little chest lying before him, and holding a staff in his left hand. A seated man holding a papyrus scroll appeared in the western part of the north wall, opposite the figures of a man and a youth in wreaths, shown seated on a rock on the south wall. Remains of painting in the eastern part of the tomb testify to the presence of yet another male figure there. Topping the walls is a frieze depicting galloping horses in competition, alternately with large rosettes, and above that an Ionian kymation.

The tomb in Toumba Paionia41 in the region of Kilkis is similar in construction to tombs A and B in Pella. The furnishings, although mostly robbed, must have been similar as well.42 Considering the size of the tomb and the furnishings, the deceased belonged to a higher social class. A small gold plaque with the name of Figure 4. Pella, female protome from the eastern BOTTAKOS leads to the conclusion necropolis (Siganidou, Lilimbaki-Akamati 1997, that the man owned land and cattle, Fig. 38) and that he was a friend of the royal house.43 A clay trapezoid construction (1.65 x 0.1 m) was excavated in the tumulus mound about 1 m above the tomb. Lying on it were fragments of vessels (a kantharos included), bones, and charred shells. A repeated offering was traced another meter higher up: a red-figured pelike upside down on a layer of pebbles, with an aperture in the base indicating its use for libations. Part of a gilded copper wreath with gilded terracotta fruit and a worn copper coin were found nearby. The important Tomb of Persephone44 from the mid-4th century BC in the Great Tumulus in Vergina was decorated with wall paintings45 (Figure 5). Scenes in the upper part of three walls of the burial chamber depicted Hades kidnapping Persephone. The background was white and there were no features of the landscape in the background. A frieze of antithetical 41 Savvopoulou 1995, 425ff. The cemetery belonged to an unidentified settlement some 200 m to the north of it. The abundance of pottery on the ground surface and the rich grave goods indicate the affluence of the local residents. 42 Ibidem, 427. Finds included clay vessels, alabastra, iron strigils and a gilded copper wreath with gilded clay fruit; glass gemstones, bone plaques, anthemia, fragments of frame lining, and five bone heads which presumably decorated a wooden kline; numerous copper nails came from a small wooden box. 43 Savvapoulou 1995, 427 note 5. 44 Andronikos 1994; Thomas 1989, 219ff.; Kottaridi 2007, 27ff.; Cohen 2014, 187–196. Chamber measuring 3.50x2.09x3 m constructed of poros blocks, roofed with wooden beams supporting long limestone slabs. 45 Dating based on a study of the pottery, see Andronikos 1997, 221. Hammond (1991, 74) does not exclude an earlier dating, 370/360 BC, attributing the tomb to Amyntas III.

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Figure 5. Vergina, Tomb of Persephone (Drougou 1994, 50)

griffins and flower cylices between them framed the painting from the bottom. The main scene occupies the longer north wall of the chamber. Hermes Psychopompos, depicted in three-quarter, his head turned toward the chariot of Hades, wears a chlamys, a petasos and high laced sandals. He appears to be floating in the air, leading the galloping horses of the quadriga by the reins held in his left hand. Hades is cloaked in a himation, stepping with his left leg into the quadriga, his right still on the ground. He holds the reins and his scepter in his right hand, grasping the struggling Persephone in his left arm. The girl reaches out in desperation toward her attendant, the Oceanid (Kyane?), cowering behind the chariot. The fear of both women is evident in their eyes and gestures. Flowers that Persephone had been gathering lie scattered below the wheels of the chariot. The triple lightning bolts against the pale blue of the sky in the upper left corner of the tableau symbolise Zeus’s consent to the kidnapping. The scene was painted from a perspective with the focal point located slightly below the fourth horse on the left. Figures on the other two walls are associated with the main theme. On one side is the seated figure of a pensive Demeter in a chiton and himation, resting on a rock and turned slightly to the right side in the direction of the kidnapping scene. She is shown here as a mother rather than a goddess, her face reflecting her sorrow at having lost her daughter. Depicted on the other long wall of the burial chamber on the south were the figures of the three Fates shown in three-quarter.46 The women on the left and right are turned toward the one in the middle. The figure on the left reaches out toward the one in the centre, which leans back in turn, supported on her left 46

See page 149.

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arm while leaning back, the right arm raised to lift up the himation. Both are seated freely, dressed in a chiton covering the feet and himation. They are bejeweled. The woman on the right sits in a pose much like Demeter, her himation thrown over her head. She stretches her right arm toward the figure in the centre, touching her chin with her left while placing the index figure on her mouth in a gesture of misapprehension or discretion.47 The west wall was left undecorated, presumably because it held the shelves with grave goods. The size of the figures, the high quality of the drawing rendered with long sure lines and short rapid brushstrokes, the plastic modeling of the bodies and apparel with light and shadow, the colours reduced to purple and yellow ocher, and the excellent rendering of the hair of Hades and Persephone flowing in the wind indicate the brilliant artist and colourist known as Nikomachos.48 The tomb was found robbed. Remains of six individuals were discovered in the burial chamber, including a man, woman and child. Three tumuli in Nea Michaniona on the necropolis of the Aiani from the third quarter of the 4th century BC49 featured small cist graves with rich wall paintings. The socle in tomb II50 is black; the marble revetment is white, and above it is a zone of pink slabs contoured in brown. A frieze of colourful scrolling ornament runs around the chamber at mid-height (Figure 6). A female head emerges from the scrolled ornament on each wall, depicted in profile on the short walls, and en face on the long ones. Topping the frieze is a geison with palmettes as acroteria and a white dove above it (east wall) and a golden jewellery box (north wall). Grave goods are painted hanging above this, depicted in a plastic manner and in perspective: a shawl embroidered with palmettes and a bronze mirror and lappet on the east wall, a wreath and lappet on the south wall, a lappet and round object (mirror, ball?) along with a golden wreath, a female protome and a wooden chest on the west one, a marble alabastron and small golden casket on the south one. A similar decoration consisting of objects depicted hanging on the wall (lappets, diadems, small boxes, bronze vessels) was preserved fragmentarily on the walls of tomb III,51 whereas the interior of tomb I was plastered white and painted with an Ionian kymation running around it at mid-height of the wall. Tomb III Neumann 1965, 108ff. On Nikomachos in Vergina, see Oakley 1986, 75. The author thinks the painting was a copy of a work by Nikomachos, most likely a panel painting offered as a voto in some sanctuary, which served as a model for the Roman painting (for example, a fragment of a fresco in the fourth style from the collection of the College of William and Mary in Virginia, most probably from Pompeii, inv. no. 96); similarly Lindner (1984, 55–60 and 105– 107), who listed nine examples of scenes of the abduction of Persephone from graves in Kertch (3), Rome (3), Hermopolis in Egypt, Tyre, and near Massyaf in Syria, as well as a mosaic floor from the Palazzo dei Conservatori, for example. Moreno (1987, 125ff ; 2001, 88); Rouveret 1989, 235; Thomas (1989, 219ff.) and Scheibler (1994, 70) attributed the fresco to a student of Nikomachos or a copyist of his work (Oakley 1986, 75); in turn, Andronikos (1994, 126ff.), Brecoulaki (2006, 97–100) and Kottaridi (2007, 38) considered the fresco as an original work of Nikomachos based on the painting style: a sketch by a trained hand in wet plaster, quickly applied colours and an excellent perspective drawing of the wheels of the cart, as well as literary testimony (Pliny XXXV, 108). 49 Vokotopoulou 1990. 15f. Tumulus A consists of the mounds of three graves made of limestone slabs, mounted on a base of dried bricks and lined with wooden and stone slabbing. The burials were made in larnaces or vessels. For the painted decoration, see Brecoulaki 2006, 327–345. 50 Vokotopoulou 1990, 35ff., Figs 14–20. Compared to the wall decoration, the furnishings of the tomb were rather modest. A wooden larnax with the cremated remains of a woman and her newborn infant was topped with a gilded bronze wreath and stood on a base of dried bricks. Remains of bone plaques with relief decoration were found among the bones; they belonged to the decoration of the wooden bed on which the deceased had been cremated. Scattered around the base were clay alabastra, glass alabastra of the Phoenician type, gilded alabastra at the opposite ends of the tomb, and an amphoriskos of the Cypriot type but produced locally. 51 Vokotopoulou 1990, 51; Pontrandolfo 2002. pl. 3. 47 48

Types of funerary complexes in Macedonia

Figure 6. Aiani, decoration of cist grave II (Vokotopoulou 1996, 196)

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was the only one in this tumulus to preserve a richer set of grave goods: pottery,52 wreaths (Figure 7), jewellery,53 and protomes of Persephone, some of which lay around a bronze hydria-urn,54 with others hanging on the walls or laid out on wooden shelves. The remains of the funeral pyre were scattered over the slabs sealing tomb III.55 The presence of a funeral pyre was noted also by tomb IV in tumulus B56 and by tumulus Γ.57 Graves with similar decoration, showing objects of typically female character, were found in Pydna,58 Kassandreia,59 Lefkadia60 and Derveni.61 The cist graves and Macedonian tombs from the ancient necropolis of Lete (Derveni) are dated to the same period as the tombs in Vergina (330–310 BC). The interior of one of them62 had painted decoration: an imitation of marble revetment in the lower part of the walls, topped by a band decorated with garlands and necklaces, this topped in turn by a Doric kymation. The upper part of the wall was reserved for hanging objects: a mirror, a pyxis with a golden wreath around it, textiles, shoes, green wreaths, a basket with wool, and a hydria. The burned remains of the deceased were placed in metal vessels.63 The graves were richly furnished with a set of

Black-glazed pottery: small bowls, a fishplate, a red-figured pelike with a depiction of Amazons and Arimasps between two griffin protomes, Phoenician glass alabastra, faience and stone alabastra; a few alabastra and an Attic kotyle were covered with gold foil in imitation of bronze or golden vessels, see Vokotopoulou 1990, 53ff. 53 A diadem decorated with rosettes of gilded clay and figures of Muses and Erotes, two wreaths of gilded bronze, and a bronze mirror, see ibidem. 54 Vokotopoulou 1987, 157–177. The ashes of the dead woman were wrapped in a linen cloth; two golden rings and three arched fibulae were put inside. Two other fibulae were suspended from the handles and a bronze wreath encircled the neck of the vessel. An appliqué of a flying Nike on an acanthus calyx decorated the base of the vertical handle. The hydria was made in an Attic workshop about 430 BC. A parallel for this hydria is in the collection of the Metropolitan Museum of New York no. 37.11.6. 55 Vokotopoulou 1990, 68ff. These remains included, among others, two terracotta female heads, fragments of a bronze wreath, glass and bone inlays from the bed, terracotta figures representing Muses and Erotes from the funerary wreath, and robe ornaments. 56 Vokotopoulou 1990, 78ff. The pyre was some 3 5 m from the grave; it took up an area 4.80x3.70 m in size, carefully prepared and preserving the impression of the wheels of a cart. The wooden bed stood on a base; the glass and bone inlays from this bed were preserved. The flames were extinguished with water before the bones were burnt completely. Minor grave goods were found on the pyre: two coins of Phillip II, terracotta figures, two bronze wreaths, gilded clay disks and beads, a black-glazed cup, and fragments of a silver vessel. 57 Vokotopoulou 1990, 86. 58 Tomb 1 from about 330 BC, see Vokotopoulou 1983, 276. 59 Moschonesiotou 1989, 352; Sismanidis 1997b, 295f., drawing 6, Fig. 23. The three sides of a sarcophagus belonging to a young woman (from the end of the 4th–early 3rd century BC) were decorated with plant motifs: acanthus leaves, rosettes, palmettes; a female bust appeared above her head. 60 The tomb of a young woman from the third quarter of the 4th century BC may serve as an example. A red taenia and egg-and-dart ornament ran along the wall at mid-height, a vessel was painted on the east wall above the head of the deceased woman, and two doves on the other walls, one eating, the other ready to fly. The furnishings were made up of ceramics (alabastra, oinochoe, a small phiale, lekythoi, a kantaros, a patera-phiale, feeding vessel), a glass alabastron, a terracotta figure (standing and enthroned women, protomes, a figure of Kybele, a standing youth, Attis, a youthful Eros, and a dancer), gold jewellery (a diadem, two pairs of earrings, a bracelet, a ring, strings of golden and gilded clay beads, and ‘disks’, some of which were decorated with gorgoneion), see Misaelidou‑Despotidou 1990, 127–141. 61 Makaronas 1963, 193–196; Andronikos in: Ginouvès 1993, 187f.; Brecoulaki 2006, 319–326. 62 Tsanavari 1997, 467f ; Themelis‑Touratsoglou 1997, 28, Fig. 8, 60. 14–16. 63 A bronze volute krater with handles decorated with palmettes and terminating on the shoulders in swan heads was found in tomb A, see Makaronas 1963, 193. 52

Types of funerary complexes in Macedonia

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Figure 7. Aiani, myrtle wreath of gilded bronze with clay berries (Tsigarida, Ignatiadou 2000, Fig. 15)

tableware: vessels of bronze,64 silver65, black-glazed clay,66 glass alabastra of the Phoenician type, golden wreaths,67 terracotta figurines,68 jewellery,69 coins of Alexander the Great, and furniture preserved only as the decoration on the individual pieces.70 The largest, Makaronas 1963, 193f.; Vokotopoulou 1996, 213ff. Tomb A, the second richest burial in Derveni, yielded vessels of a form often paralleling those from tomb B: a bowl, a situla, a jar, a cauldron with two moving handles, a cylindrical situla, a situla with an ovoid body and a rim in the shape of a lion’s head and an appliqué depicting Sylenus at the handle base, a jar with sharp carination on the shoulder and a floral decoration of the handle with an appliqué, a strainer, lekythos, kylices, a jar, vessels for carrying hot liquids, a jar, and a pan. Other finds included a lantern with two moving handles standing on a small tripod with lion’s feet and engraved with a scrolling vine ornament (Figure 8; see note 230, lantern from the Tomb of Phillip II in Vergina) and a curry comb. Tomb Δ yielded a jar, wine situlae, one with a bull’s head rim and appliqué in the shape of a woman’s head at the base of the handle, two kantharoi, a ladle, and a strainer. A situla and a small cup came from tomb Z. 65 Ibidem. Tomb A: a cup, a balsamarium; Tomb Z: a cup with a relief head of Sylenus in an ivy wreath on the floor (gilded details). 66 Tomb A: cups, askos with linear decoration, ‘saltcellars’, cups, a fishplate; Tomb Δ: a small jar covered with gold foil, a cup with remains of cinnabar; Tomb Z: two gilded mastoi, Attic askos and pyxis, two small bowls with stamped decoration; Tomb H: a black-glazed krater with a painted scrolling vine ornament, see Vokotopoulou 1996, 213ff. 67 Ibidem. A golden olive wreath, similar to the wreath from Kassandreia (Figure 9); Tomb B: a myrtle wreath with fruit, the same kind also in tomb Δ, which has smaller flowers arranged in denser fashion, unlike the wreaths from Vergina and Stavroupolis (see the myrtle wreath with pomegranate(?) in the centre, an oak wreath from the tombs near Potidea, an olive wreath from Lete, and an imitation wreath in the form of a diadem of golden plaques from Agios Mamas; a golden band with repoussé palmettes, see Vokotopoulou 1996, 199). Golden wreaths were discovered also in tombs excavated later in this necropolis, see Tsanavari 1989, 307f. 68 Tomb E: a protome of Aphrodite or Persephone. 69 Tomb Z: golden jewellery: earrings, two necklaces, arched fibulae, a pendant in the shape of the head of Herakles, two rings with semiprecious gemstones, one inscribed with ΚΛΕΙΤΑΙΔΩΡΟΝ; also from the necropolis a diadem of acanthus leaves and a scrolling vine motif, earrings with filigree work and hanging elements, and rings. 70 Vokotopoulou 1996, 215. Tomb A: small gilded silver shields in imitation of Macedonian shields, decorated in the repoussage technique; with a relief representation of Nereids riding a sea creature; with palmette decoration; fragments of a figural inlay of bone. Tomb E: fragments of bone decoration showing Aphrodite, Eros and a man, and rectangular gilded plaques and ornamental slats. 64

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Figure 8. Derveni, grave A – lantern of bronze (Vokotopoulou 1996, 216)

Figure 9. Kassandreia, olive wreath of gold (Tsigarida, Ignatiadou 2000, Fig. 94)

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tomb B (Figure 10), dated to about 330 BC. The remains of the dead were placed in a large bronze krater71 (Figure 11) and the grave goods included the richest set of silver and bronze vessels72 (Figure 12). A fragment of a papyrus with an Orphic text was found in the remains of the funeral pyre.73 Similar tombs were discovered at Agios Athanasios to the west of Thessaloniki. Of two cist graves set close together, the one from the end of the 4th century BC refers to the Macedonian type of tombs by its simple facade: white plaster marking the plinth and entrance.74 Bands of coloured plaster decorated the inside walls and in the register above this design, despite substantial damage to the surface, one could discern painted female paraphernalia: a textile, a pair of sandals, and a casket. A wooden larnax sheeted in silver and decorated with two small plaques with embossed 16-point stars stood on a base; the burnt bones of the deceased were placed inside it along with a silver ring. The other tomb comes from the early 3rd century BC and is referred to as the grave of a young warrior. Inside it was a wooden base for a bed and typically male grave goods in the form of arms and vessels.75 The grave offerings were much richer in content in the tomb of a man from

Giouri 1978; Barr‑Sharar 2007. Height 0.766 m; with handles 0.905 m. High levels of tin content (15%) are responsible for the colour of the bronze. A strainer is mounted in the rim. Four full figures of Dionysus, Sylenus and two maenads are mounted at the base of the handles, on the carination of the body. Relief decoration covers the entire surface of the vessel, the scene on the body showing Dionysus and Ariadne surrounded by dancing maenads. Below one of the handles is a bearded male figure in one high boot, wielding a spear and a sword in its scabbard (see page 155 note 323). Bearded male heads, images of Herakles, the ‘god with bull’s horns’ and two other deities interpreted as either Hades or Dionysus, can be seen in the volutes. The egg-and-dart motif on the edge of the rim bears an inscription made of silver letters; it says in the Thessalian dialect: ΑΣΤΙΟΥΝΕΙΟΣ ΑΝΑΞΑΓΟΡΑΙΟΙ ΕΣ ΛΑΡΙΣΑΣ ‘I am (a krater) of Astion, son of Anaxagoras from Larissa’ (members of the aristocratic family of the Aleuadii from Larissa took part in the rebellion in 344 BC against Phillip II and were later sent by Phillip as hostages to Macedonia). 72 Vokotopoulou 1996, 208ff. The set was made up of 25 high quality silver vessels: jar with gilded vegetal ornamentation, flat dishes, plates with relief decoration composed of lanceolate leaves springing from a central rosette, kantharoi, simple and relief beakers, small bowls, ‘saltcellars’, an askos, ladles; an amphora with a lid and a moving handle decorated with masks of maenads(?) at the base, two kylices, a fishplate, a pan with a handle in the shape of a ram’s head, a ladle, a jar with a handle decorated with vegetal motifs and an appliqué female head at the base, a lagynos with relief ram’s heads, and a strainer. Bronze vessels from the tomb included a large cauldron, a situla with a spout in the shape of a lion’s head, and a jar; colour substances filled a semicylindrical bronze container, a small pyxis and miniature bowls; two bronze spatulae came with this set; a lekythos was used as a balsamarium. Also present were stone alabastra, a black-glazed plate, a lamp, and a glass cup of transparent glass with a decoration of applied drops (Figure 13). Greaves were also excavated in the tomb, a leather pectoral with scales of gilded bronze, and a few spearhead blades. The deceased was furnished with a golden myrtle wreath, a golden diadem, two double fibulae, and a ring. Golden tape decorated the robe or armor, as did plaques of gilded silver impressed with a 16-point star. A golden coin of Alexander the Great took the place of an obolus. A female head with earrings and a necklace and fragments of a second head are what remains from a mirror or vessel made of silver. 73 The remains of the pyre from tomb A yielded charred fragments of the oldest preserved papyrus with a text in Greek, which is a commentary to an Orphic poem of theogonic content from the end of the 5th or early 4th century BC, written down in the third quarter of the 4th century BC. It is one of the earliest commentaries to the Theogony of Orpheus, see Laks, Most 1997 (with earlier references) and below, page 155; for a study in Polish, see Łazicki, Nowak, Pietruczuk 2008. 74 Tsimbidou‑Avloniti 1994, 544; Tsimbidou‑Avloniti 1998a, 233f. Included in the grave furnishings were a blackglazed pyxis, semiglobular skyphos of glass, alabastron, and bronze phiale. The pyre in front of the tomb yielded a pyxis with West Slope decoration and a lamp. 75 Tsimbidou‑Avloniti 1990–95, 71–80; Tsimbidou‑Avloniti 1998a, 232f. The furnishings were made up of spearheads, spurs, strigils hanging on a wall, unguentaria, a skyphos, a globular vessel with a decoration consisting of pentagons and a silver kylix-kantharos. 71

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Figure 10. Cist grave Derveni B (photo by the Author)

Figure 11. Derveni, grave B, krater (Tsigarida, Ignatiadou 2000, Figs 79,80)

Types of funerary complexes in Macedonia

Figure 12. Derveni, grave B – vessels of bronze (Vokotopoulou 1996, 209)

Figure 13. Derveni, grave B – glass vessel (Vokotopoulou 1996, 212)

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the end of the 4th century BC in Stavroupolis.76 The burial was made in a wooden kline, decorated with a gilded terracotta representation of Amazonomachy. A stool (diphros), reconstructed on the grounds of the silver leg fittings, presumably made for funerary use, is a unique find. Just as rare is a bronze pencase with a few containers for inkwells and pens. The grave goods also comprised silver vessels, golden scrollwork and palmettes decorating objects made of ivory, a myrtle wreath, gold ribbons and rosettes fastened to a leather armor and a ring decorating a sword hilt. In men’s burials, arms were painted on the tomb walls.77 Three tombs of a family of hetairoi from the mid-4th century BC were found under the Tumulus Pappas in Sevasti/Pieria.78 It contained silver, bronze and clay vessels,79 a golden wreath of ivy leaves and corymbs80 (tomb 3, Figure 14), strigillae, gold fibulae, and weapons. As for the group of tombs in Palaiokatachas in northern Pieria, the richest grave furnishings were found in tomb 3 from the second half of the 4th century BC. Remains of a funerary pyre containing fragments of pottery were scattered on the covering of the tomb and around it. The chamber held a set of bronze vessels81 complemented by pottery resembling metal vessels.82 The tombs of members of a single family were joined together by a tumulus acting as a peribolos, a function that could also be served by an inscribed stele.83 The burials, both inhumation and cremation, were placed in the cist graves for the most part on wooden beds decorated with glass and bone inlay.84 Bones burnt on a funeral pyre85 were placed

Vokotopoulou 1996, 188ff. Besios, Pappa, 46. 78 Besios 1988a, 209–218. 79 A lebes on a tripod, a lekanis, a krater, a strainer, kylices, alabastra, and aryballoi. 80 An ivy and corymb wreath of excellent quality comes also from a cist grave in Nea Apollonia, see Adam‑Veleni 2002, 277. 81 Drougou 1991a, 36ff. A situla with double arched handles, a palmette decoration at the handle bases, the rim in the shape of a lion below the handle on one side, a Satyr head in relief on the other side, a skyphos, a kantharos, and a dipper with the handle terminating in a goose head. 82 Ibidem. Two cups sheeted in gold and silver with long leaves in relief on the body, two cups and two skyphoi covered with silver sheet all over except for the bottom which is black-glazed, silver-covered askos with a tape handle and vegetal decoration below a layer of silver, a black-glazed dish and an alabastron with evidence of silver lining. Laboratory chemical investigations have indicated that the vessels were covered with tin by attaching flakes of tin. This was the practice most often in the case of alabastra (Kotitsa 2003, 70–73). 83 Drougou 1991a, 82. Two tombs, T76 and T77 in Veroia, in the southeastern necropolis (area of Karadoumanisa) – a stela contains the name of the deceased and three females. 84 Tomb T19 and T20 in Agios Athanasios (Tsimbidou‑Avloniti 1997, 254ff.); Aiani, Tomb 1, fragmentary decoration in relief taking on the shape of a griffin’s head, a kymation, and an acanthus leaf (Vokotopoulou 1990, 20f.); Thessaloniki-Phoinika, fragmentary decoration of elephant ivory, gilded clay and glass (Tsimbidou‑Avloniti 1988, 262, 264); Vergina K3, bone decoration (Andronikos 1990, 182); Agios Athanasios, Tomb T16, fragments of gilded terracotta figures belonging to three registers of decoration of a wooden bed: a semi-reclining youth in Eastern attire, a base with a vase on it in front of him and a group of two women and a child; below it a hunting scene, separated by a narrow ‘wooden beam’; a mythological representation in the central zone, depicting the Arymaspoi fighting griffins (Tsimbidou‑Avloniti 1997, 253f.); Pydna-Alikes-Kitros: bone decoration of the legs of a kline (Besios 1986a, 55). 85 Pydna-Alikes-Kitros, tomb theke 1, see Besios 1986a, 55. 76 77

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Figure 14. Sevasti, gold ivy wreath (Tsigarida, Ignatiadou 2000, Fig. 62)

in vessels86 or a wooden larnax87 (Figure 15), which were subsequently wreathed.88 Typical grave goods of the 4th century BC comprised weapons, strigillae,89 bronze vessels, Heuzey Tomb (B): a bronze kylix with relief masks decorating the bases of the handles (Drougou 2001a, 238ff.); Lefkadia (Misaelidou‑Despotidou 1990. 128); Pella, Kertch pelike with the burnt remains of most probably the deceased, decorated with a scene of the sacred wedding of Dionysus and Ariadne and epaulia (Siganidou, Lilimbaki‑Akamati 1997, 57). 87 Pydna, a larnax decorated with gilded silver images of gods executed in the repoussage technique: Zeus, Artemis and Athena in front, Dionysus and a panther on one side, a winged goddess and animal on the other side, and an oak wreath on the lid (Vokotopoulou 1983, 276; Tsigarida, Ignatiadou 2000, 18, 49); Pydna-Alikes-Kitros, tomb theke 1 (Besios 1986a, 55); Thessaloniki-Phoinika, burnt bones wrapped in a cloth (Tsimbidou‑Avloniti 1988, 262). 88 Golden olive wreath in a cist grave from the early 3rd century BC next to the tomb of Agios Athanasios III (Tsimbidou‑Avloniti 1995[1998], 302); golden wreaths in cist graves from Pella (Chrisostomou 2000a, 342); a gilded wreath on a silver frame, furnished with terracotta leaves (Tsimbidou‑Avloniti 1997, 253f.); a golden myrtle wreath and gilded bronze wreaths from Pydna (Vokotopoulou 1983, 276; Tsigarida, Ignatiadou 2000, 62); Aineia, Tomb 1, fragments of two bronze wreaths (Vokotopoulou 1990, 21); remains of gilded wreaths from ThessalonikiPhoinika (Tsimbidou‑Avloniti 1988, 262); Vergina K3, fragments of a gilded bronze wreath (Andronikos 1990, 182); Pydna-Alikes-Kitros: gilded bronze wreaths with terracotta flowers and a gold diadem with embossing vegetal decoration (Besios 1986a, 54). 89 Pydna, Tomb 1 and Pydna-Alikes-Kitros (Vokotopoulou 1983, 276; Besios 1986a, 55). 86

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Figure 15. Pydna, reconstruction of the larnax decorated with gilded silver plaques, from a cist grave (Tsigarida, Ignatiadou 2000, Fig. 45)

pottery,90 glass vessels,91 alabastra,92 terracotta figures,93 and golden and gilded clay jewellery.94 Female grave goods included black-glazed vessels occurring next to redThessaloniki-Phoinika (Tsimbidou-Avloniti 1988, 262); Pydna-Alikes-Kitros, unguentaria, cups, and a lamp (Besios 1986a, 55); Pella, cups with floral decoration (Siganidou, Lilimbaki‑Akamati 1997, 57), white-grounded lekythoi, red-figured lekythoi with palmette decoration (Kottaridou 1994, 25; Siganidou, Lilimbaki‑Akamati 1997, 55f.); Vergina, Tomb 1979.1, black-glazed skyphoi with impressed palmette decoration (Drougou 1991a, 53), unguentaria, an askos, and a Kertch pelike (Drougou 1991a, 53, Beazley group G, RV2 1468; Schefold 1936, no. 375) and kantharoi, plates, oinochoai and storage amphorae (for example, a Thasian amphora from the first quarter of the 3rd century BC in tomb T19 in Agios Athanasios, see Tsimbidou‑Avloniti 1997, 255). 91 Skyphos: Thessaloniki-Phoinika (Tsimbidou‑Avloniti 1988, 262); phiale: Pella (Lilimbaki‑Akamati 1989–91, 147, 181), Thessaloniki (Daffa‑Nikonanou 1985–86, 195), Kozani (Kallipolitis, Feytmans 1948–49, 100), Karytsa (Makaronas 1955, 156f.), Methone (Besios 1986b, 142ff.). 92 Thessaloniki-Phoinika (Tsimbidou‑Avloniti 1988, 262); Pydna-Alikes-Kitros (Besios, 1986a, 55). 93 Vergina K3, female protomes, enthroned goddess, comic actor from Middle Comedy, symphlegma scene, Dionysus, Pan with a syrinx, Tanagra figures of women, from the mid-4th century BC (Andronikos 1990, 182f.; Kottaridou 1993, 36ff.); Pydna-Alikes-Kitros: five terracotta figures (Besios 1986a, 54); Pella, ithyphallic figures, figures of Pan with a kantharos and of a man in a himation with a bowl (Drougou 1991a, 53; Siganidou, Lilimbaki‑Akamati 1997, 57). 94 Thessaloniki-Phoinika: pins, rings, fibulae (Tsimbidou‑Avloniti 1988, 262); Pydna, diadem made of cloth with gilded terracotta figures of deities and rosettes (Tsigarida, Ignatiadou 2000, 27); Vergina K3, gilded silver disks 90

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glazed wares imported from Attica, and grey pottery. The Heuzey Tomb B exemplifies an unrobbed tomb of this sort with the grave goods comprised of bronze and clay vessels95 and arms. The necropolis in Amphipolis96 consisted of cist graves with inner partition walls, topped by funenrary monuments,97 those belonging to a single family surrounded by a fence wall or other form of ground superstructure.98 The biggest of the tombs (TII),99 which had a gable roof, was approached by a stepped dromos dug into the ground. The facade was plastered white and the tympanon and acroteria were worked plastically, the latter with painted anthemonia. The entrance to the tomb, crowned with a lintel and between antae, led into a chamber that was plastered white and decorated with wall painting. An Ionian kymation, lotus ornament and a floral scroll frieze emphasised the springing of the vault. The inside tympanon is covered with yellow plaster. The interior decoration of cist grave T1 was much richer.100 The lower parts of the walls were covered with a band of yellow colour, topped by a red taenia with a kymation. Represented in the upper part of the long south wall was a seated woman shown in threequarter, in a yellow-white robe, a wooden casket before her, and to her left a second female figure seated on a diphros, turned to the right, dressed in a yellow chiton. The image of a dove sitting on a casket on the west wall is framed with an Ionian kymation. Other identifiable fragments of the painted composition include a seated woman, a dove, a wreath with green leaves and colourful taenia (Figure 16). Modestly decorated tombs presented kymatia and friezes with plant decoration.101 Garlands of flowers with ribbons were shown hanging from nails above the frieze (TII). In tomb TII a kline stood opposite the entrance; fragments of two or three thekai were also preserved, as well as two low square bases in the corners of the chamber. Bases under kline or round depressions in the corners for the legs of a wooden bed were found in other tombs.102 The

with repoussé stars (Andronikos 1990, 182); Pydna-Alikes-Kitros: three golden diadems, including one with embossing vegetal motifs, necklaces of gilded clay beads, and an iron ring (Besios 1986a, 54f.). 95 Drougou 2001a, 238ff. A silvered bronze situla, kantharoi, an oinochoe, a dinos, an iron tripod, a strainer, and kyathos. Pottery: skyphoi, an askos-guttus, and a lamp. 96 Samartzidou 1988, 322f. 97 Funerary statue of a siren from the mid-4th century BC (see Tsimbidou‑Avloniti, in: Makedonen 1994, cat. 283), a stele, see note 33. 98 Ibidem. The foundations of two sides of such a structure were preserved in tombs TIV–TVII, 9 m and 10 m long respectively. The complex is dated to the last quarter of the 4th–first half of the 3rd century BC. 99 Tsimbidou‑Avloniti, in: Makedonen 1994, 331. Dimensions: 1.96x1.96x2.45 m. The tomb was reused repeatedly from the mid-3rd to the first half of the 2nd century BC. 100 Malama 2003, 120, Figs 16,17; Malama 2007, 110–114; Brecoulaki 2006, 378–380. 101 At Amphipolis-Kastas there are birds in a vegetal frieze, vessels and a mirror in two cist graves from the 3rd century BC, found below the floor of a Macedonian tomb (see Lazaridis 1997, 72, Fig. 87), images of unidentified objects (toys?) and a myrtle branch below, running around the interior of a child’s tomb TVII (see Samaratzidou 1998, 329); two vegetal friezes in a cist grave (see Malama 2003, 121, Fig. 19). 102 Samaratzidou 1998, 329. Remains of bone inlays decorating a kline from tomb TVII.

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Figure 16. AmphipolisKastas, fragment of the decoration of a cist grave (Lazaridis 1997, 87)

Figure 17. Vergina, Great Tumulus, tomb IV (photo by the Author)

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kline held the remains of the deceased and the grave goods.103 Some of the tombs preserved much of the furnishings composed of vessels of various kinds,104 terracotta figures,105 and jewellery.106 Coming from the eastern necropolis is a gold plaque inscribed with the text ΕΥΑΓΗΣ ΙΕΡΑ ΔΙΟΝΥ / ΣΟΥ ΒΑΧΧΙΟΥ ΕΙΜΙ/ ΑΡΧΕΒΟΥ...Η/ΑΝΤΙΔΩΡΟ.107 3. Macedonian tombs Architectural forms, painted decoration, interior furnishings Macedonian tombs, which evolved from the cist graves, commenced to be built around the middle of the 4th century BC.108 They were constructed in already existing cemeteries near the cities of Aigai, Amphipolis, Miesa, Thessaloniki, Dion, and Pydna, occurring in tandem with other forms of tombs: cist graves, rock-cut tombs, and shaft tombs. At Aigai we are dealing with a royal necropolis which continued to function even after the capital was moved to Pella. There is also a discernible tendency for Macedonian tombs to be placed by roadsides.109

Samaratzidou 1998, 333. Two pairs of golden earrings with pendants, golden oval elements from a necklace with carnelian, four golden bread trays (used in a ritual context) decorated with repoussé spirals, golden flowers from robes and trilobed golden leaves from a wreath, two golden rings and one of glass, two lamps, phiales, kantharoi, fragmentary West Slope wares, fragments of strigils, idols, fragments of Megarian bowls, and two copper coins from the mints of Pella and Thessaloniki. Tomb T1 from the second half of the 4th century BC yielded clay alabastra, black-glazed skyphoi, gilded clay beads, a fragmentary gilded bronze wreath, a golden leaf, a figure of a dancer, a figure of a woman in a tragic mask, a figure of a playing girl in a himation and a wreath on her head, and female busts. Protomes of females are often found in tombs of the Classical period in Amphipolis (see Mylonas 1985b, 25; Lazaridis 1984, 39). 104 As a funerary urn: a black-glazed hydria from tomb 13 with a gilded wreath around the neck (Rhomiopoulou 1967, 97); a bell-shaped krater (Beazley, ARV2, 1453–55); red-figured hydrias (‘Group of Apollonia’ style, Beazley, ARV2, 1482–83); aryballoi lekythoi: red-figured with the head of a woman in a sakkos, decorated with a palmette motif; lekythoi with a net pattern, gutti, kantharoi without handles and with long leaves decorating the body and ivy leaves on the neck, kantharoi with high handles decorated with a necklace or branch; kantharoi-cups; kotylecups; deep cups; skyphoi; kyathion-dioton; an oinochoe-beaker; a pyxis (Rhomiopoulou 1967, 91ff.); parallel vessel types known from the cemetery at Nea Apollonia dated to about the mid-4th century BC (Adam‑Veleni 2002, 280f.). 105 Painted figures of korai dressed in a chiton and himation (Lazaridis 1997, Fig. 72); female protomes and animals, for example, doves, and a cock (Tsimbidou‑Avloniti in: Makedonen 1994, cat. 296, 298, cat. 287 and 289). 106 Ring with pomegranate, a golden chain with a knot of Heracles, terminating in lion’s heads at either end, golden earrings with pendants (Tsimbidou‑Avloniti in: Makedonen 1994, cat. 290–295); wreaths, a diadem made of golden tape (Lazaridis 1997, Figs 66, 67). 107 Malama 2003, 118. Tomb T45 dated to the end of the 4th–early 3rd century BC. 108 The oldest tomb is dated by the ceramics in it to about 340 BC (fragmentary Panatheian amphora preserving part of a name ‘LYK’, which should presumably be connected with an archont eponym named Lykisko, 344 BC). The early dating and at the same time the ‘experimental phase’ in the development of Macedonian tombs is attested by a structural element: an additional wall around the tomb to ensure its stability. The size of the tomb, its surely rich furnishings and decoration indicate its royal character; it was most probably Eurydice, wife of Amyntas III and mother of Phillip II, who was buried in it, see Andronikos 1988a, 83. 109 Sismanidis 1985, 55. The tombs of Maieutiriou, Syntrivaniou, and Charilaou were located in Thessaloniki, along the road to the Chalcidice peninsula; the tomb Thessaloniki-Monastiriou and two tombs in Agios Athanasios are on the road to Pella; the tomb in Neapolis and Langadas to the east. 103

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Figure 18. Section through the Great Tumulus in Vergina (Vokotopoulou 1996, 150)

Tombs were constructed below ground level using blocks of local poros stone (Figures 17 and 18). Marble110 was used only to emphasise certain parts of the building, like the door framing or the wings of the door.111 The tomb was covered with an earthen mound112 (Figure 19). Depending on the ground, the walls could be partly excavated in rock.113 The weight of the earthen mound ensured proper

Marble was extracted on Thasos, near Drama and Kavala. The only tomb built of local grey marble is the tomb in Stavroupolis; the Dion II tomb was constructed of sandstone. 112 Tumuli are currently difficult to observe on the ground, having been leveled by agricultural cultivation. The mound was made of the soil from the excavation of the tomb and of soil brought in from the vicinity, thus making it a mixed layer of stones and earth. This kind of structure reinforced the mound and guaranteed its cohesiveness. The tumulus referred to an early Iron Age tradition (some of the tombs, like Vergina for example, a tomb with a simple facade and cist graves were situated within such mounds), but it was also potentially protection from plunder, as in the case of the Great Tumulus in Vergina (see Andronikos 1997, 62, based on Plutarch Pyrrhus 26,6). Particular tombs were covered by separate mounds and cist graves could be found at their edges (Agios Athanasios I, Amphipolis II, Mesimeri α, Thessaloniki-Foinika, Vergina tomb with a simple facade, Tomb of Eurydice next to which were numerous female burials); at Lakkoma III the tumulus was made over a large cist grave from the third quarter of the 4th century BC, and then some of the earth was removed from the northern side at the beginning of the 3rd century BC, making room for the construction of the Macedonian tomb (Tsimbidou‑Avloniti 1988, 264). 113 Lefkadia – Charouli Tomb: wall cut into the rock and lined with stone slabs; Drama; Veroia, twin tombs; Veroia – tomb with Doric facade. 110 111

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Figure 19. Pella, the tumulus of tomb Δ (photo by the Author)

stability of the subterranean structure, which was raised without the use of mortar, metal clamps or pegs,114 and rarely applying the technique of anathyrosis. Two chambers aligned one after the other, the vestibule and the burial chamber, usually made up a tomb (Figures 20, 21, 22), although single-chamber tombs were also frequent.115 Depending on the size of the vestibule the two chambers are roofed with a single barrel vault or, if the vestibule is wider or higher, then it can be flat-roofed.116 The vault was built of keystones of equal width as a rule, aligned with the long axis of the tomb.117 When the blocks of the vault reach the wall face and are supported on it, the vault can be seen from the front, but if the keystones touch the inner partition wall only from the inside or overlap slightly thanks to cut grooves, then the arc of the vault is not visible.118 The entrance was On the exceptions, see Rhomiopolou, Schmidt‑Dounas 2010, 125–126. Dion II, Dion III, Dion IV, Eukarpia I, Eukarpia II, Lakkoma I, Lakkoma II, Lefkadia – Charouli Tomb, Lefkadia – Theodoridi Tomb, Mesimeri α, Nea Kerdylia I and II, Rachi, Thessaloniki-Maieutiriou, Thessaloniki-Syntrivaniou; Thessaloniki-Neapolis, Thessaloniki-Phoinika; Thessaloniki-Charilaou, Toumba Paionia, Tsagari, Veroia twin tombs, Veroia – Tzouvaras Tomb, Petriotika-Potidea; Pella B, Pyrgoi Eordeas, Derveni Γ, Agios Athanasios III, Agios Athanasios IV, Tsagari. 116 Angista, Dion I, Haliakmon, Lefkadia – Kinch Tomb ; the Tomb of Lyson and Kallikles in Lefkadia is an exception with its small square vestibule covered with a flat roof. 117 The vault of the Thessaloniki-Chariloau tomb is a singular example of using fragments of Doric columns for this type of construction, the columns cut in a special way to arrive at a trapezoid section (Tsimbidou‑Avloniti 1985– 86, 121). 118 On the origins of the barrel vault in Greece and techniques of its execution, see: Orlandos 1968, 235ff.; Boyd 1978, 83–100; Lehmann 1980, 527–531; Andronikos 1987, 1–16; Tomlinson 1987, 305–312; Wesenberg 1991, 251–258; Dornisch 1992; Ginouvès 1992, 139ff. 114 115

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Figure 20. Vergina, plan of the Great Tumulus (Drougou 1994, 129)

Figure 21. Vergina, section through the Tomb of ‘Rhomaios’ (Rhomaios 1951, Fig. 6)

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Figure 22. Lefkadia, Tomb of the Judgment, section (Touratsoglou 1998, Fig. 255)

sealed with either wooden or stone doors, modeled on the appearance of doors mounted in secular and sacral structures: rectangular panels filling a frame of vertical and horizontal slats; in the case of marble doors, the heads of nails were carved in relief or painted119 (Figure 23). Doors were mounted in the jambs with iron or marble tenons. The doorway, which endangered the stability of the underground structure because of its size, was filled additionally with stone blocks.120 The facade that concealed the arc of the vault was 119 Marble doors in the entrance were preserved complete in the tomb in Agia Paraskevi: three horizontal slats and one vertical one in the centre were decorated with a double row of bronze nail heads, a palmette handle and a circular plate with a keyhole in the upper part and an antaba in the lower one. The wings were mounted on a bronze ring with an iron swivel, guiding them on a lead rail in the floor, which made it possible to open them without difficulty (see Sismanidis 1986, 82ff.). Double-winged marble doors: Agios Athanasios I, Amphipolis IV, Angista, Eukarpia I, tombs II and III in Vergina, Pydna-Korinos; Lefkadia – Tomb of Lyson and Kallikles; VerginaPalatitsa, Pella, Pella Δ, Toumba Paionia, Vergina – Rhomaios Tomb; Vergina – tomb I in the Bella Tumulus; Vergina – Tomb of Eurydice; Dion I, Dion IV, Giannitsa, Stavroupolis, Agia Paraskevi, Derveni, Kalamotos; inner marble doors: Lefkadia – Tomb of the Palmettes, Langadas, tombs II and III in Vergina, Pydna (inside), Stavroupolis, Giannitsa; Limestone doors: Dion I (inside), Vergina-Palatitsa (inside), Pydna, Pyrgoi Eordeas, Derveni Γ, Potidea; no doors, opening sealed with stone blocks: Amphipolis IV, Lefkadia – Tomb of the Judgment; Tomb of the Palmettes. Wooden doors (preserved fittings): Dion II, Langadas (lion’s head and Gorgoneion), Lefkadia – Kinch Tomb, Thessaloniki-Charilaou; Pydna-Makryghialos; Veroia – Tomb of Tzouvaras; Lefkadia -Tomb of Lyson and Kallikles; Vergina-Palatitsa, Pella, Pella Δ, Toumba Paionia. The original wooden doors were later replaced with marble ones: Agios Athanasios I. 120 Agios Athanasios I, Angista, Dion I, Dion III, Eukarpia I, Haliakmon, Lakkoma I, Lakkoma II, Lakkoma III,

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Figure 23. Lefkadia, Tomb of the Palmettes, chamber (Rhomiopoulou 1999, Fig. 30)

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Figure 24. Vergina, Great Tumulus, tomb II – tomb of Phillip II, facade, reconstruction by G. Mitsakakis (Drougou 1994, 4)

constructed of separate blocks of stone and the architectural features were worked into the structural block of the front. In the simplest forms of facades, the marble framing of the doorway was composed of a lintel and jambs,121 a painted band,122 or separate bondwork.123 Selected elements of the Doric and Ionian orders were applied in arbitrary fashion. In a Doric facade, the triglyph-and-metope frieze decorated either just the lintel124 or the entire width of the facade125 (Figures 24, 25, 26). The tympanon, similarly, either crowned the Langadas, Larisa (single slab), Lefkadia – Tomb of the Palmettes; Kinch Tomb, Tomb of the Judgment; Theodoridi Tomb, Vergina-Palatitsa, Thessaloniki-Maieutiriou, Vergina – Rhomaios Tomb (entire facade concealed behind stone blocks), Veroia twin tombs, Veroia – Tzouvaras Tomb, Spilia Eordea, Agia Paraskevi, Pella B, Derveni Γ, Nea Apollonia. 121 Amphipolis IV, Dion III, Lakkoma I (lintel), Lakkoma II (lintel), Vergina – Tumulus Bella II; Pyrgoi Eordeas, Pella B, Derveni Γ, Nea Apollonia, Agios Athanasios IV (only lintel). 122 Dion II, Vergina tomb with simple facade, Tsagari. 123 Lefkadia – Charouli Tomb. 124 Haliakmon. 125 Lefkadia – Kinch Tomb (the metopes of the frieze were covered with a yellow plaster, the triglyphs with blue, and above this was a sima with Ionian kymation), Nea Kerdylia II.

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Figure 25. Vergina, Great Tumulus, tomb III (Andronikos 1997, Fig. 160)

entrance126 or concealed the arc of the vault.127 These two elements also appear together as the crowning of a wall.128 A typical Doric facade is made up of an entablature with a tympanon and four pilasters or engaged columns,129 or of pilasters framing only the Lefkadia – Tomb of Lyson and Kallikles. Lefkadia – Charouli Tomb, Thessaloniki-Charilaou, Dion II, Dion IV tomb with simple facade, ThessalonikiNeapolis; Lakkoma III (above the tympanum a high semicircular attic), Pella E (including the parastada framing the facade). 128 Dion I, Veroia twin tombs. 129 Agios Athanasios I, Angista, Giannitsa, Laina, Pella Δ, Spilia Eordea (only the upper part of the engaged columns has fluting on the shaft, starting at 1.58 m), Thessaloniki-Maieutiriou, Thessaloniki-Monastiriou, Vergina Bella I Tumuus. An attic replaces the tympanum in tombs II and III in the Great Tumulus in Vergina [conservation of the tomb facade: Zambas 2001, 553ff.], at Langadas the attic is combined with the tympanum. 126 127

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Figure 26. Agios Athanasios, fragment of the façade (Tsimbidou-Avloniti 2007, Fig. 3)

facade130 (Figures 27, 28). The Ionian facade is composed only of pilasters and epistyle,131 or of all the elements of the Ionian order132 (Figures 29, 30). The front of the tomb was plastered or stuccoed, unlike the other sides of the tomb which were left undressed; architectural elements were emphasised or added in colour: the regulae and triglyphs were painted blue and the taeniae red, for example.133 The ornaments on the architectural elements were also painted.134 Mesimeri tomb γ; Thessaloniki-Agia Paraskevi; Thessaloniki-Phoinika, Veroia – Tzouvaras Tomb; Veroia tomb with Doric facade (engaged columns framing the entrance). 131 Vergina-Palatitsa. 132 Agios Athanasios II, Langadas, Lefkadia – Tomb of the Palmettes; Pella Γ, Langadas, Vergina – tomb with Ionian facade. 133 The tomb in Vergina-Palatitsa, Tomb of the Judgment in Lefkadia, and the tomb in Pydna are all examples of a stucco and painted decoration being combined in the facade, see Miller 1982, 157f. 134 The best example of this kind of painted decoration is supplied by the architectural elements of the Ionian facade of the Tomb of the Palmettes in Lefkadia. A broad range of mineral paint colours was applied: blues (Egyptian blue with calcium carbonate), reds (iron oxides: hematite and cinnabar), black (lime carbonate with high carbon content), purple (Egyptian blue mixed with cinnabar and lime carbonate), yellow ocher, and yellowish grey (see Rhomiopoulou 1999, 22). The fresco technique was used, combined occasionally with tempera. Two layers of lime mortar served as a base, the outer one being very fine. The sketching was done in wet plaster, the details being introduced as the plaster dried, so that the paints were soaked up into the still wet mortar, gaining in permanence. Remains of a scrolling vine in an Ionian frieze were noted in the Rhomaios Tomb in Vergina; see the ornaments in the Ionian facade of tomb Pella Γ. See also Rhomiopoulou, Brecoulaki 2002, 107–115; Brecoulaki 2006, 57–61,73– 76 (Tomb of Eurydice), 91–96 (Tomb of Persephone); 117–128 (Tomb of Phillip II in Vergina); 146–149 (tomb III 130

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Figure 27. Tomb in ThessalonikiMaieutiriou(photo by the Author)

Figure 28. Pella, tomb Δ (photo by the Author)

Types of funerary complexes in Macedonia

Figure 29. Agios Athanasios, tomb with Ionian facade (photo by the Author)

Figure 30. Pella, tomb Γ (photo by the Author)

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Despite combining relief, stucco and painted elements, the different techniques are indiscernible, matched by the foreshortening in the illusionist depiction of the entrance portico. In a few cases the facade was decorated with a figural scene. A hunting scene graced the attic of the Tomb of Phillip II in the Great Tumulus in Vergina; it may have been painted by Aristeides II of Thebes, an apprentice of Nikomachos135 (Figure 24). There were ten male figures depicted in this scene. The composition was made up of three separate groups: one hunting a deer, another chasing a speared roe deer, and, on the left side, two men on foot aiming at a boar and being attacked by three dogs. In the centre of the painting, a horseman with raised spear is galloping toward the main scene of the frieze, which is a lion hunt. The wounded animal is shown between two men on foot, one with a spear and the other with an axe, while coming from behind is a bearded hunter on horseback. The last two scenes represent a man aiming at a bear and another man fishing with a net. The hunt takes place in a rocky grove with a mountainous landscape in the background; one of the trees has taenia and a votive tablet hanging from its branches. The three men on the left are naked; the other four men on foot wear cloaks pinned on the shoulder and kausia, whereas the fisherman is clad in a short chiton and an animal skin over his shoulders, high boots, and different headgear. The rider in the centre wears a short red tunic, sandals, and a laurel wreath on his head; the rider on the right has a white tunic, red chlamys and sandals. The only architectural element in the painting is three schematically drawn statues in the background of the boar hunt. The attic of the neighboring tomb III in the Great Tumulus was covered most probably with a painting made on an organic background as indicated by the remains of wood and leather. Relief shields were found on either side of the door.136 The two-tiered facade137 of the Tomb of the Judgement in Lefkadia presented human figures painted in the intercolumnar spaces of the portico: the deceased on the left and Aeacus and Rhadamantos on the right138 (Figure 31). The deceased was shown in three-quarter, wearing a purple chiton, leather armor and chlamys, a spear in his right hand, his left resting on a sword. Hermes moves to the right, turning his head toward the deceased and in Vergina); 174–179, 185–192, 199–204 (Tomb of the Palmettes in Lefkadia); 211–215 (Tomb of the Judgment in Lefkadia); 232–234 (Tomb of Lyson and Kallikles in Lefkadia) 280–298 (Agios Athanasios), 395–450. 135 Saatsoglou-Paliadeli (2002, 173ff ; 2007, 47–55). Other attributions include Philoxenos of Eretria (Andronikos 1997, 118), Nikias and Apelles (Moreno 1987, 115–116; 2001); Saatsoglou-Paliadeli (2002, 173ff ; 2007, 47–55). See also an analysis by Cohen 2014, 244–248. 136 See the shields in the facade of the tomb in Spilia Eordea (Karamitrou‑Mentesidi 1988, 30. Fig. 1.6) and the vestibule of the Tomb of the Judgment in Lefkadia (Petsas 1966a, 39, 56–60). 137 The tomb dated to about 275 BC is the only one with two tiers in the facade. Dimensions: height 8.6 m, width 8.68 m. The ground floor was in the Doric order with four engaged columns between corner pilasters. The frieze is composed of 12 triglyphs and 11 metopes, above a geison with mutules with guttae, and taenia with a painted scrolling vine and flowers. The Ionian frieze is decorated with stucco figures that are painted, and above this a fragmentarily preserved geison. The upper tier of the facade is divided into six small Ionian engaged columns (height 1.46 m) and between them are seven false windows with an imitation of shutters with bronze fittings and framing pilasters. The facade is covered with a layer of white lime mortar with vivid colours, mainly reds and strong blues, on particular architectural elements. Recent conservation treatment was intended to strengthen the structure of the facade, see Zambas 2000, 421–434. 138 The paintings styles point to two separate artists. The figure of the deceased and of Rhadamanthus are painted with strokes of the brush that bring out the shades and the lighter surfaces contoured by the lines of the shade. The figures of Hermes and Ajax were modeled with plastic surfaces in an impressionistic manner; see Andronikos 1987f., 363f.; Miller 1993a, 117; Brecoulaki 2006, 208–211.

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Figure 31. Lefkadia, Tomb of the Judgment (Touratsoglou 1998, Fig. 256)

encouraging him to follow with a raised right arm. He is dressed in a chiton and chlamys, and he holds a kerykeion in his left hand. Seated on a cubic pedestal, the bearded Aeacus (identified by a partly preserved inscription [AIA]KOΣ) is turned to the left, resting his left hand on a long staff; he wears a brown himation and a green wreath on his head. The standing Rhadamantos behind him also wears a himation and supports himself on a staff. Despite being separated by engaged columns, these figures form a single composition. The metopes of the frieze in the upper tier of the facade are decorated with scenes of Centauromachy, whereas the Ionian frieze above it presents riders battling soldiers on foot (Macedonians vs. Persians).139 The figures were rendered in stuccowork and mounted on a blue background. The preserved fragments of the tympanon indicate the presence of a figural scene in relief; traces of a rider in battle (the deceased?) can be discerned among the remains. 139

Brecoulaki 2006, 215–217.

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Figure 32. Lefkadia, Tomb of the Palmettes (Rhomiopoulou 1999, Fig. 26)

The tympanon of the Tomb of Palmettes in Lefkadia held a representation of a semireclining couple, turned toward each other three-quarter from the back and looking into the distance (Figure 32). An old, grey and bearded man in a golden wreath and a woman both wear long-sleeved chitonia and himatia; the man is barefoot and holds a key on a chainlet in his right hand. The woman’s head is veiled and she rests her chin in her hand. The background is blue, while the bodies of the man and woman are modeled with a gradation of colour tones.140 The tympanon of the tomb in Thessaloniki-Phoinika also contained a 140

Brecoulaki 2006, 179–184; Rhomiopolou, Schmidt‑Dounas 2010, 74–76.

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Figure 33. Vergina, the Bella Tumulus, tomb II, facade and throne in the burial chamber (Andronikos 1997, Fig. 15)

composition of a number of figures (a semi-reclining young man in a red himation by a table on the left, a spear in his hand and a shield upon which he leans; a central dexiosis scene between a seated and a standing man, on the right a horse being led, a shield, a stele, and a semi-reclining young man in a chiton and leather armor, holding a helmet in his left hand). The metopes of the triglyph-and-metope frieze were filled with images of golden phials with a blue omphalos.141 The facade of tomb II in the Bella Tumulus in Vergina, otherwise undecorated with any architectural features, is decorated with a painting of three figures above the door142 (Figure 33). The deceased is shown in the middle as a young warrior, his right hand resting on a spear. He wears armor with a gorgoneion on the front, high boots, and a red himation Tomb dated to the last quarter of the 4th century BC, see Tsimbidou‑Avloniti 1988, 261; Tsimbidou‑Avloniti 2005, 46ff.; Brecoulaki 2006, 313. 142 Andronikos 1997, 35ff , Figs 15–16; Brecoulaki 2006, 162–167. The good condition of the painting is due to it being covered with a thin layer of crushed stone. 141

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supported by his left hand. To his right is a tall woman shown in profile, a personification of Arete, dressed in a chiton and himation. She holds a golden wreath in her hand stretched out toward the warrior. A seated young man to the left of the deceased is Ares, stretching his left hand toward the warrior even as he rests his right on the hilt of his sword. Beside him is a shield with an eagle as the emblem. A painted scene also decorates the facade of the small and severely destroyed tomb III in Agios Athanasios143 (Figure 26). The tympanon bears two facing griffins with golden wings. Running below it is a Doric frieze with blue triglyphs and white metopes and a narrow frieze 35 cm wide, depicting a banquet scene. Six symposiasts with wreaths around their heads are shown reclining on three beds. Three tables (two tripodia and a quadrangular one in the centre) stand before the beds, laid with eggs, fruit in the form of apples and grapes, and cakes. Two female musicians accompany the scene, one seated on the bed next to a banqueter playing an Italic form of the kitara; the other one, playing a double aulos, is shown standing by the first man on the left. Behind her is a young man with a phial and oinochoe in his hands. Approaching the banqueters from the left is a group of five men on foot and three riders with torches. One of the men on foot leads a horse and carries a large situla. A tree and a piece of furniture (κυλικείων) with shelves holding a few vessels separate the two scenes. A marble louterion can be seen on the right side, by the last symposiast. The banqueter holds his hand out to the first man in the group on the right side of the frieze. The scene on this side is more static in character: eight hoplites in Macedonian dress and kausias or Phrygian helmets on their heads stand in a line, two of them resting their shields on the ground. Shields hanging from nails were depicted below the frieze on either side of the facade; one bears a gorgoneion, the other a winged thunderbolt. The entrance to the tomb is guarded by two men in long chlamidae; they could be the deceased’s companions-in-arms. The architectural decoration of the facade of the tomb of Agios Athanasios II is also unique. It imitates the painted decoration of the interior (Figure 29) with relief orthostats between the engaged Ionian columns, a plain red zone, and painted top of the wall. Vestibules are usually smaller in size than the burial chambers, but never less wide. The dimensions of the burial chamber are determined by structural factors and the size of the kline (from one to three) or theke. Chambers measuring roughly 3 m by 3 m form a distinct group. A sizable group is larger than that, up to 6 m long, but with walls never less than 2 m in length.144 The doorway between the vestibule and the burial chamber, which may have a The tomb is dated to the last quarter of the 4th century BC, see Tsimbidou‑Avloniti 1998a, 235f.; Tsimbidou‑Avloniti 1999, 1245ff.; Tsimbidou‑Avloniti 2002, 37–42; Tsimbidou‑Avloniti 2005, 109–149; Brecoulaki 2006, 268–280, 298–300; Tsimbidou‑Avloniti 2007, 57–67. 144 The division of burial chambers by size was carried out by Pandermalis 1972, 147ff. The largest tombs include: Angista, Dion I, Philippi, Haliakmon, Giannitsa, Lefkadia – Kinch Tomb, Lefkadia -Tomb of the Judgment, Lefkadia – Tomb of the Palmettes, Pella B, Pella Δ, Pella Γ, Rachi, Langadas, Vergina – Rhomaios Tomb, Vergina – Tomb of Eurydice, Vergina – tomb with Ionian facade, Vergina-Palatitsa. Small tombs: Dion II, Dion III, Lakkoma I, Larissa, Vergina – Tumulus Bella III, Pyrgoi Eordeas, Pydna-Makryghialos, Veroia – twin tombs; Veroia – tomb with Doric facade, Veroia – Tzouvaras Tomb. Tombs with a chamber 3 m on one side: Drama, Eukarpia, Lefkadia – Tomb of Lyson and Kallikles, Lefkadia – Theodoridi Tomb, Mesimeri α, Lefkadia – Tomb of the Palmettes, Pella A, Potidea, Pydna – Heuzey Tomb, Pydna-Alikes-Kitros, Laina, Thessaloniki-Maieutiriou, Vergina – Tumulus Bella II, Vergina – tomb with Doric facade, Great Tumulus tomb III. Tombs with chambers approximately 3x3 m: Amphipolis I, 143

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marble frame, was closed with doors of marble or wood. The floors in the two chambers were usually on one level,145 paved with stone slabs, plastered and stuccoed.146 The floors could be paved with pebble mosaics on occasion.147 The walls were plastered and decorated in imitation of domestic interiors. The springing of the vault is emphasised in the first group. Where the walls are covered with coloured plaster, the colour changes in this place;148 the transition may also be emphasised by a change of the bondwork pattern,149 molding150 and/ or ornamental band151 (Figure 21). The other form of decoration is composed of horizontal zones with the lower parts of the walls imitating orthostats, and the upper part plain152 (Figure 32) or a distinguished plinth, orthostats, central zone and springing of the vault153 (Figure 21). A more decorative variant imitates an architectural order: engaged columns and entablature in relief154 or as a painting rendered with foreshortening155 (Figure 34). Amphipolis II-Mantres, Amphipolis – Pedrizet’s Tomb, Amphipolis-Kastas, Amphipolis – tomb β1, Lakkoma II, Lakkoma III, Lefkadia – Charouli Tomb, Agios Athanasios I, Agios Athanasios II, Agia Paraskevi, ThessalonikiSyntrivaniou, Thessaloniki-Charilaou, Stavroupolis, Terphi, Vergina – tomb with simple facade; Toumba Paionia tomb B. 145 A lower-lying floor in the vestibule of the tomb in Agia Paraskevi and in the Tomb of the Judgment in Lefkadia are exceptions to the rule. 146 Red stucco covers the floor of the tomb in Vergina-Palatitsa; rhombuses painted black, yellow and red have been preserved in Langadas, and a division into three zones, yellow in the centre between dark red ones on the outside, is to be found in the chamber of a tomb in Amphipolis-Kastas. 147 Dion II: black pebbles arranged in four rows in a circle on a yellowish ground; Pydna: pebbles in red stucco; Amphipolis-Kastas: a mosaic with a pattern of colour rhombuses on the floor of the tomb’s vestibule. 148 Angista: walls covered with red plaster, light blue vault and white lunette. 149 Spilia Eordea. 150 Dion II, Dion III, Langadas, Pella, Stavroupolis, Mesimeri tomb γ; Nea Kerdylia II; Agia Paraskevi. 151 Dion III (profile with a kymation of heart-shaped leaves); painted meander around the vestibule of the tomb in Pydna-Korinos, frieze composed of a Ionian kymation and a vegetal ornament in the chamber; walls of the vestibule of the Kinch Tomb in Lefkadia decorated with a vegetal frieze above a red band, a superimposed layer of plaster during renovation, a vegetal frieze also in the chamber below the head of the vault; Laina (a red band), Thessaloniki-Neapolis (a frieze with vegetal motifs); Vergina – Rhomaios Tomb (a vestibule), ThessalonikiCharilaou, Pella ΣΤ, Tsagari (a laurel garland with ribbons); Drama (a band of bucrania and rosettes in the vestibule); Potidea (a scrolling vine motif). 152 Agios Athanasios II (white orthostats and a red wall); Mesimeri Tomb α (a wall red in the lower part, white in the upper part); Mesimeri tomb γ (dark sky-blue in the lower zone of the toichobat and the orthostats, above a band of red, white vault); Lefkadia: walls of the vestibule of the Tomb of the Palmettes are divided by white and black moldings into an upper light yellow part and a lower black one; the upper parts of walls in the chamber are red, the lower black, the vault yellow; Kinch Tomb (decoration now lost), dark brown plinth once at the bottom of the wall, yellow band about 1.08 m above it and a red zone; Haliakmon (a white zone, black and red in the vestibule); Angista (plinth); Amphipolis II; Lefkadia – Charouli Tomb; Vergina – Palatitsa, Heuzey Tomb (black plinth, red wall); Vergina – tomb with an Ionian facade (a black zone of orthostats and a red wall). 153 The walls of the chamber of the Tomb of the Palmettes are divided into broad bands: the lower one is black plaster imitating marble wall revetment, separated by a white molding from a dark red zone, and a light yellow vault; Dion II (the lines of the wall bonding engraved into plaster the colour of ocher), Langadas (black plinth, white orthostats, green-black molding, a red wall, white, white vault), Lefkadia – Charouli Tomb, Haliakmon (chamber: black plinth, white orthostats, a black zone, red, white vault); Pydna (black plinth, a red wall, a black wall at top, a white vault); Vergina – Rhomaios Tomb (zone of orthostats and a painted scrolling vine frieze below the head of the vault in the vestibule); Tsagari; Vergina – tomb with simple facade; Thessaloniki-Agia Paraskevi (vertical and horizontal bands with a scrolling ivy frieze with corymbs between the orthostats in the vestibule); Giannitsa; Pella Δ; Pella E (a band of vegetal decoration at mid-height of the wall and an Ionian kymation at the base of the vault). 154 Dion I (vestibule: engaged Ionian columns framing a doorway, in the corner two engaged columns forming a kind of pilaster of quarter columns; capital different from other capitals in Macedonian tombs in that it contains a wedge between the abakus and the volute; architrave composed of three fascia, the top composed of an astragal and cyma reversa; roof beams above the frieze topped by a flat astragal and eye-and-dart motif; a door with a marble frame, decorated with a Doric semicircular molding). 155 Ionian order: Lefkadia: Tomb of Lyson and Kallikles and Tomb of the Judgment.

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Figure 34. Lefkadia, Tomb of Lyson and Kallikles, chamber (Rhomiopoulou 1999, Fig. 39)

Fresh garlands156 or parts of arms were suspended sometimes on the walls; substitutes were also painted on occasion.157 The interiors are rarely decorated with painted objects or figural scenes. Women’s toiletries: a wooden casket, mirror and ribbons, have been preserved fragmentarily on the back wall of tomb Γ in Pella.158 The walls of the vestibule in tomb III in the Great Tumulus in Vergina bear a frieze topped by an egg-and-dart pattern in the upper part. The frieze depicts a race between twohorse rigs shown against a dark blue background (Figure 35). The expressive rendering Dion I (traces of nails on the back wall, presumably for hanging taenia or other objects); Dion II (nails); Langadas (nails regularly disposed in the chamber and vestibule, evidence of corrosion on the vestibule walls suggests armor hanging from these nails, small spacing within the chamber suggests in turn a hanging tapestry); Lefkadia – Tomb of the Judgment, Vergina – Rhomaios Tomb; Tsagari; Spilia Eordea; Vergina – tomb with a simple facade; Pella E (ribbons, wreaths and garlands). 157 Dion I (laurel-leaf garland gathered in by double sashes at equal distances, not suspended but running horizontally without points of suspension, which is rare); Lefkadia – Tomb of Lyson and Kallikles; Tsagetsi. 158 Chrisostomou 1994, 538. 156

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Figure 35. Vergina, Great Tumulus, tomb III, wall painting in the vestibule (Drougou 1994, 83)

of the galloping horses, racing rigs, and dynamic charioteers, along with the technical excellence of the execution attest to the hand of a prominent painter.159 The stucco shields on either side of the doorway in the vestibule of the Tomb of the Judgment in Lefkadia are also unique, paralleled only by the shields in the facade of tomb III in Vergina (Figure 25). The wall decoration of the Kinch Tomb was not preserved.160 The painting in the lunette depicted a scene of battle: a Macedonian rider on the left side was shown spearing a Persian soldier on foot, who raises his shield in protection while trying to flee. Like the frieze in tomb III in Vergina, this painting was executed by a master artist with a talent for colour, whose modeling with light and shadow of the bodies of the horse and the two figures gave the scene a highly expressive character. The painting in the Tomb of Eurydice in Vergina is also unique161 (Figure 36). The back wall of the burial chamber was occupied by a painting of an Ionian facade in foreshortening, preserved almost untouched. The facade is composed of four engaged columns, a framed doorway and a threshold, with two large windows with closed shutters on either side. The Tsimbidou‑Avloniti 1988, 261ff., Fig. 1–3; Brecoulaki 2006, 136f. Full documentation of the tomb, plans, photographs and reconstruction drawings of the now lost wall paintings by the original excavator, the Danish architect K.F. Kinch, who investigated it in 1887, 1889 and 1892. The tomb is from the first half of the 3rd century BC; see Brecoulaki 2006, 219–221. 161 Andronikos 1988a, 82f., Figs 7–11; Brecoulaki 2006, 50–53. 159 160

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Figure 36. Vergina, Tomb of Eurydice, interior with the throne (Touratsoglou 1998, Fig. 318)

entablature is made up of an epistyle composed of three taenia, a frieze decorated with white palmettes against a blue background, dentils, and a cornice with mutuli in relief. The interior of the Tomb of Lyson and Kallikles in Lefkadia was also painted.162 The wall of the vestibule on the left side features a rectangular altar depicted in foreshortening, topped by a vaulted niche, standing on a base with the upper edge decorated with an eggand-dart pattern and the lower edge with a Lesbian kymation. Three taeniae decorate its front and in front of it is a yellow-black serpent with red eyes. A shallow louterion filled with water was shown on the other side of the entrance. It takes on the shape of a redcoloured bowl resting on an unfluted yellow-brown column on a round base standing on a square pedestal. A laurel branch leans against the edge of the bowl on the right side. An inscription in red letters reading ΛΥΣΩΝΟΣ ΚΑΙ ΚΑΛΛΙΚΛΕΟΥΣ ΤΩΝ ΑΡΙΣΤΟΦΑΝΟΥΣ is found above the doorway to the burial chamber. The walls are divided by 14 stucco pilasters with Ionian capitals rendered with foreshortening, standing on a socle imitating red-marble revetment supporting a Doric–Ionic entablature (Figure 34). Below the capitals 162 Miller 1993a, 38ff. Tomb dated on the grounds of inscriptions and shield decoration (for the shield decoration, see Callaghan 1980, 44) to the times of Perseus (179–168 BC); Brecoulaki 2006, 222–232.

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Figure 37. Lefkadia, Tomb of the Palmettes, painted decoration of the vault in the vestibule (Descamps-Lequime 2007, 20)

all around the chamber were garlands with pomegranate fruit and myrtle flowers. Arms and parts of armor were shown with foreshortening in the lunettes. A Macedonian shield appears above the doorway in the vestibule, with armor with Attic helmets and hanging swords on either side. Similar motifs appear on the back wall of the chamber: a shield with an emblem in the form of an eight-pointed star, two shinguards below the entablature, next to them helmets and two swords at the edge of the lunette. The interior looks like an arbor with a roof made of a textile sporting a carpet design: the centre panel of the vault in beige is surrounded by red-brown blank panels and narrow bands of light blue and light yellow. This form of vault decoration is one of only four examples known from Macedonian-type tombs. In the Dion I tomb the entire surface is framed by a wide band, while the longer sides are additionally decorated with a tripartite frieze: the central one depicting walking lions, the lower one with lion’s heads, and the upper one with phials against a dark background, both of the latter between rows of triangles.163 The vault of tomb Dion III is ocher-coloured, framed with a white border.164 Most often vaults are plastered a uniform colour. The vestibule of the Tomb of Palmettes had a vault decorated with a stenciled but very precise painting representing six palmettes with long volutes, lotus flowers and acanthus leaves rendered against a blue background. They give the impression of colourful water plants floating on the surface of a pond, but they also refer to popular contemporary mosaic patterns165 (Figure 37). The painted decoration of the walls of the vestibule is known Brecoulaki 2006, 248f. Makaronas 1956, 135ff , fig. 7. 165 Rhomiopoulou 1999, 33f.; Brecoulaki 2006, 193–199; Rhomiopoulou, Schmidt‑Dounas 2010, 76f. 163 164

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also from a tomb in Drama: alternating bands of different colours, and motifs of triangles in the corners.166 Figures of a bull and cow were shown in the tympanon above the entrance with five bucrania on the opposite side, alternately with engraved circles. The Macedonian tomb often held just one burial and was not accessible. Reuse was possible thanks to a masonry dromos,167 modeled perhaps on Thracian tombs168 in the case of complexes in eastern Macedonia.169 Frequently it led to an intermediary chamber, an additional vestibule or small courtyard opening onto the facade.170 Access to the tomb was connected not only with secondary burial, but also with the possibility of making offerings before the tomb or in the vestibule. Such a place with accumulated ashes, charcoal and bones was recorded within the tumulus of the Amphipolis II tomb.171 Placed inside the burial chamber were beds (kline), chests (theke), sarcophagi, thrones, stools (diphros) and massive benches used as offering tables or altars.172 They were made of marble, limestone or wood. The deceased was laid out most often on a bench made of stone, wood or unbaked brick in imitation of a kline.173 Single beds174 stood by the back wall of the chamber; if there were two or three, they formed the letter Π175 or Γ176 along the walls of the burial chamber (Figure 38). In the latter case, the empty corner of the chamber could be occupied by a seat made of stone slabs.177 Similar to the doors, the decoration of stone klinai was modeled on wooden furniture: ornamental palmettes and volutes were marked on the legs, a checker

Koukouli‑Chrysanthaki 1976, 303f. The chambers contain an additional kline or theke for the purpose: Agios Athanasios I, Amphipolis I, Amphipolis II, Pydna, Stavroupolis, Terphi. 168 Saranda Ekklision A and C (Thrace); a gable roof: Simvola in the Rhodopes, see Müfid Mansel 1943, 51f.; Valeva 1993, 116ff.; Delemen 2006, 251–273. 169 A dromos without a roof is to be found in tombs in Drama, Amphipolis III and IV, Dion IV and Agia Paraskevi; a vaulted dromos: Pydna – Heuzey Tomb, Amphipolis I, Nea Kerdylia II, Terphi Nigritas, Stavroupolis. A dromos partly under a flat roof in Eretria and Amphipolis II. A dromos shaped as a hollow in the ground with walls secured with stone blocks to a certain height: Angista, Lefkadia – Kinch Tomb. Other dromoi: Veroia, Vergina – Tumulus Bella I, Vergina – tomb with Ionian facade; Vergina, Great Tumulus – Tomb with a portico and tomb III; Giannitsa, Thessaloniki-Charilaou, Lefkadia – Kinch Tomb; Pella B, Pella Γ, Pella Δ, Agios Athanasios IV, Kalamotos, Nea Apollonia. 170 Pydna – Heuzey Tomb, transitional room the size of the vestibule between the vestibule and the dromos. The vestibule wall decorated with the entrance frame, entablature and tympanum served as the facade. A small courtyard between the dromos and tomb also in Thessaloniki-Charilaou and Agia Paraskevi. 171 Gossel 1981, 96. Offerings attested also by bottomless vessels for pouring libations found near the tombs, see tomb in Tsagetsi (Pandermalis 1972, 158ff.). 172 Miller 1993a, 14. 173 Sismanidis 1997a, 115ff. Stone kline decorated in relief in tombs: Agios Athanasios I, Amphipolis I, Amphipolis IV, Angista, Dion I, Dion II, Vergina-Palatitsa, Pella, Pydna, Stavroupolis, Thessaloniki-Maieutiriou and Thessaloniki-Neapolis (with pillows). 174 Dion I, Dion II, Langadas, Lefkadia VI, Thessaloniki-Neapolis (footstool), Angista (a raised platform serving as a footstool), Vergina – tomb I in the Tumulus Bella; Veroia – Tzouvaras Tomb, Pella Δ, Spilia Eordea (a kline and table). 175 Agios Athanasios IV, Amphipolis I, II, Pella?, Pydna – Heuzey Tomb, Stavroupolis, Vergina – Heuzey Tomb, Nea Apollonia (a sarcophagus-kline), Solina. The arrangement of the beds in the chamber of the grave in VerginaPalatitsa is exceptional, with the beds standing along the side walls opposite one another. 176 Sarcophagi-kline are more likely to appear in this arrangement: Terphi, Drama; left corner of tombs: Agios Athanasios I, Thessaloniki-Maieutiriou, Thessaloniki-Syntrivaniou, Thessaloniki-Charilaou (sarcophagi-kline); Pydna, Amphipolis IV?; right corner: Amphipolis I, Stavroupolis; Pella E (two wooden klinai and theke). 177 A kind of diphros: Agios Athanasios I. 166 167

Figure 38. Potidea, kline (Vokotopoulou 1996, 100, 101)

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pattern below the headrest, the bed frame178 with relief179 or painted decoration,180 raised headrests (amphikephalic beds), and mattresses with cushions.181 The best example of two marble beds (in a Γ arrangement) with painted decoration comes from the tomb in Potidea from the end of the 4th century BC182 (Figure 38). The high quality secco painting was executed on a fine layer of plaster. A sanctuary was imaged on the upper frame of the bed: depicted from the left was a socle with a woman (Aphrodite) sitting next to it, her legs wrapped in her himation and with a goose with spread wings before her; next is another fountain pedestal spouting water into the basin from three mouths; sitting next to it is a man leaning on a rock, his head turned toward the woman, his legs also wrapped in a himation and a panther walking in front of him; the centre part of the frieze is a panel framed with a running dog ornament with an eight-point star and scrolling ornament between the arms; depicted in the other part of the frieze are figures in antithetical position: a seated Papposylenus leaning on his left hand and holding a silver rhyton in his raised right hand, a himation round his hips and high boots on his feet; a pedestal is shown behind him and a doe eating leaves from a small tree, another pedestal with a ribbon hanging in front of it and further back Dionysus with a thyrsos in his hand, a himation wrapped around him leaving his chest bare, semi-reclining against a rock; closing the frieze is an archaizing statue of a standing Artemis in chiton and himation with an apophtegm, its edge decorated with a zigzag border. The decoration is continued on the other bed, comprising a vegetal motif separated from a fountain by a running-dog ornament; a woman (Ariadne) sits next to the fountain, leaning on a rock and wrapped in a himation, holding a phiale in her left hand; a panther emerges from behind her legs. In the middle of this part of the frieze is a high stone stele with a tympanon and anthemia, then Eros with a mace leaning on a rock; last in line is a fragmentarily preserved seated figure (maenad of Dionysus) with a tympanum. The band below this held two and three pairs of antithetical griffins attacking a doe, separated by large rosettes. The lower frame was decorated with antithetical animals, a lion and a bull, and between them a flower bud with acanthus leaves, a pedestal, a group of panthers and griffin with a calyx krater between them and next to it another krater and beyond that, a group consisting of a bull, a flower and a lion. The frieze of the second kline comprised two groups: a panther and a boar, and a bull and a lion. A long footrest was painted below this. The legs of the beds were decorated with cut volutes filled with glass inlay and with red-painted palmettes. The decoration imitates ornaments of ivory on wooden klinai.183 The parts rendering the wooden elements of the bed were painted brown, the band between the frames was a dark red, and the lower part black. Beds in a similar arrangement were found in the Amphipolis I tomb. The legs, Sismanidis 1997a, 115ff. A frame without decoration in tombs Agios Athanasios I, Dion II, Thessaloniki-Neapolis, Nea Kerdylia I, Vergina-Palatitsa, Pella, Stavroupolis. 179 Sismanidis 1997a, 103ff. Amphipolis – Perdrizet Tomb – a fragment of the hand of a warrior with an oval shield, Pydna I – a large lying dog under the upper beam of the bed, a serpent in the same place on the other kline; Mezolakkia Serron – a leg with a fragment of the central frieze with an image of a phiale/rosette, Monastery of Panteleimon on Athos – a fragment depicting a panther and griffin. 180 Sismanidis 1997a, 79ff. A group composed of six klinai: Angista (kline with footstool), Amphipolis I, Vergina, Dion I, Thessaloniki, Potidea. 181 A kline of type B (after the typology proposed by Kyrieleis 1969, 151ff.). A kline of type C from Dion II-Karytsa constitutes an exception (see Kyrieleis 1969, 177ff.). 182 Now in the Archaeological Museum in Thessaloniki, see Sismanidis 1997a, 30ff.; Brecoulaki 2006, 349–370. 183 See Vergina – Tomb of Phillip II. 178

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Figure 39. Dion, painted decoration of the kline (Miller 1993, Fig. 2)

typical in their decoration with a double cut volute in the centre, had square panels in their upper parts imitating the mounting of wooden elements.184 Painted on the upper beam were equidistanced figures, either seated or semi-reclining, holding thyrsoi185 panthers, lions, altars, wooden caskets and plant motifs. Below is a frieze with rosettes,186 which seems to be sunk owing to the shadow emphasizing its edge. A different theme appeared in the decoration of the kline from the tomb I in Dion; it was a battle scene with three figures of horse riders preserved on it187 (Figure 39). The use of wooden beds is attested by the presence of bone, ivory, gold and glass inlays.188 The appearance of the kline in the Tomb of Phillip II in Vergina was recontructed on the grounds of surviving appliqués;189 it imitates a marble sarcophagus which contained a golden larnax with the burnt remains of See Lazaridis 1997, Fig. 38; Sismanidis 1997a, 85ff. Similarly shaped legs on the throne from Vergina, a kline from Dion I and Stavroupolis, tomb I in Tumulus Bella in Vergina. 185 A dionysiac representation was also found on a kline from the tomb in Thessaloniki-Maieutiriou: a mask and palmette was preserved on the lower molding, a griffin and volute in the central frieze, and a semireclining female figure on the upper molding; Vergina – Tumulus Bella I – a representation of a man with a panther; Potidea II, a man and woman within a temple enclosure formed of podia, fountains and an archaizing statue of Artemis. 186 An analogous one was also found in Angista. 187 Andronikos 1964, 299; Gossel 1980, 122ff.; Sismanidis 1997a, 94f.; Brecoulaki 2006, 249–251. Scene of battle associated with the expedition of Alexander the Great, although a mythological theme is not excluded, found on a kline in the Pydna-Korinos tomb where fragments of relief decoration of ivory were discovered along with fragmentary human figures, including two heads that could have belonged to figures of Persians. 188 Sismanidis 1997a, 135ff. Pydna-Korinos, Tomb of Phillip II in Vergina, tomb III in the Great Tumulus in Vergina, Dion III and IV, Lefkadia – Tomb of the Judgment, Lefkadia – Tomb of the Palmettes (numerous male heads, parts of a body and a torso of elephant ivory from a Dionysiac or battle scene, rosettes, fragments of ornaments, paralleling the remains of decoration from the bed in the Tomb of Phillip II in Vergina). 189 Kottaridou, in: Drougou 1994, 97ff. Kline measuring 2.0x0.9x0.9 m. 184

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Figure 40. Vergina, Great Tumulus, tomb II – decorations of the kline (Vokotopoulou 1996, 168)

the deceased. The bed was composed of a rectangular frame fitted with high legs and four horizontal beams that formed another frame at a height of about 30 cm, thus ensuring the soundness of the structure. A mattress with cushions, covered with a red textile, lay on the bed. The frames were decorated with relief bone tiles inlaid with a glass mass and covered with gold foil. Spirals and kymatia decorated the legs, as well as a relief depicting Nike carrying a trophaion aloft; the front of the bed frame was filled with Dionysiac scenes: a young Dionysus seated on a rock by an altar, a Sylenus in an ivy wreath, a muse with a lyre, Erotes, and hermae with an archaizing head of Hermes and tripods which, like the kline in Potidea, marked the boundaries of the sanctuary, unlike the representations in the frieze between the bed frame elements. Fragments of figures made in bone in high relief were joined with wooden elements, stuccoed and gilded or painted. The masterly execution of muscle and facial features leaves no doubt as to the identification among the preserved fragments of heads of Alexander the Great and Phillip II (Figure 40). The theme of the representation was most likely a royal hunt, following which the ruler, his heir and companions attended a banquet together. The kline in the tomb’s vestibule had even richer decoration.190 The bed frame was covered with bone plaques decorated with vegetal motifs carved in relief, inlaid with glass and gilded. The frieze between the frames bore a battle scene with many figures: infantrymen, cavalrymen and charioteers. This was complemented by a rich decoration of the bed legs consisting of bone plaques with a variety of motifs in relief: spirals, acanthus leaves, heads of Satyrs and kymatia, palmettes of glass and gilded reliefs of Satyrs, dancing maenads, Erotes, and Nike driving a chariot. In similar fashion, plaques of bone, glass and gold 190

Kottaridou, in: Drougou 1994, 103; Andronikos 1997, 177. Restoration work, see Kottaridou 1999, 129ff.

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decorated a wooden chest with the deceased’s personal belongings and grave goods. A chryselephantine frieze on a kline in tomb III in Vergina was composed of images of griffins, while the legs were decorated with spirals flanking figures of Sabazios emerging from a flower kylix. The representation on the bed frame was most likely a bearded Dionysus holding a thyrsus followed by Maenads in step with music played by a small Satyr (Pan?) playing an aulos. In a few cases, a wooden kline was placed on a massive bench,191 where the bones of the deceased rested after the wood had decayed. Stone blocks with semicircular cavities192 for a vase, e.g., a hydria, or rectangular ones for larnaces193 served the same function. Blocks also acted as funerary tables (trapeza). The blocks and benches were always at a distance from the wall, never directly by it.194 Thekai, undecorated stone chests similar in size to klinai,195 were used as sarcophagi, with their arrangement in the chambers similar to the klinai. The sarcophagi-beds were intended for inhumation burials,196 whereas the wooden beds were used for cremation burials as a rule.197 Seats were placed in the corners of the chambers. They took on the form of a monumental throne or diphros,198 constructed of slabs just like the kline. In the Rhomaios Tomb in Vergina, a throne with a footrest occupied the right corner of the chamber, next to a simple bench made of poros stone. The throne was made of marble, like a wooden seat, and set up on a rectangular base.199 The form of the backrest renders the wooden structure of such a piece of furniture, while the armrests are supported on sphinx figures carved in the round. The surface between the beams connecting the legs was filled with a frieze of poorly preserved encaustic painting, representing two griffins tearing apart a deer. Preserved in tomb II in the Bella Tumulus in Vergina were fragments of a throne with a footrest standing by the wall on the left side of the chamber. It consisted of a seat and of a back that was painted on the back 191 Sismanidis 1997a, 168ff. Base under a kline: Agia Paraskevi, Vergina – Rhomaios Tomb, Dion III, PydnaMakrygialos, Toumba Paionia. 192 Solina, Lefkadia – Tomb of the Judgment, Larisa(?). 193 Haliakmon, Lefkadia – Tomb of the Judgment, Lefkadia – Tomb of the Palmettes (a long bench of poros blocks lines the western side of the burial chamber, opposite it is a masonry base with a central aperture measuring 0.65x0.46x0.46 m, decorated with painted olive branches), Vergina – Tomb of Phillip II. 194 Toumba Paionia, tomb III in the Great Tumulus in Vergina, Vergina I, Lefkadia – Tomb of the Judgment, Larisa? Haliakmon?, Thessaloniki-Foinika. Benches by the wall in Dion III are an exception, as are benches in the vestibule of the Amphipolis I tomb and inside the burial chamber of the Tomb of the Palmettes in Lefkadia. In Amphipolis II the benches followed a Γ layout. 195 Amphipolis II, Vergina – Tumulus Bella III, Thessaloniki-Syntrivaniou, Thessaloniki-Charilaou, Langadas (wooden coffin inside), Lefkadia – Theodoridi Tomb, Pydna-Alikes-Kitros, Terphi Nigritas. Theke for larnaces: Tomb of Phillip II in Vergina, Lefkadia – Tomb of the Judgment and Tomb of the Palmettes, Thessaloniki-Syntrivaniou, Haliakmon. Theke for hydria or kalpis: Vergina – tomb III, Larisa, Pella Δ, Derveni Γ, Lakkoma III. Burials in boxes under the chamber floor seem to have been a common form of burial in Amphipolis and its vicinity: AmphipolisKastri T1, Amphipolis-Kastas, Argilos, Terphi Nigritas. See Sismanidis 1997a, 154ff. 196 Agios Athanasios I, Dion I and II, Mesimeri α, Vergina-Palatitsa. The Pella ΣΤ tomb contained three sarcophagi of limestone and marble slabs intended for two male and one female burials, see Chrysostomou 2000, 286f. Burials of this kind also occurred in box graves within the tumuli of Macedonian tombs, for example, Tsagari, a cist grave with a gabled roof and a poros bench on which an inhumation burial was made. 197 Dion III, Pydna-Korinos; Haliakmon, Lefkadia – Tomb of the Palmettes and Tomb of Phillip II in Vergina; Thessaloniki-Maieutiriou; Toumba Paionia, Tsagetsi, Vergina – tomb II in the Bella Tumulus. 198 Sismanidis 1997a, 117: Agios Athanasios I, Thessaloniki-Syntrivaniou, Thessaloniki-Neapolis. They correspond to the simplest form of the diphros, see Richter 1966, 42f., Fig. 200f., 234f. 199 Rhomaios 1951. 37ff. Throne reconstructed from parts 1.98 m high.

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wall of the chamber200 (Figure 33). A monumental marble throne with the richest decoration in gilded relief and encaustic painting was placed by the back wall of the chamber of the Tomb of Eurydice in Vergina201 (Figure 36). The legs of the throne are decorated like the legs of the kline, and the frieze between the frames depicts three pairs of antithetical griffins and winged lions tearing apart a deer.202 Similar motifs decorate the front of a footrest supported on lion’s paws. The armrests and the bottom part of the back are executed in openwork: the open spaces between the colonnettes are filled in the lower part by marble sphinxes in the round and caryatids with raised left hands supporting the upper beam in the upper part. The backrest is decorated with a well-preserved painting framed on three sides with a band of scrolling vegetal motif; this masterfully painted scene shows a quadriga in frontal view with Hades and Persephone standing in it. In a unique composition, the galloping horses are shown at an angle so that they do not block from view the figures of the gods. A marble slab lay on the throne, once covering also a marble larnax which preserved traces of purple from a textile that the corpse had been wrapped in. Both inhumation and cremation burials are present in Macedonian tombs, even within the same tomb in later times.203 The deceased in a golden wreath was laid out on a wooden bed on which he/she was transported in a cart to the place of the funerary pyre.204 Vessels and terracotta figures lay around the bed. The bones were washed in wine, 205 wrapped in purple cloth206 and placed in an urn with a wreath placed around its neck. Hydriae of silver,207 bronze208 or clay209 served as urns. The golden larnaces from the Tomb of Phillip II in Vergina are a special form of urn (Figure 41). They were made in imitation of wooden Andronikos 1984, 150. Andronikos 1988a, 82f., Figs 7–11. Throne: height 2 m, width 1.18 cm; Brecoulaki 2006, 53–76; Kottaridi 2007, 39–44. 202 A similar representation decorates a frieze in the preserved fragment of a kline in tomb I in the Bella Tumulus in Vergina. The colours there, pink for the background and gold for the figures of the animals, are also present in the decoration of the leg of a bed with palmette and rosette, see Andronikos 1997, 34, Figs 13 and 14. 203 Examples exist of burials of both kinds made in a single tomb: Thessaloniki-Charilaou (Tsimbidou‑Avloniti 1985–86, 134), Pella Δ (Chrisostomou 1983, 195), Veroia (Tsanavari 1983, 271f.). 204 Traces of a funeral pyre have been recorded next to a few of the tombs. Remains of a pyre at ThessalonikiMaieutiriou were found behind the burial chamber at the top of the tumulus. It was a rectangular space measuring 3.24 x 2 25 m, surrounded by a wall of dried bricks plastered on the outside. Inside this enclosure was a layer of ashes, animal and human bones, 20 cups, seven black-glazed plates, five pyxides, an oinochoe and two terracotta figures of young men (see Walter 1943, 321f. and Sismanidis 1985, 43f.). Remains of a brick structure covered with stucco were discovered also behind the Tomb of Lyson and Kallikles in Lefkadia; this structure was the base for the funerary bed; ashes and bones were found on it, together with three pyxides, six unguentaria and fragments of terracotta figures (see Miller 1993a, 24); the same is true of the Tomb of the Palmettes (see Miller 1993a, 63). Remains of a pyre and fragments of a brick structure supporting a wooden kline were discovered on top of the vault of tomb II in the Great Tumulus in Vergina; also found were elements of armor and horse harness (Andronikos 1997, 98). At Thessaloniki-Charilaou the pyre was located at the top of the steps descending to the entrance of the tomb. A plastered stone preserved a thin layer of ashes on top of it along with two unguentaria and four nails (Tsimbidou‑Avloniti 1985–86, 118). A structure of poros blocks stood in the dromos of the tomb in Agia Paraskevi; it may have been used during funerary ceremonies for the bed with the body of the deceased before the corpse was burned (Sismanidis 1986, 92). 205 Vokotopoulou 1996, 150. 206 Remains of a textile were found in the royal tombs of the Great Tumulus in Vergina and in the Tomb of Eurydice. 207 Tsagari, Amphipolis. The hydria from tomb III in Vergina was made as an urn intentionally; the neck is joined to the body in a way that allows it to be opened and the burnt bones poured inside. It was crowned with a golden oak wreath. 208 Pydna-Alykes-Kitros: appliqué of a maenad(?) at the base of the vertical handle (Besios 1986a, 57). 209 Amphipolis (see Lazaridis 1969, 133f.). 200 201

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Figure 41. Vergina, tomb II, larnax (Vokotopoulou 1996, 152, 153)

chests.210 The larger one of the two211 rested in the burial chamber, placed inside a stone sarcophagus by the west wall. The upper ‘frame’ of the chest was decorated with an acanthus-and-lotus ornament, the lower one with a scrolling plant motif. Rows of rosettes appeared between them and on the legs of the chest with lion’s-paw terminals; the rosettes on the body had petals inlaid with a blue glass paste. The lid was decorated with a 16-point star with a rosette in the centre. The cremated remains were wrapped in a purple textile, fragments of which were preserved. An oak wreath was laid inside the chest.212 The smaller larnax213 was also inside a stone sarcophagus which stood by the south wall in the vestibule of the tomb.214 Its decoration, much more modest, consisted of rows of rosettes in a frieze between the chest ‘frames’ and on the vertical slats of the sides, and a 12-pointed star on the lid. The larnax contained the burnt remains of a young woman wrapped in a purplegold textile215 and a diadem, a masterly work of the goldsmith’s craft.216 An elaborate myrtle wreath of gold found in the vestibule must have once been hanging from the wall.

Remains of wooden larnaces have been preserved in Drama and Thessaloniki-Phinikas, Thessaloniki-Charilaou (inside a sarcophagus-kline), Pella B (inside a marble sarcophagus), Pella Δ (?); stone larnax: Vergina – Tumulus Bella II; Vergina – Tomb of Eurydice. 211 Andronikos 1997, 168. Larnax dimensions: 40.9x34.1x20 5 cm; weight 7.79 kg. 212 See below page 80. 213 Andronikos 1997, 191. Larnax dimensions: 37.7x32.2x20 2 cm. 214 Burials are rare in vestibules. The other example is the Amphipolis III tomb. 215 Andronikos 1997, 191; Drougou 1997, 303ff. The preserved part is in all likelihood the termination of a long peplos in the form of a trapezoid framed by a running-dog motif and a vegetal motif on the inside of it: acanthus leaves and a scrolling vine with two birds spring from the flower. A tapestry textile, it was woven of red wool and golden thread. The oldest known example of a gold-threaded textile. Remains of a purple woven textile with golden thread were also preserved in tomb B in Pella (Chrysostomou 1995, 141). 216 A rich scrolling vine with inlaid glass leaves and flowers with bees and birds in it springing from a knot of Herakles, see Andronikos 1997, 192f. 210

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The form of burial in the Tomb of Lyson and Kallikles in Lefkadia is unusual for the territory of Macedonia.217 A double row of niches, six in the back wall and eight each in the lateral walls (Figure 34) held urns in the form of pyxides; the niches were sealed with slabs after the burial. The name of the deceased was written above the niche, making it clear that women were always buried below their husbands. A place for funeral pyres was found in front of the tomb. Grave goods Despite the robbing of most Macedonian tombs it is possible to characterise the grave goods in general. They consisted mainly of the deceased’s belongings, like wreaths, arms, jewellery, robe appliqués,218 danakia or oboloi,219 as well as objects of everyday use, either utilitarian or luxurious, such as metal and clay vessels, bathing vessels, glass vessels, tripods, torches and lamps,220 toiletries in the form of bone spoons – ligulae,221 strigillae,222 mirrors,223 and terracotta figures. Iron nails in the tombs indicate that some of the grave goods could have been hanging from the chamber walls.224 Silver, bronze and clay vessels were the main component of the grave goods, depending on the affluence of the tomb’s owners. These vessels were used in banquets and for ablutions. The two richest silver sets, from the 4th century BC, originate from the royal tombs II and III in the Great Tumulus in Vergina (Figure 42). They were made in local workshops.225 The sets consisted of vessels decorated with relief figural and plant representations. In tomb II, a wooden table inside the burial chamber held 20 relatively large luxury vessels of high artistic quality, while in tomb III there were 27 substantially smaller pieces arranged on the ground around the kline. They represented a variety of table vessels: cups-kylices, skyphoi, kantharoi, cups decorated with relief heads of Sylenus on the floors, phialae, situlae226 for serving wine, amphorae, jugs decorated with appliqués, strainers,227 spoons, ladles, plates, pateras with handles in the form of ram’s heads (also of bronze), and saltcellars. A group of Miller (1993, 64f.) reconstructs the burial rites of one of the family members. The tomb was used from the end of the 3rd century to the middle of the 2nd century BC. Five of the niches remained empty. 218 Vergina, Tomb of Phillip II: more than 100 circular golden plaques with images of an eight-arm star, attached to a purple textile. 219 Pella ΣΤ: ‘gold coin’ with eight-arm star; Amphipolis I: a gold obolus with head of Herakles; Veroia – Tzouvaras Tomb: bronze coins of Antigonos Gonatas and Demetrios II; Thessaloniki-Charilaou: a bronze coin of Kassander, gold danake with the head of Medusa; Pella E: a coin of Phillip II; Tsagetsi. 220 Thessaloniki-Syntrivaniou: ‘inkwell’ type lamps; Veroia – Tzouvaras Tomb, lamps of types: Corinth VII (without base), IX and X; Thessaloniki-Charilaou: Corinth X type of lamp; Agia Paraskevi: Corinth X type of lamp; Pella ΣΤ; Tsagetsi. On lamps in general, see Drougou 2012, 87–105. 221 Thessaloniki-Charilaou. 222 Veroia – Tzouvaras Tomb; Pella E; Vergina – tomb III in the Great Tumulus; Thessaloniki-Charilaou: fragments of three strigils; Tsagetsi. 223 Lefkadia – Tomb of Lyson and Kallikles. 224 Agia Paraskevi, Pella E, Pella Γ, Pella ΣΤ, Thessaloniki-Charilaou. 225 Workshops of this sort attested in Herodotus (VII, 119) already during the Persian wars. See Andronikos 1997, 146–168, 208–217. 226 Situlae with a lion’s head for a spout from tomb II; situlae with a cylindrical body engraved with a palmette motif at the base of the handle from tomb III. 227 Inscriptions at the edge of the rim or on the base, for example, ΜΑΧΑΤΑ and the number ΔΔΔΔ꜔ (41) on a strainer from tomb II, indicate the identity of the owner (brother-in-law of Phillip II ?) and the weight or value of the vessel (see Vokotopoulou 1996, 162) or more likely the name of the craftsman (Themelis-Touratsoglou 1997, 216; Borza, Palagia 2007, 105). On the weight system of silver vessels, see Gill 2008, 335–358. 217

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Figure 42. Vergina, tomb II, chamber – silver table set (Vokotopoulou 1996, 161)

silver perfume bottles was also found in Tomb III,228 the vessels copying a form typical of clay vessels of this kind. The bronze vessels are different in shape, size and purpose. They were used as containers for washing water: cauldrons for heating water for washing, tripods,229 bowls, jugs, and cups. A sponge preserved in the chamber of tomb II complemented the set. Lighting devices in tomb II consisted of a bronze lantern with a clay lamp inside it,230 a torch in a surviving bronze mounting with an iron funnel/cone, and a silver candelabrum with two lamps found in tomb III. The royal tombs contained a few clay vessels,231 which were in turn a staple find in the robbed tombs of the aristocracy. Most of these were West Slope black-glazed vessels, an occasional red-figured vase, corresponding to the silver and bronze vessel types. Forms

Amphoriskoi with lids attached to the handle with small chains and appliqué heads of Herakles and Pan at the base of the handles. 229 One of the bronze tripods with legs terminating in lion’s paws from tomb II comes from the third quarter of the 5th century BC and must have been a family heirloom passed down from generation to generation. A punched inscription on the edge of the hoop reads: ΠΑΡΗΕΡΑΣ ΑΡΓΕΙΑΣ ΕΜΙ ΤΟΝ ΑΦΕΘΛΟΝ, attesting the victory of an ancestor in games held at the Heraion in Argos. 230 Ovoid body with holes for a tripod with legs terminating in lion’s paws, covered with a lid with two moving handles and an appliqué head of Pan at the base of each one; inside an iron mounting for a lamp. Lanterns of this kind protected the flame of the lamp from burning out in the open (see note 64, lantern from tomb A in Derveni). 231 Tomb II: Attic black-glazed oinochoe, three saltcellars; red-figured askos and pseudo-Cypriot amphoriskos; tomb III: vessels for balsam: askos and piriform jar. Large number of local imitations of Attic vessels, dated to the second half of the 4th century BC, tied in with offerings for the dead, found in front of the tomb facade and in the dromos. 228

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included kylix-cups,232 kiatoi,233 kantharoi,234 skyphoi and cups,235 plates,236 prochous (oinochoe),237 pelike,238 lagynoi,239 arytera,240 and askoi.241 Storage containers are represented by amphorae from Macedonia,242 Chios243 and Tasos.244 Toilet vessels comprised unguentaria and unguentaria-amphoriskoi245 as well as pyxides.246 Just as common as the clay vessels in the 4th and 3rd centuries BC were alabastra made of alabaster.247 Two female burials from the turn of the 3rd century BC were found undisturbed by robbers.248 Their furnishings were not rich, this owing to the difficult economic and political situation in Macedonia at the time. The quality of these objects is poor or else they belonged to the family estate. A 12-year-old girl was buried in the Dion II tomb.249 Her grave goods placed inside the theke and on the ground included a glass beaker, two bronze cups, a bronze mirror without a handle, a gold ring, and a lamp. Among the finds were nails from a wooden chest. In tomb B at Pella,250 a bone object and gold sheet formed into a left shoe and used as a fibula, both burned with the corpse, were placed in the larnax. On top of the remains of this chest were two golden myrtle wreaths. A West Slope pyxis was also found in the burial chamber together with two unguentaria, an amphora container, a lamp, an iron candelabrum, a glass skyphos, and a stater of Phillip II. The grave goods in these two aristocratic tombs attests to the pauperisation of society, although rich burials also occurred at this time, e.g., a cist grave of a young girl in Thessaloniki-Neapolis.251 Thessaloniki-Syntrivaniou, four West Slope kylices-kantharoi. Pella ΣΤ. 234 Kantharoi: A: a low ‘classical’ kantharos; B: a high Hellenistic kantharos with elongated neck; C: a deep kantharos with a high plain base. 235 Thessaloniki-Syntrivaniou: four hemispherical West Slope skyphoi without feet, which are instead in the form of three relief shells on the underside, and three others without decoration; Spilia Eordea; Pella E: black-glazed skyphoi; Pella ΣΤ; black-glazed cups with impressed palmettes: Veroia – Tzouvaras Tomb; Thessaloniki-Charilaou; Tsagetsi. 236 Most frequently black- and red-glazed: Spilia Eordea; Thessaloniki-Charilaou. 237 Thessaloniki-Charilaou; Tsagetsi, oinochoe and chytres. 238 Mainly the typical Kertch pelike of the period with representations of Amazons, Arysmasps, griffins, Amazons and Greeks in battle and two/three ephebes in himatia: Pyrgoi Eordeas; Amphipolis: from ‘group G’ (Beazley, ARV2, 1462, 1464). 239 Spilia Eordea. 240 Thessaloniki-Syntrivaniou; Thessaloniki-Charilaou. 241 Thessaloniki-Syntrivaniou: black-glazed askos in the form of a piglet; Amphipolis: fragments of red-figured askoi with representations of two panthers. 242 Thessaloniki-Syntrivaniou; Spilia Eordea. 243 Thessaloniki-Syntrivaniou; Thessaloniki-Charilaou. 244 Thessaloniki-Charilaou. 245 Thessaloniki-Syntrivaniou: West Slope amphoriskos with pseudo handles and a red-glazed one with band decoration; Lefkadia Tomb of Lyson and Kallikles, type C: West Slope pseudoamphoriskos; Spilia Eordea: spindleshaped, type C, G, E and boulbous (after Drougou 1991a, 162); Veroia – Tzouvaras Tomb: spindle-shaped (blackglazed and with band decoration) and boulbous unguentaria; Thessaloniki-Charilaou: spindle-shaped of type A, F, alabastra; Pella E: alabastra, unguentaria; Pella ΣΤ: unguentaria of type B, amphoriskoi; Tsagetsi. 246 Kotitsa 1996. Pyxides in Classical form and in two variants typical of the Hellenistic period, A and B. ThessalonikiSyntrivaniou: small classical pyxides, including one in West Slope style; Spilia Eordea: type A; Lefkadia, Tomb of Lyson and Kallikles: pyxides of types A and B; Veroia – Tzouvaras Tomb: two pyxides of type A; ThessalonikiCharilaou: four pyxides of type A; Pella E: fragments of West Slope pyxides; Tsagetsi. 247 Thessaloniki-Syntrivaniou; Spilia Eordea; Vergina Tomb of Phillip II; Pydna-Kitros-Alikes. 248 Chrisostomou 1995, 142. He similarly dates tomb B in Toumba Paionia. 249 Makaronas 1955, 151–159, Figs 1–5. 250 Chrisostomou 1995, 142. 251 Daffa Nikonannou 1985–86, 180–202. 232 233

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Apart from the standard female furnishings (14 terracotta figurines,252 jewellery,253 three unguentaria and a prochous), the tomb contained a glass skyphos254 and a faience kalathos with decoration in low relief composed in horizontal registers, depicting a hunting scene, water fowl, and lotus flowers, and a frieze of rosettes. Arms made up an important part of the tomb furnishings. A royal set was placed in the two burial chambers of the Tomb of Phillip II in the Great Tumulus in Vergina. It was composed of an iron Macedonian helmet,255 three sets of armor,256 four pairs of shinguards,257 three iron pectorals (peritrachylia),258 three shields,259 four swords,260 13 spears and javelins with sauroters, a wooden bow, 74 arrows, and a quiver.261 The more modest tomb III yielded armor, a pectoral, shinguards and four spears.262 Other finds of this kind include spurs from the tomb in Thessaloniki-Charilaou.263 Macedonian tombs yielded few terracotta figurines compared with the content of cist and rock-cut tombs from the same period. These were mostly representations of Tanagra figurines.264 Jewelry was also poorly represented among the preserved finds,265 both 252 Ibidem. Among others, figures/heads of women, a figure of a maenad sleeping on a rock, girl and boy dolls, a comedy actor, Eros on a goose, two lyres. 253 Ibidem. Three little chains: made of cylindrical links, terminating in bull’s heads, with a set garnet; earrings with Erotes, a spiral bracelet terminating in serpent heads, two bracelets of twisted gold wire terminating in lion’s heads, a pair of circular fibulae, five small roundels, two rings. 254 Cast skyphoi with relief decoration of long leaves springing from the bottom, almond-shaped forms between them in the upper zone, imitation of metal Ptolemaic vessels (from Alexandria?), see Daffa Nikonannou 1985–86, 194. 255 Andronikos 1997, 144. The helmet has a high crest, moving cheek plates, decorated with a bust of Athena in front. Remains of a leather insert preserved on the inside. 256 Andronikos 1997, 140ff. The one surviving iron armor from the Classical period is to be mentioned here. It is composed of nine parts lined with leather and textile on the underside. They are decorated with golden strips with a Lesbian kymation in repoussage technique. Mounted on the front and sides of the armor were eight golden lion protomes with rings in their jaws for threading the leather thongs for strapping it together. 257 Andronikos 1997, 146. The chamber yielded three pairs of bronze greaves, and a fourth gilded pair of unequal size was found in the vestibule. 258 Andronikos 1997, 189. Pectorals were found in the chamber, vestibule and at the top of the vault, within the remains of the funerary pyre. The richest decoration, chased in silver sheet, is on the pectoral from the vestibule. It is made up of bands of rosettes and geometric motifs, a band of two medallions with female heads and three with Scythian riders. Leather padding lined the underside of the pectorals. See also the pectoral from PydnaMakryghialos (Faklaris 1985, 1ff.) and from Katerini, see note 21. On pectorals in Macedonian-Thracian territory, see Archibald 1985, 165ff. 259 Andronikos 1997, 136ff. One of the shields is unique. It has in the centre a leather-covered wooden construction; The slightly convex external side of this element is covered with a layer of gilded white stucco which was the ground for a lost relief of elephant ivory that was the shield emblem: a naked youth bending over a kneeling woman (Achilles and Penthesilea? ok). An ornamental band of ivory runs around the edge, a wide meander between a running-dog motif. Gold tape attached to the central cross of the construction on the inside was decorated with repoussé images of Nike and palmettes at the ends; the trapezoid-shaped inner ends of the horizontal tape, at the centre of the shield, bore repoussé images of standing lions in antithetical position. 260 Andronikos 1997, 144f. Two swords, in wooden scabbards preserved as nothing but the ivory reliefs that decorated them. 261 Andronikos 1997, 180ff. Gilded silver outer part of the gorytos found in the vestibule of the tomb. The repoussé decoration is divided into registers and depicts a scene of conquering a city (perhaps the taking of Troy). 262 Faklaris, in: Drougou 1994, 113. 263 Tsimbidou-Avloniti 1985–86, 131. 264 Thessaloniki-Charilaou; Agia Paraskevi; Pella Γ; Spilia Eordea. 265 Rings: Amphipolis I, decorated with a gemstone. Earrings: Amphipolis, conical earrings of the Ionian type; Veroia, Amphipolis, earrings of twisted silver/gold wire terminating in a lion’s head; Tsagetsi. Chainlets: Tsagari, a gold chain. Clay jewellery: fragments of wreaths and necklace beads from Pyrgoi Eordeas, Agia Paraskevi, Pella

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personal adornments of the deceased as well as pieces of jewellery put into wooden caskets attested in some graves by the presence of their fittings and fragments of inlaid decoration.266 Appliqués decorated robes.267 A gold diadem, royal insignia, was found in the burial made in the vestibule of the Tomb of Phillip II in the Great Tumulus in Vergina. A second wreath, of gilded silver with engraved decoration imitating plaitwork, was found in the main chamber of this tomb; the closing of the circlet was worked into tied ribbon ends and on the inside surface were the remains of leather and cloth suggesting that the diadem had been part of a kausia diadematophoros.268 A modest version of a diadem made of gold tape with repoussé ornaments was also encountered on some other tombs.269 Many tombs contained golden wreaths (usually fragmentary),270 composed of oak, myrtle, laurel and olive leaves. Of greatest value was the golden oak wreath from the Tomb of Phillip II in Vergina (Figure 43): it weighed 714 g and was composed of 313 leaves and 68 acorns. A smaller wreath, just as elaborate in its execution, was placed around the neck of a hydria in tomb III in Vergina (Figure 44). Most of the preserved examples were made of gilded bronze271 or gilded clay.272 A limited number of funerary steles is known from the Classical period. They were made in local workshops, the figures depicted with much attention to details of the attire273 and attributes characterizing the deceased.274 The biggest group of fragmentarily preserved steles from the end of the 5th through the early 3rd century BC comes from the upper part of the mound of the Great Tumulus in Vergina.275 The steles are carved in relief or painted and there are also marble vases paralleling finds from Greek necropoleis. In the 38 surviving inscriptions that were usually an important part of the composition of the steles there are 84 names of Macedonians.276 The painted and relief steles took on the form

E. Bracelets: Dion, two twisted gold wires terminating in lion’s heads. Pins: Vergina, Tomb of Phillip II, double pin with chain; Agia Paraskevi, a double pin of the Illyrian type, iron pins; Thessaloniki-Charilaou, a silver pin; Tsagetsi, an Illyrian pin and a single pin of bronze. 266 Potidea; Tsagari, fragments of a bone box decorated with gold sheet; Agia Paraskevi; Pella E. 267 Vergina, Tomb of Phillip II, more than 100 circular plaques with an eight-pointed star, mounted on a purple textile belonging to the burial in the vestibule; Agia Paraskevi; Tsagari, the remains of a silk textile with silver threads, gold plaques with representations of Eros; Amphipolis I, gold plaques in the shape of stars and flowers; Pella E, gold threads from a textile. 268 Vokotopoulou 1996, 168. 269 Agia Paraskevi;Thessaloniki-Charilaou, fragments of silver ribbon. 270 Langadas, Amphipolis-Kastri T1: two golden leaves; Pella; Tsagari, an oak wreath; Amphipolis I, an olive-leaf wreath with a pomegranate; Agia Paraskevi, a myrtle wreath; Tsagetsi, leaves from a myrtle wreath. 271 Myrtle wreaths: Pyrgoi Erodeas, Pella Γ, Pella B, Pella ΣΤ; a gilded bronze olive wreath from Tsagari; other: Kalamotos, Mesimeri γ, Potidea, Agia Paraskevi, Pella E, Thessaloniki-Charilaou. 272 Tsagetsi. 273 A stele of a young woman from Thessaloniki (Despinis, Stefanidou-Tiveriou, Voutiras 1997, 26f.) and a stele from Dion (Pandermalis 1997, 81). 274 A stele of a warrior from Pella (Touratsoglou 1998, 140) and from Vergina (Saatsoglou-Paliadeli 1984, 19ff.); a stele of Xanthos with a dog from Pella (Signidou, Lilimbaki‑Akamati 1997, 56); a stele depicting a man playing on a lyre, from Potidea (Despinis, Stefanidou‑Tiveriou, Voutiras 1997, 31ff.). 275 Andronikos 1997, 83ff. The fragments were reused to make a bigger mound after the destruction of the necropolis, see note 112. A reconstruction of 67 funerary monuments was possible either whole or in part, see Saatsoglou-Paliadeli 1984; Brecoulaki 2006, 149–159. 276 Saatsoglou-Paliadeli 1984, 255–289.

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Figure 43. Vergina, tomb II, oak wreath of gold (Vokotopoulou 1996, 154)

of a naiskos277 or slab topped with a tympanum with anthemia,278 the anthemion itself,279 a horizontal cornice,280 or they were undecorated.281 Architectural elements are decorated with painted or relief kymatia, meanders, and egg-and-dart motifs, and plant motifs fill the tympana in some cases. The represented figures are characterised by their attributes as a young warrior,282 a hunter283 and a philosopher.284 Multi-figural representations include a Two groups of this type of stele are to be distinguished: 1. Naos in antes, with an epistyle, a tympanum finished with acroteria (Saatsoglou-Paliadeli 1984, cat. 4, 11, 13, 23, 24, 44, 48); 2. A naos with a shallow depressed field for the representation, topped with an epistyle, a tympanum with anthemions (Saatsoglou-Paliadeli 1984, cat. 5, 8, 22, 42); A stela from Kassandreia ok (Despinis, Stefanidou‑Tiveriou, Voutiras 1997, 28f.); a fragment of a funerary monument in the form of an Ionian naiskos on a high base preserved in tomb Pella ΣΤ; a statue of a man in a chiton and chlamys, with a kausia and high tied boots, stood in the right wing of this naiskos (Chrysostomou 1998, 148ff.). 278 The most numerous group of steles in the tumulus: (Saatsoglou-Paliadeli 1984, cat. 7, 12, 14, 15, 18–21, 25–28, 31, 32, 34–41), Amphipolis, a stele with a painted depiction of a family (Lazaridis 1997, Fig. 81). 279 Saatsoglou-Paliadeli 1984, cat. 1, 6, 10, 16, 17, 29; Amphipolis-Kastas, a palmette in relief preserved (Lazaridis 1997, Fig. 88), a stele of Iphicrates from Proconnesos decorated with a painted oinochoe (Lazaridis 1997, Fig. 46). 280 Saatsoglou-Paliadeli 1984, cat. 44; Amphipolis, a young male in left profile (Lazaridis 1997, Fig. 82); Amphipolis, a relief stele of Amyntas (Lazaridis 1997, Fig. 80). 281 Saatsoglou-Paliadeli 1984, cat. 46, 47. 282 A stele of a young hoplite from 430/420 BC (Saatsoglou-Paliadeli 1984, cat. 1), a stela of a hoplite from Pella (Felten 1993, 413), a stele of Paramonos from about 325 BC (Saatsoglou-Paliadeli 1984, cat. 10). 283 A stele from Kitros, Pieria, a sitting naked huntsman with a dog, 4th century BC (Pandermalis 1997, 93). 284 A stele from the mid-4th century BC depicting a man seated on a klismos with a footstool, holding a papyrus, a man standing next to him (Saatsoglou-Paliadeli 1984, cat. 9). 277

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Figure 44. Vergina, tomb III – hydria (Vokotopoulou 1996, 179)

horse rider in battle,285 the deceased, often seated, with their family,286 and children with animals.287 Steles without figural representations are decorated with a painted taenia ‘tying’ the slab in the middle288 or else they bear nothing but an epigram.289 The mound also contained fragments of bases and marble vases (hydriae, kalpis and loutrophora), all used as funerary monuments as well.290 A stele of Demainetos depicting a rider and two defeated individuals (Chrysostomou 2000, 287ff.). A stele from Pydna from the second half of the 5th century BC: a mother hugging a child, north Greek workshop (Pandermalis 1997, 92), a stele with scene of dexiosis (Saatsoglou-Paliadeli, 1984, cat. 5, about 320 BC; cat. 6, mid4th century BC), a stele of Kleonymos, about 330–320 BC, a young warrior accompanied by a seated man, a woman and boy (Saatsoglou-Paliadeli 1984, cat. 20). A stele of Agenor from Akantos is unique: a lion is shown lying in mourning in the tympanum topping the stele, a scene within an architectural frame depicting two men seated opposite one another, the younger one resting his left hand on the knees of the older Aglonikes who is supporting his head with his hand, 5th–4th century BC (Vokotopoulou 1996, 24); a stele from Amphipolis: a woman with her servant girl (Lazaridis 1997, 67). 287 Stele of Berennos, a boy with a bird, third quarter of the 4th century BC (Saatsoglou-Paliadeli 1984, cat. 7), stele of Erakleides, a boy with a dog (Saatsoglou-Paliadeli 1984, cat. 8). 288 Saatsoglou-Paliadeli, 1984, cat. 26–31; stele of the Rhodian Eudoros (Rhomiopoulou 1999, 18, Fig. 15). 289 Saatsoglou-Paliadeli 1984, cat. 32–47. 290 Saatsoglou-Paliadeli 1984, 231ff. 285 286

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4. Rock-cut tombs Rock-cut tombs occur in the territory of Macedonia in the vicinities of Veroia,291 Pella,292 Amphipolis,293 and Edessa.294 They were excavated from the 3rd to the second half of the 2nd century BC. Necropoleis extended directly beyond the city walls. Like the Macedonian tombs, they appear to have been oriented toward large roads, but only if the topography allowed. The main factor conditioning the making of rock-cut tombs was easily dressed limestone. They were cheaper and easier to make, hence their popularity at a time of greater economic straits and their role in the gradual disappearance of the Macedonian tombs. One of the earliest rock-cut tombs, still not fully developed in terms of its form, dates from the early years of the 3rd century BC and can be found in the eastern necropolis at Pella.295 Narrow chambers have a flat vault and a doorway with an arched lintel. The deceased was laid on a rock-cut kline or a wooden bier, surrounded by grave goods which comprised unguentaria, small skyphoi, pyxides, lamps, iron strigillae, and terracotta figurines. The burial chambers of these tombs are slightly below ground level and were covered with a masonry barrel vault. In morphological terms, they can be divided into three groups: tombs with one chamber,296 two chambers297 or three chambers,298 and the second chamber in this case is formally a copy of the first one (Figure 45). There is no division here into a vestibule and chamber proper as was the case in the Macedonian tombs. The dromos to the entrance is in the form of a sloping ramp or steps cut into the rock. In a few tombs the facade, which is most frequently to the east or northeast, was given an architectural form. The entrance was framed with parastada alone299 or with parastada and a lintel,300 either cut in the rock or dressed separately as blocks of stone. The most elaborate of the facades included a door frame, epistyle, and tympanon occasionally furnished with acroteria.301 A Doric frieze occurs rarely in combination with other architectural elements.302 Some facades seem to have been plastered in colour like the Macedonian tombs; the carved Drougou and Touratsoglou 1980. 14, 112. The cemeteries surrounded the city on all sides except the west, where the ground relief was not conducive to excavating tombs. Most of the single-chambered tombs were situated to the south of the town, on the road to Pieria. They were presumably for the Veroians of poorer status, unlike the tombs found to the northeast of the city. 292 Lilimbaki‑Akamati 1994. The necropolis extends to the east of Pella and was used in the 3rd and 2nd centuries BC. 293 Lazaridis 1997, 65ff. The explored part of the cemetery runs east of the city walls and encompassed tombs of different kinds. 294 Drougou 1991a, 123ff. The necropolis extended to the west beyond the citadel walls; a few Hellenistic tombs were found also to the northeast and along the eastern and southern walls. 295 Lilimbaki‑Akamati 1989–91, 110–132 tombs 16–28β. 296 For example, most of the tombs in Amphipolis. Tombs with one burial chamber are usually referred to as single tombs, that is, containing one burial, whereas two-chambered ones were for multiple use with additional niches being cut in the side walls as required. 297 For example, Tomb of Zotakis in Pella, see Lilimbaki‑Akamati 1994, 39ff , 120, 182ff. 298 For example, Tomb A in Pella, see Lilimbaki‑Akamati 1994, 27, 115, 121ff. 299 The architectural decoration of the facade is present mainly in tombs in Veroia: group A in Lilimbaki‑Akamati 1994, 78 listing 16 tombs from Veroia and graves in Pella, Edessa and Pentaplatanos. 300 Lilimbaki‑Akamati 1994, 78f., group B covering six tombs from Veroia and a tomb from Pella. 301 Lilimbaki‑Akamati 1994, 79f., group Γ: 12 tombs from Veroia, two from Sidirokastro and one from Florina; Drougou and Touratsoglou 1980, 107ff. It is rare now to find any framing of the door opening, which is decorated with capitals and a tympanum in relief. 302 Eadem, 80. Group Δ includes a tomb from Veroia and one from Marina, described below. 291

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Figure 45. Pella, plan of rock-cut tomb Γ (Lilimbaki-Akamati 1994, Fig. 4)

architectural elements were thus plastered or else painted directly.303 The doors were sealed with limestone blocks arranged one on top of another. Tombs from the territory of Amphipolis304 do not have architecturally developed facades, but feature a dromos leading to the entrance, which is also a feature of Macedonian tombs from this region. Facades with architectural features link these tombs with the Macedonian form. A tomb from Marina Naousa constituted a transition between the two;305 this rockcut double-chambered tomb from the early 3rd century BC was furnished with a dromos and had a now largely destroyed facade of four Doric pilasters supporting an architrave, above which ran a triglyph frieze with metopes decorated most probably with shields. The tympanon was topped with a cornice. All the architectural elements were covered with coloured plaster and there were representations between the pilasters,306 of which only a small fragment remains, on the right hand side of the facade. White plaster coated the parastada and lintel of the entrance to the second chamber, the walls of which were decorated with coloured plaster. Inside the chamber were three beds with headrests and footrests. Similarly to Macedonian tombs the entrance was sealed with stone blocks. The For example, a tomb in Marina, tomb 44 in Veroia. Drougou and Touratsoglou 1980, 113 note 14. 305 Lilimbaki‑Akamati 1994, 101ff. 306 Arrangement similar to that in the Tomb of the Judgment in Lefkadia and the tomb in the Tumulus Bella Vergina Tumulus, see above, pages 58-62. 303 304

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grave goods in the two chambers comprised six spindle-shaped unguentaria, 10 cups, two amphorae, two oinochoe, a plate, an askos and three bronze coins of Cassander. Most commonly the rock-cut tombs were family tombs used over longer periods of time. Rock-cut beds and masonry larnaces filled the burial chambers, their size matching the dimensions of the chamber.307 Beds were arranged either as a Π or Γ, seldom parallel to one another, either along the longer walls or inside rectangular niches.308 The sides of the beds were plastered white and shaped like a made-up kline with headrests. Niches for newer burials were made in the front part of the chambers. Larnaces took on a rectangular form and were placed slightly below the level of the floor; they were faced with terracotta tiles and painted. The rule is that beds and larnaces do not coincide in a single chamber. Burials were made on the beds or on wooden biers set down on the floor or placed inside the stone larnaces. New burials, usually the burnt remains of a deceased, were placed in urns, while those in niches were put inside niches in the beds, sometimes also in niches additionally cut in the walls or in the passage between chambers.309 Grave goods consisted of vessels of everyday use of mediocre quality, mainly clay, personal belongings of the deceased (jewellery, arms, strigillae), grave goods of a ritual nature (arytera with lamps,310 skyphoi with coins, unguentaria, amphorae, copper phiale) and of objects of religious purport (figures, lamps, amphorae, astragalae). The grave goods in Pella were abundant in number but of limited variety.311 The unrobbed tomb A in Pella312 contained a black-glazed cup, a female comic mask, five unguentaria, two arytera, gilded clay beads, nails, and fragments of two strigillae. In Veroia, the grave goods comprised mediocre vessels of local manufacture representing a limited number of types (Macedonian amphorae, arytera, unguentaria, skyphoi without handles, askoi, lamps,313 pyxides of type A and B, kantharoi, oinochoe, plates). Complementing the pottery were glass vessels (alabastra),314 a marble stamnos-pyxis, and bronze bowls and phiale. Terracotta figures made of red-brown clay in the Pella workshops imitated types common in southern Greece of the 3rd century BC315 (Figure 46). These figures were painted, but little attention was paid to the quality of their execution. In turn, Veroian coroplastic production demonstrated close ties with the workshops of Asia Minor,316 these 307 Chamber walls are about 2–3 m long, kline: 2–3x0.50–1.10x0.20–0.75 m; larnax: 1.90–2.20x0.90–1.20x0.90–1.10 m. The tombs in Amphipolis have thekai instead of klinai. 308 Lilimbaki‑Akamati 1994, 90. In the Edessa area two beds usually follow the Г plan; the third was cut separately and was more of a table in character (1.40x0.90 m). Stone tables are usually found in the corner of the chambers, also in Veroia (graves Nos 80, 86, 90, 108). 309 Drougou and Touratsoglou 1980, 112; Lilimbaki‑Akamati 1994, 115f.; Alamani in: Makedonen, 267. 310 Lamps: the earliest are Corinth VII, VIII, IX types; the most common: Corinth XII and XIX. No lamps were found in the tombs in Edessa (Drougou 1997, 123ff., typology after Broneer 1930). 311 Tombs from the 2nd century have a much greater diversity and quantity of grave goods, for example, Tomb of Zotakis in Pella, where the earliest burial in a larnax is dated to the 3rd century BC, the others being of later date (Lilimbaki‑Akamati 1994, 183ff.). More than a hundred grave goods were discovered inside the two chambers, including typical 3rd-century BC pieces as well as type B pyxides, stamnos pyxides with West Slope decoration, plates, terracotta figures of Erotes, Eros and Psyche, and a seated naked ‘hierodula’, single examples of which were found in the Thesmophorion in Pella, see Lilimbaki‑Akamati 1996, 35. 312 Lilimbaki‑Akamati 1994, 121ff. 313 Drougou and Touratsoglou 1980, 115ff. Types of lamps analogous to those in Pella, see note 310. 314 Also in Amphipolis, see Orlandos 1957/58, 37f. 315 Lilimbaki‑Akamati 1994, 214ff. The impact of Myrina workshops is already evident in the 2nd century BC. 316 Drougou and Touratsoglou 1980, 169ff.

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Figure 46. Pella, terracotta figurines from rock-cut tombs, 3rd- 2nd century BC (Siganidou, Lilimbaki-Akamati 1997, Fig. 23)

figures being characterised by high quality and original composition. The most common form are Tanagra figurines of women, and representations of Aphrodite317 and of Erotes.318 Numerous strigillae are found with male burials, whereas women were buried with their jewellery319 or imitations of said. These were placed in wooden caskets which are attested in the archaeological record by iron nails and keys (?). Coins and golden danakes were often put inside skyphoi. In the unrobbed tombs one can determine specific preferences with regard to the arrangement of vessels around the body of the deceased: amphorae and arytera for liquids were put next to the shoulders and head, while the pyxides, unguentaria and toiletries were along the legs. Skyphoi without handles were found either on top of

Drogou, Touratsoglou 1980, 169ff ; Lilimbaki‑Akamati 1994, 207f.; ‘hierodula’ type: Drougou and Touratsoglou 1980, 172 and 182; seated woman/goddess type: Orlandos 1957/58, 37f. 318 Lilimbaki‑Akamati 1994, 232f. 319 Mainly earrings, pendants, fibulae and necklaces, more rarely diadems, such as a golden diadem with repoussage decoration in the form of a palmette and scrolling vine motif (Alamani 1994, cat. 343). 317

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the body or in the right hand.320 Lamps were also typically placed in arytera and coins in skyphoi without handles. Rock-cut and Macedonian tombs share architectural features: the facades, two-chambered interiors (with a different function assigned to the chambers in Macedonian tombs), a dromos in some of the built tombs, the manner of closing of the entrances, the rounded shape of the vault, and kline for the corpses of the deceased inside the chambers. Distinguishing the two types of tombs is the quality and sumptuousness of the execution of these features, a much richer decoration of the facade and interior in the constructed tombs and the places for deposition of the burials. This difference derives from the relation to the model, the Macedonian tomb, of which the rock-cut tomb was a poorer imitation made of cheaper materials.

320

Drougou and Touratsoglou 1980, 176.

Chapter 3

Types of funerary complexes in Alexandria 1. Architectural form, painted decoration, interior furnishing The first cemeteries of Alexandria were established beyond the eastern line of the fortifications, on land that is today the districts of Chatby, Hadra and Ibrahimieh (Figure 47). Burials were made from about 320 BC1 through the 2nd century BC, when Alexandria gradually expanded beyond its town limits, taking over the cemeteries. The Chatby necropolis lay by the sea, near the oldest part of the city, by the Great Harbor. To the south of it lay Hadra,2 which was much larger than Chatby3 and was probably a proper Hellenistic necropolis. The least known of the three is Ibrahimieh,4 which was presumably a suburban district. Further to the east of these three cemeteries was the burial complex in Sidi Gaber5 and the later chamber tombs of Mustapha Pasha.6 From the first half of the 1st century BC7 an extensive necropolis with numerous funerary complexes, gardens and houses of mummification was also in use on the western side of Alexandria, described by Strabo (XVII 1,10) as the ‘suburb [called] Nekropolis’. The oldest tombs here are Suk el-Wardian,8 Minet el-Bassal9 and the slightly later hypogea in Gabbari.10 The third area with tombs was the island of Pharos, where the oldest burial complexes, hypogea A and B in Anfushy, are dated to the 2nd century BC.11 1 Grimm 1998, 83. However, Kleiner (1984, 31) assumes that the necropolis was not established before 300 BC because of the age of the immigrants. The oldest coins from Chatby date to the age of the satraps (322–305 BC) and Ptolemy I Soter (305–282 BC). The youngest is an issue of Ptolemy IV Philopator (221–204 BC). On the dating of the earliest hypogeum A, see below, note 41. 2 Pagenstecher (1919, 167) assumed that the necropolis was in use in the 3rd century BC. The earliest coins from this necropolis are from the times of Ptolemy I Soter (305–283); the latest belong to Ptolemy VI Philometor (181– 146), see Kleiner 1984, 33. 3 The necropolis is dated to 325–240 BC by Enklaar 1985, 111ff.; Enklaar 1990, 167ff ; Rotroff 1990, 173ff. 4 Kleiner 1984, 34f. 5 Thiersch 1904, 3ff.; Pagenstecher (1919, 114) places the establishment of Sidi Gaber between the founding of hypogeum A in Chatby and the tomb in Suk el-Wardian; Brown (1957, 57) and Adriani (1966, 140) date it to the end of the 3rd–early 2nd century BC. 6 Adriani 1936, 173f ; Kleiner 1984, 36. The earliest coin comes from the time of Ptolemy IV Philopator (221–204 BC), and the painting on the lintel of complex I also is dated to this period, see also below, notes 21, 24, 31, 34. 7 Grimm 1998, 87. 8 Breccia (1907, 63ff.) dates the tomb to the end of the 3rd century BC, whereas Adriani (1966, 146ff.) is inclined to the 2nd century BC based on the architectural form, that is, the elongated proportions of the plan which is analogous to the Anfushy tombs, and on the painted decoration of the walls; see Nowicka 1967, 124f. 9 The oldest complex is dated to the 3rd century BC based on fragments of Hadra hydriae, see Adriani 1956, 17ff., Adriani 1966, 157ff , Nowicka 1967, 128; Venit 2002, 97f. 10 Among others, hypogea B24 and B26 from the 2nd century BC, see Sabottka 1983, 195f.; Empereur 2001, 1ff.; Choël, Jacquemin 2003, 293ff.; see also note 26. 11 Adriani, 1966, 192. The Anfushy necropolis, which is different in terms of tomb ground plans and the eclectic character of the decorative motifs, has been dated differently. Particular tombs could not be dated precisely for lack of preserved grave goods. Hypogeum II is the most controversial in this respect, with Schiff (1905, 67) dating it to 220–210 BC and Pagenstecher (1919, 116f. and 181) suggesting without investigation a division into three phases of tomb decoration: Pompeian style in 270–250 BC; second phase in 250–240 BC; and style with Egyptian motifs around 200 BC. This dating has now been rejected, see von Hesberg 1994, 144 (discussion). Adriani’s study

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Figure 47. Alexandria, map marking the locations of the discussed tombs

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Local geological conditions and the location of the town in a narrow coastal zone determined the form of the monumental tombs of Alexandria. The soft bedrock12 conditioned excavation of underground hypogea which could be furnished with any number of loculi, an important factor considering the obvious lack of sufficient space for cemeteries around the growing town.13 The need for access to the tombs and the light sand making up the ground excluded the possibility of raising tumuli above the graves.14 Most of the early Hellenistic tombs are simple shaft graves, pits dug in the ground or excavated in the rock, marked on the surface with funerary monuments.15 Monumental tombs followed one of two key layouts, which were combined together in a few cases. They were accessed by vaulted ‘staircases’, usually parallel to the main tomb’s axis of symmetry, with landings providing the turn toward the courtyard. The first type is the oikos tomb: a richly decorated rectangular niche with a stone bed for the deceased was placed in the burial chamber, most often in the back wall.16 The other form of tomb was a peristyle or pseudo-peristyle17 with an open courtyard surrounded by colonnades. Two small tombs from Hadra share characteristics of both groups.18 One of these tombs, near Abu Qîr, comprises a vestibule with two loculi, behind which was a square chamber with benches cut in the rock. The other tomb, in Ezbet el Mahluf, was originally a single chamber with two loculi in each of the three walls. A tomb of the oikos type in Sidi Gaber (Figures 48 and 49) consists of three chambers of diminishing size set in a row, one behind the other:19 a courtyard (not preserved), a vestibule with benches along the walls, and a burial chamber with a flat roof and a sarcophagus of the kline type by the back wall. A niche for the body of the deceased opens in the wall behind the bed. The doorway to the burial chamber was framed with two engaged Doric of the decoration in the burial chamber indicated that it was done in Greek-Egyptian style from the beginning, dating the hypogeum to the early or mid-2nd century BC and the second, Egyptianizing phase of the decoration to the 1st century BC. The pottery evidence confirms this dating, there being no early Hellenistic examples in the assemblage. As well, the terracottas are from the end of the Ptolemaic period (Adriani 1952a, 126ff.). 12 Sabottka 1983, 195. The rock from Gabbari is identified as an aeolian sandstone of pure quartz sand with fragmented shell remains. 13 A catacomb tomb, so typical of Alexandria at a later date, emerged in consequence: Kom el-Shukafa, Mex (Pagenstecher 1919, 134ff.; Adriani 1966, 162ff., 173ff.); Hadra loculus tomb M (Adriani 1966, 110f.). Loculus tombs were already known in the early Hellenistic period, e.g. a complex in Hadra consisting of a central circular chamber with loculi radiating from it. One of these Adriani (1966, 123) is identified with the Tomb of the Soldiers in Ibrahimieh mentioned by Neroutsos (1888, 81ff.). 14 There is no trace of tumuli above the Alexandrian tombs. Observing a masonry base in tumuli from Pergamon and Asia Minor, Pagenstecher (1919, 9) believed it necessary from a structural point of view in the case of the Paneion or Sema. The argument is hardly sufficient in my opinion, in view of the lack of sources on the size of the mounds and the absence of a masonry base in Macedonian tumuli of considerable dimensions on occasion. Small mounds probably existed above particular tombs, with steles or other funerary monuments placed at the top, as attested by a relief of a Macedonian horseman (Pagenstecher 1919, Fig. 2). 15 Pagenstecher 1919, 2ff ; Adriani 1966, 117ff. Funerary monument types derive from Greek forms (steles), Asia Minor ones (bases topped by steps) and Egyptian ones (horned altars on tall bases, decorated with a painted portrait of the deceased in a rectangular depression, replacing in the early 3rd century BC the Greek steles and the deep naiskoi with relief decoration in Egyptian style that referred to them). 16 See note 28. The form of the triclinium appears in the late Hellenistic and Roman tombs. 17 Pagenstecher (1919, 97 and 101) introduced the terms ‘Oikosgrab’ and ‘Perystylgrab’ referring to Greek house plans, but in the latter case, the term ‘pseudo-peristyle tomb’ seems more appropriate in view of the absence of a passage behind the columns (Mustapha Pasha tomb IV being the sole exception) (see Daszewski 1994, 55). 18 Adriani 1966, 120f. The two tombs are dated to the 3rd century BC. 19 Thiersch 1904, 3. Chambers opening off the courtyard were added later; see Nowicka 1967, 119ff.; Venit 2002, 38ff.

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Figure 48. Sidi Gaber, plan of the tomb (Adriani 1966, Fig. 209)

Figure 49. Sidi Gaber, beginning of the 20th century (Thiersch 1904, 2)

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Figure 50. Mustapha Pasha, plan of hypogeum II (Adriani 1966, Fig. 189)

Figure 51. Mustapha Pasha, section through hypogeum II (Adriani 1966, Fig. 187)

columns, combined with pilasters, that were fluted in the upper part.20 The four loculi in the vestibule were added at a later time. The Doric-framed entrance to the courtyard of the Mustapha Pasha II tomb21 (Figures 50 and 51) was closed with either wooden or bronze doors.22 A colonnaded portico is an additional feature, separating the courtyard from the vestibule. Fragments of two Doric columns have been preserved on the south side of the courtyard; they supported an entablature with a Doric frieze which was continued on the other walls of the courtyard. Standing in front 20 See hypogeum A in Chatby, Mustapha Pasha I and the complex on Cape Zephyrion (Neroutsos 1888, 88f.; Botti 1898, 74ff ; Adriani 1966, 127), with their typical Doric columns. The capitals in Sidi Gaber have three rings below the echinus, which is typical of the Egyptian form, see Pagenstecher 1919, 114. 21 Adriani 1936, 45ff.; Adriani 1966, 134f. dates the tomb to the early 2nd century BC; Fedak (1990, 132) suggests the late 3rd century BC dating based on the architectural decoration; see Nowicka 1967, 123; Venit 2002, 45ff. 22 The hole in the door frame was intended for the bolt, similarly to in Mustapha Pasha I.

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of them was a rectangular altar and a step at a certain distance in front of it. Opposite the entrance on the western side was a small chamber with a well23 and a vaulted chamber with a kline sarcophagus, the entrance framed with two engaged columns. Another chamber opens off the north side of the courtyard; it had two high benches. The portico leading to the vestibule of the tomb was vaulted on the long axis. Two loculi were cut into the short walls next to the entrance to the vestibule emphasised by two columns. Other loculi, arranged in rows, are found in the vestibule. Benches line the walls below the loculi and a masonry table stands in front of the entrance to the burial chamber. The entrance was framed by two pilasters with a fragment of a polychrome Corinthian capital preserved on the left side, supporting an architrave made up of two moldings and a dentil cornice. The floor of the burial chamber is on a slightly higher level than in the vestibule. Inside the chamber was a stone sarcophagus of the kline type; only its base has been preserved. The form of the Mustapha Pasha III tomb is similar24 (Figures 52, 53 and 54). A large courtyard is sunk below the level of the vestibule, burial chamber and exedra. A semicircular exedra with a niche opens on the south side of the courtyard, preceded by a vestibule with a bench and two niches. Pilasters framed the doorways to the vestibule and exedra. On the northern side of the courtyard, on either side, there are steps leading to a podium before the Doric facade. The facade was decorated with corner quarter-columns combined with pilasters and four engaged columns with fluting in the upper parts, supporting an entablature and frieze. Between them are three passages and two false doors on either side of the facade. A

Figure 52. Mustapha Pasha, plan of hypogeum III (Adriani 1966, Fig. 192) Water was supplied to the tomb also in the cases of Anfushy I (Adriani 1966, 191 Fig. 108, Fig. 369, Room 7), Anfushy II (Schiff 1905, 19; an extensive discussion of tomb cisterns there as well), Gabbari, tomb V (Two niches in the courtyard furnished with deep shafts and sealed with stone slabs with holes in them served to supply water here, see Sabottka 1983, 199). 24 Adriani (1966, 135ff.) dates the complex to the second half of the 3rd century BC; Venit (2002, 234, note 372) assumes that tombs I and III were cut at the same time, before the mid-3rd century BC, basing her opinion on a fragment of a Hadra hydria which Enklaar (1985, 121) dated to about 250 BC; see Nowicka 1967, 123f.; Venit 2002, 61ff. 23

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Figure 53. Mustapha Pasha, section through hypogeum III (Adriani 1966, Fig. 191)

Figure 54. Mustapha Pasha, courtyard of hypogeum III (Adriani 1966, Fig. 196)

square altar with a step stood in the centre of the vestibule. Pillars framed the entrance to the burial chamber. It was filled almost completely with a sarcophagus-kline. The destroyed tomb in Suk el-Wardian in the western necropolis was also of the oikos type (Figures 55 and 56). A long vestibule opens off an open courtyard. The entrance was flanked by two pedestals.25 Rock-cut benches lined the walls, and six loculi and a niche were later cut above them in the wall on the right side. A horned altar stood before the steps to the burial chamber. Antae framed the doorway, supporting an architrave, dentils and tympanum. The square vaulted burial chamber held a bed and above it, a shallow niche for a stele. Loculi in 25

In an analogous situation in the Anfushy II tomb, small sphinxes had been placed on these, see below.

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Figure 55. Suk el-Wardian, plan (Adriani 1966, Fig. 230)

Figure 56. Suk el-Wardian, section (Adriani 1966, Fig. 231)

the side walls, two per side wall and each decorated with a cornice, were intended for further family burials. The ‘oikos’ arrangement is also recognised in some hypogea in Gabbari.26 A similar arrangement of chambers can also be seen in complexes II, I,27 IV, and V,28 with the plan 26 Sabottka 1983, 195f. The tombs are located on the western side of Heider Street. The characteristics that they have in common include an inner courtyard with numerous rooms with loculi opening off it. The part of the necropolis on the east side is composed of similar hypogea, cut and used from the second half of the 3rd century BC through late antiquity, see Empereur 2001, 1ff. 27 Sabottka 1983, 197 and 202. 28 Sabottka 1983, 198. The tombs are dated based on the finds to the first half of the 1st century BC, but it is

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Figure 57. Mustapha Pasha, hypogeum IV (Adriani 1966, Fig. 204)

of tomb II being the most distinct:29 a long vestibule opened off the courtyard and led to a chamber with a kline. The two chambers are vaulted along the long axis. The entrance is framed with supports holding up an architrave and a Doric frieze.30 Loculi were added successively in the vestibule and with time the complex was enlarged to include a second vestibule and a chamber on the southern side of the courtyard. A typical Doric peristyle with partly fluted columns was found in the fragmentary tomb Mustapha Pasha IV31 (Figure 57). A square altar on a small step stood in the middle of the courtyard, while a round altar was set up nearer to the northern colonnade. A small basin was cut in the southwestern corner of the peristyle. Passages on the southern side of the courtyard led to a long chamber with 13 loculi. The burial chamber was most likely placed to the north of the courtyard. The destroyed tombs in Zawijet el-Metin32 and on Cape Zephyrion33 must have featured similar plans. possible that they were already in existence in the 2nd century BC. The idea behind the layouts of hypogea IV and V makes it possible to consider them as contemporary. The burial chamber with benches in hypogeum IV and the southern chamber in hypogeum V were designated as triclinia, which is a rarity in the western necropolis. The sole parallel is the Hellenistic ‘Baths of Cleopatra’ tomb (Adriani 1966, 127f.) and the later triclinium chamber in Kom el-Shukafa (Adriani 1966, 174f.). 29 Sabottka, 1983, 196. A comparison with the Suk el-Wardian tomb or Mustapha Pasha II does not allow for a much later date than the 2nd century BC. 30 Similar elements of the Doric order are present primarily in Mustapha Pasha II, to which the Gabbari tomb is close in terms of the plan, among others. 31 The tomb is dated to the 3rd century BC, see Adriani 1936, 63f.; Adriani 1966, 137f. 32 Pagenstecher (1919, 130) dates the tomb to the early Hellenistic period based on a similar ground plan to the tomb in Chatby. 33 Pagenstecher 1919, 128; Adriani 1966, 127.

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Figure 58. Mustapha Pasha, plan of hypogeum I (Adriani 1966, Fig. 181)

Tomb I in Mustapha Pasha34 (Figures 58 and 59) is of the pseudo-peristyle type.35 A wooden door was most probably placed behind the landing on the steps, while the entrance to the courtyard had an Ionic framing. An open courtyard surrounded with engaged Doric columns, fluted in the upper part, constituted the centre of the tomb; the columns in the corners were heart-shaped, composed of two quarter-columns. Above them runs a rock-cut entablature with a triglyph-and-metope frieze with two triglyphs in each intercolumnar space on the east and west sides and three each on the southern and northern sides. The attic was constructed of small stone blocks that were once plastered. Entrances to chambers with loculi were located in the intercolumnar spaces on three sides of the courtyard. The richest architectural decoration characterises the southern wall, with the main burial chambers behind it. These chambers are entered through doorways flanked by statues of sphinxes on high pedestals. The lintels are decorated with stucco cornices composed of bands of Greek ornament: taenia with guttae, Lesbian kymation, egg-and-dart, dentils and plastic akroteria. These ornaments also cover the capitals of pilasters framing the passage; 34 Adriani (1936, 173f.) dates the tomb to the second half of the 3rd century BC; the painting led Brown (1957, 57) to suggest the early 3rd century BC as the date for this tomb; Enklaar (1985, 121) dated a hydria from this tomb to about 250 BC, whereas Venit (2002, 51) assumed that the tomb was made shortly before the middle of the 3rd century BC, 30 to 40 years after the establishment of hypogeum A in Chatby; see Nowicka 1967, 121ff. 35 A courtyard of pseudo-peristyle type with engaged Doric columns is also present in a tomb situated to the southwest of Mustapha Pasha II. The tomb was only partly excavated; it was mentioned by Leclant, Clerc (1985, 339f.).

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Figure 59. Mustapha Pasha I, section through hypogeum I (Adriani 1966, Fig. 182)

Figure 60. Mustapha Pasha, burial chamber with kline (Adriani 1966, Fig. 195)

the shafts of these pilasters below the capitals are additionally decorated with panels filled with ovals. All the architectural elements were polychromed and a painted scene appeared on the lintel above the central cornice.36 A long chamber with loculi lies behind the facade, giving access to three chambers. The entrance to the middle chamber is framed by pilasters with Corinthian capitals supporting a tympanum (Figure 60). Inside is a base under a table, a kline, and a niche above it. Chambers on the north side of the courtyard had a cultic purpose. Basins were found in front of the central chamber and inside it, and there was a well in the chamber on the left side.37 The chamber on the right was intended to be joined to rooms on the eastern side of the complex, forming in fact a peristyle. A square altar with a step stood in the middle of the courtyard. A courtyard without a colonnade can be found in hypogeum B in Chatby.38 The tomb is located right next to hypogeum A and it was a much more modest version. Two chambers See below. For a detailed description of the water installations in these chambers, see Venit 2002, 58ff. 38 Breccia (1912, 49–51) considers this complex as being later than hypogeum A – 3rd century BC; Pagenstecher (1919, 167) gives a date of about 250 BC; Adriani (1936, 127) assumes the second half of the 3rd century BC; Venit 36 37

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aligned on an axis opened from the central courtyard. A chamber preserved on the western side featured a double row of loculi on the long walls. The layout of the tomb in Hadra was similar:39 one chamber with loculi opening from the courtyard, a bench cut by the back wall of the chamber, and above it two loculi with an architectural frame around the openings. Tomb 3 in Minet el-Bassal presents a form close to a pseudo-peristyle in shape.40 The rectangular vaulted chamber in the centre, which refers to the courtyard’s function, is divided into two parts by engaged columns set symmetrically on the north and south walls. The western part, the vestibule, is connected to two other chambers with loculi aligned with the courtyard’s axis. On the right side there is a chamber with a flat ceiling, entered through a doorway framed by two Ionian engaged columns connected with pilasters, supporting an architrave and cornice with an egg-and-dart motif and dentils. A sarcophagus-kline filled the chamber and a niche was cut above it. Two deep loculi are found on the opposite side of the chamber. Hypogeum A in Chatby is an example of an oikos tomb combined with a peristyle/pseudoperistyle41 (Figure 61). The layout can be compared to the plan of Greek houses.42 The entrance leads through a corridor to a chamber decorated with Doric engaged columns, fluted in the upper part, although the fluting must have originally covered the full height of the supports.43 The intercolumnar spaces on the corridor side bore false windows rendered in relief with one wing slightly open44 (Figure 62). Next is a large open courtyard with Doric engaged columns around it, supporting an entablature in the same order.45 The entrance to the burial chamber with eight loculi is located in the east side; opposite the entrance is a large round altar. The chamber with a flat ceiling takes on the form of a pseudo-portico with Ionian engaged columns between the loculi, supporting an architrave with dentils. The openings of the loculi are surrounded by fluted framing. The short wall is different (Figure 63): four Ionic engaged columns supporting an architrave and tympanum with dentil molding; the outer intercolumnar spaces are filled with false windows while the right one is carved with an image of two wings. The middle intercolumnar space forms a (2002, 33) dates it to about 300 BC. There is no univocal plan available and the hydria found in the loculi have not been dated. Because of the later enlargement of hypogeum A, it may be assumed that complex B was slightly earlier than A, allowing successive chambers of complex A to take over part of the older tomb. 39 Pagenstecher 1919, 144; Adriani 1966, 121. Tomb dated to the 3rd century BC. 40 See above, note 9. 41 Breccia 1912, 32–49; Pagenstecher 1919, 105f.; Adriani 1966, 124ff. The tomb was dated by Breccia (1912, 46, 49) to the end of the 4th–early 3rd centuries BC based on finds of red-figured vases, terracottas, Hadra vases, coins, and inscriptions; he believed it to be the oldest Greek tomb in Alexandria. Pagenstecher (1919, 111f.) suggested that it remained in use for two generations starting from about the 320s, this in view of the dating to 284/83 and 280/79 BC of the decoration of the hydriae found in chamber h; he also assumed that this particular chamber was cut about 285 BC, whereas chambers e and b were made about 250 BC. Noshy (1937, 30) dated the tomb to 260 BC; Adriani (1936, 174f.) to the mid-3rd century BC; Brown (1957, 39ff.) generally to the 3rd century BC; and Venit (2002, 26ff., 32f.) to about 240 BC based on Enklaar’s (1985, 121) dating of the hydriae from the chamber, and to the 290s/280s BC based on the well-conceived plan of the complex, see Nowicka 1967, 117. 42 Particular chambers are referred to as: a – eisodos, b – paradromis, d – portico, f – aithrion, g – prostas and g’ – oikos. 43 Breccia 1912, XXXIII. 44 Pagenstecher (1919, 108) alone believed the windows to serve their expected function and thought that the portico was roofed. 45 According to Pagenstecher (1919, 109) and Adriani (1966, 125) there could have been a garden there with a canopy spread out over it during ceremonies.

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Figure 61. Shatby, plan of hypogeum A (Breccia 1912, Fig. I)

Figure 62. Shatby, hypogeum A, courtyard facade (Breccia 1912, Fig. II)

wide passage to a smaller vaulted chamber filled almost completely with two sarcophagi of the kline type in a Γ arrangement. A small pseudo-stele with a pediment was carved between the legs of the central bed. Chambers opening off the corridor, portico and courtyard (the first two with loculi) were added at a later time. Tombs I, II and III46 from Anfuchy47 exemplify the transformation that the oikos-type complexes underwent (Figure 64). They are made up of a vestibule and burial chamber48 Pagenstecher 1919, 116. Adriani (1936, 102f.) classifies this tomb as a combination of an oikos and peristyle type. Schiff (1905, 10ff.) dates the complex to 220–210 BC, Pagenstecher (1919, 120) to the mid-3rd century BC, and Adriani (1966, 191ff.) assumes a time from the end of the 3rd century BC to the middle or second half of the 2nd century BC for the establishment of the first three complexes; see Nowicka 1967, 128ff.; Venit 2002, 73ff. 48 This type of chamber groups and the axial line-up of the rooms is also present in later complexes on Pharos, see 46 47

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Figure 63. Shatby, chamber g, back wall (Breccia 1912, Pl. IV)

Figure 64. Anfushy, plan of the hypogea (Adriani 1966, Fig. 360)

and are characterised by two prostas–oikos complexes opening off the courtyard and no strict axial arrangement of the chambers. A small well and a chamber with a basin is found next to the courtyard of hypogeum I. The entrances to the two prostas–oikos groups were later given frames in Egyptian style.49 In the first group, long benches were cut into the rock by the three walls of the prostas, leaving only a narrow passage in the middle of the room.50 the Ras el-Tin I hypogeum from the 1st century BC (Adriani 1940–50, 48; Adriani 1966, 188f.). 49 Adriani 1966, 191. The door frames were linked to a change of decoration inside the chambers. 50 Pagenstecher (1919, 120) considered solutions of this kind, present also in Suk el-Wardian, as a North African

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The chamber, which has the floor a step higher, contains an undecorated sarcophagus standing centrally and beds carved in the lateral niches. In the second group, the prostas is filled by three sarcophagi forming a kind of triclinium. Each sarcophagus has its own arcosolium. A passage by the central one leads to a chamber with 12 loculi.51 An analogous double group of prostas–oikos chambers without beds opens off the courtyard of tomb II. A niche for votive offerings is located in the wall by the entrance to the prostas. The entrance portal of the chamber in the first group is flanked by statues of sphinxes on high bases. In the middle there is a small round altar. A niche cut in the back wall of the chamber has an Egyptian framing in stucco taking on the form of two slender columns supporting a frieze of uraei. Hypogeum III52 consists of a group of chambers around a courtyard: a prostas–oikos with a bench along one long wall and a series of loculi in the wall on the right, a single chamber with loculi and a complex of a prostas and chamber separated by an architectural facade with three passages. The chamber was enlarged by the cutting of three loculi in the back wall, two of which were joined together and fitted with benches, niches for votive offerings and a small chamber on the left side. Tombs of the gallery type are represented by tomb M from Hadra53 and the tombs in Chatby;54 their origins are dated to the 2nd century BC. In both cases the loculi, small chambers, are arranged in rows along a small corridor. These complexes were constructed later than the tombs with separate loculi in the complexes discussed above. They too were used multiple times. The Alabaster Tomb in the modern Latin Cemetery near the ancient eastern fortifications of Alexandria is of special form55 (Figure 65). The surviving fragment56 consists of alabaster slabs not dressed on the outside. It constitutes the vestibule of a two-chamber complex. The vault in the vestibule was flat and the floor slabs were placed on a foundation of limestone blocks. The passage into the burial chamber has a Doric architectural frame composed of two pilasters supporting the architrave and tympanum.57 The roughness of the alabaster slabs on the outside indicate that the structure had been concealed under a tumulus. However, these fragments are not in their original position as suggested by a well that lies below the tomb level, directly next to it, and which is most probably of Byzantine date.58 Tombs built outside Alexandria refer in plan to the Alexandrian complexes. In the necropolis in Plinthine59 modest graves are accompanied by bigger complexes recalling, like tomb I,60 feature (e.g., Phoenician tombs from the end of the 3rd century BC in Guraya, Algieria, where burials were made also directly on the ground surface). See also Adriani, 1966, 192f. 51 Adriani, 1966, 192f. These two chambers were a single room initially, partitioned with a wall of baked brick, plastered first red and then white. 52 Adriani 1966, 194f. 53 Adriani 1935–39, 83ff.; Adriani 1966, 110f. 54 Daszewski, Abd-el-Fattah 1990, 441. 55 Adriani 2000. 56 An anastylosis of surviving fragments was completed by A. Adriani in 1936, see Adriani 1940, 15ff., Pl. I (photo from before the reconstruction) and Adriani 2000, 39ff.; also Łukaszewicz 2006, 372. 57 Adriani 2000, 106ff. 58 Limnaiou‑Papakosta 2001, 67f. 59 Adriani 1952b, 140–159. 60 The tomb is dated to about 250 BC, see Adriani 1952b, 141.

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Figure 65. Alabaster tomb (http://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:AlexAlabasterTombNorthSide. jpg?uselang=pl [18.09.2014])

the oikos type in plan. Burial chambers with loculi are located on two sides of a courtyard: the entrance to the bigger chamber has an Ionic frame, and the smaller one is preceded by two columns. The very poorly preserved complex in Taposiris Magna represents the oikos type as well.61 The walls of the tombs cut in porous bedrock had to be covered with plaster not only for decorative purposes, but also simply to smooth out the surface. The plaster was painted, most frequently in the architectural style. Additional elements included engaged columns and window openings or loculi which introduced a division of the wall into sections. An example of decoration in registers is provided by the vestibule of the tomb in Sidi Gaber:62 a low pedestal of blue colour forms the bottom, above which is a row of imitation alabaster orthostats outlined in black, above this a section of the wall in Pompeian red, separated by 61 Thiersch 1909, 29; Pagenstecher 1919, 116. Three chambers, the centre one of greatest importance, led off a large courtyard. Burials were made only in the main chamber, which had three loculi in each of three walls. Pagenstecher (ibidem) considered this tomb to be earlier than the Alexandrian oikos hypogea in view of the ground plan approaching Macedonian models. It does not have a kline, however. Vörös (2001, 134f.) interpreted this complex as a cenotaph of Osiris based on a representation on a mosaic from Palestrina and Plutarch’s description of burial places of Osiris (De Iside et Osiride 21), especially as it lies near a temple of Isis. The name Taposiris Magna may stand in confirmation of this idea. 62 Thiersch 1904, 3ff. Tombs with this kind of decoration include the Ezbet el-Mahluf hypogeum in Hadra; Mustapha Pasha I, lateral chambers 2, 4, 5, 6 (central zone of the wall above the orthostats imitating porphyry), 7, 8, 10; Mustapha Pasha III, exedra. Remains of wall plaster indicate a similar zonal decoration probably also inside chamber d of hypogeum A in Chatby (Adriani 1966, 124) and in chamber 5 of the Mustapha Pasha II tomb.

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Figure 66. Sidi Gaber, chamber with kline (Adriani 1966, Fig. 210)

a white cornice from a zone of blue crowned with a white frieze with plant ornamentation and a cornice with a kymation. In the burial chamber (Figure 66) the wall is white to the level of the cushions on the bed; above it is a narrow egg-and-dart ornament and in the corners, small pilasters with Ionic capitals, rendered in foreshortening with broad bands of shadow on either side, supporting a relief frieze with kymation. The wall between them is light blue in colour and depicted on it are hanging garlands with ribbons.63 Remains of a painting on the sides of a niche above the kline can be assumed to represent a round shield (golden perhaps) on the left side and a helmet with a large crest on the right side. Decoration in registers and garlands also decorated the inside of the niche. A division of the wall into zones and outlining of the stone bondwork64 were preserved also in the Suk el-Wardian tomb, in the vestibule with the entrance to the burial chamber and in 63 A decoration of garlands also appears on the architrave of the doorframe in the entrance to chamber 4 of tomb 3 in Minet el-Bassal and above the painted Doric frame of the doorway to the chamber of the Ezbet el-Mahluf tomb in Hadra. In the Mustapha Pasha II tomb, one of the moldings in the doorframe of the entrance to the burial chamber yielded traces of nails, suggesting the presence of a real garland. A scrolling plant motif is rare among the Alexandrian vegetal motifs; it has been preserved in chamber K of the loculi tomb M in Hadra. Traces of a frieze of plant or animal motifs were also discovered in the burial chamber of tomb Mustapha Pasha II. Stylised plant motifs, emerging from a large cup, fill the back lunette of chamber 2 of hypogeum II in Anfushy; decoration of analogous form most probably filled the lunette above the entrance and was found in chamber 4 of hypogeum I. 64 Also in the vestibule of the exedra of Mustapha Pasha III, the chamber Gabbari B1.5 and B2.3 (see GuimierSorbets, Nenna, Seif el-Din 2001, 161ff.).

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Figure 67. Suk el-Wardian, burial chamber with kline (Adriani 1966, Fig. 232)

the burial chamber itself. The lunette in the vestibule was decorated with representations of animals and a stylised plant motif. The walls in the burial chamber started out with a low socle in blue and red, large imitation alabaster orthostat slabs and five rows of a gray opus isodomum, with the painting between the slabs rendered in red. A palmette-and-lotus frieze and an egg-and-dart ornament appeared at the top. The lunette was filled with an antithetical motif of griffins between lotus flowers (Figure 67). A combination of imitation marble/alabaster revetment and opus isodomum also can be found in some of the burial chambers in Anfushy65 (Figure 68). Anfushy: hypogeum I – staircase, courtyard, vestibule 1 (back wall covered with the same decoration after the introduction of the door framing in Egyptian style), chamber 4; Anfushy II – staircase, courtyard, niche 5, vestibule 3; hypogeum III – vestibule 4.

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Figure 68. Anfushy, painted decoration of the walls in hypogeum II (Adriani 1966, Fig. 385)

Pilasters were also decorated with imitation architectural elements made of marble or alabaster and revetment slabs. Plaster with an alabaster design66 covers the pilasters in the entrance to the burial chamber and the table in front of the door in tomb II at Mustapha Pasha, even as the fronts of the benches in the vestibule and the bench in the exedra of Tomb III imitate marble slabs.67 There is also a representation of three gazelles here. The decoration of vestibule 1 and burial chamber 2 of Hypogeum II in Anfushy is later with regard to the architectural style.68 Isodomic bondwork decoration present in most of the chambers of Hypogeum I in the 1st century BC was plastered over and decorated anew with a pattern of alternating bands of a black-and-white checker pattern and alabaster; the wall was crowned with a relief cornice and painted garlands. The checker pattern imitates Also the pilasters framing the entrance to the vestibule of the exedra in the hypogeum Mustapha Pasha III. Similarly the front of a bed in a tomb in Hadra (Adriani 1966, 121). 68 Similarly in chamber 2 of hypogeum I, where the walls were covered initially with a unicoloured plaster, same as in Anfushy II.3 and 4, and the later complex V. 66 67

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Figure 69. Mustapha Pasha, hypogeum I, courtyard facade (Adriani 1966, Fig. 186)

faience tile used as wall revetment, and the Egyptianizing character of this decoration is emphasised and enriched with a motif of the Egyptian crown superimposed on the checker pattern.69 The architectural decoration was complemented by a small number of figural images. The lintel in the central passage of the portico of tomb I in Mustapha Pasha bore a painting executed on a layer of plaster, depicting a scene of offerings made on a small altar (Figure 69). The figures are shown in three-quarter. Three horsemen are shown galloping to the left, their heads turned back to the right. They hold the reins in their left hands and a phialae in their outstretched right hands. They are dressed each in a short chiton with long sleeves, breastplates and a chlamys, their feet in sandals (high shoes?) with high lacing; the man on the left wears a purple-red chiton, yellow chlamys and golden crested helmet, the rider on the right respectively a yellow chiton, blue (silver) breastplates and a yellow kausia, the one in the centre a yellow (golden) breastplate and kausia. They are armed with swords strapped across their bodies. Standing between them are two women also holding phialae. They are dressed in chitons, a red one on the woman on the left and a pink one on the woman on the right, covering their heads with their himatia. A cylindrical altar, red Two per wall in the central zone in Anfushy I.1; three images on the back wall and two seated jackals on either side of the entrance in Anfushy I 2. A panel with a crown in vestibule II.1 takes up a square covering nine tiles. Each crown is of a different form (see Vasiliki 1989, 88ff.).

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in colour, stood between the woman on the right and the central rider. The background of these figures was rendered in blue. An offering scene most probably also was depicted in a left-side niche on the south wall in burial chamber 2.70 Three standing figures were shown against a blue background. The man on the right wears a long chiton, short cloak and kausia, the man on the left a long tunic. Both are turned toward the figure in the centre, who is depicted frontally, wrapped in a himation. A similar representation may have decorated another niche, but the only surviving elements of the decoration is a fragment of blue background on the south wall of the niche with the outline of a bird (soul or siren?). The chamber next door, furnished with basins, seems to have had a landscape scene painted on the right-hand side wall: we can still see a tholos with Ionic frieze, comprising two bands in yellow and blue, a painted white garland, a profiled cornice and a roof in the form of a truncated cone.71 Another garland was shown hanging from the frieze. A sketch of a male head and a ship was drawn in the upper part of the middle wall in chamber (4).72 A scene no longer visible depicted a farewell between a man and a woman, frequent on funerary steles; it was painted on either side of a niche above the bed in the burial chamber of tomb 3 in Minet el-Bassal.73 The decoration of one of the slabs sealing a loculus (and indeed extending beyond the slab onto the wall) in a gallery tomb situated east of the Chatby necropolis can be dated to the 2nd century BC,74 a time when paintings of an Egyptian character started to appear in the tombs. The scene, divided into two registers, shows a descent into Hades. In the middle is a large bay and in the background an aedicule or gate closing an arcaded passage. Seen on the left are two serpents with raised heads, their long bodies coiled tightly. Far beyond the gate, on the protruding side of the loculus, there is a scene of farewell of a youth and a seated woman. Steps lead down from the gate to the water’s edge, approached on the water by a small boat with a man (Charon?) standing in it, holding an oar and a torch(?). A few figures were painted standing on the bank. Despite the damage to the slab and faded paint one can identify Ixion, Sisiphus and perhaps also Titios and Orion; a group of women may represent the Danaids(?). Figural representations of Egyptian themes appeared for the first time in the Anfuchy tombs in a secondary context, meaning they were painted on replastered walls. Three scenes were rendered on the walls of the staircase leading down into tomb II. The least well-preserved scene contained an enthroned figure and Bes, still visible in outline on a pilaster next to the throne. On the upper landing the deceased75 was depicted between Horus on his right and Osiris and Isis standing in front of him. Neither figure had any attribute to identify it and they are interpreted based on the context alone. The lunette Adriani 1936, 21f. Adriani 1936, 27f. 72 Adriani 1936, 29. 73 Adriani 1956, 25. 74 Daszewski, Abd-el-Fattah 1990, 441f. 75 Figure interpreted as a male by Botti (1902, 13, 17–18, 36) and Adriani (1952a, 64), by Venit (2002, 78) as a female. 70 71

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Figure 70. Gabbari B24, decoration of the vault (GuimierSorbets, Seif el-Din 2003, Fig. 2)

on the lower landing was filled with a now fragmentary representation of Osiris in an atef crown, seated on a throne and holding a heka and nechech in his hands, behind him a jackal, before him two no-longer-surviving figures of the deceased and Horus.76 Inscriptions and representations of ships occupied the walls of vestibule 3 in hypogeum II at Anfushy and in burial chamber 3 of hypogeum III (seen at the time of discovery).77 The painted decoration of the walls was complemented with patterns covering the vaults or ceilings.78 With the exception of monochromatic decoration,79 the other examples are illusionist in character. They are imitation alabaster revetment,80 wooden or stone coffering filled with flowers or a uniform colour,81 shallow stuccowork of geometric motifs,82 latticework arbor, or textile (Figure 70). This kind of decoration consists of an outer border, either of one colour or made up of a series of squares of different colours, geometric patterns, e.g., crenellations83 or figural decoration84 and an inner panneau of uniform colour.85 The unique painting on the vault of burial chamber 2 in tomb II in Adriani 1952a, 64. Schiff 1905, 33ff. Traces of inscriptions and paintings also were preserved in chambers e and h of hypogeum A in Chatby. 78 Guimier-Sorbets 2003, 545ff. 79 A blue vault in the prostas of hypogeum A in Chatby. 80 Anfushy I, staircase; Minet el-Bassal 3, burial chamber. 81 Burial chamber in Suk el-Wardian, vestibule in Sidi Gaber. See also the framing of the loculus in Gabbari B1.4, B.6 imitating a niche with a coffered ceiling (Guimier-Sorbets et al. 2001, 180). 82 Yellow octagons combined with black squares, Anfushy I.1, I.3, I.4, II.1, III.4; rhomboids, staircase in Anfushy II; rhomboids inscribed into rectangles, Anfushy I.1. 83 Mustapha Pasha III, burial chamber (pink on black). 84 For example, Gabbari B24 contains a painting in white, yellow, red, green and black; the outside band is decorated alternately with a motif of a group of two Erotes and a dolphin (on the longer sides) and Erotes alone (on the shorter sides), then a band of crenellations; the inside surface takes on the form of a sail with a series of one-colour borders, the outer one of which is decorated with a series of antithetical dolphins between a fragment of a schematic scrolling plant motif (horizontal ‘S’), and a central panel framed with two bands of scrolling vegetal ornament, see Guimier-Sorbets, Seif el-Din 2003, 577ff. 85 Sidi Gaber, burial chamber: panel filled with an ellipse with a semicircular cut in the sides, taking on the form of a rectangular piece of cloth on a rectangular frame, blown out by the wind, on a sky-blue background; Gabbari B2 3. 76 77

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Figure 71. Anfushy, decoration of the vault in chamber 2 of hypogeum II (Adriani 1966, Fig. 237)

Anfushy shows a combination of latticework and textile patterns (Figure 71). The ‘textile’ has figural mythological scenes set in the panels on the border, and flowers in the corners. The poor state of preservation of this painting allowed only the two female figures to be identified as Maenads.86 The painted decoration magnified an illusionist effect introduced by the profiled framing of the doorways and niches/loculi, both carved in stone and rendered in stuccowork; the Greek style87 with added Egyptian elements created aedicules with a rich architectural Adriani 1950a, 112. Details illustrated by Adriani (1966, Pl. 71) differ from the photo in Pagenstecher (1919, 181), who assumes after Rostovtzeff (1913–14, 63) that this kind of decoration imitates a coffered ceiling, see Athenaios, V 196 c; Studniczka 1914, 51ff ; Guimier-Sorbets 2003, 596ff. (painted sheets, inserted into the coffers of the roof of the tent of Ptolemy Philadelphos). 87 Doric framing: Mustapha Pasha I, niches in the south and west walls of chamber 2, entrances to chambers 9 and 11; Mustapha Pasha II, entrance to the courtyard, entrance to chamber 5 (two plain engaged columns by the antae); Mustapha Pasha III, entrance to the exedra, passages in the facade, antae in the entrance to the chamber; Sidi Gaber, passage to the chamber with two engaged columns; the Alabaster Tomb; Suk el-Wardian, entrance to the chamber (tympanum, dentils, pilasters); Mustapha Pasha I, chambers 4 and 6, loculi framed with pilasters and a cornice supported on consoles; Anfushy II, entrance to vestibules (pilasters and an architrave); Gabbari II, niche with a kline framed with pilasters, architrave with taenia and regulae, triglyph-and-metope frieze and geison. Ionic framing: Chatby A, windows in chamber g and entrance to chamber g’; Mustapha Pasha I, niche on the north wall of chamber 2; Sidi Gaber, niche in the vestibule; Minet el-Bassal III, entrance to the chamber with a kline. Corinthian framing: Chatby A, careless framing of loculi in burial chamber e; Mustapha Pasha I, entrance to burial chamber 10; Mustapha Pasha II, entrance to burial chamber 4 (pilasters with an architrave of two bands and a row of dentils). 86

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Figure 72. Anfushy, entrance to chamber 2 in hypogeum II (Adriani 1966, Fig. 392)

decoration,88 flanked in specific instances by figures of sphinxes set up on separate pedestals. Pilasters with papyrus capitals and registers of decoration on the shafts stand against a wall covered with a checker pattern. This is what the naiskos in burial chamber 2 in tomb II at Anfushy looked like (Figure 72). The base with its narrow ledge is made of a layer of stucco painted in vertical stripes. The outer frame is topped by a cornice bearing a frieze of uraei; on the inside, the frame is composed of columns with papyrus capitals, standing back on three steps and supporting a similar frieze. Wherever the burial chamber was furnished with a bed, it was usually in a distinguished position, on the tomb’s main axis.89 Beds occurred both in tombs originally intended for

Mustapha Pasha I, portal in the facade; Anfushy (architrave, dentil, cornice, tympanum with flat arch): hypogeum I, entrance to the vestibules, passages to chamber 2; hypogeum II, passage to chambers 2 and 4; Gabbari I, niche framed with three-quarter columns with composite capitals (lotus and papyrus flowers), architrave with a winged solar disk, dentil and segmental pediment. 89 In the case of two single-chamber tombs (Adriani, 1966, 120f. and 148) either the bed accompanies loculi (No. 72), there is nothing but a bed in the chamber (No. 70), or the bed is inside a niche in the back wall, while the loculi are cut in the lateral walls (No. 94). 88

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single burials,90 as well as in family complexes.91 Single beds usually fill practically the whole chamber; only in hypogeum A in Chatby were there two arranged in a Γ92 (Figure 73). For the most part these beds were hollowed out and served in fact as Figure 73. Shatby, kline in chamber g’ sarcophagi.93 Legs (Breccia 1912, Fig. V) in relief look like carved wooden furniture legs94 (Figure 74) or, more often, rectangular elements on a cylindrical or cupshaped base95 (Figures 67, 75 and 76). The shaft of the leg is marked in the middle with a convex molding, a narrowing or a cut decorated with volutes.96 They are decorated with painted or carved plant motifs, enriched with imitation inlay decoration in the tomb in Suk el-Wardian (Figure 54). The top is composed of an abacus and either carved or painted volutes.97 Joining the legs is a triple frame, which is decorated in the central part. In Sidi Gaber there are some remains of an Amazonomachia scene (Figure 66), in Mustapha Pasha II a representation of Erotes and Psyche in bigae drawn by ibexes or oryx antelopes (Figure 75), and in Mustapha Pasha III and Gabbari B26 plant motifs and phiale (Figures 74 and 76). The beds in Sidi Gaber, Gabbari I and Gabbari B26 have a fulcrum. Mattresses were either carved or painted with stripes.98 On either side of the bed there are two or three patterned cushions. The beds were made up with bedspreads with ornamental borders seen on the front.99 A footstool also appeared in a few instances.100

90 Guimier-Sorbets, Nenna 2003b, 533ff. (including catalogue of Hellenistic beds): Sidi Gaber, Mustapha Pasha III, Gabbari I, Gabari II, Suk el-Wardian. Chamber added at a later date: Gabbari B2. Second chamber added in tombs Mustapha Pasha II and Gabari II. 91 Chatby hypogeum A, Mustapha Pasha I and II, Gabbari B26. 92 The length of the bed ranges between 3.1 m and 1 m. 93 Sidi Gaber is an exception, the burial being deposited in a niche above the kline, which presumably served as a prothesis. 94 Gabbari I, Gabbari B26, Minet el-Bassal III. 95 Cylinder: Chatby, Mustapha Pasha II.5, III, Suk el-Wardian; cup: Sidi Gaber. 96 Mustapha Pasha II.5 (torus); Suk el-Wardian (constriction); Chatby, Sidi Gaber, Mustapha Pasha III (volutes). 97 Suk el-Wardian, Sidi Gaber, Mustapha Pasha III. 98 Mustapha Pasha III, Gabbari I, Suk el-Wardian, Mustapha Pasha II – here the zonal decoration was enriched with female figures. 99 Sidi Gaber, Mustapha Pasha II (decorated with a figural and geometric pattern with pompoms), Mustapha Pasha III (figural ornament), Gabbari I, Gabbari B26 (zones of white, black, blue colour, band with alternating palmettes and rosettes, and a band of crenellations of the same kind as those on the border framing the vault of the burial chamber in Mustapha Pasha III), Suk el-Wardian (figural pattern). 100 Mustapha Pasha II.4, Mustapha Pasha III, Gabbari II.

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Figure 74. Gabbari B26, kline (Guimier-Sorbets, Nenna 2003, Figs 1,2)

Numerous loculi in the Alexandrian tombs were closed with slabs of gypsum or gypsum mixed with sand.101 These are mass-produced elements, only rarely executed with more attention to quality. Most of them come from the cemeteries in Hadra and Chatby102 and are Pagenstecher 1919, 85ff.; Brown 1957, 34ff ; Adriani 1966, 112ff. The slabs closing the loculi in the Mustapha Pasha tombs have not survived, but judging by the quality of the wall painting in general, their decoration must have been outstanding as well. 101 102

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Figure 75. Mustapha Pasha II, kline in chamber 5 (Adriani 1966, Fig. 207)

Figure 76. Mustapha Pasha III, kline in the burial chamber (Adriani 1966, Fig. 208)

dated to the late 4th and 3rd centuries BC.103 Many of the slabs were decorated with painted or molded in stucco representations of doors, either closed or with one wing slightly 103 The dating is based on hydriae from Hadra, see notes 13 and 155. The domed tomb in Hadra, which yielded the steles mentioning the ‘Galatai’ in the inscriptions, was in use in 280–249 BC. Some of the steles may belong to the first group of Gauls, sent by Antigonos Gonatas as reinforcements for Ptolemy Philadelphos. Their descendants took part in the war with Antioch III in 218 BC (a group of Gauls designated as κάτοικοι and έπίγονοι by Polybius, Historiai, V 65). Finds from Chatby confirm the use of steles from the beginning of the necropolis. See also Pagenstecher 1919, 84; Parakenings Bozkurt 1998, 321 and Adriani (1935–1939, 69f , fig. 34), who based the dating to the late 4th century BC on the paleographic assessment of inscription fragments preserved in the loculi.

Types of funerary complexes in Alexandria 115 ajar;104 their Doric framing narrowing toward the top was topped with a pediment105 or cornice.106 The slab could have also been framed by a painted border imitating marble.107 Later loculi had framing that combined Greek and Egyptian elements.108 The wings are divided into a longer lower panel and a shorter upper one. Lattice filling of the upper part is a characteristic feature, but doors with full wings exist as well. Images of antabas and imitation bronze fittings are sporadic.109 Illusionist trends can be discerned also in the scenes that can be seen through the crack in the door.110 Loculi slabs, like funerary steles, could also be decorated with figural scenes111 or geometric motifs, or simply plastered white.112 The oldest funerary reliefs were brought to Alexandria by the first migrants from Greece. They are distinguished by the material, marble, but also by the composition and execution of details, which point to an Athenian origin.113 The small-sized Alexandrian steles were made of limestone or sandstone and covered with a thin layer of plaster to conceal the porosity and uneven surface. This plaster coat, which also prevented stone weathering, was covered with polychromy.114 Usually the architectural framing of the steles was limited to a tympanum with acroteria or a cornice with simple entablature.115 The antae were seldom profiled, and the representation usually occupied the slightly depressed surface on the slab. Architectural decoration was rendered exclusively in painting. In typological terms, the earliest steles correspond to Athenian reliefs from the last quarter of the 4th century BC and were executed most probably by Athenian sculptors. A painted or carved inscription filled the surface of the stone between the representation and the pediment.116 A prevalent part of the representations show children and young women.117 Steles with dexiosis scenes of a woman and servant were also made in the early period.118 The melon headdress of Pagenstecher 1919, 86 considered the door representations to be a reference to the naos of the deceased. Gabbari B1.4B.5, B1.5.C.2, B1.7.B.5, (Guimier-Sorbets et al. 2001, 179ff., Fig. 4.13, 4.30, 4.32); also with framing pilasters, e.g., Gabbari B1.9.D.1 with a figure of a soldier on the wall by the loculus opening (Guimier-Sorbets et al. 2001, 182). 106 Gabbari B1.5.D.4 (Guimier-Sorbets et al. 2001, 183, Fig. 4.33). 107 Hypogeum A in Chatby, chamber e (Breccia 1912, Pl. XIII); Gabbari. 108 Adriani 1966, No. 137, 140. 109 Loculus from the 2nd century from Hadra (Pagenstecher 1919, 91, Fig. 61; Brown 1957, 25, Cat. 30; Adriani 1966, 112); Gabbari B1.7.D.4, B1.7.B.8, B1.7 (Guimier-Sorbets et al. 2001, 172f.). 110 Stele with a Greek-Egyptian framing with a mythological scene (Adriani 1966, No. 137); slabs from Hadra with a scene of the dexiosis (Adriani 1966, Nos 132 and 133, 136). 111 Gabbari B1.7B.11: dexiosis scene in the centre of the lower part of the door (Guimier-Sorbets et al. 2001, 175). 112 Mustapha Pasha I: slabs in chamber 4. 113 Schmidt 1999, 2. For example, a relief of a woman with a servant (Graeco-Roman Museum, Inv. 3893). Owing to damages incurred during the fighting with Phillip II in 338 BC, some of the funerary enclosures were most probably furnished with new funerary monuments. It may be assumed that families moving to Alexandria took the ready steles with them to place them in tombs in the newly established necropolis. 114 The contours are marked with a dark line, similarly to on white-grounded lekythai and in encaustic painting. Strong colours were used, the background being a uniform neutral colour as a rule. In most cases there is no attempt to visualise space; foreshortening or modeling by light-and-shadow is hardly ever used. 115 Parakenings Bozkurt 1998, 323. Two steles with Doric frieze are known from the same hypogeum: stele of Helixo and stele of the Cyrenean Isodora. 116 Scholl 1996, 211–218. 117 A crawling child (Graeco-Roman Museum, Inv. 30933 in Pelletier-Hornby in: La gloire d’Alexandrie, 259, Fig. 198; in Athens: Scholl 1996, 267, No. 160, Pls 34,1; 312, No. 335, Pl. 34,2); child with small animal (Breccia 1912, Nos 1, 3, 4, 6, 8; Schmidt 1991, 45f.). 118 Graeco-Roman Museum, Inv. 84 (Pfuhl 1901, 266, No. 2); Graeco-Roman Museum, Inv. 10444 (Breccia 1912, No. 2). 104 105

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the women shown in these scenes suggests that all the steles repeating Attic models were made in 330–300 BC.119 In the 3rd century BC painted steles became more common than carved ones and the technique determined their form: the antae and architraves framed the niche,120 a reference was shown for scenes with more figures, the men wear cloaks (chlamys), and the style of the scene changes.121 Four different groups may be distinguished among the painted steles based on the style of the representations. They reflect the growing popularity of this kind of tomb marker. In the late 4th century BC, the painted representations were very much like the relief steles, imbued with an Attic feel;122 they were characterised by a clear composition with a central axis of symmetry. The figures fill almost the entire available space; they are relatively big, massive, modeled in high relief, turned toward the centre of the scene. The second group123 started to appear at the beginning of the 3rd century BC. It was characterised by a less constrained composition, the figures becoming smaller with regard to the whole representation and more dynamic in their movement, referring to Praxiteleain models of statuary. In the mid-3rd century BC, composition124 became static, strictly vertical. Figures were painted summarily, awkward in their movement and unnatural in proportions, standing stiffly next to one another. In the fourth style,125 lasting from the late-3rd century BC through the 2nd century BC, little care is given to the representation, the drawing is abstract and sketchy, the coloured surfaces flat and without modeling of any kind. These steles may have been intended for a poorer class of Alexandrian society. The representations on the steles can be divided into a few thematic groups.126 Scenes of farewell are the most common with the depicted individuals either seated127 or standing.128 Seated women were more sporadic,129 shown either alone or in company (mother and child), Schmidt 1999, 6. Pagenstecher 1919, 71ff. Stele with a representation of a girl with a dog in bas relief, the frame in deep relief (Graeco-Roman Museum, Inv. 149). The robe belted high on the body, and the narrow shoulders compared to the wide part of the hips, give a date to the stele in the second half of the 3rd century (parallel composition on Ptolemaic oinochoe from the times of Ptolemy III, see Thompson 1973, 134f., 149f.). 121 See one of the steles on which the background with a standing figure is borrowed from painted models (Schmidt 1999, 8, Fig. 4, Graeco-Roman Museum, Inv. G. 975) and a fragment of a funerary relief with a Macedonian horseman galloping toward a mound with an altar topped by a truncated pyramid on it (Pagenstecher 1919, 5f.). 122 Brown 1957, No. 1 (dexiosis scene) and No. 2 (representation of a woman giving birth). 123 Brown 1957, No. 3 (stele of Bitos with an image of a soldier) and No. 4 (stele of Pelopides with a representation of a man bridling a horse; next to him a boy). 124 Brown 1957, No. 6 (stele of Isidoros with a dexiosis scene), No. 24 (stele of Helixo from Hadra, with a dexiosis scene). Parallels for this style are found in the ‘first Pergamene school’ of carving and in Delian painting, which is also modeled on this school. 125 Brown 1957, No. 27 (stele of Dionysios from Gabbari, dexiosis scene), No. 28 (stele of Isodora from Chatby, seated woman and child), No. 29 (stele of Kleon from Hadra, dexiosis scene). 126 Pagenstecher 1919, 32ff., catalogue including 23 steles with lost images; Brown 1957, 13ff. (with earlier references to the catalogued steles). 127 The seated figure is either female (Pagenstecher 1919, Nos 12, 13, 14, 16; Brown 1957, Nos 17 and 18) or male (Pagenstecher 1919, No. 17; Brown 1957, Nos 1, 12, 29). 128 Breccia 1912, No. 10: soldier between two boys, his hand toward one of them; Breccia 1912, No. 11, naiskos, dexiosis of two men, a small boy next to them; Breccia 1912, No. 22, stela with a dexiosis scene of a man and a woman; Brown 1957, No. 6, stele of Isidoros, a Galatian stretching his hand to one of two girls standing to his left. 129 Pagenstecher 1919, No. 1 (woman seated on a chair with a pillow, a thymiaterion next to her), No. 2 (loculus slab from Ibrahimieh), No. 3 (naiskos with an image of a reading woman), No. 4 (stele from Hadra), No. 5 (stele from Hadra with a woman sitting on a rock), No. 8 (stele from Ibrahimieh, a seated woman turns toward a child standing behind her), No. 9 (stele with a seated woman stretching her hand out to a standing female servant, a basket next 119 120

Types of funerary complexes in Alexandria 117 or a child playing with its pet.130 Men were represented either alone or in company, without attributes,131 as soldiers,132 rarely along with a child133 or horse.134 The funerary banquet was seldom depicted in the early Hellenistic period135 and equally rare were steles decorated with a painted taenia.136 Images of soldiers or armed men were inscribed to indicate the origin of the deceased.137 The representation on the stele of Helixo from a tomb in Hadra is absolutely exceptional among these steles.138 The rectangular slab is framed with a Doric frieze supported on two pilasters covered with imitation marble and there are garlands on the architrave. The scene takes place in a room with a coffered ceiling and columns shown in foreshortening. Helixo sits on a high stool with footstool, holding a mirror in her hand, which a servant boy before her has just given her. The girl servant in the background is arranging the veil on her head. Tombs were marked with steles set up on stepped pedestals; the steles had tenons cut in their bottom edges to fit into prepared slots in the base. However, most of the painted slabs139 were intended for closing loculi,140 even though the usual form of closing were slabs with representations of doors.

to her), No. 10 (seated woman with a female servant), No. 15 (stele from Hadra with a sitting woman and a second standing figure); Breccia 1912, No. 17 (seated woman stretching her hand to a boy standing in front of her), No. 19 (woman seated on a chair with a pillow, stretching out her hand to a child kneeling before her), No. 25 (sitting woman holding a fan(?) or mirror(?), and a little girl with a fan on the left), No. 27 (stele of Isodora of Cyrene, woman on a chair with a pillow and footstool, holding a child). 130 Breccia 1912, No. 15 (stele of Thrasymedes, two children and an animal?), No. 18 (little girl with a dog or goose), No. 19 (little boy with a little dog, taenia and phiale in the background), No. 20 (boy with a bird and dog), No. 21 (boy with cocks, garlands and taenia in the background), No. 24 (boy), No. 25 (two boys); Pagenstecher 1919, No. 55 (naiskos with a little girl and a goose). 131 Single figures: steles from Ibrahimieh, Chatby, and Hadra, depicting a standing man dressed in a chiton and himation/chlamys (Pagenstecher 1919, Nos 34–42); man in company: stele of Nikokrates, depicting a man and a boy (Pagenstecher 1919, No. 44). 132 Breccia 1912, No. 7 (stele from Chatby: standing soldier in full armor); Pagenstecher 1919, Nos 23–33 (steles from Hadra and Ibrahimieh: soldier en face or in three-quarters, in tunic and chlamys, holding an oval shield and a spear), No. 43 (stele of Xenaratos with two soldiers), No. 47 (stele from Hadra: a soldier and a boy); Brown 1957, No. 5 (stele of a Galatoi: a man extending a hand to a boy holding a kantharos, also holding a spear and the shield of the deceased). 133 Brown 1957, No. 13 (stele from Chatby: man sitting on a rock, his hand on the head of a child standing before him, and another child shown crawling and raising its hand to him), No. 16 (man holding a little girl by the hand); Brown, 1957, No. 20 (stele of Lykinos, son of Lykon, a Thessalian, man holding his hand out to a boy holding a large round shield). 134 Breccia 1912, No. 9 (stele of a Macedonian on a horse, a boy next to him); Pagenstecher 1919, No. 54 (stele from Hadra) and Brown 1957, No. 4 (stele of Pelopides, a Thessalian, a man taming a horse), No. 16 (a warrior on horseback, turning to a boy handing him a helmet). 135 Pagenstecher 1919, Nos 64, 66. 136 Pagenstecher 1919, Nos 69–71. 137 Pagenstecher 1919, 65f. The most numerous among the deceased were Macedonians, Thessalians and Thracians. The inscriptions mention also Armenia, Bithynia, Mysia, Gaul, Pontus and Cyrene, Akarnania, Achaia, Arkadia, and the islands of Thera and Crete; see also below, note 155. 138 Pagenstecher 1919, 74ff.; Brown 1957, 27, No. 24; Parakenings Bozkurt 1998, 323. The stele is dated to 280–240 BC. 139 At the Chatby necropolis painted steles were set up on pedestals next to the carved ones, indicating burials of another population group originating from Thessaly and Macedonia. 140 In this case the tops of the steles are either cut off or marked in relief on a rectangular slab; sometimes, the stele was inserted in a slot in a rectangular gypsum slab, filling the entire slot. The darkness inside the tomb was advantageous to the sensitive paintings.

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2. Form of burial and grave goods The most important group of vessels found in the Alexandrian cemeteries are the hydriae (kalpis), usually referred to as the Hadra vases owing to the large number of such vases found in that necropolis.141 They were intended as urns for ashes of deceased mercenaries and envoys and other dignitaries who died during their stay in Alexandria at the Ptolemaic court, but they were also made for native Alexandrians. Their distinguishing characteristic is ornamentation in black on the clay body of the vessel or else motifs painted in colour on a white-grounded surface. The differentiated shape of these vessels and their decoration has been divided into four groups.142 A laurel wreath with or without branches on the neck of the vase is distinctive for two of these groups. Registers of decoration appear also on the rim, base and handles. A border-framed zone on the upper half of the body is divided into a back panel decorated with volutes under the handle and a front panel covered with a laurel wreath or branches, a garland with ribbons, a Macedonian star, a rosette, an ivy scroll, or more seldom a grapevine scroll, an astragal motif, palmettes, or bucrania. Over time the decoration became richer, and the register of decoration on the body became wider, often filled with a double ornament complemented with geometric motifs, such as an illusionist rendering of a meander or checker pattern.143 Plastic decoration was added on occasion.144 Representations of figures or objects were rare.145 These were most frequently pieces of weaponry,146 a tomb marker with torches,147 dolphins (especially on hydriae from the Group with Dolphins)148 and other animals,149 sporadically scenes of combat,150 141 Pagenstecher 1909, 367ff.; Callaghan 1980, 33ff.; Enklaar 1985, 115, Fig. 3. The Hadra hydriae are found principally in the eastern necropoleis. Only four pieces came from Mustapha Pasha (three from tomb 7 and one from tomb 1), see Breccia 1936, 142f. The Gabbari B1 hypogeum yielded nine hydriae dated to 240–210 BC; hydriae were attested also in the remaining hypogea (see Ballet, Boussac, Enklaar 2001, 273–290; Enklaar 2003, 391ff.). 142 Enklaar 1985, 110, 117ff. The Group with Laurel Leaves painted on the neck is the largest (approximately 66%) and comes from a single workshop. Of much poorer quality in terms of the decoration is a group of similar vessels with a laurel branch without side branches. Hydriae belonging to the Group with Dolphins were better made and were different from the above-mentioned groups in their form (no shield at the joining of the handle and rim), base profile and rim, and the decoration: figural representations of soldiers and Erotes hunting deer, birds, and Pegasus. The fourth group is made up of vessels of heavier proportions and simple decoration comprising horizontal bands. The vessel takes on more elongated proportions. Another listing is given by Cook (1984), who assumes different criteria: plant and geometrical decoration, composition and shape, to form groups of vessels produced in the same workshops at the same time without distinguishing specific painters. 143 Enklaar (1985) distinguished the following: Peintre des Rosettes (240–210 BC), Peintre des Bandes Diagonales (230–210 BC), Peintre des Lignes Ondulées (220–210 BC), Peintre des Méandres (220–200 BC), Peintre Tatillon (215– 190 BC). 144 Three vases from Alexandria with a bucranium added to the scrolling ivy, see Enklaar 1985, 129. 145 Breccia (1912, 27) noted the absence of vases with figural representations in Chatby and concluded on these grounds that the earliest Hadra vases bore only linear and floral decoration, figural motifs being a later development. Guerrini (1964, 10ff.) distinguished the black-figured vases from the last twenty years of the 4th century BC from other figural vases from the last decade of the 4th century BC and the first decade of the 3rd century BC. A pair of shoes on two vessels constitutes a unique motif with parallels on Attic steles, see Brown 1957, Cat. 42 (Cairo), 43 (Leipzig), but the authenticity of these two examples has been disputed. 146 Breccia 1912, 33, No. 51 (armor, shield, stela with a taenia/ribbon tied around a two-step pedestal), No. 52 (armor and shield), No. 53 (sword in a sheath suspended from a tape); Brown 1957, Cat. 41 (shield with a Gorgoneion). 147 Peintre des Lignes Ondulées from the Group with Laurel Leaves (Enklaar 1985, Fig. 22). 148 Enklaar 1985, 140ff. 149 Enklaar 1985, 137: dog and ibex on a hydria from Alexandria P.1885 by the El Manar Painter (260–225 BC), bull, lion (Guerrini 1965, B14, Figs III and XIV), birds by a louterion or tripod, also fantastic creatures, e.g., griffins. 150 Enklaar 1985, 137: hydria from Alexandria 9013 by the El Manar Painter (260–225 BC). Sporadic occurrences of sports competitions on vessels produced both in Crete and Alexandria, see Kranz 1999 148ff.: hydria from the

Types of funerary complexes in Alexandria 119 hunting,151 toiletries,152 a Panathenaic amphora153 or vessels decorated with ribbons and garlands.154 Inscriptions on hydriae gave the names of the deceased, father’s name, date of death, origins, and status or position held.155 Most of the hydriae refer to the tradition of Cretan ceramics. The kind of clay used in vases from the Group with Laurel Leaves was produced in Crete 270–260 BC, in Phaestos and vicinity,156 specifically for the Alexandrian market. Production of the Group with Dolphins began in Knossos around the 240s BC,157 while cheap hydriae for home use were made in local workshops.158 Vases stopped being exported at the beginning of the 4th century BC, but the workshops continued to produce them until the 1st century BC. The Group with Laurel Leaves without branches was produced of a coarse Alexandrian clay in imitation of Cretan products at the end of the 240s BC.159 Another group of original vessels found in the tombs is that of faience oinochoai decorated with motifs linked to a ruler cult.160 Most of these vessels were discovered in the eastern cemeteries of Alexandria, especially in Hadra and Chatby. The shape of the vessels and the relief decoration were traditionally Greek, but the material was a local and cheap substitute for clay. The handles were decorated with Satyr masks on the rim and Papposylenus masks at the base of the handles,161 the neck could feature a relief wreath,162 and the scene on the body was a representation of the ritual for which these vessels were used. These scenes were composed of single elements on either side of the body, such as a queen or goddess shown frontally, head turned to the right, dressed in a chiton and himation, the hair most often in a fine melon hairdo,163 tied with a fillet or decorated with a semicircular diadem; Group with Laurel Leaves without side branches, two boxers and a parallel representation on a hydria from the Gabbari necropolis, ‘hoplitodromos’ on a hydria from Moscow and New York. 151 Ballet, Boussac, Enklaar 2001, 273f. Scenes introduced by the painters representing the Group with Dolphins. Hydria from Gabbari B1.7 D.10,Tatillon Painter, about 220 (hunter with a spear and two dogs attacking a deer); Breccia 1931–1932, Pl. 6 (dog chasing an ibex); Adriani 1952, Figs 15a and 19 (dog barking at an ibex). 152 Brown 1957, Cat. 44 (small box with gabled lid, mirror, fan). 153 Brown 1957, Cat. 46 (with palm branches, torch), No. 47. 154 Brown 1957, Cat. 45. 155 Brown 1957, 9f. The Tomb of the Soldiers yielded 27 hydriae dated on epigraphic grounds. The inscriptions indicate that among those buried in the tomb were not only soldiers, but also theoroi (members of sacred embassies), architheoroi (commanders of sacred embassies) and presbeutai (ambassadors). The date of death is significant for the chronology of the Hadra vases. Enklaar’s listing of data on the origins of these immigrants (1985, Fig. 23) shows no Macedonians or Greeks from South Italy, whereas the most numerous groups were those of Cretans and Cypriots, Athenians, and citizens of Cyrenaica, Rhodos and Asia Minor. Braunert (1952, 231–263) dates the inscriptions to 290–213 BC [259–212 BC]. 156 Enklaar 1986, 41, 48ff. There other vessels, like kraters, lebe, small hydriae and pyxides also were decorated in the Hadra style. 157 Enklaar 1986, 59f. 158 Enklaar 1986, 46ff. Three types were made from the beginning of the 4th century BC: with an ‘O’ decoration on the vertical handle (Knossos); with spiral decoration (Knossos); and with asymmetrical volutes as decoration (Phaistos). 159 Enklaar 1986, 60ff. None of these vases are from the Chatby necropolis. 160 Thompson 1973, 7. Also present were phiale, goblets, and cups. It may be assumed that metal vases of the type existed and were used as models for the faience production, but none have even been found in the archaeological record. The catalogue lists 292 fragments. 161 Thompson 1973, 41ff. In two cases (Nos 1 and 141), masks were preserved on the vessel. 162 Thompson 1973, 45f. Four examples are known (Nos 112, 186, 195, 141), and in the first of these it is a tied taenia. 163 Spiral locks of the kind found in Egyptian wigs worn in the Hellenistic period by Isis and her priests are less common, see Thompson 1973, No. 123.

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she is shown making a libation from a phiale, a cornucopia, palm branch or scepter in her left hand, with a rectangular altar164 with acroteria or flat-topped, hung with garlands or tied with ribbons, bearing an inscription, in front. A form of altar derived from the Egyptian tradition appeared in these scenes in the late 3rd century BC, characterised by a panel distinguished on its side containing a spindle-shaped column on a base that was either low or high and furnished with a capital in the form of a disk and a pointed termination where the offerings were to be made. Inscriptions carved on the altar and on the shoulders of the oinochoe (ever lower in later times) bore the name of the ruler combined with the phrase ἀγαθῆς τύχης – a form of toast or greeting.165 Other kinds of faience vessels were also present in the tombs, such as a small vase decorated on the shoulder with two Bes masks and a figurine below. A register of decoration consisting of images of fantastic creatures runs around the body, bordered with an ornamental band.166 The tomb furnishings show clearly that other vases with relief decoration were also used as urns,167 as were black-glazed hydriae and amphorae with relief and painted decoration.168 Black-glazed Attic products were the most common among the remaining vessels,169 and in later funerary complexes plain utilitarian vessels;170 there were very few red-figured171 and polychrome vases.172 Red-slipped vessels occurred,173 as did vessels made of alabaster,174 faience,175 glass,176 bearing relief decoration,177 imitations of metal products178, and lamps.179 164 A round altar appears only once (Thompson 1973, Cat. 112, early 2nd century BC). This type of altar is rare also in the tombs, see the Chatby hypogeum A. 165 Thompson 1973, 19ff. 166 Breccia 1922, 271. Dated to the early 3rd century BC. 167 Breccia 1912, No. 40. Hydria in yellow stucco, with horizontal registers of relief decoration, imitating a metal vase. 168 Breccia 1912, Nos 41–49. 169 Chatby: Breccia 1912, Nos 93–209; Hadra: Breccia 1929, 125f.; Mustapha Pasha: Adriani 1936, 143ff. A few vases represent the last production phase with poorly preserved slip. The group includes oinochoai, gutti, skyphoi, lekytoi from the Talcott group, cups and kantharoi, both classic and of the goblet kind, also with West Slope decoration, kantharoi – bowls, cups and plates with stamped palmettes; fragments of Gnathia vases, including oinochoe, skyphoi, and a plate (Breccia 1912, Nos 617–624); Gabbari: a cup with decoration stamped on the bottom (second half of the 3rd century BC), fish plates (3rd century BC), and relief bowls (Ballet, Harlaut 2001, 305ff.). An Attic kantharos with a checker pattern and concentric squares was found in Gabbari; it is a rare example of an import from Athens from the 3rd century BC (see Grimm 1998, 88). 170 Breccia 1912, Nos 242–276: group comprising storage amphorae, lagynoi, stamnoi, olpe, lekythoi, bottles, ollae, and lekane. The pottery comes from the tombs of Mustapha Pasha, see Breccia 1936, 135ff. 171 Breccia 1912, Nos 91, 92: Kertch pelikai; for a parallel, Breccia 1929, 125: lekanis, lekythoi. Fragments of Kertch vases also were found in the western cemetery, see Grimm 1998, 88. 172 Breccia 1912, No. 87 (pyxis), No. 87a (amphoriskos), Nos 88–90 (lekythoi with net decoration); Adriani 1936, 145, item 6 (a small jug with decoration in horizontal bands). 173 Chatby: goblet kantharoi, lekythoi, small bowls, a cup, and a rhyton (Breccia 1912, 74ff.); Mustapha Pasha: two small vases, one with horizontal bands of decoration on the shoulders and neck (Adriani 1936, 144f.). 174 Breccia 1912, Nos 277–311. The most frequent form is an alabastron; also lekythoi, amphoriskoi, cups, and plates. 175 Breccia 1912, No. 233: skyphos with relief decoration, No. 235 cup; No. 236 alabastron. 176 Breccia 1912, Nos 312–347: mainly alabastra, fragments of mosaic cups. Glass inlays from Egyptian workshops were also produced in the mosaic technique with plant motifs, see Nenna, 1993, 46f.; Nenna, Seif el-Din 2000, 139ff. 177 Breccia 1936, 145. Fragments of quality Megarian cups, rare in Alexandria, were found in the Mustapha Pasha tombs. 178 Breccia 1912, 81ff.: hydria, kalpis and amphoriskoi once covered with gold foil or a coating of painted stucco. 179 Breccia 1912, 76ff ; Adriani 1940, 82f.; Mustapha Pasha: Breccia 1936, 149ff ; see Scheibler 1976, 9, 27, 33, 38, 40, 48f.).

Types of funerary complexes in Alexandria 121 The character of individual sets of grave goods is exemplified by the undisturbed burials found in the loculi of tomb O in Hadra.180 The simple variant included small undecorated vessels: pointed amphorae, jugs, kantharoi, lamps and alabastra made of alabaster; Hadra hydriae and decorated black-glazed products were rare here.181 Large vessels intended for funerary use, in Egypt mainly hydriae, with applied relief decoration depicting mythological subjects (so-called Plaketten-vasen),182 were produced from the end of the 4th through the mid-2nd centuries BC. Recent research183 has shown that they originated from Alexandrian workshops, among others, where they were made in 290/280–220/210 BC. The early Hellenistic tombs of Hadra and Chatby contained numerous faience vessels of Alexandrian make, as well as those produced in other workshops in Egypt.184 The most common forms are bowls of varying depth and vases with an ovoid body and high flaring neck. Monochrome vases are enriched with appliqué decoration: 185 plant or figural motifs, the latter either Bes186 or female figures. A second group is decorated with bichrome relief bands with geometric (wavy lines, astragal, lattice, checker, net patterns) and plant motifs (rosettes, lotus leaves, palmettes, garlands, ivy scrolls and laurel branches). Figural scenes included registers of animal images (especially griffins),187 and scenes of hunting188 and combat189, dancing190 and banquets.191 Terracotta workshops appeared in Alexandria as soon as the city was established, and they produced, with only slight modification, Greek types of terracotta figurines, especially Attic and Boeotian types,192 typical of the end of the 4th and the beginning of the 3rd centuries BC. 180 Adriani 1940, 91ff. For example: loculus 115 – two small black-glazed hydriae, small kantharos, three small jugs, a cup, a lamp, a plate, two lids of a bronze and a clay pyxis, a bronze mirror; loculus 116 – two alabastra, two spindle-shaped unguentaria, two plates, a cup, two lamps; loculus 123 – pyxis, four plates, two cups, a conical vessel, an alabaster vessel, three bronze nails. 181 Adriani 1940, 70ff. the richest burials include grave 2 (four small pointed-toe amphorae, an amphora, a jug, a cup, a kantharos, an alabastron and an alabaster cup), grave 3 (a Hadra vessel, a lamp, a small pointed-toe amphora, a small flask, two small jugs), grave 18 (two ollae, a small amphora, a small jug, prochous, a kantharos, an alabastron, a lamp). 182 Hübner 1993, 321ff. 183 Andreassi 1979, 21ff ; Nenna, Seif el-Din 2000, 142f.; Enklaar 2003, 397ff.; they have also been attributed to the Tarent workshops, see Dohrn 1985, 88–96. 184 Nenna, Seif el-Din 2000, 31ff. Workshops were found also, among others, in Memphis and Athribis (times of Ptolemy IV), and they were widespread in Lower Egypt as well as in Cyprus, on the Asia Minor coast, in Greece and Italy (see Parlasca 1976, 135–156). On the form, see Nenna, Seif el-Din 2000, 48f.; on the decoration, see ibidem, 65ff. 185 See Burr Thompson 1973, passim. 186 Ovoid vessel preserved complete from Hadra, see Nenna, el-Din 2000, No. 280. 187 Nenna, el-Din 2000, Nos 12, 13, 51, 52, 77, 92: fragments of cups from Hadra and Chatby. 188 Nenna, el-Din 2000, Nos 10, 47–49, 98–99: fragments of cups, mostly from Hadra; Nos 335–337 fragments of ovoid vessels, mostly from Hadra and Chatby. 189 Grimm 1998, 85. A relief alabastron, decorated with a lotus flower in the lower part and a garland in the upper one; the central part of the body bears a scene of Eros in combat with an Amazon. 190 Exclusively on cylindrical and biconical alabastra, see Nenna, el-Din 2000, Nos 400, 404. 191 Nenna, el-Din 2000, Nos 50, 100: fragments of cups from Hadra; Nos 327–333: fragments of ovoid vessels, mostly from Hadra and Chatby. 192 Fischer 1994, 20, 103. Production of Greek types of terracottas started in Egypt in the 6th century BC shortly after the arrival in 570 BC of a group of Ionian and Carian mercenaries. The workshops were located in Memphis. The figures, which have very meager distribution in Egypt, were limited to representations of so-called Scythian

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New types started to be introduced around the middle of the 3rd century BC. Molds brought by Greek artisans were for the most part made of clay as opposed to the local gypsum molds. A large proportion of terracotta figurines from the cemeteries in Chatby, Hadra, Mustapha Pasha and Ibrahimieh represented Tanagra figurines,193 children,194 isolated heads,195 socalled Macedonian boys,196 and sporadically actors.197 The first Alexandrian variants of Tanagra figurines appeared around the middle of the 3rd century BC.198 Figurines from the last quarter of the 3rd century BC are noted for their small size and simplified form but dynamic composition. Production ended after the first quarter of the 2nd century BC and the few later examples that are known are imports or a reference to other production centres (Asia Minor coast).199 Figurines of so-called Macedonian boys continued to be made through the late Hellenistic period.200 Images of divinities appeared in the first half of the 3rd century BC, but they are relatively rare among the finds. Identified figures represented

riders and heads of Egyptians and Persians; the most numerous were phallic figures with ethnic characteristics, ‘nude goddesses’ and erotic groups. They were much less common in the production of the Alexandrian workshops. 193 Fischer 1994, 20. Most early Hellenistic terracottas, especially the Tanagra figures, were made of a fine light brown clay. At first they featured a large rectangular air vent as in the Classic statuettes and an added flat rectangular base which in later examples took on different shapes and was modeled together with the figure. Figures refer to Boetian types (Breccia 1912, Nos 350–401 and 402–411: sitting women; Kleiner 1984, 112ff , Pl. 19b.c; Fischer 1994, Cat. 32, Cat. 33, see Mollard-Besques, III, I 18, Pl. 18a and Kleiner 1984, 158, Pl.10a, 117, Pl. 11e; Cat. 34). Female dancers and musicians were also popular in the 3rd century BC (see Breccia 1912, 125, Pl. 66,173; Breccia 1930, 34, Nos 85, 86, Pl. G,1); wailing women (Breccia 1912, 132, 133, Pls 70, 190 and 193, from Ibrahimieh; Fischer 1994, Cats 63 and 64). Attic and Boetian model terracottas from the late 3rd and early 2nd century BC from Gabbari, see Kassab-Tezgör 2001, 409ff.: Nos 1–3). 194 These are mainly figures of small girls in chitonia tied high under the breasts, holding an animal (see Fischer 1994, Cat. 53, from Chatby, first half of 3rd century BC; Cat. 54, fragment of a figure of a small girl with a duck, mid-3rd century BC) and statuettes of older girls in thin chitonia tied high under the breasts, a mantle on their shoulders, their hands on their hips (see Fischer 1994, Cat. 49). See Gabbari: a small girl with a bunch of grapes (see Kassab-Tezgör 2001, No. 3); a fragment of a girl figure (Ibidem, No. 4); heads of children (Breccia 1912, Nos 484–487), standing children (Breccia 1912, Nos 456–465) and sitting children (Breccia 1912, Nos 466–470), child with a duck (Breccia 1912, Nos 474–480), sitting boy with a diptychon (Breccia 1912, Nos 481, 482), boy on a horse (Breccia 1912, No. 483), animals: a dog, duck, cock, and bird (Breccia 1912, Nos 499–502). 195 Breccia 1912, Nos 412–455; Fischer 1994, Cat. 69ff. The earliest female heads, especially those from Chatby, sport melon hairdos with a wreath of hair surrounding the head like a diadem; also of early date is a melon hairdo with a knot of hair at back (see Fischer 1994, Cat. 94ff.) and a bow tied at the top of the head (see Fischer 1994, Cat. 121 ff.), decorated with a wreath, flowers and leaves (Fischer 1994, Cat. 129ff ; Breccia 1930, 29. No. 31, Pl. 5,2; 28 No. 18, Pl. 8,3, 42, No. 158, Pl. 49,3; in a massive wreath: Breccia 1930, 32 No. 66, Pl. 3,2; 35 No. 95, Pl. 56,16). Heads with long hair and a braid at the top (see Fischer 1994, Cat. 246ff.), dated to the 3rd century BC, may belong to figures of boys and girls. 196 A figure type not very popular in Greece, but common in Alexandria and on Cyprus in the 3rd century BC, representing boys in kausia caps and locks on either side of the head. Earlier examples, occurring in Chatby in the mid 3rd century BC, have fleshy, very round or square faces (Fischer 1994, Cat. 201–205), which become more oval and long in the last quarter of the century, characterised by full projecting cheeks and chin (Fischer 1994, Cat. 206–210). 197 Fischer 1994, Cat. 319: figure of an actor from the Old Comedy, represented in the gesture of ἀποσκοπεῖν, produced in Alexandria from an imported mold. 198 Figures of this type occur almost exclusively in the Chatby and Hadra cemeteries in the second quarter or mid3rd century BC, some of them from the same mold. The proportions and shaping of the figures changes with regard to local models, see Adriani 1934, Pl. 11,2 (Hadra); on the style, see Thompson 1973, 151f., No. 80, Pl. 29. 199 Fischer 1994, 49. Figure of a girl in a see-through chiton (Cat. 51) exemplifies the terminal production phase, while entirely different types, such as a women with a tambourine, are introduced at this time (Cat. 886). 200 Fischer 1994, 44, 47ff.

Types of funerary complexes in Alexandria 123 Aphrodite,201 Herakles,202 Harpokrates with cornucopia,203 and Bes.204 Attested in the tombs from the first half of the 2nd century BC are also figurines of the ‘nude goddesses’ Baubo, Eros, Priap, and Hermaphrodite; however, there were no Greek deities except for Dionysus, and no Egyptian divinities such as Isis and Serapis.205 Representations from the Egyptian repertoire make their appearance at this time: caricatures,206 especially of Negroes and cripples, grotesque figures of servants participating in cult activities, musicians, dancers, all kinds of Harpokrates figurines, and new representations of Priapus and Baubo, which make up the most numerous group of terracottas in the 2nd century BC. The grave goods included also earrings and circular or semicircular necklace pendants made of gilded clay or stucco,207 decorated with heads, palmettes and rosettes in the round as well as plaques used as facing elements,208 representing Nike, Gorgon heads, bukrania and female dancers, as well as Ionic engaged columns. The deceased was also given a wreath made of myrtle, ivy, gilded or painted clay flowers, and also fresh flowers, placed near the right hand, the neck or the head.209 In the case of cremation burials, wreaths were placed around the body or neck of the urn. Rare among the finds are all kinds of metal artifacts: golden and bronze jewellery,210 toiletries,211 bronze and iron nails, strigils, swords and blades,212 lead products,213 coins,214 as well as bone rods, fragments of auloi, and astragals.215

Numerous fragments of figures of Aphrodite Anasyromene come from the Mustapha Pasha III tomb (Adriani 1936, 156, Fig. 79, dated to the end of the 3rd or beginning of the 2nd century BC); a similar head was found in Hadra/Ezbeth el-Makhlouf (Adriani 1940, 105f., Pl. 40,1). 202 Breccia 1912, No. 238, Pl. 75: a statuette of Herakles from the first half of the 3rd century BC. 203 Fischer 1994, 80, Cat. 560ff. Among these a figure of Harpokrates with cornucopia originating from HadraManara. The type originated around 240–230 BC and was highly popular in the 2nd century BC. 204 Adriani 1936, 154f., Fig. 75 (Bes) and 76 (Harpokrates on an elephant) from Mustapha Pasha I, dated to the end of the 3rd century BC. 205 Fischer 1994, 83 206 Fischer 1994, 52, note 14; caricatures are practically absent from the early Alexandrian cemeteries. 207 Breccia 1912, Nos 505–507 208 Breccia 1912, Nos 508–517. 209 Breccia 1912, 163ff , Nos 518–526. 210 Breccia 1912, Nos 527–530: rings and necklace beads; No. 531: bracelets with lion’s head terminals. 211 Breccia 1912, Nos 532–536: rods/handles, mirrors. 212 Breccia 1912, Nos 537–553. 213 Breccia 1912, No. 554: a pyxis with lid. 214 Breccia 1912, Nos 563–580 (coins mainly struck by Ptolemy I). 215 Breccia 1912, Nos 555–562. 201

Chapter 4

The symbolism of the architectural forms, painted decoration and furnishings of tombs in Macedonia

Interpreting rituals connected with funerary cults is made difficult by the limited testimonies in written sources. This suggests that they derived from long-evolving traditions1 rather than religious conditions. Thus, the grave goods should be considered primarily as elements of ritual, rather than as carriers of religious ideas (at least to a lesser extent),2 or, when unable to determine their sepulchral–symbolic meaning, as a reference to the life of the deceased.3 The current assumption is that grave goods were part of an ‘system of signs’, interconnected according to set rules and not freely interchangeable.4 Applying semiological methods to the analysis of grave goods extends the discussion beyond a simple presentation of objects and representations, providing an opportunity to understand their meaning for members of a given social group.5 1. Architectural forms, painted decoration, interior furnishings The monumental form of a tomb in the territory of Macedonia evolved starting from a return to the traditional form of burial mound,6 the simplest form of tomb marker, to the custom of furnishing the dead with rich grave goods already in the early years of the Macedonian Kingdom. The cist graves of the 6th century either had no burial mounds to cover them, or these mounds were leveled off with time. The swelling size of the tombs constructed of stone slabs, present in all of the Macedonian cemeteries from the Archaic period on,7 caused difficulties with their covering. One solution was to introduce a support8

Thucydides (II 34,1) uses the term patrios nomos to refer to Athenian state burials. The notions of ‘sepulchral’ and ‘eschatological’ are considered on the same level, especially in publications concerning the interpretation of Apulian vessels as ‘bildliche Trostrhetorik’ (Schmidt, Trendall, Cambitoglou 1976, 1, 25, 46–50, 67, 90), but grave goods or representations referring to a funerary cult need not necessarily be treated as eschatological in their nature. 3 For example, transfer of daily routines to the underworld in the context of toiletries in the case of deceased women, items from the palaestra in the case of youths, and toys in the case of children, see Graepler 1997, 152. 4 The method was introduced by J.-P. Vernant and E. d’Agostino from the Centro di Studi sull’Ideologia Funeraria nel Mondo Antico in Naples, see Gnoli, Vernant 1982, 17ff., 289ff , 299ff.; Bottini, Greco 1974/75; d’Agostino 1977, Idem 1988; Pontrandolfo 1977; Idem 1979; Idem 1988, Pontrandolfo et al. 1988; Rouveret, Pontrandolfo 1984; Pontrandolfo, Rouveret 1992. 5 Graepler 1997, 156 note 42; Eco 1996, 57; Gnoli, Vernant 1982; for Paestum as an example, see Pontrandolfo, Rouveret 1992; see also Pugliese Carratelli 1988. 6 Tumuli were built from the Bronze Age, but it is impossible to trace a continuous line of evolution of this form of burial in northern Greece. The custom disappeared in the 8th century BC, but burial mounds from the Archaic and Classic periods in eastern Macedonia and Thrace are proof that the tradition was not broken. On tumuli, see Dörpfeld 1908, 365–369; Dörpfeld 1910, 388–393; Radt 1970 233–236; Hammond 1970, 53–67. 7 See p. 25ff. 8 Tomb in Palatitsa from the third quarter of the 4th century BC, see Andronikos 1987a, 10 and above, p. 28. 1 2

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The symbolism of the architectural forms of the tombs in Macedonia 125 or partition wall with a passage in it9 to divide the chamber into two parts. To make the sealing slab more durable it was supported on wooden beams. The bigger chamber was also connected with changing notions of access to the tomb: no longer through the roof, but through a doorway in the shorter side. This led to the evolution of a tomb design comprising a small underground structure open to the family for the obsequies and sometimes also, in later periods, during successive burials or for making offerings. The flat or even gabled stone coverings of the funerary chamber often cracked under the weight of the burial mound and were thus ineffective from a structural point of view. The barrel vault proved to be the required solution to this constructional problem, but there are no tombs that could produce evidence for stages of the introduction of this design. The first examples of a developed form of this new roofing come from a period after the mid-4th century BC.10 A barrel vault was applied in the Tomb of Eurydice in Vergina and an illusionist facade, a feature that would become one of the prime characteristics of Macedonian tombs, appeared on the back wall of the chamber in view of the extra outer wall that surrounded the tomb to hold up the weight of the burial mound. The architectural shape of the front is a consequence of the changes in the roofing of the chamber, requiring that the keystones of the vault and the undressed surfaces be screened off in some way. Each facade is different, with the architectural elements freely juxtaposed, using elements of either the Doric or Ionic orders.11 Engaged columns provided the effect of optical foreshortening, which is what one sees observing a portico from afar. Perhaps a portico was originally intended as leading to the tomb, but it was not a stable element of an underground structure12 (Figure 17). Painted stuccowork was employed to achieve the ends of masking the vault and presenting an illusion of another building. Similar procedures can be observed in the decoration of the interior of the vestibule and chamber; references to the structural style already can be discerned in the cist graves from the early 4th century BC. The presence of a facade in a subterranean tomb, the division of the interior into a vestibule and chamber, and its interior decoration raise questions regarding the model for this architectural form. The earliest interpretations referred to a temple front because of the columns and tympanum.13 This arrangement is not present, however, in all of the tombs and the interior is nothing like a sacral space in its form.14 The facade with an Tomb in Katerini from the second quarter of the 4th century BC, see Despini 1980, 198ff. and above, p. 28. For a list of tombs, see Gorzelany 2000a, 94f.; for an analysis of funerary structures, see Dimakopoulos 2000, 125ff. 11 Compilations were introduced as well, e.g., an Attic capital with a Peloponnesian base or vice versa, and also forms popular in earlier times, such as a triglyph with semicircular bars, as was the case in Greek buildings of the 6th and 5th centuries BC. Failing to abide by the rules of the canon came from a limited understanding of the rules characterizing Macedonian architecture, see Miller 1972; Miller 1982, 157. 12 Tomb with a portico in the Great Tumulus in Vergina, see Andronikos 1997, 83. 13 Rhomaios 1951, 20; Sismanidis 1985, 35; Lauter 1986, 200; Fedak 1990, 104. 14 A certain convergence between the two might be the result of the Macedonians being used to complexes more modest than the Greek peristyle temple. These, however, are not well studied. Attested examples include the late Archaic monumental Ionic temples at Thermi and Kavala, an Archaic Doric temple of Zeus in Stageira, a Doric temple of Athena(?) in Torone, and the ‘hekatompedos’ of Demeter known exclusively from 6th-century BC inscriptions from Galepsos. The preservation of these complexes is not sufficient, however, for a detailed understanding of their architectural form. Classic Doric peripteral temples included the building from whence issued a relief metope from Tragilos or Amphipolis, as well as a temple of Zeus-Amon from the second half of the 4th century BC in Aphytis/Kallithea. They were all constructed in cities which were not part of the Macedonian Kingdom before the second half of the 4th century BC. So far, not one peripteral temple is known from central Macedonia. The sanctuaries of Kybele and Euklea in Vergina, Aphrodite and Kybele, Demeter and Darron(?) in 9

10

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illusionist depiction of a portico might have represented a propylon leading to a heroon or house of the dead.15 The propylon form emerged in the 4th century BC as an element of developing palatial architecture which drew on many aspects on design solutions adopted in residential architecture of the Classic period.16 The portico and propylon, present in religious complexes, bear strong political and ideological connotations, imbuing palaces with a sacred atmosphere.17 They are at the same time a mark of luxury and an enrichment of the entrance facade. The facade of the Tomb of the Judgment in Lefkadia and the propylon of the palace in Aigai was of roughly similar form,18 with the ground floor in the shape of a propylon and the upper floor with a balustrade and false windows in the clerestory, marked by engaged columns in between them,19 and a tympanum topping it all. Small engaged columns in the Ionic order between the windows were attested by bases and capitals also in the northern part of the eastern peristyle of the basileia in Pella. There was most likely a frieze above the peristyle, above which in turn was the upper floor, with a series of Ionic engaged columns separating the windows.20 Similar propylons, although not as presentable, were part of peristyle houses built in the second half of the 4th century BC.21 Researchers have also pointed to the role of theater architecture in the facade of the Tomb of the Judgment, comparing it to the front of a proscenium with partitions in the intercolumnar spaces.22 The parallel is based on a two-floor skene23 and upon illusions of space introduced into stage painting;24 other than that there is nothing to support such comparisons.25 The facade of the Tomb of the Judgment in Lefkadia notwithstanding, the complexes with ground-floor fronts are modeled on residential architecture rather than palatial. The connection between tomb and house has a long tradition in Greek culture: burials were made under or next to the domestic hearth as well as under the door threshold or in front of the house entrance.26 The door of the house where the dead lay became the Pella, Asklepios and Demeter in Dion are complexes of smaller cult buildings in an open space. They share a lack of monumentality in particular. Actually, Pella may be the only place where such a temple could have stood, dedicated to Athena Alkidemos(?); three column drums 1.60 m in diameter can be seen there not far from the Acropolis. On temples in Macedonia, see Felten 2000, 405ff. 15 Heuzey, Daumet 1876, 253; Petsas 1966, 87f.; Gossel 1980, 37; Andronikos 1987a, 16. 16 See p. 129. For example, a group of three rooms, to the south of the tholos in the palatial complex in Aigai, recalling sets of rooms in late Classical peristyle houses, see Heermann 1986, 345ff.; Hoepfner 1996, 13, 29f. 17 Brands 1996, 66. 18 Petsas 1966; see above, p. 58f. 19 Nielsen 1994, 81–101; Pandermalis 1976, 387ff.; Pfrommer 1999, 98ff. In its form this facade also resembles the gates of Zeus and Hera on Thasos, which was rebuilt in the last quarter of the 4th century BC, see Bacchieli 1984, 55; Brands 1996, 71. 20 Hoepfner-Schwandner 1994, 315. 21 The House of Dionysus and Helena in Pella, see Makaronas, Giouri 1989, Pl.1,2,3. 22 Bacchieli 1984, 55ff. He gives as an example the Santangelo terracotta from the Museo Nazionale di Napoli, which presents a theatre stage. According to Bacchieli, the facade of the tomb in Lefkadia, depicting the judges of the Underworld, symbolises a ‘Porta dell’Ade’, which ‘non indica semplicemente la separazione fra il mondo dei vivi e quello dei defunti, bensi anche il passagio dalla sfera umana a quelle eroica’; see Brands 1996, 70f. 23 Froning 2002, 48ff. This type of skene was built about 330 BC. According to the latest reconstructions, theaters in Epidauros (about 300 BC) and in Priene (Dontas 2000, 134ff.) are among the first to have a two-floor stage building, with both levels taking on a portico form. 24 Schörner 2002, 67. A skene with a thyromata appeared in the early Hellenistic period, comprising painted decoration in two places: within the proskenion where pinaces were placed between two columns, or within the logeion where the openings of the thyromata permitted paintings of very large size. These set elements can be discerned in vase painting, e.g., a fragment of an Apulian calyx crater from Würzburg dated to the mid-4th century BC (inv. H 4696 and H 4701). 25 On the ‘facades’ of tombs in Alexandria, see p. 176ff. 26 Eitrem 1909, 4ff. See also the mythical tombs inside the temples (e.g., the tomb of Erechtheus in Athens and of

The symbolism of the architectural forms of the tombs in Macedonia 127 entry to Hades.27 The funerary cult was celebrated there, taking on an apotropaic character over time, because both good and evil souls passed through them. Perhaps closing the door of a burial chamber in the Macedonian tomb while leaving the vestibule open for a while can be considered as evidence of a custom of making offerings to the dead in the vestibule. The entrance to the visited vestibule was blocked with stones only after some time. Two types of Greek houses were the most common:28 the prostas29 and the pastas,30 and the peristyle house emerged in the 4th century BC.31 Public buildings like the Pompeion by the Dipylon Gate in Athens prompted the introduction of peristyle courtyards in private houses.32 The size of these houses and their richer interior furnishing manifested Python under the omphalos in Delphi). Hermes, initially god of the hearth, stood on guard of the good relations between the dead and the living in the house. Over time the custom related to a house was extended to the agora (the place of burial of heroes, such as Pelops in Olympia), the area in front of a city gate (like the burials in front of the doors to houses), and then the crossing of three roads. At the same time Hermes extended his sphere of protection from just the hearth (θεὸς μύχιος) to single residences (θεὸς πυλαῖος), civic communities (θεὸς ἀγοραîος) and whole cities (θεὸς προπύλαιος). 27 Πύλη was considered as the primary place of the souls. An iron gate with a bronze threshold led to Hades (Homer Iliad VIII 15). According to Hesiod (Birth of gods 811ff.) a threshold will endure only after the ashes of the ancestors are buried under it. Like the domestic hearth, so the threshold was treated as a place of asylum, see Eitrem 1909, 14. 28 For a catalogue of Greek houses, see Bulla 1970; for a discussion of the types in particular cities and reconstructions, see Hoepfner, Schwandner 1994. 29 Hoepfner, Schwandner 1994, 322. The model for the prostas type was the megaron house with vestibule, a hearth (in the oikos) and an opening in the roof, attested in the Mycenaean and Geometric periods (see also Drerup 1962, 1ff.). The prostas type appeared in Pireus in the 470s BC: the northern side encompassed living rooms, the oikos and portico were at the centre, the andron with klinai next to it with a vestibule open onto the courtyard (with a columnar facade and pediment), the entrance on the south side, as well as the household and auxiliary chambers. See also a reconstruction of a house from Priene in: Wiegand, Schrader 1904, 285. The vestibule of a megaron house comprised two columns between parastada, supporting a Doric entablature and the pediment of a gable roof; the last two elements are debatable, see Drerup 1967, 7. 30 Hoepfner, Schwandner 1994, 322f. The oldest known examples of a house of the pastas type with a fully developed columnar vestibule are the buildings in the Aliki sanctuary on Thasos, dedicated most likely to Apollo. The older one, initially with an Ionic vestibule, was built about 525 BC, while the other one, furnished with a Doric portico, is dated to about 550 BC. They served sacral functions, and cult banquets were held in the rooms with hearths and klinai (see Börker 1983, 14f.). The canonical form of the pastas was constructed in Olynthus in 432 BC: a series of living rooms preceded by a portico, two floors on the northern side, and ground-floor rooms on either side of the courtyard. It probably followed an older plan; hence the pastas can be assumed to have existed already in the mid-5th century BC. 31 Hoepfner 1996, 2ff. Before Phillip II destroyed Olynthus in 348 BC, a few houses were rebuilt in the more elaborate peristyle form. This type became hugely popular all over Greece in the middle of the 4th century BC. The division into the official and the residential parts is clearly discernible in the House of the Mosaics in Eretria (see below, p. 128). A combination of the peristyle with the prostas, which housed the residential quarters, can be seen also in the late Classical house in Maroneia in Thrace. A quarter of a century after the house in Eretria the palatial private residences south of the agora in Pella were constructed (Makaronas, Giouri 1989); the inner divisions of these houses were like those in the houses from Eretria and Maroneia. The House of Dionysus, constructed in 323 BC, had a large courtyard with a Doric peristyle of stuccoed limestone in the official part, next to two banquet halls entered from the central chamber, which was open onto the courtyard. The oikos was just as elaborate: a peristyle courtyard with Ionic columns around it and an upper floor on the entire northern side, also in the Ionic order. The other courtyard was surrounded by a Doric peristyle. In the House of Helene, the peristyle feature Doric limestone columns on the ground floor and marble Ionic ones on the upper floor. 32 This complex was constructed about 400 BC as a place from which the Panatenaic processions started and where the banquet ending the feast was held. The entrance was accentuated with a propylon comprising four columns holding up a tympanum. One may mention here also the northwestern wing of the Propyleia in Athens, the so-called Pinakotheke, which J. Travlos suggested was originally arranged as a banquet hall with 17 klinai (Tomlinson 1990, 405ff.; critical of this idea: De Waele 1990, 30ff.; see Hurwit 1999, 197).

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differences in social status; later palaces were transformed only to the extent that they were made bigger, being enriched with a columnar front and a monumental entrance. The facade seems to be a compilation of the official parts of the house, the portico and the andron. Its upper part in the Tomb of the Judgment in Lefkadia would represent the wall of an andron, which often had large windows,33 and the tympanon reflected the pediment of the propylon leading to the andron. Similar references can be observed in the interior arrangement of the tombs. In size the burial chamber, which measured 3 m by 3 m, referred to the triclinium. Taking into consideration the prothalamos–thalamos arrangement, one can distinguish a group of tombs with chambers of equal width and height, uniform decoration, and a facade with a framed doorway. A second group is made up of tombs with a differently shaped burial chamber and vestibule. The model in the first case was an andron with vestibule, while in the second case the burial chamber corresponded to the oikos and the vestibule to the pastas, the courtyard or a wing of the peristyle.34 The House of the Mosaics in Eretria, dated to the first half of the 4th century BC, is a good example of such an arrangement.35 The three most important official rooms of this house correspond to the first and second groups: a small room 3 m by 3 m, a bigger one with a vestibule with doors that can be closed, and the biggest room opening straight onto the courtyard. Inside it, beds were placed on a platform running around the room, and a mosaic decorated the centre of the floor. The oikos was the main living space in the private quarters, while the andron was in the official part of the house where symposia were organised. In the case of the basileia, the royal andron often had an ornamental facade or propylon.36 Since women most probably did not participate in banquets from an early period, the andron was developed entirely to suit the needs of the dominant group of males.37 There are no houses from this period to illustrate this process, but its presumed appearance can be reconstructed based on vase painting: the sometimes costly klinai were covered with exquisite materials, and the tables set with vessels for eating and drinking, and food. In modest-sized houses the andron had three beds.38 Hoepfner, Schwandner 1994, 315f. Gossel‑Raeck 1996, 73ff.; Gorzelany 2000b, 241ff. 35 Ducrey‑Metzger 1979, 5; Reber 1989, 3ff. 36 The oldest Macedonian palace, which is in Aigai, comprised two peristyles. Square banquet chambers surrounded the main courtyard. Two androns in the middle of the southern side of the peristyle were separated by a vestibule with an entrance formed by three piers combined with engaged Ionic columns; the wall was thus made to look more decorative and official, see plan in: Hoepfner 1996, ill. 5ff., 12. 37 Hoepfner 1996, 15. The double andron plan, which emerged in rich peristyle houses in the late Classical period, was connected among others with the growing role of women in public life and their increasingly frequent participation in official banquets. See also below, p. 129. 38 Hoepfner, Schwandner 1994, 327f. In the 7th and 6th centuries BC, androns were part of palaces and rich aristocratic houses, but were absent from the houses of lower strata of society. Androns were assumedly generally introduced in the new house types from the early 5th century BC, prompted by the need to create a space for increasingly popular political debates. Chambers for guests became an integral part of the city house in Pireus and later in Olynthus. The Hellenistic period witnessed a rise in the number of affluent citizens adopting certain customs from an Oriental way of life. Androns became a dominant part of houses not only of the rich, but also of the poorest members of society. 33 34

The symbolism of the architectural forms of the tombs in Macedonia 129 Communal meals had an important place in Greek everyday life, not only the private δεῖπνον in the company of friends, which usually preceded the συμπόσιον, the libation banquet, but also the official or semi-official banquet, which was part of the polis community’s life. From the early Archaic period communal feasts were a regular part of religious and political festivals. They took place in the agora, in banquet houses39 or hestiatoria in sanctuaries.40 In sanctuaries off the beaten track, far from settlements and the destinations of long pilgrimages to celebrate cult festivals, tents would be set up not only as shelter for the pilgrims for the night, but also to hold the ceremonial feasts.41 This example demonstrates that the origins of official and elaborate banquets lay in the religious sphere. It was the reason for excluding women from joint banqueting; in the early period, they did not celebrate cult functions, while meals prepared by men, hunters, were associated with making offerings.42 Secularisation led to banquet halls being introduced in private houses. A presentable effect was achieved by connecting the hall with a portico or peristyle. The space in the portico was where the banqueters met before the feast; this was also the place where meals would be prepared and wine mixed. A similar function was observed in the palatial complexes in Aigai and Pella, and in private houses with double androns where the particularly valuable tableware was presented.43 Therefore, characteristics typical of banquet halls were present in androns as well. The ennoblement of the private house also was achieved by decorating the floors with mosaics and, from 400 BC, adorning walls in the structural and architectural style.44 Like the peristyle courtyard, these are elements typical of monumental architecture and public buildings. In Macedonia remains of colourful plaster were discovered, among others, in a house in Pella,45 confirming the role of this type of decoration in shaping the appearance of the vestibule and the burial chambers, partly also in stucco.46 In tombs where the burial chamber imitates an andron, the wall decoration was enriched with figural paintings which are not present in private houses, but a mosaic floor has been attested in only three tombs.47 A reading of the written sources suggests a coffered ceiling of the androns, at least in the For example, the banquet house from the 6th century BC in the Heraion in Argos: three banquet chambers occupied the northern side of a courtyard there. From the late Classical period there is the Leonidaion guest house in the western part of the sanctuary in Olympia, dated to 330 BC. In all of the wings were chambers opening onto a courtyard surrounded with Doric columns. On the outside the house was surrounded with an Ionic colonnade, see also Herrmann 1972, 169f.; Hoepfner 1996, 6. 40 Börker 1983, 10; Heermann 1986, 336ff. Archaeological sources attest to the building of houses with hearths already in the Geometric period to be used by political and cult communities as places for holding assemblies, making offerings and partaking in banquets. The predecessor of a house with hearth was a place in the open for burning offerings; the Greek temple is also derived from it. The other predecessor is a shrine for the cult statue. Temples bringing together under one roof a cult statue and a hearth (e.g., temple of Apollo at Dreros in Crete, dated to the mid-8th century BC) gave sanctuary to the deity as well as to the banqueting worshippers. One of these two functions disappeared in later times, leaving the temple as solely the house of the divinity, but the act of partaking in a common meal lies at the root of the Greek temple idea. 41 Goldstein 1978. 42 Kircher 1910, 54. 43 Hoepfner 1996, 14. 44 Walter-Karydi 1994, 32. See the northern chamber in the Propyleia on the Acropolis in Athens. 45 Siganidou 1982, 31ff. 46 Analogous to the later first and second Pompeian styles, see Gossel 1980, 39–50; Bruno 1969, 305ff ; see also Andreou 1988. 47 See p. 63 note 147. 39

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bigger peristyle houses.48 Plaster of one colour was the more common solution, as indicated by the prevalence of this type of decoration in the tombs. In three burial chambers the design on the vault was borrowed from textile or carpet patterns:49 the πυργῶτος motif,50 a border, alternating bands of different colours, and triangles in the corner of the chamber or a row of walking lions. These patterns are comparable to Oriental travel rugs and textiles, often decorated with elaborate motifs, also willingly imported into Greece.51 A rug of this kind is imitated by a mosaic with rhombuses on the floor of the tomb in Langadas and another one in Amphipolis-Kastas. Small fragments of real textiles, found in the tomb in Sedes-Thessaloniki and dated to the 4th century BC,52 may have been mounted originally on wooden planks forming a flat and decorative ceiling of the chamber. Textile patterns on the burial vaults may constitute an imitation of the banquet tent. Tents were not part of a strictly defined architecture of the polis, although they were in common use, put up in sanctuaries as hestiatoria for pilgrims. They were connected more with customs typical of the monarchy and royal residential architecture: audience tents were common in Macedonian and Persian court life, put up during expeditions to create space for elite meetings,53 where large receptions could be held.54 These took place in gardens which were perceived as a mark of luxury,55 a place for courtly rituals and occasionally royal hunts as well.56 2. Forms of the burial and grave goods The typical arrangement of klinai in banquet halls calls for the beds to stand on a raised dais a few centimeters high; the width of this platform corresponded to the width of the beds, usually 80–100 cm.57 The klinai and tables, usually made of wood, have not been preserved either in the androns or in the hestiatoria.58 Their presence is sometimes attested by small openings in the floor to house the legs of a kline. Examples of stone have been preserved in a small Hellenistic banquet hall in Perachora and in the Asklepieion in Corinth.59 The Plato, The Republic, 529B. See p. 67. 50 Athenaeus V 196–197c; Studniczka, 1914, 51ff.; Grimm 1981, 14–17; Tomlinson 1986, 607ff.; Rouveret 1989, 206ff. 51 These are Achaemenid textiles; see the remains of a covering textile of 4th–3rd century BC date from Pazyryk/ Altai, decorated with a border of walking lions very much like the animals depicted on the vault of the tomb in Dion I (see Lullies 1962, 87f.); on the subject of the felt carpet with appliqué heads of lions and Persian textiles, see Lorenz 1937, 199ff. 52 Steingräber 1988, 230f. Fragments in yellow, dark blue and red disintegrated shortly after their discovery, but their find spot in the middle of the chamber, far from the kline, excludes any connection with the burial itself. A similar case was observed in the Thracian tomb Golemata Mogila (see Filow 1934, 103f.; Kotzias 1937, 870ff.), where fragments were discovered at the top of the earthen fill within the tomb. 53 The tent served simultaneously as a canopy above the king and his associates, and it emphasised the king’s charisma, see Athenaeus XII 539d and V197a; Studniczka 1914, 154, 170f. 54 Von Hesberg 1996, 86. In the rule of Alexander the Great, a tent for 100 banquet beds was set up at Dion for the ceremonies in 335/334 BC preceding the departure of the expedition to Asia (Diodorus Siculus XVII 16,4). An audience tent (Athenaeus XII 539d; Studniczka 1914, 25f.), also with 100 beds, was set up in Susa to celebrate the king’s wedding in 324 BC; it may have been the same tent that Alexander acquired as booty after the battle of Issos (Plutarch Alexander 20, 3; 21, 1) and which was originally intended for private use. 55 On symposia held in gardens, see Diodorus Siculus V 19,2. A golden throne and silver klinai in a garden are mentioned also by Athenaeus (XII 537d); see Sonne 1996, 136ff. 56 Xenophon Anabasis 1,2,7; Xenophon Cyropaedia 1,3,14; 1,4,5. 57 Bergquist 1990, 37ff. 58 See a reconstruction of wooden furniture in: Hoepfner 2002, 413ff. 59 Tomlinson 1970, 311f. 48 49

The symbolism of the architectural forms of the tombs in Macedonia 131 beds were 1.7–1.9 m long.60 Their arrangement along the walls of the room testified to the equal status of all the participants in the gathering.61 The smallest androns were fitted with three klinai. Two or three stone beds preserved in each of the Macedonian tombs may be interpreted as furnishings essential for banqueting.62 Wooden furniture would have been used sometimes, similarly to in the cist graves; it has not been preserved, but it is attested by hollows in the floor. There is no evidence for beds in tombs before the first half of the 4th century BC, and it is also impossible to say when exactly the reclining position on a kline became the customary banqueting style.63 Burial chambers of the 6th/5th century BC in Vergina and in Sindos,64 the biggest known cemetery from about 550–450 BC, do not contain any beds. What is characteristic, however, is furnishing the dead of both sexes with miniature chairs and three-legged tables, spits on stands, and vessels made of iron and more seldom of bronze, demonstrating how preparing meals and banqueting were carried into the sphere of the Underworld. In the 4th century BC the bed was the most important piece of furniture, for the Macedonians as for the Greeks. They banqueted on the kline and 60 The kline could have been of a different size as attested by the data from the Parthenon inventory of 434/433 BC; concerning ‘Milesian’ and ‘Chian’ kline, see Bouras 1967, 117. 61 Węcowski 2002, 341ff. In Greek poetry the symposion is represented with the image of goblets of wine being passed around the banquet hall. The cup was passed from the left to the right (ἐπιδέξια). A wine-filled krater was at the centre of a symposion. Since so few kraters are known from the territory of Macedonia, it is acceptable to assume that a situla filled with wine served this role there, see below, p. 138. 62 Gossel 1980, 6, for example, the tomb in Potidea. It should be kept in mind, however, that some of these tombs contained only single burials. 63 The reason was probably the difficult political and economic conditions in Macedonia in the 5th and the first half of the 4th century BC, not conducive to richer burials. The Macedonians may have adopted the custom of banqueting in reclining position the from the Greeks, with whom they had relations starting from Archelaos and Alexander, as well as from the Persians. Alexander I and his hetairoi had multiple opportunities to see banqueting Persians and the luxury tablewares that the latter used. Athenaeus (I 18a) mentions a custom from the times of Alexander the Great allowing Macedonians to banquet in reclining position only after having displayed their prowess in hunting, see below p. 158 note 361, and regarding Persian influence on Macedonian customs, see Paspalas 2000, 531f.; Paspalas 2006. 64 Tomlinson (1989, 1496f.) associates this necropolis with the Thracian tribes owing to the custom of banqueting seated, attested for a later period by representations in the tomb in Kazanlyk. Borza (1990, 88f.) suggests a Near Eastern and Egyptian influence with regard to the presence of miniature objects with the burials, whereas the quantities of golden artifacts present in the tombs suggest the use of Thracian ore deposits. He thinks that the tombs may have belonged to Paionian or Thracian tombs, but does not exclude the possibility of Sindos being an Archaic Macedonian necropolis with grave goods actually pointing to more extensive relations with Asia and the Balkans rather than with Greece; Hammond (1999, 56) considers the burials in Sindos as a cemetery of the Thracian tribe of Edonai, which in 510 BC occupied the eastern coast of the Thermaic Gulf, supported by Persian troops. Closely resembling the finds from Sindos is the furnishing of the tombs in Trebenište (see Filow 1934). The cemetery belonged to an Illyrian tribe. Men were buried with a sword, helmet, pins, adornment and other grave goods, women with jewellery and other valuables. There are many posthumous golden masks, golden gloves, golden sandals, objects made of silver, and elaborate bronze vessels. The Illyrians extracted gold and silver from their own source and maintained relations with Corinthian colonies in the Adriatic; Epidamnos and Apollonia; Epirus and the oracle in Dodona; Deuriopos; Paeonia; and the cities of Ichnai and Sindos, which had trade relations with Potidea and colonies of Corinth. The furnishings of the tombs in Sindos would thus confirm their belonging to the Paeonians, who were in close contact with the Illyrians, while the presence of Greek objects was evidence for contacts with the Greek colonies. Masks and jewellery indicate a high level of development of metal-working, especially goldsmithing. A large number of bronze and silver vessels, Attic black-figured vases, Corinthian and Ionian vases, and terracottas, as well as glass vials from Phoenicia attest to trade exchange with Ionia, Aeolia, Corinth, Eubea and Attica, as well as a high standard of living of the inhabitants of the small settlements in the Thermaic Gulf, Sindos, Thermi, Agia Paraskevi and Aigai. These objects were found in graves dated to 560–500 BC. Changes in tomb furnishings in Sindos, their pauperisation and the disappearance of miniature objects, is observable from the first half of the 5th century BC, when Macedonia recovered the northern territories in the Thermaic Gulf, although Paeonian and Thracian population groups continued to live in clusters in Macedonia still in the mid-4th century BC (see Hammond 2002, 22f.).

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slept and laid their dead on it for burial so that by making offerings they could have the dead partake in the feast as well.65 Two or three beds, sometimes amphikephaloi, were set up in the Macedonian tombs and in rock-cut tombs, just like in androns of small size. The size of the burial chamber is made to match these beds. They are accompanied by benches serving as tables. The kline also refers to some extent to the funerary bed; remains of such beds have been recognised in the funerary pyres, although it is the symposium bed that is usually depicted in a funerary context,66 as demonstrated by the ornamental covers and pillows that are carved on them in relief and painted. In three instances, exclusively in the necropolis of Vergina,67 there is a throne set up in the burial chamber.68 It should be seen as a status symbol, presumably indicating belonging to the royal family.69 These thrones are a kind of seat70 not representative of the utilitarian furniture of their time, but designating a place in the heroic sphere.71 Thronosis, enthronement, referred to a divine liturgy:72 it was a ceremony of Orphic nature, described by Nikias of Eleia. His work Thronismoi metroioi kai Bakchika enabled private initiation practices under the aegis of the Great Mother or Kybele. Her servants danced around the enthroned. In Samothrace this ceremony took place in an Archaic tholos, and later in the Arsineion.73 The other term for the throne, kathedra, is linked to the festival of the dead,74 during which an additional chair was set up for the deceased at the banquet organised by the family. The deceased was perceived as a ‘higher force’ of ambivalent nature; the kathedra demonstrated the family’s respect. Enthroned figures were seldom the subject of sepulchral carvings.75 There are no premises to link the thrones from Vergina with female burials,76 although iconographic evidence most frequently associates this piece of furniture with representations of women,77 shown in the company of servant girls holding chest of See below, p. 133. Beds in funerary and symposium contexts from Greece, see Boardman 1990, 122ff. 67 The Rhomaios Tomb: a type of throne known from representations in vase painting from the Archaic period, frequent in South Italian painting (see Richter 1966, Pls 85–122). Analogous appliqués in the form of terracotta pieces of furniture known from late 4th-century BC Taranto (see Lullies 1962, Fig. 16,3) and from preserved wooden sarcophagi from the Black Sea littoral (see Lullies 1962, 48f., Pl. 1,2). 68 A single find in the form of a diphros from a cist grave from Stavroupolis, see p. 42. 69 The importance of the throne is emphasised by the fact that after Alexander’s death all disputed issues were reviewed by Eumenes and the council of officers by his empty throne, which was meant to indicate his presence (see Plutarch Eumenes 13,3–4). On the worship of an empty throne, see Cain 1989, 87 note 4. Councils were held also sitting on klinai and thrones (Athenaeus XII 537d). Thrones in Attic houses are attested in written sources, but never described in detail, see Bergemann 1997, 39 note 48. 70 Kyrieleis 1969, 162ff. 71 Klauser 1927, 6. In the Classical and Hellenistic periods, θρόνος was reserved for cult or festive purposes; all kinds of seats were commonly referred to as καθέδρα. See also Cain 1989, 87ff ; Lohmann 1992, 109f. 72 Kerényi 1997, 222. See the enthronement of a Dionysus-child as king of the world; the raised dais in the throne halls of rulers from Minoan and Mycenaean times (Knossos and Pylos); ceremonies of carrying a throne inside the Greek temples as a sign of communing with the deity. 73 Socrates’ description in Plato Euthydemos 277d. 74 Festival of making offerings to Adonis: καταγίζουσι and καθέδραι as terms for days of mourning for the dead, see Klauser 1927, 50f. 75 Bergemann 1997, 38ff. Thrones are sporadic as images on marble lekythoi, see Schmalz 1970, 106, A 46 (Pl. 20), A 192, A 198, A 297. 76 Sismanidis 1997a, 198. 77 Klauser 1927, 5, 32ff. Funerary representations depicting a woman seated on a diphros by a stele or on the steps to a stele are present on white-grounded lekythoi as well. See also Nagy 1998, 181ff. on the monumental representations of enthroned goddesses. 65 66

The symbolism of the architectural forms of the tombs in Macedonia 133 jewellery78 or a child.79 Enthroned women appear in scenes of a banquet of the dead in votive reliefs,80 the earliest of which tend to show three figures: a semi-reclining banqueter, a woman seated on a throne, and a servant. Representations of banqueters lying on a bed are a measure of the growing importance of the notion of a banquet in the Underworld. They appeared in Greece in the second half of the 7th century BC.81 Women were shown with a three-petal flower (pomegranate) or an alabastron with a mixing rod. A tripous was shown standing in front of the kline. A finishing touch is the image of a dog either sitting or lying under the table, a bird (guinea fowl), pieces of armor, and a mirror. Most of the reliefs from 400–300 BC are from Attica.82 The emphasis is placed on the figure of the banqueter in these representations. The woman, if she is present at all, sits on a small diphros and holds a ribbon as her attribute, which she holds out to the banqueter. Alternatively, she may be holding a box with incense which she drops into the thymiaterion shown standing on the table. Adorers may also be depicted in the scene, as well as a small square altar with sacrificial animals being led to it and the head of a horse in the background.83 A pyramid of cakes can sometimes seen be seen on the table along with flower buds (πυραμίδες ὀμφαλωτὰ, πόπανα),84 fruit (pomegranate fruit) and eggs. Only two reliefs of this kind showing a banquet scene are known from the territory of Macedonia.85 Representations of the symposium as a banquet in this world and of a funerary banquet in the Underworld appeared simultaneously with the first reliefs depicting a funerary banquet scene.86 The decoration of these vessels found in the tombs was presumably meant See below, p. 141. On steles from Vergina in the dexiosis scene, see Saatsoglou-Paliadeli 1984, Cat. 5, 6, 15. 80 Thönges-Stringaris 1965, 3, 48ff., 58ff. A group of reliefs from Laconia, the Greek islands and Ionian territories in Northern Greece, dated to 520–450 BC. They derive from Laconian reliefs of heroes which were the first to show a type of figure enthroned and holding a flower. Most of the reliefs were votive gifts for heroes or chthonic deities, used only later as sepulchral carvings for the heroised dead. The votive banquet encompassed making an offering to the hero, thus establishing a relation between the hero and the living, who were often shown as adorers. The image of a banqueting hero presumably derived from a worship of old heroes at their tombs (heroa) and the custom of bringing them food offerings. 81 Thönges-Stringaris 1965, 3. The motif was presented for the first time by Alkaios of Mythilene (7th/6th century BC). Its Oriental origin, derived from the customs of nomadic peoples, is confirmed by Herakleides from Kyme (Athenaeus II 48c–d) writing a history of Persia in the times of Phillip II, and by the peripatetic philosopher Phinias (Athenaeus II 48d–e: Artaxerxes offering a silver bed to the Greek Entimos). In the East, the motif of a reclining male in banquet appears for the first time in a relief of Assurbanipal (672–630 BC) from Niniveh (see Fehr 1971, 7ff.) and on a fragment of a silver cup from Kourion in Cyprus (Fehr 1971, 19f.). Further confirmation of the Oriental source of the custom comes from Archaic terracotta figurines showing a semi-reclining banqueter with a rhyton in hand from Rhodos, Kos and Samos, and from Boeotia and Corinth (see also Dentzer 1982). In Greece, the earliest association between feasting in a reclining position and the Dionysiac sphere is found in the Corinthian milieu, shortly after the middle of the 4th century BC. The feast of Dionysus dominates in representations of symposia in black-figured vase painting (Fehr 1971, 128ff.). 82 Funerary steles constitute a small number of reliefs, see Dentzer 1982, 347ff. 83 Thönges-Stringaris 1965, 58. Horse representations point to a chthonic aspect; they may also indicate the status of the deceased as a member of the class of equites. 84 Thönges-Stringaris 1965, 18. They were offered to Demeter, Persephone, the Erinyes or generally to the ‘gods’ (see Aristophanes, Thesmophoria 284f.). 85 Despinis, Stefanidou Tiveriou, Voutiras 1997, no. 19 (from about 380 BC) and 21 (third quarter of the 4th century BC). 86 Effenberger 1972, 137. The first representation of an Elysian symposium is shown on a Laconian cup from Paris (E 667, CVA France vol. I, III DC, Pls 3,11): human-headed birds and winged boys are shown flying above the head 78 79

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to evoke pleasant forms of everyday activities in the context of death and life after death in the underworld.87 It also referred to the heroic sphere: representations of a banqueting Heracles had the connotations of his deification after death and a felicitous existence among the gods.88 From the first decades of the 4th century BC the banquet scene was depicted on funerary steles as well.89 The deceased, however, was shown not as a hero, but shorn of the attributes and the atmosphere of heroic loftiness embodied by the raised rhyton, among others.90 The architecture, decoration and furnishing of the Macedonian tomb thus refers to the appearance of the andron and the symposium that took place there. The frieze from tomb III in Agios Athanasios, dated to the end of the 4th century BC, stands in confirmation of this notion: the painting depicts a symposium of three males, corresponding to the images in reliefs showing the funerary banquet. The companions, who are shown arriving, provide the broader context, recalling the symposia attended by the hetairoi that the king organised at the royal court.91 The couple shown in semi-reclining position in the tympanum of the Tomb of the Palmettes in Lefkadia should be interpreted in a deeper religious sense.92 Similarly to in the facade of the nearby Tomb of the Judgment, the image here depicts Hades and Persephone, referring thus to the underworld.93 The key held by the god opened the bronze gate of the underworld,94 symbolised by the monumental doors to each of the tombs. The deceased was also depicted in a banquet scene on a stele, which comes from Demetrias, but which, owing to the dead man’s origin from Amphipolis, may be interpreted following the symbolism applied in Macedonian tombs.95 The man rests on a kline covered with a patterned textile and with two large cushions; in his left hand he holds a silver krateriskos (καρχήσιον96). A table stands before the kline, with next to it a bronze situla,97 from which a servant draws wine in a jug to pour for the deceased.

of the deceased, holding lotus flowers and wreaths. Derived from this model is the representation of a hero as a symposiast reclining on a kline with a trapeza bearing food shown standing in front of it. Demons from the Underworld were left out, although the Elysian gifts were left in. See also a representation of a symposium of the gods in Carpenter 1995, 145ff. 87 For the link between a banquet of the deceased in the Underworld and Orphism, see below p. 140f , 153ff. 88 Wolf 1993. 89 Thönges-Stringaris 1965, 65. The Boeotic stele of Saugenes (from Tanagry, about 410 BC) is the first known example of a symposium shown in the tympanum. 90 Thönges-Stringaris 1965, 50. In Attica of the 4th century BC, images of a banqueting deceased were not perceived as heroizing the dead, but as a means of establishing a status as a higher being, a being worshipped, one to be feared. Only the mythical dead were considered as heroes, see Rohde 1925, 154. 91 On symposia in the Macedonian court, see Borza 1983; Sawada 2010, 393–399. 92 See p. 60f.; for female participation in banquets, see above, p. 128f. 93 Rhomiopoulou, Schmidt‑Dounas 2010, 79ff., see also Mantis 1990, 35. 94 Eitrem 1909, 37. 95 Barr-Sharrar 1982, 124, Pl. 1; Fabricius 1999, 46. Painted steles are characteristic of the early Hellenistic period; apart from Macedonia, they are found also in Achaia and Alexandria. In Demetrias, steles of this kind started indicating a heroic aspect of the deceased in the 2nd century BC through the introduction under Macedonian influence of appropriate symbols, such as a snake or the head of a horse. 96 Athenaeus XI 474e. 97 On the form, see below, p. 138.

The symbolism of the architectural forms of the tombs in Macedonia 135 Communal meals were reserved principally for men. Symposia98 took place in the andron, and the banquet itself was divided into a deipnon and symposion.99 Specific rituals marked the course of the banquet: For now the floor is clean, and the hands of every guest, and the cups; one lad puts woven wreaths about our heads, another brings round a jug of fragrant perfume; the mixing-bowl stands full of good cheer, and other wine, which vows it will never play false, is ready in the jar, mild to the taste and sweet to smell. In the midst frankincense gives forth its sacred odour and water stands cool and sweet and clear. Before us lie yellow loaves and a noble trayful of cheese and rich honey. The altar between is decked all about with flowers, and the house is filled with song and feasting. Now first must merry men hymn the God in holy story and pure word; then when they have made libation and prayed for power to do what is right – and that is their first duty  – there’s no wrong in drinking just so much as will bring any but the very aged home without a servant. 100 The symposium started with a sacred act which offered from a goblet handed by the banqueters from hand to hand a few drops of undiluted wine to the agathos daimonos. Then hands were washed and perfumed, and wreaths of flowers, myrtle and ivy were placed on heads. Red ribbons were also tied around the heads. The banquet was a ritual of community between the banqueters and the gods: the goblets, kraters and jugs were wreathed because wine was treated as more than just a gift of the gods; it was often identified with the god himself. Once wine was mixed with water, fragrance was burned and successive offerings were made,101 and a banqueting paean was sung to the music of flutes as another sacred act that was apotropaic and ceremonial at the same time. The symposium is thus a sacred act of ritual significance.102 At the Macedonian court the private and public spheres were Mühl 1975, 483ff.; Danielewicz 2000, 23ff.; Węcowski 2002; Węcowski 2011; Węcowski 2012. The Greeks introduced the separation of eating and drinking, giving the latter activity a privileged status over the former. Rituals connected to food, especially with regard to meat offerings, were concerned solely with its division, see Murray 1990, 6; Schmitt-Pantel 1990, 14ff. 100 The Elegy of Xenophanes, trans. Edmonds 1931 (http://www.perseus.tufts.edu/hopper/text?doc=Perseus%3At ext%3A2008.01.0479%3Avolume%3D1%3Atext%3D10%3Asection%3D2, [20.08.2018]). See also a description of Xenophanes’ symposium reported by Athenaeus (XI 462c–463a) with an interpretation in Herter 1956, 33–48. Murray (1990, 5) distinguishes four basic types of communal banqueting: religious feast, soldiers eating together, a public meal funded by the polis as a mark of distinction, and a pleasurable symposion. 101 Wine from the first mixing was offered to Zeus and the Olympian gods, wine from the second mixing to heroes, from the third to Zeus the Savior or Zeus Teleios (‘leading to a fortunate end’). Wine from the first mixing could have also been intended for a libation to the agathos daimonos and from the third to Hermes, see Danielewicz 2000, 25. 102 In the Greek world, the ‘ sacral’ is not easily separated from the ‘secular’ owing to the tendency to have the altar present in different buildings (the palestra and gymnasium for sport, the prytaneion and bouleuterion for public use and the centre of the courtyard in private houses) and activities like making offerings and singing hymns 98 99

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intertwined, referring to Homeric times and consolidating elites. Despite similarities with the Greek symposium in the way it was held, the rich tableware sets preserved in the burial assemblages demonstrate the royal and luxurious character of the banquet, close to Oriental customs. The social position of the participants was made apparent during the banquet,103 even though the king and his hetairoi formed one community in banquet, battle and council. The political and social aspect of the Macedonian symposium is a key factor differentiating it from Greek banquets.104 Objects used during real symposia accompanied the dead as well. Vessels were put on tables,105 counters – kylikeion, known from representation on reliefs with funerary banquets, among others. There is no archaeological evidence for the presence of such counters in the tombs. Perhaps they were replaced with stone benches found in the burial chambers of a few of the tombs.106 The richest finds of tableware vessels107 come from cist graves (Derveni), most probably because they were less visible than Macedonian and rock-cut tombs, and thus less likely to be robbed. The grave goods preserved in Macedonian tombs II and III in Vergina constitute an exception from this. These vessels illustrate the kind of tableware used during real symposia. Compared to an earlier period, when metal vessels were kept in families from generation to generation, they had lost their uniqueness and were treated as personal effects.108 Single metal vessels were found in burials from the 5th century and the first half of the 4th century BC;109 in the later part of the 4th century BC the rule became to offer whole sets. This is evident in tombs from the cemeteries in Derveni, Nikiasi and Vergina, and also from tombs in Sedes, Stavroupolis, Tsagesi and Potidea. It may be assumed that Asteiounios, son of Anaxagoras from Laris, who lies in tomb B in Derveni, was part of Alexander’s expedition,110 as shown by two silver phiales, a silver jug and a glass beaker, characteristic of Asia Minor products without parallel in Macedonian tombs. to the gods taking place in both spheres. These elements are shared, and will appear in cult feasts organised in sanctuaries as well as during private festivities. 103 Participation in a symposium was tantamount to belonging to the courtly group. The changing status of guests was reflected in their placement during banquets: people of higher status took their place near the king’s bed. Having just a seat was also indicative of lower social status (Athenaeus XVIII a). 104 Pownall 2010. 105 There is no surviving evidence of wooden tables in the tombs, but it is to be assumed that the tableware vessels were set up on such furniture, at least in the richer graves. 106 See p. 68 and Völcker-Janssen 1993, 212. The vessels in the tomb of Alkestas in Termessos were presented in relief on the walls. Piled-up vessels were a mark of the dead man’s status and had a presentable aspect, see below, p. 137. 107 On the number and value of gold and silver vessels in the 4th century BC, see Aristophanes’s comedy Plutos (809f. and 813f.), played in 388 BC; Athenaeus also mentions the subject (II 460d–f). 108 This change is confirmed by vessels from an earlier period, e.g., the silver kylix and bronze amphora from the second half of the 5th century BC from tomb B in Derveni, found in the context of graves from the second half of the 4th century BC (see Pfrommer 1987, 173 note 1188f.). Another example is a silver phiale discovered in tomb II in Kozani from the end of the 5th and the beginning of the 4th centuries BC (see Ninou 1979, no. 45, Pl. 10). 109 With the exception of the reign of Archelaos, in the second half of the 5th century BC there is an evident pauperisation of the Macedonian state. Attic metal vessels among the grave goods in the time of Archelaos should be treated as imports or diplomatic gifts. Access to sources of silver and gold in the Panagaion mountains and at Philippi was ensured only after Phillip II conquered Krenidas in 356 BC. The economic situation is confirmed by archaeological finds of gold and silver vessels: precious metal vases imported from South Italy and Corinth were found in the late-6th and early-5th century Greek-Illyrian graves at Trebenište (partly gilded silver kantharoi, rhyta, beakers and large bronze kraters, see Filow 1927) or at the necropolis in Duvanlij (for silver vessels, see Filow 1934). 110 Völcker-Janssen 1993, 198.

The symbolism of the architectural forms of the tombs in Macedonia 137 Other equally rich tombs in this necropolis lead to the assumption that they belonged to members of one important family. The grave goods from these tombs, as well as the finds from Stavroupolis, Potidea and the tombs in the Great Tumulus in Vergina, made up for the most part of symposium vessels mainly of silver, indicate that it was the custom in courtly circles to give very costly sets of tableware as grave goods. The less bountiful grave goods included the most basic vessels, those for drinking and storing wine, as shown on the stele from Demetrias.111 It is also possible in this period to precisely determine the political and social connotations of using symposium vessels;112 its production should be considered in the context of use during aristocratic banquets. Metal vessels were prestigious pieces, adding to the impact exerted by palatial architecture.113 The public nature of courtly symposia enforced the need for serial production encompassing not only drinking vessels, but also storage pots, strainers and ladles. Their form was modeled on Attic vases preferred for their shape and decoration114 with evident Achaemenid115 and Thracian influences.116 A similar process took place a rebours.117 New forms appeared in the second half of the 4th century BC, still in the reign of Phillip II: Macedonian cups made almost exclusively of silver and decorated with emblemata on the inside in the court workshops,118 as well as 111 See above, p. 134. See also a situla standing next to a bed of a banqueter that in shape resembles closely the situla from Kalamaria, see below, note 119 and Barr-Sharrar 1982, 124f. 112 Schmidt 1990a, 62. The change in quality of the tableware used by elites in the Hellenistic period (see Polybius V, 2, 10; Livy XXXIV, 52, 4; XLV, 39, 5); Athenaeus IV 128ff. (Antygonid dynasty); Athenaeus V 197c–203b (Ptolemaic dynasty); Athenaeus V 194c–195f. (Seleucid dynasty) compared to the late Classical period is exemplified by the attack on the then strategos Alkibiades mentioned by Plutarch (Alkibiades 13), accusing him of private use of silver and gold vessels belonging to the polis used during official ceremonies. 113 Zimmer 1996, 130ff.; the course of a banquet in Macedonia, in the middle of the 2nd century BC, during the nuptials of Kabanos (in: Athenaeus IV 128). See also a krater from tomb B in Derveni, the form and aesthetics of which dominates over its functionality, made with the intent of depositing it as grave goods or as a mark of the prestige of the owner, presented during banquets. 114 Barr-Sharrar 1982, 125ff. For example, a krateriskos on a high base with unfluted body and handles which are not joined to the simple rim characteristic of Macedonia; a low kantharos of similar shape from tomb B in Derveni and tomb III in Vergina. The black-glazed pieces of this type were not popular (Attic import in a tomb in Langadas, see Macridy 1911, 198, Pl. 7); two bronze cups of lesser quality of this type in grave Δ in Derveni (see p. 37 note 64); krateriskoi, popular for their elegant form, which were becoming ever more slender and more elaborate in the second half of the 4th century BC, were produced through the second half of the 2nd century BC, but in the 3rd century BC they had already become rare in Macedonia (e.g., Tomb of the Palmettes in Lefkadia); lekythoi of the Talcott class; see Zimmerman 1998, 42ff. 115 Achaemenid cups (κονδύα in Athenaeus XI 477f–478a; 784ab; Pfrommer 1987, 56ff.) of the Macedonian type differ not only by the decoration, but also by a strongly profiled and everted vessel rim. There are no rich unrobbed burials from the 3rd century BC, but analogous black-glazed cups are attested, presumably more popular in this period, among others, from tombs in Amphipolis (dated still to the end of the 4th century BC, see Pfrommer 1987, 224). They went out of use in the second half of the 3rd century BC. Paspalas 2006, 90–120, discusses the Achaemenid influence on various objects from the assemblages of grave goods found in Macedonia. 116 Silver jug from tomb B in Derveni, demonstrating different cultural influences in the decoration: Thracian in the palmettes with point decoration and the form of the vessel, Achaemenid in the tongue ornament on the handle and Greek in the palmette decoration on the shoulders (see Pfrommer 1987, 89). 117 The body with relief decoration and plastic medallions makes the vessel more decorative and their glossy surface imitates metal products, see Drougou, Touratsoglou 1997, 155ff. Situlae of type C made of clay (classification of Zahlhaas 1971, 88ff.) – examples are known from tombs A and Δ in Derveni and the Tomb of Phillip II in Vergina – also imitate metal products (see Zimmermann 1998, 47ff.). The two kinds of workshops influencing one another are reflected in the krateriskoi, which refer in form to metal vessels, but the shape of the rim is borrowed from ceramic products; the form of the skyphos borrowed from ceramics was similarly transposed. 118 Vessels from the Tomb of Phillip II in Vergina decorated with the heads of Sylenus and Dionysus (dated to 330–316 BC, see Pfrommer 1987, 57ff., 235); vessels from Tomb III – head of Pan (last quarter of the 4th century BC); from Stavroupolis – head of a woman (fourth quarter of the 4th century BC); from Derveni – head of a woman and a Gorgoneion (grave B; made in the third quarter of the 4th century BC; with an Italo-Lesbian

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situlae.119 Achaemenid cups enjoyed much greater popularity than phiales and kantharoi in the group of metal objects in the late Classical and early Hellenistic periods. The distribution of the Macedonian version is actually restricted to grave finds from the centre of Macedonia (Aigai and Thessaloniki). The preserved situlae, sometimes furnished with a strainer to strain the wine, appear to confirm mentions in the written sources describing Macedonians also as drinking unmixed wine,120 and would explain the appearance and popularity of this type of vessel in the Macedonian court.121 Artisans working in metal, some of them surely of Attic origin, adopted ceramic forms and decorative elements because of the popularity of certain clay vessels. Trends were set by court circles, influencing the growing demand for luxury items in private households. This did not eliminate clay vessels from regular use, particularly because of the better olfactory results when used for wine,122 which could also be kept cool for longer periods of time due to the porosity of the clay containers. Eventually glass vessels started to be produced, modeled on metal products; a few examples of fine quality, found among the grave gifts, were produced most likely in a workshop operating in Pella at the end of the 3rd century BC.123 In less affluent circles relief-decorated ceramics modeled on the luxury table sets of metal were considered especially valuable.124 Metal vessel imitations were not just an intended cheaper version of expensive items for the less well-positioned social classes,125 but were treated by potters as a challenge of their technical skills.126 They were included in kymation on the shoulders); see Pfrommer 1987, 56ff.; Völcker-Janssen 1993, 201. 119 Classical traditions can be discerned in the form and the palmettes decorating a situla from the late 5th century BC from Thessaloniki/Kalamaria (Ninou 1979, 81, no. 332). The shape appeared in Thrace in the last quarter of the 5th century BC along with migrating craftsmen and remained popular there until the first quarter of the 3rd century BC. Macedonian examples from the 4th century BC are more elegant on the whole, with a more developed relief technique of making the appliqués decorating the base of the handles, and also a fine engraved ornament (see p. 76 note 226: silver situla with gilded ornament from Tomb III and the Tomb of Phillip II in Vergina; numerous bronze situlae from Derveni, see p. 37 note 64; bronze situla from the tumulus in Arzos on the Hebros (Komotini) from the end of the 4th century BC, see Yalouris, Andronikos, Rhomiopoulou 1980, 156, no. 107; situla-jug from Kozani from the 5th/4th century BC, see Ninou 1979, 41, no. 36; situla with a rim shaped like a lion’s head from the 340s BC from Nikesiani in eastern Macedonia, see Yalouris, Andronikos, Rhomiopoulou 1980, 161, no. 122). Plastic rims were presumably influenced by Priental models (a frieze from the Apadana in Persepolis), transposed in the Greek colonies in the Propontis or Thrace, whereas the ultimate form of the situla was developed in Macedonia in the second half of the 4th century BC. A similar process took place in the case of the situla with concave walls (example made of bronze from Tomb B in Derveni), see Barr Sharrar 1982, 127ff. 120 Diodorus Siculus XVI 87 and Athenaeus XII 537. Kraters could have been solely ceremonial in function (see the krater from Derveni) when making offerings of wine in context with the god Dionysus, who taught men to mix wine with water in this vessel (Athenaeus XI 465a), see Lissarrague 1990, 196ff. 121 Barr-Sharrar 1982, 127ff. Candela (1985, 24ff.), however, assumes that the situlae from northern Greece were modeled on South Italian products. They were assumed to be made in Macedonia by Apulian craftsmen. Epirus is said to have acted as an intermediary in passing on the form; analogous metal vessels with plastic handles, same as in Macedonia, were found there, rare in black-glazed Attic ceramics but frequent in Corinth and South Italy. Contacts via the later via Egnatia are attested already in the 6th century BC (see above, p. 131 note 64 and Zimmermann 1998, 148 note 865), but even so it is more likely that clay vessels were produced in South Italy, using as models earlier metal situlae from Macedonia and Thrace (Zimmermann 1998, 53), or that these centres were producing independently at the same time. 122 Vitruvius VIII, 6, 2. 123 Chrisostomou 1998a, 67 note 55 and above, page 44 note 91. 124 See above, note 117. 125 Schmidt 1990b, 64. 126 Hübner 1993, 331f. Working in clay was an essential skill for the artist metalworker, but it is not clear how extensive the potter’s metallurgical training was. Vessel bodies were shaped from sheet metal, while the handles and relief elements were cast in molds and attached to the bodies. Cups with figural decoration in relief, the

The symbolism of the architectural forms of the tombs in Macedonia 139 the grave sets for the dead of the poorer classes desiring to follow in the footsteps of the aristocracy. Imitations of metal vessels were also obtained through the process of tinning, which was intended to create substitutes for expensive vessels to showcase the deceased’s luxurious lifestyle. Tin was cheaper than silver, but even so it was relatively expensive, having to be imported. Tinned vessels were also found in tombs richly furnished with expensive goods, gold, silver and bronze, belonging to the social elites.127 A common find in burials of all classes in this period were black-glazed ceramics, imported from Attica in the second half of the 4th century and already produced in the local workshops by the end of the century in imitation of West Slope decorated ware.128 The hydria was a multifunctional vessel in the context of grave goods. Together with bowls, jugs and situlae it formed part of the hand-washing set used before a symposium. Spring water from a hydria was also used to bathe the corpse,129 and it is also attested as the oldest liquid offering made during the burial,130 replaced by olive oil from lekythoi in the Classical period.131 Water, milk, honey, and wine constituted the χοαί for the deceased;132 libations made with water and panspermia with wheat grains and honey during the Anthesteria were intended for both the deceased and Hermes Chtonios.133 The hydria also served as a funerary urn and as a sepulchral monument, like the lutrophorai.134 Amphorae served a double function.135 They contained wine consumed during the symposium and intended for the offering;136 as an urn137 this vessel referred to a representation of the nuptials of Peleus and Thetis on Vase François: Dionysus was depicted carrying a large golden amphora with wine, the work of Hephaestos, intended in the future s0-called Homeric cups, exemplify ceramics made in pottery workshops despite a form recalling metal models; they were common in the times of Antigonus Gonatas (before 229/228 BC) in Macedonia (fragments from Pella, Thessaloniki, Veroia, Vergina), Alexandria and Boeotia, found most often in the richer houses, see Sinn 1979, 17, 47. On the interrelation of clay, metal and glass vessels, see Igniatiadou 2012, 215–246. 127 Kotitsa 2003, 70–73; Kotitsa 2012, 109–123. 128 Drougou 1991a, 28; Tzanavari 2012, 127–157. 129 Palatine Anthology VII 55, epigram of Alkaios from Messena. 130 The earliest representation of the Athenian Hydrophoria festival in the cult of the dead comes from a Late Geometric kantharos in Copenhagen (NM 727), found in the Kerameikos (see Asche 1956, 35ff., 54ff.). Hydriae are found frequently in Thracian tombs, covered with a drinking cup, see Filow 1934, 230ff. 131 Diehl 1964, 124. 132 For example, an offering poured by Odysseus (Homer Odyssey XI 26–28); offering of milk, honey and spring water made by the queen at the tomb of Darius (Aeschylus Persians 613). 133 Eitrem 1909, 42ff. 134 Clay and bronze hydrae from tombs in Greek territories, see Diehl 1964, 68ff.; in Macedonia, they were found both in cist graves and in Macedonian ones, see p. 40, 41 notes 9, 49, 56 notes 104, 74. Marble lutrophorai decorated the tombs that were destroyed when the Great Tumulus was constructed in Vergina, see p. 82 note 290. The lutrophorai decorated with reliefs or fluting (from about 380/370 BC) usually formed a splendid funerary monument for young unmarried women (Pausanias VII 21, 14; Plutarch, Moralia 302F; Peek 1960, 460: a young girl is wedded to Hades as Persephone; Kokula 1984, 121f.), but also for men of different ages as attested by relief representations, see Dehl 1981, 178. This was in opposition to the process of the transformation of white-ground lekythoi, which grew in size even as they lost in the last quarter of the 5th century BC their function of olive oil containers, thus turning into a large stone vessel with relief decoration, used as a cheaper form of a funerary monument (see Schmalz 1970, 81ff.). At the beginning of the 4th century BC, the graves of young girls were decorated with hydrolutrophorai, often in combination with grave steles. 135 Storage amphorae occurred also in this context, see p. 55 note 90, 77 notes 242–244, and Chrisostomou 1998a, 69. 136 Lissarrague 1995, 126ff. In later times oinochoe were also used in this function. 137 See p. 36, 47 notes 104, 74.

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for the cremated remains of Achilles washed in undiluted wine and olive oil (Homer Odyssey 24, 74ff.). Although the wine was not intended for offering to chthonic deities, libations for the soul of the deceased were made with wine and blood also at the funerary pyre or over the grave.138 Life-giving blood awakened the shades in the underworld and the soul lived in blood, according to beliefs. Faith in the life-giving properties of wine allowed the blood offering to be replaced with this beverage.139 The feast after the funeral (περίδειπνον), in which the soul of the deceased took part, was restricted only to the symposium.140 The offering for the agathos daimon, a good divinity identified with the ancestral spirits, was meant at the same time as worship of all the dead family members. The offering from the second krater, for the heroes, was identical to a gift for the deceased, because everyone became a hero after death, if he or she had lived a devout, courageous and just life.141 The recipients of the offering, the Olympian gods (Zeus Soter as patron of the community), the heroes, and the dead, formed a trinity which was according to Aristotle (On the Heavens I 268) the number of the whole, encompassing the beginning, middle and termination, as well as being a reflection of excellence.142 The feeling of tipsiness which accompanied a symposium was viewed in Dionysiac-Orphic circles as an expression of unity with the god, and the soul preparing for rebirth was expected to be immersed in a krater full of wine and hence full of the god.143 It was tantamount with an act of purification but equally so with the highest level of initiation and fulfillment of the promise of new life carried in the mysteries.144 ‘Wine as a fortunate gift of honor’ is mentioned in a text on a tablet from Pelinna,145 suggesting a wine offering by the grave or indicating a grave gift in the form of a vessel full of wine. This verse refers to the past as well as to the future – wine played the main role both in the Bacchic initiation and in the future symposium (συμπόσιον τῶν ὁσιων) to be celebrated by the blessed in the other world.146 It was also traditionally associated with a thanksgiving for regaining freedom.147 The phiale was a cult vessel for making liquid offerings148 and it was frequently made of metal.149 From the beginning of the 7th century BC it was considered a sacred object and palm branches and incense would be carried around in it during ceremonies.150 Larnaces were urns of a different kind than amphorae, made also of metal, imitating in form the construction of the wooden prototype;151 two larnaces from Tomb II in the great Homer Iliad XXIII 221; Homer Odyssey XI 27; Aeschylus Persians 614f.; Euripides Iphigenia in Tauris 164. Kircher 1910, 77. 140 Kircher 1910, 56. 141 Kircher 1910, 36f. 142 Szram 2001, 51, 65f. 143 Plato Republic 2,363c. Orphics identified bunches of grapes with Dionysus Botrys, drawing a parallel between the Titans tearing apart the god and the crushing of the grapes as part of the wine production process, wine being perceived as the blood of Dionysus, see below, p. 156. 144 Horn 1972, 48. 145 See below, p. 154. 146 Riedweg 1998, 374 note 65. 147 Homer, Iliad VI, 526–529. Also in the context of the manumission of slaves, see Bellen 2001, 16–17 and 17–20 (‘water of freedom’). 148 Luschey 1939; Lissarague 1995, 126ff. 149 Strong 1966, 55, 75, 80. 150 Pindar, Victory Odes 7,1. 151 Brümmer 1985, 4ff , 151. Boxes appear in Attic, south Italian and especially Apulian vase painting of the 5th and 138 139

The symbolism of the architectural forms of the tombs in Macedonia 141 Tumulus in Vergina are a good example. Larnaces can also be seen in the painted wall decoration of box and Macedonian tombs and there are remains in the archaeological record in the form of ornamental elements.152 They were in wide use in the household, the private sphere, sanctuaries, and caskets for votive offerings or as an element of grave furnishings. They were decorated with plant motifs: rosettes, flowers, leaves, palmettes and meanders and egg-and-dart patterns; they also had metal box mountings. Solar motifs and stars, which decorated the larnaces from Tomb II in the Great Tumulus in Vergina and were known already from disks discovered in the tombs of Sindos, later in Vergina, Aiani, Katerini, and Derveni, were treated as a dynastic emblem.153 Funerary connotations cannot be excluded in view of the prevalence of this ornament, associated with life after death, the symbolism of immortality, or life.154 The term ‘larnax’ used in reference to a coffin,155 theke as a box for the burial, but also the tomb and the tumulus, also occurs as the synonym soros.156 Some boxes, especially in images painted on the tomb walls, refer to the widely used kibotoi157 for holding manuscript scrolls,158 textiles or kiste for jewellery;159 in this context they formed together with other female attributes a representation of the gynaikonitis.160 A popular image of giving a small casket is linked to an act of passage (telos): in wedding scenes from maidenhood to marriage and in the funerary sphere between two worlds, that is, between life and death.161 Mirrors were another item162 connected with the female part of a house; a toilet article as its prime function, it also served an important 4th centuries BC. Surviving examples include wooden coffins from the 4th and 3rd centuries BC, miniature clay models, made as offerings in both female and male tombs since Proto-Geometric times, as well as imitations in monumental form, made of stone, clay or metal. 152 See above, p. 30 notes 35, 31, 32, 34, 39, 45, 64. 153 Tripodi 1986, 653ff. 154 In vase painting from the 6th century BC on shields and small caskets, see Adams 1983, 1ff.; Ritter 1981, 202. 155 Brümmer 1985, 12. See Homer Iliad XXIV 795 (burnt remains of Hector wrapped in a purple textile, laid in a golden larnax) and Thucydides II 34,1 (funeral of Athenians fallen in war); the term ‘larnax’ is used also with regard to other kinds of boxes, e.g , silver larnax containing the tools of Hephaestus (Homer Iliad XVIII 413), boxes for gold (Herodotus III 123,8). 156 Brümmer 1985, 14, 159. Homer (Iliad XXIII 91) used it in reference to a grave or tumulus, whereas in the times of Herodotus (I 68) it also referred to boxes for burials (Euripides Alkestis 365: stone soros and larnax; Pausanias II 23, 7f.: soros in Argos, allegedly containing the remains of Ariadne). The oldest preserved wooden coffins are from the Classical period. 157 Pausanias (VI 22,1) used the term exceptionally to refer to the coffin with the ashes of Pelops in Olympia. 158 Brümmer 1985, 4ff. See above, p. 31f.: wall painting in a cist grave in Pella. 159 See above, pp. 36, 39, 45, 64, 71, 73, 80, 86; Brümmer 1985, 16. 160 Brümmer 1985, 134ff. Representations of this kind in vase painting often correspond to wedding scenes. Chests are used as seats for women or are presented as wedding gifts during the anakalypteria. 161 Brümmer 1985, 165. The popular dexiosis gesture expresses in this way the relations among the figures in the iconography of funerary steles (see p. 82 note 286), see Himmelmann 1956, 11; Neumann 1965, 49; Schmalz 1983, 209, 214; Scholl 1996, 164ff ; Bergemann 1997, 61f. The motif is widespread in official representations as well, which would suggest its more formal character, similarly as in the relief decoration on lutrophorai, see Kokula 1984, 20. Breuer (1995) interprets in political terms a dexiosis representation from the 5th century BC, ideologically associated with a scene depicting merits for the polis: the motif of ‘farewell to the warrior’ (Stupperich 1977, 183f., in red-figured vase painting from about 460 BC, see also Spieß 1992, 150ff.) referred to glorification warranted by death (θάνατος καλός). The nature of dexiosis scenes changed in the 4th century BC along with the evolution of social relations in the polis and the growing importance of the links between the private sphere (more numerous representations of women in these scenes) and the public one – this phenomenon is evident in the emphasis on the devotion to the warrior instead of solidarity with him. In the Hellenistic period, the dexiosis motif became common among all the depicted figures. 162 See pp. 29, 34, 45. For analogous meaning of female artifacts depicted on funerary steles, see Bergemann 1997, 84f. and on white-ground lekythoi, see Schmalz 1970, 81ff.

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role in the cult of the dead:163 this was determined on one hand by fear of the soul of the dead and on the other by the resemblance between the soul and the reflection seen in the mirror. Mirrors were believed to capture the soul in a way that guaranteed it its existence without threatening the living.164 A vessel from the female sphere, which occurred also in male burials, was the alabastron containing scented oils,165 essential for the banquet and symposium preparations. In this function were the silver amphoriskoi from Tombs II and III in the Great Tumulus in Vergina, which were used to serve aromatic oils to the banqueters. Alabastra were used in the funerary sphere for bathing and anointing the corpse:166 they were placed around the body during the prothesis, to sprinkle the body and as a grave gift for the dead of both sexes.167 It is difficult to say whether the clay alabastra found in the tombs, much like clay unguentaria of analogous purpose, were put there filled with oils or empty. The large number of them in some tombs, especially from the second half of the 3rd century BC, may reflect the number of mourners making offerings, which were subsequently placed near the corpse.168 Some of them were purely symbolic in nature, in similarity to the white-ground lekythoi.169 Pyxides from Hellenistic times,170 unlike the earlier periods, are found almost exclusively in the grave furnishings of both men and women, but they have no particular sepulchral significance.171 They were very popular in Macedonia. It may be assumed that the same workshops that were producing in the 3rd century BC under Attic influence and in the 2nd century BC under Asia Minor influence172 supplied the vessels placed in tombs in Pella and Veroia.173 Pyxides were decorated with plant motifs, a characteristic anthemion kymation and with medallions with protomes of Erotes, Aphrodite or Satyros/Pan on their lids. Depending on their size, they were intended for cosmetics, which often left a trace of the content inside: psimythion (for whitening the face), cinnabar, alkanet used as blush, or for jewellery174 or grave gifts.175 This is particularly true of the large caskets of type II with three legs, suggesting a link with the small tables depicted in reliefs of funerary banquets.176 Pyxides had no regular place in the tomb; only in Veroia was it possible to observe a Dreger 1940, 71ff ; Balensiefen 1990, 169ff. Mirrors also occur in male burials. Kerényi 1964, 285ff. 165 Pliny XIII 19: unguenta optime servantur in alabastris. 166 In Greece, embalming was known already in the Mycenaean period. In the Iliad, Aphrodite embalms Hector’s corpse as the one goddess most closely connected with oils and perfume (Homer, Iliad XXIII 185ff.). 167 Lohmann 1979, 160f. 168 Anderson-Stojanović 1987, 121. Generally on alabastra, see Angermeier 1936. 169 These are alabastra with a small container inside them, limiting liquid volume, see Graepler 1997, 190 note 341. 170 Together with unguentaria in the niches of the Tomb of Lyson and Kallikles in Lefkadia, see Miller 1993a, 68ff. 171 Kotitsa 1996, 182. 172 Kotitsa 1996, 186. 173 Drougou, Touratsoglou 1980, 147f.; Barr-Sharrar 1982, 132f. suggests the existence of metal models for the pyxides, but there are no finds to verify this idea. Type I was produced in Athens from the second half of the 4th to the first quarter of the 1st century BC, in the black-glazed group with gilded ornament; they were exported to Macedonia in the 4th century BC, where it was imitated in local workshops in the 3rd century BC – popular vessels but of poorer quality. Type II was created in the 3rd century BC in Macedonia, see Allamani, Tsanavari 1990, 151ff.; Kotitsa 1996, 178ff. 174 Gold earrings and remains of cosmetic substances found in the pyxides from Veroia, see Allamani, Tsanavari 1990, 159; from Thessaloniki-Charilaou: Tsimbidou-Avloniti 1985/86, 128. 175 Roberts 1978, 4ff.; Drougou, Touratsoglou 1980, 140ff. 176 Kotitsa 1996, 183. 163 164

The symbolism of the architectural forms of the tombs in Macedonia 143 preference for a spot by the feet of the corpse.177 They were also used as containers for incense burnt in thymiateria and on the altars.178 Altars like the ones used in private homes179 for making offerings before a symposium, among others,180 were discovered in a few Hellenistic rock-cut tombs in Veroia.181 They are also part of the iconographic repertoire of friezes with Dionysiac themes decorating klinai,182 and appear in scenes on steles.183 A rectangular altar was depicted on the west wall of the vestibule of the Tomb of Lyson and Kallikles in Lefkadia in the context of heroisation of the dead; it refers to the funerary ceremony or to rituals in commemoration of the deceased.184 Domestic altars were also used for making libations.185 Offerings for chthonic deities186 should by rights soak into the ground, yet they were also made on rectangular altars with a cup-shaped depression in the top.187 The description of an offering made by Electra at the tomb of Agamemnon, in Aeschylus’s The Libation Bearers (84–164), reflect a common ritual: the family proceeds to the tomb in a ceremonious procession carrying vessels, recites a prayer to the deceased, and pours a libation to the sounds of mourning wails. A detailed description of a libation appears in Sophocles’s Oedipus at Colonus (466–492): water had to be drawn from a spring, and jugs from the temple had to be wreathed and filled with water and honey. Then the libation was to be made to the west while facing east, after which olive branches held in the hands were to be placed on the spot where the libation soaked into the ground. In the representation in the vestibule of the Tomb of Lyson and Kallikles in Lefkadia, the Underworld is symbolised by a serpent coiling its body in front of the altar. The snake is present also on the kline in Heuzey Tomb in Pydna188 and on the back of a golden plaque found in Veroia, intended presumably as a fee for Charon.189 The snake is a chthonic motif, perceived as a demon of death, a symbol of divine power, an animal of the dead, and a guardian of the tomb, also with a connotation of the soul of the deceased.190 As an attribute Drougou, Touratsoglou 1980, 176. Pfrommer 1987, 25; Kotitsa 1996, 184. 179 Altars of clay or stone, rectangular for the most part, were set up in the house courtyards. Arulae for burning incense and fragrant oils, often for votive purposes, were found inside the rooms. Made of stone, these arulae imitated the full-sized monolithic rectangular altars. Zeus Herkeios was worshipped on these altars. For a list of altars from Olynthus, see Yavis 1949, 169ff.; preserved base of an altar in the middle of the eastern peristyle in Pella, see Siganidou 1996, 146; Nilsson 1954, 218ff. 180 Herter 1956, 42f. During the feast described by Xenophanes, the altar stood in the middle of the room and incense was burned on it. 181 Siganidou 1963, 232–233, pl. 263a; Tataki 1988, no. 364. 182 Amphipolis I, Tomb of Phillip II in Vergina, see p. 69ff. 183 Stele from the 3rd century BC from Amphipolis, see Lazaridis 1969, 114. 184 Miller 1993a, 40; Gorzelany 2013. 185 Graf 1980, 213. The oldest form of libation was with water; later honey, olive oil and wine were introduced. In a similar way the repertoire of burnt offerings was extended from grain to fruit and cakes, and bloody animal sacrifice was included. In the mythical Golden Age offerings consisted of myrtle, incense and honey. 186 See above, note 132 and Burkert 1977, 123f. 187 Yavis 1949, 61. Altars of this type derive from Minoan–Mycenaean forms and were most probably associated with chthonic deities or mainly with male divinities. An altar for chthonic deities, on which blood sacrifices were made, was usually quite low with a depression in the top; it was set up either on the ground or in hollows in the ground, or else in narrow rock crevices. 188 Heuzey, Daumet 1876, pl. 20; Richter 1966, 60 fig. 322. 189 Ninou 1979, 43, no. 54. 190 Burkert 1977, 300; Fabricius 1999, 64 (with detailed references). 177 178

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of a hero191 it had the role of agathos daimon and its images were apotropaic in function.192 In Orphic mythology, two snakes entwined around the staff of Hermes referred to the conception of Dionysus: Zeus took on the form of a snake to have intercourse with his mother Rea, who changed into a snake to escape him, and then again with the daughter he conceived with her, Persephone, mother of Dionysus.193 Thymiateria were associated with the function of an altar.194 Their use is confirmed by reliefs depicting funerary banquets.195 A seated woman burns incense in these scenes, most often holding in her hand a pyxis in which fragrance was kept.196 Thymiateria appear in sepulchral contexts in connection with the worship of heroes and the dead.197 The louterion198 depicted on the east wall of the vestibule of Lyson and Kallikles referred to ritual purification: death and touching the corpse were a taint (miasma) one could be cleansed of by washing or sprinkling with water. The house of the deceased was also considered as impure, hence the mourners sprinkled themselves with water after leaving it; for this purpose a vessel with water and a laurel branch stood in front of the entrance.199 After the corpse was prepared for the prothesis (after cleaning and anointing the corpse a wreath was placed on the head,200 the deceased usually was dressed in white or red robes and placed on a bier covered with leaves and branches) it was taken outside the city.201 After the funeral the mourners took a bath and met at a funerary banquet. Washing hands was obligatory each time before making an offering. The function of sepulchral loutheria is not clear. They may have been intended for ritual purification of the participants in the obsequies or they should be linked to offerings made by the tomb, assuming they appear together with an altar, as is the case in the Tomb of Lyson and Kallikles.202 Purification was 191 Especially on many reliefs with funerary banquets, where the snake is the hero’s companion, see Dentzer 1982, 498; Thönges-Stringaris 1965, 57; Fabricius 1999, 65. 192 Eitrem 1909, 31. See also round altars with a snake entwined around them, found in Rhodos, Knidos, not interpreted as an aspect of heroisation (Fraser 1977, 38f.). 193 Kerényi 1997, 104f. The knot of Heracles, which is present in Macedonia as an ornamental motif, is also interpreted in this context. 194 Tomb A in Derveni and Tomb of Phillip II in Vergina. 195 See above, p. 134. 196 See Pfrommer 1987, 25 note 127, list of representations showing the thymiaterion and pyxis, both in a functional manner. 197 Lohmann 1982, 193f. 198 Miller (1993, 38) refers to the bowl as a perrirhanterion; Pimpl (1997, 5ff.) includes the perrirhanterion (περί + ῥαίνειν – sprinkle around) in the temple area and considers its location as an essential condition for the founding of a sanctuary. A similar function is ascribed to the hagisterion (ἁγνός – pure, untainted, pleasant to the gods), used during the cleansing rites preceding entrance to a temple. The chernibon was a smaller cult item, containing water for the priests to wash their hands and for sprinkling the gathering and the sacrificial animal. Inside the houses were louteria (λούειν – bathe, wash) for hand washing before the banquet or symposium. Similarly in the banquet houses inside the sanctuaries (5th century BC: western courtyard of the sanctuary of Hera Akraia in Perachora, southeastern house in the temple of Achaia in Aegina, the ex-voto hall in the sanctuary of the Kabirii on Samothrace, sanctuary of Artemis and Pan in Megalopolis, sanctuary of Dionysus in Thracian Maroneia; 4th century BC: Epidauros, Nemea in the gymnasia; Hellenistic: Pompey’s Temple by the Dipylon Gate), see Pimpl 1997, 72. 199 Pliny XV 127. Well known examples preserved in the houses in Olynthus, see Robinson 1946, pls 191,2, 218–220. 200 The wreath as a symbol of purity, see Rohde 1925, 162ff., 189. 201 Parker 1996, 36. 202 Miller (1993, 38f.) also considers a function of the louterion which is to supply the ‘thirsty deceased’ with drinking water; this does not correspond to the purpose of such water containers. Vessels for either water or wine could have served this purpose, see Amyx 1958, 163–310; Diehl 1964, 128–146. The cited idea of the deceased

The symbolism of the architectural forms of the tombs in Macedonia 145 important for the deceased as well. It allowed the soul to separate from the corpse; the state of katharmos was a condition of salvation, hence its eschatological meaning.203 Only individuals who were pure could enter Hades, having passed through rituals of initiation in connection with doctrines associated with the mysteries.204 The family banquet taking place after the funeral is an affirmation of life. The room was decorated with wreaths, and vessels were also wreathed. Symposiasts also wore wreaths as a mark of their participation in the rituals, referring to initiation rites, practices intended to accept one into a new community; they were thus also worn by persons initiated into the mysteries, brides, and the deceased.205 The wreath, like the banquet, evoked a ceremonious mood, the opposite of mourning, through the relation to the cultic sphere.206 The closed circle was considered as a symbol of lasting, immortality, life overcoming death, especially as the wreaths were often plaited of evergreen plants. An ornament made up of green leaves and twigs denoted the transfer of blessings to the man or object,207 and putting on a wreath was tantamount to placing oneself under divine protection; it may be interpreted as elevation of the wreathed one.208 The wreath was a sign of devotion and cultic purity. It referred to life in the makárōn nêsoi, to the symposium of the dead in Hades.209 In mourning, wreaths were worn for the first time during the funeral feast, while the deceased laid out on a kline covered with branches (stibas) was wreathed for the ekphora210 and the wreath was later placed on the sarcophagus or urn, depending on the kind of burial.211 Metal wreaths constituted a permanent form; in the 3rd century BC gilded clay wreaths were more popular as a surrogate.212 Wreaths were replaced by gold tape ornamenting the forehead of the deceased.213 The most popular plants used to make wreaths for symposiasts bathing by the grave, referring to tomb monuments in the form of water vessels and based on a comparison with bowls placed in temples (see Ginouvès 1962, 244f. describing the water in a louterion on the grounds of the usage of the word λυοτρά in ancient sources as intended for washing and not libation) is equally doubtful, see also Lohmann 1979, 137. On the link between the louterion and the offering in the cult of the dead in the context of heroisation, see Kurtz-Boardman 1971, 354ff. Louteria occur as funerary monuments in South Italian vase painting in reference to bathing prior to a wedding ceremony. These representations are connected with the marble louteria set up in the Kerameikos cemetery, see Lohmann 1979, 133ff. 203 Plato Phaedo 69c. 204 Parlama 1996, 282ff. Participation in the procession to Eleusis had to be preceded by initiation during the lesser spring mysteries in Agrai, whereas three days before the fall festivities all the participants would bathe ceremoniously in the sea. According to tradition, this ritual, obligatory in all the mysteries, referred to the lustration that Heracles went through after killing the centaurs (Diodorus Siculus IV 14.3). 205 Wreath on the head of the deceased, see Euripides, Heracles 329, 525–6, 548–9. 206 Athenaeus V 192b. 207 Blech 1982, 12. Tree branches were an inseparable element of the cult of the gods. 208 Baus 1940; Horn 1972, 84; Blech 1982, 98. The relation between the cult of the gods and the cult of the dead is also expressed in the use of the acanthus to decorate both the temples and the funerary steles. 209 Plato Republic 2, 363C.; putting on a wreath in the Underworld, Pindar Odes 2.72–73. 210 The oldest example of scenes depicting the deceased in a wreath of leaves, found on a pinax of Exekias, see Mommsen 1997, Pl. 1. 211 Blech 1982, 86. 212 Higgins 1982, 141ff.; Vokotopoulou 1990, 67; generally on the subject of wreaths in the ancient world: Despini 1996, 25 ff., 209ff. Imitations of jewellery were made in a similar fashion: a clay form was coated with stucco and plated with gold. Multiple use of molds resulted in characteristically faint detail. They were used in the cult of the dead as grave gifts, but mainly as a surrogate for the less wealthy social classes, see Blanck 1976. 213 Blech 1982, 91f. Golden tapes appeared in Attic graves in the 9th century BC, disappeared starting from the 7th century BC, and reappeared in Greek graves from the turn of the 5th century on the fringes of the Greek world, among others, in Macedonia. See tapes with leaves from Alias Mamas (Vokotopoulou 1990, 198).

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included ivy (from the mid 6th century BC),214 celery (from the first quarter of the 5th century BC)215 and different kinds of flowers.216 Funerary wreaths were made most often from myrtle, olive, ivy, oak, or sporadically laurel, which had cathartic and apotropaic significance, and which expressed the purity of the wearer of the wreath.217 Myrtle had the closest ties with the chthonic sphere, the underworld and death.218 The Pythagoreans buried their dead in myrti et oleae et populi nigrae foliis.219 Its use was determined by reference to Dionysus,220 but also to mysteries of Demeter and Kore in Eleusis – for the initiate it was a sign of hope and protection.221 Myrtle was also dedicated to Ennodia, the goddess of death, purification and roads, hence the practice of offering a myrtle wreath to anyone embarking on a long journey.222 Ivy wreaths were the most frequent in Dionysiac contexts (tradition had it that they were first worn by Dionysus223), with the god’s presence being revealed in the evergreen leaves.224 The ivy symbolised protection of the deceased, just as it once entwined the unborn Dionysus, rescuing him from death when Semele went up in flames upon seeing Zeus.225 Ivy leaves meant that the deceased anticipated a happy life after death; putting on an ivy wreath put one in a state of Dionysiac intoxication.226 It was also used in the cult of the Kabirii.227 Oak became popular in the Hellenistic period;228 it was worshipped in connection with the cults of Zeus, Hera, Kybele, Demeter, and Hekate. Since ivy often grew entwined around

Blech 1982, 68. Blech 1982, 68. 216 This is attested by a wreath in the form of a relief torus, often decorated with large beads (buds), crowned in the centre with a lotus-shaped flower; in the middle of the century this torus was replaced with a torus wreath wrapped in a wide mitre with ends terminating on the shoulders and the centre section accentuated with a rosette. 217 Eitrem 1909, 27; Blech 1982, 93. 218 Eitrem 1909, 24; Euripides Elektra, 323f., 512; Blech 1982, 57f. On the myrtle wreath from the Tomb of Phillip II in Vergina (type A, group 1), see Tsigarida 1987, 907ff.; wreath from a cist grave in Stavroupolis (Rhomiopoulou 1989, 208f., pl. 51); wreath, type Γ, from Nea Michaniona (Vokotopoulou 1996, 195); Derveni, tombs B and Δ, type A, group 1 (Vokotopoulou 1996, 212); Nea Potidea, (Vokotopoulou 1996, 199); Tsagetsi (Makaronas 1940, 495, il. 30f.); Pydna-Makryghialos (Besios 1985, 54, il. 7); funerary hydria from Amphipolis with two gilded myrtle twigs (Lazaridis 1997, fig. 77). 219 Pliny XXXV 160. 220 Myrtle, which Dionysus offered to Hades in return for the soul of Semele, became a symbol of liberation, see Plato Republic 560 E, 573A. 221 Blech 1982, 94. 222 Chrisostomou 1998a, 63 note 41. 223 Athenaeus XV 675 d. 224 Pindar Olympian Ode II 25; Arrian Anabasis V 1,6; Horn 1972, 19. Flower wreaths for children during the Anthesteria festival were also a reference to Dionysus, who as Dionysus Anthios was a god of flowers (Athenaeus XI 465A), worshipped in the phylae with the nymphs and Gaia (Pausanias I 31,4). Roses and violets were offered to the god during the Dionysia festival (Pindar Fr. 63,17ff.). Ivy wreath found in Toumba Pappa in Sevastia and in Nea Apollonia. 225 Euripides The Phoenician women, 649ff. 226 Horn 1972, 84. 227 Blech 1982, 213. 228 Vergina (Andronikos 1984, 170f , 217, 222); Amphipolis (type B), see Lazaridis 1997, fig. 67; Nea Potidea, (Vokotopoulou 1996, 199); Tsagetsi (Makaronas 1940, 495, fig. 30f.; see the wreath from Armento (Lullies 1982); Blech 1982, 96. 214 215

The symbolism of the architectural forms of the tombs in Macedonia 147 oak, the tree also appeared in a Dionysiac context.229 The cork oak with evergreen trees was considered a symbol of immortality.230 Next to myrtle and black poplar, the olive231 was of special importance to the Pythagoreans.232 Olive leaves placed on the corpse ensured the deceased happiness and blessing.233 Garlands also decorated the symposiasts and the vessels used during their banquets. They were replaced from the 4th century BC with ribbons hanging in festoons from nails in the walls.234 These garlands were plaited from ivy and myrtle with red fruit imitating pomegranates and yellow ones symbolizing quince.235 The pomegranate,236 the fruit of a tree which grew from the blood of Dionysus torn apart by the Titans,237 was dedicated at the same time to Hera and Persephone, and joined the spheres of life with the underworld. It had great significance in the Eleusian mysteries and its seeds, ‘sweet as honey’,238 symbolised the life of the soul after death. Represented on tables with food, depicted in reliefs of funerary banquets,239 in tomb painting or as furnishings in the form of clay fruit or vessels shaped like the fruit, the pomegranate symbolised heroised life after death, and was an offering for the deceased.240 Fresh garlands and wreaths were suspended on the walls of burial chambers or their surrogates were painted there.241 Decoration of this kind was not restricted to burial chambers or motifs decorating the grave goods.242 The garland or scrolling plant motif also occurred in private houses and palaces.243 Schmidt 1990, 73. RE V 2, 1905, 2013ff.; on the wreathing of the dead, see Athenaeus XI p 460 b. 231 Olive-leaf wreaths: Amphipolis (Lazaridis 1997, figs 42, 66, 83); Derveni, tomb B (Makaronas 1963, 193f.); Lete (Vokotopoulou 1996, 225); Sedes, tomb A (Kotzias 1937, 867). 232 Blech 1982, 93. Its use in Attica during burial was exceptional in view of the ban on its felling. 233 Eitrem 1909, 25. 234 Turcan 1981, 2ff.; Müller 1905; Miller 1986, 402ff. 235 Myrtle garland painted on the walls of the Tomb of Lyson and Kallikles in Lefkadia, see Miller 1993a, 46; on arranging different kinds of plants in wreaths and garlands, see Schauenburg 1957, 198–221; on the subject of the quince, see Martin 1953, 1191ff. 236 The pomegranate is distinguished from the apple in representations by the remains of the fleshy flower calyx in the form of a crown. It can be distinguished with certainty from a poppy head only when it has a long straight stem, see Muthmann 1982. The meaning of the apple was similar: in the mysteries the apple is a symbol of fulfilled promise, that is, attaining immortality, see Horn 1972, 67. 237 See below. Engemann, RLAC 12, 698. According to Athenaeus (III 84c), Aphrodite was said to have planted the pomegranate tree in Cyprus; it became a symbol of fertility and marriage owing to its large number of seeds. 238 Homeric Hymn to Demeter 413. 239 Thönges-Stringaris 1965, 63. 240 Engemann, RLAC, 12, 689ff. 241 Most frequently in graves of the 4th century BC: tomb G from Sedes (Kotzias 1937, 874f., figs 9–10); Dion I; painted: Tragilos (Koukouli-Chrysanthaki 1983a, 123ff , fig. 32a). 242 On metal vessels (Barr-Sharrar 1982, 75f., fig. 3), West Slope ceramics popular in this period (Rotroff 1991, 59ff.), also with references to funeral iconography (Allamani, Tsanavari 1990, 158), in jewellery (Higgins 1982, 140–151; general commentary, Pfrommer 1982, 119ff.), presumably also in furniture decoration, see stone table from Vergina and from Pella (Drougou 1989, 75f., fig. 3); in decoration with extremely rare use of golden thread mentioned by Pliny (XXX 60–63), remains of funerary textiles in the vestibule of the Tomb of Phillip II in Vergina (see Drougou 1997, 303ff.; Tsigarida, Ignatiadou 2000, 22 and Richter 1966, 118, fig. 589) and on a textile with a floral motif painted on the wall of a cist grave from Aiani (tomb II in tumulus α, see Vokotopoulou 1990, 44, figs 15, 20, pls 4a, 23a). 243 In compositions of painted or mosaic decoration from Pella and Vergina, many of which may be linked to Pausias’s floral compositions (see Pliny XXXV 125; XXI 4; Robertson 1982, 244ff.; Salzmann 1982, 57; Andronikos 1987, 364f.; Moreno 1987, 136ff.; Vokotopoulou 1990, 41; Miller 1993a, 48). A central vegetal composition, appearing on mosaic floors, but also in the Tomb of the Palmettes in Lefkadia and on textiles, is not a Macedonian idea. 229 230

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Rosettes had the same importance as wreaths and garlands. These stylised transformations of floral motifs244 were used as ornaments on funerary steles245 or formed friezes, sometimes enriched with additional elements,246 which were painted on walls or on klinai.247 Rosettes, intended to counter misfortune, were symbols of life and at the same time of passing and death.248 Branches and garlands decorating steles and vessels249 could indicate a custom of decorating them with fresh plants or ribbons during banquets and celebrating the cult of the dead.250 Plants were among the offerings made to the deceased, next to taenia, fruit, libation, loutra and choai.251 The funerary symbolism of plant decoration characteristic of Orphism is present in the story of Hades kidnapping Persephone, interrupting her weaving of a flowery robe.252 The cult of Demeter and Persephone is attested in the surviving sanctuaries: in Dion253 where the oldest megara from the 6th century BC were replaced at the end of the 4th century BC by two Doric templi in antis accompanied by small shrines, altars and a copy of the well of Kallichoron from Eleusis; in Pella,254 a small circular temple of Demeter Thesmophoros situated below ground level, without a roof, of chthonic character, built in the last quarter of the 4th century BC; in Derveni;255 and on Samothrace.256 Coins with a grain of corn on the reverse, issued by Phillip, were a reference to the cult of the two goddesses.257 The cult of Demeter and Kore is attested in funerary iconography not only by numerous floral representations, but primarily by important figural scenes. The abduction of Persephone, which refers to the cult of Demeter, tesmophoria and Eleusinian mysteries,258 was depicted twice:259 in a cist grave in the Great Tumulus in Vergina260 and on the backrest It should be considered as a transformation of a form borrowed from Magna Graecia and central Italy (spiral volutes), introduced into a composition with a central flower calyx typical of Asia Minor, see Pfrommer 1987, 140f. 244 Plant decoration on the vault of the vestibule of the Tomb of the Palmettes in Lefkadia is an example of models borrowed from the painting of Pausias (Pliny XXXV 124). Like other plant ornaments, palmettes may be linked with faith in immortality (see Schmidt 1990, 73). According to Vokotopoulou (1999, 33) the painting symbolises Lake Acheron in Hades. 245 Steles from the Great Tumulus in Vergina, see p. 81f. and Möbius 19682, 26f , 108. 246 Rosettes and bucrania in the vestibule of the tomb in Drama; on the plastered surface above the entrance in the Tomb of Lyson and Kallikles in Lefkadia, see Miller 1993a, 38. 247 E.g., kline in Potideia, Amphipolis (see p. 70f.), see also the ornament on larnaces from the Tomb of Phillip II in Vergina (see p. 74f.) and the box from Tomb Γ in Sedes. 248 Lullies 1962, 98. 249 Plant motifs on West Slope vessels, see Alexandropoulou 2002, 66ff., 81f., 89f. 250 Schmidt 1990, 74. The custom is attested by steles with branches and ribbons decorating them depicted on white-ground lekythoi, see also Blech 1982, 87. 251 In Athens on the days of commemorating the dead, on the ninth and thirtieth day of each month, during the Genesia and on the anniversary of the death of the male who had died most recently. See Kircher 1910, 27; Garland 1985, 110ff. 252 West 1983, 244f. 253 Pandermalis 1987, 375, fig. 4. 254 Lilimbaki-Akamati 1996. 255 The temple yielded an offering table from the late 4th century BC (Despinis, Tiveriou, Voutiras 1997, 50) along with statues of Demeter and Kore from the 4th/3rd century BC (ibidem, 53f.). 256 Cole 1984, 2, 32, 76. 257 Hammond 2002, 152. 258 Andronikos 1994, 112. 259 For the iconographic type, see also the mosaic from the House of Helene from Pella (Makaronas, Giouri 1989, 124ff., pls 14–17). 260 See above, p. 32f.

The symbolism of the architectural forms of the tombs in Macedonia 149 of a throne in the burial chamber of the Tomb of Eurydice. In the Tomb of Persephone, Demeter was represented according to a tradition known from literature and inscriptions of the 4th century BC: the wandering goddess sat down on a rock in Eleusis, called ever since the ‘sad rock’, just by the Kallichoron spring.261 The three women seated opposite her, interpreted as the Moirai, seem rather to be their sisters, the Horai, goddesses of the seasons. Eunomia, Dike and Eirene, called also by the Athenians Tallo, Auxo and Karpo, bring to mind the idea of sprouting, growth and fruition; they presided over the vegetation cycle. Represented as young girls, they hold a flower or plant in hand; they were also Persephone’s companions. The four horses harnessed to Hades’s carriage connote the four elements: their black colour also indicates their connection with the Underworld, while the number, four, embodying the structure of the world and man, was an image of the soul.262 The horses of Hades also constituted the opposite of the four stallions of Apollo. The two white horses on the backrest of the throne in the Tomb of Eurydice denote victory over Hades, death, and darkness, and a return to the light of day.263 Scenes with the goddesses probably decorated the tympanum of the tomb in Agia Paraskevi, from where originate the stucco figurines of Demeter and Persephone,264 as well as a kline in tomb Γ in Sedes, where they were accompanied by figures of nymphs and Apollo.265 An image of Persephone appears to be among the terracotta found in the tomb in Vergina, dated to about 480 BC,266 and in the decoration of the walls of a cist grave from Nea Michanion, where the scrolling plant tendrils look like they are emerging from the woman’s head, being in themselves a symbolic depiction of the goddess associated with earth and nature. They are accompanied by a representation of a dove, a bird dedicated to Aphrodite, but also to Persephone.267 The goddess is shown also in the form of a protome: robed in a chiton, a peplos over her head kept in a place by a diadem, with a flower or dove in her hand; such depictions are found in the cist graves in Vergina, Pella, Lefkadia, and Amphipolis268 and in the form of enthroned figures and nude hierodulae rare in tombs in Macedonia,269 connected with the rite of passage during a wedding. They were deposited in sanctuaries of Artemis, but in the sepulchral context they referred to the nuptials of the deceased with Hades. The abduction of Kore was a ritual act leading to marriage through her ‘death’ – by becoming Persephone, Kore was the prototype of the bride with whom the deceased was identified.270 To ensure the favour of chthonic deities, the deceased were accompanied by female figurines in the Tanagra type.271 The absence of any attributes makes the interpretation of these female figurines difficult at best and it may be assumed that some of them had Homeric Hymn to Demeter 99; Mylonas 1991, 146. Szram 2001, 51. 263 Stulz 1990, 145. 264 Sismanidis 1986, 93, pl. 24c. 265 Kotzias 1937, 882f., 887ff , figs 16, 23; Vokotopoulou 1996, 187f.; Tsigarida, Ignatiadou 2000, 26. 266 See p. 26 note 6. 267 Lullies 1982, 102ff. Analogous representations on Apulian pottery are interpreted as a chthonic Aphrodite worshipped in this region or as a chthonic goddess in general, lady of life and death. 268 See Hinz 1998, 36ff. 269 Enthroned figures from Sindos (Despini 1986, cats 74–75), Pella and Lefkadia, see p. 26f. note 8, p. 31 note 38, p. 36 note 60; protomes from Nea Michanion, see p. 34. 270 Palatine Anthology VI 280; Avagianou 1991, 142. 271 Semi-nude female figurines are frequent in graves from Macedonia, but equally so from other regions of the Greek world, in sanctuaries and houses. Predominant among the figurines from Pella is a semi-nude female leaning against a small column, interpreted as Aphrodite (worshipped in the temple in the agora) or Persephone, see Lilimbaki-Akamati 1989–91, 203. 261 262

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decorated the household and were thus part of the personal belongings of the deceased in life. It seems that the cloak wrapping the body and the covered head, if one takes the testimony of funerary reliefs, is a characteristic of married women, whereas veiling is frequent in the context of scenes of betrothal and marriage.272 Figures of young girls in the tomb assemblage could suggest the unmarried status of the deceased. They may have also symbolised blessed beings accompanying the deceased in the underworld and protecting him or her; they paid homage to the deceased and this aspect was multiplied by the greater number of these figurines.273 Worship of the Underworld goddess is attested by golden leaves of plaques with inscriptions containing the name of the deceased, found among the grave goods in box and Macedonian tombs.274 Depending on the kind of burial (whether inhumation or cremation), they were placed on the chest, by the hand, head, on or in the mouth of the female deceased, more seldom the male.275 They take on the shape of an ivy leaf (Pelinna in Thessaly), myrtle (Pella, Elis, Aigion in Achaia) or are rectangular (Petelia, Thurioi and Hipponion),276 but they can also take on the form of a golden coin (Pydna). The archetype of the texts on these plaques was created presumably in 5th century BC Ionia; the oldest such inscribed plaque, found in Hipponion, was written in the Ionic dialect with Doric influence.277 They contain a description of the katabasis of the mysta and the symbolic landscape of the Underworld278 with a repeated indication of two sources of water, one where a glowing cypress grew and the other, fed with water from the Lake of Memory, where the soul dying of thirst carried on a dialogue with the guards sitting there; the mystae and bacchai proceeded further into the Underworld via the sacred road. Other plaques contained excerpts from a conversation with the Queen of the Underworld, a blessing to become divine, and again a description of a road, this time to the holy groves of Persephone. The name of the goddess, as Fersefoni, appeared for the first time on a golden laurel leaf from a wreath from Pella.279 Dionysiac references are also noted, such as ‘falling into milk’ as a goat kid, bull or ram.280 The description contained instructions for the initiated deceased on how to reach the land of the dead, how to behave there, and how to address the rulers of the Underworld in order to be accepted among the blessed. Possession of a plaque denoted fulfillment of the ritual in life and confirmed the deceased by recalling or reciting the appropriate esoteric information; therefore, the text on the plaque was a voice of the soul itself.281 Plaques deposited with 272 Graepler 1997, 223. They are linked to the pre-nuptial offering practices, representations of the bride either as an enthroned figure or more ‘realistically’, as a standing girl dressed in her robes. 273 Mrogenda 1996, 110. 274 See p. 32, 47. Finds from tombs in Pella (6), Vergina, Pydna, Dion, Agios Athanasios, Toumba Paionia, Methone, Amphipolis, see also Chrysostomou 1998, 64. 275 Cole 2003, 201. 276 Set of more than 40 presently known plaques from Thessaly, western Crete, Sicily, South Italy, Elis, Achaia, Manissa, Mythilene, see Cole 2003, 202ff., pl. 8.1; Sekita 2011, 74–82. 277 Cole 2003, 201. The plaque texts do not differ significantly in content, presumably because they were written independently in particular communities or were the effect of specific philosophical trends; they are eclectic to a certain degree. 278 On the geography of the Underworld, see Graf 1974, 79–150; Felten 1975; Colpe 1994, 268ff. 279 Lilimbaki-Akamati 1992, 91ff ; see p. 31 note 39. Others who are mentioned include Pluto, Brimo, Bacchus, Eukles (=Pluto) Eubouleus, see Cole 2003, 204. 280 Zuntz 1971, 355ff. and 277–286 with a division of the texts into two groups (A and B); West 1975, 229; Luppe 1989, 13; Riedweg 1998, 366; Betz 1998, 402; Cole 2003, 201; Sekita 2011. 281 Cole 2003, 208.

The symbolism of the architectural forms of the tombs in Macedonia 151 the dead helped to alleviate the fear of death by making the mystae aware of the unknown, bringing him closer to the essence of the Underworld and giving instructions to improve his fate. The world in the texts on the plaques had positive connotations through the use of words like spring, lake, cypress trees, sacred groves and meadows. Charon’s boat, which the deceased had to use to cross the Acheron, also stopped at the Plain of Oblivion. Originally a coin worth 1 obol was intended for Charon to pay for this crossing.282 The choice of the lowest denomination shows that even the richest man becomes poor at death. At the same time the use of money is tied in sometimes with its almost magical properties during religious acts, thanksgiving, making offerings, and atonement, when the fine becomes a substitute for punishment. Charon’s venality reflected the mediocrity of the world of death.283 The obol paid to him gave the impression of potential protection against punishment for evil deeds for which one has to pay in Hades.284 Hermes Psychopompos, who had a similar role, guided the deceased into the Underworld free of charge. In the depiction on the facade of the Tomb of the Judgment in Lefkadia,285 the deceased follows Hermes, who turns his head toward him and beckons him with his hand; the deceased wears a Macedonian soldier’s dress, but the missing shield and helmet could suggest that he died not in battle but presumably after returning to his homeland. The memory of the deceased conditioned his/her proper action on the way to the underground as it identified the individual; this was because souls were obliged to remind the deity of their status.286 Thus the souls had to know not only the road, the passwords and the ritual answer, but also which spring of water they could drink from. The texts on the plaques advised against drinking water from the source on the right side. Water from the spring of Memory ensured a return to life, whereas oblivion, identical with death, could constitute a significant obstacle on the road to the Elysian Fields. The initiate should remember the content of his or her ceremony of initiation into the mysteries,287 and the plaques were intended to help in navigating the most dangerous parts of the road to the Spring of Memory.288 Nevertheless, the soul remained anonymous in the Underworld. Memories of the past could evoke sorrow resulting from being separated from family and the world of the living. Delivering the soul from earthly existence was a condition of future life in the Isles of the Blessed.289 The act of drawing water, without which one 282 Aristophanes Frogs 140, 270. Other denominations and imitations were also in use, deposited also in greater quantities, see Stevens 1991, 224f ; Kurtz, Boardman 1971, 211. In tombs in Macedonia, see Pella ΣT: ‘gold coin’ with eight-armed star (Chrisostomou 2000b, 287); Amphipolis I: gold obol with the head of Heracles (Lazaridis 1997, 70); Veroia – Tzouvaras Tomb: five bronze coins, four of these of Antigonus Gonatas and one of Demetrius II (Drougou 1991a, 72); Thessaloniki-Charilaou: bronze coin of Cassander, gold danake with a head of Medusa (Tsimbidou-Avloniti 1985–86, 132); Pella E: stater of Phillip II (Chrisostomou 1998a, 63); Tsagetsi (Pandermalis 1972, 158ff.). Danakes functioning also as an obol, see Drougou, Touratsoglou, 1980, nos 69, 71. 283 Apuleius VI 18.4–5. 284 Plato Republic 330d; see Stevens 1991, 227f. 285 The representation refers on one hand to the decoration of white-ground lekythoi with images of Hermes (see Petsas 1984, 745), but also to the sculpted decoration of temples, e.g. the tholos in Delphi where statues stood on a podium between the inner columns, see Hoepfner 1996, 32. 286 Zuntz 1971, 120ff.; Voutiras 1998, 35ff. A similar text appears on leaves from Thessaly and Thurioi in Italy, see Dickie 1995, 82; Sekita 2011, 49–61. 287 Plato Phaedros 248c–256d. 288 Betz 1998, 402. 289 Plato Gorgias 523a–b.

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could not proceed along the sacred road together with the other bacchic mystae toward the eschatological community with the blessed promised in a text from Pelinna,290 was preceded by a question from the watchman, which was to be answered with a formula of presentation of the deceased: I am a child of the earth and of the starry heavens.291 The joining of human and divine principles is an indication of Dionysiac-Orphic circles,292 the initiation ideology of which contained the three moments in the life of an initiate presented in the texts: consecration, death, and the journey to the Underworld.293 The plaques do not contain a description of the judgment of souls presided over by Aeacus, Rhadamanthus, and Minos, mentioned by Plato294 and depicted on the facade of the Tomb of the Judgment in Lefkadia.295 Here the arbitration judge Minos was omitted, with the deceased standing before Aeacus and Rhadamanthus a little to the back, waiting for the decision on whether the soldier deserves to go to the Isles of the Blessed. The name of the deceased was not written on the facade, which would correspond to his anonymity in the Underworld, in keeping with the Platonic principle.296 However, the names appear on the plaques: the deceased was called Poseidippos297 and he was an initiate of the mysteries, while the phrase mystes eusebes referred to the worshippers of the Great Gods of Samothrace.298 The most common finds from Macedonia, plaques with the name of the deceased and the word chairein, are an abbreviated form of this text.299 Rites connected with Persephone and Demeter, contained in the Eleusinian mysteries,300 were not, however, the only ones to fulfill the condition of achieving special status after death. Being initiated 290 Merkelbach 1989, 16. On staying with heroes, Plato (Meno 81b–c) and also Pindar (Fr. 133), the latter being the first to draw a line between the different underworlds for the two groups of the dead, depending on their deeds in life: For those from whom Persephone receives compensations for her ancient grief, in the ninth year she sends back their souls to the sun above (after Meisner 2018, 244). 291 Burkert 1994, 65; Betz 1998, 401. 292 On the kinds of mysteries to which the tablets refer, see Betz 1998, 404ff.; Zuntz (1971, 365f.) is for ties with Pythagoreanism, while Dieterich (1913, 84–108) interprets the tablets in connection with the Orphic-Dionysiac books of Hades popular in Pythagorean circles in southern Italy, believing the texts on them to be quotes from Orphic hymns. A similar interpretation is given by Rohde (1898, 103–136, 204–222): Tablets contain foreign elements mixed with Orphic mysticism, thus the deceased is a freed soul, neither human nor divine. WilamowitzMoellendorff (1932, 200) stands out in favour of syncretic cults, among others, with elements borrowed from Egyptian eschatology, whereas Guthrie (1952, 174) points to links with Orphism where the titanic element is the bad part of man while the Dionysiac one is divine. 293 Plato Republic 2,365a1–3; see Riedweg 1998, 366. 294 Plato Gorgias 524e. 295 See p. 58f. 296 The deceased from the Macedonian and cist graves are usually anonymous in spite of the splendid and official character of the burials. The names of the deceased are written exceptionally on the plaques; there are also the inscriptions from the Tomb of Lyson and Kallikles in Lefkadia and a krater with an inscription from tomb B in Derveni. 297 The name of Poseidippos points to the family of the epigram author Poseidippos, born in Pella, who immigrated to Alexandria. In his poems, he expressed the hope that he would be buried in Pella after his death and recalled being initiated in the mysteries, see Dickie 1995, 83. 298 Cole 2003, 206. The cult of the Kabirii associated with a goddess identified with Demeter (Cole 1984) was common in Macedonia, see Satyros in Athenaeus 557c; Plutarch Alexander 2 2; Hammond 2002, 54; Phillip II met Olympias on Samothrace, during the ritual of her initiation in the mysteries; for her participation in Orphic and Dionysiac ceremonies, see Plutarch Alexander 2. 299 Cole 2003, 211. 300 Homeric Hymn to Demeter (480–482): ‘Happy is he among men upon earth who has seen these mysteries; but he who is uninitiate and who has no part in them, never has lot of like good things once he is dead, down in the darkness and gloom.’ (Trans. Evelyn-White, http://www.perseus.tufts.edu/hopper/text?doc=Perseus%3Atext%3 A1999.01.0138%3Ahymn%3D2%3Acard%3D449 [28.08.2018]).

The symbolism of the architectural forms of the tombs in Macedonia 153 into the cult of Persephone was tantamount to initiation into the mysteries of Dionysus, hence the plaques from Pella are simultaneously an attestation of the existence of the cult of Dionysus in Macedonia.301 Formally and ideologically, the Eleusinian mysteries302 and the Dionysian mysteries shared the same concepts of immortality and a blessed life, and forms of cult and initiation. Mystai often participated in both initiations. The objective was to identify with the god, a state of divine immortality. This hope was expressed in the symbols of both Dionysus and Demeter. Light accompanied both mysteries, which took place at night.303 Its significance, however, was explained in the myth: a despairing Demeter searching for her daughter with a torch in her hand.304 Her wandering was like the long night procession of the initiates in the Eleusinian mysteries, which simultaneously connoted the return of Persephone (also with a torch) from the underworld into the world of the living.305 In the iconography of the kidnapping and anodos of Persephone, Hekate and Hermes, both deities associated with crossing the boundary between life and death, are shown with torches; they were also both connected with the night as well as Iakchos. In the Dionysian mysteries Hermes as guardian of souls in the Underworld was identified with Dionysus. The opposition of light and darkness experienced by the mystai was expressed in Euripides’s Bacchae through three events: the imprisonment of the god and his followers in a dark stable by Pentheus; the miraculous lighting of the flame on the tomb/altar of Semele; and the liberation of Dionysus, whose immortal light saves mortals and endows them with life after death.306 Emerging from the darkness opened the way to participation in the sacred thiasos, in which fire was an attribute, along with musical instruments, kantharoi and oinochoai.307 One of the properties of fire from the Homeric times was to cleanse the miasma connected with death.308 Orphism, with its concept of the immortality of the soul, influenced the shaping of the Eleusinian myth. The popularisation of the cult of Dionysus is to be linked to Onomakritos (times of Hipparchos), the author of orgiastic songs to the god, telling his story in a cosmogonic context.309 Onomakritos introduced the motif of Titans tearing apart Dionysus to the Orphic literature en vogue in the 5th century BC.310 He gave the Dionysian mysteries a written form in the Teletai, a description of rites and mythical prehistory.311 Orpheus, whose role Onomakritos took upon himself, was considered as the one who gave rise to 301 Olimpias was a worshipper of Dionysus, see Plutarch Alexander 2; Athenaeus XIII, 560, XIV 639. On set days for making offerings to Dionysus, see Arrian Anabasis IV 9,5 and Correge 1992. 302 Mylonas 1961; Kerényi 1991; Gasparro 1986, 29ff.; Lauenstein 1987; on the iconography of Eleusinian mysteries, see Clinton 1992. 303 Oil lamps replaced torches in closed spaces to avoid fires and produce less smoke. On oil lamps in cist graves, Macedonian tombs and rock-cut sepulchers in Thessaloniki and vicinity, Vergina, Pella, Veroia, see pp. 76, 85. 304 Homeric hymn to Demeter 47–50. 305 Parisinou 2000, 65. In a context of rebirth, see Keller 1988, 27ff. 306 Parisinou 2000, 71f. 307 Parisinou 2000, 120ff. 308 Homer Odyssey XXII 481–482, 490–494; Parisinou 2000, 73ff. 309 Lengauer 1994, 53f. 310 This is confirmed by a parody of this Orphic cosmogony in Aristophanes’s Birds, see Lengauer 1994, 158ff. See also Nonnos’s Dionysiaka (Lasek 2011, 155–166) and the version of the myth in Olympiodoros (Świercz 2011, 139– 140). 311 Kerényi 1997, 205.

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theological poetry, based on his Eis Haidou katabasis and return to the world of the living thanks to his own songs. In The Bacchae, Euripides presented him as a prophet, priest and initiator of the Dionysian mysteries, an alter ego of the god indeed, sharing with him the same fate – being torn apart by the bacchantes.312 Thrace connects the two cults, Dionysian and Orphic, as their place of origin. The ties between Macedonians and Thracians resulted not only from geographical proximity, but also from kindred cults – this also concerned the cult of the Kabirii worshipped in Samothrace.313 The Dionysian view of the underworld is evoked in a mention of wine in a text on an ivy-leaf-shaped plaque from Pelinna,314 but without alluding to the Dionysian thiasos. Being part of the thiasos was for those initiated in life a prerequisite condition of a successful journey into the Underworld.315 The god is mentioned on a plaque from Amphipolis.316 Dionysus himself may guide souls to the meadows in front of the gate to Hades,317 he being the only god to share his epithet, bakchos, with his followers. Faith in the effectiveness of Dionysus’s protection was derived from the myth about Dionysus ensuring his mother Semele immortality among the gods. Heraklitos identified Dionysus Chtonios with Hades himself; Aeschylos did so with Pluto, ruler of the underworld.318 Dionysian connotations appear also in the text on a plaque from Hipponion, which mentions mystai and bakchoi.319 Standing before the throne of Perspehone, a mystes can say that he or she had been liberated during the mysteries by Dionysus Bakchos.320 The aim of the initiation during the mysteries was purification, which gave the privilege, after death, of ‘man becoming god’ (text from Thurioi) or ‘ruling with other heroes’ (text from Petelia);321 the gold for the plaques symbolised the purity of the soul. Those participating in the Eleusinian mysteries had the same hope standing before Persephone in the Underworld. Purification from ‘old sin’, shared guilt that the initiate experiences thanks to Dionysus, concerns Persephone’s suffering upon seeing the Titans tear apart her son DionysusZagreus. Men were created from the ashes of the Titans killed by Zeus in punishment322 and they were burdened with their sin while also bearing in themselves the divine element of Dionysus-Zagreus. This duality was contained in the presentation formula said before the guardians of the Spring of Memory. The mysteries reinforced the divine element Kott 1986, 198; see also Lambropoulou 2000, 655ff. Cole 1984; see also Gkartziou-Tatti, 2000, 439ff. 314 Tsantsanoglou, Parassoglou 1987, 3ff.; Merkelbach 1989, 15ff. 315 Graepler 1997, 178. 316 ε-αγ-ς -ερ- Διον-σου Βακχίου ε-μι, see Malama 2003, 111–126; Sekita 2011, 71 (B 496nF: ‘I am purified and holy thanks to Dionysus-Bakchus’). 317 Plato Republic 619c–d; Gorgias 524a; plaque from Pelinna. In a play by Aristophanes (Frogs 454–459), while descending into Hades Dionysus himself receives instruction from a choir initiated into the Eleusinian mysteries and experiences light as a blessed one (155) dancing amid the myrtle; in Euripides’s Bacchae, Dionysus gives souls instructions, separating the punished from the rewarded. 318 See Metzger 1944–45, 296ff.; Otto 1933; Schauenburg 1953, 38ff.; Lengauer 1994, 194; Kerényi 1997, 82, 204; on different aspects of the interpretation of Dionysus, see McGinty 1978. 319 Riedweg 1998, 365. The text on a plaque from Hipponion, see Sekita 2011, 70: B 474.15–16F: ‘followed by the famous mystai and backchoi’). 320 In the text on the leaf-shaped plaque from Pelinna, see Merkelbach 1989, 15; Sekita 2011, 90: B485 F: ‘… Bakchos himself will liberate you’). 321 Sekita 2011, 69 B 487.6 F, 70 B 476.11 F. 322 According to the second version of the myth, Dionysus’s remains were buried by Apollo on Parnassus, near the Delphic tripod, see Kerényi 1997, 197. 312 313

The symbolism of the architectural forms of the tombs in Macedonia 155 and liberated one from old guilt.323 Different terms used in reference to initiates do not permit an unequivocal determination of the kind of mysteries324 and they do not indicate a connection with mystery ceremonies taking place in sanctuaries or temples. They were most likely private in nature325 – Plato (Republic 364b–365a) and Demosthenes (XVIII 259) speak of such ceremonies with disapproval. An equally negative opinion of such practices was expressed by the author of a commentary to a religious poem of cosmogonic and theogonic character, derived from the orphic tradition, written in the late 5th century BC and surviving in a fragmentary papyrus from Derveni. Distrusting the common practice of private initiations and rituals,326 in which salvation was turned into a commodity, he preferred an exegesis of orphic cosmology and theogony.327 The reverse is true of the deceased accompanied by plaques in their graves: mistrusting their own memory, they expected to be rewarded, often without understanding the teaching contained in the mysteries. The division between a ritual tradition and the intellectual discourses on divine nature reflected the differences in the approach to cognition.328 The deceased from grave A in Derveni may have been a philosopher from a milieu supported by Philip II. The presence of the philosophers in Macedonia is attested not only by the papyrus fragment, but also by a unique painted representation from the wall of a cist grave in Pella. The deceased was a scholar specializing in astronomy and the wall decoration is the first known example of a depiction of a group of philosophers in a burial context.329 The ultimate destination of the deceased, the Elysian Fields, Blessed Isles, or Dionysian meadow, is a mythical space different from the Greek landscape. These terms refer to a place where plants are continuously green and flowering, and bear fruit with no human participation, where the springs flow and there is justice and peace, a place far from the world of the living, with no connection to the earthly sphere, a place where the soul lives together with the gods.330 In Orphic and Pythagorean teaching, this other world corresponds to the Golden Age when Fanes ruled, a god identified with Dionysus, who offers his mystai A krater-urn from Tomb B in Derveni can be taken as proof of participation in the mysteries (see 39f , note 71). Its decoration presents in a symbolic way different aspects of the story of Dionysus, showing on one hand the hieros gamos of the god with Ariadne, on the other maenads in orgiastic dance (two holding a buck; the kidnapping of a maenad(?); a maenad with a satyr in a state of satyriasis, that is, wanton madness; a maenad waving a child); a man in one shoe interpreted as Lykourgos or Pentheus, see Giouri 1978; Schefold 1979, 112ff.; Hartle 1986, 257ff. 324 Cole 2003, 205. The term mystai was used in the context of the Eleusinian, Dionysian and Samothracian mysteries, bakchoi in the Dionysian mysteries, and mystes eusebes in the Samothracian ones, see above, page 153. 325 Zarewicz 2011, 61ff. 326 Papachatzi 1990, 1ff.; Burkert 1994, 36f. 327 Obbink 1997, 43; study of particular issues related to the papyrus from Derveni, see Laks, Most 1997; Łazicki, Nowak, Pietruczuk 2008. 328 Geiger 2000, 61ff.; Alt 2002, 270ff.; Cole 2003, 207; Eckmann 2003, 15. Plato raised the mysteries to the level of philosophy. In this way, becoming a god was made the objective of the educated as well, who no longer believed in the old gods. He presented his theory in the dialogue Phaedros: he writes of the Being which he places above the Greek gods, calling it the Truth; it is the object and source of knowledge for human souls and for the gods, and may be seen only by the mind. The souls of gods and men, also the immortal ones, are eternal, yet human souls are condemned to an earthly existence in bodily form. 329 Lilimbaki-Akamati 2003, 451ff. and above, page 31f.; example of a funerary stela with a representation of a philosopher from Vergina (see page 81 note 284; see also the painted stele of Hermon, son of Athenokles from the Kerameikos, Walter-Karydi 1988, 331ff.; Graeve 1988, 339ff.). 330 Hesiod Birth of the gods 617–620; 729–731, Pindar Olympian Ode 2.61–75; Aristophanes Frogs 326, 344, 373, 448; a forested mountain landscape with animals living in it, spouting milk everywhere, and ivy dripping with honey (Aristophanes, Frogs 103–770; 1043–1152); see Cole 2003, 212. 323

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in historic times a paradise akin to mythological times. The chosen feasted on exquisite foods filling the vessels and danced with Orpheus wearing flowers in their hair and wreaths of myrtle.331 Figural representations on the frames of klinai are for the most part from the Dionysian sphere, referring to the chthonic aspects of the god,332 identified in this context with Hades.333 Their subject matter reflected on one hand human mortality, and on the other an eternal existence in the better Afterworld. They were either painted or applied, the gilding symbolizing eternity and divinity.334 Dionysus, Aphrodite,335 satyrs, maenads with tambourines and torches, Nike and Erotes either in the sacred thiasos336 or in a sanctuary scene made up of columns, statues, fountains, and herms.337 The cult of the dead involved anointing herms, placing wreaths on them, and setting up vessels with water next to them for the souls of the dead to bathe in (χτόνια λουτρά),338 as well as making offerings of cakes and incense.339 Herms were thus monuments to Hermes, the guardian of good travel, but also to the dead. The god was accompanied by a dog340 and his sandals were plaited of myrtle branches.341 The representations referred to the idea of heroisation of the dead in the context of orphic concepts of the Underworld. The friezes with images of wild animals:342 bulls, lions,343 and panthers, considered as holy animals of the god, appearing on the narrower bands of the beds, also fall into the Dionysian sphere. Roes, deer, and horses are their victims; these animals are symbols of life and its two aspects: being and passing.344 Griffins are often found among them, from Horn 1972, 11ff. Miller 1993a, 117; Sismanidis 1997b, 200ff. 333 See above, page 154. 334 Lullies 1962, 41. 335 Horn 1972, 100. Aphrodite was often identified with Ariadne. Bunches of grapes symbolise the aphrodisiac element in most representations, as does the presence of Eros, who ensures that love exists between men and animals in the Underworld. 336 Horn 1972, 79. In dancing, for which Dionysus was responsible, the mystai were united with the gods; the maenads and satyrs in eternal dance were a model for them. 337 Tomb of Philip II in Vergina, Potidea, see pages 70, 72. 338 Eitrem 1909, 19, 22, 37, 43; see chytroi during the Antesteria. 339 This offering, just as anointing the door jambs with olive oil, was made also in the cult of Hekate, see Eitrem 1909, 19. 340 Eitrem 1909, 32. See the relief representations of a god by the kline in the Pydna I tomb, occurring there as a companion of the deceased, guardian of the tomb, or as a symbol of the protection by Hermes during the journey into the Underworld. Of analogous significance is a representation of the god on the wall of the vestibule of the tomb in Katerini (see page 28) and a statue of a dog as a tomb memorial in Pella (see page 30 note 33). For representations of dogs on steles, see Zlotogorska 1997, Cat. 43 (Vergina, stele of Antigonos), 70 (Pella, stele of Xanthos), 111 (Pella, stele of a boy), 112 (Vergina, stele of Heraklides), 195 (Amphipolis, stele of Amyntas) and 61ff. 341 Eitrem, 44. Shoe soles were among the objects associated with nuptials (see Thimme 1964, 21ff.). Their presence among the grave furnishings symbolised not only the long journey to the kingdom of En(n)odia, but also the unwedded state of the deceased woman; see also sandal soles from tombs from the first half of the 5th century BC in Vergina (see page 25 note 3 and note 5, and Chrisostomou 1998a, 71). 342 These motifs refer to patterns on Oriental textiles, see Lullies 1962, 85. 343 Dionysus in leonine form fought the Giants, evoking fear in the pirates; he also took on the form of a lion or panther when appearing to his enemies during the expedition to India. In Dionysian representations Eros rode a lion, because the Dionysian miracle of the Golden Age depended on a consolidation of oppositions, full trust in man’s communing with animals, see Horn 1972, 107f. 344 Lullies 1962, 69. Flaming torches, an attribute of figures from the milieu of Dionysus and Demeter, had a similar meaning, see above, page 153. 331 332

The symbolism of the architectural forms of the tombs in Macedonia 157 the Mycenaean period guardians of the throne345 and temples. They were called the mute dogs of Zeus346 and they lived together with the Gorgons near the Underworld and had, like them, a frightening look, which identified them as demons of death. Griffins were mentioned also in relation with the Hyperboreans;347 it was on their backs that Apollo and Dionysus rode returning to Delphi348 and when fighting the Arymasps.349 In relation with Dionysus, the lord of animals and plants, they occurred in a sepulchral context,350 often in an antithetic pose, when killing a fallow deer.351 Analogous associations were evoked by combat scenes, occasionally reflecting real events.352 The fate of hunted game is a foretoken of the fate of the hunter, and human mortality is metamorphosed into eternal life. The ‘stronger overcoming weaker’ dependence among the animals in the friezes and between the armed man and animal during the hunt in a sepulchral context referred to the irreversibility of natural processes and the inevitability of death.353 The hunt was linked with the offering rite;354 as an encounter with death, personified by Actaeon, it was an essential element of the young boy’s initiation into the world of men, a preparation for combat.355 The hunt and the act of killing, notions of death and the offering, formed a unity analogous to that of combat. 345 After the Mycenaean period again in this function in Hellenistic periods, see Simon 1962, 752. See the throne in the Tomb of Eurydice, page 74. 346 Aeschylus, Prometheus bound, 803f. 347 Herodotus IV 32. 348 On the cult of Dionysus in Delphi, see Kerényi 1997, 175ff. 349 See page 42 note 84, page 70 note 179, page 71 note 185; decoration of the central register on the kline in tomb T16 at Agios Athanasios and Potidea. Description of the Arimasps battling the griffins guarding gold in the land of the Scythians, near the Hyperboreans, in the epic poem Arimaspeia by Aristeas from Proconessus in the mid6th century BC, see Simon 1962, 760. The Greeks considered the griffins’ victory over the Arimasps as a symbol of victory over death, a symbol of immortality, see Lullies 1962, 79; Metzger, 1951, 327f.; Schauenburg 1982, 253. Griffins were also shown with females in barbarian dress, believed to represent the women of the Arimasps due to iconographic resemblance, because there is no mention in the literature of any kind of meeting, whether friendly or hostile, between the Amazons and griffins, see a representation on the pelikai mainly from Amphipolis, (page 78 note 238), and Schauenburg 1982, 253; Metzger 1951, 330ff.; Robinson 1950, 104f. On the origin of griffins in Greek iconography, see also Akurgal 1992, 33ff. 350 Simon 1962, 768. 351 See page 42 note 84, 70, 74. 352 See the battle scene on a kline in the Dion I tomb (page 71 note 187), depicting a horse rider without armor shown from the back in foreshortening, similar to the wall painting in the facade of the Tomb of Philip II in Vergina; Facade of the Tomb of Judgment in Lefkadia (see page 58f.): frieze with Greeks in combat against Persians (Greek horse riders with cloaks flying in the wind, wearing armor and bearing shields, the opponents in colourful pants, wearing tiaras and holding shields), metopes with Centauromachy and in the tympanum remains of a portrait sketch of a head with facial features leaving no doubt that the man (the owner of the tomb?) was participating in the battle. These could be real scenes of battle between the Macedonians and Persians, in which the deceased took part; all the tombs date to about 300 BC. See also Tripodi 1998, 61f., 82ff.; Fornasier 2001, 158ff. Well set in this context is a scene from the head of the vault of Kinch Tomb in Lefkadia (see page 65): horse rider, wearing no armor, dressed in a sleeved chiton and helmet set on a tiara of the Iranian type (see Olbrycht 2004, 322; Olbrycht 2006/07, 159–172), while an Iranian on foot, also without armor, wearing pants, a long tunic and a white tiara, holds a round shield with a star on it, see Pfrommer 1998, 144f. 353 Hunting and combat scenes were often juxtaposed, both being effective in consolidating individual communities. Symposia served a similar role, hence the presence of these representations on symposium vessels, see Schäfer 1997, 39 and Hoffmann 1988, 153, 158f. 354 Guilt accompanied the killing of an animal; the offering was supposed to ensure sufficient game and legitimise the act of killing, necessary to supply the community with food, see Fornasier 2001, 162f. 355 Also in this context, representations of races in tomb III in the Great Tumulus in Vergina (see page 64f.) as one of the sports preparing a young man for combat, a symbol of victory over death, but also one of the competitions during the funeral games, see Miller 1993b, 117 and on the subject of games, see Poliakoff 1989.

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Representations of the hunt356 decorating the attic of the Tomb of Philip II in the Great Tumulus in Vergina357 were set in the scenery of a sacred grove with a rocky landscape in the background referring to the Pieria Mountains,358 and they underscored the sacred and heroic aspect of the hunt.359 Representations of paradeisos and scenes of the hunt are symbolic in expressing aspects of royal representation derived from the Persian tradition;360 a successful boar hunt was considered a symbol of manhood in the Macedonian tradition.361 According to tradition, hunting on horseback was in the royal domain, while the royal boys (philoi) and guardians (somatophylakes) proceeded on foot.362 According to an interpretation proposed by some researchers,363 the main figures of the composition were Philip II in the Hunting scene on a kline from tomb T16 in Agios Athanasios, see page 42 note 84. See page 58. 358 See also Pekridou-Gorecki 1996, 94f. 359 Baumer, Weber 1991, 36; Borza (1990, 260) opts for a representation of the paradeisos, see also Briant 1991, 230ff. on the Macedonian paradeisoi; an artificial park of the Oriental kind was suggested by Stähler 1993, 111. Cohen 2014, 237–297, placed these scenes in the broader context of hunting representations in painting and relief. 360 Briant 1991, 211ff.; Fornasier 2001, 199ff.; Sawada 2010, 399–403. In countries of Asia Minor, hunting was part of official court art. Hunting lions was a privilege of rulers, also in Egypt, in view of the danger involved as well as glory. Often shown as a consequence of victorious battle, in connection with offering scenes, it legitimised power. The topos of a ruler hunting a lion meant that the king was a guarantee of continuous existence of a community, as he protected his subjects from danger and ensured inner order – wild animals embodied evil, and the king’s victory repeated acts of the gods (hunting lions as a legitimisation of power after the dethronement of Marduk by Tabu). A similar topos functioned in Achaemenid art, see a description of the hunt in Xenophon (Cyropedia, I 4,14), during which Cyrus proved his leadership skills and gained the respect and loyalty of his companions already as a young man. On the iconography of the ruler and customs not accepted by the Macedonians, see Paspalas 2005, 72–101. 361 Athenaeus I 18a. Representations of deer hunting in Greek art of the 4th century BC are relatively rare compared to frequent scenes of boar hunting from the early 6th century BC, referring to the mythical hunt for the Caledonian boar, see Fornasier 2001, 125ff. and 172; Vidal-Naquet 2003, 153ff. For deer and lion hunting scenes, known also from houses in Pella, see Makaronas, Giouri 1989, 127ff., 137, Pls 18–22, 25. 362 Completing their education in the last year, royal youths served the ruler at the table, guarded him at night, fought at his side, and accompanied him during the hunt and took part in it; it was a distinction to participate in the royal hunt, see Arrian Anabasis IV 13,1; Fornasier 2001, 215; Hammond 2002, 67. Plutarch (Eumenes 8, 6–7; 6, 1–2) describes three men in caps: philoi hunting lions and bears, dressed in chlamyses and causias, belonging to the hypaspists, the king’s guard; another fully dressed man catching fish, wearing a petasos on his head, may be an arkioros, mentioned by Xenophon (Cyropedia 2,3), see Giallombardo 1991, 272ff.; Tripodi 1998, 57. Causia made of animal skins or felt were the headgear of choice of a select group of Macedonian soldiers closest to the king (hegemones?), see Saatsoglou-Paliadeli 1993, 122ff. 363 Andronikos 1997, 106ff ; Thomas 1989, 219–226; Brecoulaki 2006, 115–117; Saatsoglou-Paliadeli 2007, 47–55. The burial chambers of almost equal size were made intentionally. Alexander the Great closed the burial chamber hurriedly when departing for Greece; the plastering of the walls was not completed, remains of the pyre with fragments of the funerary wreath were left on top of the vault and the vestibule with a separate vault was finished with greater care (Andronikos 1980, 170; Hammond 2002, 235). Fragments of a scepter mentioned by Andronikos (1977, 25,59) were found in the tomb, along with a diadem, uneven greaves, Scythian gorytos and a ceremonial shield depicting Achilles killing Penthesilea, probably belonging to Alexander. The king, who saw himself as a ‘new Achilles’, made an offering on the tomb of Achilles at Troy and took his weapons from the temple of Athena at Ilion (Arrian Anabasis I 11, 7–8), see Ameling 1987, 657ff.; Borza 1990, 260; Pfrommer 2001, 26. The chamber also yielded 14 heads carved in animal bone, once decorating the bed. Four of these, identified as Philip, Olympias, Eurydice and Amyntas, were miniature copies of statues set up in the Philipeion in Olympia (Andronikos 1997, 197; on the statues from Olympia, see Palagia 2010). The male heads are all beardless except for Philip’s, which is surprising considering that it was Alexander who introduced the fashion of shaving beards (Pfrommer 2001, 27). The ceremonial shield, greaves, armor, helmet and diadem also point to a ruler. Among the grave goods there were weapons, a breastplate, two greaves (of uneven size), three spears, a quiver, and arrows. The furnishings in the vestibule led Hammond (1991, 77) to assume that Meda from the Getai tribe or a Scythian wife was buried there. Both tribes practiced sati. Nothing of the kind was noted in any of the sources, nor is there any information on Philip wedding a Scythian (Athenaeus XIII 557). It is possible, however, that the woman buried here was Cleopatra, whom Philip wed in 337 BC; it is not likely that a barbarian wife would have been buried in a golden larnax and in a chamber more elaborate than the first one. According to Andronikos (1997, 189) and Hammond (1991, 77; 2002, 356 357

The symbolism of the architectural forms of the tombs in Macedonia 159 form of a mature, bearded male on horseback attacking a lion, and a youthful Alexander the Great as his heir, placed in the middle of the painted scene.364 A laurel wreath on his head, he approaches his father ready to help in the encounter with the wild animal. Standing in confirmation of this interpretation are the difference in their ages, and the left-side view of Philip, perhaps because he could not see with his right eye.365 In spite of being moved from the centre of the composition, Alexander’s intended action refers to the topos of the Oriental ruler, while the juxtaposition of hunting scenes of differentiated character refers to the structure of the Macedonian kingdom and reflects the king’s status as primus inter pares.366 The hierarchy of the figures symbolises continuity of power and the permanence of the kingdom.367 Both wear purple (Philip II a chlamys, Alexander a short-sleeved chiton), 232), the pyre remains above the tomb contained the skeletons of Philip’s two assassins, Heromenes and Arrabajos, who were slain by the tomb; the two swords belonged to them, while the spearhead was from Pausanias’s spear. The harnesses of the horses waiting by the theater were also burned. The body of the assassin was hanged on a cross above the body of Philip, then burned. The dating of the tomb was confirmed by the ceramics, see Drougou 2005. A later dating has been proposed in the literature on the subject, identifying the remains as those of Philip Arrhidaios and Eurydice, murdered in 316 BC; this theory was based on six elements: a/ the dating of black-glazed ‘salt cellars’ from the tomb, analogous to vessels from the Athenian Agora, to 325–295 BC (Rotroff 1984, 343ff.) and the dating based on the measure of the weight of the silver from Tomb II in reference to the weight of the drachma introduced in the early years of Alexander the Great (see Gill 2008, 335–358); b/ dating to the late 4th century BC of the diadem found in the larnax in the vestibule (Pfrommer 1990, 307); see also Ritter (1984, 105ff.), Giallombardo (1986, 497ff.), Olbrycht (2004, 290–293) on Alexander the Great taking the diadem as a symbol of assuming rule over Asia; the ‘diadem’ in the tomb is most probably a costly metal kausia band with preserving traces of an organic substance, either textile or animal skin (see Andronikos 1977, 57); it is to be kept in mind that the kausia, even a purple one, was not a royal headcover and it first appeared together with the diadem in the last quarter of the 4th century BC, in similarity to the purple colour which was introduced by Alexander, also as the colour of hetairoi clothing, see Giallombardo 1991, 276ff., 285f.; c/ dating by Achaemenid beakers and kantharoi to the late 4th–early 3rd centuries BC (Pfrommer 1987, 183f.); however, Barr-Sharrar (1991, 12f.) questions the exactness of dating of metal artifacts within a quarter of a century based on insignificant changes of body shape and ornament; d/ the presence of large silver flasks shaped like alabastra with smaller parallels of clay from the Cypriot–Palestinian–Egyptian region; the dating of these flasks is based on alabastra from Hadra (Pfrommer 1987, 183 note 1371, see Breccia 1930, 128, Pl. 22,3) and a fragment from Athenaeus (XI 784c), about wine flasks made for Lyssipos and Kassander; e/ the absence of jewellery, with the exception of the diadem, myrtle wreath and fibula of the Illyrian type, more common in male burials (see Miller 1986, 37ff.), this absence being due, according to Andronikos (1997, 179f.), to burning on the pyre; the idea is not credible considering for the sake of comparison female graves from the second half of the 4th century BC, like grave Z from Derveni, or the grave from Sedes; f/ the presence of weapons in the vestibule, explained by the queen’s participation in military expeditions (Pfrommer 1987, 183; Borza 1990, 260; Carney 1991, 23f.). See also Borza, Palagia 2007. 364 On the iconography of Philip II and Alexander the Great, see Troncoso 2010. 365 Hammond 2002, 236. The crippling could have been a consequence of fighting at Methone. Examination of the burnt bones deposited in the chamber showed that they were significantly different from one another: according to Xirotiris and Langenscheidt (1981, 157f.), an anthropological analysis revealed no traces on the bones that would confirm a wound of this kind (although the damage to the eye need not be reflected on bone), the age of the man was determined at 35–55 years, the height at 160–170 cm, whereas the woman in the vestibule was 20–30 years old and approximately 155 cm tall. Musgrave’s examination (1991, 3ff.) confirmed a trace of a blow on the skull of the man and determined his age at 40–50 years, establishing the age of the female at 23–27 years, see also Prag, Musgrave, Neave 1984, 60ff.; Musgrave, Prag, Neave, Fox, White (2010, 1–15), in response to an article by Bartsiokas (2000, 511–514), based on an analysis of the skeletal remains, definitely excluded the identification of the deceased as Philip III Arrhidaios and his wife Eurydice. 366 Tripodi 1991, 187f. and 1998, 92f.; Stähler 1993, 112; Völcker-Janssen 1993, 36f.; Fornasier 2001, 222. A similar representation of a lion hunt decorates the sarcophagus of Alexander from Sidon, attributed to Abdalonymos I (332–312 BC), who took power as the heir of Strato II after Alexander’s taking of Sidon. Graeve (1970, 136ff.) sees in this a true hunt by Alexander in the paradeisos of Sidon. The identification of the hunter with Alexander the Great is not unequivocal in view of the lack of any data on Alexander’s endangerment, and the trace of a diadem on the head of the hunter indicates a ruler’s status in general. The scenes on the sarcophagus presumably show people and events from this era who were of great importance for the deceased, see Hölscher 1973, 195. 367 Tripodi 1991, 193 and 1998, 97; Fornasier 2001, 223.

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which is not reserved exclusively for the ruler, being instead a mark of status.368 A man in purple had a heroic aura, spiritual as well as physical.369 The composition of the frieze and its subject matter, especially the lion-hunting motif, as well as numerous iconographic elements and grave goods pointing to Eastern influence, render the dating of the complex inconsistent.370 Taking into consideration the fact that the tomb was not covered by a tumulus directly after the burial ceremony, it may be assumed that it was accessible for a period afterwards, similarly to a few other sepulchral complexes of this type. Transporting Alexander’s body to Memphis was sufficient reason to make his father’s tomb into a heroon, commemorating in Macedonia the works of two great rulers by painting a scene showing the two hunting together and by placing Alexander’s belongings among the grave goods. It would explain the presence of other objects dated to the last quarter of the 4th century BC as well. The nudity of the hunters on the left side of the frieze could indicate their youthful age and particular groups – boys hunting deer, boys hunting boars, and boys hunting lions – showing successive stages of attaining a rightful position in society through increasingly more difficult hunting. The bear was also considered among the more dangerous animals – a man on the right side of the frieze is engaged in such a hunt. The man depicted fishing may refer to mythological forerunners, if one considers it as an iconographic element referring to the legitimisation of power and its continuity.371 The Macedonian hunt, also in the case of earlier rulers,372 served important political and social functions and referred to an Eastern tradition, especially since the throne was at stake. The ruler always had a high social standing, referring to the hunting tradition of mythical ancestors characterised by heroic behavior. Heroizing in the cult of the dead reaches back to Homeric times and the mythical heroes.373 It is rooted in the belief that the gods are sublime people, immortal by partaking of ambrosia (ἀμβρόσιος immortal) and nectar (od διέκτορος, a name for Hermes, companion of death). The cult of the dead was basically a belief in man’s deification374. It derived from the closeness of that which is human with that which is divine and the worship of the dead as beings resembling the gods, a concept reflected in the mysteries. It gave hope for ‘becoming a god’ because initiation made the mystai an equal of the gods. The wreath worn by the deceased or received from a personification of Arete, as in the scene on the facade of tomb II in the great Tumulus in Vergina, attests to heroisation; In Homer, a purple mantle is a mark of high social standing and wealth, a mark of power, see Baumer, Weber 1991, 37; Giallombardo 1991, 276ff.; red was considered the most beautiful colour by the Greeks and was used the most frequently in wall painting because of its durability, see Stulz 1990, 70. 369 Stulz 1990, 119f. 370 See above, note 363; Borza, Palagia 2007. On elements derived from an Eastern tradition, see Olbrycht 2004, 286–293, 319f. 371 Fornasier 2001, 222f. The interpretation refers to the myth of Perseus, fished out of the water together with his mother by Diktys, who was raised to royal status in return. Diktys was still worshipped in Athens, together with Perseus, in the times of Pausanias (II 18,1). 372 Tripodi 1998, 1ff. 373 Stupperich 1977, 60ff.; Snodgrass 1982, 107ff. 374 Lengauer 1994, 181f., 186ff. 368

The symbolism of the architectural forms of the tombs in Macedonia 161 in this case Ares is an indication of military feats.375 Similar associations are evoked by funerary monuments, although there is little data on such monuments in reference to the discussed types of tombs; they became popular in the 2nd century BC.376 Steles377 depicting a warrior’s kleos and arete were placed in the mound of the Great Tumulus in Vergina.378 They were set up next to cist graves; the rock-cut tombs and even more so the Macedonian tombs had no need for an additional form of commemoration. The exception is a monument in the form of a deep naiskos with a standing male statue in it.379 The architectural form, the epistyle above it, refers to votive reliefs.380 The concept of a statue of the deceased in a naiskos refers to representations of this type common in wall painting in southern Italy, where without any attributes to indicate heroisation they must have connoted only the elevated status of the deceased.381 The status of heroised figures was to be recognised based on the nature of the tomb marked with a mound and steles in order to retain the memory of the deceased as long as possible. The form of burial, whether inhumation or cremation, was of no significance.382 Information on status was contained in the inscription on the stele calling him a hero.383 The heroic aspect was underlined by elements of armor hanging from the walls as symbols of high social rank and a heroic life;384 Corresponding to this custom was the decoration of tomb facades with shields in raised stuccowork on either side of the entrance.385 Banquet scenes had similar connotations, influencing the plan of the tomb in resemblance of an andron. All these elements of tomb shape and furnishing point to heroisation of the deceased in the Underworld. In Macedonia only the ruler was worshipped in life: in 336 BC, during the nuptials of Cleopatra’s daughter with Alexander, King of Epirus, her father Philip II received golden wreaths from the Greek cities and his statue was carried as the thirteenth accompanying statues of 12 gods that were carried in procession to the theater.386 The See page 62; Andronikos 1987f, 367; Miller 1993b, 117. Schmidt 1991, 32. 377 Steles from the Classical period refer to Attic steles. They were made in local workshops, initially inspired by influence from Ionian territory and the Greek islands. These influences were gradually replaced by Attic characteristics, see the due care in depicting dress and the natural movement of the women on steles from Thessaloniki (Despinis, Stefanidou-Tiveriou, Voutiras 1997, 26f.), the form (a high narrow slab) and manner of execution of details on the stele from Dion, made of Pentelic marble(?) about 440 BC (Felten 1993, 412), the rendering of the warriors on steles from Pella (Felten 1993, 412) and Vergina (Saatsoglou-Paliadeli 1984, 19ff.), and the full restraint of the image on the Parian relief from Nea Kallikratia (Despinis, Stefanidou-Tiveriou, Voutiras, 1997, 25). 378 Saatsoglou-Paliadeli 1984, cat. 10, 11, 20. 379 See page 81 note 277 and Chrysostomou 1998, 148ff. 380 See Karousou 1981, 179ff. 381 They are based on Attic influences, popular in the period 360–290 BC, see Lohmann 1979, 52ff. 382 Fink 1978, 297. Cremation was popular because of the belief that a soul could be accepted into Hades only after the body had decayed. The drifting of a soul in limbo before entering Hades evoked fear among the living. 383 Steles from Pella, see Papakonstantinou-Diamantourou 1971, 46f.; also in the case of women, see LilimbakiAkamati 1987–1988, 60f. 384 Homer Odyssey XIX 4f., 31f.; XXII 24f. 385 See the painted decoration in the Tomb of Lyson and Kallikles in Lefkadia (page 66f.), shields in the facade of the tomb in Spilia Eordea, tomb III in the Great Tumulus in Vergina, tomb of Agios Athanasios III and the wall of the vestibule in the Tomb of the Judgment in Lefkadia and the tomb in Katerini (pages 28 and 58 note 136). In similar contexts on funerary banquet reliefs, see Fabricius 1999, 60ff. 386 Diodorus Siculus XVI 92.5; 95.1. The statues of the gods are referred to by the same word as the image of Philip II, eidolon. 375 376

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heroon was where the deceased was worshipped and this was located in the Great Tumulus in Vergina, by the Tomb of Persephone.387 Any analysis of the shape and furnishing of the tombs in question – cist grave, Macedonian and rock-cut – is limited by the fact that most of them were robbed in antiquity and the rendering of the walls with the painted decoration has been damaged extensively. But even the surviving evidence attests clearly to a distinction in the character of the decoration: cist graves were ornamented most frequently with vegetal motifs or objects belonging to women. Based on current data, it may be ventured that the tomb interiors were decorated when the burial was intended for a woman, limiting the decoration inside a man’s sepulcher to simple ornaments; however, tomb complexes for the more prominent men present examples of interior decoration of much greater interest from an iconographic and iconological point of view. Most of the representations are characterised by good drawing, foreshortening and excellent colouring, and their quality is proof of the presence of talented painters in the more important Macedonian centres. Painted objects belonging to women appear, albeit sporadically, in the Macedonian tombs, influenced perhaps by the decoration of cist graves. Much more frequently, however, the decoration of cist graves and Macedonian tombs refers to the house wall decoration. Chamber size is also comparable in the group of smaller Macedonian burial complexes and the planning in the form of an andron may be viewed as an affirmation of life and its more pleasant aspects, like the symposium, in the face of death. As far as grave goods are concerned, the furnishings were equally rich in cist graves and in Macedonian tombs. The period of flourishing, also in a cultural and religiousphilosophical sense, in the reign of Philip II and during Alexander’s expedition favoured the development of a monumental form of the Macedonian tomb and the influx of objects of Eastern provenience occurring in grave assemblages from the end of the 4th century BC and later. A gradual decline in finishing standards with regard to Macedonian tombs was a consequence of the pauperisation of Macedonian aristocracy resulting from Macedonia’s deteriorating economic situation in the 3rd century BC. The more modest form of rock-cut tomb gained popularity in effect, the phenomenon being reflected in a poorer set of grave goods. Moreover, the greater accessibility of tombs with a number of burials did not favour richer sets of goods. A typical set consisted of objects used during the burial ceremony (e.g., unguentaria), personal belongings (armor and weapons,388 jewellery389), offerings for the dead (pottery) and of a symbolic meaning. Most of these were of a domestic character, selected by the family of the deceased from their home belongings and ‘returned to the earth’ together with their owner. Some grave goods (like armor) were chosen to reflect the real or ideal social role of the deceased. Different meanings are represented by objects like unguentaria (furnishings from the gynaikonitis, but also vessels used in making offerings), strigils390 (personal belongings and used in the cult of the dead) and terracotta See page 15f. note 43. See page 79. 389 See page 79 note 265. 390 Kotera-Feyer 1998, 131. In representation on white grounded lekythoi, they are shown as an attribute of the deceased depicted naked, heroised, standing by the tomb monument; strigils may decorate a funerary monument; they are a mark of physical training when in the hand of the deceased, and a grave gift when held by a family member in mourning. 387 388

The symbolism of the architectural forms of the tombs in Macedonia 163 female figurines (decoration of the house, symbolic protection in the Underworld). The same is true of ornamental motifs. Commonly used decorative plant motifs were often imbued with a sepulchral-symbolic meaning, although there is no confirmation of such an interpretation in the written sources. In reference to a cyclic rebirth of nature, however, they can be treated as a symbolic picturing of the life of the deceased in the Underworld. Vessels for drinking wine appear in women’s tombs despite the fact that women did not take part in symposia. Therefore, vessels of this kind should be treated as ‘basic furnishings’ in attestation of the Dionysian mysteries. The interpretation of Dionysian grave goods as an indication of the eternal banquet of the blessed initiate is hampered by the lack of any iconographic evidence for the participation of women in such feasts,391 but they did take part in the mysteries and the texts on golden plaques also include female names.392 The sumptuous form of the tomb is thus a symbol of the hero status accorded the deceased. All three kinds of tombs were present in the Greek world and were shaped in a similar way, but the ideology behind them was more or less different depending on the region.393 The transfer of the principles shaping Macedonian tombs to foreign territory is exemplified by a fragmentarily preserved rock-cut tomb of Alkestas, younger brother of Perdikkas, located in Termessos in Pisidia in Asia Minor.394 A relief representation of a galloping rider with a spear in his hand appeared on the wall of the burial chamber and next to it one could see a helmet, shield, sword, and greaves; the sarcophagus took on the form of a kline (now without a lid), a bench for offerings in front of it, behind it a palanquin in relief with a lattice between the supports and the Ionian entablature with tympanum. The eagle with a serpent in its claws above the palanquin is a symbol of apotheosis referring to the royal status of the deceased. Next to the grave is an osteotheke with the front side in the form of a false door. Greek culture, at this time in the heyday of its development, appealed to the Macedonians living on the fringes of the Greek world. Adopting ‘fashionable’ trends and models in the arts and aspiring to contacts with the authors of this culture was a natural phenomenon at the interface of the two communities in different stages of development. The retained political structure with the king’s position of dominance (typical of Thessaly, Thrace and Asia Minor) made the aristocracy receptive to ideas from the East, present in Macedonia from the 5th century BC and intensifying after Alexander. The form of the Macedonian Graepler 1997, 182. Women are absent from scenes in vase painting showing the banquet in the Underworld as well as from reliefs with the funerary feast. 392 Iconographic representations may be treated in this case as certain set schemes, similarly to the use of the masculine form in texts on plaques in women’s graves. Written sources also do not distinguish the gender of ‘souls’ in the Underworld. 393 The single-chamber tomb from the mid-4th century BC in Contrada Vecchia near the acropolis in Paestum is an example of a tomb that can be considered as parallel to the Macedonian cist graves. The interior was divided into two, and the walls were decorated with a painting composed of scenes of the return of a warrior, racing chariots, and combat. The deceased were laid on beds made of travertine slabs. The furnishings consisted of red-figured and black-glazed ceramics. A krater, a skyphos, a fishplate, an amphora and a lekythos, two kylices, a patera, small bowls, strigils and a lamp were placed with the male burial; these were all objects connected with the palaestra, hunting, combat, wine, and symposia. The furnishings of the female burial included a hydria, lebes gamikos, lekane, a phiale, an amphora, a lekythos, gutti, a plate, a small bowl, a coin, and miniature terracotta (a pomegranate, a bunch of grapes, a fig, an almond, cheese, cake, a honeycomb, a pinecone), all determining the status of a married woman, connected with the oikos, see Bottini, Greco 1974/5, 269ff. 394 Kleiner 1963, 75. 391

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tomb combined Greek religious ideas with the aspirations of the Macedonian aristocracy, emphasizing position and wealth. Some of them had large land estates, a high social position and close contacts with the ruler, who emphasised his divine origins and referred to the Homeric tradition. The direct relationship of particular rulers with their subjects legitimised the custom of making and furnishing tombs in imitation of the royal sepulchral complexes. The cults practiced by Macedonians, their religious beliefs and eschatological concepts were also of significance in this process. The situation in Greece was different.395 Rich burials, typical of an aristocratic society, were banned by Solon (about 590 BC), and again in the times of Kleisthenes396 and Demetrios of Phaleron (317/307 BC).397 Sumptuous funerary monuments are known from a later period despite Solon’s ban: the mound on the right bank of the Eridanos, containing successive burials from the 7th through 5th centuries BC, belonged most probably to the ambassadors from Kerykera;398 mound G from the mid-6th century BC by the Sacred Road to Eleusis, made over a cist grave with remains of a wooden kline, belonged to the Alkmeonids(?),399 near the slightly later Southern Tumulus from the third quarter of the 6th century with two cist graves beneath it.400 One of these had not been disturbed, preserving numerous grave goods to indicate that the deceased must have been an envoy from eastern Ionia, who was buried on a wooden kline inlaid with ivory and amber. Exemplifying tomb furnishings from this period are fragments of clay pinakes forming a frieze, made by Exekias in the third quarter of the 6th century BC.401 Steles, statues, and sepulchral mounds disappeared around the end of the 6th and beginning of the 5th centuries BC in consequence of the reforms introduced by Kleisthenes. Tomb furnishings402 and the making of offerings403 was also greatly limited at this time. Isonomia of the citizens was imposed also in the necropolises,404 although it was conditioned by practical reasons, such as lack of space in the burial grounds. At the end of the 6th century BC, the slopes of funerary mounds were used for new burials. In the first half of the 5th century, the deceased was usually given black-figured lekythoi with mythical and Dionysian decoration, cups, jugs and personal belongings (mirrors, strigils and toys), while in the second half of the century whitegrounded lekythoi were in predominance, along with red-figured pottery and terracottas.405 Private tomb enclosures started to appear at this time, and by the end of the century relief steles came to be placed thin these precincts,406 along with monumental marble lekythoi407 395 See Kurtz, Boardman 1971; on the ideological changes conditioned by social and cultural changes in the Archaic and Classical periods, see Johnston 1999. 396 Cicero, On the Laws 2, 64. Plato also expressed an opinion about the appearance of tombs, see Cicero On the laws 2, 68. 397 See below. 398 Knigge 1980, 10. 399 Kübler 1976. 400 Knigge 1976. 401 Mommsen 1997. 402 Vessels used for meals were fewer in number than the lekythoi and other vessels for anointing the dead. 403 Stupperich 1977, 75. 404 Hoepfner-Schwandner 1994, 323. The principle concerned all aspects of daily life, equal division of land, types of houses, and even distribution of potable water by digging wells at equal distances from one another. Houses from the Classical period are devoid of any elements of luxury. 405 Kurtz, Boardman 1971, 91ff. 406 Stupperich 1977, 86ff.; Schmalz 1983; for the 4th century BC, see Scholl 1996; Bergemann 1997. 407 Schmalz 1970.

The symbolism of the architectural forms of the tombs in Macedonia 165 and lutrophoroi;408 grave goods were modest: alabastra, small lekythoi, and occasionally redfigured vessels. A greater number of objects were found in the offering places. A loosening of the ‘anti-luxury’ bans in the funerary sphere was linked to changes in the model of the private house, including painted wall decoration and floor mosaics.409 After the battle of Cheronea (338 BC), funerary monuments were used to build the defenses. The ban on costly funerary monuments issued by Demetrios of Phaleron led to their final disappearance. Tombs were marked with small columns, columella and kioniskos, or simple blocks of marble; the grave furnishings were simple and modest as well, mainly unguentaria.410 Athens’ declining role resulted in the emigration of artists and craftsmen engaged in sepulchral art to Alexander’s newly established cities abroad. Concepts concerning heroisation and the eternal symposium present in Greek literature,411 in the feasts of Genesia and Antesteria, find no confirmation in the grave furnishings; this type of representation in iconography appears mainly in vase painting, or on vessels used during banquets or as votive gifts.412 It may be an actual reflection of a real symposium or a symbol of the blessed status of the deceased, his existence in the Underworld, the overcoming of death that participants in the mysteries were promised. This combination reflected the full eudaimonia in the Underworld conditioned by a happy life on Earth attained through justice, wisdom and modesty. A single divine figure, Dionysus identified with Hades, symbolised the union of these two aspects.413 The cult of the dead in tombs that were heroa was attested outside of Attica in the late Classical and the Hellenistic periods, in Messenia, Argolis and Boeotia.414 Pottery and plaques with representations of the funerary banquet indicate the presence of specific ritual practices intended to bring together all of the family during banquets commemorating the deceased, frequently referred to as a hero. It reflected a process taking place in the late Classical period which gradually restored the importance of the elites, individualizing members of society and distinguishing individuals of particular importance for the polis. The funerary cult was celebrated in two domains: as ancestral family worship and as an honoring of the deceased.

Kokula 1984. Hoepfner-Schwandner 1994, 324. In Olynthus, this kind of interior decoration can be dated to the mid-4th century BC at the latest; it was introduced most likely at the turn of the 5th century in Athens, in peristyle houses, but so far there has been no archaeological evidence to confirm this assumption. 410 Cicero On the Laws 2, 65; see Stupperich 1977, 72ff. 411 Interpretation of fragments of dialogues by Plato dedicated to the future existence of the deceased, see Dalfen 2002, 214ff.; Ebert 2002, 251ff ; Alt 2002, 270ff. 412 On funerary banquet reliefs, see above, page 133. 413 Parker 1983, 64; Murray 1988, 255. 414 Alcock 1991, 447ff. 408 409

Chapter 5

The symbolism of the architectural form, painted decoration and furnishings of tombs in Alexandria

1. Architectural form, painted decoration, interior furnishings Eastern traditions gradually penetrating into Macedonian customs1 influenced the form of Alexander the Great’s burial in a significant way. The ceremony was prepared by Arrhidaios. The king’s body, embalmed in Babylon,2 was to be brought to Aegae and buried in the royal necropolis. The description of the burial carriage left by Diodorus Siculus (XVIII 26) is sufficiently detailed to support a reconstruction of its general appearance.3 It took two years to build,4 the form ultimately combining elements from Greek, Egyptian and Persian cultures, highlighting Alexander’s role as a pharaoh, conqueror of Asia Minor and the Achaemenid throne. The upper part of the carriage, with wheels of the Persian type5, consisted of a pavilion with a roof supported on Ionian columns. Garlands with ribbons were hung where the frieze was6 and the intercolumnar spaces were filled with a decorative lattice with an acanthus motif. A banner and golden wreath of olive leaves decorated the vault, and figures of Nike with trophies were mounted at the corners. Two lions guarded the entrance to the interior, which was decorated with panel paintings on each of the four walls7 depicting the march of Alexander’s armies.8 The embalmed body, still with face uncovered for the prothesis and ekphora, rested on a bed inside a golden coffin9 filled with fragrant roots and covered with a purple gold-embroidered textile.10 The arms of the deceased were set up around the kline.11 Macedonian traditions are clearly evident here 1 On the dress, see Plutarch Alexander 45,1; Arrian Anabasis 4,7,4; 8,4; 9,9; the custom of proskynesis, see Plutarch Alexander 54,3; Arrian Anabasis 4,10,5–12,2. See also Olbrycht 2004. 2 Alexander’s body was embalmed according to the Chaldean (Babylonian) custom. His accepting of the Egyptian crown excluded cremation, popular in Macedonia, see Pfrommer 1999, 28. 3 See Müller 1905; Miller 1986, 401ff. collectively with an illustration of earlier reconstructions; Olbrycht 2004, 311–313 (with an analysis of elements of Eastern origin). 4 The architect Stasikrates, who had earlier raised the funeral pyre of Hephaestion, may have been the builder of this carriage (Plutarch Alexander 72), see Müller 1905, 73f. 5 Held together with iron nails as shown in the battle chariots of Achaemenid rulers depicted on the stele from Daskyleion, see Miller 1986, 403. 6 Müller 1905, 59ff. 7 According to Müller (1905, 63ff.) the panels were placed on the walls of the inner chamber; examples of reconstructions with the paintings on a lattice, see Miller 1986, 406ff. 8 Diodorus Siculus XVIII 26, 60–85. Scenes of battle glorifying Alexander should have decorated the place where the body of the ruler and commander lay in state, but they were not included for the sake of the conquered peoples; his victorious march was alluded to by images of Indian elephants ridden by Macedonians and Indians as well as many Persian melophores. 9 Müller 1905, 34ff.; on references to the Achaemenid tradition in the form of a sarcophagus, see Olbrycht 2004, 311. 10 This may have been Alexander’s army cloak, see page 160 note 368 and Müller 1905, 36. 11 Diodorus Siculus XVIII 26,15–30.

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The symbolism of the architectural form of tombs in Alexandria 167 in the form of a vaulted pavilion12 encircled by a colonnade, and in certain burial traditions like the kline on which the king’s coffin rested, his armor piled up around the bed, and the garlands and paintings that referred to Macedonian tomb decoration.13 Alexander’s body became a relic in the Hellenistic world, ensuring good fortune and blessing to the city which would have the tomb.14 The march to Macedonia started out from Babylon at the turn of 322 BC. In Syria, Ptolemy I took charge of the carriage in order to fulfill Alexander’s wish15 to be buried in Egypt. The body was laid to rest, according to the Macedonian rite,16 in a tomb in Memphis, most probably in a Hellenistic sacred and religious context encompassing the temple of Nektanebo II (the mythical father of Alexander the Great), and an avenue of sphinxes, chapels (dedicated to Apis and Lychnaption) and numerous statues (including Dionysus).17 A semicircular exedra was raised in front of the temple and statues of members of the family of Ptolemy, poets and philosophers were erected there.18 The tomb of Alexander was a place of his cult until his sarcophagus was moved to Alexandria.19 A new tomb was raised either in the area of the Akropolis (Akra) or within the royal complex which occupied more than a quarter of the city.20 Based on the context of the usage of the word καμάρα, which other authors use to refer to a form of roofing, but also to a vaulted chamber (the form of the tent of Ptolemy II, see Athenaios V 196b; the main chamber and one of the smaller chambers on the ship of Ptolemy IV, see Athenaios V 205c and d), an inner chamber may be assumed to have existed also on the carriage, the walls made of latticework and a coffered peristyle ceiling, see Müller 1905, 40. 13 As an example of the assimilation of the form, see also the monument of the Nereids from Xanthos, raised in the first decades of the 4th century BC by Arbinas, ruler of Lycia. In spite of Lycian and Persian influences, the tomb takes after Greek temple architecture of the Ionian order, with a sekos serving as a burial chamber with four stone beds. The burial was made in the podium below, however, as in Lycian pillar tombs. Decoration themes include, among others, relief representations of the ruler’s victorious battles on the podium, the funerary banquet on the frieze in the cella, and hunting and offering scenes on the architrave, see Fedak 1990, 66ff ; Bernhard 1992, 192ff. 14 Aelian Varia Historia XII, 64. 15 Diodorus Siculus XVIII 28, 2–3. 16 Pausanias I 6, 3. 17 Schmidt-Colinet 1986, 87ff. The Lychnaption, which is dedicated to the person responsible for the lighting essential in the Osiris cult and the cult of the dead, points to the links between the complex as a whole and the cult of the dead. The Apis cult and Oriental statuary of animals from the Dionysiac milieu have equal significance, on one hand sacral in nature, on the other symbolizing Alexander’s triumph and his eternal life. On Alexander’s mythical ties with Nectanebo II, Alexander’s deification and its importance for the Ptolemaic ruler cult, see Grimm 1978b, 103ff. On worshipping the dead Ptolemaic rulers as gods in Egyptian temples, see Winter 1978, 147ff. 18 Among them stood full figures and busts. The group of philosophers included Plato, Heraclites, Tales, Protagoras; among the poets were Homer, Pindarus, Hesiod, Orpheus(?), see Schmidt-Colinet 1986, fig. 2. 19 Curtius Rufus X 20; Adriani 2000, 5ff. 20 Strabo XVII 1,8; Zenobios (III 94) placed the tomb in the city centre, the term in this case referring to the metropolis growing to the east in the first half of the 2nd century BC; Achilleus Tatios (V 1,3) mentions ‘Αλεξάνδρου τόπος’ located in the centre of the city of his times, but does not mention a funerary complex. The false interpretation of ‘Αλεξάνδρου τόπος’ as Alexander’s tomb, combined with Zenobios’s unclear data, directed the search to the centre of imperial Alexandria, taking into consideration the crossing of streets either L1 and R1 or L1 and R5. According to a tradition quoted by Mahmoud Bey el-Falaki (1872, 11ff., 49ff.; Neroutsos Bey 1888, 55ff ; Botti 1898, plan) the funerary enclosure was located on the spot of the Nabi Daniel mosque (east of R5, south of L1) at the foot of Kom el-Dikka. The tomb of Nabi Daniel (originally a sheikh from Mosul living in Alexandria in the 14th century; the prophet Daniel was later worshipped in this location) was found in a subterranean vaulted chamber above which the mosque was raised. This theory was rejected as a result of investigations in the 1920s by E. Breccia, A. Adriani and Polish archaeologists working in Alexandria (Michałowski, Dziewanowski 1970, 10; see Adriani 2000, 27ff. with extensive discussion including the discus representation on a lamp from the National Museum in Poznań published by Bernhard 1956, 129ff.; for a different interpretation of the lamp, see Bailey 1988, 431; Tkaczow 2001, 146). According to a different Arab tradition originating from Leo Africanus (1494/95–1552), 12

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Alexander’s last resting place was the Sema,21 raised by Ptolemy IV in 215 BC. The first three Ptolemaic kings and their wives were also laid to rest there, as were the later rulers. The term Sema, also Soma in the sources, was of symbolic importance. The first meant ‘funerary monument’,22 but also ‘symbol’, indicating the monumental form of the tomb that distinguished it from others. The word soma as a reference to the ‘body of the deceased’ and ‘mummy’ could suggest a different form of burial for the embalmed body of Alexander. Lukan’s (VIII, 695ff.) is the sole description of this sepulchral complex:23 Alexander’s body lay in a vaulted chamber, while the other kings lay covered by the same tumulus, but in separate pyramids and mausolea (Cum tibi sacrato Macedon servetur in antro et regum cineres extructo monte quiescant, cum Ptolemaeorum manes seriemque pudendam Pyramides claudant indignaque Mausolea). The funerary enclosure was destroyed, probably in the 3rd century AD.24 A tomb built of alabaster slabs, today in the Latin cemetery in Alexandria, is identified with the burial of Alexander. The slabs are not decorated except for a relief molding in the entrance to the burial chamber25 and the natural veining of the alabaster. The surviving fragments allowed the vestibule to be restored.26 It is the only one of the preserved monumental Alexandrian tombs that was constructed and originally covered with a tumulus. Its form and location, slightly to the northeast of the crossing of streets L1 and R1, gave grounds for the theory that it was part of the original tomb of Alexander the Great, identical with Ptolemy IV’s Sema.27 The location near the eastern city walls is contrary to Strabo’s information and Ptolemy’s ideological premises formulated in connection with the burial of a Macedonian king – a worshipped ruler could not have been buried on the fringes of a city. First and foremost, the foundation of the tomb does not correspond to included in his Descrizione dell’Africa published in 1550, the tomb of Alexander lay in the courtyard of the old Attarin Mosque; it turned out, however, that this sarcophagus belonged to Nectanebo II (361/60–343 BC), see Bernard 1998, 249ff.; Grimm 1998, 67f.; for a listing of suggestions for the location of the tomb of Alexander, see Adriani 2000, 13ff. 21 Schlange-Schöningen 1996, 116ff ; Adriani (2000, 39ff.) assumes only that the funerary enclosure built by Ptolemy I was enlarged and developed into a temenos by Ptolemy IV; in the author’s opinion, this enclosure was located at the crossing of streets L1 and R1. 22 Cassius Dio LXXVI, 13: μνημεῖον. 23 Cremation was common among Macedonian rulers and among the Greeks. As pharaohs of Egypt the Ptolemies had to choose the inhumation practice for religious reasons. Ptolemy IV was the sole exception. Cremating the body meant that one could not stand for the judgment of Osiris and be granted eternal life in the Underworld. In the case of the pharaoh, seen as the intermediary between gods and men, a continued existence was important in view of his religious and cultic duties. In this context the cremation of Ptolemy IV, murdered by Sosibios in order to eliminate the Lagid dynasty, was intended as a symbolic end of the dynasty for the Egyptian population. Therefore, Lukan’s testimony, refuting the mummification of the Ptolemies, repeated later by Suetonius (August 18, 1, the bodies of the first four Ptolemies were cremated, and Cassius Dio LI 16,5), is erroneous in the historical and religious contexts; it was prompted presumably by the information given by Polybius (XV 25: on the urn of Ptolemy IV and Arsinoe III), see Grimm 1997, 239ff., especially 243 note 55, see also Fraser 1972, 377 note 306. 24 The last ruler to visit the tombs according to the sources (Herodian IV 8,9) was Caracalla in 215; before him Julius Caesar (Lukan X, 19) and Octavian (Suetonius, August 18, 1; Cassius Dio LI 16,5) did it, both of them descending into the subterranean chamber. The complex was no longer in existence by the end of the 4th century AD (John Chrysostom Oratio 26,12), see Grimm 1998, 67f.; Adriani 2000, 10f. 25 Limnaiou-Papakost 2001, 66f. The kymation frame parallels the moldings around the door in the Agia Paraskevi tomb and tomb Δ in Pella, dated to the end of the 4th century BC. 26 The size of the reconstructed vestibule: 2.63x3.45x2.7 m, the passage: 0.93x2.05 m; reconstruction of the original appearance of the tomb composed of a vestibule and chamber with Doric elements in the decoration of the facade (tympanum, Doric pilasters, doorway frame), see Adriani 2000, 41ff. 27 Adriani 2000, 47f.

The symbolism of the architectural form of tombs in Alexandria 169 layers from the Ptolemaic period in other parts of Alexandria.28 The presence of a well just 0.8 m from the tomb, accessed from below ground level and most probably of Byzantine date, proves that the alabaster blocks are not in situ.29 If these are indeed fragments from Alexander’s tomb built by Ptolemy I, then it should be assumed that they were moved at a time when the tradition of Alexander’s cult no longer existed and the alabaster blocks were reused for a different monument. The tomb was made undoubtedly in the times of Ptolemy I, about 300 BC,30 for someone of most probably Macedonian origin and elevated status at the court of Ptolemy I, as attested by the form and size approaching Macedonian tombs, as well as the costly material, alabaster, which is found in the rock-cut tombs solely as painted plaster imitations. The Alabaster Tomb is the only example of a sepulchral structure openly referring to Macedonian models. Other funerary complexes were cut in the rock and were changed over time by the addition of new chambers and niches for successive burials. Their form was anticipated by the few tombs with entrances in the shorter sides, accessed by a short flight of steps.31 The two different ground plans distinguished above, the oikos type32 and the peristyle/pseudoperistyle,33 are derived from domestic architecture. The oikos type is modeled on Greek houses of the prostas type:34 two chambers aligned on the long axis forming a kind of vestibule and a much smaller burial chamber. This arrangement was supplemented with a two-column portico, preserved in Mustapha Pasha tomb II, leading into the vestibule.35 In the initial period, the chamber had a rock-cut bed with a niche placed above it.36 The vestibule, which had benches lining the long walls, originally served a cult function. Successive burial niches were cut in the walls of the chamber and vestibule, thus changing the nature of the prostas to a funerary and cultic complex.37 Another way of enlarging the tomb was to add a symmetrical burial chamber on the axis of the tomb.38 The courtyard of Hypogeum A in Chatby anticipates a peristyle complex. A wall here was articulated with illusionist painting of columns with half-open windows between them and a central doorway. It separated the part of the tomb with a burial chamber furnished with beds from the rest of the complex and constituted in itself a much-transformed version of the Macedonian tomb facade,39 preserving its official character. The same is to be said of the back wall in burial chamber (g) with an entrance leading to the niche with beds (g’).40 28 The tomb foundation is about 2.5 m below ground level, while the Ptolemaic layers are found at a depth of 8–10 m, see Limnaiou-Papakosta 2001, 67. 29 Limnaiou-Papakosta 2001, 67. The blocks were probably not moved over any longer distance considering their size and weight, and they were deposited in this location when the well was no longer in use (it may have been filled in already by this time). 30 Grimm 1998, 69. 31 Venit 2002, 24. 32 See page 90ff.; Pagenstecher 1919, 97ff., 112ff.; Adriani 1936, 67ff. 33 See page 97ff.; Pagenstecher 1919, 101ff. 34 See page 127. 35 Also in the necropolis in Plinthine, see page 102f. 36 Sidi Gaber, Suk el-Wardian, see page 90f., 94f. 37 Similarly in later complexes, e.g., Gabbari, see Sabottka 1983, 196f., fig. 2. 38 See Sabottka 1983, 196f. 39 Given mistakenly by Venit (2002, 34) as the earliest example of an illusionist painted facade, see page 65f. and below note 48, facade on the back wall of the burial chamber in the Tomb of Eurydice in Vergina. 40 See page 99.

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The peristyle tomb is characterised by a colonnaded courtyard (Mustapha Pasha IV, Zawijet el-Metin and the tomb on Cape Zephirion), more frequently a pseudo-collonade (Mustapha Pasha I and the complex found south of Mustapha Pasha II41). Simpler hypogea of this type did not have columns. Burial chambers or narrow loculi opened on this courtyard. No regular plan is followed; the chambers either surrounded the courtyard in symmetrical fashion, or they were aligned on the long axis.42 The side of the courtyard where the main burial chamber was located was often accentuated with a portico with three passages (Mustapha Pasha I, II, III). This type of richer facade is exemplified by the south wall of the courtyard in Mustapha Pasha tomb I.43 Greek elements like the figural scene on the lintel, a triglyph and metope frieze, Doric columns fluted in the upper part,44 two quarter columns joined at the corners, and kymatia decorating the door frames were combined with Egyptian ones, such as sphinxes on pedestals flanking each of the three passages,45 and lintels with acroteria of an Egyptianizing form. This is in fact a combination of Greek tectonic elements with Egyptian ornamentation. The form of the facade is interpreted as a kind of set design (scenae frons46), referring to the description of the propylon with a portal decorated with ivory, leading to the Thalamegos,47 featuring breaks in the wall See page 92f. A more regular layout of the chambers around the courtyard is found in tombs from a later period like the tomb in the Garden of Antoniadis or in Marina el-Alamein, see Daszewski 1994, 52ff. 43 See page 97. 44 This kind of column also occurs in hypogeum A in Chatby, the courtyards of hypogeum I and III in Mustapha Pasha, Sidi Gaber (see page 90ff., 92, 97, 99) and the so-called temple of Arsinoe Aphrodite Zephiritis, see Breccia 1912, XXXIII. According to Wannagat (1995, 104ff., 110ff.) the partial fluting is aesthetic in nature, designed to join the columns and walls, and is derived from Alexandrian palatial or residential architecture. In the portico arrangement, these columns are optically linked to the slabs closing the lower parts of the intercolumnar spaces; as an element of the facade, the lower plain part merges with the orthostats supporting the upper fluted part. Venit (2002, 201ff.) rejected this interpretation, assuming after Coulton (1978, 111ff.) that the reason for not fluting the lower parts of columns, up to the average height of a human, was functional, intended to avoid damage to the fluted edges. The treatment was purely decorative in tombs. However, in view of the tomb arrangements with evident illusionist features (see Pensabene 1993, 135ff.), in similarity to Macedonian architecture (see page 171 note 48, 175), I would be inclined to accept Wannagat’s theory, especially since models of columns of this kind from Delos, dated after 270 BC, could not have been introduced so rapidly into Alexandrian sepulchral architecture. See also the columns in the facade of the later Macedonian tomb from Spilia Eordea, dated to the second quarter of the 2nd century BC, where partial fluting was linked most probably with the level to which the tomb was covered (Karamitrou-Mentisidi 1987, 23ff.). 45 The sphinxes most likely also stood on two pedestals flanking the entrance to the elongated vestibule behind the open courtyard in Suk el-Wardian, see page 94 note 25. 46 Adriani 1966, 129. 47 The ship, which was a kind of catamaran intended for river sailing, took on the form of a palace surrounded by a colonnade on the ground level and featuring a row of (false?) windows in the upper-floor facade. The architecture was Greek apart from one chamber on the upper floor. The entry led through a double portico and vestibule into a large royal oikos, constructed of Syrian cedar wood and Milesian cypress; 20 doors were positioned symmetrically around it. Twenty klinai were placed in the Corinthian peristyle. The interior decoration was of gilded copper, ivory and gold. Two oikoi for women were located behind the peristyle. Steps led to the upper floor, to a chamber with five beds and a ceiling decorated with rhomboids, opening onto a tholos with a statue of Aphrodite. The next oikos, flanked by two similarly arranged bedrooms, divided by columns made of Indian stone, opened onto a Dionysian oikos with gilded walls and 13 klinai. The longer side was taken up by a cave imitating a rock structure with gold and ivory, and in it were statues of members of the royal family. Behind the oikos was a roofless chamber covered with a purple canvas mounted on a vault structure, and an open courtyard leading through to an oikos in Egyptian style with nine klinai set around a peristyle with columns set up of alternating white and black drums, topped with capitals incorporating rose bud and palm date motifs; orthostats of white and black stone as well as alabaster decorated the walls, see the description of Kallixenos in Athenaios V 204d–206c; Caspari 1916, 50f ; Grimm 1998, 59ff.; Pfrommer 1999, 93ff. The ship holding the sanctuary and banquet halls was built in the Macedonian tradition but with a specifically Ptolemaic arrangement of the sacral zone. Guests were given the 41 42

The symbolism of the architectural form of tombs in Alexandria 171 typical of temple and theater architecture and the proskenion in the first chamber on the ship.48 A similar arrangement, referring to palatial architecture, is present in the courtyard of Mustapha Pasha tomb III; pits found in the central part were most probably intended for growing plants, whereas the facade with the entrance to the burial chamber was situated somewhat higher up.49 A similar connection existed here as in the case of the fronts of Macedonian tombs and palatial buildings, featuring both a monumental facade with a propylon – with false windows in the upper tier at Aigai50 – and an inner courtyard surrounded by a chamber.51 The illusionistic character of Macedonian architecture is thus present in the Alexandrian buildings as well. It could be assumed that the shaping of Macedonian tomb facades influenced Alexandrian complexes, but the evidence for this is still missing. Another element referring to palatial architecture is the courtyard–oikos arrangement, which is present in the Thalamegos, the slightly later villa of Diotimos in the Fayum,52 and the funerary complex in Chatby. The exedra shape of the niche in Mustapha Pasha hypogeum III53 refers to the chambers opening off the northern peristyle of the palace54 and insula I,3 in Pella, but its function has yet to be explained satisfactorily.55 The exedra could have had a dual function, either as a place for setting up statues (the exedra in the palace at Pella probably served this purpose) or as a meeting place with benches for those who wanted to sit on them (the presumed role of the exedra in insula I,3). Apses, which are also known from cult buildings, were frequently associated with chthonic

opportunity to experience the divine aspects of the hosts: the oikos of Dionysus referred to Ptolemy IV presenting himself as the ‘new Dionysus’, the tholos of Aphrodite to the cult of Bereniki I and Arsinoe II, to whom as Euploia Admiral Kallikrates from Samos dedicated a temple on Cape Zephirion (made memorable in the epic poem of Callimachus, see Fraser 1972, 239), Pfrommer 1996, 105f. 48 Pfrommer 1999, 95ff. The term η σκηνή was used in the description of the ship. It could be an indication that the original design was intended as a stage on which the royal couple could be presented as deities: Ptolemy IV, who occupied himself with drama writing (‘Adonis’), identified himself as a new Dionysus/Osiris. Elements of stage architecture were also to be found in the chamber behind the propylon, which Kallixenos described as a ‘proskenion’. To pass into the courtyard one had to climb some steps to a podium preceding the propylon with its four doorways. Venit’s interpretation (2002, 37, 65ff.) of tomb facades as a reference to theater architecture forming a backdrop for the obsequies, which is based on the introduction of dramatic effects in the architecture of the late 3rd/2nd century BC, taking advantage of illusionism, light, and shadow effects, has no application in sepulchral architecture. The form of tombs is based on one hand on palatial or residential architecture and on the other, on their sacral aspects which refer by the same to shrine architecture, heroa, very much like the ideology of Macedonian tomb complexes. This idea is supported further still by the eschatological concepts of the Macedonians assimilated with Egyptian beliefs, see Babraj, Gorzelany 2003, 166ff. and Kerkeslager 2003, 4f. 49 See page 93f. 50 See page 118: windows in the facade of the Tomb of the Judgment in Lefkadia and the facade painted on the back wall of the Tomb of Eurydice in Vergina. See also pages 94 and 176 with regard to false doors in hypogeum A in Chatby. 51 Pfrommer 1999, 97f. 52 Description in papyri from Zeno’s archives from the mid-3rd century BC: the entrance to the palatial complex led through a propylon to the vestibule, beyond which was the complex of chambers for men with an andron furnished with seven klinai and an exedra in the peristyle (most probably in analogy to the palatial complex and house in Pella, see page 179 notes 54 and 55 and Heerman 1986, 364ff.); the gynaikonitis is not mentioned, but a household wing with a kitchen and bath is, see Nowicka 1969, 139f.; Pfrommer 1999, 117ff. 53 See page 93. 54 Eastern exedra c with vestibule, western exedra g, see Heerman 1986, 181ff., 188ff. 55 Room o by courtyard s. It was a public building, possibly a palestra for state and religious ceremonies. It is the earliest known example of an apsidal room being included in a larger architectural complex, see Heerman 1986, 84f., plans III–IV.

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deities.56 Both of the complexes in Pella had altars, both permanent ones in the courtyards and mobile ones in the chambers.57 No remains of domestic architecture from the Hellenistic period are known from Alexandria. Knowledge of its appearance is usually derived from the funerary architecture in written sources.58 The information referring to the tent of Ptolemy II,59 the villa of Diotimos60 and the Thalamegos61 does not allow for more than a limited reconstruction of what this architecture looked like. It is more than likely that the Greek and Macedonian citizens of Alexandria modeled their houses on their native architecture. Based on this assumption, we can also assume that select elements of domestic architecture, such as the axial oikos-prostas arrangement, the peristyle courtyard and the beds in the chambers, were adapted, especially by the Macedonian group, when designing the rock-cut sepulchral complexes.62 Nonetheless the Alexandrian tomb differs from the Macedonian structures in some basic ways.63 The interior proportions have been reversed, for example. Burial chambers, which were the most important part of a Macedonian tomb, are here reduced to small chapels completely filled with beds. The small vestibule of Macedonian tombs takes on much larger proportions here, basically changing its function. The presence of benches for family members participating in the various ceremonies and altars set up in the middle, in front of the burial chamber, demonstrate the vestibule’s new role as a place for cult celebrations.64 The family character of the hypogea necessitated new burial niches to be cut in the vestibule, the burial chamber being probably intended for the most important person in the family, this attested by contemporary burials made in the loculi. It may be assumed then that loculi in the prostas was a planned arrangement, even though it frequently clashed with the original painted wall decoration.65 The vestibule was no longer a chamber leading into the tomb – its role had been taken over by the courtyard.

Dyggve 1948, 272ff.; Heerman 1986, 364ff. Heerman 1986, 103f. 58 Noshy 1937, 54ff.; Nowicka 1969. 59 The tent was put up within the Akra for the symposium during the Ptolemaia in honor of Ptolemy I (see Athenaios V 197c–203b). Standing along its sides were 130 klinai and above them a coffered roofing and purple canopy spread out on columns in the shape of date palms and thyrsoi (form unknown among preserved objects, possibly Egyptian tent poles which resembled thyrsoi to the Greeks, see Haeny 1970, 77). A portico shut off the space on three sides, ensuring a place for the procession of guests. The interior was decorated with Phoenician textiles and wild animal skins, while the floor was strewn with a variety of flowers despite the winter season. Beds with legs in the shape of sphinxes were covered with woolen purple bedspreads and elaborately embroidered colourful textiles. Two three-legged tables laden with vessels and a small rug for the feet were placed in front of each guest. Behind the beds were silver stands with water jugs and basins for washing. Vessels for mixing wine stood in the centre along with golden bejeweled goblets, see Athenaios V 196a–197c; Studniczka 1914; Haeny 1970, 75ff.; Grimm 1998, 57f ; Müller 2009, 181–189. 60 See above, note 52. 61 See above, note 47. 62 Pagenstecher (1919, 98) assumed that tombs of the oikos type were modeled on Macedonian tombs, whereas peristyle tombs were modeled on Egyptian and Eastern houses, wrongly believing that houses of this type were not known in northern Greece; for a comparison of a tomb from Chatby with a house plan from Priene, see Pagenstecher 1919, 106. Adriani (1936, 75f.) was of the opinion that borrowed elements were limited to the klinai and an axial arrangement, as in the house type developed in the Greek-Alexandrian milieu. 63 See Adriani 1936, 170ff , referring to the function of a Greek temenos with a heroon. 64 On the function of the vestibule in a part of the Macedonian tombs, see page 127. 65 Suk el-Wardian, see page 94f. 56 57

The symbolism of the architectural form of tombs in Alexandria 173 The courtyard idea is not entirely foreign to Macedonian sepulchral architecture. The architectural form of the facade required an open space in front of it, even if only for the duration of the funeral. Otherwise it could never have been seen in full. This is attested by tombs with dromoi that had no decorated front. In two cases a small courtyard connected the dromos and the tomb with its facade.66 Alexandrian hypogea combined the functions of a burial place, a place for commemoration of the dead and a meeting place for families observing anniversaries of the death of their kin.67 In the peristyle tombs the courtyard served the two latter purposes.68 Altars and remains of water installations in these courtyards constitute further evidence. One may even assume the presence of cultivated gardens in the courtyards,69 in similarity to Egyptian sepulchral complexes,70 adding another factor, besides cult practices, to the explanation for water being made available inside the tombs.71 Similar installations must have existed in houses, considering that gardens are known to have been part of the Alexandrian domestic architecture.72 In Greek architecture there is no tradition of gardens inside the houses, in the courtyards, or peristyle porticoes.73 The courtyard with its altar and garden created a sacred ambience that brings to mind comparisons with Egyptian funerary complexes74 dating from the 8th to the early 6th century BC, especially from the region of Asasif in Western Thebes.75 These tombs were imbued with a triple function deriving from the sphere of royal cult.76 First came the preservation of the body, ensuring a life in the underworld by providing daily and occasional offerings; in this sense, the tomb was like a house of the dead. The second function was of a social nature, commemorating the dead by celebrating his or her cult in specified places inside the tomb enclosure. An effort was made to preserve identity and cultural continuity, especially in the form of habitual worship of Osiris and Re. Funerary complexes are composed of units of specific function. The courtyard with false doors by the wall or a cult niche easily accessible to visitors was where offerings were regularly made to the dead. Commemorative ceremonies on days of anniversaries of deaths Agia Paraskevi, Pella Δ. Daszewski 1994, 57. 68 Pagenstecher 1919, 99. The courtyard ensured lighting of the burial chambers , although only to a limited extent owing to the layout of the hypogea. Low stone parapet walls around the central courtyard, preserved in the tombs of Marina el-Alamein and probably also the tombs in Gabbari, referred to residential architecture, but were also to some extent protection against sand filling the sunken courtyards, see Daszewski 1994, fig. 6; Pfrommer 1999, 122. 69 Courtyard lying below the level of the portico floor in the Mustapha Pasha III tomb, see page 93 and page 187f. 70 Eigner 1984, 116ff.; for example, the tomb of Anchor and Mutirdis, see Zeidler 1994, 272. 71 The courtyard or one of the chambers may have been reserved for preparing the deceased for prothesis, ritual purification according to Greek beliefs. Access to water also allowed those taking part in the funeral to be purified, see page 144f. and 188, and Parker 1996, 36. 72 Strabo XVII 1,9; Carroll-Spillecke 1992, 156ff , 166ff. On gardens established around Alexandria, see Jähne 1980, 155ff. 73 Fedak 1990, 91. 74 Referring to later burial complexes in Marina el-Alamein, where the aboveground superstructures of the hypogea were preserved; such superstructures may have existed in Alexandria as well. These are entrance porticos and banquet halls, see Daszewski 1994, 56ff.; Pfrommer 1999, 121f. 75 Here the tombs were best preserved, but they can be expected to have occurred also in the area of Memphis and Lower Egypt, see Daszewski 1994, 60 note 37; Abou el-Atta 1992, 17ff.; Lipińska 1977, 101ff. 76 Zeidler 1994, 271. 66 67

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took place there or possibly in the vestibule.77 The deceased, who became one with Osiris after death, was worshipped like a god,78 not only to preserve his or her memory, but also because of his or her blessed status and the positive influence he or she could have on the life of the family. This cult was celebrated in the vestibule, before the niche with a statue of the deceased or a chapel with folding doors, or possibly in a courtyard with a niche of Osiris;79 the trees growing in the courtyard referred to the Osiriac aspects of this cult.80 The chambers intended for cult practices in Egyptian funerary complexes have their counterparts in Alexandrian tombs. Judging by surviving underground parts of the tombs,81 these were flights of steps leading down into the interiors, courtyards, vestibules, and burial chambers with loculi sealed with stone slabs decorated with carved images of doors. Unlike the Egyptian tombs, cult places combining the aspects of making offerings to the dead, offerings on special occasions and worship of the deceased, determined by the presence of altars and benches, can be found directly next to the burial niches, in the vestibule and in the courtyards.82 In the Ptolemaic age Egyptian tombs were open to visitors, although only in the parts that were permitted, and their architecture was commonly known.83 Tombs of the oikos type may have been inspired, one would like to think, by the tomb of Karabasken (TT 391)84 or Irtieru (TT 390).85 A counterpart of the Mustapha Pasha II hypogeum among the peristyle tombs is the funerary complex of Seremhatrechit (TT 209)86 as is that of Ibi87 with the opposite porticoes in the courtyard. The rich decoration of the courtyard of the Mustapha Pasha I tomb and the large lateral niches cut in it, even the dais in the courtyard of Mustapha Pasha III, refer to the tomb of Monthemhet (TT 34).88 However, contrary to the cult function of niches in Egyptian tombs,89 in Alexandria some of them were used as small burial chambers. Later, as indicated by the complexes in Anfushy, a limit was placed on cutting more loculi,90 although some fundamental changes were introduced in the decoration of these tombs in the course of their use, designed to emphasise the Egyptian character of the tomb. The borrowings were therefore both structural and functional. Features characteristic of Egyptian tombs, such as an axial alignment with monumental steps or a corridor connecting the aboveground part with an open underground courtyard, occasionally with a vestibule and columns or pillars, furnished with an altar and water installations, and a The wall decoration referred to rituals celebrated there, see Zeidler 1994, 273f. Eigner 1984, 163ff. 79 With decoration referring to the Book of the Dead, cosmological representations, rituals worshipping the dead, see Zeidler 1994, 275f. 80 See page 188. 81 Daszewski 1994, 54. 82 in later tombs – Anfushy, for example – they occurred also in the burial chambers as attested by the presence of offering tables, see Zeidler 1994, 279. 83 Attested by inscriptions and secondary burials, see Zeidler 1994, 280, 283 note 55. 84 Eigner 1984, 40, plan 8. 85 Eigner 1984, 48, plan 17. 86 Eigner 1984, 34, fig. 8. 87 Kuhlmann, Schenkel 1983; Eigner 1984, 51f., fig. 27. 88 Eigner 1984, 44, 186ff , plan 11ff. 89 Eigner 1984, 128ff. 90 Adriani (1952, 61ff., 118ff., 120) assumed that the deceased were laid out on beds that were later removed; Daszewski (1994, 61 note 52) suggested burials in accordance with the Egyptian tradition, below cult chambers. 77 78

The symbolism of the architectural form of tombs in Alexandria 175 vestibule and burial chamber extended by burial niches cut in the walls, are also present in Alexandrian sepulchral architecture.91 This was given a Greek form employing elements from the Classical architectural orders, such as framing of doorways92 and wall decoration in a structural or architectural style.93 The pseudo-peristyle courtyards gave the opportunity to create, in a manner characteristic of Macedonian architecture,94 an illusion of another building, that is, a private house.95 Egyptian-style decoration did not appear until the end of the 3rd century BC, taking on the form of framing of door and window openings, and sphinxes flanking the entrances. Particular stages of the process are evident in the burial chambers of Anfushy.96 The growing presence of Egyptianizing decoration in the Alexandrian tombs, but presumably also in the urban sphere if the descriptions of official representative complexes like Ptolemy II’s tent and Ptolemy IV’s ship are anything to go by, expresses to a greater extent the Egyptianisation of the Greeks rather than increasing numbers of people of Egyptian origin and their importance in Alexandrian life.97 Thus it is that the Alexandrian tomb combined elements of Greek domestic architecture, the Macedonian tombs as regards the architecture and cult functions and commemoration of the dead, and solutions characteristic of monumental Egyptian sepulchers from the Late Period. The process touched upon building structure as well as painted decoration, as demonstrated by the scenes of offerings in Mustapha Pasha tomb I. In this representation, the painting style and the dress of the horsemen point to Macedonian traditions: the purple of the chitonia highlights high military rank,98 and the head covering resembles a causia.99 The depicted individuals must have surely been descendants of Macedonian migrants. The theme is well known from both Greek and Egyptian sepulchral iconography; the motif of making offerings usually is shown above Egyptian false doors. Paintings in the facades are also present in Macedonian tombs.100 A scene of offering, which was shown presumably in a niche in burial chamber 2 of hypogeum I in Mustapha Pasha I, brought one into the world of the dead, but it also expressed connotations of the special heroic status of the deceased. The offerings were imbued with sacredness through their being part of the world of people and gods, while the actual act of offering was an experience of holiness. The altar, often standing in the tomb courtyards in front of the facade of the main burial chamber or less often in the vestibule to the chamber, was an important element of the underground tombs. The interior arrangement in Suk el-Wardian actually resembles a small naos on a podium:101 the altar was set up directly in front of a few Daszewski 1994, 57. See page 178ff. 93 See page 176. 94 Generally Miller 1972. 95 Eigner 1984, 100ff., comparing tomb plans also with Egyptian residential architecture. 96 See pages 106f. and 178; Adriani 1950, 55ff., 126ff ; Venit 2002, 74ff. 97 Daszewski 1994, 58. 98 See page 158 note 363 and 160 note 368. 99 See page 158 note 363. 100 Tombs II and III in the Great Tumulus in Vergina, tomb II in the Bela Tumulus in Vergina, Tomb of the Judgment and Tomb of the Palmettes in Lefkadia, see page 60ff. 101 Pfrommer 1999, 121. 91 92

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low steps that led through a portal crowned with a tympanum into the burial chamber with a bed modeled on the sacra sacrorum of temples. The rectangular and cylindrical monolithic altars, sometimes with relief decoration, were known in Greece from the Classical period on and were adapted to Alexandria in the cylindrical form presumably via Rodos and Delos.102 Another popular form of an altar decorated with acroteria derives from an eastern Aegean milieu, and it was common in the contexts of Isis and Osiris cults celebrated in the tombs, as well as in images on faience oinochoe and the Hadra hydriae.103 Their presence imbued the sepulcher with a sacred air.104 The hollow in the top surface, intended for blood or ashes, suggests a form of a chthonic cult. The interior decoration is a reference to domestic architecture, just as in the Macedonian tombs.105 A structural pattern is evident at the beginning, imitating courses of marble or alabaster orthostats, these two kinds of stone being very popular in pre-Hellenistic Egyptian houses.106 Such designs were also reproduced on the vaults.107 The customary use of alabaster as a decorative material is attested by the Alabaster Tomb discussed above, which was entirely made of this stone. In later times, small faience tiles used in house interiors (attested by finds from excavations in the palatial quarter in Alexandria)108 were imitated in the painted wall decoration. The burial chamber from Sidi Gaber, which was modeled on a house interior,109 took on the form of a verandah,110 the loculus above the bed being a separate element. The walls were decorated in an architectural style,111 with miniature columns to look like an upper tier and a ceiling with lateral coffers and an illusionist textile suspended between them giving the impression of an open space,112 possibly in imitation of the tent of Ptolemy II113 and the oikos on the upper floor of the Thalamegos.114 This kind of roofing with a figural motif on the border may imitate stucco decoration and a painted wooden frame for stretching the textile, but parallel patterns are also known from a bedspread in chamber 5 of the Mustapha Pasha II hypogeum.115 Similarly the lattice motif 102 Yavis 1949, 140. See altars in the courtyard of the palace in Pella and in insula I, three in Pella in the courtyard and in two of the chambers, see page 172 and 143f. 103 Burr Thompson 1973, 35, 70. 104 See also Berges 1995, 92ff. Altars are typical also of hypogea in Taranto, where they stand in front of the kline in the burial chambers, perhaps in reference to the funerary banquet, and in the larger complexes in Naples, in the vestibule set aside for cult purposes, see Steingräber 2000, 117f. 105 The letter of the painter Theophilos of 255 BC regarding the painted decoration of the house of Diotimos also mentions the decoration of the ceilings, indicating that they were hardly rare in wealthy houses from the first half of the 3rd century BC, see Nowicka 1961, 189f.; Nowicka 1984, 256ff , 259; Andreou 1988, 15f.; Pensabene 1993, 141f.; Walter-Karydi 1994, 44. 106 Nowicka 1961, 189; Nowicka 1969, 32ff. The theme is present also in the later complexes of Anfushy and Gabbari from the 2nd century BC, see page 106, also Guimier-Sorbets, Nenna, Seif el-Din 2001, 161ff. 107 See page 109 note 80. 108 Adriani 1940, 44f.; Guimier-Sorbets 2003, 600. 109 Thiersch 1904, 1ff., pls 1–3. 110 See the representation of a painted colonnaded portico with a view of the garden in hypogeum V from the 1st century BC at Anfushy (Adriani 1963, 195f., no. 145, pl. 112). 111 Analogous decoration of the burial chambers of Macedonian tombs (Tomb of the Judgment and Tomb of Lyson and Kallikles in Lefkadia), see page 65f. 112 Pfrommer 1999, 123. 113 Studniczka 1914, 48ff. 114 Caspari 1916, 61ff. 115 From the 2nd century BC in the burial chamber of the Gabbari B24 tomb, see Guimier-Sorbets, Seif el-Din 2003, 583f.

The symbolism of the architectural form of tombs in Alexandria 177 known from hypogeum II in Anfushy,116 with a textile spread over it, most probably refers to the form of pavilions or tents,117 set up on various occasions in the gardens of the wealthy Alexandrians. A textile on the vault is known also from Macedonian tombs, although it is a rare occurrence.118 Interpreting this type of decoration in the context of canopies over the bed of the deceased during the ritual of prothesis119 (in Sidi Gaber before placing the burial in the loculus above the bed) corresponds to a much greater extent with the Egyptian120 rather than Greek or Macedonian tradition. Considering that the decoration of funerary complexes in the 3rd century BC was in keeping with the Greek-Macedonian style, it may be safely assumed that the same concerned the decoration of the vaults. It is more than likely that no real funerary banquets were held in these rooms, just as they were not held in the burial chambers of Macedonian tombs. In the Alexandrian tombs banquets were celebrated in the vestibules or courtyards.121 Their decoration connoted the oikos where tradition placed the communal banquet. The motif of coffers on the ceiling was described in the sources in relation to the banquet room on Ptolemy IV’s ship.122 Illusionist coffers are found on the vault of the chamber in Suk el-Wardian, constituting a reference to domestic (palatial) interiors.123 Other decorative motifs on the vaults included rhomboids, octagons and hexagons, which are known from the hypogea in Anfushy. Fragments of stucco found in the palace at Ptolemais confirm the use of this type of decoration,124 which is presumably also the kind of rhomboidal coffer described on the ceiling of the oikos on the upper floor of the Thalamegos.125 The monochromatic decoration of the walls, the simplest and oldest form of interior finishing, known from hypogeum A in Chatby, also occurred in Macedonian tombs.126 As in the cist graves and Macedonian tombs, walls of the underground chambers were decorated with painted garlands tied with ribbons, although fresh garlands may also have been placed in the tombs, as might be intimated by the presence of nails.127 A

In two cases the motif is also present in loculi (later complex Anfushy V), see Guimier-Sorbets (2003, 602), who describes this type of ceiling decoration as symbolic. A geometric pattern in the niche of the exedra in tomb III at Mustapha Pasha is to be treated also as an imitation of patterns on textiles. Nowicka (1984, 258) assumed that the coffers were filled with painted panels. 117 Adriani 1950, 114f.; Tomlinson 1986, 608f. Based on a fragment from Aristophanes (Osy 1214f.), mentioning decorative elements of a house, bronze craftwork, ceiling appearance and textiles, Rostovtzeff (1919, 148) and Nowicka (1969, 71ff.) assumed that there was a custom of hanging textiles also from the ceilings in Greek houses. The idea of a lattice and textiles being combined in a chamber is rejected by Tomlinson (1992, 260); see also page 130. 118 A singular example from Macedonia is known from the tomb in Sedes-Thessaloniki, see page 130 note 51 and a tomb in Langadas, where textiles appear to have been hanging on the walls, see page 132 note 156. 119 Pagenstecher 1919, 173. Guimier-Sorbets (2003, 603ff.) refers to his paper on Mobilier et décor des tombes macédoniens, read during the Recherches récentes sur le monde hellénstique conference held at the Université de Lausanne on 20–21 November 1998, to justify his theory with an excerpt from Herodotus (IV 71) concerning the Scythians, and calls upon the construction of a canopy in the tomb of Alketas. By analogy with Eastern customs, this may be a strictly royal habit, see page 130 note 53. 120 See the canopies in the tombs of Tutankhamen and Ramesses IV, see Guimier-Sorbets 2003, 603 note 83. 121 Guimier-Sorbets (2003, 606) rejected the idea of a pavilion owing to the small size of the chambers and the presence of separate locations for holding funerary banquets. 122 The vault was of cypress wood decorated with cut and gilded motifs, see Athenaios V 205c; Caspari 1916, 50f.; Grimm 1998, 59ff.; Pfrommer 1999, 93ff. 123 Nowicka 1969, 73. 124 Pensabene 1993, 521ff ; Guimier-Sorbets 2003, 600f. 125 Caspari 1916, 54f.; Tomlinson 1992, 261. 126 See page 63. 127 Chamber 4 in the Mustapha Pasha III tomb, see Venit 2002, 49. 116

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scrolling vegetal motif appeared on the vaults as did antithetical griffins,128 belonging to the repertoire of motifs decorating Macedonian klinai.129 In the 2nd century BC tombs from the cemetery in Anfushy, the Greek and Egyptian styles had become merged in the wall decoration130 through the superposition of Egyptian tile decoration on the original structural bond131 and the introduction of Egyptian iconographic motifs, such as all the different kinds of Egyptian crowns and two figural scenes. On the landing of the staircase leading down into hypogeum II, the deceased132 was shown with a reddish skin tone, clothed in white, led by Horus to stand in front of Osiris with Isis behind him. The figures were not identified by any attributes, merely by the context.133 The scene on the second landing consisted of Horus leading the deceased to an enthroned Osiris, a dog-shaped Anubis next to him. The proportions and style of these representations were traditionally Egyptian. Greek architectural elements are also present in the molding decorating the doorways and niche openings. The ornamentation and column shape of the particular orders were adapted134 and the Corinthian capital was modified.135 The loculi and niches in all of the complexes136 were framed initially like a Greek naiskos.137 They were either painted or carved in relief, matching the stone slabs sealing the openings, often with a representation of a door which must have initially referred to Greek symbolism.138 The objective may have been to create a miniature entrance to a vestibule preceding the burial chamber proper, which was symbolised by the naiskos, thus emphasizing its sacral nature. Other painted motifs are seldom encountered on the walls around the opening, whether they are garlands139 or figural scenes. One example is a slab sealing a loculus in a corridor tomb in Chatby with an elaborate representation of Hades extending to the front part of the loculus.140

128 Loculus above the kline in the burial chamber of the tomb in Sidi Gaber; decoration with garlands: Hadra, Anfushy II, Minet el-Bassal. 129 See pages 147f , 156. 130 A similar combination had occurred already in the 3rd century BC in the interior of the ship of Ptolemy IV, which was kept principally in a Greek style, but including an oikos with walls and columns decorated in the Egyptian style on the upper level, see Caspari 1916, 66ff. 131 On decoration imitating faience, alabaster or glass plaques on house walls, see Pagenstecher 1919, 158 note 66. Particular layers on the walls of Anfushy burial chamber II.1 well illustrate the successive transformation of the interior decoration to suit changing styles and customer demands, see page 107. 132 Venit (2002, 78f.) wrongly assumes that it is a female figure based on the outline of a breast; however, el Gheriani (2000, 166) interprets it as a scene of the purification of the deceased, who is represented with a beaker full of water in his hand, even though this object most resembles a ribbon. 133 According to Botti (1902b, 17), the representation shows the stages of entering into the Underworld. 134 For an analysis of the form, see Pensabene 1993, 79ff. (Doric order), 84ff. (Ionic order). 135 von Hesberg 1978, 138ff. 136 See page 76, on the form of burial in the Tomb of Lyson and Kallikles in Lefkadia. 137 Guimier-Sorbets 2003, 610f. 138 See page 180. 139 See page 104 note 63. 140 See page 108; the scene reflects different figural traditions: the upper one refers to panoramic landscape views, the bottom one points to a formula deriving from the megalographic panel images from late Classic and early Hellenistic times. The painting was done in the 2nd century BC, and may be treated as an example of an intermediate stage between Greek paintings and the painted representations decorating the Alexandrian tombs of the Roman period.

The symbolism of the architectural form of tombs in Alexandria 179 The Egyptian-style shape of the doorframes also has sacred connotations. They are present in the hypogea in Anfushy as decoration of the passages and niches (II.2)141 in the form of a geison with consoles modeled on Egyptian examples.142 The niches in the burial chambers of the Gabbari tombs were also similarly framed with architectural elements borrowed from Ptolemaic temple structures:143 an architrave with a winged sun disk in the centre, a cornice with loose dentils supporting a flat segmental fronton, columns with composite capitals with a papyrus crest and lotus flowers, and triangular pointed leaves engraved on the lower parts of the columns. The first naiskoi, which are known from Chatby, were set up as funerary monuments.144 They took on the form of a typical aedicule, but they could also resemble altars with acroteria or call to mind a small building by their cubic form. All of them were decorated with representations of doors in the Greek style, analogous to the representations on slabs sealing loculi in the underground burial chambers.145 The form of the naiskos and the closing doors find parallels in both Greek and Egyptian sepulchral art. Funerary steles in deep relief in the form of a niche with an architectural frame were known from Attica as well as Macedonia,146 similarly to the symbolic significance of doors which bore the connotation of being the gate to Hades.147 In Egyptian art, the naiskos in the burial chamber contained a representation of the deceased or of false doors.148 Just like the decorative elements in Macedonian tombs, the naiskoi were made of stucco and painted. The framing of the niche in the chamber of hypogeum II in Anfushy, composed of an inner surface framed with a semicircular molding and topped with a groove, a multi-element entablature, bundle columns with composite capitals and a frieze of uraei, was an architectural element characteristic of Egyptian temples: the juxtaposition of framing viewed in perspective corresponds to the many gates that need to be crossed in a temple.149 Representations of deities in a naiskos of analogous form connoted a temple, whereas placing the image of the deceased in it turned the tomb into his or her house. The custom clearly refers to keeping mummies in special home shrines as well.150 The naiskoi in Alexandrian hypogea constituted 141 Adriani 1966, 192ff. A similar molding, the sole difference being that it is in stone, originated from the Hadra cemetery, see Pensabene 1983, 95; Schmidt 1999, 15. 142 von Hesberg 1978, 140f. 143 Sabottka 1983, 202. Breccia (1932, 37) situates the style of these moldings between the time of the doors to burial chamber 2 at Anfushy (Adriani 1966, 192f., 109, 375 f.) and the entrance to the burial chamber at Kom el Shukafa (Sieglin 1908, 133 ff., 275 ff , 279ff., pls 20, 21). 144 Pagenstecher 1919, 23; Adriani 1966, 117. The monuments were set up above shaft graves, earth graves or rockcut graves imitating cist graves, occasionally marked with a small tumulus. They always contained a single burial with grave goods composed of vessels and other objects. At the necropolises of Hadra and Chatby they occurred parallel to the corridor tombs like Ezbet el Makhlouf in Hadra, see Adriani 1966, 110f. 145 Most of the slabs depict doors more resembling the painted doors on slabs sealing tombs in Tarento than the typical double-wing panel Greek doors with fittings, see Tinè Bertocchi 1964, 83; Steingräber 2000, 37, 112. 146 See page 81. 147 See page 127. 148 Pagenstecher (1919, 85f.) excludes the possibility of the newcomers having subsumed the Egyptian symbolism of false doors in such a short period of time; similarly, Brown (1957, 34) and Venit (2002, 18). Despite the relative similarity between the idea of the ba and the psyche, the Greek soul could not return to earth. The Doric form of the door indicated Macedonian connections , while the slab itself was intended to create the impression of a separate miniature burial chamber inside a monumental hypogeum. 149 See the sign of a shrine topped by a cornice and concave band, meaning a temple or sanctuary in the hieroglyphs (Schmidt 1999, 15). 150 Borg 1996, 196ff.

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a continuation of both Greek and Egyptian traditions, even as their form reflected a double canopy formed by the decoration of the chamber vault in imitation of a stretched textile (sometimes in the Greek style) and a similarly decorated interior of a niche.151 All in all, however, Egyptian influence was rare in tomb finishing of the 3rd century BC and, like the sphinxes on pedestals by the entrance in the portico of Mustapha Pasha tomb I, constituted an extra element added to the Greek-Macedonian decoration.152 Court architecture of the period and the private houses modeled on it exerted slightly greater influence. More numerous Egyptian motifs did not appear until the 2nd century BC. As in Macedonia, funerary steles were not linked to the burials in monumental tombs. Their production in Alexandria developed under the influence of Greek migrants. After the ban on luxury sepulchral monuments introduced in Athens in 317 BC by Demetrios of Phaleron, many Attic sculptors found a haven in Alexandria, where they could continue their work. Hence the Attic influence discernible on most relief steles found in Alexandria,153 even though their quality does not match Attic models and they deliver less of an emotional charge in their representations. A constant repertoire of scenes speaks volumes of a homogeneous craft structure, as well as a devotion to tradition with regard to choice of decorative themes, the preference being for representations of young women and children.154 The text of inscriptions demonstrates an emphasis on Greek origins even in families who had been living in Alexandria for a longer time. A connection with Macedonian monuments is observed also among the painted steles sealing loculi; popular representations show a standing or seated adult in the company of children and servants;155 children are seldom shown alone. A man wearing a long chlamys with pointed corners is a frequent motif.156 Chambers with beds were the most important places in the tombs, emphasizing the status of the deceased. The arrangement refers to forms of beds known from tombs from the territory of Macedonia:157 the type of leg decorated with volutes and with palmettes and glass inlays158 is analogous to that in wooden beds. Footstools,159 pillows at opposite ends on amphikephalic beds,160 mattresses and bedspreads imitating richly decorated textiles occur as well. Connotations of Dionysiac aspects derive from the motifs decorating Alexandrian beds, such as scenes of the Amazonomachy from Sidi Gaber, representations of Erotes and Psyche in chamber 5 of the Mustapha Pasha tomb II, the burial chamber of Gabbari B26, and the plant motifs and phiale on the bed from chamber 7 of Mustapha Pasha tomb III and Guimier-Sorbets 2003, 613. See also page 177f. notes 116, 119. Fraser 1972, 610. Von Hesberg (1978, 142 note 42) points out the predilection for retaining a single building style throughout Egypt and the late dating of all mixed forms. 153 Brown 1957, 19ff., 29ff. 154 Schmidt 1999, 2f.; see page 116f. 155 See page 80f.; Schmidt 1999, 7f. A dog often accompanies the individuals represented on the steles, see Zlotogorska 1997, cat. nos 161, 207 (Hadra), 208 (Chatby), 209 (Chatby), 210, 215 (Chatby), 345, 346. 156 Schmidt 1999, 7. See also Brown 1952, 85f.; Biesantz 1965. 157 Bedsteads were distinguished in three instances: Sidi Gaber, Gabbari I and Gabbari B26; these have not been preserved in the Macedonian graves, but their presence on wooden klinai cannot be excluded, see bronze fulcra found in the banquet hall of the sanctuary of Aphrodite in Pella, produced in the local workshops (Siganidou, Lilimbaki-Akamati 1997, 46ff.). See also Guimier-Sorbets, Nenna 2003b, 548f. 158 Breccia 1912, 99ff.; Nenna 1993, 46f. 159 See page 111 note 94. 160 See page 112. 151 152

The symbolism of the architectural form of tombs in Alexandria 181 Gabbari B26.161 Similarly to in Macedonia, they had a banquet nature, judging from their decoration.162 Since the chamber could not be closed, it was impossible to leave the body on a bed, as in the chamber tombs.163 Depending on the selected burial form, they were either sarcophagi164 or were meant to be used during cult practices preceding the deposition of the corpse inside a loculus.165 Chambers with beds were used presumably for people of Macedonian origin of the first generation of the inhabitants of Alexandria, cultivating native customs and rituals.166 The same as in their homeland, such special deposition meant a higher social status and referred to a heroisation of the deceased that was passed on to all the other burials in the tomb.167 Macedonian influence is evident especially in the chamber of hypogeum A at Chatby, where the beds are arranged on a Γ-shaped plan.168 New loculi and chambers extending the original tomb are proof of development and a transformation of burial customs in the Alexandrian milieu, adapting them to different conditions. Limited space for the growing necropolis prevented the construction of a greater number of separate monumental tombs, while a large family tomb permitted some distinction. Despite the family character of the hypogea, little is actually known about the deceased. The inscriptions on loculi slabs and Hadra vases are helpful in establishing the origins of the dead buried in the 3rd century BC in the niches of the underground tombs. The envoys and merchants recorded in these texts came from the territory of Greece (Arkadia, Achaia, Boeotia, Etolia), islands in the Aegean (Rodos, Delos, Astypalaia, Samothrace, Crete) and the Hellespont (Kyzikos) as well as towns in Asia Minor (Caria, Pergamonian, Phokaia).169 The development of Alexandria and the rapid increase in its population necessitated the reuse of these tombs after some time; earlier burials were then removed or new burials added successively to the loculi. Inscriptions with the names of the original deceased were replaced with new ones for the current burial. Private tombs retained their character only for the first few decades, after which they probably became communal in nature. By the same token, tombs of the oikos type, enriched with elements typical of the peristyle tomb, led in a direct line of evolution to the catacomb type of tomb. 2. Burial form and grave goods The Greeks and Macedonians newly settled in Alexandria encountered a different form of burial and once the Ptolemies adopted the ritual of mummification, it became common See page 112 and page 160. Guimier-Sorbets, Nenna 2003b, 535. 163 See Venit 2002, 19. Adriani 1936, 106, stands in favour of both kinds of beds being intended for the prothesis of the deceased. 164 See the beds in the chamber of Chatby Hypogeum A, Mustapha Pashza II,4 and 5; Mustapha Pasha III,5; Gabbari I, Minet el-Bassal (Guimier-Sorbets, Nenna 2003b, 546). 165 The loculus could be placed above the bed, for example, as in the burial chambers of tombs in Sidi Gaber, Mustapha Pasha I, Suk el-Wardian. 166 The massive klinai in the Taranto tombs had a similar purpose, with the bed or the sarcophagus being placed on them; the same can be said of the hollow beds from Naples. In both centres the amphikephalic beds were richly decorated with reliefs and painting. Like in Macedonia, the popular furniture legs in Taranto were a reference to Eastern models, see Tinè Bertocchi 1964, 101ff.; Steingräber 2000, 53f. 167 Guimier-Sorbets, Nenna 2003b, 561. 168 There also for the first time hollows for the stele in the front part of the bed, a solution not found in Macedonia, see Pagenstecher 1919, 156 note 48. 169 Braunert 1952, 231ff. 161 162

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among the Greek-Macedonian aristocracy. Even so, the process took a long time. Compared to images of the Greek Hades, the shape of Egyptian eschatological beliefs was a strong stimulus toward a change of burial customs. Unsurprisingly, mummification gained followers, gradually but surely. In view of uninterrupted burial of successive bodies in the tomb loculi, it is difficult to pinpoint the beginning of the practice in the private sphere. One may assume that the beginnings coincided with the mummification of the first Ptolemy, in the early 3rd century BC,170 with it becoming a predominant form of burial by the end of the Hellenistic period. In turn, numerous urns from the early Hellenistic cemeteries of Chatby, Hadra and Ibrahimieh are affirmation of native beliefs, indicating continued cremation practices in the 3rd and 2nd centuries BC; other attestations include hydriae from Hadra and fragments of Plakettenvasen from the tombs in Gabbari.171 Two types of urns were common: black-glazed vessels with painted vegetal decoration, sometimes molded in relief, and the Hadra hydraie. The rare representations on the Hadra vases refer to cult practices connected with the deceased (altar, stela), perhaps rendering eschatological beliefs172 or the deeds of the deceased.173 They may depict toiletries174 or arms, painted in a similar context on the walls of tombs175 or left as offerings for the dead. Plant motifs on the urns refer to garlands176 and wreaths, plaited from flowers or made of bronze, placed around the neck of the vessel177 during the mysteries of Demeter/Isis and Dionysus/Serapis. Images of plants, wreaths and taeniae on Gnathia vases178 may have had similar significance, symbolizing the overcoming of death.179 Vessels of this kind were imported or produced in the ateliers of craftsmen belonging to the Tarentum group, who emigrated to Alexandria after the battle of Beneventum in 275 BC and following Rome’s conquest of Taras/Tarentum in 272 BC. A connection with the broadly understood Dionysian sphere may be assumed also with regard to painted and gilded pottery180 as well as West Slope Ware,181 despite

Attested by the earliest tombs in Hadra, see Grimm 1996, 58f. See also page 168 note 23. Enklaar 2001, 273ff.; Enklaar 2003, 391ff. 172 Possibly the representation on an urn by the Painter of Pegasus, about 235–220 BC, found in Ibrahimieh (GraecoRoman Museum, no. 15622), decorated with an image of Pegasus between two columns, symbolizing the act of the soul of the deceased being escorted to the world of the gods and alluding to immortality, see Enklaar 1985, 142. 173 See page 118f., notes 150, 151. Hydriae with sporting images may have been prizes originally, deposited as a grave good or in commemoration of the owner’s achievements in sports (on the Alexandrian games, see Koenen 1977, 9ff.), in similarity to sport scenes on stelae and white-grounded lekythoi, and in the Etruscan tombs (see representations of the ‘giochi funebri’ – ‘spettacolo rituale’ in honor of the deceased, Pontrandolfo, Rouveret 1992, 54; Kurtz-Boardmann 1971, 203). One should mention in this context a hydria with a representation of a Panathenaic amphora with a palm leaf and a torch, see Brown 1957, cat. 46, 47. The grotesque form of figures in scenes on hydriae refers to this kind of representation in the category of terracotta figurines, increasingly common from the beginning of the 3rd century BC. These figures were intended to be both comic and apotropaic in function, ensuring happiness, hence their presence in the decoration of Hadra hydriae. They were also included in sets of grave goods, see Kranz 1999, 150. 174 Brown 1957, 62, no. 44. 175 Brown 1957, 61, no. 40; see page 66f. (Tomb of Lyson and Kallikles in Lefkadia). 176 Garlands with bucrania. Motifs decorating also altars, symbolizing the offering and the sacred sphere of the sanctuary, see Berges 1995, 94f. 177 Breccia 1912, 163ff. 178 Green 1995, 274f. Characteristic of the Alexandrian Group from the first quarter of the 3rd century BC: conical base with profiled edge, black-glazed, often accentuated with a row of painted dots, the dove as a decorative motif, fluted body interrupted at mid-height with a band of painted astragal, see Schmidt 1991, 117. 179 Schmidt 1990a, 71ff.; Schmidt 1990b, 59–78; Schmidt 1991, 101ff.; Graepler 1997, 165ff. 180 Hydriae, oinochoi, kantharoi, beakers, cups, see Breccia 1912, 30ff., 50f.; Kopcke 1964, 37f., 45, 47, 52f., 55. 181 Rotroff 1991, 59ff. 170 171

The symbolism of the architectural form of tombs in Alexandria 183 the commonness of the motifs decorating these vessels.182 A black-glazed hydria from the so-called Plakettenvasen group,183 decorated with relief appliqués representing a hunting youth, a lion, a young woman seated on a rock, a dancing youth, and a dancing(?) couple, is a direct reference to metal vessels, especially the Derveni krater.184 The practice of making offerings of luxury vases is confirmed by other finds from the cemeteries, now in the Graeco-Roman Museum in Alexandria, such as a bronze situla, an olpe, a silvered oinochoe185 and a hydria,186 all with parallels among the grave goods from Macedonia. These items were brought to Alexandria most probably by one of Ptolemy’s commanders. An Illyrian helmet of similar provenance may be included in this group as well. The penchant for luxury tableware among the aristocracy is represented also by gold and silver symposium vessels, some of monumental size, that were displayed during the Dionysian procession organised by Ptolemy II for the Ptolemaia.187 These vessels were probably re-melted at a later time,188 but if the surviving description is anything to go by, they resembled vessels known from graves in Macedonia.189 The forms also repeated contemporary and slightly later clay vessels as well as the much more expensive glass receptacles.190 As for the set of ornamental motifs, there is a two-sided exchange of

See suggestions for a similar interpretation of vessels of this type in Macedonia, page 189 note 242. West Slope kantharoi made in Athens (‘Dikeras Group’) included motifs connected with dynastic ideology, such as the dikeras, (after 275 BC). Portraits of Ptolemy I in a kausia cap encircled by leaves of the grapevine and dolphins referring to Dionysus (identification of Ptolemaic rulers with Dionysus and their emphasised kinship with Herakles were meant to establish their ties with the Argeads), created in 280–260 BC as emblemata on cup floors, attest to the considerable popularity of the Egyptian dynasty in Athens. The decoration was probably inspired by Egyptian clay and faience portraits brought to Athens and presumably created in connection with the Egyptian cult of Ptolemy I Soter, deified after his death in 282 BC, see Fraser 1972, 213–232. Similar to the dikeras cups dated to before the Chremonidean War (268–262 BC), see Rotroff 1991, 72ff. 183 Hydria of Alexandrian provenience found in a tomb near Oria between Taranto and Brundisium, see Andreassi 1979, 21ff. 184 See page 39 note 71. 185 Personal communication of Dr. Mervet Seif el-Din. 186 I am indebted to Klaus Parlaska for drawing my attention to the said hydria, which may have been produced in an Alexandrian workshop and is now in the Metropolitan Museum of Art, see Bothmer 1975, 114. 187 Athenaios (V 197c–203a) reported the weight of the gold and silver vessels used in the tent of Ptolemy II Philadelphos at 10,000 talents; see Rice 1983; Grimm 1998, 51ff.; Müller 2009, 176–205. 188 Grimm 1981, 18. 189 See e.g. page 37. notes 64, 65; 77, 136ff. 190 See Egyptian motifs on Megarian cups: a lotus flower decorating the bottom, indicating borrowing from the silver and gold vessels produced in Alexandrian workshops. Based on finds from the Athenian Agora, dated to 240–220 BC, a period of intensive contacts between Alexandria and Athens (Parlasca 1955, 129ff.), it is assumed that ceramic copies were made in Athens at the earliest. The first clay cups may have imitated vessels used during the Athenian Ptolemaia in honor of Ptolemy III Euergetes, held in 224/3 BC. Gilded glass vessels must have been relatively expensive, much like those carried in the procession of Ptolemy II, at least compared to ceramics, this because of the manner of decoration and the difficult process of production. Like metal vessels, they must have been intended for the wealthy, see Adriani 1967, 105ff.; Rotroff 1982, 330ff.; for borrowings of form and motifs, see Segall 1966; for exports of Alexandrian products, see Parlasca 1976, 135ff., especially 141 (faience cup from the Macedonian tomb in Thessaloniki-Neapolis, see page 79). 182

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ornaments: lotus flowers and acanthus leaves.191 The wealth of the rulers192 put on display during the procession indicates that members of the royal court had similar items in their possession and, at least in the early period, the families of Macedonian hetairoi could have included them among the grave goods, in keeping with a native tradition.193 The faience oinochoi found in tombs were part of the funerary rites owing to the identification of Arsinoe II with Isis. With time these jugs, which were of heroic or funerary character in the royal cult initially, came to be used also in ceremonies associated with the worship of a living queen.194 Faience vessels were also a surrogate of the gold and silver vessels used for ritual libations. There is no viable way to reconstruct the set of grave goods offered to a person of high social status, analogous to a friend of the king in Macedonia, who would have been buried in the hypogea. Terracotta figurines from the Alexandrian cemeteries include representations of Tanagrians, made by Greek craftsmen who brought the molds and models with them.195 It is to be assumed that they were deposited both in the simple graves and in the hypogea. They constitute another step in the development of Athenian and Boeotian196 as well as Macedonian197 models. New shapes were generated based on these models in the second 191 Egyptian influence is presumed in the creation of the image, reported by Anaxymander, of a thorny plant similar to the acanthus growing from the ocean and protecting emerging life. Acantha, the thorny acacia which was dedicated to the Egyptian goddess of the Underworld Hathor, was replaced by the Greeks with the acanthus bush as attested by the first representations in sepulchral art which the acanthus is shown in the form of a leaf protecting the flower. In Egyptian art, the lotus, its leaves in particular, symbolised the humidity from which the earth emerged (omphalos). Both plants, popular both in Greek and Egyptian territories, were assumed as ornaments from the Dionysian sphere, like ivy and grapevine, see Segall 1966, 17f. 192 This kind of manifestation was of importance for internal politics, guaranteeing society not only a share of the wealth, but also a justified perspective of continued rule. A similar idea of continuity was represented in the decoration of the symposium tent where statues of Alexander and Ptolemy I were set up. The people of Alexandria, as the viewing public of this ceremony, also partook of the food and drinks, see Voelcker-Janssen 1993, 227f. 193 It is important, however, that the hetairoi in Macedonia were buried also in cist graves, sometimes with very rich grave goods (tombs in Derveni, see page 36ff.). This form of burial was still popular at the end of the 4th century BC, hence it cannot be excluded that tombs of this type with costly gifts had existed there in the early period as well as the later, when these objects lost their utilitarian function and became mementos, see page 136. 194 This took place during the Arsinoeia, a feast established before 267/266 BC; the nature of the ceremony is not entirely clear, but it included a procession headed by the queen’s kanephoros, going to the Arsineion located in the city centre. The ritual took place most probably just before the star of Isis, Sothis, appeared in the sky (17–19 July), at the end of the Egyptian year, in conjunction with the date of the queen’s death (9 July 270 BC), see Burr Thompson 1973, 75, 119f.; Carney 2013, 107–110, 119–120. 195 The modeling of the upper lid to give the impression of a half-closed eye, and the line of the neck in the form of a V, becoming rounded at the beginning of the 3rd century BC, are both considered features characteristic of the Ptolemaic workshops, see Burr Thompson 1963, 22nn; see also Burr Thompson 1952, 128; Kleiner 1984, 30ff., 43 ff.; Fischer 1994, 38. 196 Fischer 1994, cat. 32, a Tanagrian figure according to Kleiner (1984, 112ff , pl. 19b.c) from the last quarter of the 4th–early 3rd century BC, showing a woman cloaked down to her shins and holding the edge of the mantle; variants of this type from Athens, created in the 4th century BC, were distinguished by a leg more bent and extended forward, bearing the weight of the body, and by shorter and more loose mantles, making the shape of the body more harmonious; cat. 33, figure of a girl from about 270 BC, holding a fan in her right hand (see MollardBesques 1972, I, 18 pl. 18a) or a bird (Kleiner 1984, 158, pl. 10a, 117, pl. 11e); cat. 34, figure of a woman sitting on a base, the spatial arrangement changed with regard to the Greek model: Boetian figures sit diagonally across the cube, Alexandrian ones parallel to it; cat. 35, figure type based on Greek models from the last quarter of the 4th century BC, widespread in many variants in the 3rd century BC, differences seen in the air hole shape changed to round, a circular base worked together with the figure, and a different arrangement of the folds of the robe. These figures originated from the Gabbari tombs where they were dated to the end of the 3rd/2nd century BC, see Kassab-Tezgör 2001, 409ff., nos 1–3. 197 Boys in military attire probably represented young soldiers, chlamidephoroi, see Burr Thompson 1964, 54;

The symbolism of the architectural form of tombs in Alexandria 185 quarter and middle of the 3rd century BC, changing body proportions and positions compared to the prototypes. These figurines are found almost exclusively in the Chatby and Hadra necropoleis.198 The Tanagrians, meaning figures of females making music or dancing,199 lamenting females ,200 or children alone or with animals,201 were deposited with the grave goods with the same intention as in the Greek lands.202 Figures of actors are linked to Dionysus and his mysteries and like the mask itself indicate the changed state of the deceased, even as they ensure a blissful existence in the Afterworld for the initiated.203 Figures of Sirens playing musical instruments or in a gesture of mourning represented otherworldly caring creatures.204 Rich jewellery was present presumably in female burials, preserved in the Chatby tombs as clay imitations of mediocre quality,205 and weapons and armor in male graves. Certain elements of Egyptian beliefs and ideas were borrowed by the Greeks and Macedonians already in the early period owing to the appeal of the foreign religion.206 Greeks had already started to learn about it during earlier contacts with the Egyptians,207 and the process was continued in the first decades of the rule of Ptolemy I. The monumental temples of the Egyptians and their opulence made an impression on the Greeks, as did the tombs of considerable size, secret rituals, and the actions of the priestly class with power beyond the boundaries of the religious sphere. Animal cults and mummification of the dead were other aspects of Egyptian religion beyond the Greek experience. One of the tenets of Greek religion was that the Greek gods exerted their power beyond the core territories of their cult, hence Greek migrants in Egypt, also outside of Alexandria, assumed local customs with relative ease, identifying their gods with foreign ones. But despite a proliferation of cult duties to be fulfilled regularly, the average Greek was not close to the Olympian gods; daily worship was addressed to the local divinities.208 The Dionysian, Eleusinian and Schneider-Herrmann 1992, 303ff. Terracotta figures of the Macedonian horse rider were probably linked to the somatophylakes group, see Tataki 2000, 59ff.; Fischer 2001. 198 They were produced according to the Boetian type, see Fischer 1994, cat. nos 36, 37. On the style: Thompson 1973, 151f., no. 80, pl. 29. 199 Fischer 1994, cat. 57 from the last quarter of the 3rd century BC; Breccia 1912, 125, pl. 66,173; Breccia 1930, 34, nos 85, 86, pl. G,1. 200 Fischer 1994, cat. nos 63 and 64; Breccia 1912, 132, 133, pls 70, 190 and 193 (from Ibrahimieh). 201 The type was created in Athens at the end of the 4th century BC and was popular throughout the 3rd century BC (see Breccia 1912, nos 456–487; Fischer 1994, cat. nos 49, 53, 54; Kassab-Tezgör 2001, nos 3, 4). 202 See page 149. Breccia (1922, 228) believed that symbolic thinking had to be excluded with regard to the Ptolemaic period and that the influence of religious beliefs on customs was insignificant. Terracotta figurines of Tanagrians, found almost exclusively in the graves of women and children, never in those of men or older people, indicated an attachment to objects forming a familial, domestic atmosphere. 203 Connections with the Eleusinian mysteries may be assumed in the case of actors deriving from Old Comedy, see Mrogenda 1996, 139. 204 Peifer 1989, 271; Mrogenda 1996, 247. 205 See pages 122f. and 149 note 212; Blanck 1976, 19ff. Imitations of Taranto jewellery, forms popular in the second half of the 4th century BC, can be found among the preserved artifacts, see above, page 182. 206 Fraser 1972, 250ff. 207 Hornung 1999, 26ff. Herodotus introduced the Greeks to Egyptian religion with all of its secretive mystery and much longer tradition, as well as syncretism of gods; a similar message can be found in Plato’s Dialogues, Plato having stayed in Egypt in 393 BC. In the oration entitled Busiris, Isokrates presented an idealised view of Egyptian philosophy as the origin of all philosophy, also mentioning Pitagoras in Egypt, where it is assumed that he was initiated into all the mysteries. A list of Greeks visiting Egypt was compiled by Diodorus Siculus, based on the lost work of Hekataios from Abdera: these included Orpheus, Musaios, Homer, Likurgos, Solon, Plato, Pitagoras, Eudoxos, Demokritos, and Oinopides of Chios. 208 Bell 1953, 223; Lengauer 1992, 36f.; Pakkanen 1996, 27ff.; Mikalson 1998, 99ff. Even in the case of a household cult

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Orphic mysteries were popular, because they ensured the initiate a blessed eternal life. The concept of the Underworld described in Homer’s epic poems introduced a bleak and gloomy Hades where souls vegetated depending on their lives on earth. The inner need for a better Afterlife influenced the development of mystery cults. The ideas that the inhabitants of Alexandria held about death come through to some extent in the epigrams of Callimachus, who was nonetheless more interested in affairs of life than man’s fate in the spirit world. In his poetic works death is sacred sleep or continued existence among the blessed, but it is foremost a departure from the world of the living, and Hades is seen as a destroyer.209 The form of the funerary cult in Egypt satisfied the expectations of the mystai without obliging them to participate in all of the rituals, for it gave each one immortality. Egyptian religion with the authoritative holy writings and system of theological formulas resulting from more precisely formulated beliefs was superior to Greek religion with its lack of dogmas, expressed as a set of traditional rites and individual beliefs solely in a state or local cult.210 The Orphic hieroi logoi was addressed only to the initiates; it was not a common Bible for all. Fragments of these texts, preserved on gold tablets offered only to the initiated dead, demonstrate parallels to the Book of the Dead,211 which was probably used also for teaching or initiating the living in preparation for death and its overcoming.212 The information in these texts was expected to guide the deceased along the way into the Underworld, while appropriately selected phrases ensured a positive dialogue with the gods, confirming the right of the deceased to a place in their presence. It is here that we see a convergence with the Greek idea of a banquet in the company of the gods.213 The Greek ideas for the Fields of Elysium and the Blessed Islands were surely modeled to some degree on the Egyptian we are dealing with a certain community defined by the oikos. Gods were evoked depending on the situation, e.g. Zeus Herkeios. 209 Visser 1938, 51ff. Unlike Callimachus, Theocritus speaks of death and the Underworld in conventional terms, showing the carefree existence of the deceased originating from the aristocracy. 210 Greek religion did not have a sacral institution and group of specialised priests responsible for interpreting religion and abiding by its dictates. Cosmogonist myths played a marginal role, as did those related to the continued existence of the soul after death. In effect, Greek did not have a word for religion, using instead the concept of εὐσέβεια, ‘serving the gods’ (Plato Euthyfron 12e), which referred to the observance of cult rituals and making offerings. Similarly, the term ‘faith’ did not express a conviction that gods existed, but only their worship in cult practices: νομίζειν is basically equivalent in meaning to θεραπεύειν. Gods were not perceived as all-powerful or all-knowing; imparting a human form and human characteristics on them made them someone to deal with, creating a ‘joint citizenship’ of men and gods within the polis. The equality of all citizens before the gods excluded the emergence of a separate group of priests, and their theological knowledge did not go beyond the mythical tales known to all, see Vegetti 2000, 308ff. 211 Zuntz 1971, 370ff.; Hornung 1992, 11; Betz 1998, 400 note 5; Assmann 2003, 280ff , 507ff. 212 The three aspects described in the Amduat (Hornung 1992, 59–194): ‘Underworld’, ‘Elysium’ and ‘place of punishment’, illustrate the interdependence of salvation and destruction, revealing how knowledge can save one from the ‘place of punishment’ and from a lasting state of death. In the Book of the Gates (Hornung 1989, 197–308), which has a practical and liturgical approach, offerings made to the dead play an important role as a mystical act, thanks to which the person bearing the offering has a share in the salvation of the deceased and ensures his presence in the group to whom the offering is addressed. This assumption anticipates the Hellenistic mysteries of Isis, because the cult in which the initiates take part is a cult of the dead. The individual not only maintained the state of salvation of the dead through contacts with them, but also gained salvation for himself, see Assmann 2003, 513ff. 213 Erman 1968, 229.

The symbolism of the architectural form of tombs in Alexandria 187 prototypes.214 Egyptian mysteries would have inspired Orpheus: the idea for the Asphodel Meadows took shape by dint of comparison with the surroundings of Acheron Lake. For both the Greeks and the Egyptians paradise denoted a place abundantly supplied with all of nature’s gifts, peaceful and eternally happy.215 The idea may have grown from a green oasis in the midst of the desert, located near Memphis in reality. That is where the Egyptian necropolis was situated. Gardens connoted greenness as well, constituting an important element of Egyptian ideas for the Afterlife. They were treated as Elysium, the destination for the dead, a place with an abundance of food, where one could eat and drink in the shade;216 the lake was the location of a symbolic journey of the deceased to Abydos on the bark of Neshmet, counted as part of the mysteries of Osiris.217 Gardens or their substitutes, with fishponds surrounded by sycamore trees,218 were arranged in the tomb courtyards. The festivals commemorating the dead took place there and it is also where the gods were worshipped, imbuing the space with a sacred character. The time of the feast removed the barrier between an earthly existence and the Afterlife, because the god appeared to people, visits were made to the tombs, and the deceased partook symbolically in the celebrations, the mysteries of Osiris at Abydos.219 At the core of this ritual was a re-enactment of the funerary procession of Osiris, in which the deceased wished to take part, wearing on his head a wreath of justification usually made of olive leaves, which he had received in the underworld as a symbol of his innocence established during the judgment in front of Osiris. False doors or steles with their representations gave the chance to step from one world to the next: the ‘opening of the mouth’ ritual was played out in front of these doors, enabling the ba220 to pass between the worlds to receive the grave gifts as well as to participate in the mysteries of Osiris.221 Opening the doors to the burial chamber, temple and naos was a ritual activity, symbolizing the opening of the heavenly gates, the ‘gate of Nut’, in direct opposition to the burial mound or slab sealing the grave. The threshold was a boundary and passage simultaneously, while the door symbolised protection as well as access. By the same token, the tomb was not the dead person’s house in the Afterworld, but a place visited solely to receive grave offerings.222 The motif of returning home refers to beliefs in the power of the ancestors to intercede with the gods on behalf of the deceased.223 Plants were cultivated in the courtyards by Diodorus Siculus I 96/97; Homer Odyssey 24.1–2, 11–14; Assmann 2003, 317. See page 154. 216 A garden corresponding to representations and descriptions was found in the courtyard of the funerary temple of Amenophis, son of Hapu in Medinet-Habu, see Assmann 2003, 302ff. 217 See below, pages 190f. 218 Depending on the period, the tree goddess appeared in the Pyramid and Coffin Texts in the guise of a sycamore growing in the Underworld, and the dead received food in her shade. In spells from the Eighteenth Dynasty, the sycamore was placed in an earthly garden, see Assmann 2003, 306. 219 Assmann 2003, 308ff. 220 Possibly a representation of the soul in the shape of a bird from a niche in chamber 2 of the Mustapha Pasha tomb I, see page 108. 221 False doors are a characteristic symbol in Egyptian sepulchral art. Depending on the period the false door or a stele depicting a false door constituted a focal point of the tomb, defining the space for making offerings for the dead and his participation in the cult of the gods, see Assmann 2003, 286ff. and above, page 174. 222 Assmann 2003, 295. 223 Based on Chapter 132 of the Book of the Dead, see Assmann 2003, 300f. 214 215

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means of water installations, which fulfilled both practical and cult needs. Water which came from Osiris and was essential to life played an exceptionally important role in the worship of the god, and water libations were the most important part of the cult of the dead. It provided the holy substances, healing and sustaining life, renewing the association with the god broken by death; it was also expected to revive the heart of the deceased.224 Planting greenery inside the Alexandrian tombs and painted depictions of plants on the tomb walls225 were linked in all likelihood with the cult of the dead practiced in the courtyard or prostas, referring to the god Serapis,226 who was most probably worshipped more extensively among the higher classes of Alexandrian society in the 3rd century BC.227 Practicing specific rituals connected with their native religion was cumbersome for the new settlers in Alexandria, and in any case the Olympian gods were also too distant from the foreign land.228 The Greeks and the Macedonians living outside of Alexandria formed small Hellenic enclaves, absorbing over time Egyptian customs through marital ties, if nothing else.229 The religion of Egypt remained dominant despite a syncretism of divinities.230 The land was considered as a cradle of wisdom and knowledge and the Greeks were a minority in it, a ruling minority but one which adopted the new religion, especially after the 3rd century BC. The process of assimilation of religious customs and ideas, gradual and concerning certain spheres of society, was not unidirectional.231 The Greek achievements in the arts, science and philosophy appealed to the Egyptians. Officials took over the Greek dress customs, The importance of water derived from the myth of Osiris, explaining the annual flooding of the Nile which ensured cultivation of the fields and resurrection of life as something that ‘flowed out of Osiris’, whose quartered corpse his murderer Seth had thrown into the Nile, see Witt 1997, 165; Assmann 2003, 462ff. 225 Rural landscape representation with gazelles on the wall of chamber 3 in the Mustapha Pasha tomb III and the building in room 3 of Mustapha Pasha tomb I, see page 106ff. 226 Fraser 1972, 255f. 227 Fraser 1972, 53. 228 Papyri from Zeno’s archive yield information on the Greek settlers in Philadelphia. Egyptian shrines neighbored temples of Serapis and Isis, Toeris and Demeter, Arsinoe and the Dioscuri. Their popularity and cult were maintained thanks to their identification with the Kabiri, who were worshipped especially by Arsinoe II, see Bell 1953, 225f. 229 Pomeroy 1984, 123f. 230 In the chora, cult activities were limited to the old Egyptian sanctuaries; even feasts of Greek name, such as the Hermaia, were usually dedicated to Egyptian deities, in this case, the god Thoth, see Bowman 1986, 165ff. 231 A borrowing of Greek motifs is evident in the decoration of the tomb of Petosiris, archpriest of Thoth from Hermopolis Magna, in the necropolis of Tuna el-Gebel. The tomb consisted of a vestibule with columns in the facade, joined by parapet walls, attached to a funerary chapel supported on four pillars, standing over a shaft that led to the subterranean part of the tomb. Greek influence seen in the form of the vestibule and the relief decoration indicate not only an acceptance of the new culture by the tomb owner, his son, and grandson, who completed the tomb in the times of Ptolemy I, but also the acculturation processes that were taking place, the latter through linking with traditional Egyptian representations in the burial chamber, see Lipińska 1977, 205; Pensabene 1993, 258ff.; Pfrommer 1999, 45ff.; Huß 2001, 214; Hölbl 2004, 29. A similar juxtaposition of Greek, Egyptian, and Persian traditions is presented by the objects found in the temple treasury at Tuch el-Karamus in the eastern Delta, deposited in the mid-3rd century BC; this assemblage included Greek jewellery, a few silver vessels, Egyptian cult paraphernalia, and vessels of Achaemenid form. The temple, which was raised around 322/316 BC inside a military camp, was dedicated to Isis; around 270 BC the cult was extended to AphroditeArsinoe (Carney 2013, 101, 109). It was then presumably that the gift of Greek jewellery was made to the temple. The building was destroyed during the Third Syrian War in 250/240 BC, see Pfrommer 1990, 142ff.; Pfrommer 1999, 43ff. 224

The symbolism of the architectural form of tombs in Alexandria 189 Greek names and Greek language,232 but the influence went beyond the external aspects. The Theban priests did not contribute significantly to Hellenistic culture, but they were Hellenised owing to their importance for governance. They organised synods that derived from the Greek tradition and adopted the Greek custom of setting up altars to the Hellenic gods inside private houses.233 The Greeks continued to celebrate Demetria and Thesmophoria234 (a temple of Demeter Thesmophoros, probably the main city temple, is attested near the royal palace in the late 3rd century BC).235 Her characteristic influenced the identification of Demeter Thesmophoros with Isis.236 Both goddesses ensured fertility,237 a well as bringing the autumn and winter withering of vegetation symbolizing death; they both suffered from the loss of a close one and in their searches they guarded over all those setting out on a journey. Their experience of mourning brought them closer to people. Isis was also linked to the Kabirii and their worship celebrated in Samothrace, supported by Thessaloniki and Arsinoe II.238 For the Egyptians she was a goddess who was addressed in private cult, asking to intercede for the dead. Demeter was worshipped along with Kora during the Koreia and she could also be worshipped in conjunction with Apollo.239 The ancient locality of Eleusis is also mentioned in the sources, apparently east of Alexandria on the Canopic branch of the Nile; Callimachus taught there and it was the seat of annual music and theatrical festivals.240 The Ptolemies241 supported the cult of Dionysus242, among others, by introducing the feast of the Lagynophoria243 and officially identifying the Greek god with Osiris. Through their death and rebirth, the two gods were made the guardians of the dead. The new god Serapis244 was See page 23f. Bell 1953, 227. 234 Based on mentions in the papyri from Zeno’s archive, see Farnell 1907, 75ff.; Fraser 1972, 199. 235 Fraser 1972, 199; Skowronek, Tkaczow 1981, 132, 135. 236 Herodotus (II 59; II 171) gives the Egyptian origin of the cult of Demeter, introduced by the daughters of Danaos, see Solmsen 1979; Skowronek, Tkaczow 1981, 132; Witt 1997, 127f. 237 In this context, the horn of plenty could have been an attribute of both goddesses; in the times of Ptolemy II, it took on the form of a double horn, dikeras, symbolizing prosperity and blessing ensured by the royal siblings, see Berges 1995, 95f. and above, page 194 note 182. 238 The two cults were connected by the similarity of the myth according to which the Kabiri were alleged to have murdered their brother. These mysteries, which were older than the Eleusinian ones, were also secret in character, but it is known that the holy rites were called dromena, telete and orgia (in the principal meaning of ‘act’), in similarity to the cult of Demeter, who was considered the founder of these mysteries, see Witt 1997, 154f ; Kerènyi 2000, 19ff. 239 Visser 1938, 37; Fraser 1972, 199; Skowronek, Tkaczow 1981, 132, 135. 240 Strabo XVII, 800. The name refers to Eleusis in Attica. According to Tacitus (Histories IV 83), the Athenian Timotheus was asked by Ptolemy to celebrate the mysteries in Eleusis. In his Hymn to Demeter, Callimachus mentions a procession with a basket as one of the rites celebrated there (Visser 1938, 55). However, in describing the festival Satyros does not mention the mysteries and there are no archaeological data confirming a cult of Demeter, see Visser 1938, 36f ; Fraser 1972, 200; Skowronek, Tkaczow 1981, 131f., 136. In favour of mysteries to Demeter in a form modeled on the Attic mysteries, see Nilsson 1950, 89f ; Mylonas 1961, 300f. 241 See above, page 170 note 47 (Grotto of Dionysus on Thalamagos) and page 172 note 59 (Ptolemaia). There are no Egyptian influences on the works of poets writing in the court of Ptolemy II, such as Theocritos, Callimachus or Apollonios. Exalting the king, the poets present a vision of the state that corresponded to the expectations of both Greeks and Egyptians. Theocritus compared it to a Homeric kingdom, just like the Macedonian rulers, whereas Callimachus used myths to present the king as a god (Apollo), see Visser 1938, 48ff.; Merkelbach 1981, 29ff. 242 Based on papyri from Zeno’s archive, see Visser 1938, 35f.; Bell 1953, 227; Fraser 1972, 201ff. 243 Athenaios VII 276a–c. Ptolemy IV introduced the Feast of the Jugs, during which wine was drunk from lagynoi. Figurines of Dionysus and his cortege were connected with this feast, see Zanker 1989, 50ff. 244 Manetho identified Serapis with Pluto, see Plutarch On Isis and Osiris 28; Fraser 1967, 23ff.; Stambaugh 1972, 27ff ; Hölbl 2004, 93. 232 233

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established explicitly for the Greeks. His worship was to ensure them an existence in the Underworld, similarly to what Osiris did for the Egyptians. The cult, which was grounded in Egyptian theology, combined aspects of the gods Osiris and Apis with the chthonic characteristics of Dionysus and Zeus-Hades.245 Hellenistic religion was characterised by a pursuit of syncretism and monotheism,246 influencing the definition of the new god’s function by including in it important aspects of the Greek gods. Both Serapis and Isis were treated as Greek gods.247 Insignificant changes were introduced to the Greek customs in terms of the essence of cult and ritual practices and they depended on a Hellenisation of the Egyptian aspects of the cult as they became more widespread. The temple of the god was raised in the early 3rd century BC and its popularity peaked by the end of the century, as indicated by a sudden drop-off in the number of votive gifts afterwards.248 Dionysiac mysteries took place also outside of Alexandria, taking on a private form.249 In the chthonic aspect, in view of the identification with Serapis,250 Dionysus played an important part in the rites celebrated in the Alexandrian Serapeum,251 a temple serving also as an oracle and healing site, yet his ties with the Memphite Serapis were stronger. It is evident in the iconography of the statuary image and the ties with Apis and Osiris.252 The Alexandrian Serapis was largely identified with Pluton, rendering the god’s royal nature.253 In the cultic sphere, the gods were distinguished depending on the context: Osiris was referred to in mystery myths, rituals and liturgies of a funerary nature, whereas Serapis in intention prayers for the living.254 The theoxenion, a ritual banquet celebrated in private houses as well as in temples, was also connected with Serapis and involved thanksgiving offerings to the god.255 Isis was worshipped mainly as the wife of Serapis256 and Alexander the Great raised 245 The rarely worshipped Hades appeared under the euphemistic names of Zeus Melichios or Pluto, depicted with a cornucopia, see Schauenburg 1953, 50; Stambaugh 1972, 34. 246 Pakkanen 1996, 85ff. (on syncretistic trends), 100ff. (on monotheism). 247 Dunand 1973, I, 45ff., 66ff. 248 The first dedications from the early 3rd century BC confirm the existence of a shrine in Rakothis as well as the celebration of a private cult of Serapis, see Fraser 1967, 35ff.; Sabottka 1989. 249 Nilsson 1957, 11; Zuntz 1963, 228ff. 250 In spite of their mutual relations, the two deities are mentioned separately and are not fully identified with one another. The Dionysian characteristics of the new god may have been due also to the strong position of Macedonians in the Ptolemaic court in the early period when his image was being created, see Stambaugh 1972, 58f. 251 Fraser 1972, 205f., 253. 252 Stambaugh 1972, 59ff. 253 The old temple of Ptah in Memphis was called the Serapeum. The Alexandrian Serapeum was not intended as a place of the Osiris-Apis cult; it held a Greek cult statue of an enthroned deity (Cerberus apparently does not appear in the iconography of Serapis before the rule of Nero when he is represented with the god on Alexandrian coins; this is due to the mix up of the Greek dog with the Egyptian Anubis in his role as guide for the souls, on the iconography of representations, see Stambaugh 1972, 14ff.; Hornbostel 1973) inside a building exhibiting some decorative borrowings in the Egyptian style. A god of Egyptian name was worshipped with Greek rituals, perhaps including elements of Egyptian cults. The Memphite statue showed a standing god in a chiton and himation, a kalathos on his head, holding a cornucopia in his left hand and a patera in his right. It may have been the work of Bryaxis by analogy with the statue of Mausolos from Halicarnassus, see Stambaugh 1972, 18ff. 254 Stambaugh 1972, 45. 255 Papyri from Oxyrhynchos indicate that banquets were later combined with initiation in the mysteries, see Youtie 1948, 13ff ; Stambaugh 1972, 56. 256 The goddess, who was mentioned with Serapis with respect to the royal family or in Greek dedications among the Egyptians, appeared solely as a consort of Osiris. Her popularity also in Greek territories is attested by temples established by Egyptian merchants in Pireus about 333/2 BC, see Vidman 1970, 26ff.; Fraser 1972, 260; Samuel 1983, 83ff.; Witt 1997. On the spread of the cult of Egyptian gods, see Salditt-Trappmann 1970; Dunand 1973, II, 1ff.; Pakkanen 1996, 49ff.

The symbolism of the architectural form of tombs in Alexandria 191 the first temple to be dedicated to her. The Eleusinian ceremonies had a strong impact on the development of the goddess’s secret mysteries.257 Before initiation one needed to become acquainted with the teachings of the goddess, make offerings, and be purified ritually. The process of initiation involved descent into the Underworld (symbolised by a temple shrine) in order to worship the sun god from a near distance, followed by a return to earth. The journey ensured a mystic oneness with the god and the bestowal of divinity.258 After celebrating the liturgy the mystai would appear to the gathered crowd dressed in festive clothing and wreaths of palm leaves, holding torches in their hands. After that, religious ceremonies involving sacred banquets were held for three days. The Egyptian mysteries did not include initiation, unlike the Hellenistic mysteries of Isis and Osiris, which referred to the Eleusinian ones and ensured continued existence in the Underworld for the initiates. These ceremonies were based on the agricultural aspects of Osiris259 and included a night procession on barks on the temple lake with the purpose of carrying the mummy of the god to his tomb and a mystic reenacting of his death. This took place among a small group of priests in chambers from which the uninitiated were banned.260 Offerings were made on the next day and a procession went around the walls of the sacred temenos, headed for the tomb and cult chapel of Osiris. Participation in the procession ensured a happy existence in the paradisiacal Field of Reeds.261 The main festivities of Osiris took place in Abydos,262 which became the destination of pilgrims and a place for setting up cenotaphs or steles containing offering formulas ensuring the participation of the deceased in the royal offerings. The soliciting of divine care is reflected also in terracotta figures of gods worshipped in Alexandria, which were deposited in the tombs.263 As far as the Greek gods are concerned, the cults of the following deities have been attested in this way: Aphrodite,264 whose patron was Arsinoe; Priap worshipped together Initially, priests alone participated in the mysteries; common participation was prompted by the Greek mysteries of Demeter. On the variety of Egyptian feasts connected with Isis, see Merkelbach 1963; Dunand 1973, I, 109ff.; Pakkanen 1996, 79. 258 The sole mention concerned with the essence of the mysteries comes from the Roman period: ‘I came to the boundary of death and after treading Proserpine’s threshold I returned having traversed all the elements; at midnight I saw the sun shining with brilliant light; I approached the gods below and the gods above face to face and worshipped them in their actual presence’ (Apuleius Metamorphosis XI, 23; trans. Kenney 1998), see Youtie 1948, 11ff.; Grant 1953, 136ff.; Assmann 2003, 278ff.; Eckmann 2003, 14. A juxtaposition of aspects of the mysteries of Demeter and Isis taking place in Greece, see Pakkanen 1996, 78ff. 259 The feast, which took place either in the first or the last month of the flood season, called for fashioning earth and grain mummies of Osiris and celebrating ritual activities connected with grain cultivation. Real mysteries of Isis and Osiris, but also Horus and Serapis did not develop until Hellenistic times. 260 Witt 1997, 162. Broader participation characterised the ritual of ‚searching for and finding’ the body of Osiris, a Roman ritual devoid of any secretive elements that was introduced most likely in Hellenistic times and took place at the end of October or in early November. The association between Isis and Demeter was an in important aspect of this ceremony. 261 See the descriptions in chapters 109 and 110 of the Book of the Dead. 262 The names of Osiris and Serapis in late Hellenistic times referred to a single god, see Stambaugh 1972, 37ff. 263 See page 122f. On the information on this subject in the papyri, see also Visser 1938; Bell 1948, 82ff ; Fraser 1972, 189ff. 264 Figures of Aphrodite are much more seldom seen in the sphere of private worship. Statuettes of Afrodyty Anasyromene and Priapus demonstrated their sexual power through the raised robe. Herodotus (II, 60) wrote of omen making such a gesture during the feasts of Bubastis, hence the interpretation of this particular form of Aphrodite as Baubo; the anasyrma gesture came to Greece most probably from Egypt, see Fischer 1994, 85; Priapus, of Asia Minor origin like Baubo, appeared first in Egypt n the times of Alexander the Great, see Visser 1938, 32; Fraser 1972, 207; Rice 1983, 21, 101f., 107f ; Fischer 1994, 83; figurines of a ‘naked goddess’ of erotic nature represented the goddess as an endower of life, see Böhm 1990, 125ff.; see also Fraser 1972, 197. 257

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with Dionysus; the Dioscuri who were guardians of sea travel and who had a temple built to them by Arsinoe II in Samothrace;265 Poseidon;266 Hermes and Herakles267 as the gods of the gymnasium;268 as well as Zeus Soter, worshipped especially in military circles and as a patron of sailors; and Zeus Basileus.269 The statuettes of Herakles from tombs in Chatby and Hadra, most often with an ivy wreath, depict him as a comast; he was also associated with the worship of the Kabiri.270 Agathos Daimon, a deity of Macedonian origin and taking on the form of a serpent, guardian of the household fire in southern Greece and associated with Serapis, was also an Alexandrian god and a patron of the city from its foundation.271 The Greek gods were accompanied by figures of Egyptian deities.272 Among these was Bes with his apotropaic function, worshipped also as a protector of childbirth and guardian of the newborn Horus, a companion of the goddess Hathor. Harpokrates, worshipped together with Serapis and Isis in a chapel founded by Ptolemy IV Philopator within the enclosure of the temple of Serapis,273 symbolised fertility, indicating by the same his place in the Dionysian sphere. Images of an amphora and of an ivy wreath in some representations were also connected with this sphere.274 On principle, the terracotta figurines of early Hellenistic times had little to do with the official cult. There was a preference for semidivine beings whose protection ensured fertility (also in the broader aspect of rebirth) and prosperity.275 The Greeks and Macedonians did not get involved in the worship of Egyptian deities with the exception of the dynastic cult, which was derived from the Macedonian tradition.276 Preparations for burial were similar in the two communities, the Greek-Macedonian and the Alexandrian, despite the differences in form (cremation and mummification). The process started with washing the body and dressing it, followed by the obsequies which isolated the family for the duration of the miasma, after which the body was moved to the grave. The family bore the grave goods during the funerary procession. Libations were offered at the tomb site and the deceased underwent a ritual of purification designed to open the way into the Afterworld. Then the body was laid to rest in the burial chamber. Those taking part in the ceremonies were subsequently purified and partook of a funerary repast.277 Unlike the Macedonian tombs, all the Alexandrian hypogea were open to successive generations as Visser 1938, 17f.; Fraser 1972, 207. The cult of the Tarentian Dioscuri in Alexandria in the 4th century has been attested by finds of terracotta heads in piloi caps originating from Tarentum, see Schneider-Herrmann 1992, 304. 266 The temple of Poseidon was mentioned by Strabo (XVII 1,9), see Visser 1938, 30. 267 Tataki 2000, 59. Herakles was also important in Macedonia; different aspects of his cult have been evidenced by appropriate epithets in epigraphic inscriptions. For example, Herakles Kallinikos, mentioned in Veroia (see Iliadou 1998, 76ff.), occurs with the same epithet in Egypt, most probably in Alexandria. 268 Visser 1938, 20ff., 39; Fraser 1972, 208. 269 Visser 1938, 27ff.; Fraser 1972, 194f. 270 Especially in the travestations of myths on the Kabiri vases, see Braun, Haevernick 1981, 27. 271 According to Pseudo-Callisthenes (Romance of Alexander I 32), Alexander had a serpent killed when founding the city and he later raised a temple which he dedicated to it, see also Visser 1938, 5ff.; Fraser 1972, 209ff. 272 Figures of faience come from the Chatby necropolis, among others, see Nenna, Seif el Din 1994, 291ff. 273 Sabottka 1989, 178ff. 274 Fischer 1994, 85 note 124. 275 Fischer 1994, 83. 276 The dynastic cult celebrated by the Greeks was separate from the Egyptian cult of the pharaoh but was celebrated together with it by the Egyptian priests, see Fraser 1972, 213ff., Samuel 1983, 97ff.; see also page 15 note 43. 277 Venit 2002, 11ff. 265

The symbolism of the architectural form of tombs in Alexandria 193 indicated by the considerable number of narrow niches – loculi – intended for subsequent burials. Once all the niches were filled, new loculi were often prepared, as exemplified by the Chatby hypogeum. That tombs were visited during specific feasts and on the occasion of new burials is proved by a primitive fireplace for cooking food needed for the purposes of the funerary cult, found in the northern part of the Mustapha Pasha tomb III. Offerings were made in the inner courtyards and banquets were held. None of these underground tombs was ever completely closed and all of them started out as family sepulchers, only to be made available later to a larger group of Greek-Macedonians living in Alexandria. The layout of the tombs developed from a creative incorporation of Egyptian tradition, which the Macedonians and Greeks were learning during the first decades of their presence in Alexandria, most probably shaped additionally by the Egyptian craftsmen cutting these underground tombs. Designs popular in the native architectural tradition, based extensively on Macedonian models, had to be adapted to local topographical conditions. This cooperation was possible thanks to similarities between certain forms and ideological assumptions, which permitted the compromises imposed by the need to adapt to living conditions in a new environment. The distribution of similarly shaped tombs, whether masonry or rock-cut, in other territories is also important in this context. The south Italian single- and multiple-chamber tombs, especially from Apullia, and smaller ones from Calabria,278 were modeled on the Macedonian tombs and they evince close links with the Alexandrian complexes in terms of the chamber arrangement, architectural and painted decoration and furnishings.279 Considering the scale of the Tarentum emigration following the Roman conquest of the city in 272 BC,280 one may assume that certain forms of burial were incorporated into Alexandrian sepulchral architecture. The construction of monumental tombs in Alexandria could have been commissioned by the families of the high-ranking hetairoi of Alexander the Great, who remembered these types of buildings from Macedonia.281 Their mediation imbued this architecture with a new dimension in the form of illusionist features evident in the shaping of the complex as a whole, referring to the typical Hellenistic private house with a peristyle courtyard. 278 Buildings in the Greek cities there were much poorer than in mainland Greece. The richness of the grave goods including luxury Greek products is astonishing, however, and the influence of Greek ideas on local religious concepts is evident. The same process concerned vessel iconography related to the mystery cults and written sources reflecting the spread of Pythagorean philosophy and ethics among the local elite. Tombs were shaped largely also under the influence of Macedonian models, which left their mark also on complexes raised in the Hellenised Italian and Etruscan cities (Arpi, Capua, Cerveteri), the process taking place from Apulia (especially Daunia) through Campania and Calabria to first southern and then northern Etruria. A terminus post quem is set by the presence of Alexander Molossus in 334–331 BC. The limited differentiation of Tarentian tombs reflects a relatively democratised society compared to the Apullian indications of individual luxury, see Metzler1985, 23f.; Mazzei 1995, 70f.; Steingräber 2000, 72f. 279 Tinè Bertocchi 1964, 15ff., 61ff.; Lamboley 1982, 91ff.; Steingräber 1991, 15ff.; Mazzei 1995, 87ff., 169ff.; Steingräber 2000; see page 176 note 104, 179 note 145, 181 note 166. 280 A noted preference for Gnathia vases in Alexandria came not only from the large export of vessels of this kind; most likely, it was also conditioned by the transfer of workshops and the demand for these vessels among the migrants from Tarentum. This city, which the Spartans founded in 706 BC, had kept its independence from the Italian tribes unlike the other colonies, hence the occupation of Tarentum by the Romans could have triggered a resettlement of a part of the population to the new developing Greek metropolis, see Metzler 1985, 20ff.; Green 1995, 274. 281 See page 20 note 88.

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Intended effects were achieved by the same methods as in the Macedonian tombs, using stucco and painting to present plastic elements on a smooth surface. The assumed repeated use of the tombs for successive burials made it difficult to place burials in chambers furnished with kline. There are few examples of this kind and it seems that native traditions yielded in favour of adapting to local conditions. On one hand, the limited extent of the necropolis imposed a more modest form of burial, and on the other hand, limited stone resources and the sandy ground made it difficult to build masonry tombs and cover them with a tumulus. It seems that the concept of the burial chamber as an andron for holding an eternal banquet was relinquished. Burial chambers, or to be more exact niches with beds, echoed this idea, serving in most cases as a sarcophagus. In all likelihood, a similar process of reduction concerned the grave goods. Representations of doors placed on the slabs sealing the loculi, along with the architectural formation, constituted a reference to the idea of the tomb as a house for the dead. Deposition of the remains in hydriae brought to mind the symbolism of these vessels assumed in Macedonia. But in this territory inhumation was not a foreign concept. The furnishing of simple tombs, encompassing banquet and toilet vessels of varying quality, terracotta figures pressed in Greek moulds, cheap jewellery and arms, as well as steles that were of Athenian origin at first and were later kept in an Attic style, illustrate the continued existence of Greek and Athenian traditions among the inhabitants of Alexandria. Painted steles evincing northern Greek influence are a Macedonian feature connected with the burials of lower-ranking soldiers of Ptolemy. It is to be assumed that the rituals connected with the burial and the later cult of the deceased were maintained in these cases, but that most of these activities took place inside the tomb. They reflected the transformation of a Greek religious tradition enriched with elements of Egyptian beliefs, which suited the Greeks and the Macedonians in terms of their eschatological promise. A gradual assimilation of these ideas and the waning of the native tradition of making tombs among successive generations of Macedonians who did not nurture relations with their homeland led to the increasing presence of Egyptian motifs in the architectural and painted decoration of tombs raised on plans that drew on Greek and Egyptian architectural designs and were kept in an overall Greek-Macedonian style.

Conclusion The world of the dead as presented in the mysteries reflected a wish for eternal life. Knowledge through initiation, immolation, offerings, and prayer curried the favour of the gods, ensuring that one would attain divinity in the Afterlife. The fate and fortune of the deceased depended on the gods; their power and function stemmed from the experience of suffering and death. Macedonian eschatological beliefs were centred on the quest for deification, unlike the Egyptian beliefs which the Macedonians and Greeks encountered while establishing their polis ad Aegyptum; the goal there was redemption. The form of the tomb determined the social standing of the deceased, bringing connotations of hero status in the beyond. The typical Macedonian chamber tomb was anticipated by lavish burials in cist graves, and it evolved into increasingly humbler rock-cut tombs. These funerary monuments reflected considerable cultural, religious and philosophical development, enabled by the socio-economic prosperity of the robust Macedonian kingdom under the rule of Philip II and Alexander the Great in the second half of the 4th century BC; subsequently they also reflected its gradual impoverishment and declining significance in the 3rd century BC. Macedonian tombs were reserved for elite circles closest to the ruler. They were buildings of substance imitating the royal funerary monuments in Aigai. Members of the less influential aristocratic families were most often buried in large, lavishly equipped cist graves, later replaced by rock-cut tombs. The monumentality of this form of burial made it popular, along with it being cheaper and simpler to make, requiring only excavation of the tombs in bedrock around important cities like Pella and Veroia. In a way they were family tombs, accessible at all times, although humbler in their furnishings. The change in burial customs reflected not only the economic decline of Macedonia in the second half of the 4th century BC, but also a reaction to the threat of plundering. The same may be said of the Macedonian tumulus tombs, which were accessed by removing a voussoir stone from the chamber vault after reaching it through a shaft dug in the mound. The traditional cist graves from the region of Macedonia, decorated with paintings and richly furnished, were later transformed into underground sepulchers composed of a chamber and an antechamber, and covered with a barrel vault. The last was a purely Macedonian invention resulting from the need to cover an underground structure under an earthen mound. An architectural facade with marble or wooden doors, alternating with a dromos, took after residential and palatial architecture, imparting on the tomb a stately character. The same role was served by painted interior decoration and the placement of beds and chests in the chamber, imitating the arrangement of klinai in an andron. Floral motifs pervading the decoration reflected the custom of hanging wreaths on walls during the symposium and the prosthesis of the dead, but they also had a sepulchral and symbolic significance. The form of the tomb resulted from eschatological beliefs and mystery cults of Dionysus and Demeter aimed at securing the deceased’s fortunes in the beyond. Gold plaques found with the dead confirm participation in the mysteries. The texts inscribed on these plaques 195

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ensured passage of the deceased into the presence of Persephone and assured admittance into the ranks of the blessed. Specific offerings, such as sets of tableware, suggest a common hope for protection and feasting together with Dionysus. In female burials, such grave goods indicate participation of the deceased in the Dionysian mysteries, although women did not customarily take part in the symposia (it is possible that items found in the graves of the Sindos necropolis had been placed there with similar intentions, which would thus prove the existence of Orphic–Dionysian beliefs in territories surrounding Macedonia in the 6th century BC). Items of this kind, along with wreaths placed in the burial chambers which were furnished with kline, are representative of the mystes status. At the same time, the lavish form of burial indicates high social standing as much as it does hero status gained in this way. Representations of the funerary banquet, dominant in the tombs, were derived from the Eastern tradition and were introduced into Greek sepulchral iconography in the 7th century BC. The actual burial by cremation, which involved placing the ashes in a vessel, such as a hydria, or by inhumation, was of little importance for the further existence of the deceased. Ongoing social transformation was reflected instead in the introduction of family tombs for repeated use (two or three times), replacing the original singular burial (heroon). The tumulus, more than anything else, marked the monumentality of the burial for future generations, covering up the actual tomb concealed inside it. Hence the fair individuality of particular tombs, which could not closely imitate any others, given that these underground chambers could not be viewed. Grave goods included personal possessions of the deceased, reflecting their real or ideological social roles, as well as items used during the obsequies and offerings. It is frequently impossible to assign objects found in graves to particular categories. Unguentaria, as well as pottery and metal vessels and terracotta figurines, were necessarily of double function, both mundane and sepulchral. The dead buried in Macedonian tombs are anonymous. The unplundered remnants of burial furnishings may sometimes reveal the sex of the buried individual, as can the wall decorations in some instances: female graves feature mainly toiletries and scenes referring to religious beliefs; male burials include pieces of armor and weaponry. However, these are found much more often in cist graves than in the Macedonian tombs, and they are altogether unknown from the rock-cut tombs. The Macedonians adopted several elements from Greek art, from architectural designs to wall paintings and handicrafts, to create a form of monumental Macedonian tomb reflecting their distinct, aristocratic society. Contacts with Persian civilisation and royal art were important in the ideological and iconographic sense. The ruler emphasised his divine descent, following in this the Homeric tradition. The elites nearest to the ruler were privileged with the right to build monumental tombs. The final form of these tombs was the combined result of the cults celebrated by the Macedonians and their religious and eschatological beliefs, which also derived from a Greek background. Certain elements of Macedonian ideas shaping the forms of tombs were adopted in the funerary monuments in Alexandria. The ruling Ptolemaic dynasty, which drew on the

Conclusion 197 Argead tradition, and a state elite made up of Greeks and Macedonian hetairoi who had fought under Alexander the Great and Ptolemy influenced the shape of sepulchral art in the new polis. The dominant role of the Greeks in this process is signified by the large number of simple graves, typical Greek stelas and terracotta figurines in the oldest Alexandrian cemeteries as compared to the relatively small number of Macedonian hypogea, but it is the latter that appealed to the ruling aristocracy’s tastes and were a counterpart for Egyptian funerary monuments. The illusionist tomb arrangement was derived from Macedonian tradition, both in the emphasis on the ‘facade’ constituting one of the courtyard walls and the interior layout drawing extensively on elements of domestic architecture and features of the architectural and structural decoration styles. The walls also featured garlands, although not with the same frequency as in Macedonia. Vault decoration imitated in manner the coffered ceilings or tents, the latter through the use of textile motifs. Egyptianizing the interior decoration occurred through the introduction of imitation faience plaques, imitating alabaster slabs commonly used as orthostats, iconographic motifs, doorways and niches with architectural framing resembling naiskoi. Slabs sealing burial niches (loculi) were often decorated with carved or painted depictions of doors, referring in style and symbolism to both the Greek and the Egyptian traditions. As in Macedonia, cremation was popular alongside inhumation, the ashes of the deceased being placed in hydriai, for example, with a wreath, either real or painted, around the neck of the vessel. The wreath also occurs in Egyptian eschatology, although in a different context. The modest remains of grave goods from the hypogea preclude a thorough comparison of burials, whether within social groups or in a broader Alexandrian-Macedonian context. Tomb function constitutes a fundamental difference: whereas in Macedonia, especially in the early period, the tomb was a kind of heroon, in Alexandria it constituted a family burial place. The layout of the interior differed as well. Alexandrian complexes were open, most often axial in design, furnished with an isolated chamber (possibly two) with a bed for the more notable among the deceased. The chamber was quite small. Since it was not intended to be closed, the dead could not be left lying on the bed, but they had to be placed inside a kind of a sarcophagus, the kline which is analogical to the Macedonian theke, or – after the prothesis period was over – inside a loculus sealed with a slab that was often decorated with an image of a door. The antechamber in these tombs was enlarged, taking over the function of the burial chamber with new loculi being added successively to the walls. In this sense, the function was similar to that of the rock-cut tombs of Macedonia. Benches and altars in the chambers indicate the observance of ritual ceremonies inside the tombs. In Macedonian tombs there is little evidence for the custom of sacrifices performed in the antechambers. The courtyard in the Alexandrian hypogea was of similar function, often as the main place of worship. The water supply in the courtyard was used during rituals performed in honor of the deceased and for the cultivation of plants, assuming they had been planted there. At least some of the rituals connected with the obsequies, as well as with the cult of the dead, took place inside the tomb, according to Egyptian custom. In the Macedonian tombs

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with a dromos or rock-cut sepulchers, such practices have not been confirmed inside the structures, but traces of funeral pyres or offering places have sometimes been found outside. The Alexandrian tombs resemble in this respect Egyptian funerary monuments from the Late Period as the resting place of the deceased and as a place where the dead were commemorated, and their guardian deities worshipped. However, they were constructed as a synthesis of Greek domestic architecture, with the chamber layout and architectural decoration of Macedonian tombs and the interior decoration of Egyptian tombs. Illusionism typical of Macedonian tomb architecture was applied to create yet another form of the eternal home for the dead, introducing Egyptian decorative motifs only as late as the end of the 3rd century BC. Tomb evolution was determined by geographical conditions differing from those of Greece and Macedonia: a dearth of good building stone to build sepulcher chambers to be covered by a tumulus, countered by the relative ease of cutting any number of underground chambers in the friable limestone bedrock. The urban social structure was also responsible to a degree as far as the form of the tombs is concerned, with a relatively small elite of Macedonian ancestry investing in chamber tombs, which had a short tradition even in Macedonia, and the growing urban population opting for family and subsequently collective tombs as well, in face of the shrinking space available in the cemeteries surrounding Alexandria. The Greek mystery religions which had such an impact on the form of the Macedonian tomb played a lesser role in Alexandria. Egyptian religion shaped Greek beliefs to a considerable degree despite their differences, the syncretism of deities being a good example of the processes involved. Rituals inherent to the Eleusinian or Dionysian mysteries were more difficult to carry out under the new conditions, and the evidence for participation in mystery cults – apart from that concerning Demeter, Isis, Dionysus and Sarapis – is ambiguous. In the eschatological sphere, Egyptian beliefs satisfied the expectations of Greek mystai without requiring participation in the mysteries; indeed, mysteries in typically Greek form did not have a presence in Egypt until the late Hellenistic period. The Egyptian funerary cult ensured immortality to all, hence the introduction of elements derived from Egyptian rites, such as the courtyard with altar and garden, and later mummification as well. Alexandrian tombs are thus an example of a synthesis of the Greek, Macedonian and Egyptian traditions, both in the formal and in the religious spheres. Despite cultural differences, the similarity of the needs regarding the afterlife led to similar architectural and ideological solutions. The stately tomb of the Macedonian elite, formed along the lines of a funerary chamber resembling a palace andron for banquets to be held in the Isles of the Blessed, as promised in the mysteries, was abandoned for rock-cut hypogea, enlarged over time and imbued with a family character, in which the heroic aspect and a cult of the dead were relegated to the reduced chamber with klinai. The idea of the tomb as a home for the deceased is reflected in the plan of the monument and its interior decoration, including especially the slabs with carved doors sealing the loculi, which was a reference to Egyptian tombs of the kind. Just as elements of Egyptian tradition were assimilated into the form of the tomb in Alexandria, so one should expect the assimilation of eschatological beliefs and aspects of cult ensuring good fortune in the Underworld, replacing the Greek mysteries in this function.

Abbrevations and Bibliography AA AAA AΔ AEMTh AJA AJAH Alexandria and Alexandrianism

Archäologischer Anzeiger Athens Annals of Archaeology Αρχαιολογικόν Δελτίον Το αρχαιολογικό έργο στη Μακεδονία και Θράκη American Journal of Archaeology American Journal of Ancient History

Papers delivered at a Symposiums organised by the J. Paul Getty Museum Malibu California 1996 and the Getty Centre for the History of Art and the Humanities and held at the Museum April 22–25, 1993 AM Mitteilungen des Deutschen Archäologischen Instituts, Athenische Abteilung ΑΜΗΤΟΣ Τιμητικός τόμος για τον καθηγητή Μανόλη Ανδρόνικο, Thessaloniki1987 AncMac Ancient Macedonia. Symposium series Thessaloniki. The Institute for Balkan Studies. Thessaloniki AncW Ancient World AnWe Ancient West&East AnnAStorAnt Annali di Archeologia e Storia antica AntK Antike Kunst APF Archiv für Papyrusforschung ArchEph Αρχαιολογική Εφημερίς AW Antike Welt BABesch Bulletin antieke beschaving. Annual Papers on Classical Archaeology BCH Bulletin de correspondance hellénique BÉFAR Bibliothèque des Écoles Françaises d’Athènes et de Rome BSA Annual of the British School of Athens BSAA Bulletin de la Société d’Archéologie d’Alexandrie BSt Balkan Studies ClassQuart Classical Quarterly CMO, Arch Arch. Collection de la maison de l’Orient méditerranéen, Série Archéologique CPh Classical Philology DHA Dialogues d’Histoire Ancienne DialA Dialoghi di archeologia Egnatia Εγνατία ÉtAlex Études Alexandrines ÉT Etudes et Travaux Ergon Εργον της Αρχαιολογικής Εταιρείας FuB Forschungen und Berichte. StAAtliche Museen zu Berlin HThR Harvard Theological Review, Cambridge, Mass. JdI Jahrbuch des Deutschen Archäologischen Instituts 199

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JEA JFSR JHS La gloire d‘Alexandrie Magna Grecia Makedonen Makedonika MEFRA NumAntCl OAth OxJArch ÖJh Phoenix Praktika RGVV RLAC RM Taranto Thessaloniki ZPE

Journal of Egyptian Archaeology Journal of Feminist Studies in Religion Journal of Hellenic Studies Une exposition des Musées de la Ville de Paris; mai au 26 juillet1998, Musée du Petit Palais, Paris 1998 G. Pugliese Carratelli (ed.), Magna Grecia 3. Vita religiosa e cultura letteraria, filosofica e scientifica, Milano 1988 Makedonen, die Griechen des Nordens, Kestner-Museum Hannover, Sonderaustellung 11.3.94–19.6.1994, Athen Μακεδονικά Mélanges de l’École Française de Rome/Antiquité Numismatica e antichitá classiche. Quaderni ticinesi Opuscula Atheniensia Oxford Journal of Archaeology Jahreshefte des Österreichischen Archäologischen Institutes in Wien The Classical Association of Canada Πρακτικά της Αρχαιολογικής Εταιρείας Religionsgeschichtlichen Versuche und Vorarbeiten Reallexikon für Antike und Christentum Mitteilungen des Deutschen Archäologischen Instituts, Römische Abteilung Catalogo del Museo Nationale Archeologico di Taranto Η Θεσσαλονίκη, Exhibition catalogue, Thessaloniki 1986. Athina Zeitschrift für Papyrologie und Epigraphik

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