Literary and Historical Writings [23, The Clarendon Edition of John Locke] 9780198824381

Citation preview

Oxford Scholarly Editions Online PREFACE

J. R. Milton, Brandon Chua, Geoff Kemp, David McInnis, John Spurr, and Richard Yeo (eds), The Clarendon Edition of the Works of John Locke, Vol. 23: Literary and Historical Writings Published in print:

2019

Published online:

March 2020

........................................................................................................................... PG V

PREFACE

The works printed in this volume span virtually the entire course of Locke's adult life. Two of the poems, 'If Greece with so much mirth did entertain' and 'Pax regit Augusti', were the first of his works to appear in print, and another poem, 'Now our Athenian Olive spreads', may well be earlier still. The Memoirs relating to the Life of Anthony First Earl of Shaftesbury are certainly very late, probably having been compiled during the final months of Locke's life, and it may be that their unfinished state is an indication that he was still working on them when he died. The other works were spread over the intervening period, though most are either early or late: only the short poem addressed to John Greenhill dates from the period of Locke's association with the first Earl of Shaftesbury, from 1666 to 1683. Some of the works printed here fall straightforwardly within the bounds indicated by the title of the volume. The poems are unquestionably literary, as are the outline for the play Orozes, King of Albania and the address to the Prince of Denmark; the preface to Aesop's Fables and the epitaph for the Earl of Shaftesbury can also reasonably be placed in this class. The Memoirs relating to the Life of Anthony First Earl of Shaftesbury are manifestly historical, as is the short account of the early history of his family. Some of the other works are at least connected with literary composition: either the preparations necessary for it —the various accounts of how to compile a commonplace book, placed together here as writings on the New Method—or the difficulties that could be involved in publication, set out in the writings on the liberty of the press. The remaining works—the proposal for the reform of the universities, the Rules of the Dry Club, and the Rules of a Society—are, it has to be admitted, only very indirectly connected with the themes of the volume; the main reason for including them here is that they clearly needed to be placed somewhere in the Clarendon Edition, and this volume seemed more suitable than any of the alternatives. It should be apparent from the account just given that these writings are very diverse in character, and the specialist knowledge required to give an adequate account of all of them is unlikely to be found in a single person. This volume could not have been produced without

Page 1 of 3 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.miscMatter.4 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-miscMatter-4 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

the labours of a group of other scholars, who provided drafts of the sections of the General Introduction within their areas of expertise and contributed further to their revision, namely Brandon Chua (the poems in university commemorative ........................................................................................................................... pg vi volumes), David McInnis (Orozes, King of Albania), Richard Yeo (the writings on the New Method), Geoff Kemp (the writings on the liberty of the press), and John Spurr (the Memoirs relating to the Life of Anthony First Earl of Shaftesbury). I am deeply grateful to all of them. All the other parts of the General Introduction have been the work of the present writer, as have the Textual Introduction and the transcription of the texts themselves, though I am grateful to the collaborators named earlier for providing many of the annotations; also to David McInnis for supplying a set of images of the part of MS Locke e. 6 that contains Orozes, King of Albania, and to Geoff Kemp for alerting me to the existence of William Brockman's copy of the first 1695 Printing Bill, and for providing a transcription of this. Some of the works printed here were written in languages other than English. One of the drafts of Locke's account of the New Method is in Latin, and the final version that was published during Locke's lifetime is in French; since the Latin draft contains relatively little that is not present in the slightly earlier English draft or in the published French version, it has not been thought necessary to provide a separate translation, while for the French version the translation that appeared in 1706 in the Posthumous Works of Mr. John Locke has been used. Two other short works have, however, been translated for this volume, the Address to the Prince of Denmark, and the Epitaph for the Earl of Shaftesbury: I am very grateful to Timothy Demetris for the work that he has done on these. Draft versions of the Introductions, or parts of them, have been read by David Allan, Ann Blair, Mark Goldie, Geoff Kemp, Philip Milton, Jacqueline Rose, Tiffany Stern, and Richard Yeo, all of whom provided very useful advice as to improvements that might be made. I am, however, entirely responsible for any errors which may remain. I am very grateful to David McInnis and Wallace Kirsop for examining and reporting on the copy of Aesop's Fables in the Baillieu Library at the University of Melbourne. I owe a particular debt to Felix Waldmann, who alerted me to the existence of the poem 'Curse on the Park', and provided clues that led to the discovery of the current location of the manuscript. I am also very grateful to the owner of this manuscript, Nicholas Fisher, for discussing its contents and providing photographs of the relevant pages. Most of the work for the volume was carried out in the Bodleian Library, the British Library, and the National Archives, and I am grateful to the staff of all those institutions for their

Page 2 of 3 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.miscMatter.4 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-miscMatter-4 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

help, with especial thanks to Colin Harris, the Superintendent of Reading Rooms at the Bodleian. ........................................................................................................................... pg vii I wish to thank the Bodleian Library and the British Library for permission to reproduce the texts of manuscripts in their custody which have not hitherto been printed. Several people have been closely involved with the production of this volume, in particular Peter Momtchiloff as philosophy editor at Oxford University Press with overall responsibility for the Clarendon Edition, Eleanor Chilvers as the production editor, Caroline Quinnell as the copy editor, and Susan Frampton for her work on the proofs. I am very grateful to all of them, and also to Geoff Kemp who very kindly read through the entire set of proofs and spotted several blemishes that I had overlooked; I am, however, solely responsible for any that may remain. Finally I am particularly indebted to my wife Julie for reading various parts of the work when in draft, and for advice, encouragement, and forbearance. J. R. Milton 23 July 2018 ........................................................................................................................... pg viii

Page 3 of 3 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.miscMatter.4 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-miscMatter-4 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

Oxford Scholarly Editions Online ABBREVIATIONS AND REFERENCES

J. R. Milton, Brandon Chua, Geoff Kemp, David McInnis, John Spurr, and Richard Yeo (eds), The Clarendon Edition of the Works of John Locke, Vol. 23: Literary and Historical Writings Published in print:

2019

Published online:

March 2020

........................................................................................................................... PG XIII

ABBREVIATIONS AND REFERENCES

The following abbreviations are used in the notes: BL   British Library, London Bodl.   Bodleian Library, Oxford Censorship   Censorship and the Press, 1580–1720, ed. Geoff Kemp, Jason McElligott, Cyndia Susan Clegg, and Mark Goldie (London, 2009) Christie, Memoirs   W. D. Christie, Memoirs, Letters, and Speeches of Anthony Ashley Cooper, First Earl of Shaftesbury, Lord Chancellor (London, 1859) Christie, Shaftesbury   W. D. Christie, A Life of Anthony Ashley Cooper, First Earl of Shaftesbury 1621–1683 (London, 1871) Chronology   D. F. McKenzie and M. Bell, A Chronology and Calendar of Documents Relating to the London Book Trade, 1641–1700 (Oxford, 2005) CJ   Journals of the House of Commons Correspondence   The Correspondence of John Locke, ed. E. S. de Beer (Oxford, 1976–) Criticisms   Locke's Criticisms of the 1662 Printing Act Haley, Shaftesbury   K. H. D. Haley, The First Earl of Shaftesbury (Oxford, 1968) King (1829)   Lord King, The Life of John Locke (London, 1829) King (1830)   Lord King, The Life of John Locke (London, 1830) LJ   Journals of the House of Lords Page 1 of 2 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.miscMatter.6 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-miscMatter-6 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

LL   Numbers of entries in John Harrison and Peter Laslett, The Library of John Locke (Oxford, 1971) Martyn (1770)   The Life of Anthony Ashley Cooper First Earl of Shaftesbury (n.p., n.d.) Martyn (1836)   Benjamin Martyn and Andrew Kippis, The Life of the First Earl of Shaftesbury (London, 1836) MS Locke   Bodleian Library, MS Locke NS   New style ODNB   Oxford Dictionary of National Biography OED   Oxford English Dictionary Political Essays   John Locke, Political Essays, ed. Mark Goldie (Cambridge, 1997) RO   Record Office ........................................................................................................................... pg xiv Rand, Shaftesbury   The Life, Unpublished Letters, and Philosophical Regimen of Anthony, Earl of Shaftesbury, Author of the 'Characteristics', ed. Benjamin Rand (London, 1900) SR   Statutes of the Realm Term Catalogues   The Term Catalogues 1668–1709 A.D., ed. Edward Arber (London, 1903–6) TNA   The National Archives, Kew Transcript   A Transcript of the Registers of the Worshipful Company of Stationers: from 1641–1708 A.D. (London, 1913–14) Yolton, Bibliography   Jean S. Yolton, John Locke: A Descriptive Bibliography (Bristol, 1998)

Page 2 of 2 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.miscMatter.6 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-miscMatter-6 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

Oxford Scholarly Editions Online LIST OF CONTRIBUTORS

J. R. Milton, Brandon Chua, Geoff Kemp, David McInnis, John Spurr, and Richard Yeo (eds), The Clarendon Edition of the Works of John Locke, Vol. 23: Literary and Historical Writings Published in print:

2019

Published online:

March 2020

........................................................................................................................... PG XV

LIST OF CONTRIBUTORS

J. R. Milton is Emeritus Professor of the History of Philosophy at King's College London. Brandon Chua is Assistant Professor of English Literature at the University of Hong Kong. Geoff Kemp is Senior Lecturer in Politics at the University of Auckland. David McInnis is the Gerry Higgins Senior Lecturer in Shakespeare Studies at the University of Melbourne. John Spurr is Professor of History at Swansea University. Richard Yeo is Emeritus Professor in the Faculty of Arts, Education and Law at Griffith University, Brisbane. ........................................................................................................................... pg xvi

Page 1 of 1 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.miscMatter.7 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-miscMatter-7 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

Oxford Scholarly Editions Online GENERAL INTRODUCTION

J. R. Milton, Brandon Chua, Geoff Kemp, David McInnis, John Spurr, and Richard Yeo (eds), The Clarendon Edition of the Works of John Locke, Vol. 23: Literary and Historical Writings Published in print:

2019

Published online:

March 2020

........................................................................................................................... PG 1

GENERAL INTRODUCTION POEMS

Poems Published in University Commemorative Volumes LOCKE'S first entry into the world of print was as a poet. Two poems (one in Latin and another

in English) were published under his own name in a verse anthology Musarum Oxoniensium Elaiophoria, produced by Oxford University in 1654 to celebrate the peace between England and the United Provinces. Locke would contribute two more English poems to subsequent anthologies issued by the university, this time dedicated to the restored Stuart dynasty: one on the return of Charles II appeared in Britannia Rediviva in 1660, and another marking Catherine of Braganza's arrival in England was included in Domiduca Oxoniensis in 1662. The printing of commemorative verse anthologies by the universities of Oxford and Cambridge was an established tradition in England. The practice started in the late 1580s, when the universities began printing collections of poetry to mark the passing of celebrated public figures. In the reign of James I these anthologies became increasingly used to commemorate royal events, such as accessions, marriages, births, funerals, returns from travel, and recoveries from illness. During the years of Charles I's personal rule these 1

volumes came to perform a highly polemical function. They also became more frequent: in the decade from 1633 to 1642 Oxford produced nine commemorative anthologies on the royal family, in comparison with only eight for the entire reign of James I. During the same period Cambridge issued seven volumes, having only produced four during James's 2

reign. The practice continued after the outbreak of the Civil War, at least in Oxford which— unlike Cambridge—remained in royalist hands. In the summer of 1643, the Queen's return to England from Europe where she had been raising funds for the royalist cause prompted Oxford's final verse anthology before the city surrendered to the New Model Army ...........................................................................................................................

Page 1 of 165 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.miscMatter.8 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-miscMatter-8 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

pg 2 1

in 1646. The tradition would only resume a decade later under the Protectorate, a revival that would see the printing of verse anthologies continue into the Restoration, until their eventual demise in the eighteenth century, with the celebration of the Prince of Wales's birth 2

in 1762 being the final collective effort of the Oxford muses.

These commemorative volumes provided a way for the universities to demonstrate their loyalty to the current regime. They typically featured around a hundred contributions from members representing all sections of the university, with compositions by the Vice-Chancellor and other heads of houses appearing alongside the verses of university professors, college fellows, and even undergraduates. Most of the contributions were in Latin, although a smaller number of verses in English were included, together with a handful in languages as various as Greek, Hebrew, Arabic, Old English, French, Italian, Spanish, Welsh, Ethiopian, Turkish, and Persian. Volumes were typically produced with speed in order to minimize the time elapsed between the event itself and the publication of its verse commemoration. Little is known about how the contributors were selected, but it can reasonably be presumed to have been by invitation; for the younger members among them the demonstration of poetic facility and mastery of learned languages could offer 3

opportunities for patronage and career advancement.

In the summer of 1654, Cromwell's recently negotiated peace with the Dutch—the Treaty of Westminster was signed on 5/15 April—would prompt both Oxford and Cambridge to revive the tradition of ceremonial verse in order to celebrate the achievements of the new 4

Protectorate government. Both volumes exploited the connection between Cromwell's first name and the traditional symbol of peace: the Cambridge anthology was titled Oliva Pacis, while Oxford preferred the slightly greater obscurity ........................................................................................................................... pg 3 of Greek: Musarum Oxoniensium Ἐλαιοϕορία‎, meaning An Olive-Bearing of the Oxford Muses. Oxford would produce only this one verse anthology under the Protectorate, but the muses of Cromwell's own university put together another collection in 1658 to 1

commemorate his passing and the succession of his son Richard as Lord Protector.

Musarum Oxoniensium Elaiophoria, dated June by the London book-collector George 2

Thomason, contains a total of 134 poems in Latin, English, Hebrew, Greek, French, Welsh, and Anglo-Saxon. Lavish tribute was paid to Cromwell, who had been Chancellor of the 3

university since 1651. In the Latin poem that opens the volume, the university's ViceChancellor, John Owen, presents him as a new Augustus, and looks forward in anticipation to

Page 2 of 165 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.miscMatter.8 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-miscMatter-8 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

the flourishing of the literary arts under his government. It was a theme pursued by many of 4

the other contributors, including Locke.

Locke's Latin poem is very short—eight lines in elegiac couplets—and is devoted to fulsome praise of Cromwell, depicted as a man sent from heaven who not merely combined but surpassed both the martial valour of Julius Caesar and the peace-making abilities of his great-nephew. A seventeenth-century translation is printed with the Latin original in the part of the present volume that contains the texts, and a later and rather less free version is given here:

        Augustus in pacific glory sway'd         The world, that Julius' conquering arms obey'd:         One by his sword achiev'd a mighty name;         And one the meed acquir'd of civic fame.         Applauding Rome proclaim'd them deities:         This for wise rule, and that for victories.         Thou, sov'reign prince, to both superior far,         Guiding in peace the world thou'st gain'd by war.         From heav'n we hail thee, of no mortal race, 5

        Who canst alone two deities surpass.

........................................................................................................................... pg 4 The English poem moves away from the martial accomplishments of the Protector, and towards the benefits of the peace that his power had brought about:                 We need no Fire-ships now, a nobler flame                 Of love doth us Protect, whereby our name                 Shall shine more glorious, a flame as pure                 As those of Heaven, and shall as long endure … Locke described an English fleet returning with the fruits of world-wide trade:         Our ships are now most beneficiall growne,         Since they bring home no spoiles but what's their owne. 1

        Unto these brancheless Pines our forward spring         Owes better fruit, then Autumn's wont to bring:         Which give not only gemms and Indian ore,         But adde at once whole Nations to our store. The Restoration of 1660 allowed the Oxford muses to return the verse anthology to its traditional function of celebrating monarchy, which they did very fulsomely in Britannia

Page 3 of 165 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.miscMatter.8 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-miscMatter-8 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

2

Rediviva, published around the beginning of July; Falconer Madan noted that the volume had evidently been printed in haste, and that many of the poems appear to have been 3

written before the King left Holland on 23 May. Britannia Rediviva featured 158 poems in Latin, English, Greek, Hebrew, Arabic, and French. Of the 139 contributors, 24 had—like 4

Locke—also contributed to the 1654 volume dedicated to Cromwell.

The contributors to Britannia Rediviva sought to re-establish Oxford's loyalty to the house of Stuart, and thereby efface memories of the accommodation of the university with what was now seen as a usurping regime. Most of the poems in the volume express unrestrained joy at the King's return, and Locke's was no exception. It begins:         Our prayers are heard! nor have the Fates in store         An equall blisse, for which we can implore, ................................................................................................................ pg 5         Their bounty, For in you, Great SIR's, the summe         Of all our present joys, of all to come … The heroic bringer of order celebrated in 1654 was now disavowed as a manifestation of 'Ægyptian darkness':         Where each thing claim'd our worship, and would be         Ador'd, forceing obeysance, and a knee,         Upstart and unknown Gods! to whom with shame         We first gave Adoration, then a Name,         Worship'd those Crocadiles that always had         Tears to bestow, on ruins that they made. While in 1654 Cromwell had been compared with Augustus, now it was Charles's turn: the poem ends with the hope that he too would act as a patron of the arts: 'Wit too must be your Donative, 'tis You/ Who give AUGUSTUS, must give MARO's too.' Although they had remained silent when Cromwell died, the Oxford muses issued verse collections to mark two deaths that occurred in the royal family shortly after the Restoration: Epicedia Academiae Oxoniensis, in Obitum Celsissimi Principis Henrici Ducis Glocestrensis and Epicedia Academiae Oxoniensis, in Obitum Serenissimae Mariae Principis Arausionensis, 1

commemorating the deaths of Charles's brother and sister respectively. Locke did not contribute to either of these exercises in funerary verse, saving his efforts for the royal wedding two years later, the last occasion on which he contributed to a commemorative anthology.

Page 4 of 165 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.miscMatter.8 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-miscMatter-8 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

Charles II's marriage on 21 May 1662 to Catherine of Braganza promised an advantageous alliance for England, and the acquisition of Tangier and Bombay as part of her dowry offered the prospect of an expanding empire that would match the conquests of the Cromwellian Protectorate. Oxford offered its congratulations through another verse miscellany, Domiduca Oxoniensis. According to Madan, the volume had been printed before the marriage took place; it was certainly ready by the end of June, since on 4 July Locke's friend in Dublin, 2

George Percival, wrote to thank him for a copy which he had just received.

The volume contained 126 poems by 121 authors; as before most were in Latin, with a minority in English, a few in Greek and Hebrew, and one in Persian. Its title alludes to the names given by the Romans to Jupiter ........................................................................................................................... pg 6 (Domiducus) and Juno (Domiduca), who as the gods of marriage were given the task of conducting the bride into the house of the bridegroom. Locke's poem compared Charles to Adam, eagerly awaiting a mate with whom he could populate Eden. It acknowledged that Charles had been exposed to temptation while in exile, but implausibly claimed that these amatory approaches had left him entirely unmoved:         He saw, and sleighted all the rest, but You         Were th'undiscovered world, His rich Peru,         Stor'd with those Mines of worth, which yet retain         The Golden age, or bring it back again. As with Locke's previous English poem on the Anglo–Dutch peace, the language of trade and commerce is prominent, and intermingles rather incongruously with the traditional classical and biblical motifs employed elsewhere in the poem. Locke's verses on Catherine's arrival also continued to linger over the shades of rebellion that had featured in his contribution to Britannia Rediviva. His poem discloses an anxiety of a return to chaos, with his description of the English people as a 'brutish herd' anticipating the 'moody, murmuring race' of Absalom and Achitophel, just as his image of the King as a 'skild Pilot, when the waves engage/ To sinke the ship that plays upon their rage', prefigures Dryden's portrait of Earl of Shaftesbury as 'A daring pilot in extremity:/ Pleased with the 1

danger, when the waves went high'.  

These early poems by Locke, written as contributions to an institutional celebration of state events, lack the extended complexity exhibited in the more searching representations of state and political authority by public poets of both the Cromwellian and Restoration

Page 5 of 165 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.miscMatter.8 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-miscMatter-8 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

regimes. His verses can for the most part be described as competent, but there is nothing in them which makes them stand out from the other contributions in the volumes. His imagery seldom ranges beyond the conventional, and his prosody, when compared to Marvell's or Dryden's, can appear very laboured:         Glory of Warre is victory, but here         Both glorious be, 'cause neither's conquerer.         T'had been lesse honour if it might be sed         They fought with those that could be conquered. ........................................................................................................................... pg 7 If Locke's later literary endeavours were confined almost entirely to prose, it is difficult to think that he made an unwise choice.   Poems Found among Locke's Papers The guard-book put together by the Bodleian Library for unbound poems found among 1

Locke's papers contains a draft of a poem, 'Now our Athenian olive spreads'. This is in ll

Locke's hand, and there is a note by him at the end, 'Presented to Co P'; the leaf on which the poem was written was also endorsed by Locke 'Verses to A P'. Both Colonel P and A P can be identified with complete confidence as Alexander Popham (1604/5–1669), the Somerset landowner who had commanded the regiment in which Locke's father served during the Civil War, and who is reported to have been responsible for procuring Locke a place at 2

Westminster School.

The person to whom the poem is addressed is described as having a brother whose naval exploits had brought him renown:         Your brothers conquest on that seas did make         And force a peace which we seeme now to take         An olive branch from yieldings Spaine he took         And gainst its nature joined it to our oke Alexander Popham did have such a brother, Edward, who was appointed General at Sea by Parliament in February 1649, in conjunction with Robert Blake and Richard Deane, serving both in home waters and with the fleet blockading Prince Rupert in the Tagus estuary. He died on 19 August 1651, and was buried in Westminster Abbey.

3

Page 6 of 165 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.miscMatter.8 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-miscMatter-8 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

The date of the poem is uncertain. Maurice Cranston supposed that it was written to 4

celebrate Cromwell's victory over the Dutch in 1654, but there is little in the poem that points to this. The mention of a war with Spain might seem to indicate that it was composed in 1659 or thereabouts, and such a date was suggested by Philip Long in his catalogue of 5

Locke's papers, but the praise given to Edward Popham points to a considerably ........................................................................................................................... pg 8 earlier date, around 1651, when Locke was still at school (the handwriting of the manuscript also looks very early). The main disadvantage of assigning the poem to the early 1650s is that England was not then at war with Spain: war was not declared until 1655, and fighting continued for several years thereafter. A peace treaty (the Treaty of the Pyrenees) was signed between France and Spain on 7 November 1659, but England was not a party to this, and though military operations were halted by Charles II in 1660, a formal treaty between England and Spain 1

was not signed for another ten years.   Other Poems Attributed to Locke

Two poems have been ascribed to Locke by later writers with sufficient plausibility for them to be included in this volume. 1. One is a poem of 14 lines entitled 'To Mr Greenhill with Cowleys Poems', which was first 2

published in 1836 in Benjamin Martyn's biography of the first Earl of Shaftesbury. According to Martyn: The following copy of verses, written by Mr. Locke, may be some entertainment to the reader. They are in Mr. Locke's hand-writing, among other poetical performances of his, and, by the corrections in the manuscript, are evidently his first thoughts. They were addressed to Mr. Greenhill, with Cowley's Poems, in the year 1672, at which time the pictures were drawn. John Greenhill was a former pupil of Sir Peter Lely; he came from Salisbury, and his sister 3

Honor was married to Locke's friend David Thomas, who practised medicine there. In 1672 or 1673 he painted a portrait of the first Earl, and it is probably around this time that he 4

painted one of Locke, now in the National Portrait Gallery.

...........................................................................................................................

Page 7 of 165 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.miscMatter.8 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-miscMatter-8 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

Martyn came across the poem soon after he went to St Giles to begin work assembling

pg 9

1

material for his biography of the first Earl. He reported his discovery to Thomas Birch in London: I have been much taken up in looking, with Lord Shaftesbury, over a great heap of his great-grandfather's papers.… These are interspersed with several things in Mr. Locke's hand, and (which I believe you will wonder at,) some copies of verses of his writing; one I shall be able to show you when I come to town. It is addressed to Greenhill the painter, upon his drawing Lord Shaftesbury's picture in 1672, which is hung up here [at St 2

Giles House] and very finely done.

No manuscript containing any verses in Locke's hand is now to be found among the Shaftesbury papers, but the collection does include a draft of Martyn's book with the poem 3

and Martyn's comments on it. There is no reason to distrust his account of his finding the manuscript, but whether it really was in Locke's hand is less certain: it would not have been difficult for Martyn to check—there were (and still are) a fair number of letters in Locke's hand in this collection that could have been used for comparison—but this is an area where many false identifications have been made. There is no known connection between John Greenhill and Abraham Cowley, who died in 1667: no portrait of Cowley by Greenhill is known to exist, or to have existed, and Greenhill is never mentioned in any of Cowley's works. The explanation for their association in the poem is perhaps that Greenhill was being presented with a copy of Cowley's collected works, first published in 1668 and reprinted four times in Greenhill's lifetime.

4

The poem is of some literary merit, though its virtues are not so transcendent as to exclude the possibility that Locke might have been its author. 2. The second poem is 'Curse on the Park', a poem of 34 lines in rhyming couplets that begins:         Curse on the Park the Plays & business too         which call those out that have ought else to doe This was printed by H. R. Fox Bourne in his biography of Locke, where it was described— inaccurately—as a 'string of verses … addressed "to a ........................................................................................................................... pg 10

Page 8 of 165 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.miscMatter.8 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-miscMatter-8 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

1

young lady that could never be kept at home." ' Fox Bourne reported that the poem 'was copied into a sort of album, kept by James Tyrrell', adding that 'The manuscript volume is 2

now in the possession of Lord Houghton, who has kindly permitted me to inspect it and to publish the lines, to which is appended this note in Tyrrell's handwriting, "By my dear friend, Mr J. Locke." ' Fortunately, the manuscript has survived, so that the accuracy of Fox Bourne's report can be checked; its contents and history are described in more detail in the Textual Introduction. Fox Bourne was quite correct in stating that the note at the head of the poem—'By my dear r

Friend M J. Lock'—is in Tyrrell's hand, and though there is no other evidence of Locke's authorship, this provides very good grounds, albeit not conclusive ones, for ascribing the poem to him. The text of the poem itself is certainly not in the hand of either Locke or Tyrrell, but the writing does bear a considerable resemblance to that of Locke's manservant, Sylvester Brounower. If this identification is correct, the poem was almost certainly copied between 1680 and 1683, when Locke made several long visits to Tyrrell's house at Oakley.   Poems Excluded from this Edition 1. The only other poem by Locke that was published in his lifetime was one in praise of the physician Thomas Sydenham, added to the second (1668) edition of Sydenham's Methodus Curandi Febres. It will be printed in the volume of this edition containing Locke's writings on medicine and natural philosophy. 2. The volume in the Lovelace Collection used for unbound poems found among Locke's papers, MS Locke c. 32, includes several in Locke's hand that are not printed here, either because they have already appeared elsewhere in the Clarendon Edition, or because they can be shown to be by other authors. On folio 14 of this volume there are Latin and English poems on amatory practices of cats, dated 1679 and in the hand of Locke's manservant ........................................................................................................................... pg 11 1

Sylvester Brounower. The Latin poem has the title 'Amantis Appellatio ad Feles, in causâ coitus'. The English poem was printed in full by Maurice Cranston, who tentatively ascribed it 2

to Locke, but in fact the author was Thomas Flatman (1635–88): when Brounower made this copy it had not been printed, but a slightly longer version was subsequently included in 1686 3

in the fourth edition of Flatman's Poems and Songs.

Page 9 of 165 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.miscMatter.8 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-miscMatter-8 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

On folio 21 there is a copy by Locke of a poem he wrote in reply to one sent to him by Damaris Cudworth, probably in January 1683; both were printed by E. S. de Beer in his 4

edition of Locke's correspondence.

On folio 25 there is another poem beginning 'Man and Wife are one'. This copy, dated 1689, is in Locke's hand, but he was not its author: it is generally ascribed to a Christ Church 5

contemporary, Fleetwood Sheppard.

3. There are also a considerable number of poems in one of Locke's notebooks, MS Locke e. 17. The entries in this are not dated, but both the character of the handwriting and the dates of composition of the poems it contains indicate that this part of the notebook was 6

in use during the 1650s and 1660s. The poems in Locke's hand are on pages 73–93, 97– 7

9, and 160–74: most of them can be traced to other authors, but two do not seem to have been preserved anywhere else. The first of these, on pages 77–8, is a short song beginning 'I wonder men them selves should thinke'; the other (pages 82–6) is entitled 'On Oliver Ld Protector Occasiond by the many coppies of verses made after his death', and begins

'Whilst greatnesse stood whilst we amazed did see'. It is unlikely that Locke was the author of either: he does not seem to have used this volume to record his own occasional forays into verse. ........................................................................................................................... pg 12 1

4. In Locke's copy of the first and second parts of Hudibras in Columbia University Library there are some Latin verses in his hand on the front and rear endpapers. The verses on the front endpaper occupy five lines:         Sic adscititios nasos de clune torosi         Vectoris doctâ secuit Talacotius arte,         Qui potuere natem durando aequare parentem         At postquam fato clunis computruit, ipsum         Una sympathicum cæpit tabescere rostrum On the rear endpaper the first three lines of this are repeated, and are followed (as a separate set of verses) by:         Sic hypocondriacis conclusa meatibus aura         Desinit in crepitum vergat si prona per alvum         Sin sublime petat mentisque invaserit arcem         Progenies caeli est & conscia flamma futuri.

Page 10 of 165 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.miscMatter.8 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-miscMatter-8 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

The 'Talacotius' mentioned in the first set of verses was Gaspare Tagliacozzi (1545–99), a pioneer of plastic surgery whose De Curtorum Chirurgia per Insitionem had first been published in Venice in 1597. These verses were first printed (the second set in a somewhat different form) in the 'Author's Life' prefaced to 1704 edition of Hudibras, where they are ascribed to 'the Learned Dr. 2

Harmar, once Greek Professor at Oxon.', i.e. John Harmar (c.1593–1670), Regius Professor of Greek at Oxford from 1650 to 1660. They are translations of two passages in the first part 3

of Hudibras, one in the first canto and one in the third. How, and when, Locke came across them is not known, but it is clear that he was not the translator. 5. Two poems are attributed to Locke in the printed catalogue of the Shaftesbury papers 4

in the National Archives. One (PRO 30/24/47/29) is a poem of 101 lines beginning 'Having thank'd me so much for the news in my last', recording an imaginary dialogue between William III and the ........................................................................................................................... pg 13 Earl of Sunderland. It was clearly composed during the King's last years, and was plausibly dated on internal grounds by Fox Bourne—who took it to be Locke's own work and for 1

that reason printed it in full—to May 1700. The manuscript is, however, certainly not in Locke's hand, and it is extremely unlikely that the poem was by him. It is a piece which was circulated quite widely in manuscript during the early years of the eighteenth century; at least eight other copies survive, none of which makes any mention of Locke, and the most 2

recent editor of the poem has offered no suggestions as to its authorship.

It is at least chronologically possible that PRO 30/24/47/29 could have been written by Locke, however little reason there may be to suppose that it actually was. The same is not true of the other poem which the catalogue describes as being in Locke's hand, 'I sing of a meeting that happen'd of late', PRO 30/24/47/32. This manifestly post-dates the Act of Union, and a mention of 'the Regent' indicates that it was written after the death of Louis XIV in 1715. A little further enquiry shows that it must have been written around the time of the abortive Peerage Bill of 1719. It can therefore be confidently excluded from any list of Locke's works.

OUTLINE FOR A PLAY OROZES, KING OF ALBANIA The poems by Locke that were published between 1654 and 1662 have often been remarked on, but few writers have noticed that one of his early notebooks in the Bodleian Library (MS 3

Locke e. 6) contains an outline for what appears to be a projected stage romance; this is

Page 11 of 165 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.miscMatter.8 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-miscMatter-8 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

untitled, but in the account that follows it will be referred to as Orozes, King of Albania, after 4

the name of its primary character. Beyond the document's interest ........................................................................................................................... pg 14 to theatre historians as a rare example of an amateur dramatist planning a play, it offers insights into Locke's interests and reading habits during his early years at Oxford, particularly in relation to travel writing and romance. The story takes place in an unnamed eastern country, and opens with Orozes, the king of 1

Albania, in the midst of a battle against the Persians. He encounters Caroome, the younger 2

son of the Magol, cornered by his enemies, but just as Caroome's death looks certain, Orozes intervenes and saves his life, thereby also securing victory for Caroome's older brother, Cosuro. Being indebted to Orozes, Caroome takes him to meet Cosuro, and together with his friends Cosis and Artaces they go to the Magol's court. The Albanians conceal their true identities and Orozes falls in love with the Magol's daughter, Artaxa. Various comic lovetriangles ensue, leading inevitably to jealousy and tension. Orozes becomes the object of desire for Marpisa, who in turn is pursued by Caroome's friend Barzanes, who accordingly sees Orozes as his rival in love and plots to discredit him. In a subplot, Barzanes' sister Ismena falls in love with Orozes' friend Artaces; Orozes speaks to Ismena on Artaces' behalf, but is caught doing so by Artaxa, who consequently suspects Orozes of being unfaithful to her. Orozes accepts a challenge to duel with Barzanes, which leads to his arrest and imprisonment. A botched rescue attempt causes the Magol to decide on Orozes' execution, but fortunately a visitor from Albania arrives just in time to reveal his true identity, and the story ends with multiple marriages, including that of Orozes to the Magol's daughter.   Drama in Restoration Oxford Theatrical performances of all kinds had been banned in Oxford during the interval of puritan rule, but a desire to see them quickly re-emerged after the Restoration. The antiquarian Anthony Wood noted that on 'July 19 [1660] or thereabouts, the yong loyall scholars of Oxford acted a play at the new dancing school against S. Michael's church on purpose to 3

spite the Presbyterians who had been bitter enimies to these things.' The play they chose was Abraham Cowley's The Guardian, first acted before the ........................................................................................................................... pg 15 future Charles II at Trinity College, Cambridge in 1641. Locke is very unlikely to have been involved in any way with this production, but he did subsequently own a copy of the play in 1

the form in which it was reissued in 1663.

Page 12 of 165 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.miscMatter.8 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-miscMatter-8 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

The first performances by professional actors took place a year later. In July 1661 a playing company came to Oxford and for ten days acted on a stage set up in the yard of the King's Arms in Holywell Street. Wood described their visit and recorded the titles of the plays 2

3

performed. Their repertory consisted chiefly of revivals of pre-Civil War plays, the one conspicuous exception being John Tatham's topical comedy The Rump, or The Mirror of the Late Times. Wood described the players as having been specifically invited 'to spite the Presbyterians'— precisely the phrase he had used for the amateur production a year earlier. The performances, in which women acted, reportedly caused quite a commotion, and the 4

university authorities did not allow players to come to Oxford again for many years.

Whether Locke attended any of the performances is unknown, but there are no indications in his papers that he was away from Oxford when they took place. Some members of the university were also thinking about staging plays. On 4 July 1661 Timothy Halton, then a young fellow of Queen's, wrote to Joseph Williamson in London with 5

an account of plans that were being made for a royal visit to Oxford. The entertainments 6

would include a play 'made by Dr Lluellen', but preparations were hindered by a shortage of actors, and unless some could be found Halton feared that they would 'be ........................................................................................................................... pg 16 constrained to make use of the Red Bull players who are now at Oxford'—the company which 1

was then performing at the King's Arms. Where the play would have been staged is not indicated, but it would almost certainly have been intended for a college hall, probably at Christ Church, which had the largest hall of any of the colleges and where there had been a long tradition of mounting royal dramatic entertainments during the Tudor and early Stuart 2

periods. In the event no visit took place, and when the King and Queen did finally come to Oxford in September 1663 there were no theatrical performances.

3

The first play known to have been staged at Christ Church after the Restoration was a 4

comedy, Flora's Vagaries, which had been written by one of Locke's fellow Students, 5

Richard Rhodes. There was a single performance of this on 8 January 1664; the actors were undergraduates, and according to Anthony Wood their behaviour was marked by 6

'drunkenness and wantonness'. Since Locke had recently been appointed Censor of Moral Philosophy, a post with disciplinary responsibilities, it is likely that he would have been present, but there is no record of this among his papers.  

Page 13 of 165 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.miscMatter.8 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-miscMatter-8 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

Authorship The manuscript of Orozes is entirely in Locke's hand, and the corrections and alterations which it contains all indicate that he was himself the author and was not merely making a copy of a work composed by someone else. For example, in the list of dramatis personae the 7

pseudonym that Orozes used at the court of the Magol is initially given as 'Artaxes', which is then struck out and replaced with 'Theocles', a name so different that it cannot be attributed to scribal error; a more likely explanation is that in the course of composing his outline, Locke made the change to prevent confusion between 'Artaxes' and 'Artaces' (named two lines later), the original name

........................................................................................................................... pg 17 of Orozes' friend who followed his lead in adopting a disguise, or between 'Artaxes' and 'Artaxa the Magols daughter'. Clear evidence of compositional change made currente calamo is also apparent in the scenario itself: this originally began 'Orozes in a Battle when in [illegible word] as a volunteer', but all of this apart from the first word was then deleted and replaced (on the same line) with 'by chance findeing Caroome ingagd'. Further down the same page it was stated that 'Theocles loves Artaxa which her picture began', and then the last three words of this were crossed through and replaced (on the same line) by 'flame her picture first kindled'. This is manifestly a change of mind by the author, not the correction of a copying error.   Date and Circumstances of Composition The sources (described below) that Locke drew on for the Orozes plot-scenario show that it cannot have been written before 1659, but a more precise estimate of its date of composition can be made from its position in the notebook MS Locke e. 6. The portion of this immediately preceding the Orozes sketch contains a draft of the Latin Tract on Government v

v

(folios 91 rev–69 rev). The date of this is not known precisely, but there is universal agreement that it post-dates the English Tract, which was written between September and 1

December 1660. Philip Abrams estimated that the Latin Tract was probably written in 1661 2

or 1662, and since Orozes follows it in the notebook it must be later still. Orozes must, however, be earlier than the draft of the Essays on the Law of Nature on the subsequent v

v

pages (folios 63 rev–17 rev); the final version of this must have been completed before the 3

end of 1664, and the draft was probably written earlier in that year. Orozes was therefore certainly written after the beginning of 1661 and before the end of 1664, and probably at some time between late 1661 and late 1663.

Page 14 of 165 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.miscMatter.8 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-miscMatter-8 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

That Locke's outline was designed for a dramatic rather than a prose romance is suggested by the presence of an initial list of characters. One possibility is that he was planning Orozes as a closet drama—something either to be read silently by an individual or read aloud by a group of friends. If Locke had intended the latter, the participants could have been some of his colleagues at Christ Church, but perhaps also the young ladies ........................................................................................................................... pg 18 at Black Hall with whom he exchanged letters when he was away from Oxford, and 1

presumably saw frequently when he was there. This is in many ways an attractive hypothesis, but it does face some problems. Typical features of closet dramas include 'lengthy sententious speeches … and a chorus serving to prompt and guide interpretation',

2

neither of which are suggested by Locke's outline, in which bustling action seems predominant. This may not, however, be decisive: after the closure of the public theatres in 1642 even private play-readings of closet dramas became increasingly theatrical, and the fact that Locke's outline seems to give priority to action over speech does not in itself 3

guarantee a desire for public performance.

On balance, however, the content of Locke's sketch points towards an intended performance by costumed actors on a stage. The inclusion of non-speaking roles—'Soldiers' and 'Attendants'—in the initial list of characters suggests this kind of performance, a particularly clear example being Princess Artaxa's maid Clitie: she has no part of the action but would presumably have been required to wait upon the princess on stage. If the play for which the Orozes sketch was prepared had been intended for public performance, the most likely venue would have been the hall of one of the colleges, probably Christ Church. One possibility—though perhaps a fairly remote one—is that the play was devised for the visit of Prince Christian, the eldest son of Frederick III, King of Denmark, to Oxford in September 1662. Locke composed a Latin oration, described below, to be used when Christian came to Christ Church, and it would seem at least possible that there had originally been plans for a drama to entertain him as well.   Locke's Reading 1. Drama. Although Locke's experience of actual theatrical performance would by 1663 have been limited at best, his library at his death contained a fair number of plays by 4

seventeenth-century dramatists. With the exception of a 1632 quarto of Shakespeare's Henry IV, Part I (LL 2642), ........................................................................................................................... pg 19 Page 15 of 165 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.miscMatter.8 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-miscMatter-8 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

Locke's known purchases were restricted to comedies and tragedies rather than English history. Francis Beaumont and John Fletcher's tragicomedies seem to have held particular interest for him, Locke owning the first folio edition (1647) of their collected works (LL 1

239), as well as a considerable number of their individual plays (LL 240–3). He also owned the first (1616) folio of Ben Jonson's works (LL 1583) and James Shirley's Six new playes a

(London, 1653; LL 2664 ), as well as individual plays by Sir William Berkeley, Abraham a

Cowley, Sir William Davenant, Sir John Denham, Jasper Mayne, and Sir Samuel Tuke (LL 281 , 869, 923–4, 2339–41, 2995). Two other plays are mentioned in Locke's papers. At some time in the mid-1650s he asked to borrow a copy of Davenant's first play, the gory (and unacted) tragedy Albovine, King of 2

the Lombards (London, 1629), from an undergraduate at Christ Church, Thomas Symes. 3

Another play that he read around this time was William Cartwright's The Lady-Errant, a romantic tragicomedy published posthumously in 1651 but probably written around 1635. Cartwright was then a Student of Christ Church, and a later play by him, The Royal Slave, 4

was acted in the hall there before Charles I and Henrietta Maria on 30 August 1636.

2. Romances. In his Anecdotes Joseph Spence reported that 'Mr. Locke spent a good part of his first years at the university in reading romances, from his aversion to the disputative 5

way then in fashion there. He told Coste so, and gave that reason for it to him'. This is not mentioned in Pierre Coste's own memoir of Locke, but there is no reason to doubt the reliability of Spence's story: his source was the physician Antonio Cocchi, who in 1725 had 6

met Coste in London, and had several conversations with Spence when Spence visited Florence in 1732–3. ........................................................................................................................... pg 20 Romances of the kind that Locke read—intricately plotted pseudo-historical prose tales, usually set in the ancient world but offering thinly veiled engagements with contemporary society—became immensely popular in England during the 1650s. Most of these were translations of works originally composed in French, but a few were written in English, a 1

notably Roger Boyle's Parthenissa, a copy of which was in Locke's library (LL 2140 ).

The earliest mention of any of these romances among Locke's papers is the Argenis, a Latin

roman à clef written by the Scottish Catholic exile John Barclay, where a narrative nominally set in the ancient world in fact commented on events in France under Henri III and Henri IV. Locke bought a copy of one of the two 1630 Leiden editions in 1651, and it is mentioned and quoted in the same notebook that contained Orozes, though the entries on Barclay are 3

significantly earlier. There were no copies of either the Latin original or any of the English translations in Locke's library catalogues. Page 16 of 165 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.miscMatter.8 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-miscMatter-8 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

2

A romance that was certainly read by Locke and his friends in the late 1650s was Cléopâtre by the French playwright and novelist, Gauthier de Costes, seigneur de la Calprenède 4

(c.1610–1663). Three of La Calprenède's plays drew on English history for their plots, but although they attracted the interest of Corneille—and subsequently Voltaire—they do not 5

appear to have made any impact across the Channel. His romances, by contrast, enjoyed 6

tremendous success in England. The twelve parts of his Cléopâtre were published in French between 1647 and 1658, and were quickly translated into English by various hands, under 7

the title Hymen's Praeludia: Or, Love's Master-Piece.

........................................................................................................................... pg 21 c

Although Locke subsequently owned Parts I–IV of Cléopâtre in the French original (LL 1650 ), at the time he was writing Orozes he had little if any knowledge of the French language and would undoubtedly have used the English translations. When in June 1659 he told an unidentified female correspondent that 'Cleopatra comes once more to attend you', this was almost certainly a reference to the final volume of the translation which had been published 1

in May. In another letter that was probably sent to the same correspondent a month or so later he told her that 'Cleopatra is safely returned hither' and that she [Cleopatra] was 'glad she hath learnt to speake English'; the same letter also mentioned 'her sister Cassandra', a reference to La Calprenède's Cassandre, which had been translated into English some 2

years before. In a letter that was probably sent in September of the same year Locke complimented 'P. E.'—almost certainly Elinor Parry, one of the ladies at Black Hall—by addressing her as 'Urania', a name given to a princess of Cappadocia in Hymen's Praeludia, and in a later letter to the same correspondent he used comically exaggerated eastern 3

names such as 'Stratexanpoquozungus' and 'ParryoCalistan' as pseudonyms. It may be this use of names derived from romances that led W. von Leyden to suspect that Orozes 4

contained coded references to Locke's friends at Oxford around 1660. 5

Several modern writers on Locke have claimed that he read Madeleine de Scudéry's Le Grand Cyrus, but although this had been translated into English, there appear to be no records of Locke's reading it either in his correspondence or among his private papers. One of his commonplace books does, however, contain some entries taken from John Davies's 6

translation of the first part of her Clélie, probably made around 1659.

In a letter that Locke wrote to Henry Stubbe around mid-September 1659 he alluded to a passage in The Extravagant Shepherd (1653), a translation by John Davies of Charles 7

Sorel's 1627 'anti-romance' Le Berger extravagant; subsequently he and some of his friends addressed one another with fanciful names derived from this, but there is no evidence that 8

any of these were being used in the late 1650s or early 1660s.

Page 17 of 165 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.miscMatter.8 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-miscMatter-8 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

........................................................................................................................... pg 22 Some singularly opaque remarks in a letter that William Godolphin sent to Locke on 7 July 1659 suggest that Locke may himself have begun work on a romance. Apparently responding to Locke's use of Godolphin's own name for one of the characters in the romance, Godolphin replied that: In the mean time I give you leave to make such use of mee, as Sir Tho: More did of (what never was) his Utopia.… I shall bee as litle angry, as any of the Utopians, for being the Name of your Romance, and shal lend myselfe at any time to so good purpose, as is the receiving your Precepts, and 1

the Characters which you make of Virtue.

This seems to indicate that Locke was planning to write—or had written—a romance of some kind, though a later letter from Locke to Godolphin seems to imply that it was Locke who 2

had been featuring in a piece composed by Godolphin. What exactly was going on is very obscure, but whatever it was, there is little reason to connect it with Locke's work on the Orozes plot-scenario.   Sources The storyline of Orozes appears to have been devised by Locke himself, but the names that he gave the characters provide plentiful clues as to his source material. 1. The names of Orozes and his two companions Cosis and Artaces can be found in several ancient historians. The deeds of Oroeses, described as the king of the Albanians, are described in the accounts of Pompey's campaigns in the third Mithridatic war (73–63 BC) 3

4

given by Appian and by Dio Cassius. The same sources also mention Artoces as king of the 5

Iberians, and Plutarch's life of Pompey describes how he was attacked by Cosis, the brother 6

of the (un-named) king of the Albanians.

It is not impossible that Locke found these names by reading Plutarch and either Appian or 7

Dio Cassius, but a much more likely source was Archbishop Ussher's Annals of the World, published posthumously in 1658. ........................................................................................................................... pg 23 Although this edition is not known to have been in Locke's library, Locke's lifelong friend 1

James Tyrrell (whom he met in the year the Annals were published ) was Ussher's grandson, and it would not be surprising if he had owned a copy of the Annals which Locke may have

Page 18 of 165 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.miscMatter.8 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-miscMatter-8 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

seen. In Ussher's account of the triumph staged by Pompey on his return to Rome, one of the items carried in the procession was 'a Table, containing a breviary of those things that Pompey had done in the east' which included in the list of kings conquered both 'Artoces the 2

Iberian' and 'Orozes the Albanian'.

The various spellings of Oroeses' name deserve some notice. Dio Cassius and Appian diverged in this matter, the former consistently using Ὀροίσης‎ (Oroises), the latter either Ὀροίζης‎ (Oroizes) or Ὀρίζης‎ (Orizes). Ussher's work is a patchwork of quotations, and he

generally used Latinized versions of names found in his ancient source; since the account of Pompey's triumph was taken from Appian, he adapted Appian's spelling of Oroeses' name: 3

'Orezes' in the Latin version of the Annals published in his own lifetime, and 'Orozes' in the English version published after his death. The second of these is a very rare—perhaps unique—instance of the name 'Orozes' being spelled in the way that it appears in Locke's 4

sketch, and Locke's use of the name in this form strongly suggests that it was Ussher's 5

Annals that provided the source for both Orozes' name and those of his two friends.

2. The main source that Locke used for the oriental elements in his sketch can also be

identified. This was Edward Terry's A Voyage to East-India (1655), a work that Locke appears 6

to have been reading around the time that he composed Orozes; he subsequently owned a copy (LL 2587), ........................................................................................................................... pg 24 1

which was among his books at Christ Church in 1681. Terry—himself a Christ Church man, though from a generation earlier than Locke—had been engaged by the East India Company in 1616 and had travelled to Surat, becoming chaplain to the ambassador, Sir Thomas Roe. He subsequently spent twenty-seven months in India, accompanying Roe to the court of 2

the emperor Jahangir (1569–1627). Among the people mentioned by Terry are three who appear in Locke's play: Jahangir himself—Locke's 'Magol'—and his sons Coobsurroo (Khusrau, 1587–1622) and Caroom (Khurram, 1592–1666, better known as Shah Jahan, the builder of 3

the Taj Mahal). Terry described 'Sultan Coobsurroo' as 'exceedingly beloved of the common people' and 'much beloved of the people'—(compare Locke's 'Cosuro', who is 'belovd of the people')—but the emperor deprived him of liberty 'out of some jealousie' of his popularity, 4

an act which finds an echo in Locke, where the 'Magol is jealous of Cosuros popularity'. The younger son 'Caroom' is described by Terry as every inch as ambitious and wicked as Locke's 'Caroome': he put 'many jealousies into his Fathers head … concerning his Brother 5

Coobsurroo', representing his brother as a threat to their father just as in Locke's story, where 'by the artifice of Caroom' the Magol 'is made to suspect & hate' his eldest son.

Page 19 of 165 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.miscMatter.8 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-miscMatter-8 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

3. The largest group of names whose origin can be traced came from Hymen's Praeludia, the English translation of La Calprenède's Cléopâtre. Locke took the names 'Artaban', 'Artaxa', 'Barzanes', 'Clitie', 'Ismena', 'Pistus', 'Segestes', and 'Theocles' from this source, but he made very free use of them, with little concern for their original context. (La Calprenède's romance was only intermittently connected with actual historical events, but was unambiguously set in the ancient world around the time of Augustus.) 'Artaban' was used by La Calprenède for the pseudonym adopted by Britomarus, who was in 6

love with the princess Elisa. In 'Orozes' it is the pseudonym adopted by Cosis. No one with the name 'Artaxa' appears in Hymen's Praeludia, but one of its major characters 7

is Artaxus, King of the Armenians.

........................................................................................................................... pg 25 The name 'Barzanes' echoes 'Ariobarzanes' in Hymen's Praeludia, but Locke's character bears little resemblance to his counterpart in the romance, where Ariobarzanes is Artaxus' brother, and is supposed to have died at sea in a shipwreck, until it is revealed in Part VII that Princess Olympia had saved his life; he ultimately becomes King of Armenia himself.

1

In the prose romance, Clitie is the maid and confidante of Queen Candace, but in Orozes her 2

name is given to Artaxa's maid.

The names 'Ismena' and 'Segestes' appear to have been taken from Part XI of Hymen's 3

Praeludia. In Locke's plot, 'Segestes' is the pseudonym used by Artaces, who is in love with Ismena. In Hymen's Praeludia it is used for the Prince of the Ingriones, and it was Arminius, Prince of the Cherusci, who fell in love with Ismenia. 'Theocles', the name assumed by Orozes in disguise, is also found in Hymen's Praeludia, 4

where it belongs to a discontented nobleman from Mauretania. 'Pistus' may be a variant of 'Theopistus', the name of a soldier in Part II, Book III. 4. There are four names whose source cannot be traced to any single source: 'Saladin', 'Orchanes', 'Morat', and 'Marpisa'. Locke's use of the first three indicates some familiarity with the history of the Near East. Saladin, Sultan of Egypt and Syria from 1174 to 1193, is the most familiar to modern readers, 'Orchanes' was the name given by western writers to Orhan I, the ruler of the Ottoman dominions from 1326 to 1362, and 'Morat' was widely used in England for 'Murad', the name of several Ottoman sultans, the most recent having been Murad IV (reigned 1623–40). In Greek legend Marpessa was an Aetolian princess mentioned in the Iliad (IX. 688–95), and Marpesia was one of the two queens of the Amazons whose deeds were described in Justin's Page 20 of 165 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.miscMatter.8 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-miscMatter-8 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

abridgement of Pompeius Trogus' lost Historia Philippica (II. 4). Locke owned four copies of a

this (LL 1600–1602 ) and mentioned it several times in his later writings; there are also a 5

large number of notes taken from it in the notebook that contains the Orozes plot-scenario. The name 'Marpesia' was frequently used for the

........................................................................................................................... pg 26 1

Amazon queen by later English authors, notably Sidney in Book III of the New Arcadia. The form 'Marpisa' is much less common, but it was used as the name of the ambitious 2

stepmother Queen Marpisa in James Shirley's The Politician (London, 1655).

AN ADDRESS TO THE PRINCE OF DENMARK In the autumn of 1662, Prince Christian (1646–99), the eldest son of Frederick III, King of 3

Denmark, came to visit England. On 19/29 September the Venetian ambassador reported that The eldest son of the king of Denmark has recently arrived in London, aged about eighteen. He is making a tour of the world to study the customs of other Courts and gratify his curiosity. Although he comes without a suite and wishes to remain incognito during his stay he has seen the king and been visited by the duke of York, the great men at Court and the foreign ministers, including myself. Yesterday he left to see the universities of Oxford and Cambridge and other interesting places, served with the king's 4

horses and coaches and by many lords of the Court.

On 26 September he arrived in Oxford, where the course of his visit was described by 5

Anthony Wood. Wood recorded that before leaving on the 27th the prince dined with the Dean of Christ Church, John Fell, and if Locke's oration was delivered, it would presumably have been on this occasion. The content of the address suggests that it was designed to be delivered to the prince and his retinue after they had entered Tom Quad via the main gate. ........................................................................................................................... PG 27

WRITINGS ON THE NEW METHOD

In an article in the July 1686 issue of the Bibliothèque universelle et historique, a Frenchlanguage journal published in Amsterdam, Locke told the learned world about a new method of note-taking which he had devised. Entitled 'Méthode nouvelle de dresser des recueuils', this article carried only the anonymous author's initials and a reference (removed in the Page 21 of 165 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.miscMatter.8 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-miscMatter-8 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

second edition of 1687) to his membership of the Royal Society of London. It was Locke's 1

first publication for more than ten years.

The 'Méthode nouvelle' is unique among Locke's writings in that versions in three languages exist: in addition to the French text published in 1686, there are (untitled) drafts in English and Latin that were sent to Locke's friend Nicolas Toinard in the spring of 1685; in the account that follows, these will be referred to as the English Draft and the Latin Draft respectively. No English translation of the 'Méthode nouvelle' was produced in Locke's lifetime, but two were published in 1706, two years after his death; the one in the Posthumous Works of Mr. John Locke was given the title by which the work has since generally been known in the English-speaking world: 'A New Method of a Common-PlaceBook'.   The Tradition of Commonplaces and the Ars Excerpendi As the title of the 'Méthode nouvelle' indicates, Locke was well aware that he was by no means the first person to publish advice about note-taking. Most of his readers would have been thoroughly familiar with the practice of compiling commonplace books, which formed 2

an essential feature of the humanist curriculum. Such books have been described by one leading modern scholar as follows: the commonplace-book, in the form which was normative to it by the end of the sixteenth century, was a collection of quotations (usually Latin quotations) culled from authors held to be authoritative, or, at any rate, commendable in their ..................................................................................................... pg 28 opinions, and regarded as exemplary in terms of linguistic usage and stylistic niceties. The feature which distinguished the commonplace-book from any random collection of quotations was the fact that the selected 1

extracts were gathered together under heads.

These 'heads' were used to assemble groups of quotations by putting them together in a 'common place' (locus communis)—that is, under a certain theme or subject. Early-modern students who wished to compile commonplace books were amply provided with advice about the best ways of doing this. Though precept and practice often diverged, there was a general agreement that the organization of notebooks should respect the generally accepted divisions of the subject. Related topics were expected to be grouped

Page 22 of 165 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.miscMatter.8 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-miscMatter-8 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

together, usually within the same section of the notebook, since proximity was thought to encourage study and assist recollection. The resulting collections also served as arsenals 2

of quotations that could be used for ready-made responses in academic disputations, a practice that was still flourishing in Locke's lifetime and which he regarded with deep aversion. Study manuals for undergraduates, often circulating in manuscript, provided quite specific 3

instruction. Robert Sanderson's Logicae Artis Compendium (1615), a frequently reprinted textbook on logic that was still in use in Locke's day (and indeed for long afterwards), included a section on the use of loci communes as topics for disputations, and more 4

generally as a storehouse for copious speech and writing. Sanderson distinguished two main ways of gathering commonplaces, methodica and adversaria. In the former, material was arranged either by a general scheme such as the Aristotelian categories (Collectio Methodica Popularis), or by one devised specifically for the discipline in question (Collectio 5

Methodica Accurata). In the latter, notes were entered without any systematic ordering and then, ........................................................................................................................... pg 29 if desired, indexed by the initial letters of the marginal titles which had been assigned to them. In the world of scholarship, the art of making excerpts from texts was regarded as a special genre, the ars excerpendi. Two Jesuit pedagogues, Francesco Sacchini (1570–1625) and Jeremias Drexel (1581–1638), published treatises on this: De Ratione Libros cum Profectu Legendi Libellus (A Little Book on how to Read Books with Profit, 1614), and Aurifodina 1

Artium & Scientiarum Omnium (A Goldmine of All the Arts and Sciences, 1638). Sacchini advocated a two-stage process in which notes were made at the time of reading in one 2

notebook, and subsequently entered under heads (capita) in a commonplace book. This was explicitly compared with the practice of merchants, who used a 'waste book' to record 3

transactions as they were made, and a separate ledger for the full accounts. Drexel made a more substantial break with the older tradition of commonplacing by no longer insisting on grouping excerpts under heads in the same sections or pages of a notebook. He advised that different notebooks be reserved for different disciplines, and that excerpts should be entered once only, in a sequence determined by the order in which the books had been read. These excerpts were then indexed alphabetically by heads (including page references) 4

in separate notebooks, one for each subject. How much Locke knew about Drexel's work is very uncertain—the Aurifodina was not in his library, and the only mention of it in his papers 5

appears to be a solitary reference in a very early memorandum book —but his own method was a revolutionary extension of what Drexel had proposed.

Page 23 of 165 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.miscMatter.8 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-miscMatter-8 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

........................................................................................................................... pg 30 1

A book that was in Locke's library was Obadiah Walker's Of Education (1673). Walker held that notes should be made at the time of reading, and subsequently indexed: The best way that I know of ordering them, is; To write down confusedly what in reading you think observable.… Leaving in your Book a considerable margin; marking every observation upon the page as well as the pages themselves with 1, 2, 3. &c. Afterwards at your leasure set down in the margin the page of your Index, where the head is, to which such Sentence relates: and so enter into the Index under such a head the page 2

of your Note-book, wherein such sentence is stored.

A notebook compiled in this way was not a commonplace book as traditionally understood, in which each page had been pre-assigned to a head. In Walker's way of proceeding, the index acquired a new and crucial importance: without it the notebook would be no more than a pathless jungle of quotations in which entries on any given topic could be located only with great difficulty. By the second half of the seventeenth century there were, therefore, two largely distinct ways in which readers of books could make records of what they had been studying. One was the traditional commonplace book, laid out with a set of pre-assigned topics or heads, in which quotations were assigned to the pages associated with each head; in such a book no index was needed (at least in principle) since the required organization was supplied by the heads. The other was a book of excerpts occurring in the order in which they had been made, with an index by which they could be located. Commonplace books of the traditional kind were primarily for the young, both in schools or universities, while mature scholars, whether in universities or outside, came increasingly to prefer the more flexible format 3

provided by the newer practice.   Locke's Commonplace Books

When Locke published the 'Méthode nouvelle' in 1686, he described the method he was about to explain as one that he had been using for twenty-five ........................................................................................................................... pg 31 1

2

years. The various commonplace books and other notebooks among his surviving papers confirm the accuracy of his memory.

Page 24 of 165 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.miscMatter.8 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-miscMatter-8 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

The earliest surviving examples of Locke's notebooks—MS Locke e. 4 (medical) and MS Locke e. 6 (non-medical)—appear to have been started fairly soon after he arrived in Oxford in 3

1652. In the first of these, no system of organization is visible; in the second, pages were 4

allocated to individual topics or heads, apparently in random order. In three rather later notebooks that were first used in the late 1650s—MS Locke f. 20 (medical), MS Locke f. 18 (medical), and MS Locke f. 14 (non-medical)—the earlier entries were not organized at all, but the later ones were arranged by something approximating closely to the procedures that 5

he was going to describe in the 'Méthode nouvelle'. In two other medical notebooks first used in the early 1660s—Additional MS 32554 in the British Library, and MS Locke f. 19—the New Method was used from the start.

6

In all Locke's notebooks, even the very earliest, each entry is tagged by a title (usually one word, but occasionally two) placed in the margin. The distinctive feature of the New Method is that each entry is also allocated to a class determined by the first letter and the next vowel of its title, and given a position in the notebook on the basis of this. In the main variant of ........................................................................................................................... pg 32 1

the New Method (which may be called System A ) all the entries in any given class are placed on the same opening of the notebook—i.e. the verso of one leaf and the recto of 2

the leaf that follows—and these pages are not used for entries in any other classes. The order of the classes is not alphabetical, but was determined entirely by the titles that Locke happened to use. This meant that their order varied completely from notebook to notebook, so that Additional MS 32554, for example, begins with the sequence Fe, Ve, Hi, Ao, and 3

Ba, while MS Locke f. 14 starts with Co, Gu, Ca, Hi, and Gi, and MS Locke d. 9 with Fa, Ve, Lu, Me, and Pe. It was therefore essential that each notebook was supplied with an index so that the pages which fell under any particular class could be easily located. This was normally placed at the end of the volume, but such a position does not indicate that it was an afterthought: its presence was required from the start. In all these notebooks each page is reserved for entries sharing the same first letter/next vowel combination as that of the first entry on that page. One consequence of this way of proceeding was that entries about very different subjects could be—and generally were— made on the same page, whereas cognate topics registered under different titles would be scattered throughout the notebook. Locke evidently placed a higher value on being able to locate entries on specific topics by means of the index than on keeping entries on closely related topics together in the same part of the notebook. The great majority of Locke's notebooks used System A, but there are two—first used around the time that he devised the New Method—which were compiled according to a quite Page 25 of 165 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.miscMatter.8 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-miscMatter-8 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

different procedure that did not require an index. In this alternative system (which may be called System B) he used the same first letter/next vowel combinations to determine classes, but pre-allocated these classes to double openings in the notebook, in alphabetical order. These books therefore began with a left-hand page for entries placed under 'AA', and this was followed by 'AE' on the next left-hand page, 'AI' on the one after that, and so on (the right-hand pages were left blank and used only when one of the columns in the preceding ........................................................................................................................... pg 33 1

left-hand page had become full). Each page was then divided into five columns, one for each vowel, and entries were allocated to these in accordance with the first vowel in their 2

titles after the two letters that designated the class. Thus in the notebook 'Lemmata Physica', the entry for 'Contagium' was placed in the first column of the page CO (CO/a), 3

and 'Convulsio' in the fifth (CO/u). By organizing the notebook in this way Locke made any kind of index superfluous, since the classes were arranged in strict alphabetical order. The disadvantage of this system is that it wasted a large amount of paper, as pages had 4

to be pre-allocated to classes in which few titles were ever entered, or even none at all. Moreover, since System B required that a page should be divided into five columns, it could only be employed in a volume of considerable width. Both the notebooks that used System B (MS Locke d. 10 and MS Locke d. 11) were quarto volumes in which the paper had been 5

folded and cut so that the width of the pages was greater than their height. In the much smaller volumes that Locke mainly used, this method of organization would have been wholly impracticable. Locke described many of the notebooks arranged according to System A as Adversaria, the 6

two largest being designated as 'Adversaria Physica' and 'Adversaria Ethica', and he also 7

used this term for several smaller medical commonplace books. By way of distinction, he referred to the two notebooks formatted under System B as Lemmata: 'Lemmata Ethica' (MS 8

Locke d. 10) and 'Lemmata Physica' (MS Locke d. 11). Of these two ........................................................................................................................... pg 34 terms, Adversaria was more frequently used in early modern England. In classical Latin the word had come to be used by merchants for casual notes made before a systematic record was made in a ledger: 'a book at hand in which all matters are entered temporarily as 1

they occur, a waste-book, day-book, journal, memoranda, etc.' In his Cyclopaedia of 1728, Ephraim Chambers reported both this usage and a more recent one: 'Adversaria, among the Antients, was used for a Book of Accounts, like our Journal or Day-Book … Hence, Adversaria 2

is sometimes also used among us for a Common-place-Book.' In his Dictionary (1755) Samuel Johnson noted the Latin origin of the term as 'A book, as it should seem, in which

Page 26 of 165 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.miscMatter.8 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-miscMatter-8 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

Debtor and Creditor were set in opposition', but defined the English word as 'A common3

place; a book to note in'.

The other term, Lemmata, was of Greek origin, having been used by scholiasts and commentators for the word or short phrase from the original author to which their comment 4

was attached. In the seventeenth century it was used by authors such as Drexel and Vincent Placcius (1642–99) for brief summaries, such as bibliographical references arranged 5

in alphabetical order, rather than for excerpts placed under topical heads. Such notes could 6

be taken and kept on loose sheets rather than in bound notebooks. While Locke was living in France and the Netherlands he had few if any of his commonplace books with him, and he kept notes on some of his reading on loose sheets, though labelling these Adversaria 7

rather than Lemmata. It is possible that he made these notes with the intention eventually of transferring them to one or more of the volumes of Adversaria which had been left behind in England, but it is more likely that by this stage he had dropped the term Lemmata and any distinction that it may once have performed.   ........................................................................................................................... pg 35 Work on the New Method, 1679–1685 The article that Locke published in the Bibliothèque universelle had its origin in his dealings 1

with the French scholar and savant, Nicolas Toinard (1628–1706). Locke first met Toinard 2

in Paris in 1678, and in the years that followed they exchanged letters on an extraordinary variety of subjects, ranging from the dimensions of Solomon's temple to the ways of constructing an air gun. In August 1679, a few months after Locke's return to England, Toinard wrote to him to ask if he might fulfil an earlier promise of making public his method 3

of note-taking. In his reply, Locke reminded Toinard that he had already given him such an account: You ask me about the publication of de modo conficiendi adversaria, as a thing I had promised. When in Paris I gave you a rough description of it in French for you to deal with as you wished; if you have lost it or if you would prefer another that is longer or more exact I shall not fail to send it to you. And in truth you do me too much honour by recalling a trifle that I would set more store by if you were to use it and by experience find it to be of value, and you can be assured that I shall obey you in things of greater importance.

4

Page 27 of 165 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.miscMatter.8 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-miscMatter-8 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

Despite these assurances, there is no sign in the surviving correspondence that Locke sent anything. In July 1680 Locke told Toinard that in obedience to his earlier request he had made 'un description de Methodo mea Adversariorum', but this was in English and he was finding 5

it very difficult to produce a translation, presumably into French. In December Toinard wrote to ask if Locke had made arrangements for his 'methode pour faire des receuïls' to be 6

printed. At ........................................................................................................................... pg 36 the end of this letter Locke made a note 'Adversaria', but if he sent a reply—which is 1

doubtful —it has not been preserved. After this, it seems from the extant letters that the matter was left to rest until November 1684, by which time Locke had become an exile in the Netherlands. Toinard now wrote that he had been telling his friends about the merits of Locke's method of note-taking, and that 2

Locke ought to have it printed. In reply, Locke continued to express his reluctance to do this: Since you still feel that my way of making collections could be useful, and continue to press me to publish it, I shall obey you while telling you that if I have allowed so many years to pass before doing this, it is not because I would begrudge so small a thing to the public, but to avoid scorn and the shame of giving the public such a trifle; but in the end you wish it and that 3

is what matters.

Toinard replied that two years ago he had arranged for a blank index (une grande table 4

pour les receuils) to be printed, apparently in Orleans, where he was then living. He expressed a hope that Locke would undertake a similar publication himself, preferably incorporating some kind of instruction on how his method worked, and that he would provide him with a dozen copies of this. Locke did not reply immediately, perhaps because he was 5

preoccupied with worries following his expulsion from his Studentship at Christ Church.

Toinard's next letter said nothing about the method, but in the postscript he asked if Locke might remember to send him his 'fodina plusquam aurea', a manifest allusion to Drexel's 6

Aurifodina.

Toinard's repeated prodding seems to have had some effect, since when Locke did finally reply in February he told Toinard that he had now decided to publish an account of his 7

method. With this in mind he enclosed with ........................................................................................................................... Page 28 of 165 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.miscMatter.8 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-miscMatter-8 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

pg 37 1

his letter a copy of the English Draft. He admitted that this was a rather short piece, but suggested that it might find a home in 'one of those miscellanies that are now appearing everywhere'. Locke stressed, however, that seeing such a work through the press would require 'the presence either of the author or of someone who understands the matter equally well'. This was to be Toinard's role, in spite of the fact that—as Locke had already noticed—they had very different ideas about what should be done.

2

Although most of Locke's letters to Toinard had been in French, he now declared that his command of that language was not good enough 'to be able to turn out a pamphlet like this in proper style', and had therefore written his account in English so that Toinard could turn it into a suitably elegant French version. Toinard had little or no knowledge of English, but Locke thought (rather optimistically) that he would be able to handle an 3

English text because, as he told Toinard, 'you know about it [the method] already'. Toinard unsurprisingly disagreed, and on receiving the English Draft immediately asked Locke to 4

send a version in Latin. With some reluctance, he started work on this, confessing (in Latin) that this language was not his first choice, being 'neither easy nor familiar to me since I 5

have been so long out of practice with it'. A new plan emerged: Toinard and Locke would work together on a Latin version which would then either be published as a separate work in the Netherlands, or be translated into French for inclusion in the Journal des Sçavans.

6

7

Writing from Utrecht about two weeks later, Locke sent Toinard the Latin version, adding the deflating comment that he feared that his account might be of little use 'since for those who are already familiar with my method it will obviously be superfluous, while I doubt whether 8

those who know nothing about it could easily understand it.'   The English and Latin Drafts

Although the Latin Draft was written less than two months after the English Draft, it is far from being a mere translation of its predecessor. It ........................................................................................................................... pg 38 is, for one thing, rather shorter—the exposition of the method in the 'Adversariorum Methodus' occupies 1,474 words as compared with 1,893—though at least part of this difference can be accounted for by the greater terseness of the Latin language. Most of the differences between the accounts of his method that Locke gave in two drafts are of minor importance, but there are two which deserve comment.

Page 29 of 165 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.miscMatter.8 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-miscMatter-8 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

In the English Draft, after Locke had recommended the use of two series of notebooks for 'those two great branches of Knowledg morall & naturall', he then confessed that he had himself not always followed the procedures which he had been describing: I have also upon different occasions varied it into other formes, which perhaps would better please some mens phansys or be more proper for some particular purposes, but this plain one which I have here described I thinke in generall the best & such as will very well serve any purpose whatsoever.

1

In the Latin Draft these remarks are omitted, and there is instead a suggestion that a third series of notebooks might be used: To which I might perhaps add a third, namely Σημειωτικη‎, of signs, especially the use of words, which extends far beyond the limits of criticism as commonly understood. But as this belongs to another place, let us return 2

to the path.

Apart from the omission of the second sentence, this passage appeared virtually unchanged in the 'Méthode nouvelle'. It is the first appearance anywhere in Locke's writing of the tripartite division of the sciences set out in the final chapter of the Essay. The second passage found only in the English Draft states that whenever Locke copied an excerpt from a book, he made 'a marke some where in the booke to know that I have set it down in my adversaria, that if I forget I may not be troubled an other time to turne my 3

adversaria to doe what is donne already.' The mark he chose was the 'number of the pages of that edition writt at the bottom of the cover of the booke soe that when the booke lies 4

open I may see it upon occasion without turning any leaves.'

There are two passages which appear in both the 1685 Drafts but were omitted from the 'Méthode nouvelle'. One concerns the use of marginal ........................................................................................................................... pg 39 dates to indicate when a passage had been copied. Here the English Draft has: To shorten ones search also for any particular excerptum amongst ones 1

adversaria a marke as here 85 may helpe much for then by remembring neare what time one read the booke out of which it was taken one may regulate ones search besides other uses it has. The first title that comes in any classis in the yeare 85 put those figures in the margent over against

Page 30 of 165 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.miscMatter.8 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-miscMatter-8 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

it as here which stands as a marke till an excerptum of a following yeare comes in.

2

Locke did not start doing this until after he returned from France in 1679; the earlier entries in his commonplace books (which make the great majority) are not dated. The other passage is a digression on the problems raised by editions with different pagination: I make use also of a way of quoteing authors which serves me for more then that one edition I then use, though it be not divided into chapters or sections which perhaps tis to be wished all books were, or at least that the printers of any second edition would in the margent marke the pages of the first, which numbers might ever after goe for sections, which though they regarded not the division of the matter would serve neverthelesse for quotations as well. The bookseller would herein also finde his account & put off his new edition the better; It often happening that men prefer an old edition they have either used them selves or seen quoted by others to a new one that is as good or better, only for the number of the pages sake.

3

These remarks were repeated, with some modifications, in the Latin Draft, but omitted from the 'Méthode nouvelle'. Perhaps Locke thought on reflection that the advice was unrealistic: he certainly made no attempt to follow it when his own works were published. In all three versions the exposition of the method is followed by quotations to show how it was to be used in practice, but there are several changes in the works selected for this purpose. In the English Draft only one work was cited, Athanasius Kircher's China Monumentis, quà Sacris quà Profanis, Nec non variis Naturae & Artis Spectaculis, Aliarumque rerum memorabilium Argumentis Illustrata (Amsterdam, 1667), a work that Locke had been 4

reading in the summer of 1684; here the entry was a long account of asbestos, presumably chosen because its title fell in the class (Ae) that had already been used for the account of the method. In the Latin Draft ........................................................................................................................... pg 40 the same quotation from Kircher was re-used (in slightly shorter form), but was followed by 1

another quotation with the title 'Acherusia', taken from Sir John Marsham's Chronicus Canon Ægyptiacus, Græcus, & Disquisitiones (London, 1672), a work that Locke had recently begun 2

to read. In the 'Méthode nouvelle' the quotation from Kircher was discarded, and the one from Marsham was supplemented by passages taken from Grotius and three early Christian writers; these are discussed below.

Page 31 of 165 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.miscMatter.8 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-miscMatter-8 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

  The Publication of the 'Méthode nouvelle' After Locke sent the Latin Draft to Toinard in April 1685 there is a gap of just over a year in their surviving correspondence. Although many letters from this period have been lost —Locke had gone into hiding in May 1685 after the English envoy had placed his name on a list of exiles whose extradition was being sought—it is likely that in this case the correspondence really had temporarily lapsed: when Locke finally wrote from Amsterdam 3

in July 1686, he apologized for having been silent for so long. There was no mention in this letter of the New Method, but about two months later he raised the matter again: 'A year ago I sent you my adversariorum methodus translated into Latin, as a token of 4

my obedience to you; I do not know whether it reached you'. The letter did not mention that Locke had already arranged for a French version to be published in the Bibliothèque universelle. This appeared in the July 1686 issue, though the volume containing it (Tom. 2, May–August 1686) would not have been available to the public until around the middle of 5

September. Locke wrote again to Toinard on 26 August/5 September, expressing a hope that his friend would continue with his work on the harmony of the Gospels, but again making no 6

mention of his own forthcoming publication.

Locke could read French easily enough, but as his correspondence shows, he became increasingly disinclined to write anything in that language ........................................................................................................................... pg 41 unless this was unavoidable, and in 1685 he had told Toinard quite explicitly that his command of French was not good enough to produce a suitably elegant version of the 1

Adversariorum Methodus in that language. It can, therefore, be regarded as certain that the 'Méthode nouvelle' was translated by someone else, and by far the most likely candidate is Jean Le Clerc, one of the co-editors of the journal. Le Clerc stated quite explicitly that he had himself translated the Abrégé of Locke's Essay that was published two years later in 2

the same journal, and there is no reason to doubt that he did the same for the 'Méthode nouvelle'. He had a good command of both English and Latin, and would have had no problems in dealing with an original in either language, but a comparison of the three versions gives some reasons for thinking that he worked from a revised version of Locke's Latin text. The extent to which the French text diverges from its predecessors varies considerably from place to place. Sometimes all three versions are very similar: English, 1685

Latin, 1685

French, 1686

Page 32 of 165 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.miscMatter.8 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-miscMatter-8 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

When any thing occurs that I thinke convenient to write in my Adversaria I first consider under what title I thinke I shall be apt to looke for it. Let it be .v.g Epistola, I then looke in my index for E which is the first letter & .i. which is the next vowell following, to see whether there be any figure standing after it.

Quando aliquid mihi interlegendum occurrit quod in adversaria referendum judico, primo omnium de idoneo titulo cogitandum est. Sit v. g. titulus iste Epistola tunc in indice quaero primam literam cum sequente vocali quae in hac voce Epistola est E. I.

Quand je rencontre quelque chose que je croi devoir mettre en mon Recueuil; je cherche d'abord un titre qui soit propre. Supposé, par exemple, que cet soit le titre EPISTOLA. Je cherche dans l'indice la premiere lettre avec la voielle suivante, qui sont en cette rencontre E. I.

Here the French corresponds almost exactly to the Latin, and though the English text diverges from the others rather more, the differences are still fairly small. In other places they are much greater: ......................................................................................................................... pg 42 English, 1685 For conveniencys sake I make use of but 20 or 21 of the letters as you may see in the scheme for I reduce .K. under .C., vid: p. 16 .Y. under .I. W. under .V; & Q which has never any other vowell following it but U, I place before the .U. of .Z. as in the scheme because titles in Z.U. occur but very seldome I doe not remember I have ever had any one of that classis since my use of this way.

Latin, 1685 Tres ex Alphabeto literas missas facio tamquam superfluas nempe K. Y. et W. quae ab Æquipollentibus .C. I. U. absorbentur, et literam Q quae unicam vocalem U semper comitem habet, loco ante .U. in quinario του‎ Z. Hac rejectione literae Q in ultimum et alienum locum indicis symmetriae et usui simul satis commode consulo. Rarissime enim occurrit titulus cujus vox primariâ incipit a Z. U. hujusmodi re unumquidem 25 annorum cursu quo hac methodo utor reperi.

French, 1686 J'omets trois lettres de l'Alphabeth, comme inutiles, savoir K. Y. W, que l'on supplée par les équivalentes C. I. U. Je mets la Lettre Q. qui est toûjours suivie d'un U. dans le cinquiéme espace du Z. Par cette rejection de la lettre Q. dans le dernier espace de l'indice, je garde la symmetrie de mon Indice, & je n'en diminuë point l'étenduë. Car il arrive trésrarement qu'il y ait un titre qui commence par ZU, & je n'en ai pas trouvé un seul dans l'espace de 25 ans que je me sers de cette methode.

Here again the French is very close to the Latin. In other places, however, the three versions differ considerably:

Page 33 of 165 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.miscMatter.8 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-miscMatter-8 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

English, 1685

Latin, 1685

French, 1686

When all the pages folio verso in the paperbooke are taken up by some classis or other of titles, one may if he pleases afterwards take the pages folio recto that are cleare & apply them to new different classes by reference of figures as before or else make a new booke as he thinkes fit

Cum jam copia excerptorum omnes paginae folio verso a titulis occupatur, paginae folio recto novis et alienis classibus, si lubet, attribui possint vel novus parari liber.

On peut voir par ce que j'ai dit, qu'on commence à écrire chaque Classe de mots au revers de la page. Il peut arriver à cause de cela que les revers de toutes les pages soient pleins, pendant qu'il reste assez de côtez droits, qui sont encore vuides. Alors, si l'on veut, pour achever de remplir le livre, on peut assigner ces côtez droits, qui sont encore tous entiers en blanc, à de nouvelles Classes.

........................................................................................................................... pg 43 The most likely explanation for these differences is that Le Clerc was working from an original that departed considerably from both the English and Latin texts that Locke had sent to Toinard in 1685, though it was closer to the latter. This in turn implies that Locke continued to tinker with what he had written, and that he supplied Le Clerc with a manuscript which included these changes. One of the most conspicuous differences between the published 'Méthode nouvelle' and the two 1685 drafts lies in the choice of books used to illustrate the method. In 1686 the quotations were taken from five works: Sir John Marsham, Chronicus Canon Ægyptiacus, Graecus, & Disquisitiones (London, 1672); Hugo Grotius, Annotationes in Libros Evangeliorum (Amsterdam, 1641); St Augustine, Contra Epistolam Manichaei, quam vocant Fundamenti, in Opera Omnia (Basel, 1541–3); Hilary of Poitiers, Liber ad Constantium Augustum, in Lucubrationes quotquot extant (Basel, 1570); and Salvian of Marseilles, De Gubernatione Dei, in Salviani Massiliensis Opera (Nuremberg, 1623). The first of these had been cited (rather more briefly) in the Latin Draft, but the other four appear for the first time in the 'Méthode nouvelle'. Locke owned a copy of this edition of Grotius' Annotations on the Gospels (LL 1336), and the presence of other volumes from the same series in his library (LL 1335, 1337, 1338) is an indication of his enduring interest in Grotius' contributions to biblical scholarship. None of the other books was in his library, and nor was anything else by 1

any of these authors: Locke had little expertise in patristic studies, and it can reasonably be presumed that these quotations had been supplied by Le Clerc, as the quotation from Grotius may also have been. They were certainly not selected at random: all of them Page 34 of 165 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.miscMatter.8 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-miscMatter-8 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

show Fathers of the Church regarded by Catholics as being of unimpeachable orthodoxy advocating gentleness towards those of different theological opinions. Since Locke was writing less than a year after the revocation of the Edict of Nantes, it was a timely choice.   A Separate Edition of the 'Méthode nouvelle' It is clear from Locke's correspondence that he arranged for copies of the 'Méthode nouvelle' to be printed separately so that they could be sent to his friends. In the 'Éloge' that Le Clerc wrote shortly after Locke's death ........................................................................................................................... pg 44 he described how Locke had sent him 'some copies of his Method which I had arranged to be 1

printed separately'. This is something that was also done when his abridgment of the Essay 2

was published two years later, but while several copies of the Abrégé have survived, there are no known copies of the separate 'Méthode nouvelle'. For the Abrégé a moderate amount of additional press-work had to be undertaken, including the printing of a new title-page and dedication, and some resetting in the last quire. In the case of the 'Méthode nouvelle' rather more would have been required, since the version printed in the Bibliothèque universelle began on the second leaf of Quire O, and finished on the second leaf of Quire P. The work involved in re-arranging the pages would not have caused undue difficulty to a skilled printer, but it would have taken some time, and would only have been worth doing if Locke 3

had wanted a fair number of copies—several dozen at least. A much easier solution would have been to detach the individual leaves and stab (side-sew) them together, in the manner of a modern offprint; it may well be that this was what was done. Several references to these offprints can be found in Locke's correspondence. In November 1686 John Freke, one of Locke's English acquaintances who was then visiting the Netherlands, wrote to him from Rotterdam: I deliverd your methode of common placing to Mr Furly who is very much pleased with it and says his own was much of the same nature. He this morning lent it to the Burgemaster whom he found busie contriving a methode of putting his Notions in an order that he might know where to 4

find them soe that it came in season.

Mr Furly was Benjamin Furly, an English merchant based in Rotterdam; Locke had probably 5

met him during a visit there in June 1686, and subsequently lodged in his house between February 1687 and February 1689. It is possible that Furly never received his copy back from the burgomaster: Page 35 of 165 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.miscMatter.8 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-miscMatter-8 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

........................................................................................................................... pg 45 it was not mentioned in the catalogue made of his library immediately after his death.

1

Another recipient was Nicolas Toinard. In October 1686, Locke told Le Clerc that if he had any copies of 'our Methodus Adversariorum' they should be sent on to him (Locke was then living in Utrecht), adding that some should also be given to the Amsterdam bookseller 2

Hendrik Wetstein so that they might be sent to Toinard 'by some other way then the post'. In December, Locke received a letter from Toinard written in Orleans en route to Paris,

3

explaining that he was suffering from an illness acquired during a recent visit to Provence. In the notes Locke made on this letter, he included a reminder to himself to 'send for the 10 4

Copyes of method chez Wetstein.' Toinard received six of these in mid-February—whether from Wetstein or directly from Locke is not clear—and promptly requested Locke to give 5

Wetstein an order for another ten. In early April he told Locke that these would be enough, 6

and also asked him in what book it had been printed: it would seem that Locke had not 7

informed him about the publication in the Bibliothèque universelle, and that the offprints themselves gave no indication of this. There is some evidence that Locke brought copies of the offprint back to England when he returned in 1689. In 1701 Richard King—Peter King's cousin—thanked him for the copy of 'your Method of Common-placing' which Locke had sent him: this does not sound like a 8

volume of the Bibliothèque universelle, and it is unlikely that it was a manuscript. Samuel Bold, an admirer and defender of the Essay, may also have seen such a copy. A few months before King wrote, he had sent Locke a query about his 'way of Common placing': he wanted to know 'Whether the two sides [a double opening] in the common place book must be reserved entirely for what may in time be mett with relating to that Head which shall have the first possession, or whether any other Heads begining ........................................................................................................................... pg 46 1

with the same Letter and vowel may be inserted in the Margin?' The first option entailed a reversion to the traditional practice of reserving a page for a single subject, not a class defined by a particular letter/vowel combination. It was, of course, the second option that Locke had advocated, in which entries on quite different topics could be placed on the same page if their titles fell within the same two-letter class.   Locke's Exposition of the New Method

Page 36 of 165 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.miscMatter.8 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-miscMatter-8 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

Locke's protestations in the Dedicatory Epistle to Toinard about the insignificance of his work need to be balanced against the great care he took to deliver an accurate representation of its contents. As the reader was informed at the outset, the 'Méthode nouvelle' is itself set out as a miniature commonplace book organized in accordance with the principles it was describing, with each page being given its own number in addition to the number it had 2

because of its place in the journal. It opens with two facing pages containing a specimen of the index, in which an alphabet of twenty letters is arranged in four columns, with five 3

letters to a column and five cells (one for each vowel) for each letter. Whenever it was decided that an entry should be made in a notebook, the first step was to choose the word that was going to be used as its title; this needed to be selected with some care, since it was only by means of its title that any entry could subsequently be located. The number of the page on which the entry begins was then placed in the appropriate cell in the index. Unlike Drexel, Locke could not allow any delay in the allocation of titles to entries, since the title determined whereabouts in the volume the entry was to be made. To illustrate this, Locke decided that what he was going to say would be placed under two titles: 'Epistola' (for his prefatory letter to Toinard) and 'Adversariorum Methodus' (for the

account of his method). Before he could enter these in his commonplace book, he first needed to check the index to see whether there were already entries in either class Ei or class Ae (in this case, of course, there could not be, since no entries had previously been made). He then went to page 2, which was the left-hand page of the

........................................................................................................................... pg 47 first double opening that was entirely blank and wrote 'Epistola' in the left margin, in large letters to ensure that it was clearly demarcated from the text that would follow. He then began writing the entry itself next to the title, and continued it down the page, keeping the left margin free, before finally entering the number of that page in the cell Ei of the index. For the entry 'Adversariorum Methodus', he first checked the cell Ae in the index to see if a page with that heading had already been started; since it had not, he looked for the first wholly blank double opening (which in this case was pages 4 and 5). The fact that there might still have been vacant space on earlier pages—as indeed there was after 'Epistola' in the lower part of page 3—was irrelevant: pages 2 and 3 were now reserved for entries in the class Ei. In the New Method each entry was indexed as it was made, and the index therefore grew with the notebook rather than being compiled at a later date when it was full. By offering a way of making and indexing an entry at the same time, Locke avoided the double work involved in transferring material already taken as reading notes into a commonplace book, and also eliminated the danger of loose notes being lost. These procedures could be applied to any information, regardless of content: the position of all entries in the notebook— whether quotations from books, observations made in a laboratory, Locke's own thoughts, Page 37 of 165 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.miscMatter.8 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-miscMatter-8 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

even the names of people with whom he had financial dealings—was entirely determined by the letter/vowel combination of the title he had chosen for them. An index of this kind presented none of the problems inherent in the compilation of a standard alphabetical index, but it did have one major disadvantage: since it displayed only the letter/vowel combinations, not words, it was necessary for the user to remember the title that had been chosen when each particular entry was made. Some other features mentioned, or implied, in the 'Méthode nouvelle' deserve comment: 1

1. Locke eschewed the conventional terminology of 'commonplace books' and 'heads'. In the English Draft there is one mention of 'my commonplace booke', but in the preliminary epistle to Toinard he referred to 'my way of makeing collections', and otherwise he spoke of his 'paperbooke' ........................................................................................................................... pg 48 1

or 'My booke'. The Latin Draft referred to 'adversaria'. In the published French version the equivalent word was 'recueuil' (spelt thus), not only in the title, but also nine times in the body of the work. In the English Draft, Locke always used 'title' rather than the word 'head' which was used by most authors who had written in English; the Latin Draft has 'titulus',

2

and the 'Méthode nouvelle' has 'titre'. Locke also used consistent terminology for the twoletter classes: in both the English Draft and the Latin Draft each such combination is a 'classis', while in the 'Méthode nouvelle' it is 'une classe'. 2. Locke anticipated the possibility of using a much larger number of classes. The two-page index contains 100 separate cells, each representing a particular first letter/next vowel combination, and the addition of a second vowel would increase the number of cells to 500. Despite offering this option of a five-fold increase in the number of cells, Locke was confident that anyone who tried using the method would find that 100 were sufficient; there can indeed be little doubt that an index containing 500 cells would have been extremely inconvenient to use. 3. Locke was quite confident that the two-page index he had described would be sufficient to deal with any size of notebook. This is stated explicitly in the published version: 'C'est 3

là l'indice de tout le Volume, de quelque grosseur qu'il puisse être'. In the drafts, Locke's language was more colourful: in the Latin Draft he said that the index would function well 4

even if the notebooks happened to be elephantine in size; in the English one he declared that 'This is my Index nor should I need any other were my commonplace booke as big as a Calepins dictionary'.

5

Page 38 of 165 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.miscMatter.8 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-miscMatter-8 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

4. The language Locke recommended for the titles of all the entries was Latin, and he clearly assumed that few of his readers would have any trouble in following this advice. The use of Latin was not essential, but it ........................................................................................................................... pg 49 was very important to avoid a plurality of languages in the titles: it would have been thoroughly inconvenient to have to search for entries on, say, gout under both 'Gout' and 'Podagra'. 5. Whether a notebook was small or large, it was very likely that sooner or later some of the double-page openings would become entirely filled. When this happened, Locke would write 'v' (for verte, i.e. turn over) at the bottom of the completed right-hand page if the entry continued overleaf, but when other pages intervened he gave the number of the page on which the entry was continued; he also wrote the number of the earlier page at the top of this new page. The former procedure is not very common in Locke's notebooks, with the exception of MS Locke f. 19, which contains long extracts from the lectures given by Thomas Willis as Sedleian Professor of Natural Philosophy at Oxford in 1661–2. 6. One feature of any notebook compiled in accordance with the New Method is that the first entries on successive left-hand pages (including entries carried over from earlier pages) are in strict chronological order. This can provide valuable clues about when these entries were written. In 1671 or thereabouts an unknown amanuensis made a copy of the 1667 Essay concerning Toleration on pages 106–25 of 'Adversaria Ethica' (also known as 'Adversaria 1661'), and a few years later—probably in 1675—Locke himself made a long addition that 1

starts on the lower part of page 125 and continues on page 270. Although no indication is given in the manuscript of when either the copy or the later addition were written, the dates when they were added can be determined with some precision from their positions in the notebook. 7. In some of the earliest commonplace books which Locke organized in accordance with the New Method he compiled a booklist (usually at the end of the volume) in which the authors, titles, and publication details of the books quoted in the main part of the notebook were 2

recorded. The drawback of this way of doing things was that the order of these entries was determined purely by the order in which the books were read, and hunting for something in a long list would have been time-consuming. In later volumes Locke preferred instead to make a full bibliographical reference in the body of the notebook along with the other entries. He used the surname of the author as the marginal title, and followed this with the title ........................................................................................................................... pg 50

Page 39 of 165 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.miscMatter.8 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-miscMatter-8 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

1

of the book, the author's full name, the format, the date and place of publication, and the number of pages. An example of this can be seen in the Latin version of the Adversariorum Methodus, where there is the following entry for Sir John Marsham's Chronicus Canon Ægyptiacus: 'Marshamus | Canon Chronicus Ægyptiacus, Ebraicus Graecus et disquisitiones. 2

Jo: Marshami fol. Londini 1672. p. '. Once this had been done, the citation given at the end of each entry taken from the book could be kept very short: in the 'Méthode nouvelle' 3

the example that Locke gave was 'Marsham ' which told the reader only that the passage quoted was on page 259 of an edition which had a total of 626 pages—in other 4

words the original London edition of 1672. Locke was aware that the usefulness of this procedure might seem to be undermined by the fact that different editions of the same work frequently varied in pagination, but was confident that the application of the rule of three

5

would enable the reader to locate the passage in another edition without undue difficulty.   Reception and Influence In Europe, though there was sufficient interest in the first two volumes of the Bibliothèque universelle for a second edition of both to be published a year later, the amount of attention paid to the 'Méthode nouvelle' seems to have been fairly small. Jean Le Clerc praised it (though without mentioning Locke by name) in his Ars Critica of 1697: many people, he said, had written on these matters but he had never met with a method that was easier or more convenient to use than one which he had received from a friend and published a little while 6

ago in French. A more detailed, though ........................................................................................................................... pg 51 1

less favourable, response came from Vincent Placcius in his De Arte Excerpendi (1689).

At the start of this work, Placcius listed eight major discussions of the art of note-taking, beginning with Drexel's Aurifodina and concluding with Locke's contribution to the 2

Bibliothèque universelle. Placcius gave a detailed explanation of what its anonymous author 3

had proposed, including an illustration of the New Method index. He agreed that this way of indexing was novel and therefore worth describing, but complained that its merits were 4

outweighed by disadvantages. In his view, the method was too cumbersome: one might, he said, have to check many scattered pages of a notebook to find a particular title among the 5

many words falling under a single letter/vowel combination. Moreover, the way of retrieving material in a notebook compiled in accordance the New Method made any such notebook a personal instrument that relied on its maker remembering the titles under which information had been entered. Page 40 of 165 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.miscMatter.8 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-miscMatter-8 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

The reprinting of the 'Méthode nouvelle' in the editions of Locke's Oeuvres diverses published in 1710 and 1732 expanded the potential audience, not least by revealingly the identity of its author; German and Dutch translations—both naming Locke—appeared in 6

1711 and 1739 respectively. In 1734, a description of the New Method, now attributed to Locke, was included in the entry on 'Excerpiren' in Johann Heinrich Zedler's encyclopaedic Universal Lexicon (1732–54), Locke's contribution being mentioned alongside those of 7

Sacchini, Keckermann, Drexel, Placcius, and Morhof.

........................................................................................................................... pg 52 In England, attention to Locke's work increased greatly after two English translations came 1

out in 1706. The first appeared in February, as A New Method of making Common-PlaceBooks; Written By the late Learned Mr. John Lock, Author of the Essay concerning Humane Understanding. The second, given the title 'A New Method of a Common-Place-Book', was in the Posthumous Works of Mr. John Locke, published in June; it is entirely independent of the earlier translation. It was included in the first edition of Locke's collected works in 1714, and in all subsequent editions. The translation in the Posthumous Works was for the most part competently done, but in two important respects it misrepresents what Locke had to say. One concerns the title of the whole work, in which 'Recueuils' was rendered as 'Common-Place-Book', rather than—more literally—as 'collections'. The same (mis-)translation was made seven times in the body of 2

the work, though on one occasion 'collections' was used. The other unhelpful translation 3

was of Locke's technical term 'titre' as 'head'. Here there can be no doubt what Locke's own preference would have been, or indeed what his actual usage was: in the English and Latin texts, the words 'title' and 'titulus' were consistently used in the places where 'titre' was used in the French. This departure from Locke's preferred terminology provides conclusive evidence that the text printed in the Posthumous Works was not taken from a translation made by Locke and extracted from his papers.   The New Method in Britain and America The inclusion of the account of the New Method among Locke's works had the result that 4

he became increasingly seen by English readers as the main authority on note-taking.

The entry 'Common-Places' in Ephraim Chambers' Cyclopaedia told readers that although many methods of making commonplace books had been devised, 'that which comes best recommended, and which many learned Men have now given into, is the Method ........................................................................................................................... pg 53

Page 41 of 165 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.miscMatter.8 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-miscMatter-8 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

1

of that great Master of Order Mr. Locke'. Chambers gave his readers a detailed and accurate description of Locke's method, explaining both the role of the index (of which he included a truncated specimen containing the cells for four letters) and the procedure for making 2

entries.

Another very influential author was Isaac Watts, who told readers of his Logick (1725) that 'I think Mr. Lock's Method of Adversaria, or common Places which he describes in the end of the first Volume of his posthumous Works is the best; using no learned Method at all, setting down Things as they occur, leaving a distinct Page for each Subject, and making an Index to 3

the Pages'. What precisely Watts was advocating is far from clear, but it is at least evident that it bears little resemblance to anything that Locke had proposed. Although descriptions of the New Method became widely available during the course of the eighteenth century, the number of people who used it in the precise form that Locke had advocated seems to have been fairly small. One of the earliest was a Presbyterian minister, Daniel Burgess (1646–1713), who used the New Method principles correctly in his 4

commonplace book, with titles grouped together under two-letter classes, and references to books given in the form recommended by Locke, with the page number placed above the total number of pages in the volume. Since the date in the inscription 'D Burgess June 9 1706' on the fly-leaf is a few weeks before the publication of Locke's Posthumous Works, it is likely that he had derived his knowledge of Locke's method from the February edition. Another writer who was faithful to Locke's method was the young Edward Gibbon. On 19 March 1755 (about a month before his eighteenth birthday), he began a commonplace book 5

'In which I propose to write what I find most remarkable in my Historical Readings'. This begins with two double openings ruled in the manner of Locke's index, with seventy-six page 6

numbers inserted into its cells. In recalling this moment in later life, Gibbon noted with sardonic detachment that: ..................................................................................................... pg 54 This various reading which I now conducted with skill and discretion was digested according to the precept and model of Mr Locke into a large Common-place book, a practice however which I do not strenuously recommend. The action of the pen will doubtless imprint an idea on the mind as well as on the paper: but I much question whether the benefits of this laborious method are adequate to the waste of time; and I must agree with Dr. Johnson (Idler, No. 74) 'that what is twice read is commonly better 1

remembered than what is transcribed'.

Page 42 of 165 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.miscMatter.8 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-miscMatter-8 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

Gibbon's acquaintance with Locke's New Method was more than cursory: in chapter 21 of the Decline and Fall, he added a footnote to his account of Hilary of Poitiers' view that heresies were frequently the product of needless doctrinal elaborations, saying that 'This remarkable passage deserved the attention of Mr. Locke, who has transcribed it (vol. iii, p. 470) into the 2

model of his new commonplace book'.

Burgess and Gibbon seem to have been fairly unusual in using the full set of procedures for the New Method as Locke had described them. A much more common practice was

to use a New-Method index, but to arrange the entries in the commonplace book itself in the traditional way, by topics. An instance of someone from Locke's own circle doing this is provided by a notebook used by the third Earl of Shaftesbury in 1712 for notes on his projected Second Characteristics; there are two indexes, an alphabetical one at the beginning of the book, and a New-Method index near the end.

3

During the last three decades of the eighteenth century there was a surge of interest in Locke's method, a succession of publishers issuing commonplace books that proclaimed their debt to his work. In 1770 the London bookseller John Bell produced Bell's Common Place Book, for the pocket; Form'd generally upon the Principles Recommended and Practised by Mr. Locke; the preface contained a detailed description, with examples, of 4

Locke's method. In 1777 a syndicate of booksellers in Cambridge and London ........................................................................................................................... pg 55 issued A New Common-Place Book, in which the Plan Recommended and Practised by John Locke, Esq. is enlarged and improved, by a Gentleman of the University of Cambridge; this was the work of George Gretton of Trinity College, and was reprinted several times in the years that followed by a variety of publishers. In 1799 another London bookseller, John Walker, offered a book that proudly announced its departure from the Lockean tradition: A New Commonplace Book; being an improvement on that recommended by Mr. Locke; properly ruled throughout with a complete skeleton Index, and ample Directions for its Use; this was described on its title-page as being 'Equally adapted to the Man of Letters and the Man of Observation, the Traveller & the Student, and forming an useful & agreeable Companion, on the Road; and in the Closet'. The titles of these publications testify to the authority that Locke's name still carried, but the works themselves frequently deviated from his central principles. In his preface to Bell's Common Place Book the writer recorded a complaint that 'the allotment of so small a space as two pages to a class, occasions so frequent a necessity for turning over and referring 1

to different pages that it amounts to a considerable inconvenience'. Some readers had, therefore, 'thought it convenient to divide their Common-place Book, in the manner of a dictionary, by allotting a certain number of pages to each initial letter, as they imagined

Page 43 of 165 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.miscMatter.8 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-miscMatter-8 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

they might require them. Others, again, have divided it into departments for different arts 2

and sciences.' Bell catered for all these varied preferences by creating a book in which the pages were blank (apart from ruled margins and page numbers) 'so that every person may fill them up, either successively one after another in Mr. Locke's method, or by making such 3

divisions as his own fancy or particular use may suggest.'

The 1799 New Commonplace Book was much more forthright about its departure from Locke's principles, stating at the outset that 'The inconveniences of Mr. Locke's method are palpable; and if a score of pages be saved by his mode of indexing, this is but a poor 4

compensation for them.' Instead a new kind of index was proposed, in which each page was devoted to a single initial letter and was then divided into six ........................................................................................................................... pg 56 cells (in two columns), one cell for each subsequent vowel plus the letter y; the heads allocated to entries were then placed in these cells. Such an index would have been twelve times longer than Locke's (all the letters of the alphabet were used apart from J and V), but the presence of the heads would have made the contents of the book much easier to see at a glance. In the nineteenth century, Locke's contribution continued to be acknowledged—the Literary Diary or Improved Common-place-book, first published in 1811, noted the 'high reputation 1

which Mr. Locke's method has acquired, both in this country and on the Continent' —but deference to his name was often accompanied by recommendations that disregarded the procedures he had advocated (as indeed the Literary Diary did). In 1845, the physician and statistician William Guy acknowledged the value of Locke's index, but then suggested a way of preserving the proximity of entries on subjects (not alphabetical classes) in 'a 2

collection of loose papers gradually built up into a book.' Another influential writer was the Massachusetts pastor John Todd, whose Index Rerum was first published in 1833 and was very frequently reprinted in the half-century that followed, not only in America but also in Britain. Todd remarked that Locke's method was 'the only one that has come into much notice'—a testimony to the oblivion into which his predecessors had by then fallen—but felt that its pre-eminence 'is not owing to any intrinsic merit which it possesses, but its bearing 3

his own great name, and professing to be the result of his experience.' In its place, Todd devised a system in which entire double openings in the notebook were pre-assigned to each first letter/next vowel combination, thereby unconsciously re-creating the variation that Locke had used in his two Lemmata notebooks.

Page 44 of 165 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.miscMatter.8 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-miscMatter-8 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

A PROPOSAL TO ABOLISH THE REQUIREMENT OF ORDINATION FOR FELLOWS OF COLLEGES IN OXFORD AND CAMBRIDGE Though the precise details varied considerably from institution to institution, there was in the seventeenth century a general requirement in the statutes of ........................................................................................................................... pg 57 colleges in Oxford and Cambridge that most fellows should either be in holy orders, or 1

should seek ordination within a few years of their election. The result was that both universities were predominantly clerical bodies, with only a small number of fellowships reserved for laymen, mainly lawyers and physicians. Christ Church was unique among the colleges of the two universities in having no fellows: the government of the college was in the hands of the Dean and Chapter of the cathedral, but there were also one hundred Students, chosen either from the scholars of Westminster School before they were admitted to Christ Church (as Locke had been), or 2

from undergraduates already at the college. These Students were divided into three groups according to their seniority: the lowest forty were Discipuli, the next forty Philosophi, and the final twenty Theologi. There were four (from 1665, five) Faculty Studentships, two in law and two in medicine, whose holders remained among the Philosophi; otherwise every Student who had not left the college in the meantime passed in due course into the ranks of the Theologi, after which he was required to seek ordination. Locke reached this—to 3

him unwelcome—point at the beginning of 1665. It is not known what representations of his future plans he gave to the Dean and Chapter, but he was allowed to retain his place, and in November 1666 he managed to obtain a royal dispensation freeing him from the 4

obligation to take orders. While this remained in force Locke was safe, but it could have been withdrawn at any time. In 1675 he was, however, fortunate to secure one of the two medical Faculty Studentships, which he retained until his expulsion from the college in 5

1684.

........................................................................................................................... pg 58 1

After the Revolution Locke drafted a petition to the King to have his place restored to him, but then withdrew it; according to Lady Masham he did not wish someone else to be 2

deprived in order to make room for him. What Locke wanted was a public acknowledgment that he had been wronged; it is very unlikely that he intended to return to Christ Church and live again in the college.

Page 45 of 165 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.miscMatter.8 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-miscMatter-8 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

In November 1690 he drafted a proposal—set out in the formal language of an Act of Parliament—to relieve fellows of colleges at Oxford and Cambridge from any obligation to take holy orders; this is printed below. Locke's journal shows that he was in London for the 3

whole of that month, but neither his journal nor his correspondence contains any references to the proposal. Parliament was then sitting, but there is nothing in the Commons Journal which indicates that any legislation relating to either of the universities was being discussed. The most likely occasion for Locke's proposal was that it was designed as an amendment to a bill which had recently been introduced into the House of Lords to confirm the charters and privileges of the two English universities; this had its first reading on 10 November, but did not proceed further.

4

A very similar bill restricted to Oxford had its first reading in the Lords on 11 January 1692, and yet another, also restricted to Oxford, had its first reading on 3 December 1692 and 5

its second on the 23rd, but expired in committee. A bill relating to Cambridge came closer to being passed: it completed its passage through the Lords on 20 January 1692 and was sent to the Commons, but when it came for the third reading on 22 February an attempt was made to add a clause that would have kept the colleges as predominantly clerical bodies while allowing 'any Number of Fellows, not exceeding one Third of the whole Number of Fellows at a time, to ........................................................................................................................... pg 59 profess Law or Physick; any Statutes, Ordinances, or Usages of the said University, Colleges, 1

or Halls, to the contrary notwithstanding'. This was not approved, and the entire bill was rejected by a comfortable majority of 119 votes to 69, one of the tellers for the Noes being Locke's friend Sir Walter Yonge. Schemes for diminishing the number of clergy in the universities remained popular among 2

the more anti-clerical Whigs, and were revived in the early years of George I's reign. Two writers in this camp claimed that Locke had recommended such a course of action to William III. The first was Edmond (or Edmund) Miller, a fellow of Trinity College, Cambridge, who in a book published in 1717 stated that: I have been credibly inform'd, That the late famous, truly learned, and wise Mr. Lock, being admitted to the Conversation of that King [William III], at the beginning of His Reign, told his Majesty, That he had made a most glorious and happy Revolution; but that the good Effects of it wou'd be soon lost, if no Care was taken to regulate the Universities. Upon which His Majesty said to a Noble Peer now living, I think there is something in what Mr. Lock says; but the Peer reply'd, That Mr. Lock was a mere Scholar; tho' Experience

Page 46 of 165 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.miscMatter.8 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-miscMatter-8 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

has sufficiently shewn, That he was a true Prophet; and a truer, tho' not a 3

greater Politician than the Peer.

Another version of the same story was made public two years later, when Thomas Gordon, a young Scottish lawyer and journalist, published a short pamphlet, The Character of an Independent Whig, in which the following account appeared: One of the greatest Men of the last Age told King WILLIAM, That the Universities, if they continued upon the present Foot, would destroy Him, or the Nation, or some of His Successors. And they have ever since been endeavouring to make good his Words. That Prince was so thoroughly apprized of the dangerous Genius and Principles of these two Bodies of Men, that he intended a Regulation, but, as it is

..................................................................................................... pg 60 said, was prevented by the pernicious Advice of the late Duke of S——, who had at that Time gained the King's Confidence, and was at the Head of the Whigs, but was betraying both, and making a Party with the Tories, as 1

afterwards plainly enough appeared.

The identity of the person who had allegedly given this advice to the King was not indicated, but it was revealed a decade later, when this essay was included in the 1732 edition of The Independent Whig, a periodical originally published in weekly instalments between January 1720 and January 1721 and frequently reprinted thereafter: a footnote in this revealed the 2

identity of the great man as 'Mr. Locke'.

Neither of these stories can be rejected out of hand, but both need to be regarded with some 3

caution. Miller's account of Locke's conversation with William III states that it took place 'at the beginning of His Reign', and though imprecise this would seem to imply a meeting soon after Locke's return to England. Locke may have spoken with the King at this time, but 4

if he did, their meetings seem to have left no record. He was not someone who had regular access to the King: when James Tyrrell wished a petition on behalf of a distressed relative to be presented to the King, he told Locke that if Locke thought the plan feasible, he would give him a petition from her 'which I desire you would give either to my Lord M. or Lord S. to be 5

deliverd to his Majesty.' There was no suggestion that Locke might have been able to do it himself. In Gordon's story the Duke of S—— was not identified, but the description of his career indicates without any room for doubt that he was Charles Talbot, twelfth Earl and (from 1694) first Duke of Shrewsbury. Shrewsbury was one of the Secretaries of State from

Page 47 of 165 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.miscMatter.8 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-miscMatter-8 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

6

February 1689 until June 1690, and again from March 1694 to December 1698. Gordon's description of him as then being at the head of the Whigs but making a ........................................................................................................................... pg 61 party with the Tories seems to link the story with the second of these periods, but on either hypothesis he was out of office when Locke drafted his proposal.

RULES FOR SOCIETIES There are two closely related works in this section, and though their authorship cannot be established with complete certainty, there are good grounds for supposing that Locke was the author of both. One was first published in 1720 in A Collection of Several Pieces of Mr. John Locke, where it was given the title 'Rules of a Society, Which met once a week, for their improvement in useful Knowledge, and for the promoting of Truth and Christian Charity', 1

probably devised by the editor, Pierre Des Maizeaux. The other, 'The Rules of the Dry Club: For the Amicable Improvement of Mix'd Conversation', is preserved in a manuscript among 2

Locke's papers in the Bodleian Library, dated 1692.   Rules of a Society

There is no mention of any set of rules with this title—or any similar one—either in Locke's correspondence or among his papers, but there is a fair amount of independent testimony linking the ones that were printed in 1720 to him. In the Dedicatory Letter that formed the preface to A Collection of Several Pieces Des Maizeaux gave a brief statement of what he had been told about their origin: Mr. Locke took a delight in forming such Societies, wherever he made any stay. He had establish'd one at Amsterdam in 1687, of which Mr. Limborch, and Mr. le Clerc, were members. He settled this Club at London soon after the revolution; and drew up the Rules you will find here.

3

When Le Clerc reviewed A Collection of Several Pieces in the Bibliothèque ancienne et moderne he cast no doubt on Locke's authorship of the rules ........................................................................................................................... pg 62 that Des Maizeaux had printed, and indeed added a further detail of his own:

Page 48 of 165 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.miscMatter.8 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-miscMatter-8 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

I shall say nothing about the rules for a Philosophical Society which Mr Locke had composed. I had some like them in Latin which he had made here [in Holland]; but I do not know what has become of them.

1

Le Clerc had already mentioned these Latin rules in the 'Éloge' of Locke that he wrote shortly after Locke's death: In 1687 he desired that Mr van Limborch and I, and some of our other friends, would set up Conferences, for which we should meet together

once a week, sometimes at one house and then at another, by turns, and that some question should be proposed, on which everyone was to give his opinion at the next Meeting. I still have the Rules that he wished us to observe, written in Latin in his own hand. But our Conferences were brought to an end by his absence, because he went to Rotterdam, where he lodged with Mr Furly …

2

It would seem very likely that Des Maizeaux's mention of the society established at Amsterdam came from Le Clerc's report. In an account of Le Clerc's own life that was published in 1736, a year after his death, a few more details were added. The author, Jean Barbeyrac, mentioned Le Clerc's friendship with Locke, and then continued: At the instigation of this great man [Locke] he established some learned Conferences at Amsterdam in 1687, which took place in turn at Professor Limborch's house, at Mr Le Clerc's, and at those of some other Friends. Mr Locke himself drew up the Rules of these Conferences, where various questions would be announced in advance so that everyone could give his 3

opinion at the next Meeting.

........................................................................................................................... pg 63 If this account is to be trusted, Locke drew up the rules, but the meetings themselves were arranged by Le Clerc.   The Rules of the Dry Club 1

The Dry Club was not mentioned anywhere in Locke's journal, but quite frequently in his correspondence. The earliest reference is in a letter from Benjamin Furly, writing from Rotterdam in November 1692:

Page 49 of 165 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.miscMatter.8 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-miscMatter-8 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

mr. Popple gave me an account of a Dry Club, and the Rules of it, began amongst you, but withal told me that you had been forc't to quit there [London] to take the fresh aire at Oates. I see nothing wanting in your Rules, but one thing, that is, a too strict binding of every one to speak to every question, even those that shalbe sur le champ [at a moment's notice] propounded, and that from the very first of their admission, without the lest leave to pass any of them tho a man be never so conscious of his inability to speak anything to the purpose upon the subject, which is enough to 2

terrify a modest man from offering himself to your society.

Mr Popple was William Popple, the translator of the Epistola de Tolerantia and the copyist of the manuscript of the Rules preserved among Locke's papers. The provision about which Furly expressed reservations—that every member of the club was required to say something on every question—was at least implicit in the rules set out in the Popple manuscript, where it was laid down that when a new question was proposed, 'He that sits next on the left hand [of the proposer] shall first speak what he has to say to it; And after him those that follow, in the same Order'. 3

A few days later Popple himself wrote to Locke, who was then at Oates, to let him know how the club had been faring in his absence: We have lately admitted two new Bretheren into our Club: Mr Hedworth and Mr Stevens: both I think very Worthy Good Men, but of very different Characters. We have also chosen two others: Dr Foot and Mr White: but they are not yet come amongst us. The subjects we have been upon have been very important. The last was thus. It being supposed that God has given some General and Uniform Rule, or at least one same way of knowing his Will, though in never so different degrees, ..................................................................................................... pg 64 to all Mankinde, Q: 1. What that Rule is? 2. Of what weight or Authority that general Rule is in comparison with any other particular pretended or real Rule whatsoever? We dispatched the first, and are the next time to go upon 1

the second head.

In January Popple wrote again with more news: Surely, after so long absence, you must have some busyness or other to call you hither. If none else, yet give me leave to say, Your Ofspring, the Dry Club, requires a little of your Care. Nay I am inclined to say, it deservs it. Tis a hopeful Childe, and now grows apace: and, what is more, it is

Page 50 of 165 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.miscMatter.8 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-miscMatter-8 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

pretty towardly. So that it is a great pity you should let it grow out of your 2

knowledg, and leave it destitute of your further instructions.

This provides further confirmation both that Popple had been talking about the Dry Club in his earlier letter, and that he regarded it as having been founded by Locke. The description of the club as a 'hopeful Childe' that 'now grows apace' also indicates that it had not been in existence for very long. The mention of 'your further instructions' in the last sentence implies that some earlier instructions—presumably the rules sent to Furly—had been drawn up by Locke.

3

Locke made a short visit to London in February, and he must have attended at least one meeting of the club, since Popple wrote again at the beginning of March with the latest news: We have had little alterations in our Club since you left us. But it continues on alwayes very hopefully. Tomorrow it will be at my house. Some considerable members are chosen, as Lord Carberry, Mr Nevill, and Mr Malines: but whether they will come or no I know not. Sir John Wildman is also nominated.

4

The names mentioned here and in Popple's letter of 12 November provide the only known information about the members of the club. With the exception of Mr Malines all can be identified with some confidence: Henry Hedworth was a unitarian layman; William Stephens, an Anglican clergyman with strong Whig convictions, and an associate of the third Earl of Shaftesbury; Daniel Foote, a former clergyman ejected in 1662 who was now practising as a physician; Jeremiah White, once a chaplain to Cromwell and since 1689 a nonconformist preacher; John Vaughan, third Earl of Carbery, President of the Royal Society from 1686 to 1689; Henry Neville, ........................................................................................................................... pg 65 republican and author of Plato Redivivus; and Sir John Wildman, the former Leveller who had until recently been Postmaster-General. It was a strikingly varied group, but all firmly on the Whig side in politics.

1

A letter from Popple in May records a visit he had recently made to Oates and mentions a

moral problem that he now wished he had raised in a session of the club which had been held there; he also complained that 'the Club at London have been the last week, and are 2

like to be tomorrow, taken up with matters that seem to me of less importance.' This is the last of Popple's letters that mentioned the Dry Club; for how much longer it continued to meet is not known.

Page 51 of 165 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.miscMatter.8 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-miscMatter-8 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

  Authorship One writer on Locke has maintained that the 'Rules of a Society' were not composed by Locke. In the account Jean Yolton gave of A Collection of Several Pieces in her bibliography of Locke's writings she described the volume as concluding with 'the "Rules of a Society" which I judge to be "the printed paper (Richard King) sent me [Locke] … for the Support and Enlargement of Religion". I do not think they are Locke's work, but were found with his 3

papers'. The printed paper mentioned here is one that Richard King sent Locke in January 1701; no copy of it has survived among Locke's papers, but is clear both from King's letter 4

and from Locke's reply that it had no connection whatever with the Rules of a Society.

Luisa Simonutti has advanced the view that the Rules of the Dry Club were put together by Popple, though in doing this he drew on an earlier, shorter set of rules compiled by Locke himself: On the recommendation of Locke himself, Popple elaborated his 'Rules of the Dry Club: For the Amicable Improvement of Mix'd Conversation', on the basis of these 'pieces'. In point of fact Popple's manuscript used Locke's own proposals as the rules which were to be accepted by aspiring members; it also envisaged ..................................................................................................... pg 66 somewhat stricter rules for the introduction of new acolytes and the 1

regulation of individual meetings.

The 'pieces' mentioned here appear to be the Rules of a Society, which Simonutti does 2

regard as having been written by Locke.

It is not impossible that Locke drew up some rules that were then revised and expanded by Popple, but the only reason for thinking this would seem to be that the one manuscript to have been preserved is in Popple's hand, and this can easily be explained without postulating his involvement in their composition: Popple acted as the secretary of the club, and making copies of its rules would presumably have fallen within his area of responsibilities. It is very likely that the copy of the rules that he sent to Benjamin Furly in November 1692 was in his own hand, but Furly's description of them in his letter to Locke as 3

'your Rules' strongly suggests that he had been told by Popple that Locke was their author.  

Page 52 of 165 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.miscMatter.8 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-miscMatter-8 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

A Comparison The 'Rules of a Society' is less than half the length of 'The Rules of the Dry Club' (523 words, compared with 1,166), and its provisions consequently less detailed. It is striking that though the two sets of rules are clearly designed for societies organized in very much the same way, the only significant textual overlap between them is in the rules of subscription for new members (and even these appear near the start of the Rules of a Society, and at the end of the Rules of the Dry Club): Rules of a Society

Rules of the Dry Club

1. Whether he loves all Men, of what Profession or Religion soever?

1. Whether he has an Universal Charity and Good will to all Men, as Men, of what Church or Profession of Religion soever they are?

2. Whether he thinks no person ought to be harm'd in his Body, Name, or Goods,

2. Whether he thinks that no Man ought, any way, to be harmed or prejudiced, in his name, Goods, or Person, for any Speculative

......................................................................................................................... pg 67 for mere speculative Opinions, or his external way of Worship?

Opinion in Religion, or Outward Way of Worship?

3. Whether he loves and seeks Truth for Truth's sake; and will endeavour impartially to find and receive it himself, and to communicate it to others?

3. Whether he loves and seeks Truth for Truths sake; And will do his Endeavour impartialy to find, and receive it, himself; and to communicate and propagate it to others?

Elsewhere the two sets of rules diverge markedly, for example in the section dealing with the behaviour required of members:

Rules of a Society That no Person or Opinion be unhandsomely reflected on; but every Member behave himself with all the temper, judgment, modesty, and discretion he is master of.

Rules of the Dry Club That all offence may the more effectually be avoyded; no body shall, in any of these Questions or Debates, mention the Name either of any Person liveing, present or absent, or of any Church, Sect, or Society of Men whatsoever, in this Island.

Page 53 of 165 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.miscMatter.8 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-miscMatter-8 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

Though the seating arrangements were very similar, they are described in noticeably different terms:

Rules of a Society That every Member place himself to the left Hand of the Moderator, in order, as he happens to come in

Rules of the Dry Club The Rank to be observed in every Meeting, shall be; That He that comes first into the Room shall take his Seat on the Left Hand of the Proposer. And so every shall follow to take their Seats, on the Left Hand of each other, in order, as they come in.

The chairman of the meeting is consistently described in the Rules of a Society as the Moderator and in the Rules of the Dry Club as the Proposer. The procedures used for selecting this person were quite different:

Rules of a Society That every Member in his course, if he please, be Moderator; (and the Course here meant, is that of their Sirnames, according to the Alphabet)

Rules of the Dry Club The Place of Meeting shall, in the begining, be at the House, or Lodging, of each severall Member, successively. He at whose House or Lodging the Meeting is, shall for that time preside in it, and be stiled Proposer.

........................................................................................................................... pg 68 The Rules of a Society make frequent mention of two-thirds majorities being required for major decisions: that meetings were to begin at six in the evening, and end at eight 'unless a majority of two thirds present, are inclined to continue it longer'; 'That no Person be admitted into this Society, without the suffrage of two thirds of the parties present'; that 'no weighty Question to be quitted, till a majority of two thirds be satisfy'd'; 'That when a Controversy is not thought by two thirds of the company, likely to be ended in a convenient time; then those two thirds may dismiss it'; and 'That two thirds of the company may adjourn the ordinary subject in question, for good and sufficient reasons'. There is nothing like this in the Rules of the Dry Club, where no majorities of any kind are mentioned. These pervasive differences between the two sets of rules make it very unlikely either that the Rules of the Dry Club were produced by expanding the Rules of a Society or that the Rules of a Society were an abridgment of the Rules of the Dry Club; in either case one would expect there to be considerably more textual continuity than there is here. External evidence

Page 54 of 165 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.miscMatter.8 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-miscMatter-8 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

indicates with little room for doubt that the Rules of a Society are the earlier of the two: Des Maizeaux's statement that they had been devised by Locke for a club he set up in London 'soon after the revolution' and Le Clerc's statement that the rules Des Maizeaux printed were the same as the Latin rules that Locke had drawn up in the Netherlands both point to this conclusion. The Dry Club appears, by contrast, to have been founded in the summer or early 1

autumn of 1692, when Locke devised a new set of rules, perhaps with Popple's assistance. The lack of textual overlap between the two sets of rules suggests that he did this without making use of the earlier set, relying on his memory of how meetings had been conducted, supplemented by a copy of the rules of subscription.

WRITINGS ON THE LIBERTY OF THE PRESS In 1695 the compulsory licensing of printed works came to an end in England, a milestone in the history of press freedom. Although Locke had ........................................................................................................................... pg 69 a significant role in the events that brought this about, his contribution has remained much less well known than his achievements in other areas. A mainstream narrative of 'three centuries of press freedom' shaped by journalists and others routinely invokes the names of Milton, Wilkes, and Mill, but seldom if ever Locke. The reasons why Locke's involvement in the fall of licensing has been overlooked or underplayed are at least threefold. One is that his contribution was made behind the scenes, without the publication of any of the writings that appear in this volume. Another is that his thoughts on the subject were concerned primarily with legislative, practical, and commercial detail, rather than with contending for the liberty of the press as a high ideal. Finally, his attention was focussed on books and pamphlets (as the legislation he was opposing had been): his efforts were not directed towards freeing 'the Press', in the later sense of newspapers and journalism. Locke's contribution can be summarized briefly. At the beginning of 1693 he wrote to his friend Edward Clarke, now MP for Taunton, expressing his dislike of the 1662 Printing Act

1

and urging Clarke to work (unsuccessfully) against its renewal. Towards the end of 1694 he wrote a paper criticizing what he saw as the Act's defects, and when it came up for renewal again in early 1695 this paper—hereafter called the Criticisms—may have informed the reasons given by the House of Commons for excluding it from the list of Acts they were willing to renew. Locke also proposed some amendments for a replacement printing bill—one without pre-publication licensing—which was introduced in the Commons by Clarke in March 1695; the bill failed, but it helped forestall any return to licensing.

Page 55 of 165 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.miscMatter.8 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-miscMatter-8 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

Locke's paper criticizing the 1662 Act and his amendments to the March 1695 printing bill are included in the present volume. The Appendices contain the Reasons presented by the Commons and the March 1695 bill.   The Printing Act and its Renewals, 1662–1685 Pre-publication licensing had a long history in England, but the 1662 Printing Act marks the first occasion on which this was done by a statute ........................................................................................................................... pg 70 that received royal assent. Until the 1640s, such controls had been exercised by prerogative means, notably the decrees of Elizabeth I and Charles I empowering the court of Star Chamber. The abolition of the prerogative courts in 1641 was followed by the re-imposition of licensing through the orders and acts of the Civil War and Interregnum parliaments, most famously the 1643 ordinance to which Milton's Areopagitica was a response. In all cases, whether under monarch or Parliament, the regulatory measures generally began by inveighing against political and religious dissent, and then advanced a twin-track approach, restricting the numbers of printers and presses, and requiring the licensing of individual 1

works before publication or importation, under licensers approved by the regime.

The 1662 Printing Act was by no means novel in its provisions, or indeed wording: in restoring control by the King's ministers and senior bishops it followed closely the 1637 2

Star Chamber decree, though now with the authority of an Act of Parliament. Its purpose, set out in the preamble, was to prevent any repetition of what the Act called the 'general licentiousness of the late times' by forbidding anyone to print, import, publish, sell or distribute any 'heretical seditious schismatical or offensive Bookes or Pamphlets wherein any Doctrine or Opinion shall be asserted or maintained which is contrary to Christian Faith, or the Doctrine or Discipline of the Church of England or which shall or may tend or be to the scandall of Religion or the Church or the Government or Governors of the Church State 3

or Common wealth or of any Corporation or particular person or persons whatsoever'. The wording of this followed the corresponding passage in the Star Chamber decree but with modifications that were later to trouble Locke, notably the addition of the word 'Heretical' 4

and the insertion of the phrase italicized above.

The statute went on to forbid the printing of any non-official work unless it had been entered in the Register book of the Company of Stationers and had been 'Licensed and Authorized to be Printed', with the licence and the name of the licenser to be printed at the beginning. Licensing was placed in various hands, notably those of the secretaries of state in the case of Page 56 of 165 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.miscMatter.8 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-miscMatter-8 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

........................................................................................................................... pg 71 political and historical works, and those of the Archbishop of Canterbury and the Bishop 1

of London for works of 'Divinity Phisick Philosophy and whatsoever other Science or Art'. Importing books also required the licence of either the Archbishop of Canterbury or the Bishop of London. Another section protected rights to sole printing and property in texts, forbidding the printing or importing of works which had been granted as monopolies by letters patent or which belonged to others by right of entries duly made in the Register. The Act restricted presses to London and the two universities and limited the number of printing

houses in the capital to twenty authorized master printers, besides the King's printers. In the event of a printer's death, approval was needed for anyone seeking to take the deceased's place. The requirement in the Printing Act that presses should be notified to the Stationers' Company, along with the Company's control of the Register and the broader powers given to it to police the Act, reinforced the restriction of the legitimate print trade to its membership. The Act empowered the Master and Wardens of the Company to lead searches for unlicensed and otherwise illegal printing, and prescribed penalties of deprivation of trade plus whatever further punishment the authorities might choose to impose 'not extending to Life or Limb'. All this was in addition to the normal penalties of law for sedition, libel, or blasphemy, as well as to measures taken under the royal prerogative. The desirability of periodically revisiting the question of press regulation was implied in Parliament's decision to restrict the statute to an initial term of two years from 10 June 1662, and subsequent renewals also had limited terms. The Act was renewed without change in May 1664, taking it to the end of the next session of Parliament, with a further renewal in 2

March 1665 that terminated with the prorogation at the end of October. At this point it was renewed to the end of the first session of the next Parliament (as distinct from the end of the 3

next parliamentary session, as previously), which proved to be in the crisis year of 1679.

........................................................................................................................... pg 72 During this period two attempts to alter the laws relating to printing were made, both having some connection with the publication in November 1675 of A Letter from a Person of Quality to his Friend in the Country, an inflammatory pamphlet in whose writing Locke had almost certainly been involved. When the Letter was published, the House of Lords ordered the 'lying, scandalous, and seditious' pamphlet to be burned, its authors, publishers, and printers to be found, and the Stationers to do their duty enjoined by the 1662 Act 1

'concerning searching for seditious books'. In the days following the book-burning on 10 November a bill was introduced in the Commons to make the Printing Act perpetual, but 2

Parliament was prorogued before it could make further progress. In March 1677, just after

Page 57 of 165 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.miscMatter.8 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-miscMatter-8 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

the next session began, the Lords ordered the Chief Justice of the Common Pleas and the Chief Baron of the Exchequer to peruse the Printing Act and prepare a bill that would remedy 3

its defects. However, while inquiries into those responsible for the publication of the Letter 4

continued, no printing bill appeared before the dissolution in January 1679. The new Parliament opened in March 1679, but was prorogued abruptly in May after the introduction of the first Exclusion Bill. In April, a Commons committee had been given the task of considering expiring laws for renewal, including the Printing Act, but no progress was 5

reported and the statute therefore lapsed at the prorogation. In the absence of the Act, the judges assured the King that press control could be enforced as a matter of common law and 6

prerogative, on which basis it continued until the end of the reign. On James II taking the throne in 1685, the Printing Act was revived 'for the space of Seven yeares and from thence 7

to the end of the next Session of Parlyament.' The Act therefore remained in force during the early years of William and Mary's reign, contrary to later Whig myth that licensing ended 8

at the Revolution. It was renewed for a final time in 1693, for one year and from thence to the end of the next session, and expired ........................................................................................................................... pg 73 without renewal at the prorogation on 3 May 1695. The events of 1693–5 are discussed further below.   Locke and Press Control, to 1688 There is no reason to suppose that in his younger days Locke was opposed to the regulation of the press, but there is evidence that he was aware that the prevailing opinion in its favour was not universal. In a list of books dating from around 1659 in one of his early notebooks he included Areopagitica, one of very few direct references made anywhere to that work in 1

Milton's lifetime. Locke noted Milton's recommendation of Lord Brooke's Discourse opening the Nature of that Episcopacie, which is exercised in England, and since this had been made in Areopagitica's closing pages, it would seem likely that he read the pamphlet through. It was, however, the only note he took, even though the same page also contained what would become one of the most-quoted lines on press freedom: 'Let her and Falshood grapple; who ever knew Truth put to the worse, in a free and open encounter'.

2

Locke's references to Areopagitica show that he was aware that a case had been made for liberty of printing, but are not evidence that he had himself been persuaded by it. What is known of his thinking in the early 1660s tends, on the contrary, to align him with the supporters of press regulation. The rationale offered for the Printing Act, that published Page 58 of 165 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.miscMatter.8 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-miscMatter-8 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

dispute kindled civil war, was not one that he had any wish to dispute: in 1660 he told his prospective readers that he had always professed himself an enemy to 'the scribbling of this age', and described 'the pens of Englishmen of as much guilt as their swords' in provoking 3

the inundation of blood that had followed.

In the Essay concerning Toleration, which Locke began soon after leaving Oxford in 1667, he moved from his earlier position to the view that individuals have an absolute right to toleration in both divine worship and ........................................................................................................................... pg 74 1

'speculative opinions'. As for those opinions which were 'practical' in potentially affecting others and society, Locke held that these could be tolerated when quietly held, but 'the magistrate may prohibit the publishing of any of these opinions when they tend to the 2

disturbance of the government because they are then under his cognizance & jurisdiction'. It is not wholly clear whether such opinions entered the magistrate's cognizance by virtue of tending to disturbance, or whether they had already done so by having been made public. In 1669 Locke was involved in drawing up in the Fundamental Constitutions of Carolina, one article of which established a court dealing with 'all Invasions of the Law of Liberty of conscience & all disturbances of the publique Peace upon pretence of Religion as also the 3

Licence of Printing'. There are some reasons for thinking that Locke did not draft this article 4

himself, but even if he did, he would not have been expressing his own opinions but rather those of the Lords Proprietors. In 1679 Locke encountered press restraint at first hand when his return to England was delayed by the French customs holding up a consignment of his books so that the Parisian 5

stationers could check that it did not include any prohibited or pirated works. Around this time he compiled a list of books banned in France, several of which he owned.

6

After Locke's return to England at the start of May 1679—six weeks before the Printing Act lapsed—he became an intermittent witness to the wave of repression against Whig publishing. In July and August 1681 he attended the proceedings that condemned Stephen College to death for treasonable activity centred on the printed ballad A Ra-Ree Show, 7

probably being involved in the defence. Earlier in that year a printed speech by ........................................................................................................................... pg 75 1

Shaftesbury had been ordered by the Lords to be burned, and Robert Ferguson claimed that the officers of the Stationers' Company had been ordered to go 'to the several Printing-houses, requiring them to publish nothing in favour of the Innocency of the Earl of

Page 59 of 165 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.miscMatter.8 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-miscMatter-8 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

2

Shaftsbury'. Locke owned and had probably read Ferguson's book, and he certainly read 3

William Lawrence's pro-Monmouth Marriage by the Morall Law of God, Vindicated; the first part of this was sent to Shaftesbury with a letter complaining of the 'Interdiction of the 4

Press', and the second part—which contains several pages arguing against censorship— ended suddenly with the statement 'By the Interruption of the Press, I am compell'd to break off this Book abruptly'.

5

The dangers of going into print were confirmed in July 1683 by the decree of the University of Oxford against 'Pernicious Books and Damnable Doctrines', though whether Locke had remained in Oxford long enough to see the book-burning that followed is very doubtful.

6

By early September he had left England for the Netherlands, where he used his newly acquired leisure to begin putting together a unified version of the Essay concerning Human Understanding from the various drafts which he had brought with him. Towards the end of November he made a note about printing costs in his journal: Composeing & printing off of one sheet for 500 copys you findeing paper will cost 4g–0–0. And for every Rheme of paper printed more which is every 500 copys more will cost 1–10–0. soe that the composeing of a sheet seemes to be recond at 2–10–0 & the printing of every 500 sheets at 1–10– 0. Soe Eucleria cost Mr Vande Velde the printing per sheet.

7

........................................................................................................................... pg 76 This might seem at first sight to suggest that Locke was himself thinking about having something published, but there are no obvious candidates. The Essay was nowhere near ready for publication, and the manuscript of the Two Treatises had almost certainly been left behind in England. It is not inconceivable that Locke was thinking about a Dutch publisher taking this on, but if he did, nothing came of it. Any willingness that he might have had for engaging in clandestine publication would have been further dampened in the autumn of the following year, when he was accused (quite wrongly) of having written two grossly libellous pamphlets that attacked the King in the most lurid and offensive terms, an accusation which led to his expulsion from his Studentship at Christ Church. Whether he had ever entertained thoughts of having anything published in Holland cannot now be known, but in the defence of his innocence that he sent to Edward Clarke he insisted that his head 'was not teemeing 1

with any thing for the presse here'.

Locke's only publications in the years that immediately followed were manifestly harmless. All were in French, and all appeared in Jean Le Clerc's journal, the Bibliothèque universelle et historique: the account of the New Method described elsewhere in this volume, an 2

3

abridgement of the Essay, and an unknown number of book reviews. The only sign of any

Page 60 of 165 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.miscMatter.8 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-miscMatter-8 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

contact with the English print trade was in 1688, when David Thomas wrote to report on enquiries made to Locke's future publisher Awnsham Churchill about the terms he might 4

offer for printing a work that he had not been able to see in advance. The only plausible candidate here is the Essay, and Locke's enquiry suggests that he must have thought of it as very close to being finished.   The Licensing of Locke's Works, 1689–1693 Locke's return to England in February 1689 was followed by the publication of a succession of works that had hitherto remained hidden in manuscript. ........................................................................................................................... pg 77 The Epistola de Tolerantia was printed in Holland in April, with William Popple's translation published in October; the next month saw the Two Treatises of Government advertised, followed in December by the appearance of the Essay concerning Human Understanding, 1

the only one of these works to carry Locke's name. A steady stream of publications followed: by the time Locke came to write against the Printing Act, five years after his return to England, seven works by him were in print, as well as two by Robert Boyle which he had 2

seen through the press.

The licensing of Locke's own publications is of some interest, even though it tells us little about his attitude to the process other than by showing that he did not resist licensing as a point of principle: acquiring a licence was the responsibility of the publisher and did not 3

imply active compliance on the author's part. Of the eight works by him that were published in England between 1689 and the end of licensing in May 1695, there is evidence that six 4

were licensed. Four carried imprimaturs either on their title-page or on the page which faced it: Two Treatises of Government, A Letter concerning Toleration, A Second Letter concerning Toleration, and Some Considerations of the Consequences of the Lowering of 5

Interest. All these were published by Locke's regular publisher Awnsham Churchill, either acting alone or in association with his younger brother John. There was no imprimatur in either of the 1693 editions of Some Thoughts concerning Education, but the entry on it in 6

the Stationers' Register describes it as having been licensed. There is no contemporary record of the Third Letter for Toleration (1692) being licensed, but it was so described in an ........................................................................................................................... pg 78 entry made for Churchill in April 1695 in the Stationers' Register, discussed below.

Page 61 of 165 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.miscMatter.8 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-miscMatter-8 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

Some Thoughts concerning Education was licensed by George Royse, Provost of Oriel College, Oxford and chaplain to the Archbishop of Canterbury, and at least three of the other five—probably all five—were approved by James Fraser, who served as licenser from March 1

1689 to July 1692. The entry made in the Stationers' Register in April 1695 refers to 'A letter d

th

in 3 partes concerning Tolerac̅o̅n'aving been 'Licensed October the 3 1689, June the 24 th

1690 June the 20 1692 by James Frazier', and though it is possible that this means that Fraser had licensed only the Third Letter, a more natural interpretation is that he licensed all three.

2

Nothing is known of a licence for the Essay concerning Human Understanding, although the 3

possibility that it was submitted for approval cannot be entirely discounted. Despite the 4

stipulations in the Printing Act licensing was often evaded, and it was also not unknown for a book to have been approved by a licenser yet to have neither an entry in the Register nor 5

an imprimatur in the book itself. If Locke had any say in the matter of licensing the Essay, which is far from certain, he may have felt that the Earl of Pembroke's patronage provided adequate security.

........................................................................................................................... pg 79 1

The Essay's first publisher, Thomas Bassett does not seem to have had the same relationship with Fraser that the licenser's fellow Whig Churchill enjoyed, though the licensing records of both are incomplete, like those of most publishers. Both men were members of the Stationers' Company, though Bassett had advanced further through its 2

ranks, having been made an Assistant in 1684 and served as Warden in 1687. How far this eminence inclined him to strict legality is, however, rather doubtful: around the start of 1693, in a printed petition against the Printing Act owned by Locke and Clarke, he was accused in all but name of having defrauded authors by making surreptitious entries in the 3

Register.

In February 1693, Bassett attempted to call on Locke at his lodgings in London, but was 4

told that he was in the country. The purpose of his visit was to discuss arrangements for a second edition of the Essay, but when this appeared in the early summer of the following 5

year, Bassett was no longer involved. There is no reason to suppose that his departure was

connected with any preference on Locke's part for a publisher less closely involved in the affairs of the Stationers' Company: Bassett sold his rights while in financial difficulties that 6

eventually ended in bankruptcy.  

Page 62 of 165 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.miscMatter.8 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-miscMatter-8 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

Locke and the Stationers' Company None of the works that Locke published while licensing was still in force said anything directly about the liberty of printing. His adversary Jonas Proast complained that the 'Books and Pamphlets which now fly so thick' were the fruits of the toleration advocated in the Letter concerning Toleration, but though Locke quoted this remark twice in his reply, he said 7

nothing further about printing.

........................................................................................................................... pg 80 The views about press licensing which Locke expressed in the years that followed arose from his own involvement with the book trade. The main object of his complaints was the Stationers' Company, and his informants were two London publisher–booksellers with whom he had had dealings for some years, and whom he would refer to in the Criticisms as men who could attest to abuses. One was Awnsham Churchill, who aside from the first edition 1

of the Essay and the first issue of the second was involved in publishing all the English editions of Locke's work between 1690 and 1704, usually with his brother John as junior partner. The other was Samuel Smith, a prominent importer of Latin works from Holland— 2

including the Epistola de Tolerantia in 1689—who had dealings with Locke from about 1687, 3

and was involved with him in publishing one of Boyle's posthumous works.

The backdrop to Locke's first concerted reflection on the Printing Act was the final occasion on which that statute was renewed. In December 1692 the House of Commons accepted the recommendation of one of its committees to renew a group of expiring laws that included 4

the Printing Act, and ordered a bill to be brought in. On 2 January Locke wrote with evident annoyance to Clarke, who had been on the committee: 5

I finde by your votes of the 23 Dec that you have resolved to continue the Act for printing made in the 14th. Car. 2. I wish you would have some care of Book buyers as well as all of Book sellers and the Company of Stationers who haveing got a Patent for all or most of the Ancient Latin Authors (by what right or pretence I know not) claime the text to be their and soe will not suffer fairer and more correct Editions than any thing they print here or with new Comments to be imported without compounding with them whereby these most usefull books are excessively ..................................................................................................... pg 81 dear to schollers and a monopoly is put into the hands of the company of 1

ignorant and lazy stationers.

Page 63 of 165 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.miscMatter.8 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-miscMatter-8 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

Locke then offered his first example: 'Mr Smith a bookseller in Pauls Church yard can give you a very fresh instance of this concerning the importation of a new fair correct Edition of Tully'. This was an edition of Cicero's collected works by the Dutch scholar Jacob Gronovius 2

which had recently been published at Leiden by Pieter van der Aa.

Locke had been alerted to the publication of Gronovius' edition by some unfavourable comments made on it by Jean Le Clerc in a letter sent in mid-October, and had marked 3

these for attention. He had also had recent dealings with Smith. A week or so before Le Clerc's letter, Philippus van Limborch had written that five presentation copies of his Historia Inquisitionis were being sent from Holland to Smith's shop, and asked Locke 4

—then in London —to ensure that they were distributed to their intended recipients. Limborch expressed astonishment at being told by his Amsterdam publisher that English law put imported bound copies at risk of confiscation, but he thought it wise to comply, and the presentation copies were unbound except one for the Archbishop of Canterbury 5

6

as dedicatee. It was more than a month before the ship sailed with the consignment, and when the books did finally arrive at Smith's shop in the last week of November Locke 7

travelled hurriedly to London in order to arrange distribution of the presentation copies. It would seem likely that it was during this visit that he received Smith's complaints about the 8

Printing Act 'from the sufferers owne mouth'.

Smith was recalling events that had occurred about three months earlier, when proceedings against him for importing copies 'contrary to the ........................................................................................................................... pg 82 1

Statute' had been brought before a meeting of the Stationers' Court. The charge had been laid by Thomas Dring, who eighteen months later was to be briefly involved in publishing 2

the second edition of Locke's Essay. Dring complained that Smith had injured the Company, for whom works such as De Officiis brought income from the school trade, but his primary concern was with the 'great damage' allegedly caused to him and the four partners with whom he had published an edition of Cicero's complete works on the Company's authority in 3

1681.

In 1678, the Master and Wardens of the Company had accepted £25 from the King's bookbinder Samuel Mearne for the exclusive right of a partnership headed by Mearne to 'print a 1000 of Ciceronis opera in folio in London', with foreign publishers to be warned 4

that imports of other editions would be forfeited. The partners in the enterprise were said by Dring to have spent £1,000 producing their edition, a very large sum but one which would still have allowed a healthy profit if a thousand copies were printed and sold at the 5

6

advertised price of £2 5s. However, the edition's reputation was not high, and it would Page 64 of 165 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.miscMatter.8 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-miscMatter-8 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

seem likely that there was a fair quantity of unsold stock when the complaint was brought against Smith in 1692. Smith told the hearing he had ordered 250 copies of Gronovius' edition in each format, quarto and duodecimo, but had received only half that number. Details of the settlement determined the following month are uncertain, but as well as imposing a financial penalty it probably ruled out underselling rival editions.

7

........................................................................................................................... pg 83 Smith does not appear to have mentioned during these proceedings that van der Aa had 1

told him that the duodecimo edition would be ideal for the schoolbook market. This would certainly have aggravated his offence in the eyes of his accusers: one lucrative sideline of the Stationers' Company was the English Stock, a company whose shareholders were the leading members of the Stationers' Company, responsible for printing and publishing a variety of high-selling works, mainly bibles and psalters, almanacs, law books, and school 2

textbooks. Many of these were extremely profitable, and the Company took great care to defend their monopoly over these titles, and prevent interlopers intruding. The second example Locke gave of the interference of the Stationers' Company related to his own plan for an interlinear Latin–English edition of Aesop's Fables. Locke's involvement in the edition of the fables that was printed in 1703 is described elsewhere in the present volume, but its relevance to his campaign against the Printing Act can briefly be summarized here. Towards the end of 1691 Locke had prepared a specimen page showing the layout he wanted, and had asked Clarke to pass it to Churchill so that he could use it in a proposal to 3

the Stationers' Company. Nothing came of this, and in the letter to Clarke of 2 January 1693 Locke placed the blame for the book's non-appearance entirely on the obstructive behaviour of the Stationers' Company, and their determination to exercise control over the publication of classical texts: By this monopoly also of these ancient authors noe body here that would publish any of them a new with comments or any other advantage can doe it without the leave of the learned judicious stationers, for if they will not print it themselves nor let any other, be your labour about it never soe usefull and you have permission to print it from the ArchBishop and all the

other Licencers it is to noe purpose. If the company of Stationers soe please it must not be printed. An instance you have of this in Æsops fables. Pray talke with A Churchill concerning this who I beleive will be able to shew you 4

other great inconveniencys of that act …

........................................................................................................................... pg 84

Page 65 of 165 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.miscMatter.8 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-miscMatter-8 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

Churchill may perhaps have been less upset at the failure of this project than Locke was: he and his brother had recently taken a quarter-share in a very different edition of the fables, from the pen of Roger L'Estrange, which they advertised in several of the volumes they 1

published in 1692, including Locke's Third Letter. This sold well, but since it lacked a Latin 2

text it was no rival to the English Stock's Latin–English schoolbook version by Charles Hoole. Locke's response to the twin cases of Cicero's Opera Omnia and Aesop's Fables effectively marks the start of his campaign against the Printing Act. He was particularly concerned about the section of the Act that prohibited the printing and importation of books to which anyone claimed a right by patent, remarking to Clarke that 'it should be lawfull for any one 3

to print or import any Latin booke whose author lived above a thousand year since'. He concluded the letter by urging his friend to discuss the matter with his fellow MPs: Pray talke with your members about it and I should imagin some of the Bishops too of your acquaintance should be for it, for it is a great oppression upon Schollers and what right can any one pretend to have to the writeings of one who lived a thousand years agoe, He that prints them

best deserves best and should have the sale of them which our company of Stationers can by noe means pretend to. For if you examin it I beleive it will be found that those of the Classick authors which are of their publishing are the worst printed of any. Although Locke was undoubtedly sympathetic to both Churchill and Smith, his primary 4

concern was for scholars like himself. He was not in a position to judge whether the profits accruing from the monopolies exercised by the Stationers' Company did indeed support 'several Widows' and 'Fatherless Children' or had been used to fund 'private Dividends' and 'extravagantly chargable Feastings', the subject of competing claims in contemporary 5

tracts which Locke may have read and which Clarke certainly owned. What he did regard as wholly baseless was the claim that ........................................................................................................................... pg 85 printing restrictions ensured that good editions of the Latin classics could be published at a fair price. The Printing Act was not the only source of these evils—a decade after its expiry Locke could make sulphurous remarks about almost every class of person engaged in the 1

book trade —but he saw it as one of the main barriers to good practice. Maurice Cranston supposed that Locke's complaints about the Printing Act were not received by Clarke until after its renewal, but in fact the bill on expiring laws did not pass until March 2

1693, after some contention over the inclusion of the Printing Act. When the bill had its third reading in the Lords, eleven peers entered a protest against it, deploring the powers Page 66 of 165 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.miscMatter.8 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-miscMatter-8 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

given by the Act for searching of peers' houses, and stating that it 'subjects all Learning and true Information to the arbitrary Will and Pleasure of a mercenary, and perhaps ignorant, 3

Licenser; destroys the Properties of Authors in their Copies; and sets up many Monopolies.' These were exactly Locke's own views, and it was clear when the Act next came up for renewal it would face considerable opposition. In May Locke suggested to Clarke that if he had leisure while in London, he should 'spend an hour or two with J[ohn] F[reke] upon the 4

printing act', but it was not until eighteen months later that the campaign against it could begin in earnest.   The Failure of the Attempt to Renew the Printing Act, 1694–1695 The Act that renewed the Printing Act in March 1693 did so for one year and from thence 5

until the end of the next session. In the 1690s normal ........................................................................................................................... pg 86 practice was for a session of Parliament to begin in November, and end in April or May the following year; this meant that the Printing Act could be expected to expire in the spring of 1695 unless action were taken to renew it once again.

At the end of November 1694 the House of Commons appointed a committee to consider the renewal of expiring and recently expired laws, including the Printing Act; among its members were Edward Clarke, Locke's landlord at Oates Sir Francis Masham, and Locke's friend Sir 1

Walter Yonge. On 3 January, John Freke informed Locke that the 'printers Bill is not yet come 2

in but designd to be soe but I believe twill not be revived let who will endeavour it'. The 3

committee reported on the 9th, recommending that the Printing Act should be continued. This action of the committee was not a sign that its members were unconvinced of the Act's 4

failings, merely that they were not in a position to ensure its replacement. The full house, unlike the committee, had the power to order a new bill, and this is what they proceeded to do: on 11 February they rejected the committee's recommendation that the Printing Act should be included in the bill to renew expiring laws, and instead set up another committee 5

with the task of preparing a new bill to replace it. The fate of this is described in a later section. In the meantime, the bill on expiring laws—now no longer including the Printing Act—was making its way slowly through the Commons, where on 29 March it had its third reading 6

and was sent to the Lords. In the Lords it was treated with greater urgency, having its 7

first reading on arrival and its second a day later, after which it was sent to committee.

Page 67 of 165 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.miscMatter.8 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-miscMatter-8 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

On 8 April the bill emerged from committee and was given a third reading, but since it had 8

been amended several times while in committee it was returned to the Commons. Freke described to Locke what had happened: I can tell you a pretty trick playd in the House of Lords. The Commons sent up a Bill to continue severall Acts to which their Lordships added an amendment (drawn by my Lord K) that the old Act concerning printing be continued for one year and thence to the end of the next Session of 9

Parliament.

........................................................................................................................... pg 87 The Commons accepted the other amendments, but—as Freke had anticipated—rejected 1

the attempt to renew the Printing Act, and instructed the committee to set out its reasons for doing so; these were read by Clarke in reporting from the committee on the 17th and delivered by him at a conference with the Lords the very next day, with the result that the 2

amendment was dropped. These 'Reasons' of the Commons are described below. On 29 April the Stationers' Company acknowledged that the Printing Act was 'now like to expire'—as it did when the session ended on 3 May—and had Benjamin Tooke, the keeper 3

of the English Stock, enter titles from the Stock into the Register to confirm its claims. The only other names to appear alongside more than one entry in the last week of April were 4

those of Awnsham and John Churchill, their registrations including five works by Locke. Entries in the Stationers' Register ceased in the first days of May, then resumed in August (though now without reference to licensers), and continued in much reduced numbers until the time of the 1710 Copyright Act.   Locke's Criticisms of the 1662 Printing Act The manuscript referred to here as the Criticisms had no title, but was endorsed 'Printing 94'

by Locke. Although often dated loosely to 1694–5, it can be assigned with some confidence to December 1694, the month after the Commons' appointment of the committee on 5

expiring laws on 30 November. Locke spent a fortnight in London in December, where he saw both Clarke and Freke, and it would seem likely that this was one of the things they 6

talked about.

........................................................................................................................... pg 88 The correct (long) title of the Printing Act was 'An Act for preventing the frequent Abuses in printing seditious treasonable and unlicensed Bookes and Pamphlets and for regulating Page 68 of 165 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.miscMatter.8 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-miscMatter-8 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

of Printing and Printing Presses', but the title Locke gave omitted the words 'the frequent'. This was not an oversight on his part: he was merely following what was very probably 1

his source, Pulton and Manby's collection of current statutes. Locke did not address every section in the Act, but the numbers he gave to those that he did mention reflect the 2

(unnumbered) paragraphing in Pulton and Manby's collection.

Locke began with a general principle: 'I know not why a man should not have liberty to print what ever he would speak. & to be answerable for the one just as he is for the other if he transgresses the law in either.' He therefore proposed that no book should be 'printed published or Sold without the printers or booksellers name', and that he was to be 'answerable for whatever is against law in it as if he were the author unlesse he can produce the person he had it from'. This, for Locke, 'is all the restraint [that] ought to be upon printing'. Locke's other complaints concerned the operation of the Printing Act itself. Although its title described it as being directed against 'seditious treasonable and unlicensed Bookes and Pamphlets', its preamble registered a change of emphasis, complaining that the disorders of the recent past had allowed the proliferation of 'heretical schismatical blasphemous seditious and treasonable Bookes Pamphlets and Papers'. Locke thought such language extremely dangerous: Some of these termes are soe general & comprehensive or at least soe submitted to the sense & interpretation of the Governors of Church or state for the time being that it is impossible any book should passe but just what suits their humors. And who knows but that the motion of the Earth may be found to be Heretical, &c: as asserting Antipodes once was?

3

........................................................................................................................... pg 89 It was the governors of the church rather than those of the state who attracted Locke's particular ire. He saw the motivation of the Act as at bottom religious: 'our ecclesiastical laws seldom favour trade, & he that reads this act with attention will find it upse [entirely, or thoroughly] ecclesiastical.' The provisions of the Act were a grave threat to both commercial and religious freedom, but this was only to be expected, given that it had been passed 'in a time when every one strove to be forwardest to make court to the church & court by giveing 1

whatever was asked'. There is a bitterly anti-clerical tone here which is not unparalleled 2

in Locke's writings, but which he avoided using in public: 'any thing rather than let mother 3

Church be disturbd in her opinions or impositions, by any bold enquirer from the presse'.

Although Locke's most controversial books had all been licensed without (as far as is known) any trouble, he had good reasons for being uneasy about the way in which the Printing

Page 69 of 165 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.miscMatter.8 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-miscMatter-8 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

Act could be used to prevent the publication of opinions deemed by the licensers to be heretical. The 1689 Toleration Act had excluded from its provisions 'any person that shall 4

deny in his Preaching or Writeing the Doctrine of the Blessed Trinity', and though Locke had no intention of doing this, there was a clear danger his own private lack of belief might 5

emerge if he began publishing on religious matters, as he was planning to do. A letter an anonymous correspondent sent him around this time had described how a book on this subject which the correspondent had written had been refused a licence merely because the licenser had taken the view that it was 'contrary to the doctrine of the Ch. of England'—the phrase used in the Printing Act.

6

Locke's other main concern was with the quality and price of printed editions. He regarded all the monopolies exercised by the Stationers' Company as unjustified in principle and deleterious in practice, but he thought their 'Monopoly of all the Clasick Authers' especially deplorable. It was wholly absurd 'that any person or company should now have a title to the printing of the works of Tullie Caesar or Livy who lived soe many ........................................................................................................................... pg 90 ages since': current authors should be allowed if they wished to 'sell their copys' to publishers, but once a work had been in print for fifty years it should be free for anyone to republish. Matters were made worse by the quality of the Latin editions produced in England, described by Locke as 'scandalously ill printed both for letter [typeface] paper & correctnesse'. The reason Locke gave for this was the Stationers' Company 'haveing the monopoly here by this Act & their patents slubber them over as they can cheapest, soe that there is not a book of them vended beyond seas both for their badnesse & dearnesse'.

1

English readers who wished to acquire copies of the superior (and cheaper) editions published abroad—especially in Holland—were not able to do so, because attempts to import these books were obstructed by 'dull wretches who doe not soe much as understand Latin'.

2

Locke also disapproved strongly of the restrictions on the number of presses set out in the Act: only twenty master printers were allowed to practise, and these could have only two presses each, unless they were or had been a Master or Upper Warden of the Stationers' Company, in which case they could have three; the number of apprentices was also limited. Locke held that these restrictions were 'the reason why our printing is soe very bad & yet soe very dear in England. they who are hereby priviledgd to the exclusion of others workeing & seting the price as they please'. In the Netherlands matters were much better: 'their printing being free & unrestraind they sell their books at soe much a cheaper rate than our booksellers doe ours'. The Printing Act damaged the interests of English readers generally, and scholars in particular, the only beneficiaries being 'a lazy ignorant company of 3

Stationers'.

Page 70 of 165 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.miscMatter.8 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-miscMatter-8 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

  The Reasons of the House of Commons These are the set of objections that were put together after the Commons had rejected the attempt by the Lords to re-insert the Printing Act into the bill on expiring laws, and delivered at the conference with the Lords on 18 April 1695. They were subsequently printed in the 4

Journals of both houses, and there is a manuscript copy among Locke's papers.

The 'Reasons' presented by the Commons are eighteen in number, creating the impression that they follow both the Act and Locke's Criticisms more closely than they in fact do: the views expressed in them generally ........................................................................................................................... pg 91 1

resemble Locke's, but there is no textual continuity whatever. It is not chronologically impossible that Locke might have had a hand in their composition, but for several reasons it is very unlikely. He was told by Freke on 9 April that the Lords had re-inserted the Printing Act into the bill on expiring laws, but there is no trace of any follow-up letter from Freke informing him that the Commons had rejected this amendment on the 12th. A note made by Locke on Freke's letter of the 9th shows that he answered it on the 15th; this reply is now lost, but though it may have contained some remarks on the Lords' amendment, it is clear from their subsequent correspondence that Locke did not draw up the 'Reasons' that Clarke presented on the 18th. Clarke and Freke had formed a partnership that Locke came to refer 2

to as 'the College', and on the day that the session ended he wrote to them, praising their labours in bantering tones that made it quite clear that the 'Reasons' were their work, not his: What I have said of the wonders that might be done if there were more such colleges, or this one had more such fellows I finde I have reason to repeat again upon the reading of the dozen and a half. which are (contrary to custome) all Reasons, would your house [the Commons] were stored with 3

a number of such as drue them up.

The number given to these 'Reasons'—a dozen and a half—makes it quite certain that they were the set presented by Clarke: presumably Locke had recently received the copy of them which is now among his papers.   The First 1695 Printing Bill

Page 71 of 165 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.miscMatter.8 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-miscMatter-8 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

When the Commons decided on 11 February not to renew the Printing Act, it set up a committee 'to prepare, and bring in, a Bill for the better regulating of Printing, and Printing4

Presses', which Clarke introduced into the Commons on 2 March. This was given a second reading on 30 March and sent to committee, but had not re-emerged when the session ........................................................................................................................... pg 92 ended on 3 May, expiring by default alongside the Printing Act which it had been designed to replace. The contents of the bill are known from two manuscripts: one is a copy in Freke's hand which he sent to Locke on 14 March, and is now among Locke's papers in the Bodleian Library; the other—apparently earlier—is now in the British Library, among the papers of the MP William 1

Brockman, another College associate. Locke had inquired about Brockman in February 1695 and was assured by Freke that he 'continues to vote with the same Companions'; at the end of the month he joined the committee who were drawing up the printing bill.

2

Locke had been informed about the forthcoming bill even before it was introduced into the Commons. On 28 February Freke told him that a new bill 'very unlike the old one' was expected to be brought before the House within a few days, though he expressed 3

doubt whether it would pass. In the weeks that followed Locke sent Freke and Clarke several letters mentioning the bill, including two that are now lost in which he made 4

recommendations about its contents. In replying to the first of these lost letters, that of 4 March, Freke assured Locke 'that the whole College has seen and considerd the pamphlet you mention and that the Bill prepared for regulating the Press is soe contrived that there is 5

an absolute Liberty for the printing every thing that tis Lawfull to Speak'.

........................................................................................................................... pg 93 Freke's reply suggests that the concerns Locke had expressed in the Criticisms had already 1

been taken into account in the College bill. Locke declared in his next letter that he was 'mightily pleased to read in the votes by what hand the bill we have been talkeing about was brought into the house. My minde is now at rest about that matter for when all is done that 2

can be I acquiesce in the event.'

When Locke wrote this he seems not yet to have seen the text of the bill itself, but on 14 March, Freke sent him a copy and asked for his thoughts. Although Freke described it as supported by 'honest and able men', it was faced by resistance on three fronts, 'the Court the Bishops and the Stationers Company'. As Freke sardonically observed, these three parties were united in declaring the bill 'wanting as to Securing of Property', but diverged in what they meant by this:

Page 72 of 165 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.miscMatter.8 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-miscMatter-8 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

The Court means that it would be allowd the power of Granting Patents. The Stationers mean that they would have the regulation of property and disposall of it by making their Register the Standard of it and the orders of their company to Controll and Govern that Standard. The Bishops mean I know not what but they Chime in with the other two because they think 3

property a very popular word, which Licencer is not.

It is not difficult to see why all these parties were disturbed: the bill dispensed entirely with the Printing Act's three main areas of regulation—restriction of the number of presses, the exclusive rights of the Stationers' Company over certain titles, and pre-publication licensing. There was nothing in it about either the number of presses or the Stationers' Company, and though authors, booksellers, and printers were all to be legally responsible for what had been printed, any action that might be taken against them would occur after publication. The significance of the transformation represented by the College bill has tended to be underestimated because of a failure to appreciate its ........................................................................................................................... pg 94 abandonment of pre-publication licensing. De Beer labelled it 'The Licensing Bill', repeating the error of Raymond Astbury's influential account, which stated that the bill re-imposed 1

'the Stuart system of preprinting censorship' in politics, divinity, and law. The error arises from confusing notification and authorization. The bill required notice to be given whenever a press was set up, and that a copy of anything then printed was to be delivered to the appropriate religious, legal, or political authority before publication, but this was so that these bodies had a record of what had been printed: their permission was not required.

2

  Locke's Proposed Amendments to the First 1695 Printing Bill The measures set out in the bill for notifying presses and delivering printed sheets to the authorities, and for permitting raids on printing houses suspected of printing illegal works, went far beyond anything Locke had recommended, but his response to the bill does not indicate any general objection to these methods. His papers provide evidence of two areas of disquiet, one relating to authors' rights, the other to some of the language in the bill that concerned religion. Locke's proposed alterations to the bill are contained in a short paper which he endorsed 'Printing

', apparently written very soon after he received Freke's letter of 14 March 3

enclosing a copy of the bill. A week later Freke acknowledged a letter of 18 March from

Page 73 of 165 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.miscMatter.8 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-miscMatter-8 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

Locke, now lost, containing what he described as 'Expedients' which—in conjunction with 4

those sent on 4 March—would be made use of 'if the Bill goe on which we much doubt'. A copy of Locke's paper may have been enclosed with his letter, or his amendments incorporated into the letter itself.

Locke's first proposal addressed his deeply felt concern for an author's right to anonymity. The original clause in the bill had been aimed at book pirates who masqueraded as the original publishers: ..................................................................................................... pg 95 And be it further Enacted that noe person shall print the name of any person as publisher of any book pamphlet pourtraicture or paper without authority given in writing for soe doeing under the penalty of forfeiting the sum of [blank] to the party whose name shall be soe printed as Author or 1

publisher …

The replacement that Locke proposed retained this but also provided protection for authors who did not wish their names to become known: And be it farther enacted that noe printer [altered from person] shall print the name of any person as Author or publisher of any book pamphlet pourtraicture or paper without authority given in writeing for soe doeing under the penalty of forfeiting the sum of [blank] to the party whose name shall be soe printed as Author or publisher … A marginal note by Locke suggested that the words he had underlined might already be in the bill, and had been accidentally omitted from his copy, but this is very doubtful: they are not in Brockman's copy either. Locke undoubtedly welcomed the disempowering of the Stationers' Company, but was less happy with the complete absence in the bill of any protection for intellectual and literary property. He therefore proposed two clauses, both designed to 'secure the Authors property in his copy, or his to whom he has transferd it'. The first, intended to be subjoined to the clause against piracy, stated that no work 'printed with the name of the Author or publisher upon it shall within [blank] years after its first edition be reprinted with or without the name of the Author to it without Authority given in writeing by the Author or somebody intituled by him'. The second was to be added to a later clause that required copies of the newly printed book to be delivered to the King's library and the libraries of the two universities. Once this had been done, a receipt from these bodies 'shall vest a priviledg in the Author of the said book his executors administrators & assignes of solely reprinting & publishing the said book for [blank] years from the first edition thereof'.

Page 74 of 165 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.miscMatter.8 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-miscMatter-8 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

Locke had another worry about the bill that was not mentioned in this set of amendments. Freke's letter of 21 March indicates that the letter which Locke sent him on the 18th had expressed concern about the inclusion of the word 'heretical' in the bill's provision for searches for 'Treasonable Seditious Atheisticall or hereticall' works, and the mention of the Christian religion 'as it is Establisht by Law' in the two clauses that made authors, publishers, and printers answerable for anything contrary to ........................................................................................................................... pg 96 1

law. Freke replied that the words 'Hereticall and as it is Establisht by Law' were considered 'some of the best words in the Bill' by its drafters, because they tied its interpretation to the law, and specifically to 'a Statute made in Queen Eliz: time'—the 1559 Act of Supremacy —that defined heresy in terms of the express words of scripture and the rulings of the first 2

four general councils of the church. The advantage of this, in the opinion of Freke and Clarke, was that it would discourage prosecution simply on the basis of a prosecutor's own religious views—the kind of interpretive latitude allowed to licensers by the Printing Act, which forbade the publication of anything 'contrary to Christian Faith'.   The Second 1695 Printing Bill In the autumn of 1695 there was a general election, the result being a modest increase in the strength of the Whigs. The new session began on 22 November, and a new printing bill was introduced into the Commons by Clarke on the 29th. It was given a second reading on 3

3 December and sent to committee, the members of which included Clarke and Yonge. The bill had still not emerged from committee by the time Parliament was prorogued on 27 April 1696. Locke greeted the bill's appearance by thanking Clarke and Freke for the care they had taken 4

over it. This is the only mention of the bill in Locke's extant letters (as in the earlier part of 5

the year, several have been lost), but Freke kept him informed as to what was happening. On 5 December he remarked that the new bill had raised more clamour than its predecessor, but fortunately the 'young members'—the MPs who had been elected for the first time in 6

November—were hostile to 'the old Act', i.e. the 1662 Printing Act. On the 14th he reported that 'the Grave Squire [Clarke] is attacqued on all sides on account of that Bill', his critics 7

including the bishops, the universities, and the booksellers and printers. Freke was not worried by this: the divergent interests of the bill's enemies would ........................................................................................................................... pg 97

Page 75 of 165 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.miscMatter.8 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-miscMatter-8 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

1

'either hinder any Act from passing concerning printing or else make it a very good one.'

A paper of objections sent from Oxford on 2 December described the new bill as 'much the 2

same with the former; but more covertly and under a disguise'. This was broadly correct, though there are significant differences between the two bills. Perhaps the most notable new feature was a lengthy clause allowing works to be licensed by named authorities in church, state, and the universities, with the licenser taking on legal responsibility for their content. The voluntary nature of this revival of licensing was confirmed by the statement at the end of the clause that unlicensed works could be lawfully printed if they were not 'Contrary to 3

the Laws of God or Laws of this Realme'.

Two manuscripts of this second bill exist, one in Cambridge University Library, and another, containing what is probably a slightly later version, among Archbishop Tenison's papers at 4

Lambeth Palace. There are some significant differences between them. One is that the Lambeth Palace version features an expanded list of potential licensers, with the inclusion of 'five or more persons of Credit of the Congregacon to which the said Author does in point 5

of perswason belong', a manifest concession to nonconformity. Another is that the phrase 'Treasonable Seditious Atheisticall or Hereticall', which occurs four times in the Cambridge version, reads 'Treasonable Seditious or Atheisticall' on each occasion in the Lambeth Palace 6

version; whether this disappearance of the word 'Hereticall', which had troubled Locke in both the 1662 Act and the earlier College bill, owed anything to his intervention can only be a matter for speculation. The failure of the College bills was, paradoxically, also their success, since their introduction had helped to ensure the continued absence of licensing legislation. A final attempt in March 7

1696 to revive the 1662 Printing Act was swiftly rejected; and the numerous printing bills put forward between then and the 1710 Copyright Act, though often described ........................................................................................................................... pg 98 subsequently as 'licensing bills', were in reality concerned with enforcing compulsory 1

imprints, in line with the two 1695 bills. After Locke's Death  

The fact that Locke played any part in ending pre-publication press censorship was barely mentioned for well over a century after his death, although it had been revealed publicly as early as November 1731 in the opposition periodical The Craftsman. As part of its campaign to extend the liberty of the press, The Craftsman printed what it called the 'convincing

Page 76 of 165 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.miscMatter.8 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-miscMatter-8 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

Reasons' which had been used against renewal of the 1662 Printing Act, prefaced by the comment, probably by the editor Nicholas Amhurst: 'I have been inform'd that these Reasons were drawn up by the great Mr. Locke; and as they are very curious, as well as 2

instructive and pertinent to the present Occasion, I shall lay them before the Publick.' These 'Reasons', which were described as having been taken from the Lords Journal, were the 3

Commons' case delivered by Clarke.

The existence of Locke's own paper criticizing the Printing Act remained wholly without 4

mention in the eighteenth century: the draft among his papers remained undisturbed, and no use was made of the copy that had passed into the hands of the Shaftesbury family. The 5

first publication of the Criticisms came in 1829, in Lord King's Life of John Locke. Introducing Locke's comments on the 1662 Act, King announced these 'unanswerable objections' to be 'the comments of so competent a judge, who had witnessed both the beginning and the end of that most arbitrary measure'. He seemed, however, to be unaware of their connection to the 'Reasons' of the Commons, remarking that if Locke's criticisms had 'contributed in any degree' to preventing the further renewal of the Printing Act, 'his exertions ........................................................................................................................... pg 99 1

may be regarded as no small service rendered to the cause of liberty and truth'.

In 1855, conversely, the first edition of the fourth volume of Macaulay's History of England, while supplying the first detailed historical account of the fall of licensing in 1694–5, described the Commons' 'Reasons' without showing any awareness of Locke's role. Ending censorship had 'done more for liberty and for civilisation than the Great Charter or the Bill of Rights', Macaulay declared, yet the reasons delivered by the 'staunch Whig' Clarke showed that the opponents of licensing knew not what they were doing, what a revolution they were making, what a power they were calling into existence. They pointed out concisely, clearly, forcibly, and sometimes with a grave irony which is not unbecoming, the absurdities and iniquities of the statute which was about to expire. But all their objections will be found to relate to matters of detail. On the great question of principle, on the question whether the liberty of unlicensed printing be, on the whole, a blessing or a curse to society, not a 2

word is said.

In early 1856, Macaulay was asked to prepare another edition of the History of England, which he did in tandem with writing the fifth volume, i paid the then enormous sum of £20,000. In the same week as he received this payment he spent seven shillings on a set of copies of the Craftsman, and it was probably when reading these that he came across the

Page 77 of 165 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.miscMatter.8 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-miscMatter-8 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

3

reference to Locke's role. In the 1858 edition of the History an additional footnote appeared referring to the Craftsman's claim that Locke had drawn up the Commons' case, followed by the mildly sceptical comment: If this were so, it must be remembered that Locke wrote, not in his own name, but in the name of a multitude of plain country gentlemen and merchants, to whom his opinions touching the liberty of the press would probably have seemed strange and dangerous. We must suppose, therefore, that, with his usual prudence, he refrained from giving an exposition of his own views, and contented himself with putting into a neat and perspicuous form arguments suited to the capacity of the 4

parliamentary majority.

........................................................................................................................... pg 100 Macaulay's suspicions about the claim that Locke had drawn up the Commons' 'Reasons' were justified, but he would have experienced a further disappointment if he had made the 1

connection with King's Life, which was cited elsewhere in History of England. As it is, his assumption that the arguments about 'matters of detail' presented to the country gentlemen and merchants in the Commons hid a grander view of 'the great question of principle' on Locke's part cannot be sustained. Locke nowhere set out the kind of bold expansive arguments for liberty of the press advanced by Milton, and subsequently by Matthew Tindal.

2

More than 180 years after Locke penned his Criticisms, an account of their connection to the 'Reasons' was finally provided in H. R. Fox Bourne's Life of John Locke (1876), drawing together material from King and Macaulay. Fox Bourne echoed Macaulay's view that Locke had opted for 'a business-like appeal' rather than attempting the eloquence of Areopagitica, though adding that by having succeeded where Milton had failed, he deserved a large share of the credit for the 'most fruitful of all the great benefits that issued from the revolution 3

of 1688'. In 1957, Maurice Cranston mentioned the episode in his biography of Locke, but while having the advantage over Fox Bourne of access to Locke's papers, he added little new 4

information. In 1978, a much fuller account of Locke's role between 1693 and 1695 was provided by Raymond Astbury's classic article on the lapse of what he called the 'Licensing Act'. In the following year Locke's proposed amendments to the College-backed printing bill were published for the first time by E. S. de Beer in volume 5 of the Correspondence, along with his Criticisms of the 1662 Act. Since then, Locke's writings on the subject have seen some further historical examination, though less frequently by Locke scholars than by 5

historians of copyright, the print trade, and the Stationers' Company.

...........................................................................................................................

Page 78 of 165 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.miscMatter.8 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-miscMatter-8 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

PG 101

THE PREFACE TO AESOP'S FABLES

In 1723 an edition of Aesop's fables that described itself on its title-page as the work of 1

'John Locke, Gent.' was published by the London bookseller Arthur Bettesworth. This was a reissue with a new title-page of sheets which had been printed for an edition published in Locke's own lifetime, in 1703, by his usual publishers, Awnsham and John Churchill, though without any attribution to Locke (or to anyone else). It was by no means uncommon for publishers to attempt to boost sales of one of their productions by linking it—sometimes quite fraudulently—to a well-known author, and when Edmund Law came to edit Locke's works later in the century, this was the conclusion that he drew. Law described the 1723 edition as a 'A puerile edition … [which] was in all probability ascribed to him for no better reason than the frequent mention made of that book [the Fables] in his Thoughts on 2

Education.' It was an apparently plausible judgement which was given wider circulation by the inclusion of Law's preface in subsequent editions of Locke's works, but though most 3

of the works condemned by him as spurious were indeed so, in this case an exception ought to be made. What information Bettesworth might have received about the origin of the book is not now known, but it is absolutely certain that Locke was closely involved with the preparation of the 1703 edition, and there are good grounds for supposing that he also 4

provided the preface.

The historical Aesop, a Phrygian slave said to have lived in the sixth century BC, is a shadowy figure about whom little can now be ascertained with any confidence, though it is clear that 5

none of the writings subsequently attributed to him were in fact his work. The main Latin source of Aesopic material was a set of verse fables in five books produced by Phaedrus in the first century AD. At some time in late antiquity or the early Middle Ages a heavily revised prose version of these known to scholars as the 'Romulus vulgaris' was produced, and this in turn continued to ........................................................................................................................... pg 102 develop with the addition of new fables. The collections that resulted from this activity became widely used in elementary education: 'not only were these fables cast in simple and direct Latin, but they were characteristically brief and ended in an edifying moral, and hence 1

were judged suitable for schoolboys and beginners in Latin.' These qualities continued to recommend them to the successors of the medieval schoolmasters in the sixteenth and 2

seventeenth centuries.

Locke's interest in the educational uses of Aesop's fables was two-fold. In the first place he thought that a suitable English version could be used as a primer for teaching young children

Page 79 of 165 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.miscMatter.8 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-miscMatter-8 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

how to read: his recommendations on this matter were set out in letters sent to Edward Clarke in the 1680s, and repeated more succinctly in Some Thoughts concerning Education. Secondly, he held that a carefully structured dual-language edition might provide a means by which a rather older child could begin the study of Latin.

3

While he was still in the Netherlands Locke had asked Clarke to buy copies of the fables in both English and Latin for his son Edward, then aged seven: At Abel Ropers, a bookseller, at the sign of the Sun, in Fleet Street, you will

find Æsop's Fables, English, with cuts. Pray buy it for him, and get a Latin one too of that edition out of which the English one was translated. I will tell 4

you hereafter of what use to make of it.

Clarke assured Locke that he would do this, but any further instructions that Locke may have 5

sent seem not to have been preserved.

........................................................................................................................... pg 103 The next mention of Aesop in Locke's correspondence was in November 1691, when his plans for a new dual-language edition and his views on how it should be organized were set 1

out in a letter to Clarke:

I have here with sent you one sheet of Æsops fables don as is designed. The words with one line under them are to be in Italick, those with two being such as have none answering them in the other language are to be in 2

Gothik.

The layout and the use of the different kinds of type described here correspond exactly to those found in the 1703 edition; this shows both that this edition was printed in accordance with Locke's specifications, and that his views on how an edition should be organized had already been formulated more than a decade before one finally appeared. The letter then continued: Pray let Aunsham Churchill have it as soon as you can for he intends to offer it to the Company of Stationers at their next Court and if they will not doe it themselves he will compound with them and doe it himself and I had much rather he would print it than that they should because I would have it printed in a fair character and on good paper. As he explained in a postscript, Locke wanted the first sheet to be printed without delay:

Page 80 of 165 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.miscMatter.8 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-miscMatter-8 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

There is an other reason besides what I mentiond above why I would have Aunsham Churchill print it and that is that the first sheet may then be printed presently which may be had for present use before the whole booke can be finishd and therefor you haveing some concernment in it you may doe well to talke with mr Churchill your self. How much this sheet would have contained was not indicated, but the corresponding sheet of the 1703 edition contained the first ten fables and part of the eleventh—enough for Clarke's son to have been getting on with. Locke's hopes that Churchill would publish an edition of the kind he described were foiled by the obstruction of the Stationers' Company, which claimed a monopoly on the printing of Latin texts. They had a financial interest in preventing the publication of a new edition of the fables: Charles Hoole's Aesopi Fabulae Anglo-Latinae was a dual-language edition designed for use in schools had first been published under their auspices ........................................................................................................................... pg 104 1

in 1657, and had frequently been reprinted. Rivals that might diminish its sales were not welcome. The obstructive behaviour of the Stationers' Company had the result that when Locke came to recommend the use of Aesop's fables in Some Thoughts concerning Education as a suitable text for beginners in Latin, no edition meeting his requirements had been produced. He therefore advocated 'taking some easy and pleasant Book, such as Æsop's Fables, and writing the English Translation (made as literal as it can be) in one Line, and the Latin Words 2

which answer each of them, just over it in another.' A printed book arranged in this manner would have been better, but since none were yet available a copy written by the child's tutor or even one of his parents would have to serve instead. There are no references in Locke's correspondence to the fables for eight years after 1693, though it would appear from the Court Books of the Stationers' Company that the Churchill brothers had not abandoned their attempts to produce an edition of the kind Locke had 3

described. The first sign that the project had been revived came in April 1700, when Awnsham Churchill mentioned in a letter that 'Esop is at a stand, till I have some Copy from 4

Mr Grigg.' Mr Grigg was mentioned several times in the letters that followed, and though he was not identified in any of these, there can be little if any doubt that he was William, 5

the son of Locke's old friend Anna Grigg. William eventually had a distinguished career at Cambridge, rising to be Master of Clare Hall (1713–26) and Vice-Chancellor (1716–17), but in 6

1700 he was a young fellow of Jesus College and apparently chronically short of money. It would seem likely that he was persuaded to take

Page 81 of 165 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.miscMatter.8 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-miscMatter-8 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

........................................................................................................................... pg 105 on the task for financial reasons, though if he did his rewards were unremarkable: when the 1

book was eventually finished Locke instructed Awnsham Churchill to pay him £5.

In September Churchill wrote again, informing Locke that 'I Received a letter yesterday from mr Grigg. he writes me. vizt I have got to the 16th Fable. and I beleiv your book is very near as larg as you would have itt. Pray Let me know how many sheets you Design to print off 2

that I may know when to stop. I have prayed him to send me up the Copy that is finished.' There is something rather puzzling about this: the individual fables are very short, and the sixteenth is to be found on pages 24 and 25 of the 1703 edition—not very far into a book that eventually ran to 230 fables in 337 pages. During the next two years there are frequent mentions in Locke's correspondence with 3

the Churchill brothers of his receiving and correcting printed sheets of the edition. In the summer of 1702 the project finally appeared to be nearing completion. Awnsham Churchill wrote to say that 'I have enclosed the sheet of Esop which is the last except one page of 4

Coppy that mr Grigg has translated. I would begg your revising this, and your directions whether mr Grigg shal translate more, and what fables they shal be, or if I shall conclude 5

with this.' How far Grigg had got is not known, but a mention of '2 sheets more' in a 6

subsequent letter from Churchill indicates that he was put back to work. It is clear that Locke was in charge of the project and was directing Grigg's work in close detail. Locke had told the readers of Some Thoughts concerning Education that he thought it highly desirable that an edition of the fables designed for children should be copiously illustrated: If his Æsop has Pictures in it, it will entertain him much the better, and encourage him to read, when it carries the increase of Knowledge with it. For such visible ..................................................................................................... pg 106 Objects Children hear talked of in vain, and without any satisfaction, whilst they have no Idea's of them; those Idea's being not to be had from Sounds; but from the Things themselves, or their Pictures. And therefore I think, as soon as he begins to spell, as many Pictures of Animals should be got him, as can be found, with the printed names to them, which at the same time 1

will invite him to read, and afford him Matter of Enquiry and knowledge.

An unknown engraver therefore prepared five pages of plates containing 77 crude but vivid drawings, mostly of animals but interspersed with a few plants and inanimate objects. His work was mentioned in a letter of February 1703, when Churchill wrote to tell Locke that 'I Page 82 of 165 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.miscMatter.8 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-miscMatter-8 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

send herewith a Specimen of one of the Cutts [plates] for Esop. mr Grigg declines sending 2

me a preface, or the Declensions.' There are no declensions in the book as printed, but there was a preface, and if Grigg did not supply it, it would seem reasonable to suppose that Locke did. It was, after all, his project, not Grigg's. In April 'Mr Churchill'—probably Awnsham, but perhaps his brother—gave Francis Limborch copies of several books, including 'Esops fables interlined', for him to pass on to Arent Furly, who was also in London but about to leave for Rotterdam; the books were destined for 3

Jean Barbeyrac in Berlin. This copy of Aesop cannot have been the entire book, parts of which had not yet been printed, but it would seem reasonable to suppose that it included a complete or nearly complete text of the fables themselves. In July Churchill wrote enclosing 'the last sheet of Esop', and asking Locke 'to give me your 4

last revise, and pray alter the Title as you think fitt.' The mention of the 'Title' seems to indicate that what had been sent was not the final part of the fables themselves but the 5

preliminaries (including the preface) and the table of contents. In September, John Churchill

thanked Locke for returning 'the Titlepage etc'; this almost certainly related to the edition of 6

Aesop, though his name was not mentioned.

........................................................................................................................... pg 107 1

Two copies of the printed book were sent to Locke on 17 November. What happened to them is not known, but they are not listed in the catalogue of his library. An advertisement giving the title of the book and its publisher was placed in several issues 2

of the Daily Courant in April and May 1704. It would seem that it did not sell very well, and the unsold sheets were subsequently acquired from the Churchills by Arthur Bettesworth, who used them for his edition of 1723. This too may not have sold well: there were over thirty advertisements for it, priced 3s. 6d., in the Daily Post between 29 March 1729 and 17 3

4

July 1730. There were no subsequent editions, and demand for a dual-language edition designed for children was met by a much more successful enterprise, Henry Clarke's Fabulæ Æsopi Selectæ: or, Select Fables of Æsop, first published in 1732, and reprinted frequently 5

thereafter. Clarke did not use the interlinear arrangement chosen by Locke, preferring a disposition of the English and Latin texts in parallel columns. He mentioned the Locke/Grigg edition in his preface, remarking that 'so great a Man as Mr. Locke had before revised and suffered an Interlineary Version of It to be printed with his Name in the Title Page', but gave 6

no indication that he had taken anything from it. In fact his debt was considerable, as one can see in the Moral appended to the first fable, 'De Gallo' (Of the Cock): .........................................................................................................................

Page 83 of 165 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.miscMatter.8 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-miscMatter-8 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

pg 108 Locke/Grigg

Clarke

Understand by the Jewel, Art and Wisdom: by the Cock, a foolish and voluptuous Man. Neither Fools love the Liberal Arts, when they know not the use of them; nor a Voluptuous Man, because Pleasure alone delights him.

Understand by the Jewel Art and Wisdom; by the Cock, a Man foolish and voluptuous, neither Fools love liberal Arts, when they know not the Use of them; nor a voluptuous Man, because Pleasure alone pleases Him.

In an age with more rigorous attitudes towards intellectual property Clarke might have been vulnerable to legal proceedings, but even if the law had permitted this, it is unlikely that Bettesworth would have taken action: he was also one of the publishers of the first London 1

edition of Clarke's book.  

The Latin Text of the Fables It is uncertain how closely Locke was involved with preparing the Latin text printed in the 1703 edition, or whether the first part of this followed exactly the sheet that he had 2

prepared in 1691. He owned three editions of various Greek and Latin texts, but the content and order of the fables in the 1703 edition make it very unlikely that the Latin text was taken from any of these. A much more plausible candidate is the edition prepared by Charles Hoole 3

for the Stationers' Company. Both editions begin with the same fables—'Of the Cock', 'Of the Wolf and the Lamb', 'Of the Mouse and the Frog', and 'Of the Dog and the Shadow'— 4

though there are differences later on. Hoole put the Latin and the English texts on facing pages, whereas Locke preferred an interlinear version with the English placed beneath each line of the Latin. Doing this required frequent re-arrangement, and simplification, of the Latin text. In Hoole's edition the first fable is as follows: ..................................................................................................... pg 109 Gallus gallinaceus, dum vertit stercorarium, offendit gemmam: Quid, inquiens, rem sic nitidam reperio? Si gemmarius reperisset, nihil esset eo laetius, ut qui pretium sciret. Mihi quidem nulli est usui, nec magni aestimo: 1

imò equidem omnibus gemmis granum hordei malim.

The Locke/Grigg text is slightly shorter, and its word order corresponds more closely to normal English usage:

Page 84 of 165 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.miscMatter.8 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-miscMatter-8 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

Gallus, dum vertit stercorarium, offendit gemmam: Inquiens, Cur reperio rem sic nitidam? Si gemmarius reperisset, nihil esset laetius, Ut qui sciret pretium. Mihi quidem est nulli usui, nec magni aestimo. Imo equidem, 2

mallem granum Hordei omnibus gemmis.

A beginner might perhaps have found this a little easier, though not an absolute beginner: in both versions he was clearly expected to cope with pluperfect subjunctives and irregular verbs like malo.

MEMOIRS RELATING TO THE LIFE OF ANTHONY FIRST EARL OF SHAFTESBURY Anthony Ashley Cooper, first Earl of Shaftesbury (1621–83), had a military and political career that lasted nearly forty years, during which time he acquired many followers and admirers, and even more enemies. He was himself acutely aware of the need to exercise control over his reputation: his own incomplete autobiography—probably written in the last years of his life—begins with the statement that Whoever considers the number and the power of those adversaryes I have mett with and howe studiously they have under the authority of both church & state dispersed the most malitious slanders of me; will thinke it necessary that I in this, followe the french fashion; and write my owne memoires; that It may appear to the world on what ground or motives they came to be my enemyes; and with what truth and justice they have 3

prosecuted their quarrell.

........................................................................................................................... pg 110 These memoirs were, however, never completed—they end in 1639—and for the remainder 1

of his life only two short fragments of autobiography and three pocket diaries survive. The task of recording and defending what he had done and said fell therefore to others. Locke's account of some episodes in Shaftesbury's early career was almost certainly composed in the last years of his own life. A few weeks before he died, he wrote to Peter King describing the papers that King would inherit after his death: You will find two or three sheets of Memoires, they were writ at the request of a Person you will easilye guess to preserve the memory of some facts which he thought he might some time or other have use of. I had gon on farther if my time and health would have permitted. What there is of them 2

pray deliver to him.

Page 85 of 165 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.miscMatter.8 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-miscMatter-8 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

The person who had made the request was undoubtedly Shaftesbury's grandson, the third Earl; the transmission of the manuscript to him is described in the Textual Introduction. 3

4

Locke's account falls roughly into three parts: Cooper's passage from the royalists to the parliamentarians in 1643–4; a less chronologically organized discussion of his integrity, principles, and perceptiveness, which will for convenience be referred to as the 'Character Sketch'; and a final section dealing with his part in the collapse of the English Republic in the winter of 1659–60.   ........................................................................................................................... pg 111 From Royalist to Parliamentarian The first section of the Memoirs deals with some episodes in 1643 and 1644: an interview with Charles I at Oxford, negotiations with parliamentarian garrisons in Dorset, plans for a general pacification involving the Clubmen movement, and finally Cooper's abandonment of the royalists and his casting his lot with their opponents. The chronology of this section (and indeed of the Memoirs as a whole) is imprecise, and a number of false impressions are created. The Memoirs' initial statement that Cooper was in Oxford at the beginning of the Civil War is misleading. Cooper's own autobiographical sketch states that in the summer of 1642 he attended the King at Nottingham and Derby, 'but only as a spectator, having not as yet 1

adhered against the Parliament.' That winter he went on a tour of the North, then spent some time in Shropshire, and it was not until the following summer that he took up arms 2

for the King, raising a troop of horse and a regiment of foot in Dorset. If the audience with Charles I at Oxford with which the Memoirs begins actually occurred, the most likely date for 3

it would have been in the summer of 1643, but Locke's story does not accord with Cooper's own account, which states that he went directly from Shropshire to Dorset, remaining for the most part in his house at Wimborne St Giles until the arrival of the royalist army under the 4

Marquess of Hertford in the summer.

The Memoirs' claim that Cooper was presented to the King by Viscount Falkland is intriguing: as a leading constitutional royalist who had himself been a negotiator in the peace discussions of February to April 1643, he might have sympathized with Cooper's plans; there is, however, no other record of him having had any association with Cooper, and he was by the summer slipping into the depression which may have led to his seeking death on the battlefield at Newbury on 20 September. ...........................................................................................................................

Page 86 of 165 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.miscMatter.8 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-miscMatter-8 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

pg 112 Armed with the commission described in the text, Cooper is said to have gone off to the West Country. It is plain that there was limited appetite for war in this region. Hertford had gone to Dorset and Somerset in 1642 to raise troops for the King, but found little success. Godly towns like Poole and Dorchester mustered troops, repaired fortifications, and 1

maintained a watch, but avoided actual armed conflict. In March 1643 it was reported to the Commons that local truces were being established, and that some of the gentry had entered into an agreement 'concerning the Disbanding of all Forces of all Sides in their

County; and touching the Opposing of all Forces whatsoever that shall enter that County, to 2

the Disturbance of the Peace there'.

In Locke's Memoirs Cooper is described as having approached 'Pool, Weymouth, Dorchester and others', and it is suggested that he had achieved the surrender of one—unidentified but presumably Dorchester—when royalist indiscipline wrecked his negotiations. This ascribes to him a rather more prominent role than is indicated by other sources. It was the Earl of Carnarvon's cavalry sweep through the region in the aftermath of the royalist victory at Roundway Down (13 July) and the capture of Bristol (26 July) that achieved these surrenders. Carnarvon's forces arrived outside Dorchester on 2 August and Cooper was one of the three royal commissioners who on the following day sent a letter to the mayor and corporation 3

requesting the town's surrender. The surrenders of Weymouth and Portland followed, while Poole and Lyme held out. The coda to this episode is the sack of Dorchester on 4 August. Prince Maurice was in command of an infantry force largely made up of unpaid and ill-disciplined Cornishmen which followed behind Carnarvon's cavalry, and on reaching Dorchester he allowed them to pillage the town in direct contravention of the terms of its surrender. According to the Memoirs Cooper expressed his outrage to Maurice and 'pretty hot words' were exchanged: 4

the 'violence' of the military hot-heads had 'broken' Cooper's conciliatory 'designe'.

........................................................................................................................... pg 113 The second phase of this 'project of his for puting an end to a civil warr' was Cooper's proposal and planning of 'that third sort of army' known as the Clubmen movement. The 1

idea is described as having arisen in a discussion with the lawyer John Fountaine at an inn in Hungerford. How and when Cooper's path crossed Fountaine's is unclear: in October 1642 Fountaine had been imprisoned in the Gatehouse, Westminster, for refusing to contribute to parliament's war tax. The date of his release is unknown, but he is next recorded in Oxford in the winter of 1644–5, promoting a scheme in which the freeholders of the four western counties would enter into an association and petition Parliament for a negotiated 2

peace, though by April of the following year he had surrendered to the parliamentarians. His political rehabilitation was complete by 1652 when he was appointed to the Hale Page 87 of 165 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.miscMatter.8 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-miscMatter-8 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

Commission for law reform and pardoned for his 'delinquency' (past royalism). Cooper also sat on the Hale Commission and would have worked alongside Fountaine there. If their accidental meeting at Hungerford did occur, it is likely to have been in the autumn of 1643 3

as the ordering of the Memoirs implies (if indeed Fountaine was at liberty by then). What role, if any, the discussion with Fountaine played in the genesis of the Clubmen is of little significance, but the suggestion that Cooper himself had built a 'great Machine' in Dorset and mobilized members of the gentry, yeomanry, and 'body of the people' across different parts of England to force both sides to lay down arms, declare a general amnesty, and call a fresh parliament is potentially more important.

The Memoirs are correct in alluding to the strength of localist sentiment in the 1640s. Many communities were reluctant to take sides, and once war was under way often preferred neutrality, on occasion even taking up arms to keep the contending armies away from their houses, crops, and livestock. These vigilante forces, which came to be described as 'Clubmen'—a pejorative term referring to yokels armed with clubs as distinct from trained ........................................................................................................................... pg 114 1

and properly equipped troops—rose into prominence in 1645. In May of that year, Cooper, as a leading light of the Dorset County Committee, was kept informed of meetings of several thousand clubmen and their clashes with parliamentary troopers, and as tensions rose during the summer the broadly parliamentarian Dorset clubmen found themselves paradoxically courted by the royalists before they were defeated and dispersed by Cromwell 2

at Hambledon Hill on 4 August. All these events were, however, much later than the plotting Locke described, and no evidence has been found to associate Cooper with the Clubmen movement beyond the claims made in Locke's Memoirs. Locke attributed the failure of Cooper's project to the suspicions of the Court, and in particular to the malign influence of the 'Soldiers of fortune' who were coming increasingly to determine policy there. It was this that precipitated Cooper's change of allegiance from King to Parliament. The Memoirs describe how he received 'a very civil & more than 3

ordinary letter from the King to come to him at Oxford', but his friends there warned him that this was a trap, and so for his own safety he was 'driven' into taking refuge with the parliamentarian garrison at Portsmouth. The language is extreme: Cooper was 'banishd from the side he had chosen', 'rejected & cast off by the King', and counted an enemy and traitor simply 'for endeavouring to save his King & country' through moderation and conciliation; and all because the royalist swordsmen were aiming at nothing less than the total defeat of Parliament. The duplicity of Lord Goring, one of the dashing Cavaliers around Charles, is presented as an example of the dangers that faced Cooper, although Goring could not have invited himself to dine with Cooper at Wimborne St Giles at this time: until 2 April 1644 he

Page 88 of 165 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.miscMatter.8 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-miscMatter-8 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

4

was Parliament's prisoner in the Tower. Of course, whatever the historical facts, Goring was an apt symbol of the military ruthlessness that the Memoirs were keen to stigmatize. Cooper had been made governor of Weymouth after its surrender, but on 29 December he wrote to Sir Edward Hyde in Oxford asking permission to leave the county, and when he was examined before the Committee of Both Kingdoms on 6 March he stated that he delivered up his commission ........................................................................................................................... pg 115 1

of governor in the first week of January. Although Locke stated that after leaving the royalists he 'took shelter in Portsmouth', in fact he presented himself at the parliamentarian 2

stronghold of Hurst Castle on the Solent, on 24 February. He then went to London, where he explained his change of sides to the Committee of Both Kingdoms. He told them that he had come to realize that the royalists had no intention of 'promoting or preserving … the Protestant religion and the liberties of the kingdom', that he was now 'fully satisfied of the justness' of Parliament's actions, and was ready to subscribe to the Solemn League 3

and Covenant. By the summer he was back in Dorset as a member of the parliamentary 4

County Committee and in command of a brigade of horse and foot. His first engagement was the attack on the port of Wareham on 10 August, and in the autumn he participated with distinction in a series of military actions: a skirmish against the troops of Sir Lewis Dyve in late October; the assault on Sir John Strangway's house at Abbotsbury in the first week of November; then engagements at Sturminster Castle and Shaftesbury, before assisting in the 5

relief of Taunton on 14 December. None of these events was mentioned by Locke.   The Character Sketch The Memoirs present Cooper's reception by Parliament 'with open armes' as an acknowledgement of 'his worth' and the high value with which he was regarded by those who knew him. Both this sudden change of allegiance and the convolutions of his subsequent career made him dangerously vulnerable to accusations that he was devious, slippery, and motivated primarily by self-interest—a Dorsetshire eel, as Marchamont 6

Nedham memorably put it —and it was in order to combat these that Locke told a succession of stories that laid due emphasis on his trustworthiness and integrity. ........................................................................................................................... pg 116 The first of these relates to a controversy that engulfed Denzil Holles in the summer of 1645. Holles, one of the leaders of the parliamentary peace party, had been sent to Oxford in November 1644 to open discussions with the King, and in the following January was one of Page 89 of 165 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.miscMatter.8 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-miscMatter-8 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

Parliament's commissioners at the unsuccessful peace negotiations in Uxbridge. Holles's 1

main accuser was Lord Savile, a royalist defector with a shady reputation, who made two charges: that while Holles was in Oxford he had held secret talks with the King, and that he subsequently sent secret letters of information to Oxford about parliamentary intentions. 2

Mutual recriminations and heated accusations proved nothing, and the affair fizzled out.

Locke used this sorry episode to demonstrate that Cooper's sense of honour was unimpeachable. Even when hauled before the Commons, browbeaten, and threatened with imprisonment in the Tower, Cooper resolutely refused to say anything. His argument was that since he and Holles were known to be personal enemies (over the ownership of 3

family property which had been sold while Cooper was a minor), he could answer neither to Holles's advantage or disadvantage, since doing either would suggest that if he had been in possession of information that might have damaged Holles 'he would have taken that dishonourable way of doeing him a prejudice'. It is a pretty tale but one riddled with problems, not least that there is no record of Cooper being summoned to the House and 4

questioned. It is in any case not clear what evidence he could have provided: when Holles was at Oxford in November 1644, Cooper was fighting with parliamentary forces in Dorset. Locke described how Cooper prided himself on his ability to discern men's character and motives from what they said, whatever it might be: 'I have heard him also say that he desired noe more of any man but that ........................................................................................................................... pg 117 he would talke. If he will but talk said he let him talk as he please.' Locke confirmed the accuracy of this self-diagnosis: 'I never knew any one penetrate soe quicke into mens breasts & from a small opening survey that dark cabinet as he would.' It was Cooper's insight into other people, his ability to see through their pretences and grasp their real 1

intentions that Locke singled out for especial praise.

Locke offered two examples of Cooper's penetration, one concerning his intuition about 'Sir J. D.' and his secret marriage to his housekeeper, the other describing his discernment of another secret marriage, that of Anne Hyde and James, Duke of York. A further illustration of his political acumen occurs in the final part of the Memoirs, and describes Denzil Holles's rejection of Cooper's advice on how best to deal with Oliver Cromwell during the political showdown in 1647 between Holles's Presbyterian grouping in Parliament and the New Model Army. None of these stories inspires much confidence in the historical reliability of the Memoirs. Sir J. D. can be identified through his Chelsea association as Sir John Danvers, a former courtier from a family of prosperous Wiltshire gentry, MP for Malmesbury since 1645, a member of

Page 90 of 165 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.miscMatter.8 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-miscMatter-8 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

the Presbyterian Derby House Committee, and one of the commissioners appointed to try the King; his role in this and his signature on Charles's death warrant permanently tarnished his reputation with the royalist party. He apparently married his third wife, Grace Hewes, at 2

Chelsea on 6 January 1649. It is quite possible that his social circle included both Cooper

3

........................................................................................................................... pg 118 and Sir Richard Onslow, a Presbyterian MP excluded after Pride's Purge, but if this dinner party took place on 7 January 1649, the day after his marriage—as Locke's story requires— Cooper could not have been present: he had left London for Dorset on 4 December, arriving 1

at Wimborne St Giles on the 8th, and did not return to the capital until 31 January.

Cooper's conversation with the Earl of Southampton about Anne Hyde, in which he described how he had discerned her mother's 'concealed respect' for her and saw it as evidence that she was married 'to one of the brothers'—King Charles or his brother James Duke of York —cannot be independently corroborated, but there is nothing obviously implausible about 2

it. Cooper was close to Southampton, his uncle by marriage, and by the autumn of 1660 was a busy MP at the heart of political life; it is by no means unlikely that they would both have been invited to dine with the Lord Chancellor. The Duke of York had a long-standing affair with Anne Hyde, who became pregnant by him in the spring of 1660 and married him secretly on 3 September. She gave birth to a son on 22 October, and after weeks of indecision on James's part and speculation at Court he publicly owned her as his wife on 20 3

December. A touch of apparent verisimilitude is provided by Locke referring to her as 'Mrs Ann Hide (for so as I remember he stiled her)', a detail which once again indicates that he 4

was recalling a much later conversation in which Shaftesbury told this story.

The third instance of Cooper's percipience is the tale of his rejected advice to Denzil Holles. Its context lies in the divisions which had emerged among the victors of the Civil War: the Presbyterian and Independent political groupings were divided over issues such as the terms of the peace to be made with the defeated King, provisions for religious liberty, and the prospects for further social, legal, and constitutional reform. In the spring of 1647 the Presbyterian majority in Parliament voted to disband a large part of the New Model Army and 5

to send much of the remainder to reconquer Ireland. This was something that the army was determined to resist. ........................................................................................................................... pg 119 Locke's presentation of this crisis in personal terms is misleading, though it serves the exemplary purpose of his tale. Oliver Cromwell had been a very powerful figure within the New Model Army, but he was not (as Locke supposed) its commander, and at this point his 1

precise military status was obscure; it was the radical groups within the army who were

Page 91 of 165 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.miscMatter.8 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-miscMatter-8 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

pressing for a more robust response to the Presbyterians and offering their own terms for a political settlement with the King. Cromwell left London on 3 June to join the army, then 2

assembling at Kentford Heath near Newmarket. During the course of June the general commanding, Sir Thomas Fairfax, began slowly to move the army closer to London. On the 14th the army officers demanded the impeachment of eleven Presbyterian MPs—including the two mentioned by Locke, Denzil Holles and Sir Philip Stapleton—for their actions against the New Model, and on 20 July the eleven withdrew from Parliament. Six days later a London mob invaded Parliament to secure their return, and this led a group of Independent MPs and

peers to flee to the army for protection. On 3 August Fairfax led the army into the capital and restored the Independents; henceforth the army and its allies would be in the driving seat 3

of national politics. However, the purge of Parliament that 'turnd out all the Presbyterian party'—as Locke put it—did not occur until more than a year later, after the second Civil 4

War.

Locke's story is well supplied with apparently authentic vignettes—'It happend one morneing that Sir A A calling upon Mr Hollis in his way to the house as he often did'—but once again the details are confused, and the story unconvincing. Though Holles had much to say in his own Memoirs about the conflict between Parliament and the army in the summer of 1647, he made no mention of the events Locke described. Cooper was not an MP, and was not in London when most of these events

........................................................................................................................... pg 120 1

occurred. There is no other evidence of his meeting Cromwell at this time, and the whole episode looks more like an invention on Cooper's part (assuming that Locke was reporting him accurately) than a record—even a confused one—of a real event.   The Fall of the Republic The third part of the Memoirs is the most historically detailed section and describes both Cooper's involvement in the plotting that took place in the last months of 1659 against the army-controlled Committee of Safety, and his subsequent dealings with General Monck, the commander of the army which had marched south from Scotland in January 1660. Cooper is presented as a committed (though concealed) proponent of the restoration of the monarchy, but the plausibility of this needs to be judged against the background of his political career 2

in the 1640s and 1650s, matters about which Locke was entirely silent.

After his parliamentarian military service in 1644–5, Cooper devoted himself to his estates and to local government. He was evidently prepared to work with the new regime in his own

Page 92 of 165 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.miscMatter.8 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-miscMatter-8 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

3

locality, being made sheriff of Wiltshire in December 1646. Shortly after the regicide, he became a JP for Wiltshire and Dorset, and in 1650 not only subscribed to the Engagement— the oath of loyalty to the Commonwealth 'as it is now Established, without a King or House 4

of Lords'—but was involved in tendering it to others. He served in the Hale Commission on law reform of 1652, was nominated as representative for Wiltshire in the short-lived Barebones Parliament of 1653, joined the Council of State set up under the Instrument of Government in December 1653, and in 1654 was returned as a member for Wiltshire in the first Protectorate Parliament. However, by the end of that year he ceased to attend the Council of State, and soon became part of the parliamentary opposition to the Protector. Cooper's departure from Cromwell's government did not indicate that he had become a secret royalist. He studiedly ignored all blandishments from the exiled court and played no part in the West Country uprising— ........................................................................................................................... pg 121 1

Penruddock's Rising—of March 1655. Returned as MP for Wiltshire in the second Protectorate Parliament in September 1656, Cooper and another hundred disaffected members were prevented by the Council of State from sitting, until a new constitution, the Humble Petition and Advice, guaranteed their places. Although Cooper gave his oath of loyalty to the Protector and took his seat in January 1658, he was involved in the opposition 2

that provoked Cromwell into dissolving the Parliament within days.

A year later, Cooper was back as an MP for Wiltshire in the Parliament called by Richard Cromwell (27 January–22 April 1659). As the Protectorate collapsed under pressure from the generals of the army, the Rump Parliament was restored (7 May–13 October 1659, with interruptions), but power lay in the hands of the military men, notably Charles Fleetwood, whose London residence, Wallingford House, was their political base, and John Lambert, whose forces rapidly crushed Sir George Booth's royalist–Presbyterian rising in Cheshire in 3

August. In May Cooper had been appointed to the Council of State as one of ten non-MPs, but was less assiduous in his attendance than the others, and was openly distrusted by his army colleagues.

4

Matters came to a head on 13 October when Lambert's troops effectively expelled the Rump Parliament. Cooper and other members of the Council protested, but the generals concentrated their grip on power, and on the 25th set up a Committee of Safety to replace the defunct Council of State. Cooper's name was one of 450 appended to a printed petition dated 16 November calling for the return of the Rump and the nation's settlement 'upon the 5

constant succession of Parliaments'. In Scotland Monck was also perturbed by reports of what was happening, and by the middle of November commissioners from him had arrived in London to Page 93 of 165 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.miscMatter.8 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-miscMatter-8 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

........................................................................................................................... pg 122 discuss the calling of a new parliament with the Committee of Safety; Cooper and some other members of the former Council of State also met them and wrote to Monck assuring 1

him of the support that he would receive if he intervened to re-instate the Rump.

Locke's Memoirs pick up the story around this point, and fortunately his account can be compared with one of Cooper's own autobiographical fragments, which covers the 2

period between 25 October 1659 and 6 February 1660. Offering 'one instance more of his great sagacity' in a matter of 'mighty consequence', Locke described how Cooper and his associates commissioned each other as major-generals of different regional forces, even 3

though no such forces had yet been raised. Cooper had already asked the governor of 4

Portsmouth, Colonel Nathaniel Whetham, when they chanced to meet in Westminster Hall, whether he would put Portsmouth into their hands if the occasion arose, and Whetham— 5

described as an old acquaintance and friend—had said that he would. Rumours of what was being prepared had reached Wallingford House, and Cooper was summoned there on suspicion of plotting a rising in the West Country. He robustly replied that he knew of no

reason why he should answer to them, but would nevertheless promise not to leave London without first giving the generals an account of his movements. Fleetwood, assuming that all Cooper's interest lay in the West, let him go, never suspecting that it was Sir Arthur Hesilrige who had been commissioned to lead the rising there, and that Cooper's responsibilities lay in 6

London. Substantially the same story is told in Cooper's autobiographical fragment. If such an interview did indeed take place, the most likely date is the last week of November 1659. ........................................................................................................................... pg 123 The Memoirs report that Lambert happened to be absent from this part of the meeting, but when he came in after Cooper had left he instantly grasped the folly of allowing him his freedom, and sent troops to apprehend him at his lodgings in Covent Garden. Cooper's autobiography confirms the outline of this story but makes no mention of Lambert, who was indeed not in London; at this time he was in the north, assembling troops to face Monck.

1

Cooper vividly described the soldiers searching his house, terrifying the family, breaking open trunks, boxes and closets, and even running their swords into hangings, but the detail that he hid nearby at his barber's house while the soldiers were searching his own is found 2

only in Locke's Memoirs.

After these stirring events Cooper 'was fain to get out of the way and conceal himself under a disguise' in the City of London, from where he 'made warr upon them at Wallingford house incognito'. It was not long before signs of disintegration became manifest. On 3 December the garrison at Portsmouth declared against the army and for the Council of State, in accordance with the plan that Cooper had devised. He conspired with three others to seize Page 94 of 165 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.miscMatter.8 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-miscMatter-8 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

the Tower of London on 12 December in the name of the Council of State, but though the attempt was aborted, they gained a valuable propaganda advantage by publishing an open letter to Fleetwood, calling for the restoration of the Rump as the sole lawful authority. The pamphlet portrayed Monck as a deliverer raised up by God, invoked providence, and urged 3

Fleetwood to repentance.

On 13 December the fleet commanded by Vice-Admiral Lawson began to move up the Thames, arriving at Gravesend on the 17th and thereby blockading the port of London.

Fleetwood and his colleagues sent a deputation to confer with Lawson; Clarendon relates a rather dubious story that when this deputation came to the fleet, they 'found sir Anthony Ashley Cooper, and two others, members of the Parliament, who had so fully possessed him [Lawson], that he was deaf to all their charms, and told them that he would submit to no 4

authority but that of the Parliament.'

........................................................................................................................... pg 124 On 24 December troops in London assembled themselves in Lincoln's Inn Fields and resolved 1

to follow the Council's orders and stand by Parliament. As power ebbed away from the grandees of Wallingford House, the Rump re-assembled on 26 December. Cooper was given a place on the new Council of State on 2 January, and on the 7th was finally allowed to take 2

up the seat he had won at the disputed by-election in December 1640.

The episode in which Cooper scattered the regiments by sending a wave of mutually incoherent instructions that rendered them 'perfectly useless' to the Committee of Safety was not dated by Locke, but Cooper's own account places it immediately after his 3

appointment on 26 December as one of the temporary commissioners entrusted with directing the army until Hesilrige and his colleagues could return from Portsmouth, which 4

they did a few days later. While Locke placed Cooper at the centre of the action, Cooper's 5

own account explicitly credits all of the commissioners working together as a team. Out in the field, Lambert's cold and unpaid troops were already deserting, and on 2 January Monck crossed the Tweed and began to advance unopposed towards York. On the 7th he was ........................................................................................................................... pg 125 requested by Parliament to proceed towards the capital, which he reached on 2 February. Three uncertain weeks passed in move and countermove between Monck, the Rump Parliament led by Hesilrige, Scot and other republicans, and the 'Presbyterian' party who sought the re-entry of the MPs excluded in 1648 as a first step towards the end of republican rule. Cooper was now firmly in the last camp and eventually their views prevailed: on 21 February seventy-three of the formerly excluded members of the Long Parliament were

Page 95 of 165 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.miscMatter.8 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-miscMatter-8 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

readmitted; on 16 March the same Parliament dissolved itself, and a new 'Convention 1

Parliament' met on 25 April.

Apart from the digression about the advice which Cooper is alleged to have given Holles in 1647, the Memoirs contain only one more episode, the strange tale of Monck's conspiracy 'to take the government on himself' with the secret backing of the French ambassador 2

Antoine de Bordeaux. The story told by Locke is that Monck's wife, Anne, who had been hiding behind the hangings during a late-night meeting between Monck and Bordeaux, had immediately told her brother Thomas Clarges of the plot; he then informed Cooper, who thereupon orchestrated a showdown with Monck in a tense session of the Council, and without directly accusing him so unsettled his adversary that Monck agreed to Cooper's proposed changes to the officers of the army. Locke garnished his story with two circumstantial details: a member of the Council who was present, Sir Edward Harley, was made governor of Dunkirk, replacing Sir William Lockhart; and the French ambassador, 'who had the night before sent away an express to Mazarin positively to assure him that things went here as he desired', was 'not a little astonished' by the turn of events, and 'was presently called home in disgrace'. Much of this is inaccurate at best. Monck at no stage lost control of the army. Harley 3

was made governor of Dunkirk very shortly after Charles II returned to England. Most importantly, there is no sign whatsoever in ........................................................................................................................... pg 126 Bordeaux's correspondence of the plot that Locke described. On 12 February he told Mazarin that it was believed in some quarters that Monck had come to London 'with the ambition of raising himself to a post similar to that held by the Prince of Orange', but this was rumour, 1

not inside information. Bordeaux was not privy to Monck's innermost intentions, but he rightly suspected that he had begun to work towards the restoration of the monarchy while still pretending to be a republican, and that if this came about he wanted as much 2

credit as possible for it to accrue to himself. Bordeaux was also not immediately called home in disgrace: he made several attempts to secure an audience with Charles II after his restoration, but his close links with the previous regime had rendered him persona non 3

grata, and he left London in early July.

The Memoirs end with a short and manifestly unfinished paragraph: 'This was that which d

gave the great turne to the restauration of K Charles the 2 where of Sir A A had laid the plan in his head a long time before & had carried it on'. This is certainly the picture of his activities that Cooper himself wished to be accepted: while in the Tower of London in 1677 he drafted a letter (almost certainly never sent) to Charles II in which he asserted that his actions had been governed solely by 'the sense of that duty I owed to god the English Page 96 of 165 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.miscMatter.8 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-miscMatter-8 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

4

Nation, and your Majestyes just Righte and title.' According to the royalist agent Henry Coventry—Cooper's brother-in-law—he explained his past behaviour thus: 'Cromwell had deceived him but not for long; he had ever since served the King; his refusal to treat with them sent to him was for the sake of secrecy, as the less he was thought to be the King's 5

friend the more he had the power of being it.' At what point Cooper decided privately to work for the restoration of the Stuarts is not known, but it is unlikely to be a coincidence that the first indication to ........................................................................................................................... pg 127 have been registered by any of the royalists occurred three days after the members 1

excluded from the Rump had been re-admitted.   The Purpose of the Memoirs

It is clear from Locke's account that the stimulus for writing the Memoirs came from the third Earl of Shaftesbury, and a distinction needs therefore to be made at the outset between Shaftesbury's reasons for making this request and Locke's reasons for complying with it. Any discussion of Locke's aims in writing the Memoirs has to make due allowance for their incompleteness. This is evident from the text itself, which tails off at the start of a new paragraph, and it is confirmed by Locke's own statement that he would have gone on further if his time and health had permitted. How much more he had planned to write, and whether he would have dealt with events that occurred while he was himself working for Shaftesbury, can only be a matter for conjecture, but given Locke's intense secretiveness about his own affairs, it should not be presumed that he would. In the fragment that Locke did produce some notable silences are apparent. He said absolutely nothing about either Shaftesbury's military service on the parliamentarian side in 1644–5 or his subsequent work for the Cromwellian regime in the 1650s. Apart from some politically irrelevant anecdotes, everything centres on two episodes: Shaftesbury's engagement with the royalists in 1643 and his subsequent defection, and his disenchantment with the army-dominated regime after the fall of the Protectorate and his

return to the royalists. It is not difficult to discern the reasons behind this choice: these are two parts of Shaftesbury's early life that hostile critics saw as manifesting unprincipled selfinterest, and both Locke's selection of them for extended discussion and his way of handling them indicate that he intended to do his best to rebut such interpretations. Shaftesbury is portrayed as remaining consistent while those around him changed: reluctantly abandoning the King when the hard-line advocates of crushing Parliament appeared to be taking

Page 97 of 165 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.miscMatter.8 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-miscMatter-8 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

over, and working against the generals at Wallingford House for the re-establishment of a traditionally elected parliament, and then the monarchy. The third Earl would undoubtedly have been pleased by Locke's portrayal of the virtues of his future patron, but it was not the main thing that ........................................................................................................................... pg 128 he was looking for: his primary motivation was to assist in the rehabilitation of his 1

grandfather's political reputation. This had been in tatters at his death thanks to both the twists and turns of his own career and the venom and brilliance of hostile poets and pamphleteers, but it did not revive even after the triumph of Whig principles in 1688–9: the pamphlets may have been ephemeral, but Dryden's portrait of the false Achitophel, 'unfixed in principles and place' was not easily forgotten. Shaftesbury's virulent anti-Dutch polemics in 1673—notably his notorious Delenda est Carthago speech—and his rabble-rousing style of politics during the Exclusion Crisis were also out of kilter with the new order of respectable 2

bi-partisan court Whiggery which flourished under William III.

As a boy the third Earl had felt keenly the opprobrium with which his grandfather had come 3

to be regarded, and once an adult he began the work of salvage. He encouraged the work 4

of the first Earl's steward, Thomas Stringer, in preparing a memoir of his former employer,

though this was never completed. Stringer died in 1702, and it would seem likely that it was after this that the third Earl decided to ask Locke to put together his own recollections. In January 1705 he wrote to Peter King expressing his thanks for news about Locke's Memoirs, and his regret that these too remained unfinished: The few Sheets or Lines, however imperfect which our deceas'd Friend Mr Lock has left on the Subject of my Grand father are (to me at least) very preciouse Remains & if nothing more are however the kindest pledges of his Love to the Memory and Family of his great Friend. How happy for Me & for the Publick perhaps no less that he had Liv'd to perfect them!

5

........................................................................................................................... pg 129 He had a suggestion for how this might be remedied that shows clearly the focus—and the likely scale—of the project he had in mind. The letter continues: But who so fitt to perfect this or any other thing he left as the Person whom he has left to succeed him & who as nearest related to him in Blood is the nearest so in Genius Parts & Principles? And methinks at Leisure Hours it would be no unpleasant Task for one who so nobly Asserted the Rights of the People to vindicate the much injur'd Memory of One who [was] a

Page 98 of 165 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.miscMatter.8 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-miscMatter-8 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

Champion in that Cause & must make no small a part of the History of those times when the Foundation was laying for the present glorious Ones & for the happy Revolution that gave Birth to them. The noble progress of this Cause in those latter days has often made me wish a Historian worthy of it & if this or any other occasion ever so slight cou'd be able to turn your Thoughts towards a matter of so great weight I shou'd think it very happy. for it is not a single Mans Life but the History of our own age that I am wishing for. not for the Patriotts Sake but for the Cause. King was a busy man, and he politely declined the proposal, regretting that he lacked the 1

'Knowledge, Ability and Opportunity' to undertake it.

When these letters were exchanged the third Earl had not yet seen a copy of the Memoirs, and there is no reason to suppose that he had been given any precise indication of what they contained. When they finally did arrive he must have found them a serious disappointment. It is clear from his letter to King that he was looking for a general defence of his grandfather's political conduct, and while the Memoirs went a little way towards providing this, they said nothing about the most troublesome episodes. It is very unlikely that he particularly desired Locke to employ what remained of his failing strength in writing about a part of his grandfather's life of which he had no first-hand knowledge, and it can reasonably be assumed that he would have been far more interested in what Locke could have said about events which had occurred while he was himself a member of Shaftesbury's household. Locke, however, did not oblige.   Locke's Sources With two possible exceptions, described below, there is no record among Locke's papers of his doing any research for the Memoirs, and nothing in the Memoirs themselves points to his having done so. Their text is, by contrast, peppered with references to Locke's own memories of conversations with his patron—'what I remember to have often heard him say', 'I have ........................................................................................................................... pg 130 1

heard him also say', 'for so I remember he stiled her', and 'he often would tell it laughing' — and it would seem that his chief (perhaps sole) resource was his own recollection of things that Shaftesbury had once told him. The Shaftesbury Memoirs are not the only example of Locke falling back in old age on his own memories. In July 1703 he was asked if he could supply material for a biography of

Page 99 of 165 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.miscMatter.8 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-miscMatter-8 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

Edward Pococke, the eminent oriental scholar who had formerly been a colleague at Christ 2

Church. Locke replied that he had 'so great a Veneration for the Memory of that Excellent 3

Man' that he had set himself 'to recollect what Memoirs I can … furnish you with'. The word 4

'Memoirs' here means 'reminiscences': Locke's own recollections of Pococke's manners, habits, and conversation, and even his jokes. Locke was conscious that his powers of recollection had become weakened by the onset of 5

old age. At the end of his memoir of Pococke he apologized for his 'decaying bad Memory', and in a letter which accompanied it regretted that 'so copious a Subject has lost, in my bad Memory, so much of what heretofore I could have said concerning that Great and Good Man, of whom he [Smith] enquires. Time, I daily find, blots out apace the little Stock of my Mind, and has disabled me from furnishing all that I would willingly contribute to the Memory 6

of that Learned Man.' Signs of the same debility can be detected in the manuscript of the Memoirs of Shaftesbury, where frequent changes in the character of the handwriting convey the impression that Locke came back to it at intervals as he recalled something which he had forgotten. The first possible instance of research undertaken by Locke relates to some extracts from 7

the memoirs of Edmund Ludlow preserved among his papers. Ludlow was a godly puritan and intransigent republican who had been a member of the Committee of Safety in 1659; he escaped to Switzerland after the Restoration and used his leisure to write a long ........................................................................................................................... pg 131 account of his life and deeds. After his death in 1692 his memoirs were heavily revised for the press, almost certainly by John Toland, the author of Christianity not Mysterious.

1

It seems that in the course of preparing this edition someone took note of a succession of 2

very unflattering references in Ludlow's manuscript to the first Earl, and that a copy was made of these which was passed on to Locke, who docketted it as 'Ludloe' and filed it away. There are two possible routes of transmission. One is the third Earl of Shaftesbury, who had 3

befriended Toland, though relations between them subsequently soured. It is, however, unlikely that Shaftesbury was Locke's source: given his very strong desire to defend his grandfather's reputation, it is not easy to believe that he would have chosen to supply Locke with material that pointed to a very different picture. The other—and more likely—is Locke's publisher, Awnsham Churchill, who had been closely involved with the labours that 4

transformed Ludlow's memoirs, even though he was not their eventual publisher. When Locke acquired these extracts is not known, but he made no use whatever of them in his own Memoirs.

Page 100 of 165 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.miscMatter.8 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-miscMatter-8 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

The second possible example of a documentary source is a letter written by the first Earl of Shaftesbury. In the guard-book that contains Locke's autograph of the Memoirs there are drafts of three letters from Shaftesbury, apparently intended for the King, the Duke of York, and an unnamed and ........................................................................................................................... pg 132 1

unidentified peer. None of these letters is dated, but all three appear to belong to the 2

period of his imprisonment in the Tower in 1677. The letter to the King was a proclamation of Shaftesbury's loyalty to the monarchy and a defence of his conduct in the events of 1659– 60; the text is given in Appendix III, below. No copy of these letters now exists among Locke's own papers, but the manuscript in the National Archives was enclosed with the autograph of the Memoirs when it was sent to the third Earl in the spring of 1705, and it is likely that this was done because the two documents had been placed together while they were in Locke's possession. Translations of the first two letters were included in a supplement to the French edition of the Memoirs, the editor stating that they 'had fallen into his hands', and in Locke's Posthumous Works all

three letters were printed, accompanied by a note saying that they had been 'found with Mr. Locke's Memoirs'.

3

  Shaftesbury's Biographers and their Evaluations of Locke's Account Plainly the Memoirs are not a historical record of any great reliability, and since the nineteenth century historians have generally used them cautiously. The earliest of Shaftesbury's major biographers was, however, almost entirely uncritical. At some time in the late 1730s Benjamin Martyn began work on a biography of the first Earl that was left unfinished at his death in 1763. It was privately printed in 1770–1 to assist 4

further work on it by Andrew Kippis and others, but not published; a lightly revised version of this was eventually published under the names of Martyn and Kippis in 1836, though ........................................................................................................................... pg 133 1

Kippis's contribution was in fact quite small. Martyn paid several visits to St Giles, and was able to use a number of manuscript sources held by or obtained through the Shaftesbury family, one of the most important of which was Stringer's account of the first Earl's life. W. D. Christie found a copy of the part that covered the years 1672–3 in the Shaftesbury 2

papers; the remainder appears to be lost, but it is clear from Martyn's citations of it that

Page 101 of 165 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.miscMatter.8 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-miscMatter-8 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

it described a large part of Shaftesbury's early life, including the whole period covered in Locke's Memoirs. Martyn made good use of Locke's Memoirs, but his presentation of the episodes that Locke had described often contains details not found in Locke's account, and the question naturally arises whether these derived from his use of another source that amplified what Locke had said, or arose merely from his own imagination. In some cases, at least, there certainly was another source. The letter from Oxford which warned Cooper that the King's letter inviting him there was not well-intentioned was ascribed by Locke to an unnamed friend, but Martyn identified the writer as the Marquess of Hertford, the royalist commander who had recently 3

been displaced by Prince Maurice. In a collection of notes that the third Earl made on the life of his grandfather there is a passage which though ungrammatical—and in places barely legible—throws some light on this: The 1st Appearance of my G: F: [grandfather] in publick affairs was when on the suggestion of his own mind he went to wait on the King at Oxford where he proposed as Mr Locks short memoirs mention. Mr Stringer says that the King was prevailed on to write to my G: F: to come to oxford again when he was to have been seized and his head cut off. this at the instigations of the vile set of men then about the King the King telling his design to Lord Hertford (Kinsman & Freind to my G: F: abhord the Treachery posted away a servant to my G: F: to bid Him take care of Himself &c. very soon after this Humane message of Lord Hertford the Kings ..................................................................................................... pg 134 base Deceitful letter wrote with his own hand came to my G: F: who being thus forewarned fled to London & threw Himself on the parliament.

1

The mention of Locke's Memoirs in the first sentence shows that this account must have been written after the third Earl had received them from Peter King, but the remarks about Hertford are explicitly ascribed to Stringer, and were presumably taken from the lost part of his memoir. Whether Stringer's account is to be trusted is another matter entirely: some details—notably the proposed decapitation—are very hard to believe. The notes added by G. W. Cooke to the revised biography of 1836 were considerably more explicit about the sources being used, and long extracts from Locke's text were given in footnotes. In describing Cooper's secession from the King's party in 1644, Cooke acknowledged that Martyn's account 'differs very materially from that given by Clarendon and the other royalist historians', but preferred it as having been 'derived, through Stringer's 2

MS. and Locke's Memoirs, from Shaftesbury himself'. No serious doubts were raised either by Martyn or by Cooke as to the reliability of Locke's narrative, which was indeed used Page 102 of 165 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.miscMatter.8 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-miscMatter-8 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

to gauge the trustworthiness of other writers: when telling the story of how Cooper was summoned to appear before the House of Commons in 1645 in order to report on his dealings with Denzil Holles, Cooke remarked that 'It is not to Lord Holles's honour that he 3

omits all mention of this circumstance in his memoirs.'

Some decades later W. D. Christie published two monumental works on Shaftesbury: the Memoirs, Letters, and Speeches of Anthony Ashley Cooper, First Earl of Shaftesbury, which covered the period up to 1660, appeared in 1859, while a two-volume biography, A Life of

Anthony Ashley Cooper, First Earl of Shaftesbury, 1621–1683 was published in 1871. Christie had combed the archives, including the Shaftesbury family papers at Wimborne St Giles, and his investigations did not dispose him to place much trust in the stories in Locke's Memoirs. In the Memoirs, Letters, and Speeches he even went so far as to doubt whether they were in fact by Locke: The errors and imperfections of these "Memoirs" are pointed out in the course of the following work; and I cannot think that Locke was the author. They were probably copied from a manuscript of Stringer, or set down from his dictation, and ..................................................................................................... pg 135 regarded by Locke as so much raw material, to be afterwards worked up in 1

a biography which he meditated.

In the preface to the full biography Christie was rather more guarded: I stated, perhaps too strongly, in the notes to the volume which I published in 1859, an opinion of the improbability of Locke's being the author of the small fragment of a biography, which has been printed in Locke's works with the title "Memoirs relating to the Life of Anthony Earl of Shaftesbury." There are some flagrant inaccuracies in that fragment for the period of the Civil War. The manuscript of the fragment, which is at St. Giles's, is in Locke's handwriting. Practically it is for the most part a series of statements relative to Shaftesbury's early life, of which Locke himself knew nothing, and which he probably jotted down from Stringer's information, as so much raw material to be afterwards worked upon; and Stringer, though a perfectly respectable man, is inaccurate, confused, and injudicious. It contains a few statements of opinions of Shaftesbury, which Locke learnt directly from his conversations. In all else, I remain of opinion that Locke is not to be held responsible for the Memoir, found in his own handwriting, beyond his having written out for future study and use information given him by another or others.

2

Page 103 of 165 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.miscMatter.8 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-miscMatter-8 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

Stringer's supposed role was described again in a later footnote: 'The account in this Memoir, and that of Mr. Martyn evidently proceed from the same source; and that source is doubtless Mr. Stringer. Locke probably took these stories from Stringer, and wrote them down, without examination at the time, in a rough draft of a biography designed for 3

subsequent correction.'

It is by no means improbable that Locke had heard about aspects of Shaftesbury's life from Stringer during the time when they were both members of the household, but it is

extremely unlikely that he was given access to Stringer's memoir. Relations between them had deteriorated sharply in the late 1680s as a result of an acrimonious dispute about the portrait of Locke by John Greenhill which had come into Stringer's possession, and which he 4

was not prepared to relinquish. The last extant letters between them were written in the autumn of 1692, after Locke had approached Stringer to ask about money due to him for his work as secretary and treasurer to the Council for Trade and Plantations in 1673–4, ........................................................................................................................... pg 136 which he suspected that Stringer had received while Locke was in France but had not passed 1

on. Stringer's final letter was formally courteous but was manifestly written in a mood of controlled rage, and it is not surprising that there appears to have been no further contact between them.

2

Christie had very little confidence in most of Locke's stories. In his account of the events of 1643 he referred to 'the absurd, extravagant statements, to which some have given credence, contained in Mr. Martyn's Life, and in the fragment of a Memoir printed among Locke's works', and described Locke's account of Cooper's commission from the King, the involvement of Prince Maurice and Lord Goring, and the rise of the Clubmen in strongly negative terms: 'Most of this is downright falsehood; it is in itself sufficiently improbable that Sir A. A. Cooper, when so young, should have been encouraged in such grand undertakings, 3

and the story abounds in anachronisms.' The story of the advice Cooper gave Holles about how to deal with Cromwell 'contains several historical inaccuracies, such as occur in other parts of Locke's memoir', and was dismissed as having 'that tone of evident exaggeration of 4

Cooper's importance which characterises the whole of Locke's fragment of a memoir'. Christie was somewhat more inclined to credit the parts of the Memoirs that dealt

with events in 1659–60 because they broadly cohered with one of Shaftesbury's own 5

autobiographical fragments, but even here he found worrying discrepancies. He judged Locke's description of the confrontation with Monck at the Council of State to have been 6

'wonderfully exaggerated and enlarged'. Using an account derived from Clarges which had 7

been printed in Edward Phillips's continuation of Sir Richard Baker's Chronicle, Christie cast

Page 104 of 165 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.miscMatter.8 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-miscMatter-8 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

serious doubt on Locke's version of events. He could also find no trace in the French archives of the despatch that Locke had mentioned, and concluded that 'the story of Cooper's foiling 8

Monk's design for the kingship is an extravagant exaggeration.'

Subsequent biographers have, on the whole, been rather less negative about Locke's stories. Henry Duff Traill mentioned Locke's Memoirs only ........................................................................................................................... pg 137 once, describing the story of Cooper's meeting with the King in 1643 as 'extraordinary', and remarking on anachronisms in the account of the Clubmen, but his verdict exhibits signs of fence-sitting: 'Of both which stories we may say briefly, but with tolerable safety, that as Locke relates them thus in his memoir, they must have been told him by Cooper, and that, 1

as Cooper does not relate them in his autobiography, they are not to be relied on.' Louise Fargo Brown was 'inclined to believe' that the audience with the King did take place, and that the formation of local associations working for pacification was part of Cooper's plan, and not 2

a separate project as Locke supposed. The story of his advice to Holles about how to handle Cromwell was regarded with suspicion, though not entirely dismissed, but the later story of 3

his detection of Anne Hyde's marriage was accepted without any hesitation.

K. H. D. Haley was cautious but considerably more ready than Christie had been to accept that there was a core of truth in much that Locke said. He noted that although Cooper himself had left no account of his interview with the King, fifty years later his friend John Locke wrote an account of a conversation between Ashley Cooper and Charles, and it is likely that he derived his knowledge of it from Shaftesbury himself: Locke's diaries contain references showing that he and Shaftesbury discussed past historical events. Needless to say, a memoir written so long afterwards (and a decade after Shaftesbury could have given him the necessary information) might be expected to contain inaccuracies, and yet cannot be dismissed as a complete fabrication. As will be seen, the essence of it fits with what we know from other sources.

4

This indicates that Haley supposed the Memoirs to have been written in the early 1690s, which is almost certainly a decade too early. The statement that there are references to conversations between Locke and Shaftesbury in Locke's 'diaries' raises hopes that, unfortunately, cannot be fulfilled: although it is indeed very likely that Shaftesbury talked to Locke about events in his past, there are no records of any such conversations in Locke's 5

journal, or (except in the Memoirs) anywhere else. ........................................................................................................................... Page 105 of 165 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.miscMatter.8 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-miscMatter-8 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

pg 138 Other stories in Locke's Memoirs were regarded with ambivalence. The account of the meeting with Fountaine is described as containing 'much exaggeration', and though Locke's use of the term 'Clubmen' was admitted to be anachronistic, 'this does not dispose of the 1

whole story'. The 'romantic story' of Cooper being summoned by the Commons in July 1645 to testify about Holles's alleged misconduct during the earlier negotiations with the King 'cannot be accepted as it stands. The details at least have been seriously confused, and there is obvious exaggeration in Locke's dramatic picture of Ashley Cooper waiting

in the lobby of the House and "unmoved expecting his doom" while the House debated whether or not to send him to the Tower. Nevertheless one hesitates to dismiss the story as 2

a complete fabrication… .' With regard to the story of Holles's attempt to remove Cromwell and Cromwell's flight to the army at Thriplow Heath, Haley noted that 'Here again Locke has not got the details right, and telescopes the expulsion of the eleven M.P.s in 1647 with Pride's Purge in December 1648. But it would not be in the least surprising to find Ashley Cooper taking a more realistic view of the political situation than Holles, and talking of it to 3

Locke twenty or thirty years later.' In describing events in the autumn of 1659, Haley noted that Locke was mistaken in supposing Lambert to have been in London when Cooper was interrogated by the Committee of Safety, but nevertheless held that 'this does not invalidate the essentials of his story, which accord well enough with Shaftesbury's own account and 4

were obviously derived from him.'   The Reliability of the Memoirs

At first sight it would seem feasible to divide Locke's stories into three distinct classes: those that can be independently corroborated by other sources, those that clash with such sources, and those for which there is no other evidence one way or the other. In practice, however, these classes are difficult to keep entirely separate. The main elements of both the early and late stories are broadly in accordance with what emerges from other sources. It is clear that Cooper joined the royalist forces in 1643 and was involved in military operations in Dorset, before becoming disillusioned and transferring his allegiance to ........................................................................................................................... pg 139 the parliamentarians in 1644. In 1659 he was a member of the Council of State, and after this was disbanded he plotted with other former members to undermine the leaders of the army. In both cases, however, there are details in Locke's stories which cannot be true, such as Lord Goring inviting himself to dinner with Cooper in the winter of 1643–4, and Lambert's supposed presence in London in the late autumn of 1659. Page 106 of 165 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.miscMatter.8 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-miscMatter-8 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

Other stories are recorded nowhere else, for example the meeting with John Fountaine in the inn at Hungerford, and the dinner party with Sir John Danvers at Chelsea. Even here there can be worrying discrepancies: as has already been remarked, if the dinner party took place on the day after Danvers's marriage, Cooper's own diary shows that he cannot have been present. Finally there are stories that are either very doubtful—both those involving Denzil Holles fall into this class—or certainly false, such as the tale of the French ambassador plotting with Monck to make him Protector (or, even less plausibly, King). In the absence of substantial new evidence, which is unlikely to be forthcoming, it is difficult to reach a conclusive verdict on the amount of truth there is in Locke's various stories. He seems to have relied largely—and probably entirely—on his own memories of things that his patron had told him in casual conversation, and this introduced potential errors of two different kinds. On the one hand, Shaftesbury's own recollection of events which had had occurred between one and four decades earlier may well have been imperfect (and his 1

accounts selective or self-serving). On the other hand, if Locke was writing in the last year or two of his life, he was himself attempting to recall conversations that had taken place at least twenty years before. Under these circumstances it would not be surprising if much of the detail was wrongly reported. An overall verdict must therefore be that even if there is a core of truth in a fair part of what Locke said, there remains far too much confusion and error in his Memoirs for them to be treated as a reliable source for Shaftesbury's early life. ........................................................................................................................... pg 140 A Note on some Additions designed for Rushworth's Historical Collections 1

There is an undated entry at the very end of Locke's 1680 journal, which contains two additions designed to be inserted into the margin of a copy of the second part of 2

Rushworth's Historical Collections (from the indicated pagination, the 1680 edition). Both relate to events in the summer of 1640, when the King's army was facing the Scots, the first involving a letter allegedly forged by Lord Savile, the accuser of Denzil Holles in 1645, and the second relating to a petition presented to the King by a group of discontented peers.

3

These passages were printed by King in 1829 in his Life of John Locke, and (taken from this 4

source) by Christie. There are two pieces of evidence that connect them with Shaftesbury. One is that at the end of the first addition there are the initials 'A.E.S.', which both King and Christie took—almost certainly rightly—to mean 'Anthony Earl of Shaftesbury'. The other is that both stories appear in a very similar form in Martyn's life of Shaftesbury, where they 5

are described as having been taken from 'Lord Shaftesbury's manuscript'. This manuscript

Page 107 of 165 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.miscMatter.8 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-miscMatter-8 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

appears not to have survived, but Martyn's testimony is unquestionably independent: he had no access to any part of Locke's journal. There are, however, very good reasons for doubting whether the entry in the 1680 volume of the journal was in fact made in 1680. One is that the same passages also appear in 6

the 1683 volume, though in this case without the initials 'A.E.S.' at the end. When this entry was written Locke was in London, almost certainly staying at Shaftesbury's former residence, Thanet House, but he cannot have been either recording a conversation or taking instructions from Shaftesbury, who had been dead for several months. The position of the entry in the 1683 volume shows that it cannot be a later insertion, and there are no obvious reasons why it should have been copied from the 1680 volume. The position of the entry in the 1680 volume shows that it could, by contrast, have been a later insertion, and there are good reasons for thinking that it was: it begins with a shorthand

........................................................................................................................... pg 141 note 'in the box Marked J.L no 8 at my cousin Kings are papers and some books'; in his later years Locke frequently referred to Peter King in this way, but in 1680 he was a boy of 1

eleven.

OTHER WRITINGS ON THE SHAFTESBURY FAMILY An Epitaph for the First Earl of Shaftesbury On 7 September 1704 the third Earl wrote to Locke, and made a request in a postscript: Being oblig'd now ere long to sett about a Work long delayd, a Monument for my Grandfather as enjoynd me by my Grandmother, I shou'd be extreamly glad that you wou'd so far remember my Granfather as to lett me 2

have some lines from you for an Inscription, in Latin and English. 3

No English epitaph is known to have been produced, but a copy of a Latin one was inserted by Locke into the manuscript containing his draft of the Memoirs of Shaftesbury, apparently after this part of the Memoirs had been written. When in 1732 a memorial tablet for Shaftesbury was belatedly placed in the parish church at Wimborne St Giles by his great grandson, the fourth Earl, most of what Locke had written was incorporated into a considerably longer epitaph, also in Latin; the author of the other parts is unknown.

4

 

Page 108 of 165 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.miscMatter.8 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-miscMatter-8 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

The Early History of the Shaftesbury Family This short work seems not hitherto to have been noticed, and has certainly never been attributed to Locke. The main—indeed sole—reason for ascribing it to him is that a copy 5

in his hand has been preserved in the British Library. On the back of this there is an endorsement in Locke's ........................................................................................................................... pg 142 hand with the date [16]73, which given Locke's general practice during this earlier part of his life could indicate a date of writing as late as 24 March 1674. The fact that the list given of Shaftesbury's offices does not include that of Lord Chancellor, and the use of the past tense in the statement that 'He was the second Lord high Chancellor of England, since his Majesties return' indicate that the account was probably drawn up after Shaftesbury was dismissed from that post on 9 November 1673.

There can be no doubt that this manuscript is in Locke's hand, but the question arises whether he was himself the author of the account it contains, or was merely acting as a copyist for someone else. The former appears much more likely: the alterations in the text—described in more detail in the Textual Introduction—are of the kind made by an author, not a copyist, and although Locke did occasionally act as an amanuensis, the only people for whom there is any record of his having done so are Thomas Sydenham and Shaftesbury himself; the former can be ruled out, and it seems unlikely that Shaftesbury would himself have composed this account of his family's origins, though he might well have supplied some of the information. Otherwise Locke was someone who employed copyists, not someone who did this kind of work for other people. Internal evidence as to authorship is indecisive, though some of the language used does seem rather un-Lockean. He would certainly not have called Charles II 'our sacred soveraigne' in 1683, and one may wonder whether he would he have done so ten years earlier. Perhaps the most plausible explanation is that some parts of this account were composed by Locke himself, while others were taken from material that had been supplied by other people. There is nothing implausible about this: it was the kind of secretarial task with which his patron would quite often have entrusted him.

Notes 1

Kevin Sharpe, Image Wars: Promoting Kings and Commonwealths in England, 1603–1660 (New Haven, 2010), 174; James Loxley, Royalism and Poetry in the English Civil Wars: The Drawn Sword (Basingstoke, 1997), 18–57.

Page 109 of 165 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.miscMatter.8 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-miscMatter-8 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

2

J. C. T. Oates, 'Cambridge Books of Congratulatory Verses 1603–40 and their Binders', Transactions of the Cambridge Bibliographical Society, 1 (1949–53), 395–421. 1

Musarum Oxoniensium Epibateria Serenissimæ Reginarum Mariæ ex Batavia Feliciter Reduci Publico Voto D.D.D. (Oxford, 1643). 2

Gratulatio solennis Universitatis Oxoniensis ob celsissimum Georgium Fred. Aug. Walliae Principem Georgio III. et Charlottae Reginae auspicatissime natum (Oxford, 1762). 3

On the tradition of university commemorative anthologies, see Raymond A. Anselment, 'The Oxford University Poets and Caroline Panegyric', John Donne Journal, 3 (1984), 181– 201; J. W. Binns, Intellectual Culture in Elizabethan and Jacobean England (Leeds, 1990), 40–3; Harold Forster, 'The Rise and Fall of the Cambridge Muses (1603–1763)', Transactions of the Cambridge Bibliographical Society, 8 (1981–5), 141–72; David Money, 'Free Flattery or Servile Tribute? Oxford and Cambridge Commemorative Poetry in the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries', in Free Print and Non-Commercial Publishing since 1700, ed. James Raven (Aldershot, 2000), 48–66. 4

Lee Piepho, 'International Protestantism and Commemorative Anthologies on the End of the First Anglo-Dutch War', in Acta Conventus Neo-Latini Monasteriensis: Proceedings of the Fifteenth International Congress of Neo-Latin Studies, Münster 2012 (Leiden, 2015), 420–9. 1

Musarum Cantabrigiensium Luctus & Gratulatio: Ille in Funere Oliveri Angliae, Scotiae, & Hiberniae Protectoris; Haec De Ricardi successione felicissima ad eundem (Cambridge, 1658). 2

He noted the date of the title-page of his copy, now in the British Library, E.740(1).

3

There is a rather free English translation in William Orme, Memoirs of the Life, Writings, and Religious Connexions of John Owen D.D. (London, 1820), 190. 4

The various uses made of Augustus are described in David Norbrook, Writing the English Republic: Poetry, Rhetoric, and Politics, 1627–1660 (Cambridge, 1999), 299–325; Joad Raymond, 'Framing Liberty: Marvell's First Anniversary and the Instrument of Government', Huntington Library Quarterly, 62 (1999), 313–50; Edward Holberton, Poetry and the Cromwellian Protectorate: Culture, Politics, and Institutions (Oxford, 2008), 62–87. 5

'Two Juvenile Productions of Locke's', The Monthly Repository of Theology and General Literature, 5 (1810), 232–3.

Page 110 of 165 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.miscMatter.8 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-miscMatter-8 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

1

The masts of the ships.

2

Thomason recorded his purchase of the volume on 7 July: BL, E.1030(16).

3

Oxford Books (Oxford, 1895–1931), iii. 112, item 2466, though he wrongly gives the date as 26 May, the day after Charles landed in Dover; an account of his departure from Scheveningen is given in Ronald Hutton, Charles II (Oxford, 1989), 132. 4

A complete list of the authors with an identification of those who had contributed to the 1654 volume is given in Madan, Oxford Books, iii. 113–15. 1

Henry, Duke of Gloucester, died 13 September 1660; Mary, Princess of Orange, died 24 December 1660: Oxford Books, iii. 115–16, 143–4. 2

Oxford Books, iii. 156; Correspondence, i. 190–1.

1

The Poems of John Dryden: Volume One: 1649–1681, ed. Paul Hammond (London, 1995),

458, 469. 1

MS Locke c. 32, fo. 10.

2

BL, Add. MS 4222, fo. 226; these papers were used for the Life of Locke added to volume I of the 1777 edition of his works, where Popham's role was publicly mentioned for the first time (p. xv). There are drafts of letters of uncertain date to 'P A', probably Popham, in Correspondence, i. 12, 145–6, and he is referred to by name in Locke to John Locke senior, 15 Nov. 1656, ibid., 44. 3

ODNB, Edward Popham (c.1610–51).

4

John Locke: A Biography (London, 1957), 36.

5

A Summary Catalogue of the Lovelace Collection of the Papers of John Locke in the Bodleian Library (Oxford, 1959), 44. 1

Articles of peace and alliance between England and Spain were signed on 13/23 May 1667, and a full treaty signed on 8/18 July 1670: text in A Collection of All the Treaties of Peace, Alliance, and Commerce, Between Great-Britain and Other Powers, ed. Charles Jenkinson (London, 1785), i. 197–8.

Page 111 of 165 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.miscMatter.8 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-miscMatter-8 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

2

Benjamin Martyn and Andrew Kippis, The Life of the First Earl of Shaftesbury (London, 1836), ii. 13n. 3

ODNB, John Greenhill (1644?–76); Correspondence, i. 324n.

4

NPG 3912; see also Correspondence, viii. 444–6. The Shaftesbury portrait (NPG 3893) shows him wearing his robes as Lord Chancellor, an office he held from 17 November 1672 to 9 November 1673; two prints derived from it (NPG 16245, D40659) have the date 1673. Locke paid £15 for his own portrait: Locke to Thomas Stringer, c.6/16 May 1688,

Correspondence, iii. 445. 1

J. R. Milton, 'Benjamin Martyn, the Shaftesbury Family, and the Reputation of the First Earl of Shaftesbury', Historical Journal, 51 (2008), 315–35, at 318–19. 2

v

Martyn to Birch, 27 Nov. 1738, BL, Add. MS 4313, fo. 110 ; it is also quoted by G. W. Cooke in his preface to the first volume of the 1836 edition of Martyn and Kippis's Life (p. ix). 3

TNA, PRO 30/24/17, fo. 157.

4

The Works of Mr Abraham Cowley (London, 1668), reprinted in 1668, 1669, 1672, and 1674. 1

The Life of John Locke, i. 467–8. The correct title is 'To a yong Lady that could never be found at home'; other errors include 'the' for 'that' (line 3), 'and' for 'or' (4), 'for' for 'The' (5), 'they' for 'you' (17), 'their' for 'your' (27), 'they' for 'they'r' (28), and 'the' for 'a' (31). 2

Richard Monckton Milnes, 1809–85, 1st Baron Houghton 1863, ODNB.

1

The English poem is on the verso of fo. 14, but it is probable that the leaf has been turned round since Locke's endorsement 'Verses 79' is on the recto. 2

John Locke, 190.

3

Thomas Flatman, Poems and Songs (London, 1686), 122; the poem was not included in earlier editions. 4

Correspondence, ii. 571–5.

5

Sir Fleetwood Sheppard (1634–98), ODNB. This poem, 'A Description of a Hampton Court Life', is printed and described in Michael McKeon, The Secret History of Domesticity:

Page 112 of 165 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.miscMatter.8 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-miscMatter-8 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

Public, Private, and the Division of Knowledge (Baltimore, 2006), 559–60. It was widely circulated, though normally with the first line 'Man and wife are all one': Harold Love, English Clandestine Satire 1660–1702 (Oxford, 2004), 356. 6

The latest datable poem (the last one in the notebook, on pp. 160–74) is 'The Second Advice to a Painter', variously attributed to Andrew Marvell and Sir John Denham, written not earlier than 1665 and first published in 1667. 7

Identifications are in P. Long, 'The Mellon Donation of Additional Manuscripts of John Locke from the Lovelace Collection', Bodleian Library Record, 7 (1964), 185–93, at 188–9. 1

LL 1530 (London, 1663 and 1664), shelf-mark PR3338. A71 1663. This was among Locke's books at Christ Church in 1681: The Library of John Locke, 274. 2

Hudibras. The First Part (London, 1704), sig. a7 , italics reversed.

v

3

Canto I, lines 281–6; Canto III, lines 773–6.

4

The Thirty-Third Annual Report of the Deputy Keeper of the Public Records (London, 1872), 252, 253. Both manuscripts are described there as being in Locke's hand, and since they were allocated to the section containing Locke's letters and papers, the implication would seem to be that both poems were regarded as his work. 1

The Life of John Locke, ii. 400–3.

2

Poems on Affairs of State: Augustan Satirical Verse, 1660–1714, ed. George deF. Lord et al. (New Haven, 1963–75), vi. 214–23. The editor of vol. VI, Frank H. Ellis, does not mention PRO 30/24/47/29 in his list of manuscripts containing this poem. 3

The document that Locke produced would have been described in the seventeenth century as a 'plot', but recent theatre historians have described them as a 'plot-scenarios' in order to distinguish them from 'backstage plots', the working documents that were hung backstage to guide the actors by delineating the scenes and giving information about entrances, musical cues, special effects, and the requisite props: see Tiffany Stern, Documents of Performance in Early Modern England (Cambridge, 2009), chs 1, 7. 4

It is mentioned by W. von Leyden, ed., John Locke: Essays on the Law of Nature (Oxford, 1954), 19, and Roger Woolhouse, Locke: A Biography (Cambridge, 2007), 24, and described more fully in David McInnis, ' "Orozes, King of Albania": An Unpublished Plot for a Stage Romance, by John Locke', Review of English Studies, 65 (2014), 266–80.

Page 113 of 165 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.miscMatter.8 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-miscMatter-8 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

1

It is clear that this is Caucasian Albania, roughly equivalent to Azerbaijan, not the modern state on the Adriatic. 2

This is unquestionably the Mughal emperor, generally referred to by seventeenth-century English authors as 'the Mogol' or 'the Mogul'; Locke's spelling seems to have been very unusual. 3

The Life and Times of Anthony Wood, antiquary, of Oxford, 1632–1695, described by Himself, ed. Andrew Clark (Oxford, 1891–1900), i. 322; Anthony Wood, The History and Antiquities of the University of Oxford (Oxford, 1796), ii. 705. 1

Cutter of Coleman-Street (London, 1663), LL 869. Some of the actors in the Oxford performance are mentioned in Wood, Life and Times, i. 322–3; none was at Christ Church or had any known connection with Locke. 2

Wood, Life and Times, i. 405–6; see also Madan, Oxford Books, iii. 170–1.

3

John Cooke's Greene's Tu Quoque (first performed 1611); William Rowley's All's Lost by Lust (c.1619–20); James Shirley's The Young Admiral (1633); Thomas Middleton's A Mad World, My Masters (c.1605); John Cumber's The Two Merry Milkmaids (1619–20); Richard Brome's The City Wit (c.1630); Thomas Heywood's The Rape of Lucrece (1606–8); and Robert Daborne's The Poor Man's Comfort (c.1615–17). 4

Wood, Life and Times, i. 406; William Van Lennep, 'The Death of the Red Bull', Theatre Notebook, 16 (1962), 126–34, at 131. 5

TNA, SP 29/39/13. Williamson was then under-secretary to the secretary of state, Sir Edward Nicholas; the six organizers included two from Christ Church: the Dean, John Fell, and one of the canons, John Dolben. 6

Martin Lluelyn, 1616–82, ODNB, was a former student of Christ Church (expelled in 1648) who had recently been appointed Principal of St Mary Hall. He was a physician and occasional poet; the little that can now be discovered of his ventures in play-writing is described in John P. Cutts, 'The Dramatic Writings of Martin Llewellyn', Philological Quarterly, 47 (1968), 16–29. 1

On their identity, see Sybil Rosenfeld, 'Some Notes on the Players in Oxford, 1661–1713', Review of English Studies, 19 (1943), 366–75, at 366; Van Lennep, 'The Death of the Red Bull', 131–2.

Page 114 of 165 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.miscMatter.8 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-miscMatter-8 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

2

John R. Elliott, 'Drama' in J. I. Catto et al., The History of the University of Oxford (Oxford, 1984–2000), iv. 644–53. 3

There is an account of their reception in Wood, Life and Times, i. 493–9.

4

Here and below this word has been capitalized when it refers to holders of a Studentship at Christ Church: see below, 57. 5

Richard Rhodes (1640–68), ODNB. The play was subsequently staged in London, where Pepys saw it on 8 August 1664, but was not published until 1670. 6

Wood, Life and Times, ii. 2.

7

Or perhaps either 'Artaxas' or 'Artaxus': the manuscript is barely legible here.

1

Two Tracts on Government, ed. Philip Abrams (Cambridge, 1967), 10–11, 175. Jacqueline Rose, who is preparing the volume in the Clarendon Edition that will contain the Latin Tract, suggests a date of late 1661 or early 1662. 2

Two Tracts on Government, 16.

3

Essays on the Law of Nature, 11–12.

1

Black Hall in St Giles, now part of St John's College, was then a private house occupied by John Eveleigh and his daughters: see Correspondence, i. 74n; Cranston, John Locke, 47–56. 2

Marta Straznicky, Privacy, Playreading, and Women's Closet Drama, 1550–1700 (Cambridge, 2004), 12. 3

See Straznicky, Privacy, 16 on the theatricality of closet drama and its complicated public/ private status. 4

The list below excludes editions of later seventeenth-century playwrights like Congreve and Wycherley. 1

One of the two volumes in LL 243 (not located by Harrison and Laslett) was sold by Sotheby's in New York on 3–4 December 2015. It contains ten plays, all printed between 1630 and 1651: four by Beaumont and Fletcher, four by Fletcher alone, one (The Coronation; London, 1640) attributed on its title-page to Fletcher but in fact by James Shirley, and one (Two Noble Kinsmen; London, 1634) by Shakespeare and Fletcher. The form of Locke's

Page 115 of 165 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.miscMatter.8 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-miscMatter-8 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

signature on the front paste-down, with the final letter of his surname written with a secretary-hand e, indicates that the volume was an early purchase, probably made before he wrote Orozes. 2

Thomas Symes to [Locke?], c.July 1657, Correspondence, i. 48.

3

There are quotations taken from Act I scene 3 and Act IV scenes 1 and 3 in the notebook r

r

v

subsequently used for the Orozes scenario: MS Locke e. 6, fos 43 , 44 , 44 . 4

ODNB, William Cartwright (1611–43); Elliot, 'Drama', 651–3.

5

Joseph Spence, Anecdotes, Observations, and Characters, of Books and Men: Collected from the Conversation of Mr. Pope and other Eminent Persons of his Time, ed. Samuel Weller Singer (London, 1820), 107–8. 6

Antonio Cocchi, Dei Bagni di Pisa Trattato (Florence, 1750), 271n.

1

When he acquired it is not known, but it was among his books at Christ Church in 1681: The Library of John Locke, 272. The printing history of Parthenissa is very complicated (see C. William Miller, 'A Bibliographical Study of Parthenissa by Roger Boyle Earl of Orrery', Studies in Bibliography, 2 (1949–50), 115–37), but Locke seems to have owned a threevolume set containing the first five parts, published in 1655–6. 2

On the plot of the Argenis, see Jozef Ijsewijn, 'John Barclay and His Argenis. A Scottish NeoLatin Novelist', Humanistica Lovaniensia, 32 (1983), 1–27, at 13–17; John Barclay, Argenis, ed. and transl. Mark Riley and Dorothy Pritchard Huber (Assen, 2004), i. 12–13. 3

MS Locke f. 11, fo. 75 ; MS Locke e. 6, fos 2 , 53 .

v

r

v

4

Jeanne, reyne d'Angleterre (1638), Le Comte d'Essex (1639), Édouard (1640).

5

H. Carrington Lancaster, 'La Calprenède Dramatist (Continued)', Modern Philology, 18 (1920), 121–41, at 133. 6

See Herbert Wynford Hill, 'La Calprenède's Romances and the Restoration Drama, Part I: The Romances', University of Nevada Studies, 2 (1910), 1–56, especially 51–4. 7

Translations by Robert Loveday (Parts I–III), John Coles (Parts IV–VII), and John Webb (Part VIII) appeared in 1652–5, 1656–8, and 1658. John Davies' translations of Parts IX–X and Parts XI–XII were published separately in 1659.

Page 116 of 165 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.miscMatter.8 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-miscMatter-8 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

1

Locke to a lady, 4 June 1659, Correspondence, i. 82.

2

Correspondence, i. 88–9; Cassandra: The Fam'd Romance: The Whole Work: In Five Parts; Written Originally in French, Now Elegantly rendred into English (London, 1652). 3

Correspondence, i. 104, 132.

4

Essays on the Law of Nature, 19.

5

Cranston, John Locke, 49; Woolhouse, Locke: A Biography, 24; both writers were apparently relying on a statement to this effect by Von Leyden, Essays on the Law of Nature, 19. 6

MS Locke d. 10, pp. 15, 93, 187; Clelia. An Excellent New Romance dedicated to Mademoiselle de Longueville (London, 1655). 7

Correspondence, i. 110.

8

A list of these names is given in Correspondence, i. 324n.

1

Correspondence, i. 85–6. This letter appears to be the origin of Woolhouse's claim (Locke: A Biography, 24) that Locke wrote a romance as well as the Orozes scenario. 2

'I cannot but be sensible of this great honour that you will take the pains to disguise me under one of these handsome shapes', Correspondence, i. 95; letter undated but probably written in August 1659. 3

Mithridatic War, ch. 103.

4

Roman History, XXXVI. 37, XXXVII. 4.

5

Mithridatic War, ch. 103; Roman History, XXXVII. 1–2.

6

Parallel Lives, Pompeius Magnus, 35.

7

He owned a complete Graeco–Latin edition of Plutarch's works that included all the Lives (LL 2359), but nothing by either Appian or Dio Cassius. 1

Lady Masham was given the date by Tyrrell himself: Masham to Le Clerc, 12 Jan. 1705, in Jean Le Clerc, Epistolario, ed. Maria Grazia Sina and Mario Sina (Florence, 1987–97), ii. 507.

Page 117 of 165 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.miscMatter.8 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-miscMatter-8 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

2

James Ussher, The Annals of the World (London, 1658), 608. The source for this is Appian, ch. 117. 3

Annales. In quibus, praeter Maccabaicam et Novi Testamenti historiam … Chronicon (London, 1654), 273. 4

Elsewhere in the work, in passages derived from Dio Cassius, 'Oroeses' was used: Ussher, Annals, 588, 589. 5

In the English Annals, 588, Cosis' name was given as 'Cossis', but in the Latin Annales, 245, as 'Cosis'. 6

Locke's reference in the 1664 Essays on the Law of Nature, 174, to the inhabitants of the Bay of Soldania who engaged in no forms of religious worship was almost certainly taken from Terry's account, as were the remarks on them in Draft B of the Essay, §12 (Drafts I, 120, repeated in Essay, I. iv. 12). The other mention of the Bay of Soldania in the Essay (I. iv. 8) cited Melchisédec Thévenot's Relations de divers voyages curieux; the use of this translation provides good reason for thinking that this passage (which is also in Draft C [1685], I. iv. 8) was written while Locke was in the Netherlands and had no access to his copy of Terry's Voyage, which had remained in England. 1

The Library of John Locke, 276.

2

ODNB, Edward Terry (1589/90–1660).

3

Edward Terry, A Voyage to East-India (London, 1655), 428–35.

4

Terry, Voyage, 432, 433.

5

Terry, Voyage, 433.

6

Hymen's Praeludia, Part X, Book I, 189.

7

Hymen's Praeludia, Part V, Book II, 79; the name probably alludes to Artaxias I, King of Armenia from 190/189 to 160/159 BC and founder of the Artaxiad dynasty. 1

Hymen's Praeludia, Part VII, Book I, 1.

Page 118 of 165 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.miscMatter.8 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-miscMatter-8 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

2

Hymen's Praeludia, Part I, Book IV, 217. Her name is derived from Clytie, a nymph loved and abandoned by Apollo who was transformed into the heliotrope flower: Ovid, Metamorphoses, IV. 234–70. 3

Ismene (Latinized as 'Ismena') is Antigone's sister in Sophocles' Antigone. Segestes was a German prince who appears in Tacitus' Annals, 1. 55–9. 4

Hymen's Praeludia, Part X, Book IV, 317–18, 326–7.

5

Two Treatises of Government, II. 103; Some Thoughts concerning Education, §§168, 177, v

r

r

v

r

v

r

r

r

v

r

v

184. The notes in MS Locke e. 6 (fos 9 , 17 –18 , 26 –28 , 29 , 32 , 34 , 35 , 48 , 54 –55 , v

v

v

r

74 –77 , 78 , 80 ) appear to have been made some years before Locke started work on Orozes, and were taken from an edition (Leiden, 1640) that was not in his later library. 1

The Countesse of Pembrokes Arcadia. Written by Sir Philip Sidney Knight (London, 1593), v

fo. 182 . 2

On the occurrences of character names like 'Marpisa' in early modern English drama, see Thomas L. Berger, William C. Bradford, and Sidney L. Sondergard, An Index of Characters in Early Modern English Drama: Printed Plays, 1500–1660 (revised edn, Cambridge, 1998), x. 3

From 1670 he reigned as Christian V; in 1683 his younger brother George married Princess Anne, later Queen Anne. 4

Calendar of State Papers and Manuscripts Relating to English Affairs in the Archives and Collections of Venice (London, 1864–1947), xxxiii. 193. The prince was in England from 4 September to 26 November: The Diary of John Evelyn, ed. E. S. de Beer (Oxford, 1955), iii. 342n. While in London he stayed at Exeter House, not then occupied by Lord Ashley: Anna Keay, The Magnificent Monarch: Charles II and the Ceremonies of Power (London, 2008), 176. 5

Life and Times, i. 456–7.

1

His last publication had been 'An Extract of a Letter, written to the Publisher by Mr. J. L. about poisonous Fish in one of the Bahama Islands', Philosophical Transactions, 10 (1675), 312. 2

See Joan Marie Lechner, Renaissance Concepts of the Commonplaces (New York, 1962); Mary Thomas Crane, Framing Authority: Sayings, Self, and Society in Sixteenth-Century England (Princeton, 1993); Ann Moss, Printed Commonplace-Books and the Structuring of Page 119 of 165 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.miscMatter.8 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-miscMatter-8 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

Renaissance Thought (Oxford, 1996), 2–13, 101–33; Ann Blair, The Theater of Nature: Jean Bodin and Renaissance Science (Princeton, 1997), 65–77; Earle Havens, Commonplace Books: A History of Manuscripts and Printed Books from Antiquity to the Twentieth Century (New Haven, 2001). 1

Moss, Printed Commonplace-Books, V.

2

William T. Costello, The Scholastic Curriculum at Early Seventeenth-Century Cambridge (Cambridge, Mass., 1958), 14–31; Peter Mack, Elizabethan Rhetoric: Theory and Practice (Cambridge, 2002), 43–5, 58–64. 3

On Richard Holdsworth's 'Directions for a student in the Universitie', composed at Cambridge between 1615 and 1637, see Richard Yeo, Notebooks, English Virtuosi, and Early Modern Science (Chicago, 2014), 49–51. 4

Sanderson, Logicae Artis Compendium (Oxford, 1615), Appendix Posterior, cap. iii, 'De Colligendis Locis Communibus'. This was a book that Locke bought for his pupils at Christ v

a

Church: MS Locke f. 11, fo. 10 ; his copy of the 1615 edition (LL 2548 ) was not listed in any of his library catalogues, but was among the books bequeathed to Peter King. 5

Sanderson, Logicae Artis Compendium, 110–14.

1

Neither has been translated into English, but there is an eighteenth-century French translation of Sacchini's De Ratione, Moyens de lire avec fruit (The Hague, 1786), and an Italian translation of parts of both Sacchini's book and Drexel's Aurifodina in Alberto Cevolini, De arte excerpendi: Imparare a dimenticare nella modernità (Florence, 2006), 145–62, 163– 214. See also Moss, Printed Commonplace-Books, 232–7; Ann M. Blair, Too Much to Know: Managing Scholarly Information before the Modern Age (New Haven, 2010), 77–80, 84–6. 2

De Ratione, 90–1. Sacchini was recommending an established practice here: from the midsixteenth century, the Jesuits adopted a traditional stance on elementary note-taking, but permitted more advanced students to take notes on loose sheets of paper, later transferring these to their notebooks: see Paul Nelles, 'Libros de papel, libri bianchi, libri papyracei: NoteTaking Techniques and the Role of Student Notebooks in the Early Jesuit Colleges', Archivum Historicum Societatis Iesu, 76 (2007), 75–112, at 84. 3

De Ratione, 91.

4

Drexel, Aurifodina (Munich, 1638), 85–7; see Moss, Printed Commonplace-Books, 233–4; Blair, Too Much to Know, 77, 79.

Page 120 of 165 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.miscMatter.8 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-miscMatter-8 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

5

MS Locke f. 11, fo. 65 , probably made very soon after his arrival in Oxford in 1652.

v

1

Of Education. Especially of Young Gentlemen (Oxford, 1673); LL 1019.

2

Of Education, 132.

3

An example is John Evelyn, whose commonplace books are in the British Library: Add. MS 78328–78330, with Add. MS 78331 as the index to all three volumes: see Michael Hunter, 'The British Library and the Library of John Evelyn', in John Evelyn at the British Library (London, 1995), 82–102, at 83–5; Yeo, Notebooks, 57–63. 1

He remarked (321) that he had not encountered a word beginning Zu 'dans l'espace de 25 ans que je me sers de cette methode' (this is not in fact entirely accurate: there are Zu v

entries in BL, Add. MS 32554, p. 202 and MS Locke d. 11, fo. 93 ). In the dedicatory letter Locke said that he had been using it for more than twenty years. 2

This is not a term that Locke himself employed, but it has been used here for the volumes

used primarily for extracts taken from his reading. Locke's procedures are described in Guy Meynell, 'John Locke's Method of Common-placing, as seen in His Drafts and His Medical Notebooks, Bodleian MSS Locke d. 9, f. 21, f. 23', The Seventeenth Century, 8 (1993), 245– 67, and J. R. Milton, 'John Locke's Medical Notebooks', Locke Newsletter, 28 (1997), 135–56. 3

This is indicated in the title for the volume, 'Farrago John Locke Agnis Locke', a farrago being defined in the OED as 'a confused group; a medley, mixture, hotchpotch'. Two pages are reproduced in Michael Stolberg, 'John Locke's "New Method of Making Common-PlaceBooks": Tradition, Innovation and Epistemic Effects', Early Science and Medicine, 19 (2014), 448–70, at 469. 4

r

The heads allotted to the ten pages from p. 92 (fo. 17 ) onwards are Sacrilegium, Philippus, Perfidia, Troja, Oratio, Deus, Externum, Latere, Adulatio, and Nobilitas. 5

A fuller description of MSS Locke f. 18 and f. 20 is given in Milton, 'John Locke's Medical Notebooks', 142–3. MS Locke f. 14 has often been wrongly dated to 1667, e.g. by Maurice Cranston, John Locke, 109; its date and organization are discussed in J. R. Milton, 'The Date and Significance of Two of Locke's Early Manuscripts', Locke Newsletter, 19 (1988), 47–89. 6

The front paste-down of Add. MS 32554 bears the date '25 Feb: 1659' (i.e. 1659/60); MS Locke f. 19 was first used in 1661 or 1662.

Page 121 of 165 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.miscMatter.8 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-miscMatter-8 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

1

See Milton, 'John Locke's Medical Notebooks', 139–40 for designation of System A and System B (an alternative procedure described below). 2

If these pages became full Locke would go through the notebook to find the first pair that were entirely blank and use these. When this was no longer possible he would sometimes use a right-hand page which had remained blank for a class that bore no connection with the original class on the facing page: there is an image of two pages (364–5) in MS Locke f. 19 where this occurs in Stolberg, 'John Locke's "New Method of Making Common-Place-Books" ', 455. 3

'Adversaria Physica', a large medical commonplace book first used around 1665.

1

In both books there were no pages allocated to titles starting with X, and only a single page for those starting with Z. 2

An image of the page AA in 'Lemmata Ethica' (MS Locke d. 10, p. 1) showing entries in three columns (AA/a, AA/i, and AA/o) can be found in Stolberg, 'John Locke's "New Method of Making Common-Place-Books" ', 462. 3

v

MS Locke d. 11, fo. 14 .

4

In MS Locke d. 10 there are forty-one left-hand pages without any entries, and in MS Locke d. 11 there are fifteen. The great majority of the right-hand pages in both volumes are entirely blank. 5

The pages of MS Locke d. 10 are approximately 188 mm high and 242 mm wide, those of MS Locke d. 11, 181 × 236 mm. 6

The former of these is now MS Locke d. 9; the latter, also known as 'Adversaria 1661', is in private ownership. In the catalogues Locke made of his library, four large volumes were a

b

classed as 'Adversaria': LL 23 (Adversaria 1661), 23 (MS Locke d. 9), 24 (MS Locke c. 44), and 25 (MS Locke c. 43). The first two were not mentioned in the final catalogue (Hyde) but were both included in an earlier catalogue (MS Locke f. 16) and also in the list of books at his rooms in Christ Church in 1681: The Library of John Locke, 269, 285. 7

J. R. Milton, 'Locke's Adversaria', Locke Newsletter, 18 (1987), 63–74, at 69.

8

LL 1712, 1713. MS Locke e. 6 is the only other volume entitled 'Lemmata', both on the flyleaf and on p. 6, but this was done some years before the New Method was devised.

Page 122 of 165 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.miscMatter.8 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-miscMatter-8 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

1

Lewis and Short, A Latin Dictionary, s.v. 'Adversarius'.

2

Cyclopaedia: or, An Universal Dictionary of Arts and Sciences (London, 1728), i. 37.

3

A Dictionary of the English Language (London, 1755), s.v. 'Adversaria'.

4

Eleanor Dickey, Ancient Greek Scholarship (New York, 2007), 12. The relevant sense (Lemma, 2b) is defined in the OED as 'the heading or theme of a scholium, annotation, or gloss'. 5

Drexel, Aurifodina, 85–6; Placcius, De Arte Excerpendi Vom Gelahrten Buchhalten Liber singularis (Hamburg, 1689), 61; Moss, Printed Commonplace-Books, 233–4. 6

In De Arte Excerpendi, 66–7, Placcius suggested that the loose components could also be gathered in specially designed folders. 7

These were single sheets folded to make bifolia of four pages. The French examples (MS Locke c. 33, fos 1–16) are ruled in vertical columns, one per letter, with an entire alphabet on each page, as in the back of MS Locke d. 11; in the Dutch examples (MS Locke c. 33, fos 17–42), the alphabet is spread over all four pages, and below each initial letter there are five columns, Aa, Ae, Ai etc. 1

There is an account of his life and interests in Correspondence, i. 579–82.

2

The first entry in his journal to mention Toinard was on 11/21 April 1678, MS Locke f. 3, p. 108. 3

Toinard to Locke, 20/30 Aug. 1679, Correspondence, ii. 79. In all three versions of the Dedicatory Letter to Toinard Locke recalled that he had first explained his method to him while they were in Paris: below 219, 235, 257. 4

'vous me demandez la publication de modo conficiendi adversaria, comme une chose que j'avois promise. je vous en donnay a Paris la description en François tellement quellement, pour en faire tout ce que vous voudriez, si vous l'avez perdue ou si vous en souhaitez

une autre plus ample ou plus exacte je ne manqueray pas de l'envoyer et en verité vous me faites trop d'honneur de vous souvenir dune bagatelle comme cela que j'estimeray davantage si vous vous en serviez et la trouvez commode apres quelque experience, et vous pouvez vous assurer que je vous obeyeray en des choses de plus grand importance.' Locke to Toinard, 29 Oct. 1679, Correspondence, ii. 119–20.

Page 123 of 165 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.miscMatter.8 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-miscMatter-8 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

5

Locke to Toinard, 5 July 1680, Correspondence, ii. 209.

6

Toinard to Locke, 1/11 Dec. 1680, Correspondence, ii. 312.

1

In a letter sent in early February 1681 (Correspondence, ii. 371) Locke apologized to Toinard for his recent failure to write to him. 2

Toinard to Locke, c.3/13 Nov. 1684, Correspondence, ii. 644.

3

'Puisque vous estez tousjours dans le meme sentement que ma maniere de recuils pourroit estre utile, et vous continues de me presser de le publier je vous obeyeray en vous disant que si j'ay lessè passer tant des annes avant de le faire cela n'a pas estè par envie, quod tantillam rem publico inviderem mais pour meprise et par hont de donner au publique une telle bagatelle, mais en fin vous le voulez et c'est assez.' Locke to Toinard, 13/23 Nov. 1684, Correspondence, ii. 646. 4

Toinard to Locke, 27 Nov./7 Dec. 1684, Correspondence, ii. 659. He enclosed a specimen of the index, which revealed quite clearly that he did not understand what Locke had proposed: it showed only the initial letters without their accompanying vowels. 5

These events and their consequences are described in Philip Milton, 'John Locke's Expulsion from Christ Church in 1684', Eighteenth-Century Thought, 4 (2009), 29–65. 6

Toinard to Locke, 25 Dec. 1684/4 Jan. 1685, Correspondence, ii. 677.

7

Locke to Toinard, 14/24 Feb. 1685, Correspondence, ii. 691–2.

1

BL, Add. MS 28728, fos 54–64, described in the Textual Introduction, below, 147–8.

2

Locke to Toinard, 14/24 Feb. 1685, Correspondence, ii. 691: 'vous aviez une Idèe de l'affair bien different de la miene'. 3

Ibid., 692.

4

Toinard to Locke, 26 Feb./8 Mar. 1685, Correspondence, ii. 695.

5

Locke to Toinard, 16/26 Mar. 1685, Correspondence, ii. 701, translation modified.

6

Locke to Toinard, 16/26 Mar. 1685, Correspondence, ii. 701.

Page 124 of 165 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.miscMatter.8 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-miscMatter-8 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

7

There are two extant copies of this: BL, Add. MS 28728, fos 46–53 (sent to Toinard) and MS Locke c. 31, fos 67–78 (retained by Locke). 8

Locke to Toinard, 30 Mar./9 Apr. 1685, Correspondence, ii. 711, translation modified.

1

Below, 226.

2

'Quibus ego forsan tertiam adjicerem nempe Σημειωτικην‎ de signorum, praecipue vocum usu, quae extra limites vulgaris criticae longe excurrit. Sed haec alterius loci sunt, redeamus in viam', below, 241. 3

Below, 230.

4

Below, 230.

1

The underlined numerals '85' were also placed in the margin next to this.

2

Below, 226–7.

3

Below, 237.

4

Journal, 5, 12 Aug. 1684, MS Locke f. 8, pp. 104, 107.

1

In the second (1687) edition of the 'Méthode nouvelle', which was used for the translation in Locke's Posthumous Works, 'Acherusia'—the name of an Egyptian marsh—was changed to the more familiar 'Acheron'; there is no reason to suppose that Locke was responsible for this. 2

The first (and only) mention of this in Locke's journal was on 10 March 1685, when he recorded the title and entered a short comment that Marsham had made on Diodorus Siculus, MS Locke f. 8, p. 265. 3

Locke to Toinard, 29 Apr./9 May 1686, Correspondence, iii. 4.

4

Locke to Toinard, 25 June/5 July 1686, Correspondence, iii. 12, translation modified.

5

Textual Introduction, below, 151.

6

Correspondence, iii. 29–31.

Page 125 of 165 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.miscMatter.8 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-miscMatter-8 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

1

Locke to Toinard, 14/24 Feb. 1685, Correspondence, ii. 692.

2

'Eloge de feu Mr. Locke', Bibliothèque choisie, 6 (1705), 376–7. The abridgement was published in the Bibliothèque universelle, 8 (1688), 49–142 as an 'Extrait d'un Livre Anglois qui n'est pas encore publié, intitulé Essai Philosophique concernant L'entendement'; the version that was printed for private circulation among Locke's friends was given the title Abregé d'un ouvrage intitulé essai philosophique touchant l'entendement. 1

None of these works was mentioned in Locke's journal, and there is no evidence that he read any of them. 1

'Je lui envoyai à Utrecht, où il étoit allé en Automne, quelques exemplaires de sa Méthode que j'avois fait tirer à part', Bibliothèque choisie, 6 (1705), 375–6. 2

Abregé d'un ouvrage intitulé essai philosophique touchant l'entendement (Amsterdam, 1688); the locations of the three known copies are given in Jean S. Yolton, John Locke: A Bibliography (Bristol, 1998), 323–4. 3

Some notes made by Le Clerc on a letter he had received from Locke (16/26 Feb. 1688, Correspondence, iii. 370) suggest that around sixty copies of the Abrégé were produced. 4

Freke to Locke, 3/13 Nov. 1686, Correspondence, iii. 60.

5

The dates of the visit are given in Locke's journal as 14–23 June: MS Locke f. 9, pp. 13, 17. The first mention of Furly (as 'B. F') in the journal was on 8 October 1686, ibid., p. 27; see also Correspondence, iii. 39–40. 1

Bibliotheca Furliana (Rotterdam, 1714).

2

Locke to Le Clerc, 22 Sept./2 Oct. 1686, Correspondence, iii. 39.

3

Toinard to Locke, 12/22 Dec. 1686, Correspondence, iii. 85–6.

4

Correspondence, iii. 86.

5

Toinard to Locke, 10/20 Feb. 1687, Correspondence, iii. 136–7.

6

'Les dix exemplaires Adversariorum, dont vous voulez me regaler, sufisent. mandez moi en quel livre ils sont impriméz ensemble', Toinard to Locke, 24 Mar./3 Apr. 1687, Correspondence, iii. 162.

Page 126 of 165 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.miscMatter.8 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-miscMatter-8 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

7

The Bibliothèque universelle was banned in France, and copies might not have been easy to obtain: Annie Barnes, Jean Le Clerc (1657–1736) et la république des lettres (Paris, 1938), 118. 8

King to Locke, 13 Jan. 1701, Correspondence, vii. 222.

1

Bold to Locke, 9 Sept. 1700, Correspondence, vii. 138.

2

The half-title page (p. 315) and the two pages containing the index (pp. 316–17) are not numbered, though since p. 318 is numbered as page 2, the second page of the index is by implication page 1. 3

Locke used twenty letters only: 'J'omets trois lettres de l'Alphabeth, comme inutiles, savoir K. Y. W, que l'on supplée par les équivalentes C. I. U.' ('Méthode nouvelle', 321), and he also put Qu in the last of the Z cells. J and U were also omitted, presumably as modern variants on the Roman I and V. 1

Conventional in England, at least. On the obsolescence of 'lieux communs' in late seventeenth-century France and its replacement by 'recueils', see Carole Dornier, 'Montesquieu et la tradition des recueils de lieux communs', Revue d'histoire littéraire de la France, 108 (2008), 809–20, at 817. 1

In contrast with this, both the English translations published in 1706 referred to a 'commonplace book', or 'the Method of Common Places': A New Method [Greenwood edition], 2, 4, 5, 7, 8; Posthumous Works, 314, 315, 316, 317, 320, 322. 2

This was standard terminology among Latin writers, having been used by Sacchini (De Ratione, 93), Drexel (Aurifodina, 134, 135), and Sanderson (Logicae Artis Compendium, 293– 4). 3

'Méthode nouvelle', 320, below 258.

4

BL, Add. MS 28728, fo. 47 ('si esset liber elephantinus'); also MS Locke c. 31, fo. 70 .

5

v

v

v

BL, Add. MS 28728, fo. 57 . This is a reference to Ambrogio Calepino's polyglot Latin dictionary, first published in 1502 and frequently reprinted in greatly expanded form. Locke's journal for 3 June 1681 (MS Locke f. 5, p. 65) records his purchase of the 1663 Lyon edition a

(LL 569), and he seems also to have owned a copy of the 1681 edition (LL 569 ). 1

An Essay concerning Toleration, 310–15.

Page 127 of 165 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.miscMatter.8 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-miscMatter-8 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

2

MS Locke f. 18, p. 115; BL, Add. MS 32554, pp. 244–5.

1

In Locke's own accounts of the New Method the French text has 'volume' (and the English and Latin versions 'volume' and 'volumen'), but it is clear from the example which follows and his practice elsewhere that what he meant by this was format in the modern sense, i.e. whether the volume was a folio, a quarto, an octavo, etc. 2

This work had not been cited in the English 'Adversariorum Methodus', but there are similar entries in both the 1685 versions for Athanasius Kircher's China Monumentis Illustrata (Amsterdam, 1667), which was not cited in the 'Méthode nouvelle'. 3

This was a form of citation which Locke had quite recently begun to use, the earliest example in his journal being on 3 February 1683, MS Locke f. 7, p. 6. 4

There were also editions published in Leipzig in 1676 and Franeker in 1696, each of which had 675 numbered pages. 5

'The Rule of Three … is that by which we find out a fourth number in proportion unto three given Numbers, so as this fourth Number sought may bear the same … Proportion to the third (given) Number, as this second doth to the first', Cocker's Arithmetick (London, 1702), 102. 6

Ars Critica, part I, ch. v, §8 (Amsterdam, 1697), i. 147: 'sed nulla occurit methodus commodior & facilior eâ, quam ab amico acceptam Gallicè dudum edidimus.' This was accompanied by a footnote giving details of the article in the Bibliothèque universelle. 1

Locke does not appear to have owned a copy of Placcius' book, and was probably unaware of these criticisms. 2

De Arte Excerpendi, 8–10.

3

De Arte Excerpendi, 89–97, with a reproduction of Locke's index on 90–1.

4

One of the few aspects of the New Method that Placcius did approve of was Locke's way of

giving the page number of a citation as a fraction of the total number of pages in the book: De Arte Excerpendi, 28. 5

De Arte Excerpendi, 89, 92. Another German scholar, Johann Friedrich Bertram, defended Locke against this criticism, suggesting that Placcius had not actually tried his method: see his Discours von der Klugheit zu excerpiren (Brunswick, 1727), 29–33 cited and translated

Page 128 of 165 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.miscMatter.8 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-miscMatter-8 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

in Helmut Zedelmaier, 'Christoph Just Udenius and the German ars excerpendi around 1700: On the Flourishing and Disappearance of a Pedagogical Genre', in Forgetting Machines: Knowledge Management Evolution in Early Modern Europe, ed. Alberto Cevolini (Leiden, 2016), 79–104, at 95. 6

All these publications are described in the Textual Introduction, below, 156–7.

7

'Excerpiren', in Zedler, Grosses vollständiges Universal Lexicon Aller Wissenschafften und Künste, viii, cols 2321–2322; the reference to 'Lock oeuvres Diverses, p. 373' in col. 2321 indicates that the 1710 edition was being used. Morhof's work is described in Helmut Zedelmaier, 'De ratione excerpendi: Daniel Georg Morhof und das Exzerpieren', in Mapping the World of Learning: The Polyhistor of Daniel Georg Morhof, ed. Françoise Waquet (Wiesbaden, 2000), 75–92. 1

These are described more fully in the Textual Introduction, below, 157–9.

2

Posthumous Works, 314 (twice), 315, 316, 317, 320, 322; also 322 (collections).

3

Posthumous Works, 316, 317 (four times), 318 (five times), 319 (four times), 320 (twice), 321, 322 (three times). 4

David Allan, Commonplace Books and Reading in Georgian England (Cambridge, 2010), 63–9. 1

Cyclopaedia, i. 276; see Richard Yeo, 'Ephraim Chambers's Cyclopaedia (1728) and the Tradition of Commonplaces', Journal of the History of Ideas, 57 (1996), 157–75. 2

The entry 'Recueil (belles lettres)' in the Encyclopédie (xiii. 868–70) was acknowledged to have been taken from Chambers; Locke was given due credit, though the authors chosen for citation were changed to Montaigne and La Bruyère. 3

Watts, Logick, Part I, ch. v, Direction 2.

4

Bodl., MS Eng. misc. f. 20.

5

BL, Add. MS 34880, fo. 5 .

6

r

v

v

v

r

Ibid., fos 2 –82 , the index being on fos 2 –4 . Gibbon's imitation of Locke's practices even extended to having the horizontal lines ruled in red.

Page 129 of 165 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.miscMatter.8 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-miscMatter-8 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

1

Gibbon, Memoirs of my Life, ed. Georges A. Bonnard (New York, 1966), 79; his reference was to Johnson's piece in The Idler, no. 74 (15 Sept. 1759). See also Patricia B. Craddock, Young Edward Gibbon (Baltimore, 1982), 65, 305–7. 2

The History of the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire, ed. J. B. Bury (Cambridge, 2013), ii. 371, n. 66. Gibbon was citing the fifth edition of Locke's collected works (London, 1751). 3

v

r

v

r

TNA, PRO 30/24/27/15, fos 2 –7 , 110 –11 ; there is a photograph of the second of these in Lucia Dacome, 'Noting the Mind: Commonplace Books and the Pursuit of the Self in Eighteenth-Century Britain', Journal of the History of Ideas, 65 (2004), 603–25, at 613. 4

Later editions produced by other publishers omitted Bell's name, but were in other respects very similar: The Common-Place Book, for the Pocket: Formed generally upon the Principles Recommended and practised by Mr. Locke (Dublin, 1778); Common Place Book, formed generally upon the principles recommended and practised by Mr. Locke (London, 1796). An edition of the last of these printed in 1800 was used by the young Michael Faraday (Institution of Engineering and Technology, MS 002/1/4), but though Faraday used Locke's index, the disposition of the entries did not follow his method. 1

Bell's Common Place Book, sig. B1 .

r

2

Ibid., sig. B1 .

v

3

Ibid.; see also Richard Yeo, 'John Locke's "New Method" of Commonplacing: Managing Memory and Information', Eighteenth-Century Thought, 2 (2004), 1–38, at 28–9. 4

A New Commonplace Book, 1.

1

The Literary Diary; or Improved Common-place-book (London, 1814), 4.

2

'On the Use of Common-Place Books in Self-Education', in Lectures, in Connection with the Educational Exhibition (London, 1854), 69–86, at 71. 3

John Todd, Index Rerum (Northampton, Mass., 1863), 3.

1

Calculations made for a somewhat later period (but one when the same statutes were in force) show that 90 per cent of fellowships at Oxford and 87 per cent of those at Cambridge were reserved for persons in holy orders, or at least seeking ordination: The History of the University of Oxford, vi. 164; Peter Searby, A History of the University of Cambridge, Volume III, 1750–1870 (Cambridge, 1997), 100.

Page 130 of 165 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.miscMatter.8 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-miscMatter-8 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

2

E. G. W. Bill, Education at Christ Church Oxford, 1660–1800 (Oxford, 1988), 91–138.

3

J. R. Milton, 'Locke at Oxford', in Locke's Philosophy: Context and Content, ed. G. A. J. Rogers (Oxford, 1994), 29–47, at 31. 4

r

TNA, PRO 30/24/47/22, fo. 9 , quoted in full in Fox Bourne, The Life of John Locke, i. 130; despite Fox Bourne's statement to the contrary, this is a draft or copy, and there is also another copy among Locke's papers, MS Locke c. 25, fo. 11. 5

The Faculty Students and their dates of appointment are listed in Bill, Education at Christ Church Oxford, 350–2. In the Disbursement Books at Christ Church, which record quarterly payments made to the Students, Locke's name appears among the Philosophi from the first quarter of 1676 onwards. 1

In November or December 1689: on 6 December Anthony Wood noted that 'the news here is that Lock of Ch. Ch. hath a mandat for to be put into his student's place whence he was ejected in 1683 [sic]', Life and Times, iii. 316. 2

Masham to Le Clerc, 12 Jan. 1705, Le Clerc, Epistolario, ii. 507. There is a draft of the petition in Locke's hand in MS Locke c. 25, fo. 41 and a copy in another hand of the full petition on fo. 42; part of the former and the whole of the latter were printed in King (1829), 176; (1830), i. 325–6. There is also a copy in the library at Christ Church, MS 375/3. 3

He went there on 27 October and returned to Oates on 13 December: MS Locke f. 10, pp. 59, 65. 4

'An additional Act for the Confirmation of the Charters, Liberties, and Privileges, of the Universities of Oxford and Cambridge', LJ, xiv. 547. The text of the Bill is printed in Historical Manuscript Commission, Thirteenth Report, Appendix, Part V (London, 1892), 155–61. 5

LJ, xv. 24, 133, 163.

1

'An Act for confirming the Charters and Liberties of the University of Cambridge, and the Colleges and Halls therein', LJ, xv. 39; CJ, x. 683. 2

These attempts are described in John Gascoigne, 'Church and State Allied: the Failure of Parliamentary Reform of the Universities, 1688–1800', in The First Modern Society: Essays in English History in Honour of Lawrence Stone, ed. A. L. Beier, David Cannadine, and James M. Rosenheim (Cambridge, 1989), 401–29. Documents relating to an earlier commotion among

Page 131 of 165 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.miscMatter.8 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-miscMatter-8 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

the fellows of All Souls in 1708–9 are calendared in Charles Trice Martin, Catalogue of the Archives in the Muniment Rooms of All Souls' College (London, 1877), 342–3. 3

An Account of the University of Cambridge, And the Colleges there (London, 1717), 196.

1

The Character of an Independent Whig (London, 1719), 11–12.

2

[John Trenchard and Thomas Gordon], The Independent Whig, 5th edn (London, 1732), ii. 348. 3

An extended discussion can be found in J. R. Milton, 'Locke, William III, and the Reform of the Universities', Locke Studies, 9 (2009), 123–38. 4

Locke's draft letter of 21 February 1689 to Lord Mordaunt reporting his decision to decline the King's offer of a diplomatic post makes it clear that the two men had not met to discuss the matter: Correspondence, iii. 573–6. 5

Tyrrell to Locke, 5 Mar. 1690, Correspondence, iv. 22. Lord M was Lord Mordaunt, now the Earl of Monmouth; Lord S is less easily identified, but was perhaps the Earl of Shrewsbury, mentioned below. 6

ODNB, Charles Talbot, Duke of Shrewsbury (1660–1718).

1

A Collection of Several Pieces, 358–62; the survival of manuscripts of other pieces in the volume shows that Des Maizeaux considered himself at liberty to invent a new title when he judged the one he found in the manuscript to be unsuitable: see Philip Milton, 'Pierre Des Maizeaux, A Collection of Several Pieces of Mr. John Locke, and the Formation of the Locke Canon', Eighteenth-Century Thought, 3 (2007), 255–91, at 275, 280. 2

MS Locke c. 25, fos 56–7.

3

A Collection of Several Pieces, sig. Aa6 .

r

1

'Je ne dis rien de quelques regles d'une Societé Philosophique, que Mr. Locke avoit composées. J'en ai eu de semblables en Latin, qu'il avoit faites ici; mais je ne sai ce qu'elles sont devenues', Bibliothèque ancienne et moderne, 13 (1720), 459.

2

'En 1687. il voulut que Mr. de Limborch & moi & quelques autres de nos amis fissions des Conférences, pour lesquelles on s'assembleroit tour à tour, une fois la semaine, tantôt chez les uns, & tantôt chez les autres, & où l'on proposeroit quelque question, sur laquelle

Page 132 of 165 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.miscMatter.8 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-miscMatter-8 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

châcun diroit son avis, dans l'Assemblée suivante. J'ai encore les Loix, qu'il souhaitoit qu'on observât, écrites de sa main en Latin. Mais nos Conférences furent interrompuës par son absence, parce qu'il alla à Roterdam, où il logea chez Mr. Furly', Bibliotheque choisie, 6 (1705), 376. The word 'interrompuës' in the final sentence could mean either that the meetings were temporarily discontinued after Locke left for Rotterdam but subsequently resumed, or that they ceased altogether; either is possible, but the latter is arguably more likely. 3

'Sur la proposition de ce grand homme, il se forma à Amsterdam, en 1687, des Conférences savantes, qui se tenoient tour-à-tour chez le Professeur Limborch, chez Mr. Le Clerc, & quelques autres Amis. Mr. Locke dressa lui-mème les Loix de ces Conférences, où l'on mettoit sur le tapis quelques questions, sur lesquelles chacun disoit son avis dans l'Assemblée suivante', Bibliothèque raisonnée, 16 (1736), 366; republished in the Eloge historique de feu Mr. Jean Le Clerc (Amsterdam, 1736), 44. 1

The name was not explained, but can be taken to indicate serious thinking and sober living, as contrasted with 'the idle chat of a soaking Club' disparaged in the Essay (II. xxi. 35, a passage added in the second edition of 1694). 2

Furly to Locke, 7/17 Nov. 1692, Correspondence, iv. 571.

3

Locke's journal shows that he went there on 18 October, and returned to London for a short visit on 18 November: MS Locke f. 10, pp. 167, 169. 1

Popple to Locke, 12 Nov. 1692, Correspondence, iv. 581.

2

Popple to Locke, 14 Jan. 1693, Correspondence, iv. 621.

3

From 7 to 18 February: MS Locke f. 10, pp. 177, 180.

4

Popple to Locke, 2 Mar. 1693, Correspondence, iv. 647.

1

On their identification, see Correspondence, iv. 581, 647; Caroline Robbins, 'Absolute Liberty: the Life and Thought of William Popple, 1638–1708', William and Mary Quarterly, 3rd series, 24 (1967), 190–223, at 208. 2

Popple to Locke, 18 May 1693, Correspondence, iv. 681–2.

Page 133 of 165 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.miscMatter.8 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-miscMatter-8 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

3

Yolton, Bibliography, 366, elision in original; the quotation is from Locke's letter to Richard King, 20 Jan. 1701, Correspondence, vii. 225. The only set of rules among Locke's papers is the 'Rules of the Dry Club'. 4

King to Locke, 13 Jan. 1701, Locke to King, 20 Jan. 1701, Correspondence, vii. 222, 225. The paper is probably a four-page leaflet, A Short Account of the Several Kinds of Societies, set up of late Years, for carrying on the Reformation of Manners, and for the Propagation of Christian Knowledge (London, 1700), attributed to Thomas Bray. 1

Luisa Simonutti, 'Circles of Virtuosi and "Charity under Different Opinions": The Crucible of Locke's Last Writings', in Studies on Locke: Sources, Contemporaries, and Legacy, ed. Sarah Hutton and Paul Schuurman (Dordrecht, 2008), 159–75, at 163. 2

'Circles of Virtuosi', 162. The use of the plural 'pieces' is misleading here: in an earlier Italian version of this paper the phrase is 'questo scritto', which unquestionably refers to the 'Rules of a Society': 'Absolute, universal, equal and inviolable liberty of conscience: Popple, Locke e il "Dry Club" ', in La formazione storica dell'alterità: studi di storia della tolleranza nell'età moderna, ed. Richard H. Popkin, Giuseppe Ricuperati, and Luisa Simonutti (Florence, 2001), ii. 707–49, at 723. 3

Correspondence, iv. 571, quoted above, 63.

1

Roger Woolhouse supposed that the Dry Club had begun to meet in 1689, his apparent source for this being Des Maizeaux's statement that Locke organized a club in London soon after the Revolution: Locke: A Biography, 274, 318. This conflicts with statements by Popple which imply that the club that met in 1692–3 was of recent origin, and also does not explain the existence of two quite distinct sets of rules. Maurice Cranston supposed, more plausibly, that it started to meet in the summer of 1692, when Locke was in London: John Locke, 361– 2. 1

13 & 14 Car. II, c. 33, 'An Act for Preventing the Frequent Abuses in Printing Seditious, Treasonable and Unlicensed Books and Pamphlets', SR, v. 428–33. Since the scope of the statute was broader than pre-publication licensing, the terms 'Printing Act' or 'Press Act' are generally now preferred to 'Licensing Act', a name that was indeed not coined until after Locke's death, probably by Matthew Tindal, A Defence of the Rights of the Christian Church (London, 1708), 163. Locke referred to it as the 'printing act' in a letter to Edward Clarke on 4 May 1693, Correspondence, iv. 674. 1

Censorship, i. 107–11, 346–8; ii. 63–4; iii. 3–4, 13–19.

Page 134 of 165 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.miscMatter.8 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-miscMatter-8 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

2

The decree is printed in Complete Prose Works of John Milton, ed. Don. M. Wolfe et al. (New Haven and London, 1953–82), ii. 793–6. 3

SR, v. 428, 429, italics added.

4

In the Star Chamber decree 'Pamphlets' had been followed directly by 'to the scandal of Religion': Censorship, i. 346. In a manuscript draft of the 1662 Act in the Parliamentary Archives, HL/PO/JO/10/1/310, 'Heretical' appears as an insertion above the line on each of the three occasions the word occurs. 1

By its charter of 1662 (repeated in later charters), the Royal Society was given the right to print 'things matters and affairs touching or concerning the aforesaid Society': The Record of the Royal Society of London (London, 1897), 41. This was taken to include a wide range of works in mathematics and natural philosophy, most famously Newton's Principia, licensed by the President, Samuel Pepys, but also two posthumously published works by Boyle that Locke saw through the press. 2

16 Car. II, c. 8, and 16 & 17 Car. II, c. 7; SR, v. 524, 556.

3

17 Car. II, c. 4; SR, v. 577.

1

LJ, xiii. 13–14.

2

On 11 November a bill for 'continuance' of the Printing Act was introduced, but on the date set for its second reading, 17 November, another bill to revive the Act and make it perpetual was instead given a first reading; this had gone no further when Parliament was prorogued on 22 November: CJ, ix. 372–3, 378. 3

LJ, xiii. 60 (3 Mar. 1677).

4

An Essay concerning Toleration, 94–7; Chronology, ii. 91–5.

5

CJ, ix. 582, 600.

6

Censorship, iii. 170, 175–6; Timothy Crist, 'Government Control of the Press after the Expiration of the Printing Act in 1679', Publishing History, 5 (1979), 49–77. 7

1 Jac. II, c. 17, An Act for Reviveing and Continuance of severall Acts of Parlyament therein mentioned, SR, vi. 19–20.

Page 135 of 165 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.miscMatter.8 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-miscMatter-8 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

8

4 & 5 W. & M., c. 24, An Act for Reviving Continuing and Explaining several Laws therein mentioned that are expired and neare expiring, SR, vi. 416–19. 1

Locke identified it as 'Of liberty of printing', and on a subsequent page as 'Ariopagitica': MS Locke f. 14, pp. 5, 7. Other works by Milton cited on these pages were Pro Populo Anglicano t

Defensio ('Milton ag Salmasius'), The Doctrine and Discipline of Divorce, and Of Reformation touching Church-Discipline in England. The word 'Stub:' appears alongside several of these entries, including Pro Populo Anglicano, and perhaps also the Areopagitica entry underneath: it probably refers to Henry Stubbe, an assistant librarian at the Bodleian. On the date of the notebook, see Milton, 'The Date and Significance of Two of Locke's Early Manuscripts', 47–89. 2

Areopagitica (London, 1644), 35, spelling altered; Milton, Complete Prose Works, ii. 561.

3

English Tract, preface: Two Tracts on Government, 118.

1

An Essay concerning Toleration, 271–2, 288.

2

An Essay concerning Toleration, 278. The use of the term 'publishing' here was not specifically tied to printing but rather to 'venting' in general, ibid., 277. 3

TNA, PRO 30/24/47/3, §34; Political Essays, 169. This article became §35 in the revised version sealed on 1 March 1670 which was subsequently included among Locke's works. 4

The main text of the article is in the hand of Sir Peter Colleton, but there are two corrections of copying errors in Locke's hand. In the passage quoted here, Colleton had written 'Innovations', which Locke corrected to 'Invasions'; this might seem to point towards Locke's authorship, but some queries that he made at the beginning of the manuscript include 'q. Invasions or innovations p. 45' [i.e. §34], which strongly suggests that he was working on a text composed by someone else: see J. R. Milton, 'John Locke and the Fundamental Constitutions of Carolina', Locke Newsletter, 21 (1990), 111–33, at 120–1. 5

Locke to William Charleton, 11/21 Apr. 1679, Correspondence, ii. 6–7.

6

MS Locke b. 2, fos 26–9, printed (though with an inaccurate designation of the source) in

John Lough, 'Locke's List of Books Banned in France in 1679', French Studies, 5 (1951), 217– 22. 7

An Essay concerning Toleration, 124; Censorship, iii. 234.

Page 136 of 165 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.miscMatter.8 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-miscMatter-8 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

1

LJ, xiii. 729 (3 Jan. 1681). The work condemned was A Speech Lately Made by a Noble Peer of the Realm (London, 1681): K. H. D. Haley, The First Earl of Shaftesbury (Oxford, 1968), 612. 2

[Robert Ferguson], The Third Part of No Protestant Plot (London, 1682), 38–9; LL 2353.

3

There are notes taken from it dated 1681 in MS Locke c. 42B, pp. 120, 122, 124.

4

Lawrence to Shaftesbury, 25 Oct. 1680, TNA, PRO 30/24/6A/355.

5

Marriage by the Morall Law of God, Vindicated ([London], 1680), 162–7, 422.

6

The Judgment and Decree of the University of Oxford Past in their Convocation July 21. 1683 (Oxford, 1683); Censorship, iii. 263–7. The book-burning was also on 21 July: Wood, Life and Times, iii. 63. Locke's movements in the late summer of 1683 are not easy to trace: the evidence is described in Philip Milton, 'John Locke and the Rye House Plot', Historical Journal, 43 (2000), 647–68, at 664–6. 7

Journal, 24 Nov. 1683, MS Locke f. 7, pp. 154–5; prices in gulden. 'Mr Vande Velde' was the bookseller Jacob van der Velde, with whom Locke subsequently lodged; at around this time he was arranging for the printing of a Dutch translation of Anna Maria van Schurman's Eukleria seu Melioris Partis Electio (Altona, 1673) with the title Eucleria, of Uitkiezing van het Beste Deel (Amsterdam, 1684). 1

Locke to Clarke, 22 Dec. 1684/1 Jan. 1685, Correspondence, ii. 672.

2

'Extrait d'un Livre Anglois qui n'est pas encore publié, intitul é Essai Philosophique concernant L'entendement', in volume 8 (Jan.–Mar. 1688), 49–142; an offprint from the same setting of type but with the title Abregé d'un ouvrage intitulé essai philosophique touchant l'entendement (Amsterdam, 1688) was produced separately for private circulation among Locke's friends. 3

On the identification of these, see J. R. Milton, 'Locke's Publications in the Bibliothèque universelle et historique', British Journal for the History of Philosophy, 19 (2011), 451–72, at 454–8. 4

Thomas to Locke, 25 Apr., 10 May 1688, Correspondence, iii. 437, 453. In the memorandum book MS Locke f. 29, p. 41 there is a note dated 1688: 'Printing | 16s a sheet for 1000 besides paper'.

Page 137 of 165 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.miscMatter.8 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-miscMatter-8 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

1

It was appended to the dedication, but appeared on the title-page from the second edition onwards. Locke began receiving (unbound) copies on 3 December: MS Locke f. 10, p. 29; MS Locke f. 29, p. 36. 2

The General History of the Air (London, 1692) and Medicinal Experiments … The Second Volume (London, 1693); the first of these was published by the Churchill brothers, the second by Samuel Smith, both having been licensed by the President of the Royal Society, Robert Southwell. 3

Locke was in any case not involved in the publication of the Letter concerning Toleration, and so was still further removed from the licensing process. 4

The others were the Essay concerning Human Understanding and Short Observations on a Printed Paper, Intituled, For encouraging the Coining Silver Money in England. The latter was the only one of the works published in 1695 that appeared before the demise of the Printing Act: Locke's journal shows that he received a copy on 25 February: MS Locke f. 10, p. 265. 5

Two Treatises of Government, 'LICENSED. Aug. 23. 1689. J. Fraser.'; A Letter concerning Toleration, 'LICENSED, Octob. 3. 1689.'; A Second Letter concerning Toleration, 'LICENSED, June 24. 1690.'; Some Considerations of the Consequences of the Lowering of Interest, and Raising the Value of Money, 'LICENSED, Novemb. 27. 1691. Ja. Fraser.' 6

The entry is dated 21 September 1693, but stated that the book had been licensed on 31 August: Transcript, iii. 430. 1

Fraser was a book dealer who had served as a royal librarian under James II and been given a sinecure as secretary of the Royal Hospital Chelsea, before becoming a licenser after the Revolution; his appointment warrant is in TNA, SP 44/338, fo. 236, and the last book listed in the Stationers' Register as having been licensed by him was on 4 July 1692: Transcript, iii. 405. On his career, see Iain Beavan, 'Who Was Dr James Fraser of Chelsea?', in From Compositors to Collectors: Essays on Book-Trade History, ed. John Hinks and Matthew Day (New Castle, Delaware, 2012), 217–34. 2

Transcript, iii. 457. There are some mild reasons for suspicion about the date given for

the licensing of the Third Letter: in the Second Letter the date placed alongside Locke's pseudonym 'Philanthropus' is 27 May 1690, four weeks before the date of licensing, and in Some Considerations the dedicatory letter is dated 7 November 1691, three weeks before the date of licensing, but in the Third Letter the date 20 June 1692 placed beside 'Philanthropus' is the same as the alleged date of licensing.

Page 138 of 165 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.miscMatter.8 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-miscMatter-8 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

3

The first mention of the Essay in the Stationers' Register did not occur until 29 April 1695, a few days before the Printing Act lapsed, with no mention made of a licenser. The entry recorded Awnsham Churchill's acquisition of Thomas Dring's half-share in the publishing rights to the Essay, described as 'now a reprinting in folio': Transcript, iii. 462. 4

On evasion of licensing, see D. F. McKenzie, 'Printing and Publishing 1557–1700: Constraints on the London Book Trades', in The Cambridge History of the Book in Britain, iv. 553–67; Michael Treadwell, 'The Stationers and the Printing Acts at the End of the Seventeenth Century', ibid., 755–76, at 765–6. 5

One example is a book by Locke's cousin Peter King, An Enquiry into the Constitution, Discipline, Unity and Worship of the Primitive Church (London, 1691). James Fraser wrote to Robert Wodrow on 15 Feb. 1722 that he had licensed it 'above 30 years ago … as being Licenser of the press at that time', National Library of Scotland, Wodrow Collection, Wod. v

Lett. Qu. XXI, fo. 29 . 1

His name was spelled 'Basset' in his usual imprint, and also by Locke, but his own signature on documents was 'Bassett', the spelling used by De Beer in the Correspondence. 2

Chronology, ii. 412; Cyprian Blagden, The Stationers' Company: A History (London, 1960), 172. Bassett served again as Warden in 1691–2 and 1693–4: Transcript, vol. iii, table of contents (unpaginated). 3

Reasons humbly offered to be considered before the Act for Printing be renewed (n.p., n.d.), 3. In this pamphlet the one work specifically identified as having been stolen in this way was Regula Placitandi: A Collection of Special Rules for Pleading (London, 1691), which had been published by Bassett. 4

Bassett to Locke, 28 Feb. 1693, Correspondence, iv. 645–6.

5

Bassett signed an agreement for this on 10 March 1693: MS Locke b. 1, fo. 168. His rights were acquired by Samuel Manship and Thomas Dring, who soon sold his half-share to Awnsham Churchill: Yolton, Bibliography, 74–5. 6

Samuel Manship to Locke, 10 Mar. 1694, Correspondence, v. 29; Chronology, iii. 169, 219.

7

A Third Letter for Toleration (London, 1692), 125, 236.

1

The first issue was published by Thomas Dring and Samuel Manship, the second by Awnsham and John Churchill and Samuel Manship. The Churchill brothers and Manship were

Page 139 of 165 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.miscMatter.8 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-miscMatter-8 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

jointly responsible for all the subsequent editions of the Essay up to the seventh (apart from the pirated sixth edition of 1710: see Yolton, Bibliography, 84–6); Manship died in 1720, and the name of his widow Anne appeared on the title-page of the eighth edition (1721). 2

William Charleton to Locke, 26 July, 28 Aug. 1687, Locke to Charleton, 2/12, 16/26 Aug. 1687, Correspondence, iii. 236, 240, 251–2. Smith's role in the importation of the Epistola is mentioned in Limborch to Locke, 27 Sept./7 Oct. 1689, ibid., 699–700. 3

Locke's work on the second part of Boyle's Medicinal Experiments is mentioned in Edmund Dickinson to Locke, 30 May 1693 (which has a postscript by Smith), and in Locke to Dickinson, 2 June 1693, Correspondence, iv. 685–7; see also M. A. Stewart, 'Locke's Professional Contacts with Robert Boyle', Locke Newsletter, 12 (1981), 19–44, at 36–40. 4

CJ, x. 761–2 (23 December); the committee had been appointed on 1 December: ibid., 729.

5

The printed Votes of the House of Commons, issued daily when the Commons were in session. 1

Locke to Clarke, 2 Jan. 1693, Correspondence, iv. 614–5.

2

Marci Tullii Ciceronis Opera quae extant omnia … nunc denuo recognita ab Jacobo Gronovio (Leiden, 1692). This was issued in four volumes in quarto and eleven in duodecimo; Locke did not own copies of either set. 3

Le Clerc to Locke, 11/21 Oct. 1692, Correspondence, iv. 528–9.

4

He was there from 15 September to 18 October: MS Locke f. 10, pp. 149, 167.

5

Limborch to Locke, 30 Sept./10 Oct., 28 Oct./7 Nov. 1692, Correspondence, iv. 525–6, 556; the publisher was Hendrik Wetstein. The Printing Act in fact made no distinction between bound and unbound new books, though it did allow the importation of bound books not formerly prohibited if they had been printed ten or more years earlier: SR, v. 433. 6

Limborch to Locke, 28 Oct./7 Nov. 1692, Correspondence, iv. 555–6.

7

Locke to Limborch, 28 Nov. 1692, Correspondence, iv. 589–90. He was in London from 18 to 26 November: MS Locke f. 10, pp. 169, 171. 8

The phrase used by Locke in Criticisms, §6.

Page 140 of 165 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.miscMatter.8 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-miscMatter-8 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

1

v

r

Stationers' Company Archives, Court Book F, 5 Sept. 1692, fos 177 –8 , summarized in Chronology, iii. 128–9. Smith had already been summoned on several occasions in 1691–2 to answer for his imports: Chronology, iii. 103, 119, 126.

2

His name appeared on the title-page of the first issue, but not the second: Yolton, Bibliography, 73–5. 3

M. T. Ciceronis Opera quae extant omnia (London, 1681).

4

Chronology, ii. 195–6, 214–15. This arrangement did not prevent individual works by Cicero continuing to be printed for the Company, mainly popular school texts. 5

Chronology, iii. 128; Term Catalogues, i. 444 (Easter 1681).

6

It was merely a reprint with some additional errors of an edition by two earlier scholars, Johann Wilhelm and Jan Gruter, first published in Hamburg in 1618 (and owned by Locke, LL 711): on its defects, see Edward Harwood, A View of the Various Editions of the Greek and Roman Classics (London, 1775), 159. Gronovius' 1692 edition was also a re-working of this, which may explain the vigour with which the Stationers' Company sought to prevent copies being imported. 7

Chronology, iii. 131. A contemporary tract gave the usual rate for 'compounding' as the sum of 6s. 8d. per copy laid down in the Printing Act, plus forty or fifty shillings for the costs of seizure and prosecution: Reasons humbly offered to be considered before the Act for Printing be renewed, 2. There is reason to think that neither the quarto nor the duodecimo edition sold well, since Smith was still advertising both at the close of the century: Term Catalogues, iii. 158 (Michaelmas 1699). 1

Pieter van der Aa to Samuel Smith, 25 Feb. 1689, cited in P. G. Hoftijzer, Pieter van der Aa (1659–1733): Leids drukker en boekverkoper (Hilversum, 1999), 35. 2

Chronology, iii. 25. On the English Stock, see Blagden, Stationers' Company, ch. 6. Despite its name the English Stock included works in languages other than English; a 'Latin Stock' earlier in the century had been concerned with imported books: Julian Roberts, 'The Latin Trade', in The Cambridge History of the Book in Britain, iv. 141–73, at 161–2. 3

Locke to Clarke, 23 Nov. 1691, Correspondence, iv. 332.

4

Correspondence, iv. 615, punctuation modified.

Page 141 of 165 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.miscMatter.8 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-miscMatter-8 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

1

Roger L'Estrange, Fables, of Æsop And other Eminent Mythologists: with Morals and Reflexions (London, 1692). The Churchills acquired their share on 24 August 1691, though the transaction was not entered in the Register until four days before the Printing Act lapsed in 1695: Transcript, iii. 462. 2

Below, 103–4.

3

Locke to Clarke, 2 Jan. 1693, Correspondence, iv. 615.

4

He had little respect for the achievements of the London publishers in this area, complaining to his friends abroad that they were much keener to publish petty disputes in politics and theology than serious works of learning: Locke to Limborch, 2 Feb. 1690, 4 Nov. 1691, Correspondence, iv. 4, 329; Locke to J. G. Graevius, 5 Nov. 1694, ibid., v. 183. 5

The widows and children are mentioned in [James Harrington], Reasons for Reviving and Continuing the Act for the Regulation of Printing (n.p. [London?], n.d. [1693?]), the dividends and feastings in Reasons humbly offered to be considered before the Act for Printing be renewed, 1. Locke owned a copy of the latter (LL 2390), and there are copies of both among Clarke's papers: Somerset Heritage Centre, Sanford Papers, DD\SF/13/5/4/40 and DD\SF/13/5/4/42. Also among Clarke's papers are A Supplement (to the Paper called, Reasons humbly offered to be considered before the Act for Printing be continued, &c.) to the Honourable Members of Parliament, humbly representing these further Publick Mischiefs acted by Monopolizing Patentees, Mercinary Licencers and others, under colour of the said Act (n.p. [London?], n.d. [1693?]), DD\SF/13/5/4/43, and Answers to the Reasons for reviving and continuing the Act for Regulation of Printing, delivered to the Members of the Honourable House of Commons, Feb. 20th (n.p. [London?], n.d. [1693?]), DD\SF/13/5/4/41. 1

Locke to Anthony Collins, 9 June 1704, Correspondence, viii. 314–15.

2

Cranston, John Locke, 369. The passage of the bill through Parliament is described in Raymond Astbury, 'The Renewal of the Licensing Act in 1693 and its Lapse in 1695', The Library, 5th series, 33 (1978), 296–322, at 300–3. 3

LJ, xv. 280 (8 March).

4

Locke to Clarke, 4 May 1693, Correspondence, iv. 674. In one of Locke's memorandum books, MS Locke f. 29, p. 55, there is a note mentioning 'observations on the printing act', filed under Clarke's name and dated 1693; it would seem likely that this refers to a manuscript, since no tract on printing published in 1692–3 had this word in its title.

Page 142 of 165 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.miscMatter.8 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-miscMatter-8 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

5

SR, vi. 418.

1

CJ, xi. 180 (30 November).

2

Freke to Locke, 3 Jan. 1695, Correspondence, v. 248.

3

CJ, xi. 200.

4

Freke and Clarke to Locke, 28 Feb. 1695, Correspondence, v. 278.

5

CJ, xi. 228, 254.

6

CJ, xi. 286.

7

LJ, xv. 527, 528.

8

LJ, xv. 532.

9

Freke and Clarke to Locke, 9 Apr. 1695, Correspondence, v. 327 (letters from the College to Locke were signed on behalf of both Clarke and Freke, but usually written by Freke, as here). 'My Lord K' was the College's usual way of referring to Lord Keeper Somers, normally a College ally (by virtue of his office he was Speaker of the House of Lords, even though he did not become a peer until 1697: ODNB): the identification is settled by Freke's mention of him as the dedicatee of Further Considerations Concerning Raising the Value of Money: Freke to Locke, 5 Dec. 1695, Correspondence, v. 476. 1

CJ, xi. 301 (12 April).

2

CJ, xi. 305–6; LJ, xv. 545–6.

3

Chronology, iii. 197; Transcript, iii. 457–61. These entries included several individual works by Cicero designed for school use and Hoole's English–Latin edition of Aesop's Fables. 4

The third edition of the Essay (1695); Some Considerations of the Consequences of the Lowering of Interest (1692, second edition 1696); and the three Letters on Toleration, not reprinted in Locke's lifetime: Transcript, iii. 457, 462–3. 5

The date '94' almost certainly refers to the modern calendar year, not the civil or legal year ending on 24 March. In the period from 1 January to 24 March 1695 Locke sent only three

Page 143 of 165 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.miscMatter.8 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-miscMatter-8 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

extant letters in which the year was given, all with the dual date ' '; he endorsed 16 incoming letters with the dual date and 8 with '95', but none with '94'. 6

His journal shows that he arrived on 7 December and left on the 22nd, during which time he saw Freke on the 15th and Clarke on the 19th and 20th (though there is no reason to suppose that these were the only occasions on which they met): MS Locke f. 10, pp. 249– 51. He may have seen Samuel Smith as well, while retrieving a book that Limborch had sent to him via Smith: Limborch to Locke, 2/12 Dec. 1694, Locke to Limborch, 11 Dec. 1694, Correspondence, v. 229, 239. 1

Ferdinando Pulton, continued by Thomas Manby, A Collection Of all the Statutes Now in Use (London, 1670), 1385–90. An earlier version of Manby's continuation, which included the Printing Act with the same shortened title had been published three years earlier as A Collection of the Statutes Made in the Reigns of King Charles the I. and King Charles the II. (London, 1667), 167–73, but since Locke owned a copy of the 1670 edition (LL 2408) it would seem more likely that he used this. 2

In the Pulton and Manby Collection the Act's first section is divided into two paragraphs, so that the reference in it to 'heretical, seditious, schismatical, or offensive Books' appears in the second paragraph, designated by Locke as §2. The numbers assigned to the sections in Statutes of the Realm are invariably one less than those Locke used. 3

Criticisms, §2.

1

Criticisms, §18.

2

Other examples can be found in the additions made in the 1670s to the Essay concerning Toleration, 310–11, 313–15. 3

Criticisms, §13.

4

SR, vi. 76.

5

On 10 May 1695 Locke told Limborch that he had begun writing the Reasonableness of Christianity in the winter that had just passed: Correspondence, v. 370. 6

Anonymous to Locke, 19 Feb. [1694?], Correspondence, v. 24; the Trinity was not explicitly mentioned in the letter, but references to the Athanasian Creed and 'the present

Page 144 of 165 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.miscMatter.8 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-miscMatter-8 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

controversy' point firmly in that direction. The licenser was George Royse, who had recently licensed Some Thoughts concerning Education. 1

Criticisms, §§6, 8.

2

Criticisms, §6.

3

Criticisms, §13.

4

CJ, xi. 305–6; LJ, xv. 545–6; MS Locke b. 4, fos 79–80.

1

Paragraphs 4–7, for example, are concerned with the practical problems caused by requiring episcopal oversight of book imports, laid down in section 4 of the Act and not directly addressed by Locke. By contrast the complaints in paragraph 8 about the deleterious consequences of the Act for scholarship would seem quite likely to have been derived from things that Locke had said. 2

In their extant correspondence this name was first used in Freke and Clarke to Locke, 29 Nov. 1694, Correspondence, v. 201. On the other activities of the College, see Mark Knights, 'John Locke and Post-Revolutionary Politics: Electoral Reform and the Franchise', Past and Present, 213 (2011), 41–86, at 46–61. 3

Locke to Freke and Clarke, 3 May 1695, Correspondence, v. 358.

4

CJ, xi. 228, 254.

1

MS Locke b. 4, fo. 77; BL, Add. MS 42592, item no. 203. The second manuscript is assigned the date '?1693' in the British Library catalogue, but despite small differences is clearly the bill sent by Freke to Locke in March 1695. On the manuscripts, see the Textual Introduction, below, 178–9. 2

Locke to Freke and Clarke, 8 Feb. 1695, Freke and Clarke to Locke, 14 Feb. 1695, Correspondence, v. 265, 269; CJ, xi. 250 (27 Feb. 1695). There are two extant letters from Brockman to Locke (19 Jan., 28 Feb. 1695, Correspondence, v. 258–9, 279–80), but neither mentions printing. 3

Freke and Clarke to Locke, 28 Feb. 1695, Correspondence, v. 278.

4

These lost letters were dated 4 March and 18 March: see Correspondence, v. 279, 282, o

292. A letter from Locke dated '19 Mar.' and clearly written in 1695 is among Clarke's

Page 145 of 165 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.miscMatter.8 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-miscMatter-8 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

papers in the Somerset Heritage Centre, DD\SF/7/9/1. It describes in rather derisive terms the possibility that the College of Physicians might request a power of licensing, mentioned in Freke's letter of the 14th (Correspondence, v. 291–2), but says nothing further about licensing. 5

Freke and Clarke to Locke, 7 Mar. 1695, Correspondence, v. 282. De Beer tentatively identified the pamphlet as Charles Blount's A Just Vindication of Learning and the Liberty of the Press, first published (anonymously) in 1679 and reprinted in 1695 at the end of

Blount's Miscellaneous Works, where it had its own title-page and separate pagination. It is, however, unlikely that the Miscellaneous Works were already on sale: Anthony Wood wrote on 7 March that 'Certaine works of Charles Blount lately deceased were stop'd going to the press, containing atheisticall and profane matters', Life and Times, iii. 481. A more likely candidate is Reasons Humbly offered for the Liberty of Unlicens'd Printing (London, 1693): Locke owned a copy (LL 2391), and on 1 March had asked Andrew Fletcher to give another to the Earl of Monmouth before the printing bill was sent to the Lords: Correspondence, viii. 436. 1

While we cannot be sure who drafted which parts of the legislation, it can reasonably be surmised that Clarke took a leading role, given that he subsequently introduced the bill in the Commons: CJ, xi. 228. The 'Mr. Freke' who was listed among the members of the drafting committee cannot have been the College's John Freke, as Cranston supposed (John Locke, 387), since he was not an MP; it was probably Thomas Freke, MP for Dorset, or possibly his cousin Thomas Freke, MP for Weymouth and Melcombe Regis. 2

Locke to Freke and Clarke, 11 Mar. 1695, Correspondence, v. 288; 'event' here means outcome: OED, event, 3a.

3

Freke and Clarke to Locke, 14 Mar. 1695, Correspondence, v. 291.

1

Correspondence, v. 791; Astbury, 'The Renewal of the Licensing Act', 311. Mark Goldie correctly points out that the intention was to avoid licensing: Political Essays, 329. 2

The difference between these measures and pre-publication censorship was recognized by Locke's contemporaries: one set of criticisms opened by complaining that the aim of the bill was 'manifestly to lay open the Press for all or any and who hath a mind to Print even without Lycence for Erecting such Press … And even to Print and Publish what they Please without any leave and Lycence': Lambeth Palace Library, MS 640, pp. 249–51, printed in Censorship, iii. 431–2. 3

The dual date in Locke's endorsement indicates unambiguously that it was written before 25 March. Page 146 of 165 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.miscMatter.8 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-miscMatter-8 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

4

Freke and Clarke to Locke, 21 Mar. 1695, Correspondence, v. 295.

1

In Brockman's copy the last two words are not present.

1

The bill has the words 'the Christian Religion as it is Establisht by Law in this Realm' in the fourth paragraph, and 'the Christian religion as Establisht by Law' in the fifth. In the Brockman manuscript both phrases were underlined and the letter 'V' added in the margin, probably by Brockman himself: see below, 369. 2

Freke and Clarke to Locke, 21 Mar. 1695, Correspondence, v. 294–5.

3

CJ, xi. 341, 345.

4

'The printing act I see has been taken care of to the utmost and I thank you it is lodgd and thats well', Locke to Freke and Clarke, 2 Dec. 1695, Correspondence, v. 472. 5

Among them letters dated 9 and 15 December: Correspondence, v. 476, 484.

6

Correspondence, v. 476.

7

Correspondence, v. 482.

1

Freke and Clarke to Locke, 17 Dec. 1695, Correspondence, v. 487.

2

'Oxford Objections against Scheme of Printing Act', Lambeth Palace Library, MS 939, item 10; Censorship, iii. 435. 3

Censorship, iii. 426.

4

'A Bill for the Regulation of Printing and Printing Presses', Lambeth Palace Library, MS 640, pp. 207–35; Cambridge University Library, MS Oo. 6. 93, fos 39–47. The text of the Lambeth manuscript is printed and compared with the Cambridge version in Censorship, iii. 425– 30. De Beer believed the text of the bill to be lost, but both copies were known to Astbury: Correspondence, v. 472; Astbury, 'Renewal', 318–19. 5

Censorship, iii. 426.

6

Censorship, iii. 429.

7

CJ, xi. 523 (19 March).

Page 147 of 165 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.miscMatter.8 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-miscMatter-8 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

1

On these bills, see Geoff Kemp, 'The "End of Censorship" and the Politics of Toleration, from Locke to Sacheverell', Parliamentary History, 31 (2012), 47–68, 59–63. 2

Issue 281 (20 Nov. 1731), in Caleb D'Anvers [Nicholas Amhurst], The Craftsman (London, 1731–7), viii. 213. 3

Although The Craftsman referred readers to this source, the Journals were not readily accessible; they were privately printed for members only from 1742, and made public from 1802 onwards. 4

None of the additions to the corpus of Locke's writings that were published in the eighteenth century came from his own papers, apart from those which had appeared immediately after his death in the Posthumous Works (1706). 5

King (1829), 202–8; it was also included in the enlarged two-volume edition that appeared in the following year: King (1830), i. 375–87. Its presence was not well sign-posted: it was not listed in the contents page of the 1829 edition, while in the 1830 edition there was no contents page at all. 1

King (1829), 201–2; King (1830), i. 375.

2

T. B. Macaulay, The History of England from the Accession of James the Second (London, 1855), iv. 541. 3

The Life and Letters of Lord Macaulay, ed. George Otto Trevelyan (London, 1876), ii. 409– 10; The Journals of Thomas Babington Macaulay, ed. William Thomas (London, 2008), iv. 263, 284. 4

The History of England from the Accession of James the Second (London, 1858), iv. 543–4.

1

Macaulay, History of England, i. 546.

2

A Letter to a Member of Parliament, Shewing, that a Restraint on the Press Is inconsistent with the Protestant Religion, and dangerous to the Liberties of the Nation (London, 1698). Locke owned a copy of this, LL 2392. 3

Life of John Locke, ii. 315, 316.

4

John Locke, 386–7.

Page 148 of 165 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.miscMatter.8 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-miscMatter-8 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

5

Ian Gadd, 'The Press and the London Book Trade', in The History of Oxford University Press, ed. Ian Gadd, Simon Eliot, and Wm. Roger Louis (Oxford, 2013), i. 569–99, at 587–9; Ronan Deazley, On the Origin of the Right to Copy (Oxford, 2004), 2–4, 7–10; Laura Moscati, 'Un "Memorandum" di John Locke tra Censorship e Copyright', Rivista di storia del diritto italiano, 76 (2003), 127–44; Justin Hughes, 'Locke's 1694 Memorandum (and more incomplete Copyright Historiographies)', Cardozo Arts & Entertainment Law Journal, 27 (2010), 555–72. 1

Bettesworth was one of the publishers of the third (1727) edition of Locke's collected works, and was involved (usually in association with other publishers) with all the editions of his individual works that were printed in London between 1728 and 1738, the year before he died. 2

The Works of John Locke (London, 1777), vol. 1, p. viii.

3

E. S. de Beer, 'Bishop Law's List of Books Attributed to Locke', Locke Newsletter, 7 (1976), 47–54. 4

A pioneering article which set out much of the evidence for this is Robert H. Horwitz and Judith B. Finn, 'Locke's Aesop's Fables', Locke Newsletter, 6 (1975), 71–88. 5

M. L. West, 'The Ascription of Fables to Aesop in Archaic and Classical Greece', in Hellenica (Oxford, 2011–13), iii. 396–415. 1

Michael Lapidge and Jill Mann, 'Reconstructing the Anglo-Latin Aesop: The Literary Tradition of the "Hexametrical Romulus" ', in Latin Culture in the Eleventh Century: Proceedings of the Third International Conference on Medieval Latin Studies Cambridge, 9–12 September 1998, ed. Michael W. Herren, C. J. McDonough, and Ross G. Arthur (Turnhout, 2002), ii. 1–33, at 1. 2

David G. Hale, 'Aesop in Renaissance England', The Library, 5th series, 27 (1972), 116–25; Ian M. Green, Humanism and Protestantism in Early Modern English Education (Farnham, 2009), 162–72. 3

Locke to Clarke, 22 Aug./1 Sept. 1685, 29 Jan./8 Feb. 1686, 5/15 Mar. 1686, 8/18 Feb. 1687, Correspondence, ii. 733–4, 773, 790, iii. 131; Some Thoughts, §148 [1693]/ §156 [1695]. 4

Locke to Clarke, 9/19 Mar. 1688, Correspondence, iii. 408, transcribed by Benjamin Rand. It is likely that the edition Locke was thinking of was The Fables of Esop in English; With all his Life and Fortune (London, 1676), which had woodcuts at the head of each fable.

Page 149 of 165 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.miscMatter.8 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-miscMatter-8 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

5

Clarke to Locke, 16 Mar. 1688, Correspondence, iii. 414; Locke made a note on the letter that he answered it on the 30th (probably old-style), but his next surviving letter to Clarke was on 6/16 May. 1

Edward junior was then staying with the Mashams at Oates: his visit is mentioned in Clarke to Locke, 15 Sept. 1691, Clarke to Lady Masham, 15 Sept. 1691, Locke to Clarke, 23 Nov., 3, 4 Dec. 1691, Correspondence, iv. 309, 310, 331–2, 335–8. 2

Locke to Clarke, 23 Nov. 1691, Correspondence, iv. 332.

1

In 1668, 1676, 1689, 1700, 1712, 1723, and 1731; all these editions were described on their title-pages as having been printed 'pro Societate Stationariorum'. 2

Some Thoughts, §158 [1693]/ §167 [1695]; see also §167 [1693]/ §177 [1695].

3

Court Book F, 11 June 1694, 1 July 1695, 12 Dec. 1695, 2 Aug. 1697, 6 Sept. 1697, 4, r

v

v

r

r

r

r

28 Oct. 1697, fos 209 , 227 , 236 , 265 , 267 , 268 , 270 ; Court Book G, 8 Nov. 1697, 22 r

v

Dec. 1697, fos 1 , 2 : see Alison Shell and Alison Emblow, Index to the Court Books of the Stationers' Company, 1679 to 1717 (Oxford, 2007), 120, and Astbury, 'The Renewal of the Licensing Act', 304. Locke's name was not mentioned, but the entry in the Court Book on 11 June 1694 reported the Earl of Pembroke's desire to have an interlinear Latin–English edition of Aesop published by Awnsham Churchill, and it can reasonably be assumed that he was acting on Locke's behalf; the entry is printed in Chronology, iii. 175. 4

Awnsham Churchill to Locke, 24 Apr. 1700, Correspondence, vii. 69.

5

Educated at St Paul's School, entered Jesus College as a pensioner in 1684, BA 1689, MA 1697, DD 1717, fellow of Jesus 1696–1714, Master of Clare Hall 1713–26, died 9 Apr. 1726: Venn, Alumni Cantabrigienses, i. 268. 6

His financial worries are mentioned in Anna Grigg to Locke, 19 Mar. 1700, Correspondence, vii. 34–5. 1

The transaction, dated 14 Sept. 1703, was recorded in Locke's ledger, MS Locke c. 2, r

p. 59, and in MS Locke b. 1, fo. 265 . Locke did, however, leave Grigg £200 in his will: Correspondence, viii. 419–20. 2

Awnsham Churchill to Locke, 26 Sept. 1700, Correspondence, vii. 150.

Page 150 of 165 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.miscMatter.8 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-miscMatter-8 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

3

Awnsham Churchill to Locke, 19 July 1701, John Churchill to Locke, 4 Oct. 1701, Awnsham Churchill to Locke, 31 Jan. 1702, Correspondence, vii. 383, 466, 553. On 28 July 1702 Locke noted in his journal that he had received 'A sheet of Esop': MS Locke f. 10, p. 528. 4

Looking or reading carefully over written or printed matter with a view to improvement or correction: OED, revise, 1a. 5

Awnsham Churchill to Locke, 15 Aug. 1702, Correspondence, vii. 667, punctuation altered.

6

Awnsham Churchill to Locke, 14 Nov. 1702, Correspondence, vii. 706. The work was not identified, but the Fables is the only plausible candidate. 1

Some Thoughts, §148 [1693]/ §156 [1695]; there is an earlier version of these remarks in Locke to Clarke, 5/15 Mar. 1686, Correspondence, ii. 790. 2

Awnsham Churchill to Locke, 26 Feb. 1703, Correspondence, vii. 754.

3

Francis Limborch to Locke, 3 Apr. 1703, Correspondence, vii. 758; the books are identified in a note that Locke made at the end of the letter. 4

Awnsham Churchill to Locke, 3 July 1703, Correspondence, viii. 30, punctuation altered.

5

These both occupy half a sheet and could therefore have been printed together; a full description of the edition is given in the Textual Introduction, 166. 6

John Churchill to Locke, 15 Sept. 1703, Correspondence, viii. 65; Locke's letter, now lost, was dated 3 September. 1

'I send herewith 2 Esop interlinary', Awnsham Churchill to Locke, 17 Nov. 1703, Correspondence, viii. 121. 2

On 11, 15, and 19 April, 18 and 24 May, where it was described as 'Aesop's Fables, in English and Latin, interlineary, for the Benefit of those who not having a Master would learn either of these Tongues. With sculptures. printed for A. and J. Churchill at the Black Swan in Pater-Noster-Row'. No price was given. 3

Another set of advertisements for 'The Second Edition, with Sculptures. By John Locke, Gent. Priced 3s. 6d.' appeared in the General Advertiser between 16 July and 10 September 1747. Although the book was described as 'Printed for Charles Hitch, at the Red-Lion in

Page 151 of 165 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.miscMatter.8 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-miscMatter-8 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

Pater-noster Row', it is unlikely that this was a new edition: Hitch was Bettesworth's son-inlaw and they had published several editions of Locke's works together. 4

In March 1828 a new edition of 'Aesop's Fables, English and Latin, interlineary, for the benefit of those who not having a Master, would learn either of these Tongues. By John Locke, Gent. Author of an Essay on the Human Understanding. The Third Edition, revised and corrected by P. A. Nuttall, LL.D.' was listed in the Gentleman's Magazine, 98 (1828), 254, as among works 'Preparing for Publication', and in April it was described in the New Monthly Magazine, 24 (1828), 172, as 'about to be published', but nothing seems to have come of this. 5

The last London edition was the tenth, in 1789, but there were numerous successors published in the United States during the nineteenth century. 6

Fabulæ Æsopi Selectæ: or, Select Fables of Æsop (Dublin, 1732), preface, italics reversed.

1

Fabulæ Æsopi Selectæ: or, Select Fables of Æsop (London, 1737).

2

Æsopi Phrygis Fabulae Elegantissimis Iconibus Veras Animalium Species ad Vivum Adumbrantibus (n.p. [Lyon?], 1605), LL 33; Fabulae Æsopi, Graecè & Latinè, Nunc Denuo a

Selectae (Amsterdam, 1660), LL 35 ; Fabularum Æsopicarum Delectus (Oxford, 1698), LL 35. 3

This was proposed by Horwitz and Finn, 'Locke's Aesop's Fables', 82. The fables had frequently been printed in this order from the early sixteenth century onwards; it was ultimately derived from the Romulus vulgaris mentioned earlier: Léopold Hervieux, Les Fabulistes Latins, depuis le siècle d'Auguste jusqu'à la fin du moyen âge (Paris, 1884–99), ii. 177–8. 4

Hoole's edition contained 439 fables in two books, while the Locke/Grigg edition had 230, corresponding—with frequent omissions—to the fables in Hoole's first book and the earlier part of his second (as far as Fable 33, 'Of the bald Man, that wore others hair instead of his own'). 1

Æsopi Fabulae Anglo-Latinae (London, 1668), 3, paragraph divisions and numbering omitted and italics suppressed. This fable can be found in the same words in many earlier Latin editions, for example Aesopi Phrygis, Et Aliorum Fabulae (Lyon, 1542), 94; it is a heavily revised version of Phaedrus, Book III, fable 13, 'Pullus ad Margaritam'. 2

Aesop's Fables in English and Latin, Interlineary (London, 1703), 1, italics suppressed and v

one correction made following the list of errata on sig. a3 .

Page 152 of 165 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.miscMatter.8 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-miscMatter-8 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

3

r

TNA, PRO 30/24/18, fo. 3 (Shaftesbury's autograph), with copies in TNA, PRO 30/24/17, r

r

fo. 61 and Hampshire RO, 9M73/G198/3, fo. 1 ; the transcription in Christie, Memoirs, 1 is not entirely accurate. On the efflorescence of French memoirs from the late 1650s onwards, see Derek A. Watts, 'Seventeenth-Century French Memoirs: New Perspectives', Journal of European Studies, 10 (1980), 126–41, at 128–9. 1

The first autobiographical fragment (TNA, PRO 30/24/17/15), which goes as far as December 1645, was printed by Christie in Memoirs, 38–53, and subsequently in Shaftesbury, vol. i, Appendix II. The only manuscript of the second (PRO 30/24/6B/442) is a later copy in which both the beginning and end of the original text are missing, the surviving part covering events between October 1659 and February 1660; it is printed in Christie, Shaftesbury, i. 195–9, 204–12. The diaries (PRO 30/24/8/1–3) are for the years 1646–50, and are in Christie, Memoirs, 53–87 and Shaftesbury, vol. i, Appendix II. All these documents are of great value for assessing the reliability of Locke's Memoirs. 2

Locke to King, 4 and 25 Oct. 1704, Correspondence, viii. 415. This appears to be the only mention of the Memoirs anywhere in Locke's correspondence. 3

The title 'Memoirs relating to the Life of Anthony First Earl of Shaftesbury' is that given in Locke's Posthumous Works, and though now widely used has no authority: the title at the head of Locke's manuscript is merely 'Memoirs'. 4

At the time of the events described by Locke Shaftesbury held the baronetcy which he had inherited from his father in 1631, and was therefore correctly styled 'Sir Anthony Ashley Cooper', but in the account that follows he is generally referred to as 'Cooper', this being his father's surname. In Locke's manuscript he is most commonly referred to as 'Sir A A' or 'Sir A', occasionally as 'S A A C', 'A A' or even 'A', and once, anachronistically, as 'L: A' (Lord Ashley), a title he did not acquire until 1661. 1

Christie, Memoirs, 43.

2

Haley, Shaftesbury, 39–41; A. R. Bayley, The Great Civil War in Dorset 1642–1660 (Taunton, 1910), 100–1, and see 97–8 for indications of Cooper's earlier hostility to pro-Parliamentarian fortification and mustering in Dorchester. 3

Haley suggested July: Shaftesbury, 43. Charles was at Oxford until early August, when he went to join the army besieging Gloucester, arriving there on the 10th: Clarendon, The History of the Rebellion and Civil Wars in England, ed. W. D. Macray (Oxford, 1888), iii. 132.

Page 153 of 165 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.miscMatter.8 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-miscMatter-8 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

4

Cooper's autobiography describes how he was 'by the gentlemen of the county [Dorset] desired to attend the King' after the surrender of Dorchester and Weymouth in August: Christie, Memoirs, 45, though whether he then went to Oxford is not indicated. He did go there in the autumn of 1643: Bellum Civile: Hopton's Narrative of his Campaign in the West (1642–1644), ed. Charles E. H. Chadwyck Healey (London, 1902), 64. 1

Bayley, Great Civil War in Dorset; Tim Goodwin, Dorset in the Civil War 1625–1665 (Taunton, 1996), 42–3; David Underdown, Fire from Heaven: Life in an English Town in the Seventeenth Century (New Haven, 1992), 196–202. 2

CJ, ii. 987.

3

A copy of the letter from Cooper and three others requesting its surrender is in Bodl., MS Tanner 62, fo. 217; Bayley, Great Civil War in Dorset, 100–1; Haley, Shaftesbury, 43– 4; Underdown, Fire from Heaven, 203–4. The wider military history can be followed in Ian Gentles, The English Revolution and the Wars in the Three Kingdoms 1638–1652 (Harlow, 2007), 172–8. 4

This quarrel is not recorded by anyone else, but there is nothing improbable about it: according to Clarendon, Carnarvon was furious with Maurice and resigned his command: History of the Rebellion, iii. 158. 1

Locke referred to him as 'serjeant Fountain', but he did not become a serjeant-at-law until 1656, ODNB. 2

Clarendon, History of the Rebellion, iii. 503–6. The proposed association (which came to nothing: iv. 12–13) bears a noticeable similarity to the one Cooper is said to have outlined to the King in 1643. 3

Haley suggested that it happened around the time of the first battle of Newbury (20 September): Shaftesbury, 46. Hungerford is on one possible route between Dorset and Oxford, and if Cooper went to visit the King in the autumn of 1643 he could have met Fountaine on either his journey there or his return. 1

Michael Braddick, God's Fury, England's Fire: A New History of the English Civil Wars (London, 2008), 413–21; John Morrill, Revolt in the Provinces: The People of England and the Tragedies of War 1630–1648 (London, 1999), 132–51, 200–4. 2

Goodwin, Dorset, ch. 7.

Page 154 of 165 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.miscMatter.8 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-miscMatter-8 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

3

This may be the letter 'from the King's own hand of large promises and thanks for his service' mentioned in Cooper's own account: Christie, Memoirs, 48. 4

He had been captured at Wakefield on 21 May 1643: ODNB.

1

Calendar of the Clarendon State Papers, ed. H. O. Coxe et al. (Oxford, 1872–1970), i. 245; Christie, Memoirs, 94. Cooper's autobiography states that he surrendered his post to his successor as governor, William Ashburnham, in February: Christie, Memoirs, 48. 2

Christie, Memoirs, 48, 94.

3

Christie, Memoirs, 94, 95.

4

Hampshire RO, 9M73/G200/1 is the original warrant empowering Cooper 'To command as Field Marshal the brigade of horse and foot now under command of the High Sheriff of Dorset', dated 3 August 1644; there is a copy in TNA, PRO 30/24/2/43. 5

Christie, Shaftesbury, i. 61–74; Haley, Shaftesbury, 50–4; Bayley, Great Civil War in Dorset, 208–10, 221, 227–8, 232–4. 6

A Pacquet of Advices and Animadversions, Sent from London to the Men of Shaftsbury (London, 1676), 19. 1

Clarendon described him as 'in his disposition and inclination so false that he could never be believed or relied on', History of the Rebellion, ii. 534. 2

On these accusations see Patricia Crawford, 'The Savile Affair', English Historical Review, 90 (1975), 76–93; Michael Mahoney, 'The Savile Affair and the Politics of the Long Parliament', Parliamentary History, 7 (1988), 212–27. Holles's own account (in which Cooper was not mentioned) is in Memoirs of Denzil Lord Holles, Baron of Ifield in Sussex, From the Year 1641, to 1648 (London, 1699), 38–41. 3

Holles had petitioned the House of Commons on 18 March 1641, asking that Cooper should not be permitted to take his seat as MP for Downton, Wiltshire, since he was under age,

and mentioning his litigation with Cooper in the Court of Wards: The Journal of Sir Simonds D'Ewes, ed. Wallace Notestein (New Haven, 1923), 504–5. 4

Patricia Crawford, Denzil Holles, 1598–1680: A Study of his Political Career (London, 1979), 120; Haley, Shaftesbury, 57–8. It is indeed doubtful whether Cooper was even in London: the

Page 155 of 165 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.miscMatter.8 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-miscMatter-8 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

parliamentary proceedings took place between 4 and 21 July (CJ, iv. 195, 214), and Cooper was at Tunbridge Wells for six weeks from an unspecified date in June: Christie, Memoirs, 52. 1

In his memoir of Locke, Pierre Coste recalled how Locke had praised Shaftesbury's knowledge of men, his perceptiveness, and above all 'that penetration, that presence of mind' and 'that noble boldness … always guided by solid judgement' ('cette pénétration, cette présence d'Esprit … cette noble hardiesse … toûjours guidée par un jugement solide'), precisely those qualities celebrated in Locke's own memoir: 'Lettre de Mr. Coste à l'Auteur de ces Nouvelles, à l'occasion de la mort de Monsieur Locke', Nouvelles de la république des lettres, Février 1705, 163–4. Jean Le Clerc used very similar language, remarking on Shaftesbury's 'extraordinary vivacity and penetration of mind' ('une vivacité & une pénetration d'esprit tout à fait extraordinaires'): 'Eloge de feu Mr. Locke', Bibliothèque choisie, 6 (1705), 353. 2

The date of the marriage is from the parish register, where it is given as 6 January 1648 (presumably 1648/9): Thomas Faulkner, An Historical and Topographical Description of Chelsea, and its Environs (Chelsea, 1829), ii. 125. Danvers's wife is described by Locke as his housekeeper, but her origins may not have been quite as humble as this might suggest: on her memorial tablet in Isleworth parish church she is described as the daughter of Thomas Hewes of Kemerton, Gloucestershire, where the Hewes family had bought part of the manor in the late sixteenth century: George James Aungier, The History and Antiquities of Syon Monastery, the Parish of Isleworth, and the Chapelry of Hounslow (London, 1840), 155; Thomas Rudge, The History of the County of Gloucester (Gloucester, 1803), i. 142. 3

Cooper noted in his diary that Danvers was with him at the Wiltshire assizes on 11 August 1646 and 14 August 1647: Christie, Memoirs, 61, 72. 1

Christie, Memoirs, 81–2. If the marriage was in 1648 Cooper was also away from London: ibid., 75. 2

In 1655 Cooper had married Margaret Spencer, Southampton's niece: Haley, Shaftesbury, 90. 3

John Miller, James II: A Study in Kingship (Hove, 1978), 44–6.

4

This is the only place in the Memoirs where Locke described Cooper as 'L: A', i.e. Lord Ashley, but prematurely: he was not elevated to the peerage until 20 April 1661, and these events manifestly belong to the autumn of 1660. 5

CJ, v. 90, 91, 107, 133. The designated commander was Philip Skippon, with Edward Massey in command of the cavalry; Cromwell was not mentioned. Page 156 of 165 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.miscMatter.8 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-miscMatter-8 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

1

The matter is explored in G. E. Aylmer, 'Was Oliver Cromwell a Member of the Army in 1646–7 or not?', History, 56 (1971), 183–8. On Cromwell's interest in the reconquest of Ireland, see Patrick Little, 'Cromwell and Ireland before 1649', in Oliver Cromwell: New Perspectives (London, 2009), 116–41. 2

Austin Woolrych, Soldiers and Statesmen: The General Council of the Army and its Debates 1647–1648 (Oxford, 1987), 112. Locke stated that the army was then encamped at Triploe [Thriplow] Heath, south of Cambridge, but it did not arrive there until 10 June: ibid., 123. 3

The course of events can be followed in Austin Woolrych, Britain in Revolution 1625–1660 (Oxford, 2002), 371–9. 4

The expulsion of the Presbyterian MPs—now known as Pride's Purge—did not occur until 6–7 December 1648: David Underdown, Pride's Purge: Politics in the Puritan Revolution (Oxford, 1971), 143–57. 1

He was in London from 29 January to 17 February, from 5 May to 2 June, 25–30 October, and from 12 November to 2 December: Christie, Memoirs, 66, 69–70, 74–5. 2

On this, see Alan Marshall, ' "Mechanic Tyrannie": Anthony Ashley Cooper and the English Republic', in Anthony Ashley Cooper, First Earl of Shaftesbury, ed. John Spurr (Farnham, 2011), 27–50. 3

CJ, iv. 732; he served until February 1648: Christie, Memoirs, 76.

4

Cooper's diary, 17, 29 Jan. and 7, 8 Feb. 1650: Christie, Memoirs, 85–6.

1

The royalists in exile seem to have hoped that he would: a letter from Charles sent on 16/26 February 1655 assured Cooper that 'whatsoever he has done amiss shall be forgotten if he will do his part': Calendar of the Clarendon State Papers, iii. 17. 2

See Haley, Shaftesbury, 93–5; Woolrych, Britain in Revolution, 687–9. One commentator included him with Hesilrige, Vane, Ludlow, Lambert, Scot, Neville, 'and all that gang' of Commonwealths-men: Francis Aungier to Henry Cromwell, 14 Feb. 1658, The Correspondence of Henry Cromwell 1655–1659, ed. Peter Gaunt (Camden Society, 5th series, 31, 2007), 455. 3

Cooper was arrested on suspicion of involvement in this, but was exonerated by a Parliamentary committee of inquiry: Christie, Shaftesbury, i. 185–7.

Page 157 of 165 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.miscMatter.8 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-miscMatter-8 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

4

Haley, Shaftesbury, 113–14; on Cooper's attendance, see Ruth E. Mayers, 1659: The Crisis of the Commonwealth (Woodbridge, 2004), 34, though her account of his dealings with the royalists is unreliable. 5

The Remonstrance and Protestation of the Well-affected People of the Cities of London [etc.] (London, 1659), 3, 8. 1

Cooper and Hesilrige met Monck's commissioners on 16 November, and on the 19th Cooper and eight others wrote to Monck: The Clarke Papers V: Further Selections from the Papers of William Clarke (Camden Society, 5th series, 27), 343–4. 2

TNA, PRO 30/24/6B/442, printed in Christie, Shaftesbury, i. 195–9, 204–12.

3

Bulstrode Whitelocke noted under the date 25 November 1659 that 'Some members of the former council of state gave out commissions sealed by them for raising of forces', though Cooper's name was not mentioned: Memorials of the English Affairs (Oxford, 1853), iv. 375– 6. 4

On both the occasions on which he is mentioned in Locke's Memoirs Whetham is referred to as 'Metham'. Haley (Shaftesbury, 119n) stated that 'The name Metham printed in Locke's Works is evidently the result of a misreading of Locke's capital letter', but in the manuscript (which Haley seems not to have consulted) the capital M is entirely clear on each occasion. 5

These transactions with Whetham were also mentioned by Shaftesbury: Christie, Shaftesbury, i. 196. 6

Christie, Shaftesbury, i. 196–7.

1

Lambert left London on 3 November: Ronald Hutton, The Restoration (Oxford, 1985), 71. His subsequent movements are described in David Farr, John Lambert, Parliamentary Soldier and Cromwellian Major-General, 1619–1684 (Woodbridge, 2003), 203–5. 2

Christie, Shaftesbury, i. 197–8.

3

A Letter from Sir Anthony Ashley Cooper, Thomas Scot, Io. Berners, and Iohn Weaver, Esquiers, delivered to the Lord Fleetwood: Owning their Late Actions ([London], 1659); printed in Christie, Memoirs, 148–54. The original letter is in BL, Add. MS 4165, fos 47–8. 4

History of the Rebellion, vi. 159. These events are not mentioned in Cooper's autobiography, and Haley is understandably sceptical about his involvement: Shaftesbury,

Page 158 of 165 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.miscMatter.8 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-miscMatter-8 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

122n. According to a contemporary account the trio were Thomas Scot, Colonel John Okey, and John Streater: A Narrative of the Proceedings of the Fleet (London, 1659), 1. 1

These events are mentioned both in Locke's Memoirs and in Cooper's autobiography (Christie, Shaftesbury, i. 198); they were described as occurring 'Saturday last' in a contemporary pamphlet: A Remonstrance or Declaration touching the Re-Establishing and Sitting of the Parliament at Westminster (London, 1659), 8. 2

CJ, vii. 797, 801, 805; Christie, Shaftesbury, i. 200–3.

3

Hampshire RO, 9M73/G200/5 is the original warrant for Cooper and other named persons 'To direct and conduct armed forces and suppress tumults', dated 26 December 1659; there is a copy in TNA, PRO 30/24/2/71. 4

CJ, vii. 797. Hesilrige, Morley, and Walton returned to London on the 28th (Christie, Memoirs, lviii), and on the 31st were given power 'to appoint Officers over the respective Regiments': CJ, vii. 801. 5

Christie, Shaftesbury, i. 198–9. How much reliance should be placed on Cooper's account is quite another matter: there were massive personnel changes made to the army in the early months of 1660, but these were primarily the work of Hesilrige, Herbert Morley, and Valentine Walton—the trio who had gone to Portsmouth—who used the powers they had been given by the Rump 'to wreak havoc on the remaining regiments in England': Henry Reece, The Army in Cromwellian England, 1649–1660 (Oxford, 2013), 215. Apart from one passing reference to him as 'a leading opponent of the military government' (212) Cooper is not mentioned in Reece's very detailed account. There are some rather opaque remarks in a letter of 16 January by Lord Mordaunt in which 'Cooper' is said to have employed his rhetoric 'to cashier all Officers civil as well as military, that sided with Fleetwood, Lambert, and Morley': State Papers collected by Edward, Earl of Clarendon (Oxford, 1767–86), iii. 650; see Christie, Memoirs, 128, where Mordaunt's report on the situation in London is described as 'a very interesting sketch' (and his letter misdated to 14 January). 1

Events were more complex than this summary allows: for the crisis over the return of the excluded members in February, in which Cooper, Monck, and Hesilrige were at odds, see Haley, Shaftesbury, 130–1 and Woolrych, Britain in Revolution, 763–6. 2

There is independent contemporary testimony that Hesilrige, Scot, and some of the other republicans did indeed make such a proposal, though as a desperate attempt to prevent the return of the Stuarts: Sir Richard Baker continued by Edward Phillips, A Chronicle of the Kings of England (London, 1665), 755.

Page 159 of 165 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.miscMatter.8 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-miscMatter-8 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

3

His commission, signed by Monck, was dated 26 May, the day after Charles's landing at Dover: BL, Add. Ch. 76687; a formal letter of appointment from the King, dated 14 July, is printed in Arthur Collins, The Peerage of England (London, 1768), iv. 255–7. Lockhart was still in post in early May: Bordeaux to Mazarin, 7/17, 11/21 May 1660, in François Guizot,

History of Richard Cromwell and the Restoration of Charles II (London, 1856), ii. 426, 428–9.

1

Translations of Bordeaux's dispatches are printed in Guizot's History of Richard Cromwell, i. 231–498, ii. 267–440; the remarks quoted here are at ii. 351. 2

Bordeaux to the Comte de Brienne, 19/29 Mar. 1660: History of Richard Cromwell, ii. 384– 5. 3

'De Bordeaux partit donc de Londres le Vendredi dixiéme Iuillet de la même année [1660] sans avoir eu l'honneur de saluër sa Majesté', Revolutions d'Angleterre depuis le mort du protecteur Olivier, jusques au retablissement du Roy (Paris, 1670), 179–80. The date of 10 July is presumably New Style, though in the Gregorian calendar this day was a Saturday (and Tuesday in the Julian calendar). 4

r

TNA, PRO 30/24/42/62, fo. 8 ; the complete letter is printed in Appendix III.

5

Coventry to Hyde, 5 May 1660, Calendar of the Clarendon State Papers, v. 16. The recipient of this letter did not need to be told about the absence of any earlier commitment: in January he was despondently asking one of his correspondents whether Cooper would ever serve the King: Hyde to Allen Brodrick, 13/23 Jan. 1660, Calendar of the Clarendon State Papers, iv. 517. 1

Lady Willoughby to Hyde, 24 Feb. 1660, Calendar of the Clarendon State Papers, iv. 573. The subsequent stages of Cooper's reconciliation with the royalists are described in Haley, Shaftesbury, 132–3. 1

This is manifest in the long postscript to the letter he wrote to Jean Le Clerc on 8 February 1705 to provide material for Le Clerc's forthcoming Éloge of Locke: Rand, Shaftesbury, 332– 4; Le Clerc, Epistolario, ii. 523–4. 2

This is explored in Mark Goldie, 'John Locke and the Reputation of the first Earl of Shaftesbury', in Shaping Enlightenment Politics: the Social and Political Impact of the First and Third Earls of Shaftesbury, ed. Patrick Müller (Frankfurt, 2018).

Page 160 of 165 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.miscMatter.8 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-miscMatter-8 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

3

According to a biographical sketch drawn up by the fourth Earl, while his father was at Winchester (1683–6) he was 'often insulted on his grandfather's account, whose memory was very odious to the zealots for despotic power', Rand, Shaftesbury, xix. 4

This is indicated in a letter written at some time in the 1730s from Stringer's widow Jane to Lady Elizabeth Ashley, the third Earl's sister: 'his Lordship and Mr Stringer had set a time to have him come to Iveychurch [Stringer's house] to write his Grandfathers Life there, but Mr Stringers Sickness and Death prevented it', TNA, PRO 30/24/6B/417. This manuscript is a later copy in which neither the sender nor recipient is named; for their identity see Milton, 'Benjamin Martyn', 328. The complete letter is printed in Christie, Shaftesbury, vol. ii, Appendix VIII. 5

v

Shaftesbury to King, c.13 Jan. 1705, TNA, PRO 30/24/22/2, fo. 34 ; printed in Rand, Shaftesbury, 325. 1

King to Shaftesbury, 18 Jan. 1704[/5], TNA, PRO 30/24/20/88.

1

It is not clear whether the mention of Cromwell's flight to the army 'which as I remember was at Triploe heath' relates to a memory of Shaftesbury or of Locke himself, who was nearly fifteen and at Westminster School when these events occurred. 2

Humfry Smith to Locke, 19 July 1703, Correspondence, viii. 17.

3

Locke to Humfry Smith, 23 July 1703, Correspondence, viii. 37.

4

OED, memoir, 2a.

5

Locke to Humfry Smith, 23 July 1703, Correspondence, viii. 41.

6

Locke to Richard King, 23 July 1703, Correspondence, viii. 42.

7

MS Locke b. 4, fos 1–2. Although these extracts have been described by nearly all the writers who have mentioned them as being in Locke's hand, they certainly are not; there is an accurate account in Philip Milton, 'Locke and the Memoirs of Edmund Ludlow', Locke Studies, 6 (2006), 179–87. 1

Memoirs of Edmund Ludlow, Esq. ('Vivay' [London], 1698–9). A manuscript containing part of the original unrevised Memoirs was bought by the Bodleian Library in 1970, and a substantial portion of this was published by Blair Worden as A Voyce from the Watch Tower, Part Five: 1660–1662 (Camden Society, 4th series, 21, 1978); a vivid account of the

Page 161 of 165 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.miscMatter.8 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-miscMatter-8 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

tangled history of its revision and publication is given by Worden in Roundhead Reputations (London, 2001), ch. 4, and 'Whig History and Puritan Politics: The Memoirs of Edmund Ludlow Revisited', Historical Research, 75 (2002), 209–37. Locke owned copies of all three volumes, LL 1829. 2

These extracts came from the pre-1660 section of Ludlow's manuscript (now lost), and the version published in 1698 omitted all of them. They were discovered by Christie and printed in Memoirs, 108–29 (also Shaftesbury, vol. i, Appendix III), and were discussed and

reinstated in The Memoirs of Edmund Ludlow, ed. C. H. Firth (Oxford, 1894), vol. i, pp. xiv, lxxi, 388–90; vol. ii, 83, 84–6, 115–16, 155, 205–6, 217n. The remarks on Cooper that were retained in the 1698 edition (135, 479, 656, 813, 830, 831, 850) are, by contrast, entirely bland. 3

Robert Voitle, The Third Earl of Shaftesbury 1671–1713 (Baton Rouge, 1984), 204–5, 237–9.

4

Worden, Roundhead Reputations, 89–92; Milton, 'Locke and the Memoirs of Edmund Ludlow', 183. The Memoirs were nominally published in Switzerland, but there are excellent grounds for supposing them to have been the work of the London printer John Darby: Roundhead Reputations, 86–8. 1

TNA, PRO 30/24/42/62, fo. 8. The later parts of the letter to the King are in the hands of two unidentified scribes, but its opening was written by Shaftesbury, as were the whole of the other two drafts. 2

v

At the foot of fo. 8 there is the date 'Feb

, perhaps in Locke's hand and certainly a later addition; it refers to the beginning of Shaftesbury's imprisonment, when Locke was in France. Haley held that of these letters, 'the last clearly, and the others in all probability, date to the period between 26 Oct. and 3 Dec. [1677]', Shaftesbury, 436n; see also 137–8. 3

'Mais il vient de me tomber entre les mains une Lettre', Bibliothèque choisie, 7 (1705), 185; Posthumous Works, 308, italics reversed. In the French edition the two letters were accompanied by an extensive commentary that defended Shaftesbury against the charge that he was 'un esprit inquiet', concerned more with safeguarding his own interests than those of his country. 4

The Life of Anthony Ashley Cooper First Earl of Shaftesbury (n.p., n.d.); only a few copies were printed, and only three are known to exist: BL, 10816 f. 9, TNA, PRO 30/24/13, and McGill University Library, Montreal, Osler Collection, Folio M388L 1790. The history of its composition is described in Milton, 'Benjamin Martyn'; see 330–1 for the circumstances of the 1770–1 printing.

Page 162 of 165 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.miscMatter.8 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-miscMatter-8 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

1

Martyn and Kippis, The Life of the First Earl of Shaftesbury. Kippis had in fact done much further work, which was not published; on his very low opinion of what Martyn had written, see Milton, 'Benjamin Martyn', 331, 334. 2

TNA, PRO 30/24/6B/441, published as a 'Fragment of a Memoir of the Earl of Shaftesbury by Thomas Stringer, 1672–3' in Christie, Shaftesbury, vol. ii, Appendix III. Despite Christie's claim (p. xxii), this manuscript is not 'a first sketch or draft of this portion of the Memoir', but a later copy headed 'A Copy of Mr Stringers Manuscript'. There are no mentions of Stringer's memoir in any of the letters to him from the third Earl (mostly dating from 1696 and 1700–2) in Hampshire RO, 9M73/G238. 3

Martyn (1770), 67; Martyn (1836), i. 141. Hertford was certainly in Oxford in the autumn, having been made Chancellor of the University in October: The History of the University of Oxford, iv. 708–9. 1

Hampshire RO, 9M73/G198/6, fo. 1 . Hertford was not in fact related to Cooper.

r

2

Martyn (1836), i. 142n.

3

Martyn (1836), i. 144n. Christie, by contrast, dismissed the entire story as 'clearly a romance' and a case of 'gross historical error': Shaftesbury, i. 39n, 41n. 1

Memoirs, lx. The same sentiments were repeated in the main part of the work: 'That Locke was the author of this Memoir, which, having been found in his handwriting among his papers, has been printed in his works as his, I cannot think probable' (45n); 'I cannot suppose then that Locke was the author of this Memoir which passes under his name' (46n). 2

Shaftesbury, vol. i, pp. xvii–xviii.

3

Christie, Shaftesbury, i. 42n, cf. 195n.

4

Woolhouse, Locke: A Biography, 256–8, 273–4.

1

Correspondence, iv. 530–1, 542–4, 552–3, 576–7; cf. Locke to Edward Clarke, 31 Oct. 1692,

ibid., 562. 2

There was one final letter from Stringer's wife Jane on 18 December 1700: Correspondence, vii. 205. 3

Christie, Shaftesbury, i. 41n.

Page 163 of 165 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.miscMatter.8 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-miscMatter-8 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

4

Christie, Shaftesbury, i. 78, 80.

5

Even Locke's story of the disorganization of the regiments is described as 'probably true in the main', Memoirs, 151n. 6

Christie, Shaftesbury, i. 216n.

7

A Chronicle of the Kings of England, 757.

8

Christie, Shaftesbury, i. 218; in the Memoirs, xx, the story had been described as 'a heap of exaggeration and fiction'. 1

Shaftesbury (The First Earl) (London, 1886), 20.

2

The First Earl of Shaftesbury (New York, 1933), 42, 43.

3

The First Earl of Shaftesbury, 49, 102.

4

Haley, Shaftesbury, 42; on p. 45 the story of Cooper's interview with the King is described as having 'a kernel of truth'. 5

On some material in Locke's journal designed to be inserted into Rushworth's Historical Collections, see the note at the end of this section. 1

Haley, Shaftesbury, 46.

2

Haley, Shaftesbury, 57.

3

Haley, Shaftesbury, 58.

4

Haley, Shaftesbury, 120n.

1

This was Gilbert Burnet's opinion: 'he [Shaftesbury] turned the discourse almost always to the magnifying of himself, which he did in so gross and coarse a manner that it shewed

his great want of judgement; he told so many incredible things of himself that it put me often out of patience', A Supplement to Burnet's History of My Own Time, ed. H. C. Foxcroft (Oxford, 1902), 59. 1

MS Locke f. 4, pp. 203–5; this is immediately below the final dated entry (for 28 December), but the ink and style of writing indicate that it was added later.

Page 164 of 165 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.miscMatter.8 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-miscMatter-8 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

2

Historical Collections. The Second Part. Containing the Principal Matters Which happened from the Dissolution of the Parliament, On the 10th of March, 4. Car. I. 1628/9. Until the Summoning of another Parliament, which met at Westminster, April 13. 1640. (London, 1680), 1221, 1260. A reissue in 1686 also had the same pagination. 3

On this, see John Morrill, The Nature of the English Revolution (London, 1993), 264.

4

King (1829), 118–19; King (1830), i. 222–3; Christie, Memoirs, 89–91; Shaftesbury, i. 36–7.

5

Martyn (1770), 50, 52; Martyn (1836), i. 115, 119.

6

MS Locke f. 7, pp. 97–8, dated Thursday 3 May.

1

The designation of Shaftesbury as 'A.E.S.' also diverges from Locke's practice at this time, his normal designation being 'E.S.': MSS Locke f. 5, pp. 148, 150; f. 6, p. 6; f. 7, pp. 19, 41, 46, 53. 2

Correspondence, viii. 388–9. The first Earl's widow, Margaret, died in 1693.

3

Among the Shaftesbury papers there is an undated English version of an epitaph that is intermediate in character between Locke's and the one on the tablet at Wimborne St Giles: TNA, PRO 30/24/6A/385. 4

The text of the 1732 epitaph is given in Martyn (1836), ii. 333–4. There are English and Latin versions in TNA, PRO 30/24/17, fos 283–4. 5

Add. MS 4223, fo. 196. This and three other manuscripts are described in the Textual Introduction, below, 174–7.

Page 165 of 165 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.miscMatter.8 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-miscMatter-8 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

Oxford Scholarly Editions Online

TEXTUAL INTRODUCTION I. HISTORY AND DESCRIPTION OF THE TEXTS J. R. Milton, Brandon Chua, Geoff Kemp, David McInnis, John Spurr, and Richard Yeo (eds), The Clarendon Edition of the Works of John Locke, Vol. 23: Literary and Historical Writings Published in print:

Published online:

2019

March 2020

........................................................................................................................... PG 143

TEXTUAL INTRODUCTION I. HISTORY AND DESCRIPTION OF THE TEXTS POEMS

Poems Published in University Commemorative Volumes LOCKE'S earliest publications were some poems that appeared in three volumes of

congratulatory poems written by members of the university: Musarum Oxoniensium v

Elaiophoria (Oxford, 1654), pages 45 and 94–5; Britannia Rediviva (Oxford, 1660), sigs Ff2 – v

v

v

3 ; and Domiduca Oxoniensis (Oxford, 1662), sigs 2B2 –3 . The second and third of these volumes each contained a single English poem by Locke; the first had one poem by him in English and one in Latin. 1

Both poems in Musarum Oxoniensium were reprinted in 1697 in State-Poems Continued, where they were accompanied by a translation (made by the editor) of the Latin poem 'Pax regit Augusti' which begins 'A Peaceful Sway the great Augustus bore'. The English poem 'If Greece with so much mirth did entertain' was also included in A New Collection of Poems Relating to State Affairs (London, 1705), 174–5, while 'A Peaceful Sway' was reprinted in A v

Collection of Epigrams (London, 1727), sig. E4 , and frequently thereafter. 'Pax regit Augusti' and its translation were printed in 1760 in a footnote in the life of Locke 2

contained in the first edition of the Biographia Britannica. 'If Greece with so much mirth did entertain' and 'Pax regit Augusti' were printed in 1876 in Fox Bourne's biography of Locke; the former and the English translation of the latter were also included by Mark Goldie in his 3

collection of Locke's Political Essays.

Page 1 of 50 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.miscMatter.9 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-miscMatter-9 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

The poem in Domiduca Oxoniensis was included in 1714 in The Remains of John Locke Esq., 17–18, along with 'Pax regit Augusti' and the Latin poem that Locke had provided for the second (1668) edition of Thomas Sydenham's Methodus Curandi Febres. Otherwise, the poems in Britannia Rediviva and ........................................................................................................................... pg 144 Domiduca Oxoniensis attracted little attention, and were not reprinted until 1997, when 1

Mark Goldie included them in Locke's Political Essays.   Bibliographical Descriptions 1. Musarum Oxoniensium Elaiophoria

[within a border of ornaments] MVSARVM | OXONIENSIVM | ἘΛΑΙΟΦΟΡΙΆ‎. | SIVE, | Ob Fædera, Auspiciis | SERENISSIMI | OLIVERI | Reipub. Ang. Scot. & Hiber. | DOMINI PROTECTORIS, | Inter Rempub. Britannicam & Ordines | Fæderatos Belgii Fæliciter | STABILITA, | Gentis Togatæ ad vada Isidis | Celeusma Metricum. | [rule] | OXONIÆ, | Excudebat Leonardus Lichfield Academiæ | Typographus 1654. o

4

Collation: 4 (183 × 140 mm): A–L [$1–2 signed, C3, E3, G3, I3 signed], 44 leaves. r

r

v

r

v

Contents: A1 : Title (verso blank); A2 –A2 Dedication to Oliver Cromwell; A3 –2F4 : Poems. Pagination: 88 pages, pp. [4] 1–68, 89–104. Copies examined: Bodleian Library, Oxford, Pamph. C 110 (13); British Library, London, E. 740. (1).   2. Britannia Rediviva BRITANNIA | REDIVIVA | [rule] | [Arms of the University] | [rule] | OXONIÆ, | Excudebat A. & L. Lichfield, | Acad. Typogr. M. DC. LX. o

4

4

4

Collation: 4 (177 × 122 mm): A [A1 not signed A2 signed] (a) [1–2 signed] B [1–2 signed] 2

4

2

4

(b) [1 signed] C–L [$1–2 signed] M [1–2 signed] 2A–2F [$1–2 signed, 2A2 mis-signed A2], 76 leaves. r

v

r

v

Contents: A1 : Title; A1 : Royal Arms; A2 –2F4 : Poems.

Page 2 of 50 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.miscMatter.9 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-miscMatter-9 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

Pagination: 152 pages, unpaginated. o

Copies examined: Bodleian Library, Oxford, 4 M 16(1) Art. BS.; Bodleian Library, Oxford, Pamph. C 112 (13); Cambridge University Library, Ggg. 91; Cambridge University Library, Y. 9.   3. Domiduca Oxoniensis [within a single rule] DOMIDUCA | OXONIENSIS: | Sive | Musæ Academicæ | GRATULATIO | Ob Auspicatissimum | Serenissimæ ........................................................................................................................... pg 145 Principis | CATHARINÆ | LUSITANÆ, | Regi suo Desponsatæ, | In Angliam appulsum. | [Arms of the University] | OXONIÆ, | Excudebant A. & L. Lichfield, Acad. Typogr. | Anno Dom. M. DC. LX. II. o

4

4

4

4

Collation: 4 (170 × 115 mm): A [A1 not signed, A2 signed] B a–c C–M [$1–2 signed, E2, 4

G2, L2, M2 not signed] 2A–2C , 72 leaves. r

r

r

v

Contents: A1 : Title (verso blank); A2 : Dedication to the King; A2 –2C4 : Poems. Pagination: 144 pages, unpaginated. o

Copies examined: Bodleian Library, Oxford, 4 M 16(3) Art. BS.; Senate House Library, London, * (VII) Cc [Catharine].   Poems Found among Locke's Papers A draft of another poem dating from the 1650s, 'Now our Athenian Olive spreads', was preserved among Locke's papers, where it is now included in MS Locke c. 32, a guard-book containing copies of a variety of poems, mostly by other authors. Folio 10 is a single leaf measuring approximately 144 × 95 mm; its appearance suggests that it had been torn out of a very early commonplace book which has not survived. The text is entirely in Locke's hand, and has not previously been published.   Other Poems Attributed to Locke

Page 3 of 50 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.miscMatter.9 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-miscMatter-9 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

1. The only known manuscript of 'To Mr Greenhill with Cowleys Poems' is in the one of the drafts made by Benjamin Martyn of his biography of the first Earl of Shaftesbury (National Archives, PRO 30/24/17, folio 157). The poem was printed in 1770 when Martyn's Life was printed for private use by Andrew Kippis and others who were attempting to revise it, and was finally published in 1836 when a lightly revised edition of the 1770 edition was produced 1

by George Wingrove Cooke. The text in these volumes diverges occasionally from the manuscript in capitalization and punctuation, but there are no substantive differences. 2. The only known manuscript copy of 'Curse on the Park' is in a quarto miscellany of verse and prose that had once been in the possession of Locke's friend James Tyrrell. The volume contains 360 pages, the majority of which are blank. The poem ascribed to v

r

Locke is on folios 16 –17 , and is the last of a series of poems, the others being by Charles Sackville, sixth Earl of Dorset ........................................................................................................................... pg 146 r

r

r

v

v

r

r–v

(folios 1 –2 , 15 –16 ), Edmund Waller (folio 2 v

r

), John Wilmot, second Earl of Rochester

v

v

(folios 4 –5 , 9 –13 ), and John Dryden (folios 6 –8 ). All of these were first printed between 1679 and 1693, but they had been circulated widely in manuscript, and it is likely that most if not all of the poems in the volume had been copied from other manuscript collections. The later history of the volume can be traced in some detail: Tyrrell's papers remained in the custody of the family, at Shotover House near Oxford, until the mid-nineteenth century, but 1

were sold at auction in 1855. This volume was subsequently acquired by Richard Monckton Milnes (1809–85; first Baron Houghton 1863), and then passed to his son Robert (1858– 1945), first Marquess of Crewe. It is currently owned by Dr Nicholas Fisher.

OUTLINE FOR A PLAY OROZES, KING OF ALBANIA The only manuscript of this is a draft in Bodleian Library, MS Locke e. 6, folios 68rev–64rev. The volume that contains the draft is a commonplace book that was begun during Locke's early years at Oxford, probably in the mid-1650s and certainly before he devised the New Method. Each page was used for entries on a particular topic, and as a result of this many of them had a large blank space in the lower part of the page. At some time in the early 1660s Locke turned the notebook upside down, and used the blank portions of these pages for 2

drafts of several works that he was writing, among them this plan for a play.

Page 4 of 50 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.miscMatter.9 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-miscMatter-9 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

AN ADDRESS TO THE PRINCE OF DENMARK The only manuscript of this is contained in Bodleian Library, MS Locke f. 31, folios 134–6. This is a small notebook used in the early 1660s; the part of it containing the address was started from what is now the back, so ........................................................................................................................... pg 147 r

r

r

that the address begins on folio 136 and continues on folios 135 and 134 . The text is entirely in Locke's hand. The title given to the address—'Principi Daniae Oxonium ex Itinere divertenti 62'—indicates that it was written in 1662, presumably for use when Prince Christian visited Christ Church on 27 September.

WRITINGS ON THE NEW METHOD The writings described here fall into three distinct groups: 1. The English and Latin texts of the Adversariorum Methodus, both written in 1685. 2. The French text of the 'Méthode nouvelle de dresser des recueuils', first published in 1686 in the Bibliothèque universelle et historique. 3. Two English translations of the 'Méthode nouvelle', both published in 1706.   Adversariorum Methodus Three manuscripts of this are known to exist, one of the original English version, and two of a Latin adaption made from this by Locke himself. The first of these was sent to Nicolas 1

Toinard on 14/24 February 1685; Locke must have retained a copy for his own use, but this 2

has not survived. A copy of the Latin version was sent to Toinard on 30 March/9 April 1685, but in this case another copy made from it still exists among Locke's papers.

The work was not given a title in any of these manuscripts, but in his correspondence Locke referred to it either as his 'methode pour les recuils' or as his 'Adversaria', while both Locke 3

and Toinard called it the 'Adversariorum methodus'. The last of these names has been used here. The three manuscripts are:

Page 5 of 50 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.miscMatter.9 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-miscMatter-9 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

E British Library, Additional MS 28728, folios 54–64 [English]. L British Library, Additional MS 28728, folios 46–53 [Latin]. O Bodleian Library, MS Locke c. 31, folios 67–78 [Latin]. The earliest of these is the English version E, sent to Toinard in February 1685. The manuscript, which is entirely in Locke's hand, seems originally ........................................................................................................................... pg 148 to have consisted of a single sheet of paper folded to make a quire of eight leaves (folios r

54–61), each measuring approximately 164 × 108 mm. The first page (folio 54 ) was left v

r

blank, as were folios 55 and 56 , apart from the page number 1 on the latter. There is an v

r

v

index on folios 54 –55 , and Locke's dedicatory letter to Toinard begins on folio 56 , which was numbered by Locke as page 2. When the work became too long to be contained in the original quire two new bifolia were added on the outside: the new front leaf (not numbered by the British Library) was left blank, the second leaf was cut away, presumably by Locke, leaving only a stub, and the final two leaves (folios 62 and 63) were given the page numbers 13 to 16. This arrangement can be summarized as follows: folio [page numbers]

 

folio [ page numbers]

not numbered

conjugate with

63 [15, 16]

stub

conjugate with

62 [13, 14]

54

conjugate with

61 [11, 12]

55

conjugate with

60 [9, 10]

56 [1, 2]

conjugate with

59 [7, 8]

57 [3, 4]

conjugate with

58 [5, 6]

No manuscript of the English version now survives among Locke's papers, but the fairly close parallels between the English and Latin texts show that Locke must have retained a copy of it—perhaps a draft—when he sent E to Toinard in February 1685. Toinard was unable to read this, and since there was no one among his circle in Paris who could help, Locke reluctantly started work on a Latin version. He told Toinard in mid-March that it would soon be finished, and the Latin manuscript L was sent to him two weeks later.

1

Page 6 of 50 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.miscMatter.9 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-miscMatter-9 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

Manuscript L is entirely in Locke's hand. It resembles E, but is of a simpler construction, consisting of a single sheet of paper folded to make a quire of eight leaves, each measuring 160 × 105 mm. The 'Epistola dedicatoria' to Toinard starts on the back of the first leaf (folio v

v

46 ), with the Adversariorum Methodus itself beginning on folio 47 . There is no index, but in its place there is a note on the first page: 'please remember that in the Index which is to be put here (for I have not thought it necessary to repeat it here) the numbers in the treatise which follows are to be ........................................................................................................................... pg 149 adjusted since they may perhaps not correspond precisely to the order of the pages and titles in the English version.'

1

Manuscript O was retained by Locke, and is still among his papers. Its construction closely resembles the final state of the English version E, though this time the manuscript was r

begun as a quire of twelve leaves, each measuring 165 × 105 mm. The front page (folio 67 ) v

r

v

r

is blank, the index is on folios 67 and 68 , folios 68 and 69 are blank apart from the page r

v

number 1 on folio 69 , and the work itself begins on folio 69 (page 2) and continues as far v

as folio 77 (page 18), folio 78 being blank. Locke's correspondence with Toinard shows that the Latin version was composed after the English one, but even if these letters had perished the same conclusion could have been established from an examination of the manuscripts themselves. There are relatively few alterations in manuscript E, but when the Latin text resembles the English one closely enough for a comparison to be made, it is noticeable that insertions made in E appear in the main text in both L and O: E, original text

E, revised text

I write an .v. for verte at the I write an .v. for verte at the bottom of the margent of the bottom of the margent of the page thus filled page thus filled & at the top of the following page

L and O scribo literam v (pro verte) in calce marginis ultimo repletae paginae et in summitate sequentis

The text in the two Latin manuscripts differs quite significantly from the English text: Locke did not merely translate what he had written, but reworked it, adding new passages and discarding others. In some places the English version is considerably longer: English version

Latin version

The Index being thus made the next thing is Facto in hunc modum indice in reliquis libri to rule the remainder of the paperbooke with foliis marginem nigricâ etiam fabrili separo.

Page 7 of 50 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.miscMatter.9 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-miscMatter-9 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

blacklead soe as to leave a margent on the left side of each page above an inch broad if it be a folio; in lesse volumes proportionably narrower, that it may not take up too much of the part destined for writeing in. But in this every one may please himself. I also commonly rule the top of the page as is donne in this paper

Si liber sit in folio margo uncialis vel paulo amplior sufficit, in minoris formae libris angustior

........................................................................................................................... pg 150 In other places the reverse occurs:

English version Some thing perhaps might be said concerning the language fitest for titles & other circumstances of them as that I thinke the Latin tongue the best for those that understand it & always the nominative case singular where the last vowell is to be characteristicall as it is always in dissyllables begining with a vowell & all monosylables whatsoever

Latin version Siquid de eâ monere necesse esset, ego linguam titulis maxime commodam Latinam existimarem in quâ semper casus rectus religiosè servandus, aliter in monosyllabis et dysyllabis a vocali incipientibus mutabitur in casibus obliquis cum vocali classis et fiet confusio. Sed sive Latina lingua sive vernacula cuivis magis placet non multum interest modo constantia adhibeatur nec eodem in libro misceantur diversarum linguarum tituli

The texts of the two Latin manuscripts resemble one another much more closely, but the regular incorporation of interlinear additions made in L into the main text of O shows clearly that O is the later of the two: it would seem likely that L was the manuscript Locke wrote when making his translation, and O was a copy of this which he made for his own use before sending L to Toinard. Locke kept manuscript O among his own papers, where it has remained ever since. Manuscripts E and L were retained by Toinard, and passed in the nineteenth century into the hands of the collector Jacques-Charles Brunet (1780–1867). They were sold at auction after his death, and in 1871 were bought, along with a substantial collection of Locke's letters to 1

Toinard, by the British Museum.

2

A transcription of the English version was published in 1993 by G. G. Meynell. The Latin text has not previously been published.

Page 8 of 50 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.miscMatter.9 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-miscMatter-9 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

  Publication in the Bibliothèque universelle et historique The first account given to the public of Locke's New Method was as a 'Methode Nouvelle De dresser des Recueuils, Communiquée par l'Auteur', ........................................................................................................................... pg 151 on pages 315–40 of volume 2 (May–August 1686) of the Bibliothèque universelle et historique. The volume was internally divided into four monthly parts, with the 'Méthode nouvelle' forming the last item in the July number, but its construction shows clearly that 1

these parts cannot have been issued independently.

The early volumes of the Bibliothèque universelle—as far as volume 15 (October–December 1689)—were published by a syndicate of Amsterdam booksellers: Abraham Wolfgang, Gillis and Johannes Janssonius van Waesberge, Hendrick Boom, and Pieter and Abraham van 2

Someren. Two more editions of volume 2 ostensibly produced by the same publishers also exist. 1. One of these editions also has the date 1686 on the title-page, but can easily be distinguished from the first edition by the fact that it has only 482 numbered pages, while the first edition has 505. The priority of the 505-page edition can be settled by the fact that 3

Locke's own copy is from this edition, and that it was this edition that was used as the basis for the second edition of 1687, which was certainly produced by the original publishers. It is also much commoner than the 482-page edition, which is here designated as edition 1A. As far as page 476 these two editions correspond page-for-page, but the final parts of the two volumes are very different. Article XXV in the first edition, beginning on the lower part of page 477 and continuing as far as page 499, is a translation of two pieces from the 'Journal 4

d'Angleterre', i.e. the Philosophical Transactions of the Royal Society. In edition 1A this is missing altogether, and what had been article XXVI in the first edition follows immediately after article XXIV, being renumbered accordingly. One plausible explanation why these extracts from the Philosophical Transactions should have been left out is that the publishers of edition 1A had no access to the engraved plate that had been used to make the large ........................................................................................................................... pg 152 fold-out diagram inserted between pages 480 and 481 of the first edition. This would seem to indicate that edition 1A was not produced by the original publishers, and it is quite possible that the date of publication given on the title-page is also false.

Page 9 of 50 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.miscMatter.9 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-miscMatter-9 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

2. Yet another edition claiming to have been produced by the original publishers also exists. Copies of this, like those of edition 1A, are very rare, and of the two copies of volume 2 examined by the present editors, one has the date 1686 on the title-page and the other has 1

the date 1688. The presence of the latter date in one copy of this volume, and in copies of 2

other volumes in this series which had originally been published in 1686 or 1687 suggests that the printing of all these volumes was done in 1688 or soon afterwards. This edition is designated here as edition 1B. In edition 1B volume 2 has 505 numbered pages, and—unlike its counterpart in edition 1A— is a page-for-page reprint of the first edition. The two pieces taken from the Philosophical Transactions that made up article XXV were included, as was the fold-out diagram, but though this appears superficially to be identical to the one in the first edition, there are enough small differences—the directions of the lines used for shading in the pictures of the apparatus, and the fonts and positions of the letters that designate the parts of these—for it to be certain that an entirely new plate had been engraved. The fact that this needed to be done would suggest that in this case also the original publishers were not involved. Some of the differences in the text of the 'Méthode nouvelle' that can be used to distinguish between copies of these three editions are: 1. The title given on page 315 is 'METHODE NOUVELLE De dresser des RECUEUILS' in the first edition, but 'METHODE NOUVELLE De dresser des RECUEILS' in editions 1A and 1B. 2. In the index on pages 316–17 the horizontal lines are in red in the first edition, but in black in editions 1A and 1B. 3. On page 322, line 30, the first edition has 'tous ce titre', which is a misprint, and an obvious one. In edition 1A this was corrected to 'sous ce titre', while edition 1B has 'tous ces titres', a form of words more grammatical than the phrase in the first edition, but certainly wrong. ........................................................................................................................... pg 153 4. On page 339, line 7, the first edition has the grammatically impossible 'qu'ils voit'; in edition 1A this was changed to 'qu'il voit', while edition 1B has 'qu'ils voient'. Here again edition 1A has the correct reading. A second edition of volume 2, produced by the original publishers, appeared in 1687; presumably this was needed because only a relatively small number of copies of the first 1

edition had been printed. There was some carelessness in the printing, with eleven pages 2

wrongly numbered, including two in the 'Méthode nouvelle'. There are frequent changes

Page 10 of 50 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.miscMatter.9 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-miscMatter-9 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

in accidentals—spelling, italicization, capitalization, and punctuation—and a much smaller number of substantive changes; only the latter have been recorded in this edition. One change may perhaps have been requested by Locke. In the first edition his letter to Toinard was described as a 'Lettre de Monsieur J. L. de la Societé Roiale d'Angleterre, à Monsieur N. T. contenant une Methode nouvelle, & facile de dresser des Recueuils'. In the second edition the phrase 'de la Societé Roiale d'Angleterre' was omitted, and it is at least possible that this was done because Locke feared that the identification of the author as a fellow of the Royal Society might enable his identity to be penetrated. None of the other (very minor) changes in this edition has any visible claim to having been made at Locke's instigation. 3

A third edition was published by the Wetstein brothers in 1718. While the second edition had been a page-for-page reprint of the first, in the third edition the layout of the long quotations used to illustrate the Method was changed so that each of them occupied 4

consecutive pages. There were a few minor changes in the text, but nothing indicates that any of them might have derived from Locke. By the time that the third edition appeared, the 'Méthode nouvelle' had been published separately as part of the Oeuvres diverses de Monsieur Jean Locke, published by Fritsch and 5

Böhm at Rotterdam in 1710. The text ........................................................................................................................... pg 154 appears to have been taken from the second edition. No attempt was made to retain the pagination of this edition, and the extracts from the books quoted were printed in much smaller type. The letter to Toinard was described as a 'Lettre de Monsieur Jean Locke à Monsieur Nicolas Toinard'. In 1732 the Oeuvres diverses were reprinted in two volumes by Jean-Frédéric Bernard at Amsterdam, with the 'Méthode nouvelle' placed at the beginning of the second volume. Since then the only publication was in 1825, in the seventh volume of François Thurot's Oeuvres philosophiques de Locke.

1

  Bibliographical Descriptions Bibliothèque universelle et historique, volume 2 (Mai–Août, 1686)   The first edition

Page 11 of 50 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.miscMatter.9 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-miscMatter-9 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

BIBLIOTHEQUE | UNIVERSELLE | ET | HISTORIQUE | DE L'ANNÉE | M. D. C. LXXXVI. | TOME SECOND. | [ornament] | A AMSTERDAM, | Chez WOLFGANG, WAESBERGE, | BOOM, & van SOMEREN. | [rule] | M. D. C. LXXXVI. o

Collation: 12 (138 × 71 mm): leaves. * r

*12 *

12

[ 2–7 signed] A–Y

* v

* r *

[$1–7 signed, O2 not signed], 276

v

r

v

Contents: 1 : Title; 1 : Avertissement; 2 – 12 : Table des Livres; … O2 –P2 : Méthode v

v

nouvelle de dresser des Recueuils; … Y1 –Y12 : Indice des Matieres. Pagination: 552 pages, pp. [24], 1–505, [23]; p. 443 misnumbered 433. Copies examined: Bodleian Library, Oxford, Locke 6.58; Bodleian Library, Per. 3977. f. 37/2; Bodleian Library, Lister H. 37; British Library, 264 a. 17; Lambeth Palace Library, London, YP25. U6/2; Taylor Institute, Oxford, Finch K. 19; Taylor Institute, St John's 49; personal copy, J. R. Milton; personal copy, J. C. Walmsley.   Edition 1A BIBLIOTHEQUE | UNIVERSELLE | ET | HISTORIQUE | DE L'ANNEE | M. D. C. LXXXVI. | TOME SECOND. | [ornament] | A AMSTERDAM, | Chez WOLFGANG, ]WAESBERGE, | BOOM, & van SOMEREN. | [rule] | M. D. C. LXXXVI. ........................................................................................................................... pg 155 o

Collation: 12 (131 × 71 mm): * r

* v

*12 *

12

[ 2–7 signed] A–X * r *

[$1–7 signed], 264 leaves.

v

r

v

Contents: 1 : Title; 1 : Avertissement; 2 – 12 : Table des Livres; … O2 –P2 : Méthode r

v

nouvelle de dresser des Recueuils; … X2 –X12 : Indice des Matieres. Pagination: 528 pages, pp. [24], 1–482, [22], p. 90 misnumbered 60, p. 262 misnumbered 263, p. 286 misnumbered 285. Copy examined: British Library, 884 b. 2.   Edition 1B

Page 12 of 50 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.miscMatter.9 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-miscMatter-9 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

BIBLIOTHEQUE | UNIVERSELLE | ET | HISTORIQUE | DE L'ANNÉE | M. D. C. LXXXVI. | TOME SECOND. | [ornament] | A AMSTERDAM, | Chez WOLFGANG, WAESBERGE | BOOM, & van SOMEREN. | [rule] | M. D. C. LXXXVI.

1

o

*12 *

12

Collation: 12 (134 × 70 mm): [ 2–6 signed] A–Y signed, L7 mis-signed L6], 276 leaves. * r

* r *

[$1–7 signed, F7, G7, O2, V7, X7 not

v

r

v

Contents: 1 : Title (verso blank); 2 – 12 : Table des Livres; … O2 –P2 : Méthode nouvelle de v

v

dresser des Recueils … Y1 –Y12 : Indice des Matieres. Pagination: 552 pages, pp. [24], 1–505, [23], p. 345 misnumbered 845, p. 449 misnumbered 44, p. 472 misnumbered 427. Copies examined: University of Michigan Library, AP 25. B62; National Library of Scotland, Edinburgh, Nha. L284.   The second edition BIBLIOTHEQUE | UNIVERSELLE | ET | HISTORIQUE | DE L'ANNÉE | M. D. C. LXXXVI. | TOME SECOND. | Seconde Edition revuë & corrigée. | [ornament] | A AMSTERDAM, | Chez WOLFGANG, WAESBERGE, | BOOM, & van SOMEREN. | [rule] | M. D. C. LXXXVII. o

*12 *

*

*

12

Collation: 12 (134 × 71 mm): [ 2–7 signed, 4 mis-signed 3] A–Y signed, Y6 mis-signed Y5], 276 leaves. * r

* v

* r *

v

[$1–7 signed, O2 not

r

v

Contents: 1 : Title; 1 : Avertissement; 2 – 12 : Table des Livres; … O2 –P2 : Méthode v

v

nouvelle de dresser des Recueuils; … Y1 –Y12 : Indice des Matieres. Pagination: 552 pages, pp. [24], 1–505, [23]; p. 26 misnumbered 6, p. 244 misnumbered 144, p. 257 misnumbered 237, p. 275 misnumbered 175, ........................................................................................................................... pg 156 p. 277 misnumbered 177, p. 327 misnumbered 245, p. 330 misnumbered 414, p. 353 misnumbered 553, p. 368 misnumbered 398, p. 379 misnumbered 479, p. 461 misnumbered 385. Copies examined: British Library, PP 4261 (2 copies); Cambridge University Library, U. 12. 42; Harris Manchester College, Oxford, X1687/1(2); National Library of Scotland, NE. 791; Royal Society, London, 200 d–f.

Page 13 of 50 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.miscMatter.9 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-miscMatter-9 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

  The third edition BIBLIOTHEQUE | UNIVERSELLE | ET | HISTORIQUE | DE L'ANNÉE | M. D. C. LXXXVI. | TOME SECOND. | Troisiéme Edition revuë & corrigée. | [ornament] | A AMSTERDAM, | Chez les Freres WETSTEIN. | [rule] | M. D. CC. XVIII. o

Collation: 12 (134 × 70 mm): leaves.

* r

*12 *

12

[ 2–7 signed] A–Y

* r *

[$1–7 signed, O2 not signed], 276

v

r

v

Contents: 1 : Title (verso blank); 2 – 12 : Table des Livres; … O2 –P2 : Méthode nouvelle de v

v

dresser des Recueuils; … Y1 –Y12 : Indice des Matieres. Pagination: 552 pages, pp. [24], 1–505, [23]; p. 195 misnumbered 159, p. 498 misnumbered 598. Copies examined: Cambridge University Library, Acton e. 23. 119; British Library of Political and Economic Science, London School of Economics, S 1992.   Translations into German and Dutch The earliest translations of the 'Méthode nouvelle' were into English; these are described in the next section. A German translation was published in 1711 by the Hamburg bookseller Johann von Wiering as Des berühmten Engelländers, Herrn Johann Locks Neuerfundene Manier, Excerpta und Locos Communes einzurichten; the translation was described as having been made from the French, and appears to have been made from the first edition of the Bibliothèque universelle. In 1739 a Dutch translation was published in Amsterdam by the bookseller Kornelis de Wit as Eene Nieuwe Manier om Verzaamelingen of Aantekeningen te maaken, Opgesteld en gemeen gemaakt door Johannes Locke. The title-page states that it had been made from the French text published in the Bibliothèque universelle (apparently the second edition) and checked against the English translation in the Posthumous Works. It was reprinted ........................................................................................................................... pg 157 for the same publisher in 1757 and 1762, and again for S. J. Baalde, also in Amsterdam, in 1769.

Page 14 of 50 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.miscMatter.9 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-miscMatter-9 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

  The English Translations Two entirely separate translations of the 'Méthode nouvelle' were published in 1706. 1. The first appeared in A New Method of making Common-Place-Books; Written By the late Learned Mr. John Lock, Author of the Essay concerning Humane Understanding; a notice in issue 1186 of the Daily Courant (Friday, 1 February 1706) stated that it had been published on that day. The volume was described on its title-page as being published by a J. Greenwood, perhaps the Jonathan Greenwood who had published several books between 1

1681 and 1691, and was dedicated in an unsigned letter to Mr Edward Northey of Hackney.

It also contained a description and commendation of Locke's method, taken from Jean Le 2

Clerc's Ars Critica, together with two papers by John Wallis on the teaching of people who had been born deaf and dumb, originally published in the Philosophical Transactions of the 3

Royal Society.

The identity of the translator is unknown. He retained only the opening words of the Latin

quotations, though he did provide a full English version of the French translations that followed them. He also changed the language of the titles (or heads, as he chose to call them) from Latin to English, so that where in the original the examples given of the class 'Ei' were Episcopus, Ebionitae, Echinus, Edictum, and Efficacia, in the translation these became Epicurus, Ebionites, Epigram, and Edict; while in the class 'Ae', Aër, Aera, Agesilaus, and Acherusia (Acheron in the second edition) became Agesilaus, Acheron, and Anger. This use of Acheron in place of Acherusia seems to indicate that the translator was working from the second edition, as does the fact that the date of the edition of Augustine's works cited on page 16 was correctly given as 1542 (as in the second edition) rather than 1642 (as in the first). The placing of the quotation from Marsham under the title 'Acherusia' rather than 'Acheron' might seem to indicate that he was using the first edition, but it could well be an editorial ........................................................................................................................... pg 158 emendation: in the passage itself the lake is designated as 'Acherusia' in both editions. 2. The other translation had a more official character, in that it appeared in the Posthumous Works of Mr. John Locke. This volume had been put together by Locke's cousin and heir, Peter King, and was published by Locke's usual publishers, Awnsham and John Churchill. According to a notice in issue 1310 of the Daily Courant (Wednesday, 26 June 1706), it was published on 25 June.

Page 15 of 50 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.miscMatter.9 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-miscMatter-9 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

In his final letter to King, Locke had given instructions about the posthumous publication of 1

some of his writings, but had said nothing about the 'Méthode nouvelle'. There are some reasons for thinking that the decision to include it in the Posthumous Works had been made while the work was in press, spurred by the appearance of the Greenwood translation some months earlier: unlike all the other items in the volume there was no mention of it in the Advertisement to the Reader that forms the preface, and on the title-page the 'New Method' was listed beneath the other items, preceded with the words 'To which is added'. A letter 2

that Pierre Coste wrote to the third Earl of Shaftesbury on 16 May 1706, discussed below in the section on Locke's Memoirs of the first Earl, shows not only that the printing of the volume was already well advanced (fort avancée), but that the decision to include the Memoirs had not yet been taken. In the Posthumous Works these were placed immediately before the 'New Method', but though this shows that the latter was printed afterwards, one cannot be sure that the decision to include it was equally late. The layout of this edition corresponds very closely to the French original, with each page containing almost exactly the same material as its equivalent in the Bibliothèque universelle. The identity of the translator is not known, but it is clear that he worked from the second edition of 1687: this is shown by the absence of any mention of the Royal Society in the introduction to the letter to Toinard, the use of 'Acheron' rather than 'Acherusia' for the title of the extract taken from Marsham, and the correct date of 1542 for the edition of Augustine's works.

The content of this translation shows beyond doubt that it was made quite independently of the one published by Greenwood. In the Greenwood volume Locke's letter to Toinard begins like this: I Do at length, Sir, obey you in Publishing my Method of making CommonPlace Books. I am ashamed that I should be so backward in Complying with your Desires; ..................................................................................................... pg 159 but that which you requested of me, seemed to me a Thing so inconsiderable, that I thought it not worthy of publick View, especially in an Age so abounding with Fine Inventions as ours. In the Posthumous Works the same passage appears as: At length, Sir, in obedience to you, I publish my Method of a Common-PlaceBook. I am asham'd that I deferr'd so long complying with your Request, but I esteem'd it so mean a thing as not to deserve publishing in an Age so full of useful Inventions as ours is.

Page 16 of 50 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.miscMatter.9 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-miscMatter-9 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

Given that these were both translations of the same text, it would be difficult to make them diverge more. The Greenwood translation appears never to have been reprinted, and may not have sold very well: copies of what was presumably the original edition were still being advertised 1

in the 1720s. The translation in the Posthumous Works was included in the third volume 2

of the first collected edition of Locke's works published by John Churchill in 1714. With the exception of the index, each page was printed in two columns, corresponding to the left-hand and right-hand pages in the Posthumous Works. There were frequent changes of punctuation and capitalization (generally made heavier and more consistent), together with a number of minor printing errors, but no alterations of any significance. The Posthumous Works translation was reprinted in all the subsequent editions of Locke's collected works, and also in a considerable number of the editions of the Essay concerning 3

Human Understanding that were published in between 1793 and 1832.   Bibliographical Descriptions A New Method of making Common-Place-Books

[within double rules] A | NEW METHOD | OF MAKING | Common-Place-Books; | WRITTEN | By the late Learned Mr. John Lock, | Author of the ESSAY concerning | Humane Understanding. | [rule] | Translated ........................................................................................................................... pg 160 from the French. | [rule] | TO WHICH | Is added Something from Monsieur Le | Clerc, relating to the same Subject. | A TREATISE necessary for all Gentle- | men, especially Students of Divinity, Physick, | and Law. | There are also added Two Letters, containing a | most Useful Method for instructing Persons that | are Deaf and Dumb, or that Labour under any | Impediments of Speech, to speak distinctly; writ | by the late learned Dr. John Wallis, Geometry | Proefess. Oxon, and F. R. S. | [rule] | LONDON: | Printed for J. Greenwood, Bookseller, at the | End of Cornhil, next Stocks-Market, 1706. o

4

Collation: 8 (167 × 107 mm): A–I [$1–2 signed, A1, D2, E2 not signed], 36 leaves. r

r

v

r

r

Contents: A1 : Title (verso blank); A2 –A3 : Epistle Dedicatory; A4 –B2 : Monsieur Le Clerc's v

v

Character of Mr. Lock's Method; B2 –E2 : Adversariorum Methodus, or the Method of

Page 17 of 50 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.miscMatter.9 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-miscMatter-9 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

r

v

r

r

Common Places; E3 –G2 : A Letter of Dr John Wallis to Robert Boyle Esq.; G3 –G4 : An v

v

Account by Mr Oldenburg; G4 –I4 : A Letter of Dr John Wallis to Mr Thomas Beverly. Pagination: 72 pages, pp. [6], i–v, [2], 2–60. Copies examined: Bodleian Library, Oxford, Vet. A4 e.895; British Library, 436.a.8; Cambridge University Library, Adams 7.70.4; Wellcome Library, London, 59785/B.   Posthumous Works of Mr. John Locke [within double rules] POSTHUMOUS | WORKS | OF | Mr. JOHN LOCKE: | VIZ. | I. Of the Conduct of the Understanding. | II. An Examination of P. Malebranche's Opin- | ion of Seeing all things in God. | III. A Discourse of Miracles. | IV. Part of a Fourth Letter for Toleration. | V. Memoirs relating to the Life of Anthony | first Earl of Shaftsbury. | To which is added, | VI. His New Method of a Common-Place- | Book, written originally in French, and | now translated into English. | [rule] | LONDON, | Printed by W. B. for A. and J. Churchill at the | Black Swan in Pater-Noster-Row. 1706. o

2

8

8

8

Collation: 8 (190 × 120 mm): A B–O P (±P8) Q–Y [$1–4 signed], 170 leaves. r

r v

r

v

Contents: A1 : Title (verso blank); A2 – : Advertisement to the Reader; B1 –K5 : Of the r

v

r

Conduct of the Understanding; K6 –P3 : An Examination of P. Malebranche's Opinion; P4 – v

r

v

r

v

Q4 : A Discourse of Miracles; Q5 –T3 : Part of a Fourth Letter for Toleration; T4 –X3 : Memoirs Relating to the ........................................................................................................................... pg 161 r

v

Life of Anthony First Earl of Shaftsbury; X4 –Y8 : A New Method of a Common-Place-Book. Pagination: 340 pages, pp. [i–iv], [1–2], 3–137, [138–40], 141–213, [214–16], 217–31, [232– 4], 235–277, [278–80], 281–310, [311], 312–36; p. 174 misnumbered 274. Copies examined: Bodleian Library, Oxford, Locke B8.4; Bodleian Library, Godw. subt. 302;

British Library, 8474.a.18; British Library, 8407.de.17; Cambridge University Library, N.3.65; Glasgow University Library, Sp. Coll. Eadie 406; Lambeth Palace Library, London, I.1253 (1706); Royal Society, London, Early FRS.

Page 18 of 50 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.miscMatter.9 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-miscMatter-9 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

A PROPOSAL TO ABOLISH THE REQUIREMENT OF ORDINATION FOR FELLOWS OF COLLEGES IN OXFORD AND CAMBRIDGE The only source for this is a draft in Locke's hand preserved among his papers in the Bodleian Library in MS Locke c. 25, a guard-book containing miscellaneous papers relating to Locke's life. Folio 45 in this is a single leaf measuring approximately 154 × 212 mm; its date is given by an endorsement on the back in Locke's hand, 'Universities Nov. 90'.

RULES FOR SOCIETIES   Rules of a Society This was first published in 1720, in A Collection of Several Pieces of Mr. John Locke, edited 1

by Pierre Des Maizeaux. No manuscripts are known to exist, and all later printings appear to have been derived directly or indirectly from the 1720 edition. Des Maizeaux gave no indication of the source from which he had acquired his copy of the Rules, but there is some reason to think that they were a late addition to the volume: they are placed at the end, after the letters to Anthony Collins and others, and are not mentioned in a document among 2

Des Maizeaux's papers that appears to be a draft list of contents.

........................................................................................................................... pg 162 The manuscript of the Rules that Des Maizeaux used is no longer among his papers, and any estimate of the nature and extent of his editorial activity has therefore to be made 1

from those other pieces in the volume where earlier manuscripts have survived, together 2

with Des Maizeaux's own statements about his editorial policy. It is clear that he thought himself entitled to reform irregularities of spelling and punctuation, and generally to revise the accidentals of the text in accordance with the standards expected by his readers, but in other respects he was faithful to the originals. The italicization of the three rules for subscription can be presumed to have been his work, and it is also likely that he added the roman numerals at the beginnings of paragraphs; otherwise there is no reason to think that he made any significant changes. A Collection of Several Pieces was reissued in 1724, using sheets from the first edition, 3

and then reprinted in 1739; there were some minor alterations to the punctuation, but otherwise no changes. The 'Rules of a Society' first appeared in a collected edition of Locke's

Page 19 of 50 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.miscMatter.9 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-miscMatter-9 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

4

works in the fifth edition of 1751, and were included in all subsequent editions, the last being the twelfth edition of 1824. A French translation was printed in 1741 at the end of the third Geneva edition of Jean-Pierre Bosset's translation of John Wynne's abridgment of the Essay, first published in English in 5

1696, and it was also included in the fourth Geneva edition of 1788. The identity of the translator was not indicated, but since Bosset had by then returned to Switzerland and did 6

not die until 1774, he may well have been responsible.   Bibliographical Description r

A | COLLECTION | OF SEVERAL | PIECES | OF | M . JOHN | LOCKE, | Never before printed, or not extant in | his Works. | Publish'd by the Author of the LIFE of the ever- | memorable Mr. JOHN HALES, &c. | ........................................................................................................................... pg 163 [vignette] | LONDON: | Printed by J. BETTENHAM for R. FRANCKLIN, | at the Sun in Fleetstreet. ]M. DCC. XX. Pr. 5 s. o

8

8

2

8

4

Collation: 8 (195 × 120 mm): A [2–4 signed] 2A [1–4 signed] 2B a [1–4 signed] b [1–2 2

8

8

8

signed] c (–c2) B–D [$1–4 signed] E (±E7) [1–3 signed] F–2B [$1–4 signed, L4, N1, R4 not signed], 223 leaves. r

r

r

Contents: A1 : Title (verso blank); A2 –2B2 : Dedicatory letter to Hugh Wrottesley Esquire; … v

v

r

v

r

v

v

2A3 –2A5 : Rules of a Society; 2A6 –2B6 : Index; 2B7 : Errata; 2A7 –2B8 : Books printed for R. Francklin. Pagination: 446 pages, pp. [36], i–xxiv, [2], 1–362, [22]. Copies examined: British Library, London, 1134 d. 3; Senate House Library, London, [Rare] 0

G [Locke].   The Rules of the Dry Club The only source for this is a manuscript preserved among Locke's papers in the Bodleian Library, and now inserted into MS Locke c. 25. Folios 56–7 in this is a single folded sheet, each leaf measuring approximately 291 × 196 mm. The text is in the hand of William Popple, Page 20 of 50 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.miscMatter.9 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-miscMatter-9 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

with a few corrections that are mostly in his hand, but which in one case was made by someone else, perhaps Locke; the complete absence of any authorial revisions suggests that v

Popple was making a fair copy of an earlier manuscript. On the final page (folio 57 ) there is an endorsement in Locke's hand, 'Dry Club 92', indicating that the manuscript dates from 1692. The 'Rules' were first published by Luisa Simonutti in '"Absolute, Universal, Equal and Inviolable Liberty of Conscience": Popple, Locke e il "Dry Club"', in La formazione storica dell'alterità: studi di storia della tolleranza nell'età moderna, ed. Richard H. Popkin, Giuseppe Ricuperati, and Luisa Simonutti (Florence, 2001), ii. 741–3, and have been reprinted by her in 'Circles of Virtuosi and "Charity under Different Opinions": The Crucible of Locke's Last Writings', in Studies on Locke: Sources, Contemporaries, and Legacy, edited by Sarah Hutton and Paul Schuurman (Dordrecht, 2008), 173–5.

WRITINGS ON THE LIBERTY OF THE PRESS Locke's Criticisms of the 1662 Printing Act There are two manuscripts that contain these. ........................................................................................................................... pg 164 1. The first is in Locke's own hand and was preserved among his papers, where it is now MS Locke b. 4, folios 75–6. This is a single folded sheet, its leaves measuring approximately 314 × 194 mm; the date of writing is established by an endorsement in Locke's hand on the final page: Printing 94 The frequent deletions and insertions in the manuscript show that it is a draft rather than a fair copy, and there are also two substantial marginal additions, one in Locke's hand and one in that of his manservant, Sylvester Brounower. 2. The second manuscript is now among the Shaftesbury Papers in the National Archives, 1

where it is the first of two documents included in PRO 30/24/30/30. This is also a bifolium of nearly or exactly the same size as the Bodleian manuscript, though damage to the edges of the leaves makes precise measurement impossible. The manuscript is now in very poor condition, with frequent lacunae in the text caused by damage to the paper, but the parts which remain visible are entirely in Brounower's hand.

Page 21 of 50 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.miscMatter.9 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-miscMatter-9 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

The manuscript is not dated, but there can be little doubt that it was copied before 2

Brounower left Locke's service in the autumn of 1696. The fact that it has been preserved among the Shaftesbury Papers suggests that it was sent or given to the third Earl, probably 3

soon after he became an MP in 1695. There is a note on the final page in an eighteenthcentury hand: Promised ⟨lacuna⟩ Amendments to the Ac⟨t⟩ An Act for the preventing ⟨lacuna⟩ printing Libells In Mr Locke's hand writing This is presumably the basis for the erroneous statement in the printed catalogue of the 4

Shaftesbury Papers that the manuscript is in Locke's hand.

........................................................................................................................... pg 165 Both the marginal additions in Locke's autograph appear in the text of Brounower's copy, which also incorporates nearly all the alterations made in Locke's draft, the few exceptions probably being due to oversight on Brounower's part. There is nothing in it which suggests that it had been made from an intermediate manuscript. Locke's Criticisms were first printed from the draft among his own papers in Lord King's 1

biography. They have since been included in an appendix to the fifth volume of E. S. de Beer's edition of Locke's correspondence, in Mark Goldie's collection of Locke's political writings, and (from the manuscript in the National Archives) in the third volume of Censorship and the Press, 1580–1720, edited by Geoff Kemp.

2

  Locke's Proposed Amendments to the First 1695 Printing Bill These are to be found in a manuscript in Locke's own hand that was preserved among his papers, where it is now folio 78 in MS Locke b. 4. This is a single quarter-sheet measuring approximately 217 × 156 mm, and there is an endorsement in Locke's hand on the back: Printing

These amendments were first printed in De Beer's edition of Locke's correspondence, and 3

subsequently in Goldie's collection of Locke's political writings.

Page 22 of 50 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.miscMatter.9 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-miscMatter-9 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

THE PREFACE TO AESOP'S FABLES The text printed here is the preface to Aesop's Fables, in English & Latin, Interlineary, for the Benefit of those who Not having a Master, Would Learn Either of these Tongues (London, 1703). It was originally printed in italics, but in the present edition italic and roman type have been reversed. The work was reissued in 1723, in what was described on its title-page as a second edition, but in fact consists of sheets of the 1703 edition with a new title-page that named the author as Locke. The table of contents (gathering Y) was placed at the end of the volume, as it had been in some copies of the 1703 edition; in most copies of that edition it was placed after ........................................................................................................................... pg 166 v

the prelims, the catchword 'ÆSOP'S' on sig. Y4 indicating that (despite the signature) this is what the printer intended. In both editions the location of the five plates containing the illustrations varies from copy to copy, and they are not always present.   Bibliographical Description The first edition [within double rules] ÆSOP's FABLES, | IN | English & Latin, | INTERLINEARY, | FOR THE | BENEFIT of those who | Not having a MASTER, | Would Learn | Either of these TONGUES. | [Rule] | With SCULPTURES. | [Rule] | LONDON: | Printed for A. and J. Churchil at the Black | Swan in Pater-noster-row. 1703. o

4

4

8

Collation: 8 (188 × 111 mm): a (–a4=X9?) [2 signed] Y [1–2 signed] A–V [$1–4 signed] 8

X (+X9=a4?) [1–4 signed], 176 leaves, 5 plates. r

r

r

v

r

Contents: a1 : Title (verso blank); a2 –a3 : Preface; a3 : Errata; Y1–4: Table of Contents; A1 – r

X9 : Aesop's Fables. Pagination: 352 pages, pp. [14], 1–337 [1], p. 20 misnumbered 28, p. 216 misnumbered 116. Copies examined: Bodleian Library, 2905 e. 2; British Library, 1211. h. 38; Cambridge University Library, Syn. 7.70.9; University of Melbourne, Baillieu Library, 24A/5.

Page 23 of 50 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.miscMatter.9 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-miscMatter-9 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

  The second edition [within double rules] ÆSOP's FABLES, | IN | English & Latin, | INTERLINEARY, | For the Benefit of those | who not having a Master, would | learn either of these Tongues. | [rule] | The Second Edition, | With SCULPTURES. | [rule] | By JOHN LOCKE, Gent. | [rule] | LONDON: | Printed for A. Bettesworth, at the Red- | Lyon in Pater-Noster Row, 1723. o

4

8

8

Collation: 8 (188 × 111 mm): a (±a1, –a4=X9?) [2 signed] A–V [$1–4 signed] X (+X9=a4?) 4

[1–4 signed] Y [1–2 signed], 176 leaves, 5 plates. r

r

r

v

r

r

Contents: a1 : Title (verso blank); a2 –a3 : Preface; a3 : Errata; A1 –X9 : Aesop's Fables; Y1– 4: Table of Contents. Pagination: 352 pages, pp. [6], 1–337 [9], p. 20 misnumbered 28, p. 216 misnumbered 116. Copies examined: Bodleian Library, Vet. A4 e. 2101; British Library, 1211. h. 33; Cambridge University Library, SSS. 57.7; Senate House Library, London, [Q.M.L.] Ba [Aesop]. ........................................................................................................................... PG 167

MEMOIRS RELATING TO THE LIFE OF ANTHONY FIRST EARL OF SHAFTESBURY

Two manuscripts of the Memoirs are known to exist: A National Archives, PRO 30/24/42/62, folios 9–16. C Bodleian Library, MS Locke b. 4, folios 109–14. The first of these is Locke's autograph, the second a copy made from it that was kept among his papers. There are also two early editions. The first to appear was a French translation, 'Mémoires pour servir à la Vie d'Antoine Ashley, Comte de Shaftesbury, & Grand Chancellier d'Angleterre, sous Charles II', published in 1705 in volume 7 of the Bibliothèque choisie, pages 146–91, the text of the Memoirs being on pages 148–85. This was followed a year later by the publication of the original English text in the Posthumous Works of Mr. John Locke (London, 1706), pages 281–306.   Page 24 of 50 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.miscMatter.9 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-miscMatter-9 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

The Manuscripts of the Memoirs Manuscript A now consists of eight separate leaves each measuring approximately 312 × 196 mm. These have been inserted into the leaves of a nineteenth-century guard-book, but it is clear that they originally formed four bifolia; these were successively signed A, B, C, and D at the foot of the left-hand margin of their first pages, and the pages themselves r

were numbered as far as page 11 (folio 14 ). Each bifolium was endorsed with the word 'Memoires' accompanied by the appropriate letter in a place on the final page that would

have remained visible once the paper had been folded three times to make a small packet. Each page is divided into two halves by a single vertical fold, with the original text to the left of this; the right-hand side of the page was used for additions (in this case, two marginal notes). It was a way of working that was typical of Locke's practice from the early 1690s onwards. One conspicuous feature of this manuscript is the frequent changes of ink and handwriting style. These suggest that the work was written by snatches over an extended period, though whether this was days, weeks, or even months is impossible to say. One thing that is certain is that this manuscript was the original composition, and not a fair copy made by Locke from something that he had written earlier. Manuscript C consists of three bifolia, signed A, B, and C, each leaf measuring approximately 313 × 199 mm. These are now pasted into a guard-book containing Locke's miscellaneous writings, MS Locke b. 4, ........................................................................................................................... pg 168 r

r

where they form folios 109 –14 . The pages are numbered 1 to 11, the final page being left r

unnumbered; this is blank apart from a note in an unidentifiable hand 'M Locks Memoires', written vertically. The text of the Memoirs is entirely in the hand of Locke's last manservant, William Shaw, apart from eight words added at the end by Peter King. In Locke's autograph these words appear at the start of bifolium D, and one can presume either that Shaw had not been given this part of the manuscript, or (perhaps more plausibly) that he overlooked it. There is no sign of Locke's hand anywhere in the manuscript, and it would seem likely that it was a copy made after his death on Peter King's orders, before the autograph was sent to the third Earl of Shaftesbury in the spring of 1705.   The Transmission of Locke's Autograph to the Third Earl of Shaftesbury

Page 25 of 50 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.miscMatter.9 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-miscMatter-9 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

The Memoirs were mentioned in Locke's final letter to Peter King, but he did not include them among the works that he wished to see published. King was instead told that: You will find two or three sheets of Memoires, they were writ at the request of a Person you will easilye guess to preserve the memory of some facts which he thought he might some time or other have use of. I had gon on farther if my time and health would have permitted. What there is of them 1

pray deliver to him.

King would have had little difficulty in identifying the person alluded to. He did as requested, and wrote to the third Earl on 9 December, some six weeks after Locke's death: I Doubt not but your Lordship hath before this time heard of the death of Mr Locke, who was in the full possession of his reason and understanding to the last minute of his life, He hath made me his executor, by means whereof his writings are come to my hands, amongst which I find three or four sheets of Memoires of your Grandfathers life, with an Epitaph on your Grandfather, Mr Locke designed, If he had lived longer, to have gon on farther with these Memoires, I beg your Lordships pardon that I have not acquainted your Lordship herewith sooner, but Mr Locke hapning to dy in the term, I had not leisure to look into his concerns, beyond what was absolutely necessary, till within these few days. These papers properly belong to your Lordship, and I thought it my duty to acquaint your Lordship therewith, and shall dispose of them as your Lordship shall direct …

2

........................................................................................................................... pg 169 Shaftesbury replied a month later, expressing his concern for the safety of the manuscript: I must confess I have naturally a great impatience to see the sheets but being not willing to venture the Originalls by any Carriage I shou'd be extreemly glad of having a Coppy by the Post, as soon as you can get them 1

writt out for Me.

King replied that he had ordered the papers to be transcribed and hoped to send them 'in 2

a post or Two', but in fact it was the original manuscript that was delivered to Shaftesbury: King brought it to Salisbury when he went there for the assizes in March, and one of his 3

servants then took it to Wimborne St Giles.   The French Translation

Page 26 of 50 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.miscMatter.9 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-miscMatter-9 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

Pierre Coste had been living at Oates since 1697, acting as tutor to Francis Cudworth Masham. He was there when Locke died, but left by the end of the year. He spent the early months of 1705 in London, complaining of loneliness and attempting to procure an invitation 4

from Shaftesbury to stay at St Giles. He finally succeeded in this, and on 20 March wrote to explain why he had been delayed in setting out, adding that he assumed that Shaftesbury 5

would soon receive the original manuscript of the Memoirs. He probably travelled down to 6

Dorset in April, and within a short time of his arrival Shaftesbury found something for him to do: I had no sooner arrived there than my Lord Shaftesbury presented me with the incomplete memoirs of the first Earl of Shaftesbury that Mr Locke had composed, at his request, and asked me to translate them into French. As my translation did ..................................................................................................... pg 170 not displease him, he sent it at once to Mr Le Clerc so that he might include 1

it in a journal which he published every month at Amsterdam.

The journal was the Bibliothèque choisie. Le Clerc published the Memoirs as requested, though in a form that caused some annoyance to both Coste and Shaftesbury, at least if a much later account by Coste is to be trusted: My Lord soon received the translation in the form in which it had pleased Mr Le Clerc to publish it: for in an act of discourtesy that seems to me inexcusable, he made several changes to my copy without comparing it to the original which had not been sent to him, and which he had never seen. 2

My Lord Shaftesbury disapproved of this liberty quite as much as I did.

If one compares the text that was published with Locke's autograph one can see what changes were made, and in the light of Coste's complaints it would seem reasonable to suppose that the more extensive ones were due to Le Clerc. There are several places where the text was considerably expanded, for example at the end of the story of how Shaftesbury had detected that the Duke of York had secretly married Anne Hyde, and had revealed his discovery to the Earl of Southampton. Locke had written that My Lord S who thought it a groundless conceit then was not long after convinced by the D of Yorkes owning of her that L: A was noe bad Guesser This was replaced by:

Page 27 of 50 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.miscMatter.9 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-miscMatter-9 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

Le Comte de Southampton, qui avoit d'abord regardé cette pensée, comme une imagination frivole, ne fut pas longtems à être convaincu que Milord Ashley n'avoit pas mal conjecturé; car le Duc d'York avoüa peu de tems après publiquement son mariage, avec cette Dame, qui a donné deux grandes Reines à l'Angleterre. ........................................................................................................................... pg 171 Le Clerc also omitted details that would have been of little interest to continental readers. Locke, for example, had said that the officer sent to arrest Shaftesbury at his house in Covent Garden had gon noe farther than the corner of the half moon taverne which was just by to fetch a file of soldiers that he had left there in the strand out of sight In the French version this became car il n'avoit été qu'au coin de la ruë, pour aller chercher une compagnie de soldats, qu'il y avoit laissée hors de vûë Le Clerc also added a short preface, and was presumably responsible for the notes explaining aspects of English life and history that would have been unfamiliar to his readers. It is not obvious that he did anything very reprehensible, but authors generally dislike their work being altered without their permission, and Coste was—in retrospect at least—ready to be irritated by what Le Clerc had done. Perhaps what annoyed him most was that Le Clerc had given him no credit whatever for the translation, but left readers to assume that it was all his own work. It is not known precisely when volume 7 was published, but in August 1705 Le Clerc told 1

Archbishop Sharp that it had appeared recently (non ita pridem).

A second edition of various volumes of the Bibliothèque choisie was published in Amsterdam by the Wetstein brothers between 1714 and 1720, volume 7 appearing in 1717. This was a page-for-page reprint of the first edition, and there are no significant changes to the text. By the time that the second edition appeared Coste's translation had already been reprinted in the Oeuvres diverses de Monsieur Jean Locke, published in Rotterdam in 1710, where it was described as 'Tirées des Papiers de feu Mr. Jean Locke, & redigées par Mr. Jean le Clerc'. 3

It is unlikely that Le Clerc had any involvement in this edition, but its publishers seem to have assumed that he had been responsible for the translation; at all events, Coste was not mentioned.

Page 28 of 50 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.miscMatter.9 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-miscMatter-9 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

2

Another edition of the Oeuvres diverses was published in 1732, with the Memoires put in the 4

second volume. Since then the only publication was ........................................................................................................................... pg 172 in 1825, in the seventh volume of François Thurot's Oeuvres philosophiques de Locke.

1

  The Publication of the English Text The first publication of this was in the Posthumous Works of Mr. John Locke, which went on 2

sale in June 1706. Although most of the material in this volume was taken from manuscripts kept among Locke's papers, this seems not to have been the case with the Memoirs. There are several places where the text printed in 1706 follows Locke's autograph A, but diverges from the manuscript in his papers, C. For example on the first line of page 283 the Posthumous Works (P) has 'Peace and Security', A has 'peace & security', while C merely has 'peace'. A few lines later, P has 'Pool, Weymouth, Dorchester, and others', A has 'Pool

Weymouth Dorchester & others', while in C the words 'and others' are missing. Later on in the Memoirs, in the account of the attempt made by the Committee of Safety to arrest Shaftesbury at his house near Covent Garden, P states that the officer entrusted with the task returned 'to his [Shaftesbury's] House', A has 'to the house', while in C the entire phrase 3

is absent.

The only document known to throw any light on how the text published in the Posthumous Works was obtained is a letter that Pierre Coste wrote to the third Earl of Shaftesbury on 16 May 1706, six weeks before the book went on sale: A letter has just been passed to me that you wrote a short while ago to Mr Churchill in connection with the Posthumous works of Mr Locke, the printing of which is well advanced, and to which Mr Churchill would like to add the memoirs of your grandfather that were included in the Bibliothèque choisie. When he gave me this letter Mr Churchill asked me to show it to Mr King. I have just done this, and Mr King replied that it was not up to him to decide the fate of these memoirs, and that it was for you, Milord, to dispose of them as you should think fit, but that if you are going to add to the memoirs 4

the two letters that Mr Le Clerc published in his Bibliothèque, it would be good to mention that they had been communicated by your lordship, and made public with your consent, since they are not part of the works of Mr Locke. Furthermore, Mr King says that he is unable to find the copy of the

Page 29 of 50 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.miscMatter.9 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-miscMatter-9 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

memoirs, and therefore if you wish them to be printed, you should send Mr 5

Churchill the original, or a copy of the original.

........................................................................................................................... pg 173 Shaftesbury would not readily have parted with Locke's autograph—and clearly did not, since it is still among the family papers. He must therefore have sent King a copy which, like almost everything that entered the printing house, has not been preserved. The Posthumous Works is described on its title-page as having been 'Printed by W. B. for A. and J. Churchill'. The printer can be identified from this as William Bowyer, who had an extensive business in London and was probably responsible for part of the first collected 1

edition of Locke's works, in 1714. The text he printed follows Locke's autograph fairly 2

closely, though with a number of corrections of obvious errors in the original, and the frequent introduction of new punctuation, capital letters, and italics. Along with the other items in the Posthumous Works, the Memoirs were included in 3

successive editions of Locke's collected works from 1714 onwards. Otherwise they have not been reprinted.   Bibliographical Descriptions 1. The Posthumous Works has already been described in the section on the New Method of a Commonplace Book. 2. The Bibliothèque choisie, volume 7. BIBLIOTHEQUE | CHOISIE, | POUR SERVIR DE SUITE | A LA | BIBLIOTHEQUE | UNIVERSELLE | Par ]JEAN LE CLERC. | ]ANNÉE M D CC V. | TOME VII. | [ornament] | A AMSTERDAM, | Chez ]HENRY SCHELTE, | M D CC V. ........................................................................................................................... pg 174 o

12

Collation: 12 (130 × 70 mm): A–S r

[$1–7 signed, A1, A7 unsigned], 216 leaves. r

v

v

r

Contents: A1 : Title (verso blank); A2 –A9 : Avertissement; … G1 –H12 : Article III. Mémoires pour servir à la Vie d'Antoine Ashley, Comte de Shaftesbury, & Grand Chancellier v

r

v

v

d'Angleterre, sous Charles II; … S3 : Avertissement; S4 : Indice des Auteurs; S4 –S11 : Table des Matieres contenues dans le VII. Tome.

Page 30 of 50 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.miscMatter.9 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-miscMatter-9 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

Pagination: 432 pages, pp. [18], 19–413, [19], p. 181 misnumbered 183, p. 342 misnumbered 442. Copies examined: Bodleian Library, Oxford, Per. 3977. f. 36/7; Lambeth Palace Library, London, YC25. C4/7; Warburg Institute Library, London, NAH 5440 B31/7.

OTHER WRITINGS ON THE SHAFTESBURY FAMILY   An Epitaph for the First Earl of Shaftesbury A copy of this was written by Locke vertically in the empty right-hand column of the final page of the first bifolium of the draft of his Memoirs of Shaftesbury (PRO 30/24/42/62, folio v

10 ), apparently after this part of the Memoirs had been written. There are no corrections or alterations in the text, and it would seem therefore very likely that it was a fair copy of something composed earlier. It is not present in the copy of the Memoirs made by William Shaw. The Epitaph was printed in the Posthumous Works of Mr. John Locke (page 307), and subsequently in editions of Locke's collected works. It was not included in the volume of the Bibliothèque choisie that contains Coste's translation of the Memoirs.   The Early History of the Shaftesbury Family Four manuscripts are known to exist: B British Library, Additional MS 4223, folio 196. H Hampshire Record Office, Malmesbury papers, 9M73/G233. N National Archives, Shaftesbury papers, PRO 30/24/17, folios 285–6. S National Archives, Shaftesbury papers, PRO 30/24/16, folios 144–5. Manuscript B is a single leaf measuring approximately 304 × 227 mm. The text is entirely in Locke's hand, apart from an insertion of one word, and on the back there is an endorsement in Locke's hand: ........................................................................................................................... pg 175 Page 31 of 50 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.miscMatter.9 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-miscMatter-9 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

        Shaftesbury E of                                  places & Extraction                             73 The manuscript is now to be found among the miscellaneous biographical papers collected by Thomas Birch in the eighteenth century, and though the source from which he obtained it can only be a matter of speculation, it is much more likely to have been extracted from the papers of the Shaftesbury family than from Locke's own papers. One strong possibility is that Birch acquired it from Benjamin Martyn, who had been commissioned by the fourth Earl to 1

write a biography of his great-grandfather, and who was in regular contact with Birch.

Manuscript H is a single leaf measuring approximately 320 × 210 mm that has been preserved among the Malmesbury papers in the Hampshire Record Office. This collection contains a considerable quantity of material relating to various members of the Shaftesbury family, and came into the possession of the Earls of Malmesbury as a result of the marriage of Lady Elizabeth (1681–1744), a younger sister of the third Earl, with James Harris (1674– 1731), grandfather of the first Earl of Malmesbury. H is an undated copy in an unknown hand of the late seventeenth century, and may well have been made directly from B since the texts are nearly identical. Both the other two manuscripts are now in the section of the Shaftesbury papers that contains material relating to the biography of Shaftesbury started by Benjamin Martyn in the late 1730s, though Martyn made no use of them. The handwriting of both documents indicates, however, that they are considerably older than this, and could well date from Shaftesbury's own lifetime. Manuscript N is written on first leaf of a bifolium, each leaf measuring approximately 227 v

× 187 mm. On the back of the second leaf (folio 286 ) there is a note in a later hand: 'Account of the Ashley Family'. The text is very similar to that of B and H, but various small differences indicate that it was derived from the latter. It too is undated, and like the other manuscripts is in an unidentified hand. Manuscript S is written on the first page of a bifolium, each leaf measuring approximately v

292 × 206 mm. On the back of the second leaf (folio 145 ) there is a note:                   May 1677 A Copy of Mr Fisher's paper concerning the Earle of Shaftesbury ........................................................................................................................... pg 176 Page 32 of 50 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.miscMatter.9 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-miscMatter-9 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

The text in S differs from those in other manuscripts much more than they do from each other: there are numerous small changes in the main part of the text, and an entirely new paragraph, found only in this manuscript, was added at the end: t

And having one sonne by Frances the Daughter of David Earle of Exeter. viz Anthony Lord Ashley, who being married to Dorothy the Daughter of John Earle of Rutland, hath by her three son's now living.

The three sons are Anthony (1671–1713), the future third Earl, John (1672–93), and Maurice

(1675–1726). The word 'three' in the final line of this passage was a later addition, inserted into a blank space which had been left for it either because the original writer was not sure how many grandsons Shaftesbury had or because he was waiting for the birth of Maurice, which took place on 14 April 1675. The word was written in a hand that resembles Locke's, but it is unlikely that he was responsible: if Locke did make this insertion, the manuscript must have been written at least eighteen months before the endorsement on the back of the second leaf, since he left England in November 1675. In the absence of any contemporary testimony, the main evidence of authorship has to be supplied by Locke's autograph B. In comparison with most of his drafts this is quite neatly written, and there are only a small number of changes in the text. One occurs in the fourth paragraph, where Locke had originally written that Shaftesbury 'changed both his name & coat by agreement with his mothers family'; he then added the words 'made by his father' after 'agreement', before deleting the part of the phrase from 'by agreement' onwards (including the insertion) and replacing it with '& tooke that of Ashley by agreement made by his father'. These are just the kind of changes that Locke often made when revising his own compositions, and it is not clear how they could have arisen if he had merely been copying someone else's manuscript. Another addition occurs at the very end of the account, where the family coat of arms is described as 'argent three bulls passant sable armed and langued or'. These words are in darker ink in B, and were presumably added later. It is easy to see why Locke, who had no known expertise in heraldry, might have stopped at this point in order to check the details, but he would hardly have needed to do this if he had merely been copying another manuscript. In any case, he still made a mistake (not corrected in any of the other manuscripts): 'langued' should be 'unguled', i.e. hoofed. ........................................................................................................................... pg 177 One other passage gives some more information about the order in which the manuscripts were written. In B Locke wrote that 'in ⟨blank⟩ time they haveing married the daughter & heir of Sir John Hamelyn', with a blank space of about 3 cm left before 'time'. A natural explanation for this would be that Locke was copying from a manuscript that had either

Page 33 of 50 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.miscMatter.9 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-miscMatter-9 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

a blank space or an illegible word at this point, but it is also possible that he left a space because he was not sure when this marriage took place. In H too a space had originally e

ths

been left before 'time', but this word was then deleted and the phrase 'y begining of H: 6 reigne' added, the first three words in the blank space and the remainder above the deleted word 'time'. Both the other manuscripts have this revised reading, suggesting that they were derived from H rather than directly from B.

APPENDICES I. Reasons given by the House of Commons for not agreeing to the Clause reviving the Printing Act THESE were the objections presented by the House of Commons when the House of Lords

attempted to revive the 1662 Printing Act in April 1695. There is a copy, in an unidentified hand, in a volume of Locke's miscellaneous papers, MS Locke b. 4. This is a single folded sheet, the leaves measuring approximately 313 × 197 mm; the text of the 'Reasons' is on v

folio 79, and there is an endorsement by Locke on the back of the second leaf (folio 80 ): Printing Reasons of the Commons against Reviveing the Printing Act 95 Locke's copy was carelessly written, and is marred by frequent errors, often involving the omission of words. The text printed here has been taken from this manuscript but has been corrected where necessary, following the readings found in The Craftsman, Number 281 (20 November 1731); the text printed in this was derived from the (manuscript) Journal of the House of Lords, and does not differ significantly from those subsequently printed in the 1

Journals of the House of Commons and the House of Lords.  

........................................................................................................................... pg 178 II. Draft of the First 1695 Printing Bill Two copies of this are known to exist: 1. Bodleian Library, MS Locke b. 4, folio 77. This is a single sheet measuring approximately 363 × 298 mm which was enclosed with a letter to Locke from John Freke and Edward

Page 34 of 50 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.miscMatter.9 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-miscMatter-9 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

1

Clarke, dated 14 March 1695. The text of the bill is in Freke's hand, but the paper was endorsed by Locke: 'Printing

'.

2. British Library, Additional MS 42592, folio 203. This is a single half-sheet measuring approximately 362 × 292 mm, preserved among the papers of William Brockman, MP for 2

Hythe from 1690 to 1695; the paper is not the same as was used in Locke's copy. The leaf was originally folded three times to make a small packet, perhaps for inclusion in a letter. On the front of this packet there is a title, 'A Byll for the better Regulateing of Printing and Printing Presses' in the same hand as the text of the bill itself, and on the back there is a short list of proposed alterations in Brockman's hand. Although there is no date anywhere in the Brockman manuscript, it was almost certainly written before the copy sent to Locke. At the end of his copy Brockman made several recommendations for changes, and these generally appear in the text of Locke's copy. The first two are:

Brockman manuscript

Brockman's alterations

Locke manuscript

within ⟨blank⟩ miles of the same city

Instead of … miles, suburbs

Suburbs thereof

one of the universitys

for one University, either

either of the universitys

Brockman also made a short addition in the margin relating to the seizure of tools used in printing which is not found in Locke's copy. He was probably responsible for underlining the two passages that referred to the Christian religion 'as establisht by Law' and adding the letter 'V' next to them in the margin, and also for deleting a paragraph that imposed penalties on the owner of any house in which illegal printing had taken place if the printer could not be apprehended, and adding letter 'q' next to this in the margin. ........................................................................................................................... pg 179 The Brockman manuscript also contains a large number of changes made by the copyist. Some of these are merely corrections of copying errors, but others appear to involve a deliberate revision of the text: for example the words 'one sheet or paper' were deleted on both occasions in which they occurred, and were replaced by 'one printed coppy'. Nearly all these alterations appear in the text of the Locke manuscript. The text of the Locke manuscript was printed in the appendix to the fifth volume of E. S. de Beer's edition of Locke's correspondence.  

Page 35 of 50 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.miscMatter.9 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-miscMatter-9 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

III. A Letter from the First Earl of Shaftesbury to Charles II This is contained on the front of a single half-sheet measuring approximately 306 × 197 mm, which is now placed in the bound volume containing the autograph of Locke's Memoirs of the first Earl (National Archives, PRO 30/24/42/62, folio 8). The verso contains drafts in Shaftesbury's hand of letters to the Duke of York and to an unidentified peer; these are not printed here. The first paragraph of the letter to the King and part of the opening sentence of the second are in Shaftesbury's hand, the remainder of the manuscript being the work of two distinct writers, designated in this edition as Scribe A and Scribe B. The part written by Scribe A clearly belongs to the original letter, but the part in the hand of Scribe B may be a later addition. It is short enough to be quoted in full: one of the last Scenes of this confusion was; General Lambert's seizing of the Government in a morning by force of armes; turning out the Parliament and their Councel of State, and in theire roome erecting a Committy of safety: The new's of this gives a great surprize to General Monk; who command the army in Scotland. It is not obvious how this would naturally belong in a letter to the King, but it does connect rather neatly with Shaftesbury's own account of his activities in 1659–60, the only manuscript of which (a later copy) begins abruptly 'in Scotland, and expected no great good 1

to himself from so great a change, acted without the least communication with him', the subject of the sentence undoubtedly being General Monck. All three letters were printed in 1706 in the Posthumous Works of Mr. John Locke, pages 308– 10, and subsequently in successive editions of Locke's collected works. A French translation of the letter to the King had already appeared in volume 7 of the Bibliothèque choisie, pages 185–8. ........................................................................................................................... PG 180

II. TRANSCRIPTION OF MANUSCRIPTS AND PRESENTATION OF PRINTED TEXTS THE TRANSCRIPTION OF MANUSCRIPTS

The majority of the works in this volume have been edited from manuscript. These fall into five classes. 1. Those where the sole manuscript is in Locke's hand. These are the poem 'Now our Athenian Olive spreads', the plan for the play Orozes, King of Albania, the Address to the Prince of Denmark, the English version of the Adversariorum Methodus, the Proposal for Page 36 of 50 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.miscMatter.9 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-miscMatter-9 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

the reform of the universities, Locke's Criticisms of the 1662 Printing Act, and his suggested amendments to the first 1695 printing bill. 2. Where there are two manuscripts in Locke's hand. The sole example of this is the Latin version of the Adversariorum Methodus. 3. Those where the primary manuscript is in Locke's hand, but there are also other derived manuscripts, and in some cases also early printed editions. All of these relate to the first Earl of Shaftesbury: Locke's Memoirs, the Epitaph that he devised for Shaftesbury, and his account of the early history of the Shaftesbury family. 4. Those where the sole surviving manuscript was written by someone other than Locke. The items in this class are two poems attributed to Locke, the Rules of the Dry Club, and the draft of the first Earl of Shaftesbury's letter to Charles II. 5. Those where a manuscript that was not written by Locke has been preserved among his papers, but other versions not derived from this also exist. The first two documents printed in the Appendices—the Reasons of the House of Commons and the first 1695 Printing Bill— fall into this class.   Choice of the Copy-Text When only one manuscript exists (classes 1, 3, and 4 above) this has been chosen as the copy-text. When there are two manuscripts that are both in Locke's hand (class 2), the later of them has been chosen. When there are no manuscripts in Locke's hand, but one has been preserved among his own papers (class 5), this has been chosen.   Editorial Principles In all cases the original spelling, capitalization, and punctuation have been retained. Ampersands and diphthongs such as 'æ', have been retained, as ........................................................................................................................... pg 181 has underlining. When words were written in larger letters for emphasis this has been indicated by spacing the letters more widely, as here. e

m

t

Manuscript forms for words such as 'y ', 'y ', 'y ', etc. have been replaced by the usual t

ch

printed forms, and standard contractions and abbreviations such as 'ag ' and 'w ' have been

Page 37 of 50 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.miscMatter.9 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-miscMatter-9 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

expanded, though in the textual notes the original form has been retained in a few places where it helps to clarify the relations between the manuscripts. In his own manuscript drafts Locke's punctuation was frequently erratic, and generally light in comparison with the punctuation used when the same passages were printed, with the result that many passages are not readily intelligible unless some additional punctuation is .

supplied. A raised point, ' ' has therefore been used to indicate breaks in places where either a semicolon, colon, or full stop would appear to be required. Catchwords and signature letters are recorded in the textual apparatus. Divisions between pages in the manuscript chosen as the copy-text are indicated by a vertical line in the text, with the number of the second page put in the margin. In the Epitaph for the Earl of Shaftesbury the original indentation and lineation have been retained. Otherwise lineation has not been retained, but the indentation both of whole paragraphs (in the Criticisms of the Printing Act) and of the first lines of paragraphs has been retained. In the two versions of the Adversariorum Methodus the layout of the pages is an essential feature of the internal organization of the work, and the original pagination has therefore been retained, with the folio number in the manuscript placed in square brackets at the head of each page.   Departures from the Copy-Text Locke often wrote carelessly, and in a considerable number of places it has been necessary to correct what he wrote, either by preferring a reading in another manuscript or an early printed edition, or by making an editorial emendation. None of these other manuscripts or editions has any authority as such, but they can provide evidence that something Locke wrote was reckoned to be defective by one or more of his contemporaries, and that the decision to emend the text does not therefore rest solely on the judgement of a twenty-firstcentury editor.   Recording Variant Readings All additions, deletions, and alterations in the manuscript chosen as the copy-text are described in the textual apparatus, with the exception of ........................................................................................................................... pg 182

Page 38 of 50 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.miscMatter.9 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-miscMatter-9 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

minor copying errors in manuscripts not in Locke's hand that were corrected by the copyist. Readings in other manuscripts or early printed editions have been given in the following circumstances. 1. When there is any reason to suppose that the text given in Locke's autograph is or may be defective. 2. When these variant readings throw light on the relationships between these manuscripts and editions, for example by showing that the text of the Memoirs relating to the Life of Anthony First Earl of Shaftesbury that was printed in the 1706 Posthumous Works cannot have been taken from the scribal copy now among Locke's papers. 3. The only works in this volume edited from manuscript that were subsequently included in editions of Locke's collected works were the Shaftesbury Memoirs and the Epitaph. The text in Locke's autograph of the Memoirs often diverges significantly from the text printed in the Posthumous Works, and since the latter has provided the basis for all subsequent editions, it seems appropriate to record in the textual apparatus the places where such differences occur.   Translations Three works included in this volume are in Latin: the Address to the Prince of Denmark, the Epitaph for the Earl of Shaftesbury, and the second version of the Adversariorum Methodus. Since the last of these is fairly close to the earlier English version no translation has been provided, though some of the most significant differences between them are described in the General Introduction. English translations of the Address and the Epitaph have been provided; in both, the punctuation used by Locke in the Latin original has been modified in order to make the work more readily intelligible.   Textual Apparatus The conventions used in the textual apparatus broadly follow those employed in previous volumes of the Clarendon Edition. Notes begin with a lemma indicating the relevant portion of text; this is closed with a single square bracket and is followed by details of the readings in the manuscripts or printed editions, these being separated where necessary by a vertical line. The examples given below are all taken from the Memoirs relating to the Life of Anthony First Earl of Shaftesbury, but the same conventions have been used for the other works printed in this volume. Page 39 of 50 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.miscMatter.9 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-miscMatter-9 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

........................................................................................................................... pg 183 Insertions are indicated by reverse and normal primes preceding and following the inserted material: Parliament] C, P | `Parliament´ A This indicates that Locke added the word 'Parliament' in his own draft of the Memoirs (A), and that both the scribal copy C and the Posthumous Works (P) have the revised text. Unless indicated otherwise, insertions are interlinear, the insertion point being indicated either by the immediate proximity of deleted material that the inserted material was manifestly intended to replace, or by a caret. If nothing has been deleted but no caret is present, its absence has been noted. Deletions are indicated by square brackets enclosing the deleted material: the] C, P | [Dorchester] the A Alterations by overwriting are indicated by doubled brackets: his] C, P | hi⟦m⟧s A This indicates that Locke's autograph A originally contained the word 'him', and that he altered this to 'his' by altering the final letter. Editorial insertions are enclosed in angle brackets. In most cases these are used to indicate the probable continuation of words which had been left unfinished when they were deleted: soldiers] C | [musk⟨eteers⟩] soldiers A | Soldiers P   Editorial deletions are enclosed in braces: himself] C, P | himself/ {self} A The solidus (/) indicates that the word 'himself' occurred at the end of the line. Uncertain readings are indicated by dots placed beneath the letters that are doubtful: royalists] royalists A | royalist C | Royalists P | royalistes F

Page 40 of 50 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.miscMatter.9 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-miscMatter-9 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

Here it is unclear whether the word in Locke's autograph is singular or plural: the copyist of manuscript C took it to be singular, but in the Posthumous Works it is plural, as it is in the French translation (F) that was printed in the Bibliothèque choisie. Illegible passages are indicated by ⟨word(s) illegible⟩ placed between angle brackets. ........................................................................................................................... pg 184 When the reading in the lemma does not coincide precisely with the reading in any of the sources, this is reported in one of two ways. The first is used when no editorial judgement is involved: assurd] [satisfied] `assurd´ A | assured C | assur'd P Sometimes, however, an editorial decision has been made to emend the text, as in this case: at] ed. | & A, C | and P, W | à F Locke's autograph states that Shaftesbury 'had instruments & worke in the army', but though this reading was followed in the other manuscript, in the Posthumous Works, and in the first collected edition (1714), it would seem much more likely that what Locke intended to write was 'instruments at worke' (as the translator of the French version saw). The phrase 'instruments at work' is given in all the collected editions of Locke's works from the second (1722) edition onwards. Editorial comment. Bold capitals are used both as sigla for manuscripts and to indicate editorial emendations, as explained above. All other editorial material has been put in italics. The following abbreviations have been used: alt.   altered del.   deleted foll.   followed illeg.   illegible LH   left-hand not in   used to indicate absence in an earlier manuscript of material found in a later manuscript or printed book om.   omitted; used to indicate absence in a later manuscript or printed book of material found in an earlier one

Page 41 of 50 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.miscMatter.9 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-miscMatter-9 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

prob.   probably RH   right-hand

THE PRESENTATION OF PRINTED TEXTS There are eight items in this category: the four poems printed in university commemorative volumes, the 'Méthode nouvelle de dresser des Recueuils' together with the translation of this that was published in Locke's Posthumous Works, the 'Rules of a Society', and the Preface to Aesop's Fables. In all cases the first edition has been chosen as the copy-text.

........................................................................................................................... pg 185 Editorial Principles The general policy is—with some exceptions noted below—to reproduce the text of the earliest edition, retaining the original spelling, punctuation, italicization (including italicized punctuation), capitalization (including the use of small capitals), and paragraphing; in both the 'Méthode nouvelle' and its English translation the letters in the words printed in small capitals were also more widely spaced, and this practice has been followed here. Catchwords, which were used routinely by the printers, have not been recorded. End-line hyphens have not been reproduced or recorded, except in those cases (e.g. 'ceux-là') where practice elsewhere in the volume indicates that the words would have been intended to be hyphenated. Diphthongs such as 'æ' and 'œ' have been retained, but dropped capitals and ſ

ligatures have been neither reproduced nor recorded. The long ' ' has been rendered as 's'. In the 'Méthode nouvelle' some (but not all) of the translations of the long Latin quotations were distinguished by double quotation marks being placed at the start of each line. These have been replaced by double quotation marks at the beginning and end of the passage in question. Divisions between the pages of the edition used for the copy-text are indicated by a vertical line in the text, with the number of the second page put in the margin. In the 'Méthode nouvelle' and its translation the layout of the pages is an essential feature of the internal organization of the work, and the original pagination has therefore been retained, with the page number in the Bibliothèque universelle placed in square brackets at the head of each page. The lines that were printed in red in the Indexes of the 'Méthode nouvelle' and its English translation have been rendered by wavy lines.

Page 42 of 50 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.miscMatter.9 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-miscMatter-9 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

  Departures from the Copy-Text All of these involve the correction of printing errors: two instances are described in the next section.   Textual Apparatus Notes are given by means of a lemma closed with a single square bracket, followed by details of the variant readings: nous] 1A, 1B, 2, 3, D | nous nous 1 ........................................................................................................................... pg 186 Here the first edition of the 'Méthode nouvelle' repeated the word 'nous' (producing the phrase 'dans nous nous mêmes'); this is manifestly wrong, and was corrected in all the subsequent editions. Editorial emendations are indicated as follows: to be] ed. | be to 1 This is a correction of an obvious printing error in the Preface to Aesop's Fables, where it was stated that a line placed above a vowel in a word 'shews that Syllable is be to pronounced long'.

Notes 1

State-Poems; Continued From the time of O. Cromwel, to this present Year 1697 (n.p. [London], 1697), 8, 12–13; the role of the editor in translating the Latin poems in the volume v

is stated in the preface (sig. A2 ). State-Poems Continued was reprinted in 1699, 1702, 1703, and 1709, with the same contents. 2

Biographia Britannica (London, 1747–66), v. 2993.

3

The Life of John Locke, i. 50–2; Political Essays, 201–3.

1

Political Essays, 203–4, 209–11. The poem in Britannia Rediviva has also been printed in Caroline Hunt, 'A Forgotten Poem by Locke', Locke Studies, 3 (2003), 195–9.

Page 43 of 50 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.miscMatter.9 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-miscMatter-9 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

1

Martyn (1770), 248; Martyn (1836), ii. 13n.

1

It was probably included in lot 176 in the fourth day's sale, described as 'Old Poetry. Two Volumes containing Original Poems and Extracts, many of them by Lord Rochester; Epitaphs &c.': Shotover House … A Catalogue of the valuable Contents of the Mansion … (London, 1855), 39. 2

There are photographs of two pages of the manuscript in McInnis, 'Orozes, King of Albania', 269–70. 1

Correspondence, ii. 691–3.

2

Correspondence, ii. 710–11.

3

Locke to Toinard, 14/24 Feb., 16/26 Mar. 1685, Toinard to Locke, 26 Feb./8 Mar. 1685, Locke to Toinard 25 Jun./5 July 1686, Locke to Le Clerc, 22 Sept./2 Oct. 1686, Correspondence, ii. 691, 701, 695, iii. 12, 39. 1

Locke to Toinard, 16/26 Mar., 30 Mar./9 Apr. 1685, Correspondence, ii. 701, 710–11.

1

'memineris, si placet in Indice qui hìc praefigi debet (nam non necessarium putavi hìc repetere) numeros adaptare huic qui sequitur tractatui, qui forsan in ordine paginarum et r

titulorum Anglicano non prorsus respondet', BL, Add. MS 28728, fo. 46 . 1

Catalogue des autographes précieux provenant de la bibliothèque de feu M. JacquesCharles Brunet (Paris and London, 1868), 32–3; according to manuscript notes of prices added in the margins of the copy of this catalogue in the British Library, 11903.h.23(2), it was bought for 71 francs after the sale had finished. A note on the fly-leaf of Add. MS 28728 states that it was bought from M. Labussière (Charles Labussière, the auctioneers' agent in London) on 27 May 1871. 2

'John Locke's Method of Common-Placing, as seen in his Drafts and his Medical Notebooks, Bodleian MSS Locke d. 9, f. 21 and f. 23', The Seventeenth Century, 8 (1993), 245–67, Appendix I. 1

r

The June number begins on sig. E1 , but the July and August numbers begin in the middle r

r

of gatherings (on K2 and P3 respectively). The editors' decision to abandon their original plan for monthly issues was announced in the 'Avertissement' at the start of volume 2 (not included in the second and third editions), and explained more fully in the 'Avertissement' in volume 3. Page 44 of 50 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.miscMatter.9 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-miscMatter-9 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

2

Their surnames are on the title-pages; for their initials, and hence their full identities, see v

volume 2, sig. *1 . From volume 16 onwards volumes of the first edition were published by Abraham Wolfgang alone. 3

Bodl., Locke 6.58.

4

'An Account of an Experiment shewn before the Royal Society, of Shooting by the Rarefaction of the Air: By Dr. D. Papin, R.S.S.', vol. 16, number 179 (Jan.–Feb. 1686), 21–2; Edmond Halley, 'A Discourse of the Rule of the decrease of the hight of the Mercury in the Barometer … upon change of Weather', vol. 16, number 181 (25 May 1686), 104–16. 1

National Library of Scotland, Edinburgh, Nha. L284 (1686); University of Michigan Library, AP 25. B62 (1688). 2

Volumes 1, 5, 6, 7, and 8 of this edition have the nominal publication date 1688, though in the case of the last two this means little since this was also the year of publication of the first edition; volume 3 has the publication date 1686, and volume 4, 1687. No copies of this edition are known to exist for any of the volumes after volume 8. 1

Volume 1 was also reprinted in 1687, but no other volumes appeared in a second edition until 1698. An account of the publication history of the journal is given in Milton, 'Locke's Publications in the Bibliothèque universelle et historique', 471. 2

r

v

Page 327 (O8 ) was wrongly numbered as 245, and p. 330 (O9 ) as 414.

3

Gerard (1679–1742) and his brother Rudolf (1680–1755) were the sons of Locke's correspondent Hendrik Wetstein. Between 1714 and 1727 they reissued several volumes of the Bibliothèque universelle and the Bibliothèque choisie, as well as producing the first edition of the Bibliothèque ancienne et moderne, the last of the three journals that Le Clerc edited. 4

The entry 'Ebionitae' which in the earlier editions had begun on page 319 and concluded on pages 330–1 was now transferred entirely to pages 330 and 331, the long entry 'Haeretici' (pages 332–3 and 336–9) was now on pages 332–7, and 'Confessio Fidei' (pages 334–5 and 340) was moved to pages 338–40. 5

Oeuvres diverses de Monsieur Jean Locke (Rotterdam, 1710), 373–406.

1

Oeuvres diverses de Monsieur Locke (Amsterdam, 1732), ii. 3–36; Oeuvres philosophiques de Locke (Paris, 1821–5), vii. 339–66.

Page 45 of 50 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.miscMatter.9 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-miscMatter-9 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

1

LXXXVI in National Library of Scotland, Nha. L284; LXXXVIII in University of Michigan Library, AP 25. B62. 1

Almost certainly Edward Northey (1687?–1725), nephew of Sir Edward Northey (1652– 1723), ODNB; he subsequently became a barrister at the Middle Temple, and his death is recorded in volume 10 of The Historical Register (London, 1725), 42 (second pagination). 2

Ars Critica, part I, ch. v, §§ 8–11 (Amsterdam, 1697), i. 146–50.

3

Philosophical Transactions, vol. 5, number 61 (18 July 1670), 1087–99; vol. 20, number 245 (October 1698), 353–60. 1

4 and 25 Oct. 1704, Correspondence, viii. 412–17.

2

TNA, PRO 30/24/47/26, printed and translated below, 172.

1

Advertisements for it, priced one shilling, appeared in the second and subsequent editions

(through to the seventh, of 1724) of John Hancocke's Febrifugum Magnum (London, 1723), though there was none in the first edition of 1722. 2

The Works of John Locke, Esq. (London, 1714), iii. 481–95.

3

A perhaps incomplete list is 1793 (London), 1796 (London), 1803 (Boston), 1805 (London), 1806 (Brattleboro, Vermont), 1812 (London), 1813 (Boston), 1815 (Edinburgh; London), 1816 (Dublin), 1817 (London, two editions), 1818 (New York), 1819 (Edinburgh; London), 1823 (London), 1824 (London; New York), 1825 (New York), 1828 (London), and 1832 (London). 1

A Collection of Several Pieces of Mr. John Locke (London, 1720), 358–62. There is a detailed account of this volume in Philip Milton, 'Pierre Des Maizeaux, A Collection of Several Pieces of Mr. John Locke, and the Formation of the Locke Canon', Eighteenth-Century Thought, 3 (2007), 255–91. 2

r

BL, Add. MS 4224, fo. 226 , printed in Milton, 'Pierre Des Maizeaux', 258–9.

1

MS Locke d. 3, pp. 89–112 (Remarks upon some of Mr Norris's Books); BL, Add. MS 4290, fos 11–14 (Some Thoughts concerning Reading and Study for a Gentleman). 2

v

r

These are set out in the preface to A Collection of Several Pieces, sigs Aa8 –Bb1 . There is a thorough discussion of how Des Maizeaux handled the text of the Letter from a Person of Quality in An Essay Concerning Toleration, 212–15.

Page 46 of 50 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.miscMatter.9 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-miscMatter-9 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

3

A Collection of Several Pieces of Mr. John Locke (London, 1739), 113–14.

4

The Works of John Locke, Esq. (London, 1751), iii. 756–7.

5

Abregé de l'essai de Monsieur Locke, sur l'entendement humain (Geneva, 1741), 281–3; Abrégé de l'essai de Monsieur Locke, sur l'entendement humain (Geneva, 1788), 224–5. 6

Some biographical details are in Suzanne Stelling-Michaud (ed.), Le Livre du recteur de l'Académie de Genève: 1559–1878 (Geneva, 1959–80), i. 288. 1

The second is part of a draft Bill for the regulation of printing. A reference in it to the Old Pretender as 'the person who dureing the life of the late King James the second pretended to be the Prince of Wales, and since the death of the said late King hath assumd the Title of King of England Scotland and Ireland' shows that it must have been drafted after the death of James II on 5/16 September 1701, and it may have been designed for a bill rejected by the House of Lords in January 1702 (LJ, xvii. 24). It has no connection with any of the writings printed in this volume. 2

His successor, Timothy Kiplin, entered Locke's service on 7 November: MS Locke f. 10, p. 331. 3

He was returned at a by-election in May, but Parliament was dissolved before he could attend; he was returned again at the general election in the autumn, and took his seat on 21 November, ODNB. On 9 April 1697 he was added to the committee that was considering a bill for the regulation of printing, lost when Parliament was prorogued on 16 April: CJ, xi. 777. 4

The Thirty-Third Annual Report of the Deputy Keeper of the Public Records (London, 1872), 243. 1

King (1829), 202–8; King (1830), i. 375–87.

2

Correspondence, v. 785–91; Political Essays, 330–7; Censorship, iii. 417–21.

3

Correspondence, v. 795–6; Political Essays, 338–9.

1

Locke to King, 4 and 25 Oct. 1704, Correspondence, viii. 415.

2

TNA, PRO 30/24/47/24, first printed in The Works of John Locke (London, 1777), iv. 650–1.

1

TNA, PRO 30/24/22/2, fo. 35 ; draft in PRO 30/24/22/5, fo. 370 ; Rand, Shaftesbury, 326.

r

r

Page 47 of 50 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.miscMatter.9 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-miscMatter-9 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

2

King to Shaftesbury, 18 Jan. 1704[/5], TNA, PRO 30/24/20/88.

3

King to Shaftesbury, 14 Mar. 1704[/5], TNA, PRO 30/24/20/86. The servant who brought it was not named, but since he was described as having formerly worked for Locke it was probably William Shaw. 4

Coste to Arent Furly, 23 Jan. 1705, TNA, PRO 30/24/27/18.

5

'Je vous ai déja dit, Milord, ce qui m'a empêché de partir pour St. Giles dès que j'eûs reçu la Lettre de Mr. King. Car dès lors ne doutant plus que vous ne dussiez bientôt recevoir l'Original du Manuscrit en question, je serois parti sur le champ, si Madame Masham ne fut arrivée à Londres pour y chercher du remede contre une incommodité qui la tourmente depuis plus d'un Mois', Hampshire RO, 9M73/G255/2. 6

A letter of 12 May 1705 from King to Shaftesbury, Hampshire RO, 9M73/G258/2, indicates that by then Coste had been at St Giles for some time; see also Shaftesbury to Arent Furly, 9 May 1705, TNA, PRO 30/24/20/99, printed in Original Letters of Locke; Algernon Sidney; and Anthony Lord Shaftesbury, ed. Thomas Forster (London, 1830), 210–13. 1

'Je n'y fus pas plûtôt arrivé que MyLord Shaftsbury me donna à lire des Memoires assez incomplets que Mr. Locke avoit composez, à sa sollicitation, concernant le prémier Comte de Shaftsbury. Il me chargea de les traduire en François. Ma Traduction ne lui ayant pas deplu, il l'envoya d'abord à Mr. LeClerc pour qu'il l'inserât dans un Journal qu'il faisoit imprimer de mois en mois à Amsterdam', Coste to James Harris, 27 Dec. 1738, Hampshire RO, 9M73/ G232. For the full text of this letter and the circumstances of its composition, see J. R. Milton, 'Pierre Coste, John Locke, and the Shaftesbury Family: a New Letter', Locke Studies, 7 (2007), 159–71. 2

'MyLord reçut bientôt cette Traduction telle qu'il avoit plô à Mr. LeClerc de la publier: car par une imprudence qui me paroît inexcusable, il fit plusieurs changemens dans ma Copie sans la comparer avec l'Original qu'on ne lui avoit point envoyé, et qu'il n'a jamais vû. MyLord Shaftsbury desapprouva cette liberté aussi bien que moi', Coste to Harris, 27 Dec. 1738, Hampshire RO, 9M73/G232. Coste's work as the translator and his irritation at Le Clerc's alterations had already been mentioned in a letter he wrote to Shaftesbury on 7/18 June 1712: 'c'est moi qui ai traduit ces Memoires sur l'original qu'il [Le Clerc] n'avoit point vû quand il fit des changement [sic] dans mon Manuscrit', TNA, PRO 30/24/21/184. 1

Le Clerc to John Sharp, 7/17 Aug. 1705, Epistolario, ii. 574.

2

Oeuvres diverses, 407; the Memoires occupy pp. 409–61.

Page 48 of 50 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.miscMatter.9 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-miscMatter-9 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

3

Except for works printed abroad, Le Clerc always used publishers in Amsterdam, where he lived; also the 'Avertissement' that forms the preface consistently refers to him in the third person. 4

Oeuvres diverses de Monsieur Locke (Amsterdam, 1732), ii. 39–89.

1

Oeuvres philosophiques de Locke (Paris, 1821–5), vii. 370–401.

2

Daily Courant, issue 1310, Wednesday 26 June 1706.

3

Posthumous Works, 299.

4

Those to the King and the Duke of York.

5

'On vient de me communiquer une lettre que vous avez écrit depuis peu a M Churchill,

r

r

â l'occasion des oeuvres Posthumes de M Locke, d'ont l'impression est fort avancée, & r

r

auxquelles M Churchill voudroit joindre les memoires de Monseign vôtre grand Pere, qui r

ont été inserez dans la Bibliotheque choisie. Mons Churchill en me donnant cette Lettre, r

r

m'a prié de la faire voir à M King. C'est ce que je viens de faire; & M King répond, que ce n'est pas a lui a disposer du sort de ces Memoires, que c'est a vous, Milord, â en disposer comme vous le trouverez â propos, mais si vous faites joindre aux Memoires les deux Lettres r

que M Le Clerc a publiées dans sa Bibliotheque, il seroit bon d'avertir, qu'elles ont été communiqués par vôtre grandeur, & mises au jour de vôtre consentement puis qu'elles ne r

r

font pas partie de l'ouvrage de M Locke, du reste, Mons King dit qu'il ne sauroit trouver la Copie des Memoires, et par conséquent si vous voulez qu'il s'impriment, il faudra envoyer a r

Mons Churchill l'originall, ou une Copie de l'original', TNA, PRO 30/24/47/26. The copy that King had been unable to find was presumably the one made by William Shaw. 1

The Bowyer Ledgers: The Printing Accounts of William Bowyer, Father and Son, ed. Keith Maslen and John Lancaster (London and New York, 1991), 458; Yolton, Bibliography, 403.

2

For example 'rise' for 'rice', 'distant' for 'distance', 'quarter'd' for 'quarted', 'God' for 'got', and 'Rump' for 'Rum'. 3

The Works of John Locke (London, 1714), iii. 471–8.

1

Martyn's letters to Birch are in BL, Add. MS 4313, fos 101–69.

1

CJ, xi. 305–6; LJ, xv. 545–6.

Page 49 of 50 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.miscMatter.9 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-miscMatter-9 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

1

Correspondence, v. 291–2. The letter is merely dated 14 March, but the year is established o

by Locke's endorsement, 'J Freke 14 Mar

'.

2

The watermark in Brockman's copy is the royal arms surmounted by a crown, with the countermark HD; in Locke's copy it is the arms of the City of London, with the countermark EB. 1

Christie, Shaftesbury, i. 195.

Page 50 of 50 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.miscMatter.9 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-miscMatter-9 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

Oxford Scholarly Editions Online Poems (1680 – 1683)

J. R. Milton, Brandon Chua, Geoff Kemp, David McInnis, John Spurr, and Richard Yeo (eds), The Clarendon Edition of the Works of John Locke, Vol. 23: Literary and Historical Writings Published in print:

2019

Published online:

March 2020

........................................................................................................................... PG 187

TEXTS

........................................................................................................................... PG 188 ........................................................................................................................... PG 189

POEMS

........................................................................................................................... pg 190

Page 1 of 1 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oseo/instance.00263851 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-work-1 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

Oxford Scholarly Editions Online

John Locke, Poems (1680 – 1683): Verses on Cromwell and the Dutch War (1654) J. R. Milton, Brandon Chua, Geoff Kemp, David McInnis, John Spurr, and Richard Yeo (eds), The Clarendon Edition of the Works of John Locke, Vol. 23: Literary and Historical Writings Published in print:

2019

Published online:

March 2020

........................................................................................................................... PG 191

VERSES ON CROMWELL AND THE DUTCH WAR

(i) Musarum Oxoniensium Elaiophoria (Oxford, 1654), 45; translation in State Poems; Continued (1697), 8. Pax regit Augusti, quem vicit Julius, Orbem:     Ille sago factus clarior, ille togâ. 5

10

15

20

Hos sua Roma vocat magnos, & numina credit,     Hic quod sit mundi victor, & ille quies. Tu bellum ut pacem populis das, unus utrisque     Major es; Ipse orbem vincis, & ipse Regis. Non hominem è Coelo missum Te credimus; unus

    Sic poteras binos qui superare Deos!                             J. LOCKE ex Aed. Christ. A Peaceful Sway the great Augustus bore O'er what great Julius gain'd by Arms before. Julius was all with Martial Trophies crown'd.

Augustus for his peaceful Arts renown'd. Rome calls 'em Great, and makes 'em Deities, That for his Valour, this his Policies. You, mighty Prince, than both are greater far, Who rule in Peace that World you gain'd by War. You sure from Heav'n a finish'd Hero fell, Who thus alone two Pagan Gods excel. (ii) Musarum Oxoniensium Elaiophoria, 94–5. If Greece with so much mirth did entertaine Her Argo comming laden home againe:

Page 1 of 4 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oseo/instance.00263852 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-div1-24 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

25

30

With what loud mirth, and triumph shall we greet The wish't approaches of our welcome Fleet: When of that prize our ships doe us possesse, Whereof their Fleece was but an emblem, Peace? Whose welcome voice sounds sweeter in our ears, Then the loud musick of the warbling Sphears. And ravishing more then those, doth plainly show That sweetest harmony we to discord owe.

................................................................................................................ pg 192 Each Sea-mans voice pronouncing Peace doth charme And seems a Siren's, but that t'has lesse harme And danger in't, and yet like theirs doth please Above all other and make us love the Seas. 5

10

15

20

W'have Heaven in this Peace, like soules above, W'have nought to doe now, but admire and love.     Glory of Warre is victory, but here Both glorious be, 'cause neither's conquerer. T'had been lesse honour if it might be sed They fought with those that could be conquered.     Our reunited Seas, like streams that grow Into one River doe the smoother flow: Where Ships no longer grapple, but like those, The loving Seamen in embraces close. We need no Fire-ships now, a nobler flame [95] Of love doth us Protect, whereby our name Shall shine more glorious, a flame as pure As those of Heaven, and shall as long endure: This shall direct our ships, and he that stears Shall not consult heavens fires, but those he bears 1

In his own breast. Let Lilly threaten Warrs, Whil'st this Conjunction lasts wee'l feare no starres.     Our ships are now most beneficiall growne, 25

Since they bring home no spoiles but what's their owne. Unto these brancheless Pines our forward spring Owes better fruit, then Autumn's wont to bring: Which give not only gemms and Indian ore, But adde at once whole Nations to our store: Nay if to make a World's but to compose

Page 2 of 4 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oseo/instance.00263852 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-div1-24 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

30

35

The difference of things, and make them close In mutuall amitie, and cause Peace to creep Out of the jarring Chaos of the deep: Our ships doe this; so that whilst others take Their course about the World, Ours a World make.

                                    J. LOCKE Student of Ch. Ch.

Page 3 of 4 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oseo/instance.00263852 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-div1-24 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

NOTES 1

William Lilly (1602–81), astrologer, ODNB.

Page 4 of 4 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oseo/instance.00263852 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-div1-24 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

Oxford Scholarly Editions Online

John Locke, Poems (1680 – 1683): Verses on Restoration of Charles II (1660) J. R. Milton, Brandon Chua, Geoff Kemp, David McInnis, John Spurr, and Richard Yeo (eds), The Clarendon Edition of the Works of John Locke, Vol. 23: Literary and Historical Writings Published in print:

Published online:

2019

March 2020

........................................................................................................................... PG 193

VERSES ON THE RESTORATION OF CHARLES II v

v

Britannia Rediviva (Oxford, 1660), sigs Ff 2 –3 .

5

10

15

20

25

Our prayers are heard! nor have the Fates in store An equall blisse, for which we can implore, Their bounty, For in you, Great SIR's, the summe Of all our present joys, of all to come: Joys that have spoke so loud, as if to heaven They'd rise, from whence they, and their cause were given: Kings always are the gifts of Heaven, but you Are not its gift alone, but transcript too; Your vertues match its stars, which you disclose To th' world, as bright, and numberless as those. Your motions all as regular, which dispence A warmth to all, and quickning influence. How shall we prize your bounty! whilst you thus [sig. Ff 3r] Approaching to our Earth, bring Heaven to us.     Your fortunes oft have varied, but your minde Like your religion still the same wee find. When he that rul'd the world, the mighty Jove, Would make a present worth One mortalls love, To gain admittance chang'd himself, though he From Heaven came, and brought a Deity; More liberall, but less chang'd, your self alone Can enter, and enrich a Nation. Thus when they'd be most bright, and tempting shewn,

Great Jove must change his shape, CHARLES keep his own. Page 1 of 2 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oseo/instance.00263853 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-div1-25 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

    As in the worlds Creation, when this frame Had neither parts, distinction, nor a name, But all confus'd did in the Chaos jarre, Th'embleme, and product of intestine warre, 30

35

5

10

15

20

25

Light first appears (Light that nere since could shew A thing more welcome then its self, but You) Beauty, and Order follow, and display This stately Fabrick, guided by that ray. So now in this our new creation, when This Isle begins to be a world agen,

................................................................................................................ pg 194 You first dawn on our Chaos, with designe To give us order, and then on us shine. Till you upon us rose, and made it day, [sig. Ffv] We in disorder all, and darkness lay; Only some Ignes fatui did rise, To scare us into errors, cheat our eyes, Off-springs of Earth! which nought could render bright Or visible, but darkness, and the night. A night not meant for rest, but full of pain, And to be felt, scarce hope of day again: Ægyptian darkness with't's many Gods to sway As many plagues, and prodigies as they; Where each thing claim'd our worship, and would be Ador'd, forceing obeysance, and a knee, Upstart and unknown Gods! to whom with shame We first gave Adoration, then a Name, Worship'd those Crocadiles that always had Tears to bestow, on ruins that they made.     But these sad shades doe vanish with their fears, As soon as our Apollo now appears. At whose returne the Muses too would sing Their joys aloud, and welcome home their King Accept these poore endeavours, till your rays Have given new growth to our late witherd bays; Wit too must be your Donative, 'tis You Who give AUGUSTUS, must give MARO's too.                                 J. LOCKE. A. M. ex Æde Christi

Page 2 of 2 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oseo/instance.00263853 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-div1-25 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

Oxford Scholarly Editions Online

John Locke, Poems (1680 – 1683): Verses on Queen Catherine's Arrival in England (1662)

J. R. Milton, Brandon Chua, Geoff Kemp, David McInnis, John Spurr, and Richard Yeo (eds), The Clarendon Edition of the Works of John Locke, Vol. 23: Literary and Historical Writings Published in print:

2019

Published online:

March 2020

........................................................................................................................... PG 195

VERSES ON QUEEN CATHERINE'S ARRIVAL IN ENGLAND v

v

Domiduca Oxoniensis (Oxford, 1662), sigs 2B2 –3 .

5

10

15

20

Crowns, Scepters, Thrones, & the whole state of Kings With all the Pompe and Majesty it brings, May give a luster to each outward part, But cannot reach the soule, and warme the heart; Such flames have no abode beneath the skies, But in those little Heavens, a Princesse eyes. Kings are Gods here, but yet as 'tis above, [sig. 2B3r] There is no heaven where there is no Love.     When the first man without a rivall stood Possest of all, and all like him was good: Heaven thought that All imperfect, till beside 'T had made another self, and given a Bride: Empire, and Innocence were there, but yet 'Twas Eve made Man, and Paradise compleat. So what e're fruit our Eden can afford Of Peace, or Glory to its mighty Lord, Though Loyall hearts labour to make his state, As are their wishes, or his Virtues great; And the unruly brutish heard doth pay Due homage, and again learn to obey: Yet all our best endeavours for his blisse Doe perfect our own happinesse, not his.

Page 1 of 2 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oseo/instance.00263854 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-div1-26 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

25

30

35

5

10

15

20

    That work is Yours (Great Queen) and that to You We leave which three whole Kingdomes could not doe, 'Tis you must Crown, and fill that heart, the Fates Meant the Controuler of the Western states: A heart so fram'd as if 'twere made, and fit Only for you, and all the world for it;

Whereof you could at distance make a prize, Without the common method of the eyes. So rules great Jove with flames, whose influence [sig. 2B3v] Workes without aid or notice of the sence.     When on your CHARLES from home, and throne exil'd Fortune still frown'd, and all the Ladies smild:

................................................................................................................ pg 196 Unmov'd with both a direct path he knew To tread, to hidden happinesse and You. So the skild Pilot, when the waves engage To sinke the ship that plays upon their rage, If darke, and threatning clouds his Pole-star hide, Regards not all that shine in Heaven beside, A steddy course by that star safely stears, Which no where, whilst the tempest lasts, appears.     He saw, and sleighted all the rest, but You Were th'undiscovered world, His rich Peru, Stor'd with those Mines of worth, which yet retain The Golden age, or bring it back again. 'Tis want of worth calls for a cautious eye To scan each part, and blemishes discry. He's fondly nice, that would be loth to come, Unlesse h'had seen it, to Elyzium. He search'd the world, and view'd it every part, But found all these too little for his heart: Two things alone remain'd hid from his view, Could make him fully happy, Heaven and you: Like heaven you come with ravishments of blisse, Desir'd unknown, at once seen, and made his.     JO. LOCKE M. A. and Student of Ch. Ch.

Page 2 of 2 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oseo/instance.00263854 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-div1-26 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

Oxford Scholarly Editions Online

John Locke, Poems (1680 – 1683): Now our Athenian Olive Spreads (1651 – 1659) J. R. Milton, Brandon Chua, Geoff Kemp, David McInnis, John Spurr, and Richard Yeo (eds), The Clarendon Edition of the Works of John Locke, Vol. 23: Literary and Historical Writings Published in print:

Published online:

2019

March 2020

........................................................................................................................... PG 197

NOW OUR ATHENIAN OLIVE SPREADS

Bodleian Library, MS Locke c. 32, fo. 10. 1

5

10

15

Now our Athenian olive spreads. To You Great Sir one branch thereof is justly due To whome we owe its fruit for as that makes The heart & face both cheerfull & still shaks Off discontent: soe when the storme of warre Had clouded oer each face, & all did share Its generall sadnesse, when Mars thundering power By weeping eyes was followed with a shower Where'ere you came, All did you entertaine With joy & putt on cheerefull looks againe As if you oyle did mingle with their warrs And with that came at once their greatest fears Nor only on the land they, to your bloud We owe much peace purchased on the floud 2

20

25

Your brothers conquest on that seas did make And force a peace which we seeme now to take An olive branch from yieldings Spaine he took And gainst its nature joined it to our oke What single trophies are the Heros wonn At the grecian games together are his borne The pine, & bays, & olive too were his [10v] Which single gave to him their greatest blisse     Thus whither from sea or land our quiet flows A great part of its self to you it owes Page 1 of 3 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oseo/instance.00263855 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-div1-27 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

What then is spoken of peace here Sir you are ................................................................................................................ pg 198 Concernd in all & have in it ashore then your owne olive branch which before You gave, & now our athens doth restor Whose gratitude is pore, when it receives 5

True fruit from you to pay you self with Leaves

Page 2 of 3 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oseo/instance.00263855 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-div1-27 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

NOTES 1

Alexander Popham (1604/5–69), politician and parliamentarian army officer, and Locke's earliest patron, ODNB. 6 when] [whilst] `when´ 7 Had] [Did] / Had 7 oer] oṛe 10 came] called alt. to came 13 came] caṃe 13 greatest] g̣ṛẹạṭṣ & 14 land they] reading very uncertain 15 floud] foll. on next line by [Your brothers [with his] ⟦conquering⟧conquests ṣẹc̣ụṛḍ did make] 2

Edward Popham (c.1610–51), naval and army officer, ODNB.

18 An] [From Sp] / An t

19 gainst] g

21 are his borne] ạṛẹ his ḅọṛṇẹ foll. on new line by [Noe noble act did ever equall his] 23 Which … blisse] line inserted 26 here] reading uncertain 2 then … owne] [Accept therefore this] `then your owne´

Page 3 of 3 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oseo/instance.00263855 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-div1-27 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

Oxford Scholarly Editions Online

John Locke, Poems (1680 – 1683): Verses for John Greenhill (1668) J. R. Milton, Brandon Chua, Geoff Kemp, David McInnis, John Spurr, and Richard Yeo (eds), The Clarendon Edition of the Works of John Locke, Vol. 23: Literary and Historical Writings Published in print:

2019

Published online:

March 2020

........................................................................................................................... PG 199

VERSES FOR JOHN GREENHILL

National Archives, PRO 30/24/17, fo. 157. 1

        To Mr Greenhill with Cowleys Poems   2

5

10

15

Cowley so writ that easy tis to see In him the Shapes of Men and Symmetry; Thy Pictures are so drawn in them we find, The Inward Make and Temper of the Mind Thus both the Arts of Fiction in you Cease to deceive and are as Nature true For in your Matchless Pieces may be seen Strength Vigour Beauty Humour Life and Mien Which when we view and sadly find that they Are than ourselves less subject to decay We think our selves the Shadows which do fade And should be lost but for your timely aid But to preserve, and make us lasting Men Fate gave to thee thy Pencil, him his pen

Page 1 of 2 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oseo/instance.00263856 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-div1-28 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

NOTES 1

John Greenhill (1644?–76), painter, ODNB.

2

Abraham Cowley (1618–67), poet, ODNB.

Page 2 of 2 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oseo/instance.00263856 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-div1-28 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

Oxford Scholarly Editions Online

John Locke, Poems (1680 – 1683): Curse on the Park

J. R. Milton, Brandon Chua, Geoff Kemp, David McInnis, John Spurr, and Richard Yeo (eds), The Clarendon Edition of the Works of John Locke, Vol. 23: Literary and Historical Writings Published in print:

2019

Published online:

March 2020

........................................................................................................................... PG 200

CURSE ON THE PARK

v

r

Manuscript anthology of poems formerly owned by James Tyrrell, fos 16 –17 .

5

10

15

20

25

        To a yong Lady that could never be found at home   Curse on the Park the Plays & business too which call those out that have ought else to doe Businesse that vast pretence wherein we lay Snares to catch others or our selves betray.     The dust & crowd sully a virgins minde which greatest is when to its self confind Is to its self a world & there doth see what eres without is wild vacuitye     Wise were our ancestors whose tender care Shut up their daughters from the common aire where bold infections breed & blasts that bring Ruin to th' hopes & beautys of their spring.     Kept then conceald at home, the shades they knew were to their sex as well as beautye due, Then they were goddesses when they retird, And what few only saw all still admird     But when you wanderd out & first began To mix & trafick with ill tutord man, we our devotion lost, as you your state what once grows common looses its first rate.     The glorious Sun to every sight being shewne Is lesse admired then a poore polishd stone, the Gods shut up from mortalls in the skies, are not themselves, when seen by vulgar Eyes.

Page 1 of 3 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oseo/instance.00263857 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-div1-29 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

    Jove lost his glory when he left's abode, He that was God at home, was beast abroade. We Zealous Votarys to your shrines may come But they'r no deity's can be from home; ................................................................................................................ pg 201     Then gad no more, the world is crowd & noise which with false shews would tempt you from your joys who wander out & tread a beaten way Quite from themselves & happinesse doe stray 5

The streets perhaps some gazers may afford; But home's the heaven, where you are adord.

........................................................................................................................... pg 202

Page 2 of 3 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oseo/instance.00263857 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-div1-29 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

NOTES 1 yong] `yong´ written in another hand, perhaps by Locke

Page 3 of 3 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oseo/instance.00263857 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-div1-29 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

Oxford Scholarly Editions Online Dramatic Writings (1661 – 1663)

J. R. Milton, Brandon Chua, Geoff Kemp, David McInnis, John Spurr, and Richard Yeo (eds), The Clarendon Edition of the Works of John Locke, Vol. 23: Literary and Historical Writings Published in print:

2019

Published online:

March 2020

........................................................................................................................... PG 203

DRAMATIC WRITINGS

........................................................................................................................... pg 204

Page 1 of 1 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oseo/instance.00263858 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-work-2 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

Oxford Scholarly Editions Online

John Locke, Dramatic Writings (1661 – 1663): Outline for a Play: Orozes, King of Albania J. R. Milton, Brandon Chua, Geoff Kemp, David McInnis, John Spurr, and Richard Yeo (eds), The Clarendon Edition of the Works of John Locke, Vol. 23: Literary and Historical Writings Published in print:

2019

Published online:

March 2020

........................................................................................................................... PG 205

OUTLINE FOR A PLAY OROZES, KING OF ALBANIA

Bodleian Library, MS Locke e. 6, fos 68rev–64rev. [68v]

Orozes   Cosis Artaces

King of Albania his two freinds

all three disguisd under the names of

TheoclesArtabanSegest

Pistus one of his freinds left in Albania 5

10

Magol Cosuro his eldest sonne Generous & beloud of the people Orchanes an old soldier his freind Brother to Marpisa Marpisa his sister in loue with Theocles Caroome younger sonne to the Magoll ambitious & wicked

Barzanes his creature in loue with Marpisa Ismena a discreet Lady sister to Barzanes & in loue with Segestes 1

Morat a bragadoceo cast captain retainer to Barzanes Artaxa the Magols daughter Clitie her maid 15

Saladin: a nobleman of a pleasant humor Soldiers [67v] Attendants. Orozes by chance findeing Caroome ingagd with a party of the enemy

Page 1 of 4 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oseo/instance.00263859 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-div1-30 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

20

where he had noe other hopes but to die nobly releiues him, which compleats Cosuros victory who was then generall against the Persians. Caroom obleigd thus by Orozes carrys him to his brother Cosuro, with whome he & his two freinds Cosis & Artaces goe to Court & are entertaind there with very much kindnesse under the names of Theocles Artaban & Segestes. but most espetially caresd by Caroome both out of gratitude, & alsoe hopes to ................................................................................................................ pg 206 make use of them to his ambitious ends. Cosuro loues Theocles for his virtue & Marpisa falls in loue with him & indeavours to make him take notice of it. Theocles loues Artaxa which flame her picture first kindled & the fame of her virtues blew to a greater heighth, but betweene seing

5

10

15

20

25

30

Marpisa to often & Artaxa for a long time not at all liues very discontented. Barzanes feares & hates Theocles as his rivall indeavours to take of Carooms affection from him. Segestes & Ismena from a mutuall esteeme of each other grow to an high affection which Ismena lost Segestes by many marks, though in the necessity of his affairs he thinks fitt to conceale his owne & treats her only with addresse of respect & civility, & though his eys & [66v] actions sometimes speaks his loue his tongue is silent Orchanes approues of his sisters loue to Theocles but dislikes her forwardnesse & ill management of it being virtuous though blunt as became a soldier. Caroom haueing laid an ambush for his brother Cosuro, was frus trated by the happy but accidentall comeing in to his rescue of Theocles. who releiueing him thereby got a greater intrest in him & lost his former in Caroome who upon this occasion is easily perswaded by Barzanes to become his enemy. Barzanes getts Morat to affront Theocles wherein he comes of very ill. Theocles confident of Cosuros affection makes him self [65v] knowne by whome his secreat addresses to his sister Artaxa who meets in | affection. the Magol is jealous of Cosuros popularity & by the artifice of Caroom & Barzanes is made to suspect & hate him. his freindship to & advancement of Theocles represented as dangerous & full of designe, Theocles being found by Artaxa in a very secreet but free converse with Ismena which he did for Segestes sake is suspected of infidelity. Saladine courts with a very great freedome all the ladys & maintaines in his discourses as well as conversation a freedome from any particular mistress. Artaxas mistake is discoverd to her by her brother & her jealousy removd

& Theocles restord to favour. Marpisa interprets Theocles coldnesse to her as affronts suspects his loue to Artaxa narrowly watches him, & by Morat learnes his entrance in to the Princesses garden which confirmes

Page 2 of 4 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oseo/instance.00263859 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-div1-30 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

her suspition. she turns her loue to hatred discovers it to Barzanes who guesseing her to haue more loue for Theocles then himself resolues to challenge him. they fight & Barzanes is worsted. but duels being death by 35

the law Theocles purposeing to flie resolues first to take his leaue of Artaxa & is in her chamber unfortunately apprehended. his two freinds indeavour

................................................................................................................ pg 207 his rescue but are both taken. Ismena liueing in the Castle with her Brother Orchanes corrupt the sentinell steales away the keys from her brother & offers them opportunity of an escape, but are againe intercepted. & the [64v] Magol hereby incensd afresh, is eager on their execution | Grows angry 5

10

with Cosuro & Artaxa for intecedeing. Caroon & Barzanes instigate him. Orchanes is suspected by him & turnd out of his trust. The soldiers are ready to mutiny at Orchanes disgrace & Theocles execution. as they are going to execution Pistus sees & knows them, makes good to the Magoll the relation of Theocles birth which he would not beleeve from Cosuro, assures him that he was sent as inbasadour from the Albanians who were now returnd to their obedience to seeke their King Orozes & desire his returne, the Magol relents gives him his daughter restores Orchanes to his former honours & chardg. Artaces marrys Ismena & Barzanes Marpisa & all are freinds at the wedding

........................................................................................................................... pg 208

Page 3 of 4 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oseo/instance.00263859 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-div1-30 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

NOTES 1 Theocles] [Artaxẹs] 'Theocles' 1

Cashiered or dismissed from office: OED, cast, 3.

18 by] [in a Battle when in ⟨word illegible⟩ as a volunteer] by t

20 was] [y d] was 21 thus] `thus´ 21 he] [they goe to C⟨ourt⟩] he 3 flame] [her picture began] flame 6 take] [win] take 10 her] ed. | or MS 13 as] [& ⟨word illegible⟩] as 14 was] [he ịs] was 15 comeing] [aṣṣ] comeing 32 it] [her] it 8 to the] `To the´ {the} [relation] 9 Theocles] [their birt⟨h⟩] Theocles 10 him] [them] him 10 the] [alban⟨ia⟩] the 12 gives] [&] gives

Page 4 of 4 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oseo/instance.00263859 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-div1-30 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

Oxford Scholarly Editions Online Orations (1662)

J. R. Milton, Brandon Chua, Geoff Kemp, David McInnis, John Spurr, and Richard Yeo (eds), The Clarendon Edition of the Works of John Locke, Vol. 23: Literary and Historical Writings Published in print:

2019

Published online:

March 2020

........................................................................................................................... PG 209

ORATIONS

Page 1 of 1 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oseo/instance.00263860 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-work-3 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

Oxford Scholarly Editions Online

John Locke, Orations (1662): An Address to the Prince of Denmark

J. R. Milton, Brandon Chua, Geoff Kemp, David McInnis, John Spurr, and Richard Yeo (eds), The Clarendon Edition of the Works of John Locke, Vol. 23: Literary and Historical Writings Published in print:

Published online:

2019

March 2020

........................................................................................................................... PG 210

AN ADDRESS TO THE PRINCE OF DENMARK r

r

Bodleian Library, MS Locke f. 31, fos 136 rev–134 rev. [136r]

5

10

15

20

Principi Daniae Oxonium ex Itinere divertenti 62 Metuendum esset (Princeps Illustrissime) ne parum honesta Celsitudini vestrae videretur ante fores mora, nisi quod devoluta hic ad pedes vestros gens togata, eodem tempore quo vestrum moramur introitum nostram etiam testamur venerationem. Hi sunt magni & impotentis gaudii mores; tales, qui fingi non possunt vere & sine arte exultantium impetus: ut ei, quem summo studio & reverentiâ excipere festinant aditum aliquantisper praecludant. Et profecto hosce parietes tanto Hospiti, quem sua non capit Dania, nimis Angustos timeremus, nisi quod utrumque hic aliquando vidimus Carolum, & amplissimus merito habendus sit locus, qui duos simul hujus orbis Britannici & occidentem & orientem capere poterat soles. Nec minima pars regni serenissimo nostro Regi visa est haec sedes in qua post triumphatam fortunam inter ancillantes hic Musas non dedignatur imperium. Liceat nobis in Te (Principum Optime) parem erga nos sperare [135r] animum in quo eundem veneramur sanguinem | nec pigeat Te has praesentiâ Tuâ ornare aedes, quae incolas jactant regem Carolum & ducem Eboracensem. Patere igitur a nobis Philosophis Philosophi olim invitationem Huc intra, nam & hic Dii sunt & Tibi cognata numina. Et jam tandem haec moles tarde crescens desideratam assecuta est Majestatem, eo fatorum decreto ut non nisi praesente numine perficerentur augustiora haec quam Trojae moenia. In uno enim Te utrumque agnoscimus deum Neptunum & Apollinem cum te dominum agnoscant & aequora & Musae.

Page 1 of 6 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oseo/instance.00263861 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-div1-31 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

Quae licet aliorum gratulari solent adventum. Novo obstupescunt adventante Apolline; Nam is Tu es in quo cum maxima erga Parnassum hunc nostrum 25

benevolentia conveniunt simul & florentissima juventus & Summus splendor. Desunt igitur verba quibus tantum beneficium praedicare possumus, & cum nulla tam praeclaro advena digna reperiri possit gratulatio. hoc unum restat, ut [134r] audito principis nomine se | colligens, & e ruderibus ruinisque ad conspectum tuum emergens hujus loci Genius suum tibi humillime apportet Ave.

Page 2 of 6 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oseo/instance.00263861 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-div1-31 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

................................................................................................................ pg 211 1To the Prince of Denmark, on his Visit to Oxford in 1662 1

2There might have been reason to fear, Most Illustrious Prince, that this 2

3delay outside the gates would appear to Your Highness as somewhat 3

5

10

4lacking in respect, were it not that by having the members of the university cast themselves here at your feet, we at the same time both delay your 6entrance and display our reverence. These are the customs of great and 7unbridled joy; such fervour of rejoicing as cannot truly and without arti8fice be feigned has for a short while blocked the entrance of him whom 9with the greatest eagerness and reverence they have hastened to welcome.

We might indeed have feared that these walls would be too narrow to accom11modate so great a guest, whom his own Denmark cannot hold, were it not 4

15

12that we once saw here the two Charleses, and any place that could hold 13at the same time the two suns of this British realm, both the setting and 14the rising sun, can justly be regarded as quite spacious enough. Neither is this seat of learning seen as the least part of his kingdom by our most 16serene King, for, having triumphed over fortune, he has not thought it 17unworthy to establish his sovereign power here among the attendant 5

18Muses. May we hope to find in you, Most Excellent of Princes, in whom 6

19we revere the same blood, a similar disposition towards us, and neither 20

7

may it displease you to adorn with your presence this house, which boasts 8

21among its residents both King Charles and the Duke of York. Allow us ................................................................................................................ pg 212 1

1philosophers therefore to offer you the invitation of an earlier philoso2pher: 'Come in, for both the gods are here and the divinities who are your 2

3kindred.' And now at long last this great edifice, which has been slowly 3

4growing in size, has reached its desired majesty, in accordance with that

5

10

decree of the Fates which stated that these walls, more majestic than the 6walls of Troy, would not be completed without a divinity being present. 7For in you alone we recognize both the god Neptune and the god Apollo, 8since both the seas and the Muses acknowledge you as their master. 9Despite being accustomed to celebrating the arrival of others, those Muses are astounded by this new Apollo whom they see approaching; for you are 11he in whom, with the greatest benevolence towards this Parnassus of ours, 12both the fullest flower of youth and the highest splendour are joined 13together. Words, therefore, fail us with which we might praise so great a

Page 3 of 6 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oseo/instance.00263861 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-div1-31 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

15

14favour, and since no celebration truly worthy of such a distinguished visitor can be arranged, this alone remains, that having heard the Prince's name, 16the tutelary spirit of this place, gathering himself together and emerging 17from the broken fragments and ruins of the old buildings into your presence, 18should present himself most humbly to you. Welcome.

Page 4 of 6 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oseo/instance.00263861 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-div1-31 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

NOTES 10 locus] [is] locus 26 igitur] [tamen] igitur 28 hoc] học letter blotted and illegible 30 Ave] written in larger letters 1

Prince Christian (1646–99), from 1670 King of Denmark as Christian V.

2

The Prince's movements are not known in any detail, but he can reasonably be presumed to have travelled down St Aldate's and entered Tom Quad via the Great Gate. 3

Gens togata. Literally the toga-clad race, a phrase originally used by the Romans for themselves, but here meaning those wearing gowns, i.e. members of the university. 4

As Prince of Wales, Charles II was with his father in Oxford from 1642 to 1645.

5

Probably a reference to Visitation of the university, instituted by the King on 23 July 1660, and described as grounded in his suprema Potestas, tam in ecclesiasticis quam in civilibus: R. A. Beddard, 'The Origin of Charles II's Visitation of the University of Oxford in 1660',Parliamentary History, 24 (2005), 261–94, at 279. 6

Anne of Denmark, the wife of James I, was the sister of Christian IV, grandfather of Prince Christian. 7

Christ Church, the Latin name for which is Aedes Christi.

8

Charles and James both accompanied their father during the years (1642–6) in which Oxford was the royalist headquarters, the royal court being based at Christ Church. 1

The Students of Christ Church were divided into three classes by seniority: 40 Discipuli, 40 Philosophi, and 20 Theologi. In 1662 Locke was among the Philosophi. 2

This alludes to a story about Heraclitus recorded by Aristotle (De Partibus Animalium, 645a17–23).

Page 5 of 6 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oseo/instance.00263861 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-div1-31 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

3

When Cardinal Wolsey fell from power in 1529 the great quadrangle (Tom Quad) of his new foundation remained unfinished, the north side still being open. The task of completing it was resumed by Dean Fell after the Restoration, and Anthony Wood described it as finished in the 'latter end' of July 1662 Life and Times, i.445.

Page 6 of 6 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oseo/instance.00263861 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-div1-31 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

Oxford Scholarly Editions Online John Locke, Writings on the New Method (1686)

J. R. Milton, Brandon Chua, Geoff Kemp, David McInnis, John Spurr, and Richard Yeo (eds), The Clarendon Edition of the Works of John Locke, Vol. 23: Literary and Historical Writings Published in print:

2019

Published online:

March 2020

........................................................................................................................... PG 213

WRITINGS ON THE NEW METHOD

........................................................................................................................... pg 214

Page 1 of 1 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oseo/instance.00263862 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-work-4 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

Oxford Scholarly Editions Online John Locke, Writings on the New Method (1686): Adversariorum Methodus, English Version (1685)

J. R. Milton, Brandon Chua, Geoff Kemp, David McInnis, John Spurr, and Richard Yeo (eds), The Clarendon Edition of the Works of John Locke, Vol. 23: Literary and Historical Writings Published in print:

2019

Published online:

March 2020

........................................................................................................................... PG 215

ADVERSARIORUM METHODUS, ENGLISH VERSION

British Library, Add. MS 28728, fos 54–63. ........................................................................................................................... pg 216 [54v]

Page 1 of 13 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oseo/instance.00263863 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-div1-33 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

........................................................................................................................... pg 217 [55r]

Page 2 of 13 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oseo/instance.00263863 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-div1-33 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

........................................................................................................................... pg 218 [56v] 2

Page 3 of 13 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oseo/instance.00263863 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-div1-33 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

Epistola 1

Sir I am ashamd you should have the trouble of askeing me twice for 5

10

15

any thing in my power espetially such a trifle as is that you mention in your last. I know you will not impute my soe slow compliance with your commands of makeing it publique, to any narrownesse of minde, that might be suspected to have made me willing to reteine it as a secret from the knowledg of others. For though I have unasked shewd it to many whom I thought likely to make use of it, yet the meane opinion I have had of it seemed reason enough to make me keepe it within the bounds of a private communication. But since some years experience of your owne & the approbation of severall of your freinds to whom you have communicated it makes you persist in your desires to have it published I have taken the pains to write & doe here send you the descripsion of my way of makeing collections for the help of my bad memory. Which though I have now used above these twenty years, without haveing found any inconvenience in it or temptation to alter it: And though

........................................................................................................................... pg 219 [57r] 3 amongst those many I have shewd it to I have met with very few who have not quitted their former methods to make use of this, yet I could 1

5

10

15

never yet by your repeated instances bring my self to set such a value on it as to thinke it fit to appeare in print in an age abounding with soe many excellent discoverys of greater importance. However since you continue to thinke its publication may be of some use I at last resigne & put it into your hands to doe with it what you please, & be you answerable for it. You will herewith receive the descripsion in as few & plain words as I could make it, without troubleing you with the repetition of any of those advantages which made me prefer it to other ways of makeing Adversaria & which I discoursed to you at large when about

6 or 7 years since I tooke the liberty to propose it to you at Paris, onely pleaseing my self with this one new advantage, that it gives me the occasion to shew with what deference I am Sir             Your most humble & most obedient servant J Locke

Page 4 of 13 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oseo/instance.00263863 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-div1-33 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

20

Epilogus I have writ this to you after the method of my adversaria & have affectedly made use of the words Epistola. Adversaria Epilogus. 12 as titles not that I thinke them very likely to be made use ........................................................................................................................... pg 220 [57v] 4 o

to

Adversariorum methodus) I take a paperbooke of any volume 8 , 4

or folio as best suits my purpose & the first two pages that lie open togeather I divide into 25 equidistant spaces by lines drawn with 5

blacklead as you see in the scheme. Each quinary of those spaces haveing one of the twenty letters (I make use of) before it & each space one of the 5 vowells. This is my Index nor should I need any other were my 1

commonplace booke as big as a Calepins dictionary 10

15

The Index being thus made the next thing is to rule the remainder of the paperbooke with blacklead soe as to leave a margent on the left side of each page above an inch broad if it be a folio; in lesse volumes proportionably narrower, that it may not take up too much of the part destined for writeing in. But in this every one may please himself. I also commonly rule the top of the page as is donne in this paper My booke being thus ruled & the pages numbered as they are in 2

printed books the use of it is as follows I suppose that what ever is writ out of any booke for the help of the memory & to have recourse to upon occasion is placed under some ........................................................................................................................... pg 221 [58r] 5 title, which to finde it again must alway be reduced to some one word. 1

Every word begins with one of the 24 letters, & every word has at least one vowell. For conveniencys sake I make use of but 20 or 21 5

10

of the letters as you may see in the scheme for I reduce .K. under .C., vid: p. 16 .Y. under .I. W. under .V; & Q which has never any other vowell following it but U I place before the .U. of .Z. as in the scheme because titles in Z.U. occur but very seldome I doe not remember I have ever had any one of that classis since my use of this way. If any

one like to put .Q. as an heteroclite last of all by its self (as I did at first) he may please himself,

Page 5 of 13 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oseo/instance.00263863 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-div1-33 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

When any thing occurs that I thinke convenient to write in my Adversaria I first consider under what title I thinke I shall be apt to looke for it. Let it be .v.g Epistola, I then looke in my index for E which is

15

the first letter & .i. which is the next vowell following, to see whether v there be any figure standing after it. If there be it

........................................................................................................................... pg 222 [58v] 6                                                                                                        v Adversariorum methodus) directs me to the page where I am to write Epistola in large letters in the margent & what I have to write under that title I write in the other part of the page continueing 5

10

the first line from the end of the title as you see I doe after the title Adversariorum methodus & soe I write on a line 10 words or 10 pages as there is occasion leaving the margent cleare there being noething to be writ in that but the charactaristical word of the title If lookeing in the Index I finde under E.I. noe figure at all I then turne to the first cleare page, which in the begining must necessarily be d

the 2 I then write after E.I. the figure .2. as in the scheme & the title d

Epistola in the margent of page 2 , & what comes under that title in the body of the page d

From thence forwards the two pages that lie open togeather viz 2 & 15

d

3 are designed for all the titles of the classis E.I. viz for all such whose first letter is .E. & the following vowell .I. v. g: Ebrietas ........................................................................................................................... pg 223 [59r] 7 Elixir. Epilepsia Ebionita Eclipsis &c: If I have but one booke for matters belonging to different sciences, for as to that every one must please him self. The reason why I begin each classis folio verso,

5

10

& soe apply the two pages of two different leaves to the same classis & not the two pages of the same leafe is because they lye all in view at once & soe it saves time & pains in turning of leaves When a new title occurs v. g Adversaria I looke again in my index under A: E & findeing noe number written there I goe to the next cleare page folio verso, & noteing the number of it in A E, I write in that page the title in great letters begining with Adversaria in the

Page 6 of 13 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oseo/instance.00263863 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-div1-33 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

15

margent, & then write on in my ordinary hand what I have to set downe under that title as you see here p: 4 &c: And from thence forth the pages 4. & 5 are appropriated to titles of that classis viz whose first letter is .A. & following vowel .E. v. g Aer. Agesilaus. Æra &c v When the two pages destined to any classis ........................................................................................................................... pg 224 [59v] 8 Adversariorum methodus. are full I seeke the next cleare page folio verso which if it be the very next I write an .v. for verte at the bottom of the margent of the page thus filled & at the top of the following page

5

10

15

but if other classes have come between I then write at the bottom of the margent of the last filled page folio recto the number of the next cleare page folio verso & there writeing my title anew write on as if it were the very next page. I also write at the top of this new page the number of the last filled page of the same classis. By these figures at the bottom of one of these pages & the top of the other refering to one another reciprocally things that are sometimes written at 100 pages distance are as easily continued as if they were the very next page, all that is between them being turned over as it were one single leafe; whereby it comes to passe that though sometimes I write one part of the same sentence at the end of one page, & the other part in the begining of an other page a great many leaves off, yet I have noe confusion or disorder in reading it. noe more then in reading what is writ in one

........................................................................................................................... pg 225 [60r]

5

10

9 continued series of pages immediately following one an other. an example of this you have pag: 3 & 12. pag: 11 & 14 Whenever I write any number at the bottom of any margent I write it also in my Index, but when I write only .v. for verte I write noething in my Index If a word be a monosylable & begin with a vowell. I take that vowell both for the innitiall letter & for the characteristical vowell too. for example Ars I write in A.A. & Os in O.O.

When all the pages folio verso in the paperbooke are taken up by some Page 7 of 13 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oseo/instance.00263863 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-div1-33 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

classis or other of titles, one may if he pleases afterwards take the pages folio recto that are cleare & apply them to new different classes by reference of figures as before or else make a new booke as he thinkes fit   If any one thinke these 100 classes too few, soe that some of them 15

d

will have too many various titles in them he may by addeing the 2 : vowell of each word increase them to 500. according to which methode v if I mistake not I drew one ........................................................................................................................... pg 226 [60v] 10 Adversariorum methodus) Index for you. I have tried both but like the first & simplest best. Any one upon triall will finde those 100 classes enough: Espetially if he have severall books for severall sciences or at

5

10

15

20

least if he make two different repositorys for those two great branches of Knowledg morall & naturall. I have also upon different occasions varied it into other formes, which perhaps would better please some mens phansys or be more proper for some particular purposes, but this plain one which I have here described I thinke in generall the best & such as will very well serve any purpose whatsoever. Some thing perhaps might be said concerning the language fitest for titles & other circumstances of them. as that I thinke the Latin tongue the best for those that understand it & always the nominative case singular where the last vowell is to be charecteristicall as it is

always in dissyllables begining with a vowell & all monosylables whatsoever To shorten ones search also for any particular excerptum 85 amongst ones adversaria a marke as here 85 may helpe much for then by remembring neare what time one read the booke out of which it was taken one may regulate ones

........................................................................................................................... pg 227 [61r]

5

11 search besides other uses it has. The first title that comes in any 85 classis in the yeare 85 put those figures in the margent over against it as here which stands as a marke till an excerptum of a following yeare comes in Page 8 of 13 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oseo/instance.00263863 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-div1-33 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

I make use also of a way of quoteing authors which serves me for more then that one edition I then use, though it be not divided into chapters or sections which perhaps tis to be wished all books were, or at least that the printers of any second edition would in the margent 10

15

20

marke the pages of the first, which numbers might ever after goe for sections, which though they regarded not the division of the matter would serve neverthelesse for quotations as well. The bookseller would herein also finde his account & put off his new edition the better; It often happening that men prefer an old edition they have either used them selves or seen quoted by others to a new one that is as good or better, only for the number of the pages sake. For which the way I propose would be an easy remedy. My way of quoteing is this. Before I write any thing out of any author I first write in my Adversaria his name, the title of the treatise 14 the volume & date of that edition & the number of its pages as

........................................................................................................................... pg 228 [61v] 12                                                                                        3 Epilogus of on other occasions but to make them serve here as examples of my methode whereby perhaps it will be better understood then by a much larger explication. ........................................................................................................................... pg 229 ........................................................................................................................... pg 230 [62v] 14                                                                                              11 Adversariorum methodus.) in the example Kircher p: 16 you may see & then I make a marke some where in the booke to know that I have set it down in my adversaria, that if I forget I may not be troubled an 5

10

1

other time to turne my adversaria to doe what is donne already. The marke I use is the number of the pages of that edition writt at the bottom of the cover of the booke soe that when the booke lies open I may see it upon occasion without turning any leaves whereof you will finde a double use. When therefor I write any thing out of any booke & would quote the

Page 9 of 13 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oseo/instance.00263863 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-div1-33 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

place I only write thus v: g. Kircher as you see under the title Asbestus whereby I not only save writeing Kircheri China illustrata ta

parte 4 cap: 11. p. 206. The upper number in my way of quoteing shewing the page as the under one does the treatise & the edition; But 15

it serves me also to guesse whereabout it is, or by the rule of 3 certainly to finde it in any other edition of the same treatise. I am sure much 2

better then p. m. which I often finde in quotations   3

Asbestus Atlas Sinicus ait in Taniu Tartariae regno supra lapides nasci herbam quandam quae ........................................................................................................................... pg 231 [63r] 15 Asbestus ab igne non consumatur, haec enim in ignem projecta rubescit quidem & aliquo modo ignescit at educta ex igne mox pristinum candorem recuperat nonnihil in cinericium declinantem, non adeo in 5

longum excrescit sed sub forma capillaris excrescentiae, fragilis et imbecillis consistentiae, aquae imposita in lutum abit statimque consumitur & atque haec est descripsio herbae Asbestinae in qua ego insignem errorem noto, dum herbam illi putant quod nos pura lapid-

iae substantiae filamenta asserimus Kircher   10

1

.

th 2

Memd: the title page 8 : is not set as it should be haveing been forgot till the page was writ ........................................................................................................................... pg 232 [63v] 16 Kircher Athanasii Kircheri e: soc: Jesu China illustrata fol. Amstelodami 1667 p 237

Page 10 of 13 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oseo/instance.00263863 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-div1-33 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

NOTES r

1 54v] fo. 54 blank r

v

1 2] fo. 56 numbered 1, though otherwise blank; fo. 55 blank 1

Nicolas Toinard.

8 have] [make me] have 9 the] [others] the 1

Entreaties: OED, instance, 1a.

20 words] [titles] `words´ 1

Ambrogio Calepino (1435–1511), Dictionarium Linguae Latinae, first published in 1502 and reprinted frequently thereafter. Locke owned copies of the Lyon editions of 1663 and 1681 a

(LL 569, 569 ). 2

With recto pages given odd numbers, and verso pages even ones.

2 to some one] `to some one´ 1

Treating I/J and U/V each as one letter.

6 vid.… 16] `vid: p. 16´ added at right-hand edge of page 8 titles] [words] `titles´ 11 himself] himself, [&] [`but he´] [will have more to please him self with its regularity then use] t

12 I] [I cou ld y ] I 6 10 words] 10 ⟨words⟩ 7 the … cleare] `the margent cleare´ 11 2] [to] .2. 12 what] `what´ Page 11 of 13 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oseo/instance.00263863 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-div1-33 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

2 Ebionita] [&c] Ebionita 5 the same] [one] `the same´ 11 in … page] `in that page´ 11 [2nd] in] [Adversaria in] 12 &] [as you see here p: 4] & 15 Æra] [Ætas] Æra 2 Adversariorum methodus.] both words inserted in LH margin 4–5 & … if] `& at the top of the following page {but}´ [but] [`if´] `but if 5 I] [it] I 9 [2nd] the] th⟦is⟧e 17 it] [of] it 3 11] 1⟦4⟧1 9 which] [in gener⟨al⟩] which 14 it] [th] it 15–16 & … whatsoever] `& all monosylables whatsoever´ 17 for any] `for any´ 5 in] change of writing and ink after this point, suggesting remainder of work added later 7 [2nd] then] [take my excerptum out of,] then 1

Refer to, look up, or consult: OED, turn, 28d.

7–8 I … occasion] `I may see it upon occasion´ 11 as] [whereby] as 15 to] [`to guesse´] [by the rule of] to 2

Plus minus, i.e. more or less.

Page 12 of 13 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oseo/instance.00263863 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-div1-33 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

3

Atlas Sinicus, sive Magni Sinarum Imperii Geographica Descriptio (Amsterdam, 1655).

1

'The Atlas Sinicus says that in Taniu, a kingdom of Tartary, there is a certain herb that grows on rocks and is not consumed by fire. When thrown into a fire it becomes red and indeed glows, but once taken out of the fire, it soon regains its original lustre, though a small amount turns to ashes. It does not grow very long, but has the form of hair, is of a fragile and weak consistency, and when put into water turns immediately into a clay and is destroyed. This is the description of the Asbestine herb, about which I note a remarkable error, for while they think it is a herb, we maintain it to be the unadulterated filament of a stony substance', Athanasius Kircher, China Monumentis, quà Sacris quà Profanis, Nec non variis Naturae & Artis Spectaculis, Aliarumque rerum memorabilium Argumentis Illustrata (Amsterdam, 1667), 206–7; LL 1641. Locke bought this on 30 March 1684, and made notes on it in his journal in August: MS Locke f. 8, pp. 50, 106, 107. 10 set] [writ] `set´ 10–11 Memd: … writ] in different ink, apparently added later 2

The title (marginal heading) 'Adversariorum Methodus' on p. 8 had accidentally been omitted, and was subsequently inserted in the margin.

Page 13 of 13 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oseo/instance.00263863 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-div1-33 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

Oxford Scholarly Editions Online John Locke, Writings on the New Method (1686): Adversariorum Methodus, Latin Version (1685)

J. R. Milton, Brandon Chua, Geoff Kemp, David McInnis, John Spurr, and Richard Yeo (eds), The Clarendon Edition of the Works of John Locke, Vol. 23: Literary and Historical Writings Published in print:

Published online:

2019

March 2020

........................................................................................................................... PG 233

ADVERSARIORUM METHODUS, LATIN VERSION Sigla

L   British Library, Add. MS 28728, fos 46–53. O   Bodleian Library, MS Locke c. 31, fos 67–78. ........................................................................................................................... pg 234 [69v] 2 Epistola dedicatoria. Ornatissimo Doctissimoque viro Domino N Toinard Amico suo Plurimum Colendo 5

10

15

An tibi (Vir Optime) tandem satisfecerim nescio mihimet sanè parum adhuc satisfeci. Pudet enim harum nugarum editionem tibi toties efflagitanti me tam serÒ annuisse. Sed quid agerem? rei ipsius tenuitas satis justa visa est obsequii mora. Quantumvis enim hanc meam Adversariorum methodum praedicasti: Quantumvis utilem et gratam iis spondes qui mei similes pugilaribus opus habent in subsidium memoriae; nequaquam tamen mihi res digna visa est quae typis impressa prodiret; hoc praesertim saeculo, in quo praestantiorum inventorum copiae edendae fervente opere praelum vix sufficit. Non quod ego utile siquid habet id ullatenus aliis inviderem. Tu mihi testis, cui pene obtrusi, aut saltem (uti aliis quam plurimis quibus acceptam fore credidi) sponte obtuli. Verùm etiamsi tanquam arcanum quid inter privata scrinia tectam non occului, suasit tamen

Page 1 of 14 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oseo/instance.00263864 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-div1-34 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

publici reverentia ut inter privatae communicationis cancellos hactenus detinerem et semper si per me licuerat detinuissem. Verum nec tua 20

in me beneficia singularia

........................................................................................................................... pg 235 [70r] 3 nec nostra communis patitur amicitia, ut tibi (cui nihil negatum vellem) tantillam rem toties roganti usque negando obsisterem. Obstinatum me flexit novissima tua epistola, reluctantem impulit authoritas, nec 5

10

15

mihi amplius haesitandi locus, cum jam fretus (uti dicis) non solum tuâ ipsius per aliquot annos experientiâ sed et suffragiis amicorum (qui à te edocti quantulamcunque artem accomodarunt usibus) tanti eam aestimes ut persuasum tibi sit. illum haud levem apud viros literatos initurum gratiam qui publici juris fecerit. En igitur eam

tibi in manus trado, fac ut lubet, verum quales et quantos reportaturus sis gratias ipse videris. Literis mandatam tibi mitto, sed nudam tantum, et quam fieri potuit brevissimam descripsionem. Commoda quae methodus haec prae aliis mihi primùm de eâ cogitanti spe promisit, dein re praestitit, et longo viginti et amplius annorum usu confirma vit tacitus praetereo. Ea omnia tibi jam olim fusius coram explicui, cum ante 6. vel 7. annos Lutetiae agens ex jucundissimâ tuâ et 1

eruditissimâ consuetudine reportavi quotidie Χρ‎υσεια‎ Χαλχειων‎. Si quid in eo genere dictum velis id a te potius quam a me proficisse mallem. Nec laudem enim in hac re nec sectatores quaero. Tibi paru20

25

isse sat est. Is fructus quem unicum quaero, mihi longe est uberrimus, quod sc: inde mihi nata sit occasio palam testandi, quantum tua apud me valet authoritas et quo animo in te affectus sum Tui observantissimus JL  

Epilogus Hunc tractatulum ad adversariorum meorum leges compositum 12 invenies. Voces has Epistola ................................................................................................................ pg 236 [70v] 4 Adversariorum methodus) Sumo librum chartaceum cujuscunque o

to

voluminis in 8 , 4 , vel folio prout usus postulat. Primas duas paginas

Page 2 of 14 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oseo/instance.00263864 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-div1-34 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

5

10

15

20

quae simul aspectui patent ductis nigricâ fabrili (Anglicè Black lead) lineis paralelis divido in 25 partes aequales et deinde aliis lineis a summo paginae ad imum ductis priores istas transversim seco uti in praefixâ tabulâ videre est. Ex 25 prioribus lineis quintam quamque artramento noto quam in impresso schemate majusculam feci distinctionis ergo. Cuilibet horum spatiolorum quinario unam ex viginti

literis huic usui destinatis praefigo et cuilibet spatiolo unam e quinque vocalibus, ordine quamque suo. Hic est totius voluminis index, nec alio indigeret indice si esset liber Elephantinus Facto in hunc modum indice in reliquis libri foliis marginem nigricâ etiam fabrili separo. Si liber sit in folio margo uncialis vel paulo

amplior sufficit, in minoris formae libris angustior Si quid in pugilares memoriae causâ refertur alicui titulo subjiciendum est, quo expeditè reperiri possit cum vocat usus. Quivis titulus a voce aliqua primariâ et praecipuâ incipere debet in quâ habenda ratio est literae initialis et vocalis eam sequentis, ex his enim duabus pendet vis nostri indicis

........................................................................................................................... pg 237 [71r]

5

10

15

5 Tres ex Alphabeto literas missas facio tamquam superfluas nempe K. Y. et W. quae ab Æquipollentibus .C. I. U. absorbentur, et literam Q quae unicam vocalem U semper comitem habet, loco ante .U. in quinario του‎ Z. Hac rejectione literae Q in ultimum et alienum locum indicis symmetriae et usui simul satis commode consulo. Rarissime enim occurrit titulus cujus vox primariâ incipit a Z. U. hujusmodi re unumquidem 25 annorum cursu quo hac methodo utor reperi. Quodsi aliquando usu veniret nihil impedit quominus in classem Q. U. referatur. Verum siquis majoris ἀκριβειας‎ studiosus velit sub calce indicis locum peculiarem classi Q. U. assignare id per me licet. Idem enim olim et a me factum est. Quando aliquid mihi interlegendum occurrit quod in adversaria referendum judico, primo omnium de idoneo titulo cogitandum est. Sit v. g. titulus iste Epistola tunc in indice quaero primam literam

cum sequente vocali quae in hac voce Epistola est E. I. Si in spatiolo interlineari E. I. adjuncto, aliquem repereo adscriptum numerum is mihi indicat paginam huic classi destinatam ubi excerptum sub titulo v Epistola scribendum

................................................................................................................ Page 3 of 14 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oseo/instance.00263864 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-div1-34 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

pg 238

[71v] 6                                                                                          v Adversariorum methodus) Titulum scribo literis majusculis, primaria ejus vox marginem occupat unde continuatâ lineâ quicquid tituli restat scribendum et deinde excerptum, hoc semper religiose 5

10

observando ut sc: nil nisi titulus, et ipsius tituli tantum solummodo quantum unâ lineâ contineri potest in margine scribatur. Servato sic marginis nitore tituli primo aspectu facilius quaerenti se offerunt Si in Indice nullum numerum in Spatiolo E. I. repereo, tunc quaero paginam quae ab initio libri prima occurrit folio verso vacua et pura,

quae jam in libro qui adhuc praeter indicem nihil continet non potest da

esse alia quam 2

scribo igitur in indice post E I numerum 2, et titudae

lum Epistola in margine paginae 2

, et quod sub isto titulo scribendâ

dum venit, in arcâ paginae, uti paginâ 2 factum vides. Ab hac primâ possessione Classis E I duas istas paginas quae simul 15

dam

iam

patent 2 nempe et 3 sibi soli vindicat: nam titulis illis solummodo destinantur quae incipiunt ab E cum I vocali sequente cujusmodi sunt Epilepsia Ebrietas Eclipsis &c. Ratio cur semper incipio in summitate folii versi adeoque duas diversorum foliorum

........................................................................................................................... pg 239 [72r]

5

10

7 paginas eidem classi attribuo potius quam idem folium integrum haec est; Quia sc: hae paginae simul patentes titulos quos habent primâ facie ostendunt, nec vertendi labor quaerentem festinantemque moratur Quoties novus occurit titulus continuo consulo indicem ubi literae characteristicae ex apposito numero me docent paginam isti classi assignatam. Quod si literae tituli characteristicae nullum adhuc numerum adscriptum habent, tunc denuo quaerenda est prima pagina folio verso vacua adhuc et illibata. Paginae istius inventae numerum

noto in indice, adeoque eam cum comite suâ paginâ folio recto huic novae classi assigno. Esto verbi gratia titulus Adversaria cum in indice nullum numerum reperio in spatio A E protinus quaero primam pagita

nam vacuam folio verso quae cum sit 4 tâ

numerum 4 et in paginâ 4 15

in indicis spatio A E scribo

titulum Adversaria et quicquid sub eo tit-

ulo scribendum venit, eo modo uti supra dictum est. Deinceps illa 4

ta

Page 4 of 14 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oseo/instance.00263864 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-div1-34 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

tâ

20

pagina cum comite suâ 5 Classi A E asservatur, (viz) istis titulis quae incipiunt ab A sequente vocali E cujusmodi sunt Aer. Æra Agesilaus Acherusia &c Cum duae paginae alicui Classi destinatae prorsus repletae sint quaero proxime sequentem vacuam folio verso, quae si immediatè proxima sit scribo literam v (pro verte) in calce marginis ultimo repletae v paginae et in summitate [72v] ................................................................................................................ pg 240 8                                                                                v Adversariorum methodus) sequentis. Si vero immediatè sequentes paginae ab aliis classibus jam occupantur, tunc scribo ad imum paginae ultimò repletae numerum proximae paginae vacuae folio verso et in eâ

5

10

15

titulum eundem repetens reliquum excerpti quod prior pagina repleta capere non poterat in novâ hac paginâ quasi immediatè proximâ esset scribo. In summitate etiam novae hujus paginae numerum noto paginae ejusdem classis ultimo repletae; his numeris in calce unius et fronte alterius paginae se mutuo respicientibus colligatur disjecta scriptura et ejusdem sententiae partes interpositione centum aliquando foliorum disjunctae tam facile connectuntur et coalescunt ut si nihil omnino esset intermedium. Hac enim numerorum colligatione folia interposita quasi conglutinata more unius folii vertuntur, cujus exemplum habes p. 3. & 12 & iterum p. 11. & 14. Quandocunque numerum in calce alicujus marginis scribo eundem etiam in Indice scribo; cum vero solum v scribo in margine, in indice nihil muto, cujus rationem usus docebit Si tituli vox primaria sit monosyllaba et incipiat a vocali ista vocalis vicem gerit et literae initialis et vocalis characteristicae,

........................................................................................................................... pg 241 [73r]

5

9 adeoque titulum Ars scribo in A. A. Os in O. O. &c Cum jam copia excerptorum omnes paginae folio verso a titulis occupantur, paginae folio recto novis et alienis classibus, si lubet, attribui possint vel novus parari liber. Si quis has centum classes nimis paucas existimet ad omnimodam rerum varietatem sine confusione commode continendam, potest

Page 5 of 14 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oseo/instance.00263864 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-div1-34 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

eadem methodo alteram addendo vocalem ad 500 numerum augere, quâ formâ indicem a me tibi olim delineatum ni fallor memini, sed utramque 10

15

20

5

10

15

20

experto mihi magis placet prior et simplicior methodus. Quam ad omnes excerptorum varietates sufficientem usus docebit. Praesertim siquis ad diversas scientias diversos adhibeat libros, aut saltem duos ad duas illas partes quibus tota nostra contineri creditur scientia Moralem scilicet et Physicam. Quibus ego forsan tertiam adjicerem nempe Σημειωτικην‎ de signorum, praecipue vocum usu, quae extra limites vulgaris criticae longe excurrit. Sed haec alterius loci sunt, redeamus in viam Siquid de eâ monere necesse esset, ego linguam titulis maxime commodam Latinam existimarem in quâ semper casus rectus religiosè servandus, aliter in monosyllabis et dissyllabis a vocali incipientibus mutabitur in casibus obliquis cum vocali classis et fiet confusio. Sed sive Latina lingua sive vernacula cuivis magis placet v non multum interest modo

................................................................................................................ pg 242 [73v] 10                                                                                v Adversariorum methodus) constantia adhibeatur nec eodem in libro misceantur diversarum linguarum tituli Ad peculiares etiam usus has literarum syzygias sub aliis formis adhibui, quarum aliae aliis forsan magis placerent, sed hanc simplicem cujus descriptionem hìc habes, ego reliquis praefero et ut cuivis usui aptum propono Ut compendiosus constet de iis quae in adversaria relata sunt non inutilis est temporis notatio cum enim memoria recolligo tempus quo hic vel ille a me lectus fuerit liber annorum numeri, illud quod inde excerperam quaerentem impediunt quominus ultra citrave evagari 85 possim. Primo titulo v: g qui classi alicui inscribitur anno 85 numerum 85 in margine appingo uti hic factum vides et sic deinceps, sed hoc negligi potest cum ad summam rei nihil attinet Eo etiam modo cito authores ut numerus paginarum quem in adversariis meis scribo locum etiam in diversis editionibus indicet, etiamsi tractatus quem cito in capita vel sectiones non sit distributus. Quod tamen ut fieret in omnibus omnium authorum editionibus plane optandum esset, vel quod eodem redit, bene et suo et emptorum commodo consulerent bibliopolae si in cujusvis authoris repetitâ editione paginarum numerum prout se habent in primâ notare vellent in margine secundae et aliarum deinceps recusarum editionum. Qui numeri

Page 6 of 14 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oseo/instance.00263864 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-div1-34 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

........................................................................................................................... pg 243 [74r] 11 capitum vel sectionum vicem supplere poterint, et ad citandos authores adeoque essent commodi, hoc bibliopolis qui ita adornarent editiones suas non esset infructuosum dum nova hujusmodi editio 5

10

inde facilius distraheretur. Saepe enim accidit quod librorum emptores veterem et pejorem quaerunt editionem neglectâ novâ et nitidiore eam solam ob rationem quod paginarum numerus non respondet suis aut aliorum citationibus Antequam aliquid ex libro quovis exscribo authoris nomen, libri titulum tempus et volumen istius, quâ utor, editionis et paginarum numerum in adversariis more aliorum titulorum scribo. Nomina Kircher et Marsham exempla exhibent. Cum igitur locum authoris unde aliquid refero in adversaria notare vellem sic scribo Kircher

ut in titulo Asbestus quo compendio

15

non solum haec omittuntur verba (viz) Kircheri China illustrata parte

20

4 cap. 11 quandoquidem inferior (qui est paginarum) numerus tractatum et editionem satis graphicè designat. sed etiam cum superiore numero facili arithmeticâ indicat paginam cujusvis alterius editionis in quâ ista observatio de Asbesto reperiri possit; ad minimum multò propius quaerentem ducit quam p. m. qui modus citandi authores, apud scriptores passim occurrit   Asbestus) Atlas Sinicus ait in Taniu Tartariae regno supra lapides nasci 14 herbam quandam quae ab igne

tâ

................................................................................................................ pg 244 [74v] 12                                                                                          3 Epilogus) Adversaria Epilogus &c in titulos deditâ operâ coegi ut rem per se obscuram et aliquantò intricatam, nec si nudae verborum explicationi fidas intellectu facilem, exemplis claram et perspicuam redderem. ........................................................................................................................... pg 245 [75r] 13

Page 7 of 14 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oseo/instance.00263864 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-div1-34 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

................................................................................................................ pg 246 [75v] 14 Asbestus) non consumatur, haec enim in ignem projecta rubescit quidem et aliquo modo ignescit, at educta ex igne mox pristinum candorem recuperat nonnihil in cinericium declinantem. Non adeo in 5

longum excrescit sed sub forma capillaris excrescentiae fragilis et imbecillis consistentiae; aquae imposita in lutum abit statimque con-

sumitur Kircher   Acherusia) Pratum ficta mortuorum habitatio est locus prope Memphin juxta paludem quam vocant Acherusiam, circa quam sunt prata amoe10

nissima, cum stagnis sylvisque loti et calami. Pleraeque et maximae Ægyptiorum funerationes ibi peraguntur. Mortui per fluvium et lacum Acherusiam transfretantur et cadavera in cryptis ibi sitis reponuntur. Portitor linguâ patriâ Charon vocatur Marsham vid plura p. 262.

........................................................................................................................... pg 247 [76r] 15 ................................................................................................................ pg 248 [76v] 16 Kircher) Athanasii Kircheri e: soc: Jesu China illustrata fol: Amstelodami 1667. p. ........................................................................................................................... pg 249 [77r] 17 ................................................................................................................ pg 250 [77v] 18

Page 8 of 14 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oseo/instance.00263864 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-div1-34 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

Marshamus) Canon Chronicus Ægyptiacus, Ebraicus Graecus et disquisitiones. Jo: Marshami fol. Londini 1672. p.

Page 9 of 14 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oseo/instance.00263864 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-div1-34 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

NOTES r

1 2] In O fo. 69 is numbered 1, but is otherwise blank; fos 67–8 are not numbered, but there v

r

is an index (not reproduced here) on fos 68 –69 . There is no index in L, but instead a note to Toinard explaining its absence; this is quoted and translated in the Textual Introduction, above 148–9. 3 viro] O | `viro´ L 3 N] `N´ O | not in L 5 sanè] O | plane L 10 iis] O | fore iis L 14 inviderem] O | invide⟦ba⟧rem L 15–16 aut … credidi)] O | `aut … credidi)´ L 16 sponte obtuli] O | `sponte obtuli´ L caret after arcanum in next sentence 19 me] O | te L 20 in me beneficia] O | [in me] beneficia in me L 7 quantulamcunque] O | hanc quantulamcunque L 7 accomodarunt] O | suis accomodavunt L 8 aestimes] L | aestime O end of word lost 8 illum] O | illu⟦d⟧m L 10 quantos] L | quantạṣ O 16 Lutetiae agens] O | `Lutetiae agens´ L 1

Bronze for gold. The phrase originally came from the Iliad (VI. 236), but had since become proverbial, and had already been used by Locke in an earlier letter to Toinard (25 May 1679, Correspondence, ii. 26). 22 sum] O | sim L

Page 10 of 14 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oseo/instance.00263864 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-div1-34 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

5 et] O | [ut in tabula praefixâ videre est] et L 6 uti] L | ut O 7 praefixâ tabulâ] O | tabulâ praefixâ L 7 25] O | viginti quinque L 8 impresso] O | [hoc] impresso L 13 in reliquis … marginem] `in´ reliqu⟦a⟧is `libri´ foli⟦a⟧is [in] marginem [et arcam] O | reliqua folia in marginem et arcam L 14 separo] [destinguenda sunt] `separo´ O | destinguenda sunt L 15 angustior] O | angustior. [plerumque] L 20 nostri] nostr⟦ae⟧i O | nostrae L 2 nempe] O | `nempe´ L 15 Sit] O | [esto] `sit´ L 16 cum … vocali] O | not in L 16 I] O | cum sequenti vocali quae est I L 16 spatiolo] O | spatio L 5 ipsius] O | i⟦ll⟧psius L 10 qui] L | quae O 15 nam] O | [solis] n`am´ L 15–16 illis solummodo] O | `illis solummodò´ L 18 summitate] O | [capite] summitate L 6 characteristicae] O | tituli characteristicae L 7 literae] O | [titu⟨li⟩] literae [hujus] L 11 titulus] O | [qui proximo loco occurrit] titulus L

Page 11 of 14 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oseo/instance.00263864 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-div1-34 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

12 numerum] O | `numerum´ L 15 Deinceps] O | [Tituli sc: initium in margine scribens.] Deinceps L 2–3 immediatè] O | `immediatè´ L 3 imum] O | imum marginis L 10–11 foliorum] O | folio`rum´ L 11 ut] O | ac L 13 cujus] O | Hujus L 13 habes] O | habetur L 14 & iterum … 14] O | ac iterum p. 11 L 18 Si] O | [Si tituli sit vox monosyllaba] / Si L 7 continendam] O | [comprehendend⟨am⟩] continendam L 7 potest] O | potestis L 13 contineri creditur] O | contin⟦etur⟧eri `creditur´ L 16 longe excurrit] O | [vagatur] `longe excurrit´ L 19 in quâ] O | [et] `in qua´ L 20 a] [plerisque] a O | `plerisque´ a L 23 non … interest] O | perinde `propest´ est L 6 descriptionem hÌc] O | hi⟦s⟧c descripsionem L 12 Primo … v: g] Prim⟦us⟧o titul⟦us⟧o v: g O | Prim⟦us⟧o titul⟦us⟧o `v. g.´ L 16 scribo] O | [appingo] `scribo´ L 17 etiamsi] L | etiam`si´ O 17 quem cito] O | `quem cito´ L 21 notare] O | [impressione] notare L

Page 12 of 14 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oseo/instance.00263864 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-div1-34 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

22 et … editionum] et `aliarum´ … editionum O | `et … editionum´ L 22 numeri] O | numeri [deinde] L deletion not certain 2 vel] L | ⟦et⟧vel O 3 essent] L | esse O 3 bibliopolis] O | bibliopol⟦a⟧is L 3–4 qui … suas] O | `qui … suas´ L 4 hujusmodi] `hujusmodi´ O | [haec] `hujusmodi´ L 5 quod] O | ⟦ut⟧quod L 6 quaerunt] O | quaerant L 7 nitidiore] O | pulcheriore L 7 solam] O | solum L 9 libro] O | [authore] `libro´ L 12 exhibent] exhibent. [Deinde notâ aliquâ libro ipsi affixâ ne actum agam caveo. Notâ qua ego utor est numerus paginarum istius editionis tam commodo in loco tegmini appictus ut aperto libro facile cum illic dirigantur oculis pateat cujus duplex invenietur usus.] O | exhibent. Deinde ipsi libro notâ aliquâ affixâ ne actum agam caveo. Notâ quâ ego utor est numerus paginarum istius editionis tam commodo in loco tegmini appictus ut aperto libro facile cum illic dirigantur oculis pateat, cujus duplex invenietur usus L 16 quandoquidem] O | [cum] `quandoquidem´ L 16 inferior] inferior [numerus] O | numerus inferior L 16 numerus] `numerus´ O | [istius] L 17 graphicè] O | [commode] `graphicè´ L 17–18 cum … numero] cum superiori numero O | `cum superiore numero´ L 3 nudaẹ] O | [soli] `nudae´ L 3 at] L, E, Kircher | et O

Page 13 of 14 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oseo/instance.00263864 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-div1-34 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

13 Portitor … vocatur] O | not in L 14 vid … 262] vid plura [ib] p. 262. O | Portitor lingua patria Charon vocatur priusquam mortui loculus in navigium deponatur cuilibet permissum est coram Judicibus juxta lacum considentibus accusationem suspicere, Siquis probaverit illum male vixisse Judices sententiam ferunt et cadaver ab usitatâ sepulturâ arcetur. Hinc Orpheus antiquus quum peregrinatus est in Ægyptum et hunc ritum vidisset dicitur de inferis commentum esse quaedam ex imitatione quaedam ex ingenio ib: 262 L r

v

1 18] p. 19 (fo. 78 ) is numbered 19 but is otherwise blank; p. 20 (fo. 78 ) is blank 2 Marshamus] O | Marsham L 2–3 Marshamus …

] O, L v

In L on lower half of fo. 53 (p. 16), but preceded by number 18,with note at foot of page: â

Memd. Hic titulus Marsham paginâ 18 scribi debuit sed quia tabularium vacuâ cartâ onerare â

nollem hanc paginam divisi, et inferiorem partem pro 18 sumpsi

Page 14 of 14 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oseo/instance.00263864 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-div1-34 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

Oxford Scholarly Editions Online

John Locke, Writings on the New Method (1686): Méthode nouvelle de dresser des recueuils (1686) J. R. Milton, Brandon Chua, Geoff Kemp, David McInnis, John Spurr, and Richard Yeo (eds), The Clarendon Edition of the Works of John Locke, Vol. 23: Literary and Historical Writings Published in print:

2019

Published online:

March 2020

........................................................................................................................... PG 251

METHODE NOUVELLE DE DRESSER DES RECUEUILS

........................................................................................................................... pg 252 Sigla 1   Bibliothèque universelle et historique, tom. 2 (1686), first edition, 1686. 1A   Bibliothèque universelle et historique, tom. 2 (1686), reprint of first edition, 1686. 1B   Bibliothèque universelle et historique, tom. 2 (1686), reprint of first edition, 1688. 2   Bibliothèque universelle et historique, tom. 2 (1686), second edition, 1687. 3   Bibliothèque universelle et historique, tom. 2 (1686), third edition, 1718. D   Oeuvres diverses de Monsieur Jean Locke (Rotterdam, 1710). G   A New Method of making Common-Place-Books; Written By the late Learned Mr. John Lock (London, 1706). P   Posthumous Works of Mr. John Locke (London, 1706). ........................................................................................................................... pg 253 [315] METHODE NOUVELLE

Page 1 of 19 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oseo/instance.00263865 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-div1-35 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

De dresser des RECUEUILS Communiquée par l'Auteur. ........................................................................................................................... pg 254 [316]

Page 2 of 19 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oseo/instance.00263865 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-div1-35 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

........................................................................................................................... pg 255

Page 3 of 19 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oseo/instance.00263865 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-div1-35 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

[317]

...........................................................................................................................

Page 4 of 19 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oseo/instance.00263865 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-div1-35 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

[318]

pg 256

EPISTOLA.] Lettre de Monsieur J. L. de la Societé Roiale d'Angleterre, à

Monsieur N. T. contenant une Methode nouvelle, & facile de dresser des 2. Recueuils, dont on peut faire un Indice exact en deux pages.   "Je vous obeïs enfin, Monsieur, en rendant publique ma Méthode de 5

10

15

dresser des Recueuils. J'ai honte d'avoir tant tardé à vous satisfaire, mais ce que vous me demandiez me paroissoit si peu de chose, que je croiois qu'il ne méritoit pas d'être publié, sur tout dans un siécle aussi fertile en belles inventions, que le nôtre. Vous savez que je vous ai communiqué cette Methode, de mon propre mouvement, comme je

l'ai fait à plusieurs autres personnes, à qui j'ai crû quelle ne déplairoit pas. Ce n'a donc pas été, pour m'en servir tout seul, que j'ai refusé jusqu'à présent de la publier. Il me sembloit que le respect que l'on doit avoir pour le public, ne me permettoit pas de luy offrir une invention de si peu d'importance. Mais les obligations que je vous ai, & nôtre commune amitié me permettent encore moins de refuser de suivre vos conseils. Vôtre derniere lettre, Monsieur, m'a tout à fait déterminé, & j'ai crû ne devoir plus hésiter de publier ma Méthode, après ce que vous me dites, que ........................................................................................................................... pg 257 [319]

5

10

3. l'experience de quelques années, vous en a fait éprouver l'utilité, aussi-bien qu'à ceux de vos amis à qui vous l'avez communiquée. Il n'est pas besoin que je parle ici de celle que j'en ai tirée moi-même, par un usage de plus de vint ans. Je vous en ai assez entretenu, lors que j'étois à Paris, il y a présentement sept ou huit ans, & que je pouvois profiter de vos savantes & agréables conversations. Tout l'avantage que je prétends tirer de cet écrit, c'est de témoigner publiquement l'estime, & le respect que j'ai pour vous, & de faire voir combien je suis, Monsieur, Vôtre, &c." Avant que d'entrer en matiére, il est bon que j'avertisse, que cette Methode est disposée de la même maniére dont il faut disposer ses Recueuils. On comprendra par la lecture de ce qui suit, ce que veulent dire les titres Latins que l'on voit au-dessus du revers de chaque fueillet, & au bas de cette page. EBIONITÆ.] In eorum Evangelio, quòd secundùm Hebrùos dicebatur, histo-

Page 5 of 19 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oseo/instance.00263865 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-div1-35 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

15

ria quæ habetur Matth. XIX, 16. & seqq. ut alia quædam, erat interpolata in hunc modum: Dixit ad eum alter divitum. Magister quid bonum faciens vivam? Dixit ei: Homo, legem & Prophetas fac. Respondit ad 14. eum, feci. Dixit ei: vade, ........................................................................................................................... pg 258 [320] ADVERSARIORUM METHODUS.] Je prends un livre de papier blanc, de

quelque grandeur qu'il me plait. Je divise les deux premiers pages, qui 4. se regardent l'une l'autre, par des lignes paralleles en 25 parties 1

égales, avec du plomb d'Angleterre. Je les coupe en suite perpen-

5

diculairement par d'autres lignes, que je tire depuis le haut de la page jusqu'au bas, comme vous le pouvez voir dans la table que j'ay mise au devant de cet écrit. Après cela je marque d'encre chaque cinquiéme ligne des 25 dont je viens de vous parler. [Les autres sont ici de 2

10

15

20

Cinnabre, mais pour la commodité, on les peut faire de plomb d'Angleterre, dont il est plus aisé de se servir que de Cinnabre.] Je mets au commencement de chaque cinquiéme espace, au devant du milieu, l'une des vint lettres qui sont destinées à cet usage, & un peu plus avant dans chaque espace l'une des cinq voielles, dans leur ordre naturel. C'est là l'indice de tout le Volume, de quelque grosseur qu'il puisse être. L'indice étant fait de la sorte, je distingue dans les autres pages du livre, la marge avec du plomb d'Angleterre. Je la fais de la largeur d'un pouce dans un Volume in folio, ou un peu plus large, & dans un moindre Volume plus petite à proportion. Si je veux mettre quelque chose dans mon recueuil, je cherche un titre, à quoi ........................................................................................................................... pg 259 [321]

5

je le puisse rapporter, afin de le pouvoir trouver, lors que j'en ai besoin. 5. Chaque titre doit commencer par un mot important & essentiel à la matiere dont il s'agit, & dans ce mot il faut bien prendre garde à la premiere lettre, & à la voielle qui la suit, car de ces deux lettres dépend tout l'usage de nôtre indice. J'omets trois lettres de l'Alphabeth, comme inutiles, savoir K. Y. W, que l'on supplée par les équivalentes C. I. U. Je mets la Lettre Q. qui

Page 6 of 19 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oseo/instance.00263865 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-div1-35 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

est toûjours suivie d'un U. dans le cinquiéme espace du Z. Par cette rejection de la lettre Q. dans le dernier espace de l'indice, je garde la 10

15

symmetrie de mon Indice, & je n'en diminuë point l'étenduë. Car il arrive trés-rarement qu'il y ait un titre qui commence par ZU, & je n'en ai pas trouvé un seul dans l'espace de 25 ans que je me sers de cette methode. Que si néanmoins cela étoit necessaire, rien n'empêcheroit qu'on ne pût le marquer dans le même espace que QU, pourvû qu'on le distinguât en quelque sorte. On peut encore, pour plus d'exactitude, assigner à QU une place au bas de l'indice, & je l'ai fait ainsi autrefois. Quand je rencontre quelque chose que je croi devoir mettre en mon Recueuil; je cherche d'abord un titre qui soit propre. Supposé, par V. exemple, que cet soit le titre EPISTOLA. Je cherche dans l'in-

........................................................................................................................... pg 260 [322]                                                                                                            V ADVERSARIORUM METHODUS.] dice la premiere lettre avec la voielle

5

10

15

20

6. suivante, qui sont en cette rencontre E. I. Si dans l'espace marqué E. I. se trouve quelque nombre, il m'indique la page destinée aux mots qui commencent par E & dont la voielle qui se trouve immédiatement après est I. Il faut rapporter au mot d'Epistola, dans cette page, ce que j'ai à remarquer. J'écris le titre en lettres un peu plus grosses, de sorte que le mot principal se trouve en marge, & je continuë la ligne, en écrivant de suite ce que j'ai à remarquer. J'observe constamment cette méthode, qu'il n'y ait que le titre qui paroisse en marge, & qu'il soit continué de suite, sans redoubler jamais la ligne dans la marge. Lors qu'on la conserve vuide de la sorte, les titres se présentent à la premiere vuë. Si dans l'indice je ne trouve aucun nombre dans l'espace E. I. je cherche dans mon livre le premier revers de fueuillet que je trouve blanc, lequel revers dans un livre, où il n'y a encore que l'indice ne peut être qu'à la p. 2. J'écris donc dans mon indice après E. I. le nombre 2, & le titre Epistola au haut de la marge de la seconde page, & tout ce qu'il faut mettre sous ce titre, dans la page même, comme vous voiez que je l'ai fait à la page seconde de cet écrit. Dès lors la classe E. I. est en possession ........................................................................................................................... pg 261 [323] 7. elle seule de la seconde & de la troisiéme page. On les emploie uniquePage 7 of 19 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oseo/instance.00263865 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-div1-35 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

ment aux mots qui commencent par E, & dont la plus proche voielle est I, comme Episcopus [Voiez le bas de la p. 3.] Ebionitæ, Echinus, Edictum, Efficacia, &c. La raison pour laquelle je commence toûjours 5

au haut du revers, & que j'assigne à une Classe les deux pages qui se

regardent l'une l'autre, plûtôt qu'un fueuillet entier, c'est que les titres de cette Classe paroissent ainsi tout d'un coup à la vuë, sans qu'il soit besoin de tourner le fueuillet; ce qui retarde. Toutes les fois que je veux écrire un nouveau titre dans mon Recueuil, 10

15

20

je cherche d'abord dans mon indice, les lettres caracteristiques de ce mot, & je vois par le nombre qui les suit, où se trouve la page assignée à la classe de ce titre. Que s'il n'y a point de nombre, il faut chercher le premier revers de page qui est blanc. J'en marque le nombre dans l'indice, & ainsi je consacre cette page, avec le côté droit du fueuillet

suivant à cette nouvelle Classe. Que ce soit, par exemple le mot Adversaria; si je ne vois aucun nombre dans l'espace A. E., je cherche le premier revers vuide, qui se trouvant à la p. quatriéme, je marque dans l'espace A. E. le nombre de 4. & dans la p. quatriéme le titre Adversaria, avec tout ce qui doit-être mis sous ce titre, comme je l'ai déja marqué. Après V. cela cette quatriéme page avec la ........................................................................................................................... pg 262 [324]                                                                                                V ADVERSARIORUM METHODUS.] cinquiéme qui la suit, est reservée à

5

10

15

8. la Classe A.E. c'est à dire aux titres qui commencent par A, & où la voïelle la plus prochaine dans le mot est E, comme Aër, Aera, Agesilaus, Acherusia, &c. Lors que les deux pages destinées à une Classe sont toutes pleines, on cherche dans la suite le plus prochain revers de page, qui soit encore en blanc. Si c'est celui qui suit immédiatement, j'écris au bas de la marge dans la page que j'ai remplie la derniere, la lettre V, c'est à dire, Verte, tournez; & de même au haut de la page suivante. Si les pages qui suivent immédiatement sont déja occupées par d'autres Classes, j'écris au bas de la page, remplie la derniere, le nombre du prochain revers. Je marque de nouveau le titre dont il s'agit, sous lequel je continuë d'écrire ce que j'avois à mettre dans mon Recueuil, comme si c'étoit dans la même page. Au haut de ce nouveau revers je marque aussi le nombre de la page qui a été remplie la derniere. Par ces nombres qui renvoient l'un à l'autre, & dont le premier est à la fin d'une page, & le second au commencement d'une autre, on lie la matiere qui est separée, tout de même que s'il n'y avoit rien entre deux. Car par ce

Page 8 of 19 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oseo/instance.00263865 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-div1-35 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

20

renvoi reciproque de nombres, on tourne comme un feuillet tout ceux qui sont entre deux, de même que s'ils étoient collez. Vous en ........................................................................................................................... pg 263 [325] avez un exemple aux pages 3. & 14. 9. Toutes les fois que je mets un nombre au bas d'une page, je le mets aussi dans l'indice; mais quand je ne mets qu'un V, je ne fais aucun changement dans l'indice; & c'est de quoi on apprendra la raison par

5

10

15

20

l'usage. Si le principal mot du titre, est un monosyllabe, & commence par une voielle, cette voielle est en même temps, & la premiere lettre du mot, & la voielle caracteristique. Ainsi j'écris le mot Ars en A.a. & Os en O.o.

On peut voir par ce que j'ai dit, qu'on commence à écrire chaque Classe de mots au revers de la page. Il peut arriver à cause de cela que les revers de toutes les pages soient pleins, pendant qu'il reste assez de côtez droits, qui sont encore vuides. Alors, si l'on veut, pour achever de remplir le livre, on peut assigner ces côtez droits, qui sont encore tous entiers en blanc, à de nouvelles Classes. Si quelcun croit que ces cent Classes ne suffisent pas, pour comprendre toute sorte de sujets sans confusion, il peut suivant la même methode, en augmenter le nombre jusqu'à cinq cents, en ajoûtant une voielle. Mais aiant éprouvé l'une & l'autre methode, je préfere la premiere, & l'usage apprendra à ceux qui l'essaieront qu'elle suffit V. pour tout, particulierement si l'on a un livre pour chaque science, ........................................................................................................................... pg 264 [326]                                                                                      V ADVERSARIORUM METHODUS.] sur laquelle on fait des recueuils, ou au

5

10

10. moins deux, pour les deux parties ausquelles on peut rapporter toutes nos connoissances, savoir la Morale, & la Physique. On y en pourroit ajoûter une troisiéme, qu'on peut appeller la science des signes, qui regarde l'usage des mots, & qui est beaucoup plus étenduë que la Critique ordinaire. Pour ce qui regarde la Langue dans laquelle on doit faire les titres, je croi la Langue Latine la plus commode, pourvû qu'on garde toûjours le nominatif, de peur que dans les dissyllabes, ou les monosyllabes qui commencent par une voielle, le changement qui arrive dans Page 9 of 19 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oseo/instance.00263865 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-div1-35 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

les cas obliques ne cause de la confusion. Mais il n'importe pas beaucoup de quelque Langue qu'on se serve, pourvu qu'on ne mêle pas des titres de diverses Langues. 15

Pour marquer l'endroit d'un Auteur dont je veux tirer quelque

chose, je me sers de cette methode. Avant que d'écrire rien, je mets le nom de l'Auteur dans mon recueuil, & sous ce nom, le titre du traité que je lis, le volume, le temps & le lieu de l'édition, & (ce qu'on ne doit jamais omettre) le nombre des pages que contient tout ce Livre. Par 20

exemple, je mets dans la Classe

........................................................................................................................... pg 265 [327] 11. M. A. Marshami, Canon Chronicus, Ægyptiacus, Græcus, & disquisi1

tiones fol. Lond. 1672. p. 626. Ce nombre de pages me sert à l'avenir pour marquer le traité particulier de l'Auteur, & l'édition dont je me sers. Je n'ai plus besoin de marquer l'endroit autrement, qu'en met5

10

15

tant le nombre de la page, d'où j'ai tiré ce que j'ai écrit, au dessus du nombre des pages de tout le Volume. On en verra un exemple dans Acherusia, où le nombre 259 est au dessus du nombre 626, c'est à dire le nombre des pages, où est l'endroit dont il est question, au dessus du nombre des pages de tout le Volume. Ainsi j'évite non seulement la

peine d'écrire Canon Chronicus Ægyptiacus, &c. mais encore je puis par le moien de la regle de trois trouver le même passage dans quelque autre édition que ce soit, en cherchant le nombre des pages que me donnera l'Edition dont je ne me suis pas servi, puis que celui de mon édition qui est 626, m'a donné 259. On ne rencontre pas toûjours à la verité la page même, à cause des espaces que l'on peut laisser en diverses éditions, & qui ne sont pas toûjours égaux a proportion, mais on n'en est jamais fort éloigné; & il vaut beaucoup mieux trouver un passage à quelques pages près, que d'être obligé de fueuilleter tout un V. livre pour le trou-

........................................................................................................................... pg 266 [328]                                                                                                  V ADVERSARIORUM METHODUS.] ver, comme il arrive lors que le Livre n'a

12. point d'indice, ou que l'indice n'est pas exact.

ACHERUSIA.] Pratum, ficta mortuorum habitatio est locus prope Memphin, 5

iuxta paludem quam vocant Acherusiam, &c. C'est un passage de

Page 10 of 19 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oseo/instance.00263865 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-div1-35 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

1

10

15

Diodore dont voici le sens: Les champs, où l'on feint que demeurent les morts, ne sont autre chose qu'un lieu proche de Memphis, près d'un marais qu'on appelle Acherusia, autour duquel il y a de fort agreables campagnes, où l'on voit des lacs & des forêts de lotus & de calamus. C'est avec raison qu'Orphée dit que les morts habitent ces lieux, parce que c'est là que se font la plûpart des funerailles des Egiptiens, & les plus grandes. On y porte les morts par le Nil, & par le marais d'Acherusia, & on les met là, dans des voutes soûterraines. Il y a encore d'autres fables chez les Grecs touchant les enfers, qui s'accommodent

fort bien avec ce qu'on fait aujourd'hui en Egipte. Car on appelle Baris le bâteau dans lequel on transporte les morts; & l'on donne une obole pour le passage au batelier, que l'on nomme Charon en langage du païs. Assez proche de ce lieu, est un Temple d'Hecatè la tenebreuse, & ........................................................................................................................... pg 267 [329] les portes du Cocyte, & du Lethé fermées avec de grosses barres de 13. cuivre. Il y a encore d'autres portes, qu'on nomme les portes de la Verité, avec la statuë de la Justice, qui est au devant, & qui n'a point de tête. Marsham *            * * ........................................................................................................................... pg 268 [330]                                                                                                    3 EBIONITÆ.] vende omnia quæ possides, & divide pauperibus, & veni,

5

10

sequere me. Cœpit autem dives scalpere caput suum, & non placuit 14. ei. Et dixit ad eum Dominus: quomodo dicis Legem feci & Prophetas? cùm scriptum sit in Lege, diliges proximum tuum sicut teipsum: & ecce multi fratres tui filii Abrahæ amicti sunt stercore, morientes præ fame, & domus tua plena est bonis multis, & non egreditur omninò aliquid ex ea ad eos. Et conversus dixit Simoni discipulo suo sedenti apud se: Simon fili Johannæ facilius est camelum intrare per foramen acûs, quàm divitem in regnum cœlorum. Nimirum hæc ideò immutavit Ebion, quia Christum nec Dei filium, nec νομοθέτην‎, sed nudum interpretem Legis per Mosem datæ agnoscebat. Page 11 of 19 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oseo/instance.00263865 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-div1-35 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

Dans l'Evangile des Ebionites, qu'on appelloit l'Evangile selon les Hebreux, l'histoire qui est au XIX de S. Mathieu verset 16, & suiv-

15

ants, étoit changée en cette maniere: L'un des riches lui dit: Maître, quel bien faut-il que je fasse pour avoir la vie? Jesus lui dit: Homme, obeïs à la Loi & aux Prophetes. Il répondit, je l'ai fait. Jesus lui dit: va, & vends tout ce que tu as, partage-le aux pauvres, & viens après cela & me suis. Là dessus le Riche commença à se grater la tête, & ne trouva point bon le

20

conseil de Jesus. Et le Seigneur lui dit, comment dis-tu, j'ai ac........................................................................................................................... pg 269 [331] compli la Loi & les Prophetes, puis qu'il est écrit dans la Loi, tu aimeras 15. ton prochain comme toi-même, & qu'il y a plusieurs de tes freres, enfans d'Abraham, qui sont mal vêtus, & qui meurent de faim, pendant que ta maison est pleine de biens, & qu'il n'en sort rien pour les secourir. Et s'étant

5

tourné du côté de Simon son disciple, qui étoit assis auprès de lui: Simon fils de Johanna, dit-il, il est plus aisé qu'un chameau entre par le trou d'une aiguille, qu'un riche dans le roiaume des cieux. Ebion changea cet endroit de l'Evangile, parce qu'il ne croioit pas Jesus-Christ fils de Dieu, ni Legislateur, mais un simple interpréte de la Loi donnée par Moïse.

10 1

Grotius

*            * * ........................................................................................................................... pg 270 [332] HÆRETICI] Nostrum igitur fuit eligere & optare meliora, ut ad vestram correc-

tionem aditum haberemus, non in contentione & æmulatione& persecutionibus, 16. sed mansuetè consolando, benevolè hortando, leniter disputando, sicut 1

5

scriptum est; servum autem Domini non oportet litigare, sed mitem esse ad omnes, docibilem, patientem, in modestia corripientem diversa sentientes. Nostrum ergo fuit velle has partes expetere: Dei est volentibus & petentibus donare quod bonum est. Illi in vos sæviant qui nesciunt cum quo labore verum inveniatur, & quam difficile caveantur errores. Illi in vos sæviant, qui nesciunt quam rarum & arduum sit carnalia phantasmata piæ mentis

Page 12 of 19 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oseo/instance.00263865 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-div1-35 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

10

serenitate superare. Illi in vos sæviant, qui nesciunt cum quanta difficultate sanetur oculus interioris hominis ut possit intueri solem suum.… Illi in vos sæviant qui nesciunt quibus suspiriis & gemitibus fiat ut ex quantulacunque parte possit intelligi Deus. Postremò illi in vos sæviant, qui nullo tali errore decepti sunt, quali vos deceptos vident. In Catholica enim Ecclesia, ut

15

omittam sincerissimam sapientiam, ad cujus cognitionem pauci spiritales in hac vita perveniunt, ut eam ex minima quidem parte, quia homines sunt, sed tamen sine dubitatione cognoscant: cæteram quippe turbam non intelligendi vivacitas, sed credendi simplicitas tutissimam facit. Augustinus ........................................................................................................................... pg 271 [333] 17. Tom. VI: col. 116. fol. Basileæ 1542. Contra Epist. Manichæi, quam 1

vocant Fundamenti. "Nous avons cru que nous devions faire un meilleur choix, & que pour vous faire revenir de vos erreurs il ne falloit pas se jetter sur les injures & sur les invectives, ni irriter vôtre 5

10

15

esprit par de mauvais traitemens: mais qu'il falloit attirer vôtre attention par des paroles de douceur & des exortations, qui marquassent la tendresse que nous avons pour vous; selon cette parole de l'Ecriture, il ne faut pas que le serviteur du Seigneur aime les querelles, mais il doit être doux envers tout le monde, affable & patient, & reprendre d'un air modeste ceux qui ne sont pas de son sentiment… Que ceux-là vous traitent avec rigueur, qui ne savent pas combien il est difficile de trouver la verité & d'éviter les erreurs. Que ceux-là vous traitent avec rigueur, qui ignorent combien il est rare & peinible de faire ceder les phantômes qui troublent l'imagination au calme d'un esprit pieux. Que ceux-là vous traitent avec rigueur qui ne connoissent point les difficultez extrêmes qu'il y a à purifier l'œuil de l'homme interieur, pour le rendre capable de voir la verité, qui est le soleil de l'ame. Que ceux-là vous traitent avec rigueur, qui n'ont jamais senti les soupirs 20. & les gemissemens qu'il faut pousser, avant

........................................................................................................................... pg 272 [334] CONFESSIO FIDEI] Periculosum nobis admodum atque etiam miserabile est,

5

tot nunc fides existere, quot voluntates: & tot nobis doctrinas esse quot 18. mores: & tot causas blasphemiarum pullulare quot vitia sunt: dum aut ita fides scribuntur ut volumus, aut ita ut volumus intelliguntur. Et cum secundum unum Deum & unum Dominum, & unum baptisma etiam fides una Page 13 of 19 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oseo/instance.00263865 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-div1-35 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

sit, excidimus ab ea fide quæ sola est: & dum plures fiunt, ad id esse cœperunt ne ulla sit, Conscii enim nobis invicem sumus post Nicæni conventus Synodum, nihil aliud quam fidem scribi. Dum in verbis pugna est, dum de novitatibus quæstio est, dum de ambiguis occasio est, dum de Autoribus 10

querela est, dum de studiis certamen est, dum in consensu difficultas est, dum alter alteri anathema esse cœpit, propè jam nemo Christi est, &c. Jam verò proximi anni fides, quid jam de immutatione in se habet? Primum quæ homousion decernit taceri: sequens rursum quæ homousion decernit & prædicat. Tertium deinceps, quæ Usiam simpliciter à patribus præsumptam,

15

per indulgentiam excusat. Postremum quartum, quæ non excusat, sed condemnat, &c. De similitudine autem Filii Dei ad Deum Patrem, quod miserabilis nostri temporis fides est, ne non ex toto, aut tantum ex portione sit similis? egregii scilicet arbitri cælestium sacramentorum conquisitores, invisibilium mysteriorum professio........................................................................................................................... pg 273 [335] 19. nibus de fide Dei Calumniamur, annuas atque menstruas de Deo fides decernimus, decretis pœnitemus, pœnitentes defendimus, defensos anathematizamus, aut in nostris aliena, aut in alienis nostra damnamus & mordentes invicem jam absumpti sumus invicem. Hilarius p. 211. in lib. Ad

5

10

15

1

Constantium Augustum. Basil 1570. fol. C'est une chose également déplorable & dangereuse, qu'il y ait présentement autant de confessions de foi que de phantaisies, autant de dogmes que d'inclinations, & autant de sources de blasphemes qu'il y a de défauts parmi nous, puisque nous faisons des confessions de foi telles qu'il nous plaît, ou

que nous les expliquons comme bon nous semble. Et comme il n'y a qu'une seule foi, de même qu'il n'y a qu'un seul Dieu, un seul Seigneur & un seul baptême, nous renonçons à cette foi qui est unique, lorsque nous en faisons plusieurs confessions differentes, & cette diversité est cause qu'il ne se trouve plus de veritable foi. Nous sommes convaincus

de part & d'autre que depuis le Concile de Nicée, on n'a fait qu'écrire des confessions. Et pendant qu'on se bat sur des mots, qu'on agite des questions nouvelles, qu'on dispute sur des termes équivoques, qu'on se plaint des Auteurs, que chacun s'efforce de faire triompher son parti, 24. qu'on ne peut ........................................................................................................................... pg 274 [336]                                                                                                        16

Page 14 of 19 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oseo/instance.00263865 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-div1-35 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

HÆRETICI] qu'on puisse obtenir quelque connoissance de l'Etre divin. Enfin

20. que ceux là vous traitent avec rigueur; qui n'ont jamais été seduits par des erreurs semblables à celles que vous suivez. Je passe sous silence 5

cette sagesse tres-pure où un tres petit nombre de spirituels parvien-

nent en cette vie; en sorte que quoiqu'ils n'en connoissent que la moindre partie, parce qu'ils sont hommes, ils la connoissent néanmoins avec certitude. Car dans l'Eglise Catholique ce n'est pas la pénetration de l'esprit, ni la profondeur de la connoissance, mais la 10

simplicité de la foi qui met le peuple en sureté."   Barbari quippe homines Romanæ, imò potius humanæ eruditionis expertes, qui nihil omninò sciunt nisi quod à doctoribus suis audiunt: quod audiunt hoc sequuntur, ac sic necesse est eos, qui totius litteraturæ ac scientiæ ignari, sacramentum divinæ legis doctrinâ magis quam lectione cogno-

15

scunt, doctrinam potius retinere quam legem. Itaque eis traditio magistrorum suorum & doctrina inveterata, quasi lex est, qui hoc sciunt quod docentur. Hæretici ergo sunt, sed non scientes. Denique apud nos sunt hæretici apud se non sunt. Nam in tantum se Catholicos esse judicant, ut nos ipsos titulo hæreticæ appellationis infament. Quod ergo illi nobis sunt & hoc nos illis. ........................................................................................................................... pg 275 [337]

5

10

21. Nos eos injuriam divinæ generationi facere certi sumus, quod minorem Patre filium dicant. Illi nos injuriosos patri existimant, quia æquales esse credamus. Veritas apud nos est; sed illi apud se esse præsumunt. Honor Dei apud nos est: sed illi hoc arbitrantur, honorem divinitatis esse quod credunt. Inofficiosi sunt, sed illis hoc est summum Religionis officium. Impii sunt, sed hoc putant veram esse pietatem. Errant ergo, sed bono animo errant, non odio sed affectu Dei, honorare se Dominum atque amare credentes. Quamvis non habeant rectam fidem, illi tamen hoc perfectam Dei æstimant caritatem. Qualiter pro hoc ipso falsæ opinionis errore in die Judicii puniendi sunt, nullus scire potest nisi judex. Interim idcircò eis, ut reor, patientiam Deus commodat, quia videt eos etsi non rectè credere, affectu tamen piæ 1

. Cet Evêque parle des Arriens Gots & Vandales. "Ce sont des Barbares, dit-il, qui n'ont aucune teinture de la politesse Romaine, & qui ignorent même ce qu'il y a de plus commun parmi les autres hommes; qui ne savent que ce que leurs Docteurs leur ont appris, & qui ne suivent que ce qu'ils leur ont ouï dire. Des ignorans comme opinionis errare. Salvianus.

15

Page 15 of 19 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oseo/instance.00263865 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-div1-35 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

eux, se trouvent dans la necessité d'apprendre les mysteres de l'Evangile plutôt par les enseignemens qu'on leur donne, que par les 20

V. livres qu'ils

........................................................................................................................... pg 276 [338] HÆRETICI] lisent. La tradition de leurs maîtres & la doctrine recuë sont

22. l'unique regle qu'ils suivent, parce qu'ils ne savent que ce qu'on leur a enseigné. Ils sont donc héretiques, mais ils l'ignorent: ils le sont selon nous; mais ils ne le croient pas; & se tiennent au contraire pour 5

10

15

si Catholiques, qu'ils nous traitent d'héretiques; jugeant de nous de même que nous faisons d'eux. Nous nous persuadons qu'ils font tort à la generation divine, en soûtenant que le fils est inferieur au Pere; & ils s'imaginent que nous ravissons la gloire au Pere, en les regardant comme égaux. Nous avons la verité de nôtre côté, & ils prétendent

qu'elle est du leur. Nous rendons à Dieu un honneur legitime, & ils pensent que ce qu'ils croient est plus propre à honorer la Divinité. Ils manquent à leur devoir, mais c'est lorsqu'ils s'imaginent de l'accomplir parfaitement, & ils font consister la veritable pieté dans ce que nous appellons impie. Ils sont donc dans l'égarement, mais c'est de bonne foi, & tant s'en faut que ce soit un effet de leur haine, que c'est une marque de l'amour qu'ils ont pour Dieu, puisqu'ils prétendent de témoigner mieux par là le respect qu'ils ont pour le Seigneur & leur zele pour sa gloire. Ainsi quoi qu'ils n'aient pas la vraie foi, ils regardent néanmoins ........................................................................................................................... pg 277 [339]

5

23. celle qu'ils ont comme un parfait amour de Dieu. De savoir comment ils seront punis de leurs erreurs au dernier jour, c'est ce qui appartient uniquement au juge de l'univers. Cependant je crois que Dieu exerce sa patience envers eux, parce qu'il voit que leur cœur est plus droit que leur créance & que s'ils se trompent, c'est un mouvement de pieté qui les jette dans l'erreur." *            * * ........................................................................................................................... Page 16 of 19 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oseo/instance.00263865 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-div1-35 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

[340]                                                                                          18

pg 278

CONFESSIO FIDEI] s'accorder, qu'on s'anathematise reciproquement,

il n'est presque plus personne qui demeure attaché à Jesus Christ. 24. Quel changement n'y a-t-il pas, dans la confession de l'année passée? 5

10

15

La premiere ordonne qu'on se taise sur l'homousion; la seconde l'établit & veut qu'on en parle; la troisiéme excuse les Peres du concile, & prétend qu'ils ont pris simplement le mot d'Ousia; la quatriême enfin les condamne au lieu de les excuser. A l'égard de la ressemblance du fils de Dieu avec son Pere, ce qui est la confession de foi de nôtre miserable temps; on dispute pour savoir s'il lui ressemble en tout, ou seulement en partie. Voilà de belles gens pour approfondir les secrets du ciel. Cependant c'est pour ces confessions de foi sur des misteres invisibles que nous nous calomnions les uns les autres, sur la creance que nous avons de Dieu. Nous faisons des confessions tous les ans & même tous les mois, nous nous repentons de ce que nous avons fait, nous défendons ceux qui s'en repentent, nous les anathematizons après les avoir défendus. Ainsi nous condamnons, ou les dogmes d'autres dans nous mêmes, ou nos dogmes dans les autres; & nous déchirant reciproquement nous avons causé nôtre perte mutuelle.

Page 17 of 19 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oseo/instance.00263865 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-div1-35 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

NOTES 1 de … d'Angleterre] 1, 1A, 1B | om. 2, 3, D, G, P 6 [1st] que] 1A, 1B, 2, 3, D | qu'on 1 1

Black lead, or graphite.

2

Cinnabar, a bright red pigment made from mercury (II) sulphide. In editions 1, 2, 3, G, and P (though not in 1a or 1b) these horizontal lines were printed in red ink. 19 sous ce titre] 1A, 2, 3, D | tous ce titre 1 | tous ces titres 1B 5 Acherusia] 1, 1A, 1B | Acheron 2, 3, D, G, P 6 Si] paragraph not indented in 1 5 y en pourroit] 1, 1A, 1B | pourroit y en 2, 3, D 1

John Marsham, Chronicus Canon Ægyptiacus Ebraicus Græcus et Disquisitiones (London, 1672); LL 1915. 7 Acherusia] 1, 1A, 1B, 2, 3, G, P | Acheron D 15 même, à cause] 1A, 1B, 3, D | même à cause, 1, 2 18 quelques] 1B, 3, D | quelque 1, 1A, 2 4 ACHERUSIA] 1, 1A, 1B, G | ACHERON 2, 3, D, P 4 prope] 2, 3, D, G, P | propre 1, 1A, 1B 1

Diodorus Siculus, Bibliotheca Historica, I. 23. 4–5. Locke's account follows Marsham's Latin translation of this passage very closely. 4 Marsham] 2, 3, D, G, P | not in 1, 1A, 1B 2 EBIONITAE] 1, 1A, 1B, 3, D, P | EBIONITA 2 | EBIONITES G 11 νομοθέτην‎] 1, 1A, 2, 3, D | νομοθέτιω‎ 1B, P, W, Grotius. 1

Hugonis Grotii Annotationes in Libros Evangeliorum (Amsterdam, 1641), 336; LL1336. On this passage, which is to be found only in the Latin translation of Origen's commentary, Page 18 of 19 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oseo/instance.00263865 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-div1-35 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

see A. F. J. Klijn, 'The Question of the Rich Young Man in a Jewish-Christian Gospel', Novum Testamentum, 8 (1966), 149–55; Petri Luomanen, 'Where Did Another Rich Man Come from? The Jewish–Christian Profile of the Story about a Rich Man in the "Gospel of the Hebrews" (Origen, Comm. in Matth. 15.14)', Vigiliae Christianae, 57 (2003), 243–75. 1

2 Tim. 2: 24–5.

1 1542] 2, 3, D, G, P | 1642 1, 1A, 1B 1

Omnium Operum D. Aurelii Augustini Hipponensis Episcopi (Basel, 1541–3; tom. 6 dated 1542). Not in Locke's library. 4 Ad] 1B | Ab 1, 1A, 2, 3 | ad D, G, P 1

D. Hilarii Pictavorum Episcopi Lucubrationes quotquot extant (Basel, 1570), 211–12. Not in Locke's library.

12

] 2, 3, G, P |

1, 1B, D | printing corrupted in 1A but apparently following 1

1

Salvian of Marseilles, De Gubernatione Dei, V. 8–11; in Salviani Massiliensis Opera (Nuremberg, 1623), 162–3. Not in Locke's library. 4 qu'il voit] 1A, 3, D | qu'ils voit 1, 2 | qu'ils voient 1B 19 nous] 1A, 1B, 2, 3, D | nous nous 1

Page 19 of 19 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oseo/instance.00263865 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-div1-35 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

Oxford Scholarly Editions Online

John Locke, Writings on the New Method (1686): A New Method of a Common-Place-Book (1685)

J. R. Milton, Brandon Chua, Geoff Kemp, David McInnis, John Spurr, and Richard Yeo (eds), The Clarendon Edition of the Works of John Locke, Vol. 23: Literary and Historical Writings Published in print:

2019

Published online:

March 2020

........................................................................................................................... PG 279

A NEW METHOD OF A COMMON-PLACE-BOOK

........................................................................................................................... pg 280 Sigla F   The French version in the Bibliothèque universelle et historique. P   Posthumous Works of Mr. John Locke (London, 1706). W   The Works of John Locke, Esq. (London, 1714). ........................................................................................................................... pg 281 [311] —————————————————————— A NEW

METHOD OF A

Common-Place-Book. ——————————————————————   Translated out of French from the Second

Page 1 of 18 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oseo/instance.00263866 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-div1-36 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

Volume of the Bibliotheque Universelle.   —————————————————————— ........................................................................................................................... pg 282 [312]

Page 2 of 18 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oseo/instance.00263866 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-div1-36 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

........................................................................................................................... pg 283 [313]

Page 3 of 18 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oseo/instance.00263866 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-div1-36 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

........................................................................................................................... Page 4 of 18 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oseo/instance.00263866 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-div1-36 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

[314]

pg 284

—————————————————————————————————— —————————————————————————————————— EPISTOLA.] A Letter from Mr. Locke to Mr. Toignard, containing a New and

2. Easie Method of a Common-Place-Book, to which an Index of two Pages is sufficient.   At length, Sir, in obedience to you, I publish my Method of a Common-

5

10

15

Place-Book. I am asham'd that I deferr'd so long complying with your Request, but I esteem'd it so mean a thing as not to deserve publishing in an Age so full of useful Inventions as ours is. You may remember that I freely communicated it to you, and several others, to whom I imagin'd it would not be unacceptable. So that it was not to reserve the sole use of it to my self, that I declin'd publishing it. But the regard I had to the Publick, discourag'd me from presenting it with such a Trifle. Yet my Obligations to you, and the Friendship between us, compel me now to follow your Advice. Your last Letter has perfectly determin'd me to it, and I am convinc'd that I ought not to delay publishing it, when you tell me that an Experience of several

........................................................................................................................... pg 285 [315]

5

10

3. Years has shew'd its Usefulness to you and several of your Friends to whom you have communicated it. There is no need I should tell you how useful it has been to me after five and twenty Years Experience, as I told you eight Years since, when I had the honour to wait on you at Paris, and when I might have been instructed by your learned and agreeable Discourse. What I aim at now by this Letter, is to testifie publickly the Esteem and Respect I have for you, and to convince you how much I am, Sir, your, &c. Before I enter on my Subject, it is fit to acquaint the Reader, that this Tract is disposed in the same manner that the Common-Place-Book ought to be disposed. It will be understood by reading what follows, what is the meaning of the Latin Titles on the top of the backside of each Leaf, and at the bottom of this Page. EBIONITÆ.] In eorum Evangelio, quod secundum Hebræos dicebatur, histo-

Page 5 of 18 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oseo/instance.00263866 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-div1-36 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

15

ria quæ habetur Matth. xix. 16. & seqq. ut alia quædam, erat interpolata in hunc Modum: Dixit ad eum alter divitum Magister quid bonum faciens vivam? Dixit ei Homo legem & Prophetas fac. Respondit ad 14. eum, feci. Dixit ei: vade, ........................................................................................................................... pg 286 [316] ADVERSARIORUM METHODUS.] I take a Paper Book of what size I please.

4. I divide the two first Pages that face one another by parallel Lines into five and twenty equal parts, every fifth Line black, the other red. I then cut them perpendicularly by other Lines that I draw from the 5

10

top to the bottom of the Page, as you may see in the Table prefixed. I put about the middle of each five spaces one of the twenty Letters I design to make use of, and a little forward in each space the five Vowels one below another in their natural Order. This is the Index to the whole Volume how big soever it may be.   The Index being made after this manner, I leave a Margin in all the other Pages of the Book, of about the largeness of an Inch in a Volume in Folio, or a little larger, and in a less Volume, smaller in proportion. If I would put any thing in my COMMON-PLACE-BOOK, I find out a Head to which I may refer it.

........................................................................................................................... pg 287 [317]

5

10

5. Each Head ought to be some important and essential Word to the matter in hand, and in that Word regard is to be had to the first Letter, and the Vowel that follows it; for upon these two Letters depend all the use of the Index. I omit three Letters of the Alphabet as of no use to me, viz. K. Y. W. which are supplied by C. I. U. that are equivalent to them. I put the letter Q. that is always followed with an U. in the fifth space of Z. By throwing Q. last in my Index, I preserve the regularity of my Index, and diminish not in the least its extent; for it seldom happens that there is any Head begins with Z. U. I have found none in the five and twenty Years I have used this Method. If nevertheless it be necessary, nothing hinders but that one may make a Reference after Q. U. provided it be done with any kind of distinction; but for more exactness a place may be assign'd for Q. U. below the Index, as I have formerly done. Page 6 of 18 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oseo/instance.00263866 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-div1-36 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

15

When I meet with any thing that I think fit to put into my CommonPlace-Book, I first find a proper Head. Suppose, for example, that the V Head be EPISTOLA, I look into the Index ........................................................................................................................... pg 288 [318] ADVERSARIORUM METHODUS.] for the first Letter and the following

V Vowel which in this instance are E. I. If in the space mark'd E. I. there 6. is any number, That directs me to the Page design'd for words that begin with an E. and whose first Vowel, after the initial Letter, is I. I

5

10

15

must then write under the word Epistola in that Page what I have to remark. I write the Head in large Letters, and begin a little way out into the Margin, and I continue on the Line in writing what I have to say. I observe constantly this Rule, that only the Head appears in the Margin, and that it be continued on without ever doubling the Line in

the Margin, by which means the Heads will be obvious at first sight. If I find no number in the Index in the space E. I. I look into my Book for the first backside of a Leafe that is not written in, which in a Book where there is yet nothing but the Index must be p. 2. I write then in my Index after E. I. the number 2. and the Head Epistola at the top of the Margin of the second Page, and all that I put under that Head in the same Page, as you see I have done in the second Page of this Method. From that time the Class E, I, is wholly in possession ........................................................................................................................... pg 289 [319]

5

10

7. of the second and third Pages. They are to be employ'd only on words that begin with an E. and whose nearest Vowel is an I, as Ebionitæ (see the bottom of the third Page) Episcopus, Echinus, Edictum Efficacia, &c. The reason why I begin always at the top of the back-side of a Leaf, and assign to one Class two Pages that face one another, rather than an entire Leaf, is, because the Heads of the Class appear all at once, without the trouble of turning over a Leaf. Every time that I would write a new Head, I look first in my Index for the Characteristick Letters of the word, and I see by the number that follows, what the Page is that is assigned to the Class of that Head. If there is no number, I must look for the first back-side of a Page that is blank. I then set down the number in the Index, and design that Page with that of the right side of the following Leaf to this new Class. Page 7 of 18 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oseo/instance.00263866 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-div1-36 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

15

Let it be, for example, the word Adversaria; if I see no number in the space A. E. I seek for the first back-side of a Leaf, which being at p. 4. I set down in the space A. E. the number 4. and in the fourth Page, the Head ADVERSARIA with all that I write under it, as I have already V informed you. From this time the fourth Page ........................................................................................................................... pg 290 [320] ADVERSARIORUM METHODUS.] with the fifth that follows is reserved for

V the Class A. E. that is to say for the Heads that begin with an A, and 8. whose next Vowel is an E; as for instance Aer, Aera, Agesilaus, Achero n, &c.   5

10

15

20

When the two Pages designed for one Class are full, I look forwards for the next back-side of a Leaf that is blank. If it be that which immediately follows, I write at the bottom of the Margin in the Page that I have filled the Letter V, that is to say, Verte, turn over; as likewise the same at the top of the next Page. If the Pages that immediately follow are already filled by other Classes, I write at the bottom of the Page last filled, the number of the next empty back-side of a Page. At the beginning of that Page I write down the Head, under which I go on with what I had to put in my Common-Place-Book, as if it had been in the same Page. At the top of this new back-side of a Leaf I set down the number of the Page I filled last. By these Numbers which refer to one another, the first whereof is at the bottom of one Page, and the second is at the beginning of another, one joyns Matter that is separated as if there was nothing between them. For by this reciprocal reference of Numbers one may turn as one Leaf all those that are between the two even as if they were pasted together. You have

........................................................................................................................... pg 291 [321] an example of this in the third and fourteenth Pages. 9. Every time I put a number at the bottom of a Page, I put it also into

5

the Index; but when I put only an V, I make no addition in the Index; the reason whereof is plain. If the Head is a Monosyllable and begins with a Vowel, that Vowel is at the same time both the first Letter of the word, and the Characteristick Vowel. Therefore I write the words Ars in A a and Os in O o.

Page 8 of 18 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oseo/instance.00263866 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-div1-36 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

  You may see by what I have said, that one is to begin to write each 10

15

20

Class of words on the back-side of a Page. It may happen upon that account, that the back-side of all the Pages may be full, and yet there may remain several Pages on the right Hand which are empty. Now if you have a mind to fill your Book, you may assign these right sides which are wholly blank, to new Classes.   If any one imagins that these hundred Classes are not sufficient to comprehend all sorts of Subjects without confusion, he may follow the same Method, and yet augment the number to five hundred, in adding a Vowel. But having experienc'd both the one and the other Method, I prefer the first; and usage will convince those who shall try

it how well it will serve the purpose aim'd at, especially if one has a Book V. for each Science ........................................................................................................................... pg 292 [322] ADVERSARIORUM METHODUS.] upon which one makes Collections, or at

5

10

15

V least two for the two Heads, to which one may refer all our Knowledge, 10. viz. Moral Philosophy and Natural.   You may add a third, which may be called the Knowledge of Signs, which relates to the use of words, and is of much more extent than meer Criticism. As to the Language in which one ought to express the Heads, I esteem the Latin Tongue most commodious, provided the Nominative Case be always kept to, for fear lest in words of two Syllables, or in Monosyllables that begin with a Vowel, the change which happens in oblique Cases should occasion Confusion. But it is not of much Consequence what Language is made use of, provided there be no mixture in the Heads of different Languages. To take notice of a place in an Author from whom I quote something, I make use of this Method: Before I write any thing, I put the Name of the Author in my Common-Place-Book, and under that Name the Title of the Treatise, the size of the Volume, the Time and Place of its Edition, and (what ought never to be omitted) the number of Pages that the whole Book contains. For example, I put into the Class

........................................................................................................................... pg 293 Page 9 of 18 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oseo/instance.00263866 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-div1-36 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

[323] 11. M. A. Marshami, Canon Chronicus Ægyptiacus, Græcus, & Disquisitiones fol. Lond. 1672. p. 626. This number of Pages serves me for the future to mark the particular Treatise of this Author, and the Edition I make use of. I have no need to mark the place, otherwise than in setting 5

10

15

down the number of the Page from whence I have drawn what I have wrote, just above the number of Pages contained in the whole Volume. You will see an example in Acherusia, where the number 259 is just above the number 626, that is to say, the number of the Page where I take my Matter, is just above the number of Pages of the whole Volume. By this means I not only save my self the trouble of writing Canon Chronicus, Ægyptiacus, &c. but am able by the Rule of Three to find out the same Passage in any other Edition, by looking for the number of its Pages; since the Edition I have used, which contains 626, gives me 259. You will not indeed always light on the very Page you want,

because of the breaches that are made in different Editions of Books, and that are not always equal in proportion; but you are never very far from the place you want, and it is better to be able to find a Passage in turning over a few Pages, than to be oblig'd to turn over a whole Book V to find ........................................................................................................................... pg 294 [324] ADVERSARIORUM METHODUS.] it, as it happens when the Book has no

5

10

15

V12. Index, or when the Index is not exact.   ACHERON.] Pratum, ficta mortuorum habitatio, est locus prope Memphin, juxta paludem quam vocant Acherusiam, &c. This is a Passage taken out of D. Siculus, the Sense whereof is this: The Fields where they feign that the Dead inhabit, are only a place near Memphis near a Marsh call'd Acherusia, about which is a most delightful Country, where one may behold Lakes and Forests of Lotus and Calamus. It is with reason that Orpheus said, the Dead inhabit these places, because there the Ægyptians celebrate the greatest part and the most august of their Funeral Solemnities. They carry the Dead over the Nile, and through the Marsh of Acherusia, and there put them into subterraneous Vaults. There are a great many other Fables among the Greeks touching the state of the Dead, which very well agree with what is at this day practised in Egypt. For they call the Boat in which the Dead

Page 10 of 18 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oseo/instance.00263866 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-div1-36 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

are transported, Baris; and a certain piece of Money is given to the Ferry-man for a Passage, who, in their Language, is called Charon. Near this place is a Temple of Hecate in the Shades, &c. and the Gates of Cocytus and Lethe ........................................................................................................................... pg 295 [325] 13. shut up with Bars of Brass. There are other Gates which are call'd the Gates of Truth, with the Statue of Justice before them, which has no Head. Marsham

. *            * *

........................................................................................................................... pg 296 [326] EBIONITÆ.] vende omnia quæ possides, & divide pauperibus, & veni,

14. sequere me. Cœpit autem Dives scalpere caput suum, & non placuit ei. Et dixit ad eum Dominus: quomodo dicis Legem feci & Prophetas? cùm scriptum sit in lege, diliges proximum tuum sicut teipsum: & 5

10

15

20

ecce multi fratres tui filii Abrahæ amicti sunt stercore, morientes præ fame, & domus tua plena est bonis multis, & non egreditur omnino aliquid ex ea ad eos. Et conversus dixit Simoni Discipulo suo sedenti apud se: Simon, fili Johannæ, facilius est camelum intrare per foramen acûs quam divitem in regnum cœlorum. Nimirum hæc ideo immutavit

Ebion quia Christum nec Dei Filium, nec νομοθέτωι‎, sed nudum interpretem Legis per Mosem datæ agnoscebat. In the Gospel of the Ebionites, which they called the Gospel according to the Hebrews, the Story that is in the XIXth of St. Matt. and in the 16th and following Verses, was changed after this manner: One of the rich Men said to him: Master, what shall I do that I may have life? Jesus said to him: Obey the Law and the Prophets. He answer'd, I have done so. Jesus said unto him, go, sell what thou hast, divide it among the Poor, and then come and follow me. Upon which the rich Man began to scratch his head, and to dislike the advice of Jesus. And the Lord said unto him, how can you say you have done ...........................................................................................................................

Page 11 of 18 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oseo/instance.00263866 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-div1-36 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

pg 297 [327] 15. as the Law and the Prophets directs you, since it is written in the Law, Thou shalt love thy Neighbour as thy self, and there are many of thy brethren, Children of Abraham, who are almost naked, and who are ready to dye with hunger, while thy house is full of good things, and yet thou givest 5

them no help nor assistance. And turning himself towards Simon his Disciple who sat near him: Simon, Son of Johanna, said he, it is easier for a Camel to go through the eye of a Needle, than for a rich Man to enter into the Kingdom of Heaven. Ebion chang'd this Passage, because he did not believe Jesus Christ to be the Son of God, nor a Law-giver, but a

10

.

meer interpreter of the Law of Moses. Grotius *            * *

........................................................................................................................... pg 298 [328] HÆRETICI] Nostrum igitur fuit eligere & optare meliora, ut ad vestram

correctionem aditum haberemus, non in contentione & æmulatione 16. & persecutionibus, sed mansuetè consolando, benevolè hortando, leniter disputando, sicut scriptum est, servum autem Domini non oportet litigare, 5

sed Mitem esse ad omnes, docibilem, patientem, in modestia corripientem diversa sentientes. Nostrum ergo fuit velle has partes expetere: Dei est volentibus & petentibus donare quod bonum est. Illi in vos sæviant, qui nesciunt cum quo labore verum inveniatur, & quam difficile caveantur errores. Illi in vos sæviant, qui nesciunt quam rarum & arduum sit carna-

10

lia phantasmata piæ mentis serenitate superare. Illi in vos sæviant, qui nesciunt cum quanta difficultate sanetur oculus interioris hominis ut possit intueri solem suum…… Illi in vos sæviant qui nesciunt quibus suspiriis & gemitibus fiat ut ex quantulacunque parte possit intelligi Deus. Postremo illi in vos sæviant qui nullo tali errore decepti sunt, quali vos deceptos vident. In Catholicâ enim Ecclesiâ, ut omittam sincerissimam sapientiam, ad cujus cognitionem pauci spiritales in hâc vitâ perveniunt, ut eam ex minimâ quidem parte quia homines sunt, sed tamen sine dubitatione cognoscant: cæteram quippe turbam non intelligendi vivacitas, sed credendi simplicitas tutissimam facit. Augustinus. Tom.

15

Page 12 of 18 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oseo/instance.00263866 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-div1-36 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

........................................................................................................................... pg 299 [329] 17. vi. Col. 116. Fol. Basiliæ. 1542. contra Epist. Manichæi, quam vocant Fundamenti. "We were of Opinion, that other Methods were to be made choice of, and that to recover you from your Errors, we ought not to persecute you with Injuries and Invectives, or any ill Treatment, but 5

10

15

endeavour to procure your attention by soft Words and Exhortations, which would shew the tenderness we have for you: according to that Passage of Holy Writ, The Servant of the Lord ought not to love Strife and Quarrels, but to be gentle, affable, and patient towards all Mankind, and to reprove with modesty those who differ from him in

Opinion…….Let them only treat you with rigour who know not how difficult it is to find out the Truth, and avoid Error. Let those treat you with rigor who are ignorant how rare and painful a Work it is calmly to dissipate the Carnal Phantoms that disturb even a Pious Mind. Let those treat you with rigor, who are ignorant of the extream difficulty that there is to purifie the Eye of the Inward Man, to render him capable of seeing the Truth, which is the Sun or Light of the Soul. Let those V treat you with rigor, who have never felt the Sighs and Groans that a 20. Soul must have before ........................................................................................................................... pg 300 [330] CONFESSIO FIDEI] Periculosum nobis admodum atque etiam miserabile est,

5

10

15

18. tot nunc fides existere, quot voluntates: & tot nobis doctrinas esse quot Mores: & tot causas blasphemiarum pullulare quot vitia sunt: dum aut ita fides scribuntur ut volumus, aut ita ut volumus intelliguntur. Et cum secundum unum Deum & unum Dominum, & unam baptisma etiam fides una sit, excidimus ab eâ fide quæ sola est: & dum plures fiant, id esse cœperunt ne ulla sit; Conscii enim nobis invicem sumus post Nicæni conventus Synodum nihil aliud quam fidem scribi. Dum in verbis pugna est, dum de novitatibus quæstio est, dum de ambiguis occasio est, dum de Autoribus querela est, dum de studiis certamen est, dum in consensu difficultas est, dum alter alteri anathema esse cœpit, prope jam nemo est Christi, &c. Jam vero proximi anni fides, quid jam de immutatione in se habet? Primum quæ Homousion decernit taceri: sequens rursum quæ Homousion decernit & prædicat. Tertium deinceps quæ Usiam simpliciter a patribus præsumptam, per indulgentiam excusat. Postremum quartum, quæ non excusat, sed condemnat, &c. De similitudine autem filii Dei ad Deum Patrem, quod miserabilis nostri Page 13 of 18 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oseo/instance.00263866 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-div1-36 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

temporis est fides, ne non ex toto, sed tantum ex portione sit similis? Egregii scilicet arbitri cœlestium sacramentorum conquisitores, invisibilium mysteriorum professio........................................................................................................................... pg 301 [331] 19. nibus de fide Dei calumniamur, annuas atque Menstruas de Deo fides decernimus, decretis pœnitemus, pœnitentes defendimus, defensos anathematizamus, aut in nostri aliena, aut in alienis nostra damnamus & mordentes invicem jam absumpti sumus invicem. Hilarius p. 211, in lib. ad 5

10

15

Constantium Augustum. Basil. 1550. fol. "It is a thing equally deplorable and dangerous, that there are at present as many Creeds as there are Opinions among Men, as many Doctrines as Inclinations, and as many sources of Blasphemy, as there are Faults among us, because we make Creeds arbitrarily, and explain them as arbitrarily. And as there

is but one Faith, so there is but one only God, one Lord, and one Baptism. We renounce this one Faith when we make so many different Creeds, and that diversity is the reason why we have no true Faith among us. We cannot be ignorant, that since the Council of Nice, we have done nothing but make Creeds. And while we fight against Words, litigate about new Questions, dispute about Equivocal Terms, V complain of Authors, that every one may make his own Party triumph, 24. while we cannot agree ........................................................................................................................... pg 302 [332] HÆRETICI.] it can attain any knowledge of the Divine Being. To conclude,

5

10

20. let those treat you with rigor, who never have been seduced into Errors, near a kin to those you are engaged in. I pass over in silence that pure Wisdom, which but a few Spiritual Men attain to in this Life; so that though they know but in part, because they are Men, yet nevertheless they know what they do know with certainty: For in the Catholick Church, it is not penetration of Mind, nor profound Knowledge, but simplicity of Faith, which puts Men in a state of safety." Barbari quippe homines Romanæ imo potius Humanæ eruditionis expertes, qui nihil omnino sciunt nisi quod a Doctoribus suis audiunt: quod audiunt hoc sequuntur, ac sic necesse est eos, qui totius literaturæ ac scientiæ ignari, sacramentum divinæ legis doctrina magis quam lectione cognoscunt, doctrinam potius retinere quam legem. Itaque eis traditio magistrorum suorum

Page 14 of 18 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oseo/instance.00263866 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-div1-36 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

15

& doctrina inveterata, quasi lex est, qui hoc sciunt quod docentur. Heretici ergo sunt, sed non scientes. Denique apud nos sunt Hæretici, apud se non sunt. Nam in tantum se Catholicos esse judicant ut nos ipsos titulo Hæreticæ appellationis infament. Quod ergo illi nobis sunt & hoc nos illis. ........................................................................................................................... pg 303 [333] Nos eos injuriam, divinæ generationi facere certi sumus, quod minorem Patre 21. Filium dicant. Illi nos injuriosos Patri existimant, quia æquales esse credamus. Veritas apud nos est; sed illi apud se esse præsumunt. Honor Dei apud nos est: sed illi hoc arbitrantur, honorem divinitatis esse quod credunt.

5

10

Inofficiosi sunt, sed illis hoc est summum Religionis officium. Impii sunt, sed hoc putant esse veram pietatem. Errant ergo, sed bono animo errant, non odio sed affectu Dei, honorare se Dominum atque amare credentes. Quamvis non habeant rectam fidem, illi tamen hoc perfectam Dei æstimant caritatem. Qualiter pro hoc ipso falsæ opinionis errore in die Judicii puniendi sunt, nullus scire potest nisi Judex. Interim idcirco eis, ut reor, patientiam Deus commodat, quia videt eos, etsi non recte credere, affectu tamen piæ . This Bishop speaks here of the Arian Goths and Vandals. "They are, says he, Barbarians, who have no tincture of the Roman Politeness, and who are ignorant of what is very commonly known among other Men, opinionis errare. Salvianus.

15

and only know what their Doctors have taught them, and follow what they have heard them say. Men so ignorant as these, find themselves under a necessity of learning the Mysteries of the Gospel rather by V the instructions that are given them, than by Books.

........................................................................................................................... pg 304 [334] HÆRETICI] The Tradition of their Doctors, and the received Doctrines

5

22. are the only Rule they follow, because they know nothing but what they have taught them. They are then Hereticks, but they know it not. They are so in our account, but they believe it not; and think themselves so good Catholicks, that they treat us as Hereticks, judging of us as we do of them. We are persuaded that they believe amiss concerning the Divine Generation, when they maintain the Son is inferiour to the Father; and they imagine that we rob the Father of his Glory who believe them both to be equal. We have the Truth on our side, and they Page 15 of 18 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oseo/instance.00263866 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-div1-36 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

10

15

pretend it is on theirs. We give to God his due Honour, and they think they honour him better. They fail in their Duty, but they imagine they perform perfectly well; and they make true Piety to consist in what we call Impious. They are in a Mistake, but with a great deal of Sincerity; and it is so far from being an effect of their Hatred, that it is a mark of their Love of God, since by what they do they imagine they shew the greatest Respect for the Lord, and Zeal for his Glory. Therefore tho' they have not true Faith, they nevertheless look upon that

........................................................................................................................... pg 305 [335] 23. which they have, as a perfect Love of God. It belongs only to the Judge of the Universe to know how these Men will be punished for their Errors at the last Day. Yet I believe God will shew Compassion towards them, because he sees their Heart is more right than their Belief, and 5

that if they are mistaken, it is their Piety made them err." *            * *

........................................................................................................................... pg 306 [336] CONFESSIO FIDEI.] while we anathematize one another, there is hardly

5

10

15

24. one that adheres to Jesus Christ. What change was there not in the Creed last Year! The first Council ordained a silence upon the Homousion; the second establish'd it and would have us speak; the third excuses the Fathers of the Council, and pretends they took the word Ousia simply; the fourth condemns them instead of excusing them. With respect to the likeness of the Son of God to the Father, which is the Faith of our deplorable Times, they dispute whether he is like in whole or in part. These are rare Folks to unravel the secrets of Heaven. Nevertheless it is for these Creeds about invisible Mysteries that we calumniate one another, and for our Belief in God. We make Creeds every Year, nay every Moon, we repent of what we have done, we defend those that repent, we anathematize those we defended. So we condemn either the Doctrine of others in our selves, or our own in that of others, and reciprocally tearing one another to pieces, we have been the cause of each others ruine."

Page 16 of 18 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oseo/instance.00263866 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-div1-36 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

FINIS.

Page 17 of 18 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oseo/instance.00263866 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-div1-36 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

NOTES 10 νομοθέτωι‎] P, W | νομοθέτην‎ F 16 perveniunt] F, W | perverniunt P 17 FINIS.] P | The END of the Common-Place-Book W

Page 18 of 18 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oseo/instance.00263866 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-div1-36 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

Oxford Scholarly Editions Online

John Locke, Writings on the English Universities (1690)

J. R. Milton, Brandon Chua, Geoff Kemp, David McInnis, John Spurr, and Richard Yeo (eds), The Clarendon Edition of the Works of John Locke, Vol. 23: Literary and Historical Writings Published in print:

2019

Published online:

March 2020

........................................................................................................................... PG 307

WRITINGS ON THE ENGLISH UNIVERSITIES

........................................................................................................................... pg 308

Page 1 of 1 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oseo/instance.00263867 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-work-5 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

Oxford Scholarly Editions Online

John Locke, Writings on the English Universities (1690): A Proposal to Abolish the Requirement of Ordination for Fellows of Colleges in Oxford and Cambridge

J. R. Milton, Brandon Chua, Geoff Kemp, David McInnis, John Spurr, and Richard Yeo (eds), The Clarendon Edition of the Works of John Locke, Vol. 23: Literary and Historical Writings Published in print:

2019

Published online:

March 2020

........................................................................................................................... PG 309

A PROPOSAL TO ABOLISH THE REQUIREMENT OF ORDINATION FOR FELLOWS OF COLLEGES IN OXFORD AND CAMBRIDGE

Bodleian Library, MS Locke c. 25, fo. 45.   And since a greater number of men in holy orders than can be well and plentifully provided for by ecclesiasticall preferments is of great prejudice to the said universities as also to the Church & Kingdom of England Be it further enacted by the authority aforesaid That noe fellow or scholler of 5

10

the foundation of any colledg in either of the said Universities who does not finde in himself a disposition & fitnesse for soe high & sacred a function shall be obleigd hereafter to take holy orders or shall suffer losse of his Place expulsion or any other punishment for the neglect or omission thereof Any statute law or usage in either of the said universities or of any colledg in either of the said universities notwithstanding

........................................................................................................................... pg 310

Page 1 of 2 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oseo/instance.00263868 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-div1-37 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

NOTES 2 preferments] preferment`s´ 3 said … the] `said … the´ 3 & … England] [the] {& Kingdem} [`of´] [& the universities themselves] `& Kingdom of England´ 4 fellow] [person] fellow 5 said Universities] `sd´ Universitie 6 in] `in´ 6 a disposition] [inclined or disposed to the study of Divinity or] a disposition 7 take] [put him self into] take 7–8 losse … Place] `losse of his Place´ 9 said] `sd´

Page 2 of 2 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oseo/instance.00263868 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-div1-37 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

Oxford Scholarly Editions Online John Locke, Rules for Societies (1692)

J. R. Milton, Brandon Chua, Geoff Kemp, David McInnis, John Spurr, and Richard Yeo (eds), The Clarendon Edition of the Works of John Locke, Vol. 23: Literary and Historical Writings Published in print:

2019

Published online:

March 2020

........................................................................................................................... PG 311

RULES FOR SOCIETIES

........................................................................................................................... pg 312

Page 1 of 1 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oseo/instance.00263869 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-work-6 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

Oxford Scholarly Editions Online

John Locke, Rules for Societies (1692): Rules of a Society (1687) J. R. Milton, Brandon Chua, Geoff Kemp, David McInnis, John Spurr, and Richard Yeo (eds), The Clarendon Edition of the Works of John Locke, Vol. 23: Literary and Historical Writings Published in print:

2019

Published online:

March 2020

........................................................................................................................... PG 313

RULES OF A SOCIETY

A Collection of Several Pieces of Mr. John Locke (London, 1720), 358–62. [358] RULES OF A SOCIETY, Which met once a week, for their improvement in useful Knowledge, and for the promoting of Truth and Christian Charity. I. 5

THAT it begin at six in the evening, and end at eight: unless a majority of

[359] two thirds present, are inclined to continue it longer. II. That no Person be admitted into this Society, without the suffrage of two thirds of the parties present, after the person desiring such admission,

10

15

20

hath subscribed to the Rules contain'd in this Paper, and answer'd in the affirmative to the following Questions:   1. Whether he loves all Men, of what Profession or Religion soever? 2. Whether he thinks no person ought to be harm'd in his Body, Name, or Goods, for mere speculative Opinions, or his external way of Worship? 3. Whether he loves and seeks Truth for Truth's sake; and will endeavour impartially to find and receive it himself, and to communicate it to others? III. That no Person be admitted occasionally, without a good testimony from some of the Society that knows him, and he answering in the affirmative [360] to the above-mention'd Questions.

Page 1 of 3 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oseo/instance.00263870 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-div1-38 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

IV. That every Member in his course, if he please, be Moderator; (and the Course here meant, is that of their Sirnames, according to the Alphabet); whose care must be to keep good Order, to propose the Question to be 25

debated, recite what may have been said to it already, briefly deliver the sense of the question, and keep the parties close to it; or, if he please, he may name one to be Moderator for him. The Question for the ensuing conference, to be always agreed, before the company departs. ................................................................................................................ pg 314 V. That no Person or Opinion be unhandsomely reflected on; but every Member behave himself with all the temper, judgment, modesty, and discretion he is master of.

5

10

15

20

25

VI. That every Member place himself to the left Hand of the Moderator, in [361] order, as | he happens to come in; and in his turn speak as plainly, distinctly, and concisely as he can to the Question propos'd, directing his discourse to the Moderator. VII. That no more than one Person speak at once; and none object, till it come to his turn to speak. VIII. That the Question having gone round; if the time will permit, and the company pleases, it may be discoursed again in the same order: and no weighty Question to be quitted, till a majority of two thirds be satisfy'd, and are willing to proceed to a new one. That when a Controversy is not thought by two thirds of the company, likely to be ended in a convenient time; then those two thirds may dismiss it, and, if they please, another Question may be propos'd. That two thirds of the company may adjourn the ordinary subject in question, for good and sufficient reasons. [362] IX. That no Question be propos'd, that is contrary to Religion, civil Government, or good Manners; unless it be agreed to debate such Question, meerly and only the better to confute it.     We whose Names are here underwritten, proposing to our selves an       improvement in useful Knowledge, and the promoting of Truth and       Christian Charity, by our becoming of this Society: do hereby declare       our approbation of, and consent to the Rules before written.

Page 2 of 3 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oseo/instance.00263870 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-div1-38 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

30

FINIS.

Page 3 of 3 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oseo/instance.00263870 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-div1-38 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

Oxford Scholarly Editions Online

John Locke, Rules for Societies (1692): The Rules of the Dry Club

J. R. Milton, Brandon Chua, Geoff Kemp, David McInnis, John Spurr, and Richard Yeo (eds), The Clarendon Edition of the Works of John Locke, Vol. 23: Literary and Historical Writings Published in print:

2019

Published online:

March 2020

........................................................................................................................... PG 315

THE RULES OF THE DRY CLUB

Bodleian Library, MS Locke c. 25, fos 56–7. Rules of the Dry Club:         For the Amicable Improvement of Mix'd Conversation.   The Place of Meeting shall, in the begining, be at the House, or Lodging, of each severall Member, successively. 5

10

15

20

He at whose House or Lodging the Meeting is, shall for that time preside in it, and be stiled Proposer. If hereafter the Company should think fit, to appoint any One fixed Place, for their Meeting; Yet, however, the Proposer shall every time be changed; And that, in some other fixed Method. And, at any time, in the Absence of the Person whose Turn it is to be Proposer, He that is first in Rank, according to the following Artickle, shall take the Place. The Rank to be observed in every Meeting, shall be; That He that comes first into the Room shall take his Seat on the Left Hand of the Proposer. And so every shall follow to take their Seats, on the Left Hand

of each other, in order, as they come in. The first thing to be done in every Meeting, shall be the Admission of new Members; if any be present, that have been duly chosen; according to the Rules below explained. The first Question to be spoke to in every Meeting, shall be what the Proposer of the last Meeting (after all Debates were done) proposed, then, to be debated in the next. This Question being proposed a new by the Present Proposer; He that sits next on the left hand shall first speak what he has to say to it; And after him those that follow, in the same Order: Every one endeavouring that their Answers may not be onely loose

Page 1 of 5 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oseo/instance.00263871 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-div1-39 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

25

30

Discourses upon the Subiect; but that they tend directly to, and (as much as possible) end in the Resolution of the Question proposed. Till the Question proposed has gon once round, in the forementioned Order, no body shall speak to it any more then once. But after it has gon once round, if any one thinks fit to add any thing further, he may then speak to it a second time: Which is all that is, regularly, and of course, to be permited. Yet, if at any time, through the Importance of the Question, and the Moderation of the Debate, the Company should be inclined, tacitly, to

................................................................................................................ pg 316 connive at the continuance of further Discurses upon the same Matter; (thô that, and every thing else, alwayes, inviolably, in the same regular order) Whensoever any Member shall either think that such Question has [56v] been sufficiently discussd, or that any appearance of growing Warmth | is 5

10

15

20

25

fit to be stopd, (and that it comes to the Turn of such Members to speak) It shall be then in his power, by minding onely the Proposer of the foregoing Order, to put an immediate End to the Debate on that Question, at that time. And the Company shall theireupon, without more adoe, proceed to a new Question. But since it may happen that Any one may, yet, not have sufficiently explained himself; If either He, or any other, think fit, They may in the next, or any following Meeting (after the first Question, which had been appointed for that Meeting, is ended) desire leave for a further Explication, or Clearing, of any such former Matter. When the first Question is ended; If no such Desire of Explaining former Matter intervene, and Time permit; Then he that sits next to the Proposer on the Left Hand shall offer another Question. And He that sits next to him that offers the Question shall speak first to it; And so on; Going still to the Left Hand, in offering new Questions, and speaking to what Questions shall be proposed, both in the same Order, as long as the Meeting lasts. All that is said shall, for Orders sake, be addressed to the Proposer onely, and to no body elce of the Company, And He that, in his Turn, is to offer any Question, shall in the first place explain it, and the Reason why he desires to have it discussd; And then shall offer it to the Proposer, that it may by him be proposed to the Company. After which, and not till then, it shall be spoke to by the severall Members, in the Order before Explained. That all offence may the more effectually be avoyded; no body shall, in any of these Questions or Debates, mention the Name either of any Person

Page 2 of 5 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oseo/instance.00263871 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-div1-39 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

30

35

liveing, present or absent, or of any Church, Sect, or Society of Men whatsoever, in this Island. The sole End of this Meeting being for a Serious and Impartial Enquiry after Truth, in Matters of Universal Concerment to Men, as Men; With the Maintenance of Charity under Different Opinions; and the

Promoting of Peace and a Good life; It is desired that, in all Enquiries and Debates, every one would have a Constant Eye to this Great End, and regulate himself by it. ................................................................................................................ pg 317 After all Debates are ended, the Proposer (as has before been intimated) shall propose unto the Company a new Question, to be considered of against the next Meeting. After the Proposal of that Question, Whoever has any Person in his Eye

5

10

15

20

25

30

that he thinks fit to be introduced, as a new Member, into this Society, may name him for that End. In the Close of the next, or any other following Meeting, He that so named another (or, in his Absence, any one of the Company that will answer for the person named for a new Member, as is below required) may [57r] desire leave to speak to him to that purpose. After Leave has been given, in this manner, to speak to any Person; That Person shall be admitted into this Society, whensoever he comes. But if that Leave have by the plurality of Suffrages been refused; He may, after three months, if any of the Company think fit, be named again a second time, in the same manner. Whoever desires Leave to speak to any Person, in order to introduce him into this Society, according to the Method above explained, shall then declare That he knows that Person; And that he Judges him to be a Worthy, Sober, and Ingennuous Man; Suited to the Conversation designed in these Meetings; And one that will satisfy the Company, by his Affirmative Answer to these following Questions; Which are to be asked every one at his first coming into this Society, together with his Consent to the Observation of all the Rules of it. 1: Q. Whether he has an Universal Charrity and Good will to all Men, as Men, of what Church or Profession of Religion soever they are? 2: Q. Whether he thinks that no Man ought, any way, to be harmed or prejudiced, in his name, Goods, or Person, for any Speculative Opinion in Religion, or Outward Way of Worship? 3: Q. Whether he loves and seeks Truth for Truths sake; And will do his Endeavour impartialy to find, and receive it, himself; and to communicate

Page 3 of 5 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oseo/instance.00263871 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-div1-39 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

and propagate it to others? ........................................................................................................................... pg 318

Page 4 of 5 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oseo/instance.00263871 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-div1-39 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

NOTES 14 on] [one] `on´ change perhaps by Locke 29 thing] ed. | think MS 1 Matter] Matter[s] 32 The] Th⟦is⟧e 2 unto] un⟦der⟧to 22 the] ed. | be MS 31 and] and / {and}

Page 5 of 5 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oseo/instance.00263871 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-div1-39 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

Oxford Scholarly Editions Online

John Locke, Writings on the Liberty of the Press (1695)

J. R. Milton, Brandon Chua, Geoff Kemp, David McInnis, John Spurr, and Richard Yeo (eds), The Clarendon Edition of the Works of John Locke, Vol. 23: Literary and Historical Writings Published in print:

2019

Published online:

March 2020

........................................................................................................................... PG 319

WRITINGS ON THE LIBERTY OF THE PRESS

........................................................................................................................... pg 320

Page 1 of 1 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oseo/instance.00263872 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-work-7 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

Oxford Scholarly Editions Online

John Locke, Writings on the Liberty of the Press (1695): Criticisms of the 1662 Printing Act (1694)

J. R. Milton, Brandon Chua, Geoff Kemp, David McInnis, John Spurr, and Richard Yeo (eds), The Clarendon Edition of the Works of John Locke, Vol. 23: Literary and Historical Writings Published in print:

Published online:

2019

March 2020

........................................................................................................................... PG 321

LOCKE'S CRITICISMS OF THE 1662 PRINTING ACT

Bodleian Library, MS Locke b. 4, fos 75–6. [75r] o

di

Anno 14 Car: 2 Cap. XXXIII           An Act for preventing abuses in Printing Seditious Treasonable and           unlicensed books & pamphlets & for regulateing printing & printing 1

          presses. 5

10

15

         §. 2 Heretical Seditious, Schismatical or offensive books, wherein any       thing contrary to Christian Faith, or the doctrine or discipline of       the Church of England is asserted, or which may tend to the Scandal       of Religion or the Church or the Government or Governors of the       Church State or of any Corporation or particular person are prohib      ited to be printed imported published or sold.    Some of these termes are soe general & comprehensive or at least soe submitted to the sense & interpretation of the Governors of Church or state for the time being that it is impossible any book should passe but just what suits their humors. And who knows but that the motion of the Earth 2

may be found to be Heretical, &c: as asserting Antipodes once was?

3

................................................................................................................ pg 322 I know not why a man should not have liberty to print what ever he would speake. & to be answerable for the one just as he is for the other if 1

he transgresses the law in either. But gaging a man for fear he should talk

Page 1 of 13 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oseo/instance.00263873 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-div1-40 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

2

heresie or sedition has noe other ground then such as will make gives

5

10

necessary for fear a man should use violence if his hands were free & must at last end in the imprisonment of all whom you will suspect may be guilty of Treason, or misdemeanour. To prevent mens being undiscoverd for what they print you may Prohibit any book to be printed published or Sold without the printers or booksellers name under great penalties whatever be in it. And then let the printer or bookseller whose name is to it be answerable for whatever is against law in it as if he were the author unlesse he can produce the person he had it from. which is all the restraint ought to be upon printing          §. 3. All books prohibited to be printed that are not first Enterd in the

15

      Register of the company of Stationers & licensed.    Whereby it comes to passe that sometimes when a booke is brought to be entred in the register of the Company of Stationers, if they think it may 3

turne to account, they entre it there as theirs, whereby the other person is hinderd from printing & publishing it. an Example whereof can be 20

4

given by Mr Awnsham Churchill.

         § 6 Noe books to be printed or imported, which any person or persons       by force or vertue of any letters patents have the right priviledg author      ity or allowance solely to print, upon pein of forfeiture, & being pro      ceeded against as an offender against this present act, & upon the 25

      further penalty & forfeiture of six shillings eightpence for every such       book or books or part of such book or books imported bound stiched or 5

      put to sale. a moiety to the K— & a moiety to the owner.    By this clause the Company of Stationers have a Monopoly of all the Clasick Authers. & scholers cannot but at excessive rates have the fair & ................................................................................................................ pg 323 correct editions of these books & the comments on them printed beyond seas. For the company of stationers have obteind from the crown a patent to 1

print all or at least the greatest part of the clasick authers, upon pretence, as I hear, that they should be well & truly printed where as they are by them 5

scandalously ill printed both for letter paper & correctnesse. & scarse one tolerable edition made by them of any one of them: whenever any of these books of better editions are imported from beyond seas, the company seize

Page 2 of 13 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oseo/instance.00263873 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-div1-40 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

s

d

them & make the importer pay 6 –8 for each booke soe imported or else they confiscate them. unlesse they are soe bountifull as to let the importer com10

pound with them at a lower rate. There are dayly examples of this. I shall mention one which I had from the sufferers owne mouth. Mr Sam Smith two or three years since imported from Holland Tullis works of a very fine edition 2

with new corrections made by Gronovius who had taken the pains to compare that which was thought the best edition before, with several ancient 15

3

MSS & to correct his by them. These Tullis works upon pretence of their patent for their alone printing Tullis works or any part thereof & by virtue of this clause of this act the company of Stationers seized & kept a good s

d

while in their custody demanding 6 –8 per book, how at last he compounded with them I know not. But by this act scholers are subjected to the 20

power of these dull wretches who doe not soe much as understand Latin whether they shall have any true or good copys of the best ancient Latin [57r] s

25

30

5

10

d

authors, unlesse they will pay them 6 –8 a book for that leave. An other thing observable is that what ever mony by vertue of this clause they have levied upon the subject either as forfeiture or composition I am apt to beleive not one farthing of it has ever been accounted for to the K or brought into the exchequer, though this clause reserve a moiety to the King, & tis probable considerable sums have been raised Upon occasion of this instance of the Clasick authors I demand whether if an other act for printing should be made it be not reasonable that noebody should have any peculiar right in any book which has been in print fifty ................................................................................................................ pg 324 years, but any one as well as an other might have the liberty to print it for by such titles as these which lie dorment & hinder others many good books come quite to be lost. But be that determined as it will in regard of those Authors who now write & sell their copys to booksellers. This certein is very absurd at first sight that any person or company should now have a title to the printing of the works of Tullie Cæsar or Livy who lived soe many ages since exclusive of any other, nor can there be any reason in nature why I might not print them as well as the Company of Stationers if I thought fit. This liberty to any one of printing them is certainly the way to have them the cheaper & the better. & tis this which in Holland has produced soe many fair & excellent editions of them whilst the printers all strive to out doe one an other. which has also brought in great sums to the trade of Holland. Whilst our Company of Stationers haveing the monopoly here by this Act & their patents

Page 3 of 13 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oseo/instance.00263873 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-div1-40 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

15

20

25

1

slubber them over as they can cheapest, soe that there is not a book of them vended beyond seas both for their badnesse & dearnesse nor will the Schollers beyond seas look upon a book of them now printed at London soe ill & false are they. besides it would be hard to finde how a restraint of printing the Classick Authors does any way prevent printing Seditious & Treasonable pamphlets which is the Title & pretence of this Act          §. 9. Noe English book may be imprinted or imported from beyond       the sea. Noe foreigner or other unlesse stationer of London may       import or sel any books of any language whatsoever.    This clause serves only to confirme & enlarge the Stationers monopoly.    .      § 10. In this § besides a great many other clauses to secure the       Stationers monopoly of printing which are very hard upon the subject       the stationers interest is soe far preferd to all others that a Landlord       who lets an house forfeits five pounds if he know that his tenant       has a printing presse in it & does not give notice of it to the master &

................................................................................................................ pg 325       wardens of the Stationers company. Nor must a Joyner, Carpenter       or Smith &c: worke about a printing presse without giveing the like       notice under the like penaltie.    Which is greater caution than I think is used about the presses for coynage 5

to secure the people from false money.          By §11 the number of Master printers were reduced from a greater 1

      number to twenty & the number of Master founders of letters

10

      reduced to fower. & upon vacancy the number to be filled by the       ArchBishop of Canterbury & Bishop of London. & to give security       not to print any unlicensed books.    2

15

This hinders a man who has served out his time the benefit of seting up his trade which whether it be not against the right of the subject as well as contrary to common equity deserves to be considerd          §12 The number of presses that every one of the twenty master       printers shall have are reduced to two. only those who have been       Masters or upper wardens of the company may have three and as

Page 4 of 13 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oseo/instance.00263873 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-div1-40 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

      many more as the ArchBishop of Canterbury or Bishop of London       will allow.       §13 Every one who hath been master or upper warden of the company 20

3

      may have three. Every one of the Livery two, & every master printer       of the yeomanry but one apprentice at a time    By which restraint of presses & takeing of apprentices & the prohibition in §14 of takeing or useing any journey men except English men & freemen of the Trade is the reason why our printing is soe very bad & yet

25

30

soe very dear in England. they who are hereby priviledgd to the exclusion [76r] of others workeing & seting the price as they please. where by any | advantage that might be made to the realme by this manifacture is wholy lost to England & thrown into the hands of our neighbours. The sole manifacture of printing bringing into the low Countrys great sums every year. But our ecclesiastical laws seldom favour trade. & he that reads this act

................................................................................................................ pg 326 1

with attention will find it upse ecclesiastical. The nation looses by this act. for our books are soe dear & ill printed that they have very little 2

vent amongst forainers unlesse now & then by truck for theirs which yet shews how much those who buy here books printed here are imposed on. 5

Since a book printed at London may be bought cheaper at Amsterdam 3

10

than in Pauls churchyard notwithstanding all the charge & hazard of transportation. For their printing being free & unrestraind they sell their books at soe much a cheaper rate than our booksellers doe ours, that in truck valueing ours proportionably to their own, or their own equaly to ours which is the same thing, they can afford books received from London upon such exchanges cheaper in Holland than our Stationers sell them in England. By this Act England looses in General. Schollers in particular are 4

15

ground & noe body gets but a lazy ignorant company of Stationers to say noe worse of them. But any thing rather than let mother Church be disturbd in her opinions or impositions, by any bold enquirer from the presse.          §15 One or more of the Messengers of his Majesties chamber, by war5

20

      rant under his Majesties signe manual, or under the hand of one of       his Majesties principal Secretarys of State, or the master & wardens       of the company of Stationers takeing with him a constable & such       assistance as they shall think needfull has an unlimited power to search

Page 5 of 13 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oseo/instance.00263873 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-div1-40 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

      all houses & to seise upon all books which they shall but think fit       to suspect    How the gent much more how the Peers of England came thus to prostitute their houses to the visitation & inspection of any body much lesse 25

6

a messenger upon pretence of searching for books I cannot imagin. ................................................................................................................ pg 327 Indeed the houses of Peers & others not of the trades mentiond in this act are pretended to be exempted from this search §18 where tis provided they shall not be searchd but by special warrant under the Ks signe manual or under the hands of one of the secretarys of state. But this is but the

5

shadow of an exemption for they are still subject to be searchd every corner 1

10

15

& coffer in them under pretence of unlicensed books, a mark of Slavery which I think their ancesters would never have submitted to. Thus to lay their houses which are their castles open not to the pursuit of the law against a malefactor convicted of Misdemeanor or accused upon oath, but to the suspition of haveing unlicensed books, which is whenever it is thought fit to search his house & see what is in it          §16 All printers offending any way against this act incapacitated to       exercise their trade for 3 years. And for the second offence perpetual       incapacity with any other punishment not reaching to life or Limb.    2

And thus a man is to be undone & starve for printing Dr Burys case or 3

the history of Tom Thumb unlicensed

20

         §17 Three copys of every book printed are to be reservd whereof two to       be sent to the two universitys by the master of the stationers company    This clause upon examination I suppose will be found to be mightily if not wholy neglected, as all things that are good in this act, the company of Stationers mindeing noe thing in it but what makes for their monopoly. I beleive that if the publique Librarys of both universities be looked into (which this will give a fit occasion to doe) there will not be found in them half perhaps not o

4

one in ten of the copys of books printed since this act. vid 17 Car. 2. Cap 4

................................................................................................................ pg 328 § last. This act though made in a time when every one strove to be

Page 6 of 13 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oseo/instance.00263873 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-div1-40 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

forwardest to make court to the church & court by giveing whatever was asked. yet this was soe manifest an invasion on the trade liberty & propertie of the subject that it was made to be in force only for two 5

years. From which 14th Car: 2. it has by the joynt endeavour of

Church & Court been from time to time revived & soe continued to this day. Every one being answerable for Books he publishes prints or sels conteining any thing seditious or against law makes this or any other act for the restraint of printing very needlesse in that part & 10

15

o

soe it may be left free in that part as it was before 14 Car. 2. That any person or company should have patents for the sole printing of Ancient authors is very unreasonable & injurious to learning. And for those who purchase copies from Authors that now live & write it may be reasonable to limit their property to a certein number of years after

the death of the Author or the first printing of the book as suppose [76v] 50 or 70 years. This I am sure tis | very absurd & ridiculous that any one now liveing should pretend to have a propriety in or a power to dispose of the proprietie of any copys or writeings of authors who lived before printing was known & used in Europe.

Page 7 of 13 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oseo/instance.00263873 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-div1-40 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

NOTES 1

The full title was 'An Act for preventing the frequent Abuses in printing seditious treasonable and unlicensed Bookes and Pamphlets and for regulating of Printing and Printing Presses' (SR, v. 428). Locke's omission of 'the frequent' followed his probable source, Ferdinando Pulton and Thomas Manby's Collection Of all the Statutes (London, 1670), 1385. Locke also omitted 'of', unlike the Collection, but such an omission was not unusual: the word is absent in the record of the bill's assent on 19 May 1662: LJ, xi. 472. 6 Faith] [Practice] Faith 10 imported] [to be] imported 12 Governors] [present] Governors 13 for … being] `for the time being´ 15 &c:] `&c:´ 2

In the condemnation of Copernicanism made by the Roman church in 1616 the movement of the Earth moves was adjudged 'at least erroneous in faith', and the Sun's immobility 'formally heretical' because explicitly contrary to scripture: Maurice A. Finocchiaro, The Galileo Affair: A Documentary History (Berkeley, 1989), 146, 149. 3

This referred to positing the existence of human beings on the other side of the Earth, rather than to its sphericity as such. Augustine's influential discussion (De Civitate Dei, XVI. 9) discounted the possibility, but the only case of its being declared heretical appears to have been in 748 when Pope Zachary condemned the opinions of Vergilius of Salzburg; this event was mentioned in several works in Locke's time, including one he certainly owned and read: Richard Baxter's Church-History of the Government of Bishops and their Councils abbreviated (London, 1681), 211 (LL 227). In 1667 Locke had described belief in antipodes as a speculative opinion that ought to be tolerated (An Essay concerning Toleration, 271). In the Essay concerning Human Understanding he referred to this belief as having been declared a heresy (IV. iii. 30), and did so again in his Reply to the Right Reverend the Lord Bishop of Worcester's Answer to his Letter (London, 1697), 84. 1

Gagging.

2

Gyves: shackles, especially for the leg: OED, gyve.

8 you may] `you may´

Page 8 of 13 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oseo/instance.00263873 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-div1-40 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

11 whose] `whose´ 12–13 person … from] [author] `person … from´ 16 when] [th] when 18 it] [th] it 3

Turn to account: bring benefits or advantages.

4

This is almost certainly the interlinear edition of Aesop's Fables proposed by Locke. On 14 May 1694 new by-laws had been passed by the Company in response to concerns over Register entries and 'rights being invaded by evill minded men': Chronology, iii. 169–72. 21 printed or] `printed or´ 5

A half-share to the King.

28 [2nd] of] [upon] of 29 but … rates] `but … rates´ 1 & … them] [being] `& … them´ 3 or] [th] or 1

On patents relating to classical authors, see above, 82–5.

4 that] [of] that 6 tolerable] [of them tolerably printed] tolerable 6 any of] [the better editions of] `any of´ 9 as] `as´ 10 There] [Mr Sam Smith a bookseller in Pauls Churchyard had lately an] There 12 Tullis] Tull⟦y⟧is 2

Jakob Gronow (1645–1716).

14 that] [&] that

Page 9 of 13 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oseo/instance.00263873 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-div1-40 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

15 Tullis] [cop⟨ies⟩] Tullis 3

Marci Tullii Ciceronis Opera quae extant omnia (Leiden, 1692), described on its title-page as a revision of the edition produced by Johann Wilhelm and Jan Gruter. 17 clause] `clause´ 17 the … Stationers] [they] `the … Stationers´ 19 the] the[ir] 21 ancient] [learned aut⟨hors⟩] ancient 23 is] [upon this clause] is 27 sums] [somes] `sums´ 1 print it] print[d] `it´ 3 in] [by the] in 4 Authors] `Authors´ 4 write &] inserted at end of line and in LH margin 6 the … of] `the works of´ 6 Tullie Cæsar or Livy] Tullie[s] Cæsar{s} or Livy{s} [works] 7 who … since] `who … since´ 8 in nature] `in nature´ 10 is] [w] is 12 the printers] [every one strives to out] [they] `the [publishers] printers´ 14 here] `here´ 1

Deal with in a hurried and careless manner: OED, slubber, 3b.

17 beyond] [look] beyond 17 now] `now´

Page 10 of 13 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oseo/instance.00263873 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-div1-40 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

18–20 besides … Act] written vertically in LH margin, in Brounower's hand; keyed with r

number (2) indicating that it is later than the marginal addition on fo. 76 22 or … London] `or … London´ 25 §] [clause] § 27 the] [there] the 6 by §11] [§11] By [this] §`11´ 1

Those who cast metal type for printing.

2

Someone who had served his time as an apprentice and become a freeman, and was therefore in principle free to run his own business. 16 and] ⟦or⟧and 3

The senior members of the Stationers' Company, entitled to wear the Company's livery on payment of the required fees, the other members above the level of apprentices forming the Yeomanry: Blagden, The Stationers' Company, 37–8. 22 the] `the´ 23 in §14] `in [the next] §14´ 1

Entirely, or thoroughly: OED, upsy.

2

Trading by exchange of commodities, or barter: OED, truck, 1a.

4 here] `here´ 3

The area around St Paul's Cathedral that was the centre of the London book trade. Samuel Smith was based at the sign of the Prince's Arms in St Paul's Churchyard; Awnsham and John Churchill's business, under the sign of the Black Swan, was close by in Ave Maria Lane until 1691, and then in Paternoster Row. 7 sell] [afford to & their books in truck at soe much a cheaper rate than our booksellers sell ours for] sell 8 our booksellers] [we] `our booksellers´

Page 11 of 13 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oseo/instance.00263873 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-div1-40 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

4

Meaning uncertain, perhaps run aground or stranded (OED, ground, 11), or floored (OED, ground, 9b), or possibly ground down (OED, grind, 2a). 5

The royal signature placed on warrants and other official documents.

20 has] [have] has 25 upon … books] [authorised by the master & wardens of the Company of Stationers] `upon … books´ 6

Intention, purpose, or design: OED, pretence, 6.

1–11 Indeed … it] addition by Locke, first word added at line-end, remainder written vertically in LH margin, keyed with number (1) 1

A box or chest, especially a strong box in which money or valuables are kept: OED, coffer.

15 Dr] [the] Dr 2

A reference to the ejection of Dr Arthur Bury (1623/4–1713, ODNB) from his place as Rector of Exeter College, Oxford, following the publication of his Naked Gospel in 1690, and to the prolonged litigation that ensued. 3

No work with this title was published in the seventeenth century, though there were four editions of Tom Thumb his Life and Death between 1655 and 1686. No work on Tom Thumb appears ever to have been the subject of prosecution or printing dispute, and it would seem likely that Locke chose it simply as a reductio ad absurdum of the use of licensing. 17 printed are] `printed are´ 17 whereof] [to be] whereof 20 of] [min⟨ding⟩] of 22 this] [the endeavour to renew this] this 4

The 1665 'Act for continuance of a former Act for regulateing the Presse', SR, v. 577. As well as renewing the 1662 Act, it added a ten-day time-limit for legal deposit and set a fine of five pounds per copy for non-compliance. The 1665 statute was included in Pulton and Manby's Collection, at 1458. 5 14th] 14th [yea⟨r⟩]

Page 12 of 13 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oseo/instance.00263873 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-div1-40 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

6 revived] [continue⟨d⟩] revived 7 Books] [what] `Books´ 8 seditious] [ag⟨ainst⟩] seditious 11 person] [one body] person 11 sole] [printing] sole 15 or] [as suppose 50] or 17 liveing] `liveing´

Page 13 of 13 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oseo/instance.00263873 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-div1-40 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

Oxford Scholarly Editions Online

John Locke, Writings on the Liberty of the Press (1695): Proposed Amendments to the First 1695 Printing Bill (1695)

J. R. Milton, Brandon Chua, Geoff Kemp, David McInnis, John Spurr, and Richard Yeo (eds), The Clarendon Edition of the Works of John Locke, Vol. 23: Literary and Historical Writings Published in print:

2019

Published online:

March 2020

........................................................................................................................... PG 329

LOCKE'S PROPOSED AMENDMENTS TO THE FIRST 1695 PRINTING BILL

Bodleian Library, MS Locke b. 4, fo. 78. [78r]       And be it farther enacted that noe printer shall print the name of       any person as Author or publisher of any book pamphlet pourtraic      ture or paper without authority given in writeing for soe doeing under       the penalty of forfeiting the sum of ⟨blank⟩ to the party whose name 5

10

15

20

      shall be soe printed as Author or publisher & the further &c To secure the Authors property in his copy, or his to whom he has transferd it I suppose such a clause as this will doe, subjoind to the clause above written       And be it farther enacted that noe booke pamphlet pourtraiture or       paper printed with the name of the Author or publisher upon it shall

      within ⟨blank⟩ years after its first edition be reprinted with or without       the name of the Author to it without Authority given in writeing by the       Author or somebody intituled by him, for soe doeing under the pen      alty of the forfeiture of all that shall be soe reprinted to the Author his       Executors Administrators or Assignes. Or thus After these words in the Bill—For the use of the publique Librarys of the said universities Adde as followeth       And for the better encouragement thereof be it farther enacted       that upon delivery of three copys as aforesaid for the use of the said       three librarys, A receit under the hand of the Kings Library Keeper &       under the hand of the Vice Chanceler of each university to whom they

Page 1 of 3 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oseo/instance.00263874 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-div1-41 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

[78r]       are deliverd who are | hereby required to give such receits, for the       said books shall vest a priviledg in the Author of the said book his       executors administrators & assignes of solely reprinting & publishing 25

      the said book for ⟨blank⟩ years from the first edition thereof with a       power to seize on all copys of the said book reprinted by any other       person which by vertue of this act shall be forfeited to the said author       his executors administrators & Assignes ........................................................................................................................... pg 330

Page 2 of 3 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oseo/instance.00263874 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-div1-41 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

NOTES 1 printer] [person] `printer´ 2 as Author] marginal note by Locke: NB the words as Author are left out in my copy but I suppose are in the bill 7 [2nd] clause] [foregoeing] clause 19 upon delivery of] [whatever] [`if any´] {`whatever´} [author or publisher of any book shall deliver or cause to be delivered] `upon … of´ addition in LH margin 23 priviledg] [title] `priviledg´ 24 of] [a priviledg & right] of 24 & publishing] `& publishing´

Page 3 of 3 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oseo/instance.00263874 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-div1-41 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

Oxford Scholarly Editions Online John Locke, The Preface to Aesop's Fables (1703)

J. R. Milton, Brandon Chua, Geoff Kemp, David McInnis, John Spurr, and Richard Yeo (eds), The Clarendon Edition of the Works of John Locke, Vol. 23: Literary and Historical Writings Published in print:

2019

Published online:

March 2020

........................................................................................................................... PG 331

THE PREFACE TO AESOP'S FABLES

........................................................................................................................... PG 332 ........................................................................................................................... PG 333

THE PREFACE TO AESOP'S FABLES

Aesop's Fables, in English & Latin, Interlineary, for the Benefit of those who Not having a Master, Would Learn Either of these Tongues (London, 1703), Preface, italics reversed. [sig. a2r] THE PREFACE. The design of the following Translation, is for the help of those that have a mind to understand Latin Books, but have not the opportunity or leisure to learn that Language by Grammar. 5

10

15

And that it is not an impossible thing to learn a Language without first beginning with the rules of Grammar we see every day by Women and Childrens learning the French Tongue, who know not what Grammar signifies. Another use may be made of this Translation, which is to help Strangers,

who understand Latin to learn English. This being the design of the Translation, it will not seem strange if it has been endeavour'd to be made as Litteral as could possibly be, that [sig. 2av] the Words which answer one | another, being placed one over another, the signification of the one might be learnt from the other, which are always printed in the same Character, to shew their correspondence. Particular Phrases there are in every Language, which can not be renPage 1 of 3 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oseo/instance.00263875 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-work-8 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

dred word for word in another Tongue. Where these occur in the Latin, you will find several Latin Words together Printed in the same Character, and answer'd by one or more in English in the same Character. In other

20

places where it can be done, every other word is printed in a different

Character, and the Word that answers it in the same. In many places it has been necessary to add Words in the English, to make up the Sense, where there are none to answer them in the Latin, these are printed in the old English Character, or between Crotchets, dif25

30

5

10

15

ferent from the other two. The reading of the Latin, will by this means insensibly, and with ease make every one, that does so, understand it, he having the English every where ready at hand in the next Line to help him where he sticks; for he needs but cast his Eye to that which stands directly over it to know the meaning of the Latin.

................................................................................................................ pg 334 More over to teach those who are ignorant, how to Accent the Latin Words right, a little Stroke upon the last Syllable but one, in all Words above two Syllables, shews that Syllable is to be pronounced long, else [sig. a3r] the Accent is to be upon the third Syllable backwards. The English of these Fables cannot be expected to be very good, it being intended verbally to answer the Latin as much as possibly it could, the better to attain the end for which this Translation was made. There is added to this, the Pictures of the several Beasts treated of in these Fables, to make it still more taking to Children, and make the deeper impression of the same upon their Minds. It will help to facilitate the learning of the Latin; if he that reads these Fables with that design, will ever now and then read the Declensions of the Latin Nouns and Pronouns, and the Conjugations of the Verbs in the Accidence, whereby he will see and learn the variation of the termination of words in the Latin Tongue, and be brought into the knowledge of the force of them.

Page 2 of 3 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oseo/instance.00263875 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-work-8 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

NOTES 3 to be] ed. | be to 1

Page 3 of 3 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oseo/instance.00263875 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-work-8 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

Oxford Scholarly Editions Online

John Locke, Writings on the First Earl of Shaftesbury and his Family (1704) J. R. Milton, Brandon Chua, Geoff Kemp, David McInnis, John Spurr, and Richard Yeo (eds), The Clarendon Edition of the Works of John Locke, Vol. 23: Literary and Historical Writings Published in print:

2019

Published online:

March 2020

........................................................................................................................... PG 335

WRITINGS ON THE FIRST EARL OF SHAFTESBURY AND HIS FAMILY

........................................................................................................................... pg 336

Page 1 of 1 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oseo/instance.00263876 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-work-9 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

Oxford Scholarly Editions Online

John Locke, Writings on the First Earl of Shaftesbury and his Family (1704): Memoirs relating to the Life of Anthony First Earl of Shaftesbury J. R. Milton, Brandon Chua, Geoff Kemp, David McInnis, John Spurr, and Richard Yeo (eds), The Clarendon Edition of the Works of John Locke, Vol. 23: Literary and Historical Writings Published in print:

2019

Published online:

March 2020

........................................................................................................................... PG 337

MEMOIRS RELATING TO THE LIFE OF ANTHONY FIRST EARL OF SHAFTESBURY

........................................................................................................................... pg 338 Sigla A   National Archives, PRO 30/24/42/62, fos 9–15. C   Bodleian Library, MS Locke b. 4, fos 109–14. F   'Mémoires pour servir à la Vie d'Antoine Ashley, Comte de Shaftesbury, & Grand Chancellier d'Angleterre, sous Charles II.', Bibliothèque choisie, 7 (1705), 146–91. P   Posthumous Works of Mr. John Locke (London, 1706), 281–306. W   The Works of John Locke Esq. (London, 1714). ........................................................................................................................... pg 339 [9r] Memoirs 1

Being at Oxford in the begining of the Civil Warr, (for he was on that side as long as he had any hopes to serve his country there) he was st

5

2

brought one day to K C 1 by the Lord Falkland his friend then secretary of state & presented to him as haveing some thing to offer to his Majestie worth his consideration. At this audience he told the King that he thought he could put an end to the warr if his Majestie pleased & would Page 1 of 30 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oseo/instance.00263877 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-div1-43 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

assist him in it. The K answerd that he was a very yonge man for soe great an undertakeing. Sir replyd he that will not be the worse for your 10

15

affairs provided I doe the business, whereupon the K shewing a willingness to hear him he discoursd to him to this purpose The Gentlemen & men of Estates who first engaged in this warr seeing now after a year or two that it seems to be noe nearer the end than it was at first & begining to be weary of it I am very well satisfied would be glad

to be at quiet at home again if they could be assurd of a redress of their greivances, & have their rights & libertys secured to them. This I am satisfied is the present temper generaly through all England & particularly in 3

those parts where my estate & concernes lies. if therefore your Majestie will impower me to treat with the Parliament garisons to grant them a 20

full & general pardon with an assurance that a general amnestie armes being laid down on both sides, should reinstate all things in the same posture they were before the war & then a free parliament should doe what more remaind to be done for the settlement of the Nation ................................................................................................................ pg 340 1

5

That he would begin & trie the experiment first in his own country & [9v] doubted not but | the good success he should have there would open him the gates of other adjoinyng garisons bringing them the news of peace & security in laying down their armes. Being furnished with full power according to his desire away he goes to Dorset shire where he managed a treaty with the garisons of Pool Weymouth 2

Dorchester & others & was soe successfull in it that one of them was actually put into his hands as the other were to have been some few days 3

10

after. But Prince Maurice who commanded some of the Kings forces being with his army then in those parts noe sooner heard that the town was surenderd but he presently marchd into it & gave the pillage of it to his 4

Soldiers. This A saw with the utmost displeasure & could not forbear to express his resentments to the prince so that there passed some pretty hot 5

15

20

words between them. But the violence was committed & thereby his designe broken. All that he could doe was that he sent to the other garisons he was in treaty with to stand upon their guard for that he could not secure his articles to them & soe this designe proved abortive & died in silence This project of his for puting an end to a civil warr which had sufficiently harrassed the kingdom & noe body could tell what fatal consequences it might have being thus frustrated, it was not long before his

Page 2 of 30 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oseo/instance.00263877 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-div1-43 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

active thoughts, always intent upon saveing his country (The good of that being that by which he steerd his counsels & actions through the whole course of his life) it was not long before he set his head upon frameing an other designe to the same purpose. The first project of it tooke its rise in a 25

6

debate between him & serjeant Fountain in an Inne at Hungerford where they accidentally met, & both dislikeing the continuance of the warr & deploreing the ruin it threatend, it was started between them that the ................................................................................................................ pg 341 countrys all through England should arme & endeavour to suppress the armys on both sides. This proposal which in one nights debate lookd more like a well meant wish than a formed designe he afterwards considered more at leisure, framed & fashioned into a well orderd & practical contriv[10r]

5

10

ance & never left workeing in it till | he had brought most of the sober & well intentiond Gentlemen of both sides all through England into it. This was that which gave rise to that third sort of army which of a suddain started up in several parts of England with soe much terror to the Armys both of King & Parliament, & had not some of those who had

engaged in it & had undertaken to rise at the time appointed failed the 1

15

20

25

Club men for soe they were called had been strong enough to carry their point which was to make both sides lay down their armes & if they would not doe it to force them to it to declare for a general amnestie to have the then Parliament dissolved & to have a new one called for redresseing the greivances & setleing the nation. This undertakeing was not a Romance Phansie but had very promiseing grounds of success, for the yeomanry & body of the people had sufferd already very much by the warr, & the gentry & men of estates had abated much of their feirceness & wished to returne to their former ease security & plenty espetially perceiveing that the game, particularly on the Kings side began to be plaid out of their hands & that it was the Soldiers of fortune who were best looked upon at court & had the commands & power put into their hand. He had been for some time before in Dorset shire forming & combineing the parts of this great Machine till at length he got it to begin to move. But those who had been forward to enter into the designe, not being so vigerous & resolute when the time was to appear & act. & the Court who had learnt or suspected that it had its rise & life from him haveing soe ................................................................................................................ pg 342 strict an eye upon him that he could not maintain correspondence with

Page 3 of 30 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oseo/instance.00263877 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-div1-43 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

distant countrys & animate the several parts as it was necessary before it was his time to stir. He received a very civil & more than ordinary letter from the King to come to him at Oxford. But he wanted not freinds 5

1

there to informe him of the danger it would be to him to appear there, & to confirme him in the suspition that the Kings letter put him that there was some thing else meant him & not soe much kindeness as that expressed. 2

10

Besides the Lord Goreing who lay with an army in those parts had orders from Court to seize him & had civilly sent him word that he would come such a day & dine with him. All this together made him see that he could be noe longer safe at home nor in the Kings quarters. he therefore went whether he was driven into the parlament quarters & took 3

shelter in Portsmouth. Thus for endeavouring to save his King & country he was banishd from the side he had chosen. And the court 15

that was then high in hopes of noething less then perfect conquest & being masters of all, had a great aversion to moderate counsels & to those of the nobility & Gentry of their party who were authors or favourers of any such proposals as might bring things to a compos[10v] 4

20

ition. Such | wellwishers to their country though they had spent much & ventured all on the Kings side when they appeard for any other end of the warr but dint of armes & a total reduction of the parlament by force, were counted enemies & any contrivance carried on to that end was interpreted treason. ................................................................................................................ pg 343 A person of his consideration thus rejected & cast off by the King & takeing sanctuary with them, was received by the parliament with open 1

5

armes, & though he came in from the other side & put himself into their hands without any termes yet there were those amongst them that soe well knew his worth & what value they ought to put upon it that he was soon after offerd considerable imployments under them, & was actualy 2

trusted with command without so much as ever being questiond concerning what he knew of persons or counsels on the other side where they knew 10

that his great penetration & forward mind would not let him live in ignorance amongst the great men who were most of them his freinds & all his acquaintance But though he was not sufferd to stay amongst those with whom he had imbarkd & had lived in confidence with & was forced to goe over to the parliament he carried thither himself onely & noe thing of any bodys else.

Page 4 of 30 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oseo/instance.00263877 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-div1-43 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

15

20

he left them & all their concernes actions purposes counsels perfectly behind him & noe body of the Kings side could complain of him after the day that he went from his house where he could be no longer safe that he had any memory of what he had known when one of them. This forgetfulness soe becomeing a Gent & a man of honour he had establishd so firmly in his own mind, that his resolution to persist in it was 3

like afterwards to have cost him noe little trouble. Mr Denzil Hollis, (afterwards the Lord Hollis) had been one of the Commissioners imploid 4

25

by the Parliament in the treaty at Uxbridg, he had there had some secret & seperate transactions with the King. this could not be kept soe secret but that it got some vent, & some of the parliament had some notice of it. ................................................................................................................ pg 344 Mr Hollis being afterwards attaqued in Parliament by a contrary party, there wanted noething perfectly to ruin him but some witness to give 1

credit to such an accusation against him. S A A C they thought fit

for their purpose. They doubted not but he knew enough of it, & they 5

made sure that he would not fail to imbrace such a fair & unsought for oportunity of ruining Mr Hollis who had been long his enemie upon a family quarrel, which he had carried so far as by his power in the house to [11r] hinder him from siting in the Parliament upon a | fair Election for that 2

10

15

20

25

Parliament. Upon this presumption he was summond to the house & being called in was there asked whether when he was at Oxford he knew not or had not heard some thing concerning Mr Hollis's secret transaction with the King at the treaty at Uxbridg. To this question he told them he could answer noe thing at all. For though possibly what he had to say would be to the cleareing of Mr Hollis yet he could not allow him self to say any thing in the case since what ever answer he made it would be a confession that if he had known any thing to the disadvantage of Mr Hollis he would have taken that dishonourable way of doeing him a prejudice & wreake his revenge on a man that was his enemy Those who had brought him there pressed him mightily to declare 3

but in vain though threats were added of sending him to the tower, He persisting obstinately silent was bid with draw, & those who had depended upon his discovery being defeated & consequently very much displeased moved warmly for his commitment of which he waiting in the lobby haveing notice unmoved expected his doom though several of his freinds comeing out were earnest with him to satisfie the house. but he kept firm to his resolution, & found freinds enough amongst the great men of

Page 5 of 30 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oseo/instance.00263877 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-div1-43 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

................................................................................................................ pg 345 the party that opposd Mr H to bring him off, who very much applauded the generosity of his cariage, & shewd that action so much to deserve the commendation rather then the censure of that assembly that the angry men were ashamd to insist farther on it & so dropd the debate 5

10

15

20

25

30

5

Some days after Mr Hollis came to his lodging & having in termes of great acknowledgment & esteem expressed his thanks for his late behaviour in the house with respect to him. He replyd, that he pretended not thereby to merit any thing of him or to lay an obligation on him. That what he had done was not out of any consideration of him but what was due to

him self, & he should equaly have done had any other man been concerned in it. And therefore he was perfectly as much at liberty as before to live with as he pleased. But with all that he was not soe ignorant of Mr H's worth, nor knew so little how to put a just value on his freindship as not to receive it as a very great & sensible favour if he thought him a person

worthy on whom to bestow it: Mr H not less taken with his discourse than what had occasiond it, gave him fresh & repeated assurances of his sincere & hearty friendship which were received with suitable expressions. And thus an old quarrel between two men of high spirits & great estates neighbours in the same county ended in a sound & firm freindship which [11v] lasted as long as they lived. This passage brings to my mind what I remember to have often heard him say concerning a mans obligation to silence in regard of discourse made to him or in his presence. That it was not enough to keep close & uncommunicated what had been committed to him with that caution. But there was a general & tacit trust in conversation where by a man was obleiged not to report again any thing that might be any way to the speakers prejudice though noe intimation had been given of a desire not to have it spoke of again He was wont to say that wisdome lay in the heart & not in the head & that it was not the want of knowledg but the perversness of the will that fild mens actions with folly & their lives with disorder ................................................................................................................ pg 346 That there was in every one two men the wise & the foolish, & that each of them must be allowd his turne. If you would have the wise the grave & the serious always to rule & have the sway the fool would grow so peevish & troublesome that he would put the wise man out of order & make him fit for noe thing. He must then have his times of being let loose to follow

Page 6 of 30 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oseo/instance.00263877 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-div1-43 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

his phansies & play his gambols, if you would have your business goe on smoothly. I have heard him also say that he desired noe more of any man but that he would talke. If he will but talk said he let him talk as he please. And 10

indeed I never knew any one penetrate soe quick into mens breasts & from a small opening survey that dark cabinet as he would. He would understand mens true errand as soon as they had opend their mouths & begun their story in appearance to an other purpose 1

2

Sir Rich Onlow & he were invited by Sir J: D: to dine with him

15

20

25

30

at Chelsye & desired to come early because he had an affair of concernment to communicate to them, they came at the time & being sat he told them he had made choise of them both for their known abilitys & their particular freindship to him for their advice in a matter of the greatest moment to him that could be. He had he said been a widower for many years & began to want somebody that might ease him of the trouble of house keeping & take some care of him under the growing infirmities of old age, & to that purpose had pitchd upon a woman very well known to him by the experience of many years in fine his house keeper. These Gentlemen who were not strangers to his family & knew the woman

very well, & were besides very great freinds to his son & daughter grown up & both fit for mariage to whom they thought this would be a very prejudicial match were both in their minds opposite to it & to that purpose Sir R. O began the discourse wherein when he came to that part he was entering upon the description of the woman & goeing to set her out in her own colours which were such as could not have pleased any man in

................................................................................................................ pg 347 his wife. Sir A seeing whither he was goeing to prevent any mischeif, begd leave to interrupt him by askeing Sir J: a question which in short was this whether he were not already maried. Sir J: after a little demur 1

5

10

answered yes truly he was maried the day before. Well then replyd Sir A, there is noe more need of our advice pray let us have the honour to see my Lady & wish her joy & so to dinner. As they were returning to London in their coach, I am obleiged to you said Sir Ric: for

preventing my runing into a discourse which could never been for[12r] given me if I had spoke out what I was goeing to say. But as for Sir J: | he methinks ought to cut your throat for your civil question. How could it possibly enter into your head to aske a man who had solemnly invited us on purpose to have our advice about a mariage he intended, had

Page 7 of 30 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oseo/instance.00263877 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-div1-43 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

gravely proposed the woman to us & sufferd us seriously to enter into the debate, whether he were already maried or noe. The man & the manner 15

replyd Sir A: gave me a suspition that haveing donne a foolish thing he was desirous to cover himself with the authority of our Advice. I thought it good to be sure before you went any farther, & you see what came of it. This afforded them entertainment till they came to town & so they parted

20

Soon after the restauration of King Charles the 2 the Earle of

d

2

3

Southampton haveing dined together at the Chancelors, as they were returning home he said to my Lord Southampton yonder Mrs Ann 4

Hide (for so as I remember he stiled her) is certainly married to one of the Brothers; The Earle who was a friend to the Chancellor treated 25

this as a Chimæra & asked him how so wild a phansie could get into his head. Assure your self Sir replyd he it is so. A concealed respect

................................................................................................................ pg 348 however suppressd shewd it self so plainly in the looks voice & manner wherewith her mother carved to her or offerd her of every dish, that tis impossible but it must be so. My Lord S who thought it a groundless con1

5

ceit then was not long after convinced by the D of Yorkes owning of her that L: A was noe bad Guesser I shall give one instance more of his great sagacity where in it proved of great use to him in a case of mighty consequence. Haveing reason to apprehend what tyrannie the usurpation of the Government by the officers 2

10

of the army under the title of the Committee of Safety might end in he thought the first step to setlement was the breakeing of them which could not be done with any pretence of authority but that of the long Parliament. 3

meeting therefore secretly with Sir Arthur Haselrig & some others of the members, they gave Commissions In the name of the Parliament to be Major General one of the forces about London an other of the west, &c & 15

this when they had not one soldier. Nay he often would tell it laughing that when he had his commission his great care was where to hide it. Before 4

20

this he had securd Portsmouth for the Governor of it Coll. Metham being his old acquaintance & freind he asked him one day meeting him by chance in Westminster hall whether he would put Portsmouth into his hand if he should happen to have an occasion for it. Metham promised it should be at his devotion. These transactions though noe part of them were known in particular, yet causeing some remote preparations alarmd ................................................................................................................ Page 8 of 30 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oseo/instance.00263877 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-div1-43 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

pg 349 1

5

Wallingford house where the Committee of Safety sat & made them so attentive to all actions & discoveryes that might give them any light that at last they were fully perswaded there was something a brewing against them & that matter for commotions in several parts was gathering. They knew the vigor & activity of A A & how well he stood affectionated to them & therefore suspected that he was at the bottom of this matter. to find what they could & secure the man they most apprehended he was 2

10

15

20

25

sent for to Wallingford house where Fleetwood examined him according to the suspitions he had of him that he was laying designes in the west against them & was workeing the people to an insurrection that he intended to head there. He told them he knew no obligation he was under to give them an account of his actions nor to make them any promises but to shew them how ill grounded their suspitions were he promisd that he would not goe out of town without comeing first & giveing him an account [12r] of | it. Fleetwood knowing his word might be relyd on satisfied with the promise he had made let him goe upon this his parole. That which deceived them in the case was that knowing his estate & interest lay in the West they presumd that that was his post, & there certainly if any stir was he would appear since there lay his great strength & they had noebody else in view who could supply his room & manage that part. But they were mistaken. Haselrig upon the knowledg that they should have Portsmouth forwardly took that Province & he who had instruments at worke in the army quartered in & about London & knew that must be the place of most business & management & where the turne of the affair would be had chosen that. 3

Lambert who was one of the Rulers at Wallingford house happend to be away when he was there & came not in till he was gon. When they told

5

................................................................................................................ pg 350 him that A A had been there & what had passed he blamed Fleetwood for leting him goe & told him they should have secured him for that certainly there was some thing in it that they were deceived in, & they should not have parted so easily with so busy & dangerous a man as he was. Lambert was of a quicker sight & a deeper reach than Fleetwood & the rest of that gang & knowing of what moment it was to their security to frustrate the contrivances of that workeing & able head was resolvd if possibly he could to get him into his clutches Sir A A comeing home to his house in ⟨blank⟩ Street in Covent

Page 9 of 30 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oseo/instance.00263877 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-div1-43 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

10

15

20

garden one evening found a man knocking at his doore. he asked his business the man answerd it was with him, & so fell a discourseing with him. A A heard him out & gave him such an answer as he thought proper & so they parted the stranger out of the entry where they stood into the street & Sir A A along the entry into the house. but guesseing by the

story the other told him that the business was but a pretence & that his real errant he came about was some thing else when he parted from the fellow went inwards as if he intended to goe into the house but as soon as the fellow was gon turnd short & went out & went to his barbers which was just by. where he was noe sooner got in & got up stairs into a chamber, but

his doore was beset with musketeers & the officer went into with others to seize him, but not findeing him they searchd every corner & crany of the house diligently the officer declareing that he was sure he was in the house for he had left him there just now. as was true for he had gon noe 1

farther than the corner of the half moon taverne which was just by to 25

fetch a file of soldiers that he had left there in the strand out of sight whilst he went to discover whether the Gent he sought were within or

................................................................................................................ pg 351 noe. where doubting not to finde him safely lodged he returnd with 1

5

10

15

his mirmidons to the house, sure as he thought of his prey. But A A saw through his made story & gave him the slip. After this he was fain to get out of the way & conceal himself under a disguise. But he hid himself not lazily in a hole. He made warr upon them at Wallingford house incognito as he was & made them feel him though he kept out of sight. | [13r] But they felt his hand though he appeard not. Several companys of their soldiers drew up in Lincolns Inne feilds without their officers & there put themselves under the command of such officers as he appointed 2

them. The citty began to rouse it self & to shew manifest signes of little Regard to Wallingford house & he never left workeing till he had raised a spirit & strength enough to declare openly for the old Parliament as the onely legal authority then in England which had any pretence to claim & take on them the government. For Portsmouth being put into the hands of Sir Arthur Haselrig & the Citty shewing their inclination the Countrys readily took in to it, & by their concurrent weight reinstated the excluded members in their former administration. This was the first open step he made towards the wresting the civil power out of the hands of the army, 3

who haveing thought Richard Olivers son unworthy of it had taken it to

20

them selves executed by a committee of their own officers where Lambert Page 10 of 30 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oseo/instance.00263877 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-div1-43 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

who had the cheif command & influence in the army had placed it till he had modeld things amongst them so as might make way for his takeing the sole administration into his own hands. But A A found a way to 4

strip him of that as soon as the Parliament was restored.

................................................................................................................ pg 352 The first thing he did was to get from them a commission to himself & two or three more of the most weighty & popular members of the house to have the power of general of All the forces in England which they were to execute joyntly. this was noe sooner don but he got them

5

10

15

together where he had provided aboundance of Clarkes who were immediately set to worke to transcribe a great many copys of the forme of a letter wherein they reciteing that it had pleased god to restore the Parliament to the exercise of their power & that the Parliament had given to them a commission to command the army, they therefor commanded him (viz.) the officer to whom the letter was directed immediately with his troop, company, or regiment, as it happend, to march to N. These letters were directed to the cheif officer of any part of the army who had their quarters together in any part of England. These letters were dispatchd away by particular messengers that very night & comeing to the several officers

so peremptorily to march immediately they had not time to assemble & debate among themselves what to doe & haveing noe other intelligence but that the Parliament was restored & that the city & Portsmouth & other parts of England had declared for them the officers durst not disobey but all according to their several orders marchd some one way & some an

20

other. So that this army which was the great strength of the Gent of Wallingford house were by this means quite scatterd & renderd perfectly [13v] useless to the Committee of Safety who | were hereby perfectly reduced under the power of the Parliament as so many disarmed men to be disposed of as they thought fit

25

Tis known that whilst the Long parliament remained entire

1

Mr Densil Hollis was the man of the greatest sway in it, & might have s

continued it on if he would have followed Sir A A advice. But he was a haughty stiff man & soe by straining it a little too much lost all ................................................................................................................ pg 353 From the time of their reconcilement already mentioned they had been very hearty friends. It happend one morneing that Sir A A calling upon 1

Mr Hollis in his way to the house as he often did he found him in a great Page 11 of 30 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oseo/instance.00263877 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-div1-43 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

5

heat against Cromwell who had then the command of the Army & a great interest in it. The provocation may be read at large in the pamphlets of that time for which Mr Hollis was resolvd he said to bring him to punishment. Sir A A disswaded him all he could from any such attempt, shewing him the danger of it & told him twould be sufficient to remove him out of the way by sending him with a command into Ireland. this

10

Cromwell as things stood would be glad to accept. But this would not satisfie Mr. Hollis. when he came to the house the matter was brought into debate & it was moved that Cromwell & those guilty with him should be punished. Cromwell who was in the house noe sooner heard this but he stole out took horse & rod immediately to the Army which as I remember

15

was at Triploe heath. there he acquainted them what the Presbyterian party was doeing in the house & made such use of it to them that they who were before in the power of the Parliament now united to gether under Cromwell who immediately lead them away to London giveing out menaces against Hollis & his party as they march who with Stapleton

20

2

& some others were fain to flye. & thereby the Independent party becomeing the stronger they as they called it purged the house & turnd out all the [14r] 3

25

Presbyterian party. Cromwell sometime after meeting | Sir A A told him I am beholding to you for your kindness to me for you I hear were for leting me goe without punishment, but your freind god be thanked was not wise enough to take your advice 4

Monk after the death of Oliver Cromwell & the removal of Richard marching with the Army he had with him into England gave fair promises ................................................................................................................ pg 354 1

all along in his way to London to the Rump that were then siting who had sent Commissioners to him that accompanied. When he was come 2

to town though he had promised fair to the Rump & commonwealth party on one hand & given hopes to the royalists on the other, yet at 5

3

last agreed with the French Ambasador to take the government on him4

self by whom he had promise from Mazarin of assistance from France to

support him in this undertakeing. This bargain was struck up between them 5

late at night but not so secretly but that his wife who had posted her self conveniently behind the hangings where she could hear all that passed 10

6

finding what was resolved sent her brother Clarges away immediately with notice of it to Sir A A. She was zealous for restauration of the King & had therefore promised Sir A to watch her husband & informe him from Page 12 of 30 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oseo/instance.00263877 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-div1-43 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

time to time how matters went. upon this notice Sir A caused the Counsel of State whereof he was one, to be summond & when they were met he 15

20

desired the Clarkes might with draw he haveing matter of great importance to communicate to them. The dores of the Council Chamber being lockd & the keys laid upon the table he began to charge Monk not in a direct & open accusation but in obscure intimations & doubtfull expressions giveing ground of suspition to suspect him that he was playing false with them & not doeing as he promised. this he did soe skilfully & intelligibly to Monk that he perceived he was discoverd &

................................................................................................................ pg 355 therefore in his answer to him fumbled & seemd out of order soe that the rest of the council perceived there was some thing in it though they [14v] knew not what the matter was. And the | general at last avering that what had been suggested was upon groundless suspitions & that he was true to 5

10

15

20

his principles & stood firme to what he had professed to them & had noe secret designes that ought to disturbe them & that he was ready to give them all manner of Satisfaction, where upon Sir A A closeing with him & makeing a farther use of what he had said than he intended. For he meant noe more than so far as to get away from them upon this assurance which he gave them. But Sir A A told him that if he was sincere in what he had said he might presently remove all scruples should presently take away theyr Commissions from such & such officers in his army & give them to those whom he named & that presently before he went out of the Room. Monk was in him self noe quick man he was guilty alone amongst a company of men who he knew not what they would doe with him for they all struck in with Sir A A & plainly perceived that Monk had designed some foule play. In these straits being thus close pressed & knoweing not how else to extricate himself he consented to what was proposed & so immediately before he stired a great part of the Commissions 1

of his officers were changed & Sir Edward Haley amongst the rest who was a member of the council & there present was made governor of 2

25

Dunkirk in the room of Sir William Lockhart & was sent away immediately to take possession of it. By which means the Army ceased to be at Monks devotion & was put into hands that would not serve him in the designe he had undertaken. The French Ambasador who had the night before sent away an express to Mazarin positively to assure him that things went here as he desired & that Monke was fixd by him in his resolution to take on himself the goverment, was not a little astonished the next day to

Page 13 of 30 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oseo/instance.00263877 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-div1-43 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

find things takeing another turne. & indeed this soe much disgraced him in ................................................................................................................ pg 356 the French court that he was presently called home in disgrace & soon 1

after broke his heart This was that which gave the great turne to the restauration of K Charles [15r] d

5

the 2 where of Sir A A had laid the plan in his head | a long time before & had carried it on ........................................................................................................................... pg 357

Page 14 of 30 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oseo/instance.00263877 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-div1-43 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

NOTES 1 Memoirs] A | Memoires] C | MEMOIRS Relating to the LIFE of ANTHONY First EARL of SHAFTSBURY. P 2 in] C, P | [with] in A 2 Civil] C, P | `Civil´ A added at line-end 1

Charles retired to Oxford in November 1642 after the failure of his attempt to take London, and it remained the royalist capital until 1646. Cooper had been present at Nottingham when the King raised his standard there in August 1642, but then went on a tour of the North, and only took up arms for the King in the summer of 1643: Christie, Memoirs, 43–4. st

4 K C 1 ] A, C | King Charles I. P 2

Lucius Cary, 2nd Viscount Falkland (1609/10–1643), ODNB.

6 King] P | K A, C 6 [2nd] he] C, P | [if he had a mind to it] he A 8 K] A, C | King P 10 K] A | King C, P 13 now] C, P | new A | présentement F 15 assurd] [satisfied] `assurd´ A | assured C | assur'd P 18 lies] A, C | lie P 3

Cooper's main estates lay in Dorset, Hampshire, and Wiltshire.

19 Parliament] C, P | `Parliament´ A 19 [2nd] to] C, P | [in the southern & western parts of England & to g⟨rant⟩] to A 22 a] C, P | [a free parliament shall be forthwith cald wherein ạḷḷ.....er the general good of the nation should be consulted] a A 1

In this context 'country' means 'county': Cooper was referring to Dorset.

Page 15 of 30 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oseo/instance.00263877 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-div1-43 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

2 but] in A signature A in direction-line 3 [1st] the] C, P | [a way] the A 3 bringing] C, P | [& ḅ ̣ ̣ ]̣ bringing A 4 & security] A, P | om. C 7 & others] A, P | om. C 2

Dorchester: Bayley, The Great Civil War in Dorset, 100–1; Haley, Shaftesbury, 43–4; the letter from Cooper and others requesting its surrender is in Bodl., MS Tanner 62, fo. 217. 8 other] A, P | others C 9 Maurice] Prince Maurice added in RH margin of A 3

Maurice, Prince Palatine of the Rhine (1621–52), nephew of Charles I, ODNB.

10 the] C, P | [Dorchester] the A 12 A] A, C | Sir A. P 4

Dorchester was sacked on 4 August 1643, the day after its surrender.

13 so] C, P | [in pretty sharp words] so A 5

Haley, Shaftesbury, 44–5.

17 proved] C | [fell] proved A | prov'd P 18 This] Club men added in RH margin of A 21 always] C, P | `always´ A (no caret) 6

John Fountaine (1600–71), ODNB; he became a serjeant-at-law in 1656.

27 it] C, P | [of the country] it A 27 threatend, it] ed. | threatend it, A | threatend it C | threatn'd, it P 6 of both sides] C, P | `of both sides´ A 7 rise] C, P | rice A

Page 16 of 30 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oseo/instance.00263877 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-div1-43 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

8 started] C, P | [broake [fo⟨rth⟩] out] started A 10 [2nd] the] C, P | [they had been strong enough] the A 11 Club men] underlined in A and C 1

The Clubmen were bands of local defence vigilantes who tried to protect their localities against the excesses of the armies of both sides: see above, 113–14. 14 [1st] have] C, P | [dissolve the] `have´ A added at line-end 14 then] C, P | th⟦is⟧e `then´ A 16 Romance] A, C | Romantick P | romanesque F 16 for the] A, P | `for the´ C 17 yeomanry] C | [inferior] `yeomanry´ A | Yeomanry P 17 body] C | [industrious sort] `body´ A | Body P 20 particularly] C, P | [espetially] `particularly´ A 22 commands] A | command C | Commands P 22 hand] A, C foll. in A by illeg. del. passage: [wheṇ this designe ⟨two words illegible⟩ he was in Dorset shire to give lịf̣ẹ & vigor to it & to head the club army that he had been prepareing to raise] | Hands P | mains F 27 rise] C | [great] rise A | Rise P 27 haveing] C | [had] `haveing´ A | having P 2 distant] C, P | distance A | éloignées F 3 He] P | ̣ ̣ ̣the fabric had ̣ ̣ ̣] A | om. C | il F 3 civil] C, P | [ḳịṇd &] civil A 1

The identity of these friends at court is not known, but one person mentioned in other accounts is the Marquess of Hertford, recently replaced as commander of the royalist western army; see above, 133. 6 letter] C | […kind] letter A | Letter P

Page 17 of 30 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oseo/instance.00263877 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-div1-43 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

2

George Goring (1608–57), styled Lord Goring from November 1644, royalist cavalry commander with a reputation for treachery: ODNB. He cannot have been in the West Country at this time since he was imprisoned in the Tower until 2 April 1644. 9 that] C, P | [he] that A 11 he] C, P | [& thus being driven to it he] he A 13 to] C, P | not in A 3

Cooper in fact surrendered at Hurst Castle, Hampshire on 24 February 1644: Christie, Memoirs, 94. 16 masters] A | Masters P | Master C 16 a great aversion] P | `a´ great [dislike to] aversion A | great aversions C 16 [2nd] to] C, P | `to´ A (no caret) 17 [2nd] of] C, P | [appearing] of A 17 who] C, P | [which sho⟨uld⟩] who A 18 might] P | not in A, C 18–19 a composition] ed. | accomposition A, C | a Composition P 4

A mutual agreement for cessation of hostilities: OED, composition, 23b.

3–4 came … there] C, P with minor variations in P | vînt à eux, après avoir été dans l'autre Parti, & qu'il se mît entre leurs mains, sans avoir faits aucunes conditions F | passage erased and only partially legible in A 1

He was examined before the Committee of Both Kingdoms on 6 March 1644: Christie, Memoirs, 93–5. 4 amongst] A, C | among P 5 value] A, P | om. C 5 it] A, P | om. C 6 after] A, P | om. C

Page 18 of 30 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oseo/instance.00263877 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-div1-43 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

2

In July 1644 Cooper left London to join the county committee for Dorset, who commissioned him to command the forces that took Wareham; on 22 August the Commons allowed him to compound for his sequestrated estates: ODNB. 10 amongst] A, C | among P 12 amongst] A, C | among P 12 with] C, P | [he had joynd with] with A 15 actions] C | [pur⟨poses⟩] actions A | Actions P 16 of … side] C | `of the Kings side´ A | of the King's side P 17 [1st] that] A, C | om. P 19 forgetfulness] C | [resolution] forgetfulness A | Forgetfulness P 19 Gent] A, C | Gentleman P 21 have] A, C | om. P 3

Denzil Holles (1598–1680), 1st Baron Holles, 1661, ODNB.

4

The fruitless negotiations between King and Parliament in January–February 1645.

3 S A A C] C | [To this purpose they] S A A C A | Sir A. Ashley Cooper P 1

Thomas Lord Savile (created Earl of Sussex by Charles I in 1644) accused Holles of sending weekly secret reports to Lord Digby in Oxford and of having attempted his own negotiations with the King in November 1644: see Patricia Crawford, Denzil Holles, 114–20. These accusations could not be proved despite strenuous efforts to find witnesses, but Cooper's name does not seem to have been brought up at any time. 2

Holles had petitioned the House of Commons on 18 March 1641, asking that Cooper not be permitted to take his seat: The Journal of Sir Simonds D'Ewes, 504–5. 11 or] C, P | [&] or A 13 what] C, P | [he] what A 17 he] P | [his enemie] he A | om. C

Page 19 of 30 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oseo/instance.00263877 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-div1-43 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

18 wreake] A | make C | wreak P 19 [1st] him] A, P | om. C 3

Savile was sent to the Tower for contempt of Parliament in not naming his source: ODNB.

21 bid] A, C | bid to P 23 displeased] displeas'd P | in [th⟨is⟩] displeased A | indispleased C 24 lobby] A | Lobby P | om. C 24 unmoved] C | [pa⟨tiently⟩] unmoved A | unmov'd P 26 amongst] A, C | among P 26 of] C, P | [who m] of A 1 H] A, C | Hollis P 3 [1st] that] C, P | [the house] that A 4 dropd] [the debate] dropd A | dropt C, P 12 [1st] with] A, C | with him P | avec lui F 12 H's] A, C | Hollis's P 15 H] A | Hollis C | Hollis P 16 it, gave] P | it. `Gave´ / [made] A | it. Gave C 18 an] P | [ended] a A, C 19 neighbours] C | [ended] neighbours A | Neighbours P 20 lived] in A signature B in direction-line 21 often heard] P | often heare A | `often heard´ C 25 conversation] C | [all] conversation A | Conversation P 27 intimation] C, P | [thing had been said ḅẹf̣ọṛẹ had been mentioned of haveing it concealed] intimation A

Page 20 of 30 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oseo/instance.00263877 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-div1-43 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

27 given] C, P | give A 29 & … head] C | `& not in the head´ A | and not in the Head P 31 actions] C | [lives] actions A | Actions P 4 of] C, P | not in A 5 then] ed. | theṛẹ A | there C | om. P | donc F 7 smoothly] C, P | [in quiet] smoothly A 9 will] A, C | would P 9 please] A, C | pleases P 12 begun] P | began A, C 13 purpose] foll. in F by Il me souvient de quelques faits, qui pourront servir à justifier ce que je viens de dire de son extrême pénetration. 14 Onlow] A, C | Onslow P | Onlow F 1

Sir Richard Onslow (1601–64), MP for Surrey, ODNB.

2

Sir John Danvers (1584/5–1655), MP and regicide, ODNB.

17 [2nd] their] A, C | om. F, P 24 not] C, P | [acquainted with] not A 24 woman] C | [house kee⟨per⟩] woman A | Woman P 28 R. O] A, C | Rich. Onslow P | Le Chevalier Onlow F 28 was] C, P | [began] was A 29 &] C | [in such a way of painting `as´ would] & A | and P 1 A] A, C | Anthony P 1

Danvers married Grace Hewes on 6 January 1649: ODNB. Cooper's diary shows that he left London for Dorset on 4 December and did not return until 31 January: Christie, Memoirs, 80– 2.

Page 21 of 30 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oseo/instance.00263877 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-div1-43 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

5 A] A, C | Anthony P 6 see] C, P | [wish] `see´ A 6 & wish her] C | [`& wish her´ A | and wish her P 6 they] C, P | [Sir R &] they A 8 been] A, C | have been P 12 intended] C, P | intend A 12 had] C, P | [whether he were not] had A 15 A] A, C | Anthony P 15 [2nd] a] A, P | some C 16–19 I … parted] A, C, P with minor variations | om. F d

20 the 2 ] A, C | II. P 2

Thomas Wriothesley, 4th Earl of Southampton (1608–1667), appointed Lord Treasurer on 8 Sept. 1660, ODNB. 3

Edward Hyde, 1st Earl of Clarendon (1609–74), Lord Chancellor 1660–7, ODNB.

22 Ann] C | Ann[e had] A | Ann P 23 for … her] A, P | so as I remember he stiled her C | que nous venons de voir F 4

Anne Hyde (1637–71), daughter of Edward Hyde, and first wife of James, Duke of York, ODNB. 26 Sir] C, P | `Sir´ A (no caret) 1 however suppressd] `however suppressd´ A | however suppressed C | however suppress'd P 1

Their marriage was performed secretly on 3 September 1660; Anne gave birth to a son on 22 October, and after several changes of heart James publicly acknowledged her as his wife on 20 December: John Miller, James II (Hove, 1978), 44–6.

Page 22 of 30 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oseo/instance.00263877 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-div1-43 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

5 L: A] A | the L: A: C | Lord Ashley P 5 Guesser] F adds car le Duc d'York avoüaa peu de tems après publiquement son mariage, avec cette Dame, qui a donné deux grandes Reines à l'Angleterre. 7 F adds Quelque tems après la mort de Cromwel, l'Armée ayant ôté le gouvernement des affaires à Richard, fils de Cromwel, les Officiers Géneraux s'en emparerent eux-mêmes, & commencérent à exercer cette autorité, par un certain nombre d'entre eux; qui fut établi par Lambert, qui avoit le plus de crédit dans l'Armée, dont il avoit le principal commandement. Il nommérent ce nouvel établissement le Comité de Sûreté. 2

The Committee of Safety was established on 25 October 1659.

3

Sir Arthur Hesilrige, 2nd baronet (1601–61), army officer and republican politician, ODNB.

4

A mistake by Locke: the Governor of Portsmouth was Colonel Nathaniel Whetham (1604– 84); see C. D. Whetham and W. C. D. Whetham, A History of the Life of Colonel Nathaniel Whetham (London, 1907), 182–6. 18 acquaintance] C | [fr⟨iend⟩] acquaintance A | Acquaintance P 20 hand] A, C | Hands P | les mains F 22 known] C, P | know A 22 alarmd] [or symptoms] alarmd A | alarm'd C, P 1

The London residence of Charles Fleetwood, at the northern end of Whitehall on the site now occupied by the Old Admiralty Building: Survey of London, xvi. 45–51. It was the effective headquarters of the Committee of Safety. 2 at] C, P | [they] at A 4 matter for] C, P | [some] `matter for´ A 5 A A] A, C | Sir A. Ashley P 7 man] C | [matt⟨er⟩] man A | Man P 2

Charles Fleetwood (c.1618–92), soldier and republican politician, ODNB.

12 [1st] them] A, C, W | then P

Page 23 of 30 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oseo/instance.00263877 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-div1-43 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

13 that] C, P | [them] that A 15 his] C, P | hi⟦m⟧s A 16 this] A, C | om. P 16 parole] foll. in A by [Lambert who was of the Committee hapend to be absent & [came] not in W⟨allingford⟩] 19 great strength] A | greatest `strength´ C | great Strength P 22 at] ed. | & A, C | and P, W | à F 23 quartered] C | quarted A | quarter'd P 24 the affair] A, C | Affairs P | affaires F 3

John Lambert (1619–84), soldier and republican politician; author of the Instrument of Government, ODNB. 27 &] C | `&´ A | and P 1 A A] A, C | Sir A. Ashley P 3 there] C, P | ⟦he⟧there A 4 have] C, P | not in A 4 so] C, P | [with him] so A 8 clutches] foll. in A by [Sir A A] 9 in … Street] blank space for name left in A, C, P | om. F 10 one] C, P | [one eveneing not long after] one A 10 knocking] C, P | [there c̣aḷḷ] knocking A 11 fell] C, P | [begạṇ in ḍ] fell A 12 A A] A, C | Sir A. A. P 14 guesseing] [suspecting the persons story] guesseing A | guessing C, P 15 [2nd] the] C, P | [it was] the A Page 24 of 30 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oseo/instance.00263877 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-div1-43 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

15 was] C, P | [he pretended to come about] was A 16 errant] A, C | Errand P 20 the officer] C | this officer A | the Officer P | l'Officier F 20 into] A, C | in too P, W 22 that] A, C | om. P 24 corner] C, P | [h⟨alf moon⟩] corner A 24 which] C, P | [over against the new exchange to fetch a file of soldiers] which A 24 to] C, P | [where he had left] to A 1

On the north side of the Strand. Half Moon Street ran through the yard of the inn; in the late eighteenth century it was widened to form a continuation of Bedford Street: Survey of London, xviii. 127. 25 soldiers] C | [musk⟨eteers⟩] soldiers A | Soldiers P 26 Gent] A, C | Gentleman P 1 doubting] C, P | [haveing] doubting A 1 lodged] C, P | lodg A 2 to the house] A | om. C | to his House P 2 A A] A | A C | Sir A. A. P 1

'A member of a gang or army adhering to a particular leader; a hired ruffian or mercenary': OED, myrmidon, 3. 4 himself] C, P | himself/ {self} A 6 sight] foll. in A by [For he never left workeing, till [by] get[ing] their soldiers from them drawing up several companys (a thing scarce heard of) of them in Lincolnes Inne feild r

without their officers & [fo. 13 ] putting into the hands of new commanders)] 7 But … not] A, C | double line of asterisks in P | om. F 2

The troops assembled on 24 December: Whitelocke, Memorials, iv. 383.

Page 25 of 30 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oseo/instance.00263877 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-div1-43 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

15 [2nd] the] C, P | [to it] the A 19 it] C, P | `it´ A 3

Richard Cromwell (1626–1712), Lord Protector from September 1658 to May 1659, ODNB.

21 who] C, P | [had placed it onely] who A 22 amongst] A, C | among P 23 A A] A, C | Sir A. A. P 23 found a way] C, P | `found a way´ A replacing illeg. del. passage 24 restored] foll. in A by [he got a committee to be presently appointed [for] to take care of the publique peace & safety & to that purpose to have the command & ordering of all the forces in the nation. Whereupon that very [night] `instant´ he with the rest of [the] his brethren of this committee who were but two or three got to gether where he had provided [together]] 4

The Rump re-assembled on 26 December 1659.

2 weighty] C, P | [pọẉe⟨̣ rful⟩] weighty A 3 [1st] the] C, P | [jointly] the A 3 All] {the} ⟦a⟧All A | all C, P 4 he] C, P | [they] he A 4 got] C, P | [immediately went to worke] got A 7 that] C, P | [how] that A 7 god] C | got A | God P | Dieu F 8 &] C | [& to] & A | and P 9 commanded] P | command A, C | ordonnaient F 11 to] P | [These letters were directed] to A 12 who] C, P | [lying] who A

Page 26 of 30 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oseo/instance.00263877 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-div1-43 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

14 several] A, P | `several´ C 20 this] P | th⟦e⟧is A| the C | cette F 20 Gent] A, C | Gentlemen P 21 perfectly] C, P | [partly] perfectly A 22 who] In A signature C in direction-line 24 fit] foll. in A by [When Cromwell] as separate paragraph 25 Tis] preceded in F by Si le Chevalier Ashley en eût été crû auparavant, les choses ne seroient peutêtre jamais venuës à l'extrémité, à laquelle on les porta depuis. 1

That is, before Pride's Purge on 6 December 1648 which removed the remaining Presbyterian MPs and paved the way for the trial and execution of Charles I. 1

The House of Commons. According to his diary Cooper was in London from 29 January to 17 February and from 5 May to 2 June 1647: Christie, Memoirs, 66, 69–70. 5 read] C, P | red A 5 [2nd] in] C, P | not in A 7 disswaded] [per]`diss´waded A | perswaded C | dissuaded P 7 attempt] P | attemp A, C 8 told] C, P | [s⟨ai⟩d] told A 11 brought] C, P | [moved] brought A 12 debate] C, P | debated A 2

Cromwell fled to the army commanded by Sir Thomas Fairfax, then at Newmarket, on 3 June 1647. Thriplow Heath, where the army subsequently paused in its march on London, is about 8 miles SSW of Cambridge. 16 doeing] A, C | a doing P 18 under] C, P | `under´ A (no caret) 18 lead] A, C | led P

Page 27 of 30 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oseo/instance.00263877 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-div1-43 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

22 sometime] A | some time C, P 3

Fairfax led the New Model Army into London on 3 August 1647 and accompanied the returning MPs and peers to Parliament two days later. Holles, Sir Philip Stapleton (1603–47, ODNB), and three other MPs went into exile. 23 beholding] A, C | beholden P 26 Oliver] C | `Oliver´ A | Oliver P 4

George Monck (1608–70), the commander of the army in Scotland, ODNB.

1 in] C, P | [to the Rump] in A 1

The members of the Long Parliament who remained after Pride's Purge.

2 accompanied] A, C | accompanied him P 3 promised fair] C, P | [given họp̣ẹs]̣ `promised fair´ A 3 Rump] P | Rum A, C 2

Monck's troops arrived at Westminster on 2 February 1660.

4 given] A, C | gave P 4 royalists] royalistṣ A | royalist C | Royalists P | royalistes F 3

Antoine de Bordeaux, Sieur de Neufville (c.1621–60), informal emissary to England, 1652– 4, Ambassador 1654–60: C. H. Firth and S. C. Lomas, Notes on the Diplomatic Relations of England and France 1603–1688 (Oxford, 1906), 40. 4

Jules Raymond Mazarin, Cardinal-Duke of Rethel, Mayenne, and Nevers (1602–61), chief minister to Louis XIV. 5

Anne Monck, née Clarges (1619–70).

9 behind] C, P | [between] behind A 9 hear] P | here A | here alt. to hear C 10 was] C, P | [he] was A

Page 28 of 30 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oseo/instance.00263877 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-div1-43 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

6

Thomas Clarges (1617?–1695), knighted May 1660, Monck's principal agent in London, ODNB. 11 restauration] A | the restauration C | the Restauration P 14 whereof] C, P | [the] whereof A 14 to] C, P | [the] to A 15 he] C, P | [& then the dores being] he A 17 not] C, P | non A 18 intimations] C | [&] intimations A | Intimations P 19 expressions] expressions of C | expression of A | Expressions P 19 to suspect him] A, C deleted in pencil in A | om. P, F 20 playing] C, P | p[r]lay`in´ A 21 [1st] &] C, P | [that Monk] & A 6 [1st] that] C, P | [ṭọ him selfe Sir A A presently closed wit⟨h⟩] that A 10 told] C, P | [that] told A 11 should] A, C | He should P 14 amongst] A, C | among P 15 what] C, P | what what A 20 Haley] A, C | Harley P | Haley F 20 amongst] A, C | among P 20 who] C, P | [was m⟨ember⟩] who A 1

Sir Edward Harley (1624–1700), MP and parliamentarian officer, ODNB.

2

William Lockhart (1621?–1675), created Sir William under the Protectorate, diplomat and army officer, ODNB.

Page 29 of 30 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oseo/instance.00263877 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-div1-43 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

27 by him] C, P | `by him´ A (no caret) 1 in disgrace] C | `in disgrace´ A | om. P | et disgracié F 1

According to an account published in Revolutions d'Angleterre depuis le mort du protecteur Olivier, jusques au retablissement du Roy (Paris, 1670), 179–80, Bordeaux made several attempts to secure an audience with Charles II after his Restoration, but without success, and left London in July. The precise date of his death (10 September NS) is given in Lettres choisies de feu Mr. Guy Patin (Paris, 1692), ii. 293. d

3–4 K Charles the 2 ] A, C | King Charles II. P 4 A A] A | A A alt. to Ant by Peter King C | A. P 4 –5 long … on] A | added in Peter King's hand in C | foll. by double line of asterisks in P | in A signature D in direction-line

Page 30 of 30 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oseo/instance.00263877 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-div1-43 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

Oxford Scholarly Editions Online

John Locke, Writings on the First Earl of Shaftesbury and his Family (1704): An Epitaph for the First Earl of Shaftesbury (1704 – 1704)

J. R. Milton, Brandon Chua, Geoff Kemp, David McInnis, John Spurr, and Richard Yeo (eds), The Clarendon Edition of the Works of John Locke, Vol. 23: Literary and Historical Writings Published in print:

2019

Published online:

March 2020

........................................................................................................................... PG 358

AN EPITAPH FOR THE FIRST EARL OF SHAFTESBURY Sigla v

A   National Archives, PRO 30/24/42/62, fo. 10 . P   Posthumous Works of Mr. John Locke (London, 1706), p. 307. Quantus hic situs est ex titulis, quod raro, discas Baro Ashley de Winborne St. Giles, Deinde Comes Shaftesburiensis Cancellarius Scaccarij, Ærarij Triumvir, Magnus Angliæ Cancellarius do

5

10

Carolo 2 a Sanctioribus & Secretioribus Conciliis &c Hæc non sepulchri ornamenta, sed viri, Quippe quæ nec Majoribus debuit, nec favori Comitate, acumine, suadelâ, consilio, animo, constantiâ, fide

vix parem alibi invenias, superiorem certè nullibi Libertatis Civilis, Ecclesiasticæ propugnator strenuus, indefessus Vitæ publicis commodis impensæ memoriam et laudes, stante libertate, nunquam obliterabit Tempus Edax nec Edacior Invidia. Servo pecori inutilia, invisa magna exempla.

Page 1 of 3 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oseo/instance.00263878 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-div1-44 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

................................................................................................................ pg 359 1The greatness of him who is buried here, you may learn, albeit inadequately, 2from this inscription. 3Baron Ashley of Wimborne St Giles, subsequently Earl of Shaftesbury, 4Chancellor of the Exchequer, Commissioner of the Treasury, 5

Lord High Chancellor of England, Privy Counsellor to Charles II, etc. 6These are the ornaments not of this tomb, but of the man, 7For he owed them neither to his forebears nor to favour. 8In courtesy, sharpness of understanding, persuasiveness, judgement, 9courage, perseverance, and faithfulness, you will scarcely find an equal

10

elsewhere, and certainly nowhere a superior. 11Of civil and religious liberty, a vigorous and unwearied defender. 12While liberty stands, neither devouring Time nor yet more devouring 13Envy shall ever obliterate the memory and praise of a life spent in ser14vice to the public.

15

To the servile herd great examples are useless, indeed invisible.

1

Page 2 of 3 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oseo/instance.00263878 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-div1-44 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

NOTES 2 Winborne] A | Wimborne P do

4 2 ] A | Secundo P 1

Adapted from Horace, 'O imitatores servum pecus', Epistulae, I, xic, 19.

Page 3 of 3 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oseo/instance.00263878 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-div1-44 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

Oxford Scholarly Editions Online

John Locke, Writings on the First Earl of Shaftesbury and his Family (1704): The Early History of the Shaftesbury Family (1673 – 1674) J. R. Milton, Brandon Chua, Geoff Kemp, David McInnis, John Spurr, and Richard Yeo (eds), The Clarendon Edition of the Works of John Locke, Vol. 23: Literary and Historical Writings Published in print:

2019

Published online:

March 2020

........................................................................................................................... PG 360

THE EARLY HISTORY OF THE SHAFTESBURY FAMILY Sigla

B   British Library, Add. MS 4223, fo. 196. H   Hampshire Record Office, Malmesbury papers, 9M73/G233. N   National Archives, Shaftesbury papers, PRO 30/24/17, fo. 285. S   National Archives, Shaftesbury papers, PRO 30/24/16, fos 144–5 Anthony Ashley Earle of Shaftesbury Baron Ashley of Winborne St. Giles in the county of Dorset. And Baron Cooper of Paulet in the County of Somerset. President of the Council of Trade & Foraigne Plantations. Lord Leiutenant of the county of Dorset. one of the Lords of his 5

10

Majesties most honourable privy Council He was the second Lord high Chancellor of England, since his Majesties return. sometimes Under-treasurer of England, & One of the Lords Commissioners of the Treasury & Chancellor of the Exchequer. The which Earle Anthony as a man of great learning, high reason & known integrity was worthily dignified with those titles offices & honours & created Earle of Shaftesbury by our sacred Soveraigne anno 1672. His paternall name was Cooper a family of great dignity, whose Ancestor 1

th

had the mannor of Paulet given him by Henry 8 to whom he was a servant, & is the reason why he tooke the title Baron Cooper of 15

Paulet. he is by his fathers side an hereditary Baronet. But he changed both his name & coat, & tooke that of Ashley by agreement made by Page 1 of 5 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oseo/instance.00263879 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-div1-46 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

................................................................................................................ pg 361 1

his father upon the mariage with his mother the sole daughter & heir of that family by whome discended to him a very large & fair inheritance. The family of the Ashleys is a Saxon family; & is to be found in 5

2

doomsday booke Ashley of Ashley juxta Bradford in the County of Wilts, where remains to this day the old Saxon house that belongd to that family. ths

In the Beginning of Henry the 6

Reigne, they haveing maried 3

the daughter & heir of Sir John Hamelyn became owners of Winborn 10

St Giles which being the nobler & the better seat they removed thither & have continued there ever since The coat of the Ashleys which this earle now bears is argent three bulls 4

passant sable armed and langued or ........................................................................................................................... pg 362

Page 2 of 5 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oseo/instance.00263879 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-div1-46 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

NOTES 1 Anthony Ashley] B, H, N | The Right Honourable & trusty noble Anthony S 3 President] B, H, N | and laytely Lord President S 4 one] B, H, N | and one S 4 the Lords of] B, N, S | `the Lords of´ H alt. by copyist 5 most honourable] B, H, N | om. S 7 sometimes] H, N, S | `sometimes´ B add. on line in blank space, prob. not in Locke's hand 7 &] B, S | om. H, N 9 Anthony] B, H, S | of Shaftesbury N 10 worthily] B, H, N | most worthily S 11 &] B, H, N | aforementioned, and was S 11 anno] B, H, N | in the year of our Lord S 13 Henry] B, H | Henry the N | King Henry the S 1

Pawlett, in Somerset, 4 miles north of Bridgwater. The manor was presented by Henry VIII to Richard Cooper (d.1566), great-grandfather of the first Earl of Shaftesbury: John Collinson, The History and Antiquities of the County of Somerset (Bath, 1791), iii. 100. 14 a] B, H, S | om. N 14 is … why] B, H, N | for this reason S 14 Baron] B | of Baron N, H, S 15 [1st] he] B, H, N | consideratly S 15 Baronet] B, H, N | Baronet of England S 16 coat] H, N, S | coat [by agreement [`made by his father´] with his mothers family] B 16 [1st] by] B, H, N | upon an S

Page 3 of 5 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oseo/instance.00263879 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-div1-46 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

1 upon] B, H, N | on S 1 with] B, H, N | of S 1

Sir John Cooper (1597–1631). The marriage articles, described in Haley, Shaftesbury, 11, laid down that the eldest son was to be named Ashley, and that if he was ever to be given a peerage, this was to be as Lord Ashley. 2 large & fair] B, H, N | fayr and large S 4 The] B, H, N | This S 4 a] B, H, N | an ould S 4 to] B, H, N | so to S 4 in] B, H, N | Recorded in S t

5 [1st] Ashley] B, H, N | Viz Ashley S 2

Great and Little Ashley are hamlets about 1 mile north-west of Bradford-on-Avon.

6 the] B, H, N | that S 6 house] B, H, N | seat S ths

8 the … Reigne] S | `the begining of H: 6

th

another hand | the Beginning of Henry 6

reigne´ [time] H addition partly above line, in

N | time B preceded by blank space of about 3 cm

8 haveing] H, N, S | [removed] haveing B 3

Around 1419 Robert Ashley married Egidia, the only daughter of Sir John Hamelyn (d.1398), by whom the manor of Wimborne St Giles passed into the Ashley family: John Hutchins, The History and Antiquities of the County of Dorset, ii. 215–16. 10 [2nd] the] B, H, N | much S 10 removed] B, H, N | then remooved S 11 continued there] B, H, N | there continued S 11 since] B, H, N | since, in good estate and great esteeme S

Page 4 of 5 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oseo/instance.00263879 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-div1-46 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

t

12 coat … is] B, H, N | which Earle Anthony beares the Paternall coat of the Ashleys Viz , He beares S 12 argent] H, N, S | [in a feild argent] argent B these words and remainder of text in Locke's hand, in darker ink 13 armed and] H, N, S | ar⟨illegible⟩ B corner of page torn 4

A mistake for 'unguled', i.e. hoofed, the Ashley arms being 'Argent, three bulls passant sable, armed and unguled or': Debrett's Complete Peerage of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland (London, 1836), 84.

Page 5 of 5 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oseo/instance.00263879 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-div1-46 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

Oxford Scholarly Editions Online APPENDICES

J. R. Milton, Brandon Chua, Geoff Kemp, David McInnis, John Spurr, and Richard Yeo (eds), The Clarendon Edition of the Works of John Locke, Vol. 23: Literary and Historical Writings Published in print:

2019

Published online:

March 2020

........................................................................................................................... PG 363

APPENDICES

........................................................................................................................... PG 364

Page 1 of 1 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.appendix.1 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-appendix-1 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

Oxford Scholarly Editions Online

Reasons given by the House of Commons to the Clause reviving the Printing Act (1695)

J. R. Milton, Brandon Chua, Geoff Kemp, David McInnis, John Spurr, and Richard Yeo (eds), The Clarendon Edition of the Works of John Locke, Vol. 23: Literary and Historical Writings Published in print:

Published online:

2019

March 2020

........................................................................................................................... PG 365

I. REASONS GIVEN BY THE HOUSE OF COMMONS FOR NOT AGREEING TO THE CLAUSE REVIVING THE PRINTING ACT Sigla

C   The Craftsman, Number 281 (20 November 1731), 213–17. L   Bodleian Library, MS Locke b. 4, fos 79–80. The Commons Cannot agree to the Clause mark'd (A)   1. Because it revives and re-enacts a Law which in noe wise answered the end for which it was made. the Title and preamble of that Act being to prevent printing seditious and Treasonable Books pamphlets and papers 5

10

15

but there is no penalty appointed for Offenders therein they being Left to be punished at Common Law (as they may be) without that Act where as there are great and grievous penaltys imposed by that Act for matters wherein neither Church nor State is any wayes Concerned   2. Because that Act gives a property in Books to such persons as such Books are or shall be granted to by Letters patents whether the Crown had or shall have any Right to grant the same or not at the time of such Grant   3. Because that Act prohibits printing any thing before Entry thereof in the Register of the Company of Stationers (except proclamations Acts of parliament and such Books as shall be appointed under the Sign Manuall or under the Hand of a principall Secretary of State) whereby both Houses

Page 1 of 5 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oseo/instance.00263880 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-div1-47 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

of Parliament are Disabled to order any thing to be printed and the said Company are empowered to hinder the printing all innocent and usefull Books and have an opportunity to enter a title to themselves and their Freinds for what belongs to and is the Labour and right of others   20

25

5

4. Because that Act prohibits any Books to be imported (without Speciall Lycence) into any Port in England (Except London) by which meanes the whole Foreigne Trade of Books is restrained to London unless the Lord ArchBishop of Canterbury or the Lord Bishop of London shall in Interruption of their more Important Affaires in Governing the Church bestowe their time gratis in Lookeing over Catalogues of Books and granting Lycences. whereas the Commons think the other Ports of the

................................................................................................................ pg 366 Kingdome have as good right as London to Trade in Books as well as other Merchandize   5. Because that Act Leaves it in the power either of the Company of Stationers or of the ArchBishop of Canterbury and Bishop of London to hinder any Books from being Imported even into the port of London. for if one or more of the Company of Stationers will not come to the Custome 1

House or that those Reverend Bishops shall not appoint any Learned man to goe thither and be present at the opening and viewing Books imported the Custome House Officer is obliged to detaine them   10

15

20

6. Because that Act appoints noe time wherein the Archbishop or Bishop of London shall appoint a Learned man or that one or more of the Company of Stationers shall goe to the Custome House to view Imported Books soe that they or either of them may delay it till the Importer may be undone by haveing soe great a part of his Stock Lye dead or the Books (if wet) may rott and perish   7. Because that Act prohibits any Custome House Officer Under the penalty of Looseing his Office to open any pacquet wherein are Books Until some or one of the Company of Stationers and such Learned man as shall be soe appointed are present. which is Impracticable since he cannot Know there are Books till he has opened the pacquet   8. Because that Act confirmes all patents of Books granted and to be granted whereby the sole-printing of all or most of the Classick Authors

Page 2 of 5 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oseo/instance.00263880 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-div1-47 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

are and have been for many yeares past togeather with a great Number of the best Books and of most generall use monopolized by the Company of 25

30

5

10

15

20

Stationers and prohibits the Importing any such Books from beyond Sea. whereby the Schollars in this Kingdome are forced not only to buy them at the extravagant price they demand but must be Content with their ille and incorrect Editions and cannot have the more correct Coppys which are published abroad nor the usefull Notes of Forreigners or other Learned [79v] men upon them   9. Because that Act prohibits any thing to be printed till Lycenced and yet does not direct what shall be taken by the Lycencer for such Lycence by Colour whereof great Opression may be and has been practiced  

................................................................................................................ pg 367 10. Because that Act restraines Men bred up in the Trade of printing and founding of Letters from exerciseing their Trade even in an innocent & inoffensive way (tho they are Freemen of the Company of Stationers) either as Masters or Journeymen. The Number of Workmen in each of those Trades being limited by that Act   11. Because that Act compells Master Printers to take Journy men into their Service tho they have no work or Imployment for them   12. Because that Act restrains all Men who are not Lycenced by the Bishop from selling innocent and inoffensive Books tho never soe usefull in any part of England except Freemen of the Company of Stationers who may sell without such Lycence. so that neither Church nor State is taken Care of theireby but the people compelled to buy their freedome of Trade in all parts of England from the Company of Stationers in London   13. Because That Act prohibits any one not only to print Books whereof another has entred a Clayme of property in the Register of the Company of Stationers but to bind stitch or putt them to sale and that under a great pecuniary penalty. tho its Impossible for A Bookbinder stitcher or seller to know whether the book brought to him were printed by the proprietor or Another   14. Because that Act prohibits Smiths to make any Iron work for any printing press without giveing Notice to the Company of Stationers under

Page 3 of 5 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oseo/instance.00263880 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-div1-47 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

the penalty of 5£ whereas he may not Know to what Use the Iron bespoke of him and forged by him may be putt   15. Because that Act prohibits printing and Importing not only 25

30

Hereticall Seditious and Schismatical Books but all offensive Books and doth not Determine what shall be adjudged offensive Books. so that without Doubt if the Late King James had continued in the Throne till this time Books against Popery would not have been Demed offensive Books  

16. Because that Act subjects all mens houses as well peers as Comoners to be searcht at any Time either by day or night by a warrant under the sign manuall or under the hand of one of the Secretarys of State Directed to any messenger if such messenger shall upon probable reason suspect ................................................................................................................ pg 368 that there are any unlicenced Books there. and the houses of all persons 1

free of the Company of Stationers are subject to the Like Search on a Warrant from the Master and Wardens of the said Company or any one of them.   5

17. Because the penaltyes for offences against that Act are excessive. it being in the power of the Judges or Justices of the peace to Inflict what punishment they please not extending to Life or member   2

10

18. Lastly There is a provisoe in that Act for John Streater that he may print what he pleases as if the Act had never been made when the Commons see no cause to distinguesh him from all the rest of the Subiects of England

Page 4 of 5 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oseo/instance.00263880 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-div1-47 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

NOTES 3 which] C | om. L 25 time] C | om. L 1

The building used for the collection of customs duties, situated to the west of the Tower of London: Survey of London, xv. 31–43. 12 Stationers] C | Stationer L 20 Books] C | om. L 5 limited] C | om. L 17 pecuniary] C | petuniary L 27 Doubt] C | om. L 27 James] C | om. L 28 Popery] C | om. L 1 there] C | their L 1 any] C | om. L 1

Full members of the Company.

3 Master] C | Masters L 7 Life] C | Live L 2

John Streater (c.1620–77), soldier, printer, and political pamphleteer, ODNB.

Page 5 of 5 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oseo/instance.00263880 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-div1-47 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

Oxford Scholarly Editions Online

Reasons given by the House of Commons to the Clause reviving the Printing Act (1695)

J. R. Milton, Brandon Chua, Geoff Kemp, David McInnis, John Spurr, and Richard Yeo (eds), The Clarendon Edition of the Works of John Locke, Vol. 23: Literary and Historical Writings Published in print:

Published online:

2019

March 2020

........................................................................................................................... PG 365

I. REASONS GIVEN BY THE HOUSE OF COMMONS FOR NOT AGREEING TO THE CLAUSE REVIVING THE PRINTING ACT Sigla

C   The Craftsman, Number 281 (20 November 1731), 213–17. L   Bodleian Library, MS Locke b. 4, fos 79–80. The Commons Cannot agree to the Clause mark'd (A)   1. Because it revives and re-enacts a Law which in noe wise answered the end for which it was made. the Title and preamble of that Act being to prevent printing seditious and Treasonable Books pamphlets and papers 5

10

15

but there is no penalty appointed for Offenders therein they being Left to be punished at Common Law (as they may be) without that Act where as there are great and grievous penaltys imposed by that Act for matters wherein neither Church nor State is any wayes Concerned   2. Because that Act gives a property in Books to such persons as such Books are or shall be granted to by Letters patents whether the Crown had or shall have any Right to grant the same or not at the time of such Grant   3. Because that Act prohibits printing any thing before Entry thereof in the Register of the Company of Stationers (except proclamations Acts of parliament and such Books as shall be appointed under the Sign Manuall or under the Hand of a principall Secretary of State) whereby both Houses

Page 1 of 5 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oseo/instance.00263880 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-div1-47 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

of Parliament are Disabled to order any thing to be printed and the said Company are empowered to hinder the printing all innocent and usefull Books and have an opportunity to enter a title to themselves and their Freinds for what belongs to and is the Labour and right of others   20

25

5

4. Because that Act prohibits any Books to be imported (without Speciall Lycence) into any Port in England (Except London) by which meanes the whole Foreigne Trade of Books is restrained to London unless the Lord ArchBishop of Canterbury or the Lord Bishop of London shall in Interruption of their more Important Affaires in Governing the Church bestowe their time gratis in Lookeing over Catalogues of Books and granting Lycences. whereas the Commons think the other Ports of the

................................................................................................................ pg 366 Kingdome have as good right as London to Trade in Books as well as other Merchandize   5. Because that Act Leaves it in the power either of the Company of Stationers or of the ArchBishop of Canterbury and Bishop of London to hinder any Books from being Imported even into the port of London. for if one or more of the Company of Stationers will not come to the Custome 1

House or that those Reverend Bishops shall not appoint any Learned man to goe thither and be present at the opening and viewing Books imported the Custome House Officer is obliged to detaine them   10

15

20

6. Because that Act appoints noe time wherein the Archbishop or Bishop of London shall appoint a Learned man or that one or more of the Company of Stationers shall goe to the Custome House to view Imported Books soe that they or either of them may delay it till the Importer may be undone by haveing soe great a part of his Stock Lye dead or the Books (if wet) may rott and perish   7. Because that Act prohibits any Custome House Officer Under the penalty of Looseing his Office to open any pacquet wherein are Books Until some or one of the Company of Stationers and such Learned man as shall be soe appointed are present. which is Impracticable since he cannot Know there are Books till he has opened the pacquet   8. Because that Act confirmes all patents of Books granted and to be granted whereby the sole-printing of all or most of the Classick Authors

Page 2 of 5 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oseo/instance.00263880 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-div1-47 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

are and have been for many yeares past togeather with a great Number of the best Books and of most generall use monopolized by the Company of 25

30

5

10

15

20

Stationers and prohibits the Importing any such Books from beyond Sea. whereby the Schollars in this Kingdome are forced not only to buy them at the extravagant price they demand but must be Content with their ille and incorrect Editions and cannot have the more correct Coppys which are published abroad nor the usefull Notes of Forreigners or other Learned [79v] men upon them   9. Because that Act prohibits any thing to be printed till Lycenced and yet does not direct what shall be taken by the Lycencer for such Lycence by Colour whereof great Opression may be and has been practiced  

................................................................................................................ pg 367 10. Because that Act restraines Men bred up in the Trade of printing and founding of Letters from exerciseing their Trade even in an innocent & inoffensive way (tho they are Freemen of the Company of Stationers) either as Masters or Journeymen. The Number of Workmen in each of those Trades being limited by that Act   11. Because that Act compells Master Printers to take Journy men into their Service tho they have no work or Imployment for them   12. Because that Act restrains all Men who are not Lycenced by the Bishop from selling innocent and inoffensive Books tho never soe usefull in any part of England except Freemen of the Company of Stationers who may sell without such Lycence. so that neither Church nor State is taken Care of theireby but the people compelled to buy their freedome of Trade in all parts of England from the Company of Stationers in London   13. Because That Act prohibits any one not only to print Books whereof another has entred a Clayme of property in the Register of the Company of Stationers but to bind stitch or putt them to sale and that under a great pecuniary penalty. tho its Impossible for A Bookbinder stitcher or seller to know whether the book brought to him were printed by the proprietor or Another   14. Because that Act prohibits Smiths to make any Iron work for any printing press without giveing Notice to the Company of Stationers under

Page 3 of 5 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oseo/instance.00263880 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-div1-47 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

the penalty of 5£ whereas he may not Know to what Use the Iron bespoke of him and forged by him may be putt   15. Because that Act prohibits printing and Importing not only 25

30

Hereticall Seditious and Schismatical Books but all offensive Books and doth not Determine what shall be adjudged offensive Books. so that without Doubt if the Late King James had continued in the Throne till this time Books against Popery would not have been Demed offensive Books  

16. Because that Act subjects all mens houses as well peers as Comoners to be searcht at any Time either by day or night by a warrant under the sign manuall or under the hand of one of the Secretarys of State Directed to any messenger if such messenger shall upon probable reason suspect ................................................................................................................ pg 368 that there are any unlicenced Books there. and the houses of all persons 1

free of the Company of Stationers are subject to the Like Search on a Warrant from the Master and Wardens of the said Company or any one of them.   5

17. Because the penaltyes for offences against that Act are excessive. it being in the power of the Judges or Justices of the peace to Inflict what punishment they please not extending to Life or member   2

10

18. Lastly There is a provisoe in that Act for John Streater that he may print what he pleases as if the Act had never been made when the Commons see no cause to distinguesh him from all the rest of the Subiects of England

Page 4 of 5 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oseo/instance.00263880 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-div1-47 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

NOTES 3 which] C | om. L 25 time] C | om. L 1

The building used for the collection of customs duties, situated to the west of the Tower of London: Survey of London, xv. 31–43. 12 Stationers] C | Stationer L 20 Books] C | om. L 5 limited] C | om. L 17 pecuniary] C | petuniary L 27 Doubt] C | om. L 27 James] C | om. L 28 Popery] C | om. L 1 there] C | their L 1 any] C | om. L 1

Full members of the Company.

3 Master] C | Masters L 7 Life] C | Live L 2

John Streater (c.1620–77), soldier, printer, and political pamphleteer, ODNB.

Page 5 of 5 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oseo/instance.00263880 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-div1-47 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

Oxford Scholarly Editions Online Draft of the First 1695 Printing Bill (1695)

J. R. Milton, Brandon Chua, Geoff Kemp, David McInnis, John Spurr, and Richard Yeo (eds), The Clarendon Edition of the Works of John Locke, Vol. 23: Literary and Historical Writings Published in print:

2019

Published online:

March 2020

........................................................................................................................... PG 369

II. DRAFT OF THE FIRST 1695 PRINTING BILL Sigla

L   Bodleian Library, MS Locke b. 4, fo. 77. B   British Library, Add. MS 42592, fo. 203. [77r] For preventing the mischiefs that may happen in church or State for want of a due Regulation of Printing & Printing Presses Be it Enacted &c: That from & after the ⟨blank⟩ day of ⟨blank⟩ Noe Printing Press shall be erected used or kept within the City of London or Suburbs thereof 5

10

15

20

untill notice hath been given in writing to the Lord Chancellor or Lord Keeper of the Great Seal of England for the time being or to one of the Principall Secretarys of State for the time being or to one of their Secretarys to be Registred in their office or to the Lord Chief Justice of the Court of Kings Bench for the time being of the name of the person

who is to use such printing press & the place where the same is or shall be erected or kept. & that noe printing press shall be erected used or kept in either of the universitys untill like notice hath been given to the respective Chancellor or vicechancellor for the time being of the said Universitys. and that noe printing press shall be erected used or kept in any other City or Town untill like notice hath been given to the chief Magistrate of the same City or Town for the Time being and that noe printing Press shall be erected used or kept in any part of England except within the City of London or Suburbs thereof or within either of the universitys or within some other City or Town Corporate. And every Printing press erected used or kept after the said ⟨blank⟩ day of ⟨blank⟩

Page 1 of 8 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oseo/instance.00263881 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-div1-48 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

whereof noe such notice is or shall be given or in any other place than is allowd by this Act shall be & are hereby declared & adjudged forfeited together with all Letters & utinsills thereto belonging or therewith used & ................................................................................................................ pg 370 shall or may be seized to the use of his Majesty his heirs & Successors. And whosoever shall erect use or keep such printing press shall be disabled 1

to use or Exercise the art trade or mistery of a printer for the space of ⟨blank⟩ and shall forfeit the summe of ⟨blank⟩ the one moiety thereof

5

10

15

20

25

to the use of his Majesty his heirs & successors the other to such person as will inform & sue for the same And be it further Enacted that upon such notice as abovesaid given to the Lord Chancellor or Lord Keeper of the Great Seal of England for the time being or to either of the Secretarys of State or their Secretarys respectively or to the said Lord Chief Justice Chancellor vicechancellor or chief magistrate they shall respectively without Fee or reward give a certificate in writing of the receit of such notice And be it further Enacted That from & after the ⟨blank⟩ day of ⟨blank⟩ Every person who shall print any book pamphlet pourtraicture or paper

which was never before printed in England with Licence as soon as any sheet or paper thereof shall be printed if the matter in such Book pamphlet pourtraicture or paper concern or relate to Divinity shall carry or send and cause to be deliverd one printed Coppy thereof to the ArchBishop of Canterbury or the Bishop of the Diocess in wich the same is printed or to the vicechancellor of the university where the same is printed. and if the matter containd in such Book Pamphlet pourtraicture or Paper concern or relate to the Laws of England then shall carry or send a printed coppy thereof & cause the same to be deliverd to the Lord Chancellor or Lord Keeper of the Great Seal of England for the time

being or to one of the Judges Justices or Barons of one of the Courts of Record at Westminster for the time being. & if the matter of Such Book Pamphlet Pourtraicture or paper concern or relate to affairs of State ................................................................................................................ pg 371

5

or the history of this Realm then shall carry or send & cause to be deliverd one printed coppy thereof unto one of the Secretarys of State or one of their Secretarys in their respective office under the penalty of forfeiting for every omission the Summ of ⟨blank⟩ And be it further Enacted that noe person shall Print any thing contrary to the Laws of this Realm or contrary to the Christian Religion as it is

Page 2 of 8 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oseo/instance.00263881 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-div1-48 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

Establisht by Law in this Realm under the penalty of being disabled from using the Art Trade or Mistery of a Printer for the space of ⟨blank⟩ from the time of Conviction of any such offence. And the Printing press 10

Letters & Utinsills employd in printing the same are hereby declared &

adjudged forfeited & shall or may be seized to the use of his Majesty his heirs & successors And be it further Enacted That every person who shall hereafter Print any Book pamphlet pourtraicture or paper Shall thereunto or thereon 15

20

25

30

5

10

Print or set the Christian & Sirname & place of aboad of the master printer & of the publisher of the same under the penalty of ⟨blank⟩ & forfeiture of the same & of the printing Press Letters & utinsills imployd in the printing thereof & being further answerable for any matter or thing contrary to Law or to the Christian Religion as Establisht by

Law that shall be therein containd And be it further Enacted That whosoever shall order his name to be printed to any matter or thing shall be answerable to the Law as if he were the Author of the same. nevertheless the Author to be also answerable & punishable for any thing illegall containd therein if such author can be discoverd And be it further Enacted that noe person shall sell or publish any Book pamphlet pourtraicture or paper hereafter printed in England whereon the printer & publishers name is not printed under the penalty of forfeiting ⟨blank⟩ for every offence And be it further Enacted that noe person shall print the name of any person as publisher of any book pamphlet pourtraicture or paper without authority given in writing for soe doeing under the penalty of forfeiting ................................................................................................................ pg 372 the sum of ⟨blank⟩ to the party whose name shall be soe printed as Author or publisher & the further sum of ⟨blank⟩ one moiety thereof to his Majesty his heirs & Successors & the other moiety to such person as shall sue for the same. & also under the penalty of being disabled from exercising the Art trade or mistery of a printer for the space of ⟨blank⟩ after conviction of such offence And be it further enacted that every Printer shall reserve 3 coppys of the largest paper of every new book & Book reprinted with additions & shall before any publick vending of such book carry or send & cause to be deliverd one coppy thereof bound to the Keeper of his Majestys Library the other two to the vicechancellors of the two universitys respectively for the use of the publick Librarys of the said universitys And be it further enacted that either of the Secretarys of State or either

Page 3 of 8 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oseo/instance.00263881 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-div1-48 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

15

20

25

30

of the Chief Justices of the Courts of Kings Bench Common Pleas or chief Baron of the Exchequer the Chancellor or vicechancellor of either university & the chief Magistrate of any City or Town where any printing press is or may be erected or kept shall or may by virtue of this Act within their respective Jurisdiction by their respective warrants empower any person or persons from time to time & at all times to enter into & search

any printing house or place where any printing press is kept & the rooms warehouses & cellars thereunto belonging or which are employd by any printer or any other place where they shall be informd upon oath that there is any private printing press & to seize and take away all or any Coppys or prints of any Treasonable Seditious Atheisticall or hereticall Book pamphlet or paper & also such private printing press & the Letters & utinsills thereunto belonging and to apprehend & bring to Justice every person using such private printing press or concernd in printing such Treasonable Seditious Atheisticall or hereticall Book pamphlet or paper And be it further enacted that all the penaltys of this Act for which

noe particular methode is herein prescribed for the recovering & Leavying of the same shall or may be recoverd by Bill plaint Information ................................................................................................................ pg 373 1

Endictment or Action of Debt in which noe Essoin protection priviledge 2

5

or wager of Law or more then one Imparlance shall be allowd Provided always & be it further enacted That noe person shall be prosecuted for any offence committed against this Act unless such prosecution shall be commenced within ⟨blank⟩ after the offence comitted Provided also that this Act shall continue & be in force for ⟨blank⟩ years & to the end of the next Session of Parliament & noe longer

Page 4 of 8 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oseo/instance.00263881 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-div1-48 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

NOTES 2 &c:] L | by the Kings most excellent Majesty by & with the Advice & Consent of the Lords Spirituall & Temporall & Commons in Parliament assembled & by authority of the same B 4 Suburbs thereof] L | within ⟨blank⟩ miles of the same City B 5–6 in … or] L | [in ẉṛiṭịng] `in Writeing´ B 8–9 or … being] L | `or … being´ B 12 untill] L | or within ⟨blank⟩ miles of either of them untill B 13 Chancellor or vicechancellor] L | [vice]chancellor or `vice´chancellor B 18 Suburbs thereof] L | within ⟨blank⟩ miles of the same City B 18 either] L | one B 19 universitys] L | universitys or within ⟨blank⟩ miles of one of them B 22 & adjudged] L | `& adjudged´ B 1 Majesty] B | Majestys L 2–4 be … shall] L | `be dissabled to use or exercise the art `trade´ or mistery of a printer for the space of ⟨blank⟩ onely & shall´ B 1

Profession or occupation: the word ultimately derives from Latin ministerium, and there is no connection with mystery. 6 same] L | same [by Bill plaint Action of Debt or Information in any of his Majestys courts of record at Westminster] B 7–9 to … [1st] or] L | om. B 10 or … said] L | `the said´ B 10 Chancellor] L | `Chancellor´ B 17 to] L | [the Christian Religion as the same is establisht `by Law´ in the Church of England] `to´ B 18 and … Coppy] L | [one sheet or paper] `& cause to be deliverd one Printed Coppy´ B Page 5 of 8 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oseo/instance.00263881 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-div1-48 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

19 or] L | om. B 20 of] L | of/ {of} B 22 concern … then] L | concern [Law,] `or relate to the Laws of Engl⟨and⟩ then´ B 22–23 a printed coppy] L | one [sheet or paper] `Printed coppy´ B 23–25 & … [1st] or] L | `& cause the same to be Deliverd´ B 26 of … being] L | in Westminster Hall B 1 or send] L | `or send´ B 2 one … thereof] L | `one [sheet or paper thereof] Printed Copy thereof´ B 6–7 as … Realm] underlined in B with letter V inserted in LH margin 10–11 & adjudged] L | `& Adjudged´ B 14 Book] B | om. L 14 pourtraicture] L | `pourtraicture´ B 15 Christian … aboad] L | [name] `Christian … aboad´ B 16 [3rd] of … &] L | of B 18 the] L | om. B 19 [2nd] to] L | `to´ B 19–20 as … Law] underlined in B, with letter V inserted in LH margin 27 printed] L | [to be publisht] `printed´ B 27 whereon] L | [to which] `whereon´ B 28 printer] L | [Master] printer B 2 or publisher] L | `or publisher´ B 2 further] L | om. B 2–3 to his Majesty] to his Majestys L | to his Majesty written over the other to his B

Page 6 of 8 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oseo/instance.00263881 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-div1-48 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

3 [2nd] &] L | om. B 3 moiety] L | om. B 8 &] L | [by him printed] 〚or〚& B 9 such] L | the said B 9 carry or] L | `carry or´ B 10 bound] L | om. B 13–14 or … Justices] L | The Lord Chief Justice B 14–15 Courts … Exchequer] L | Court of Kings Bench B 18 within … Jurisdiction] L | om. B 18 respective warrants] L | `respective´ Warrant B 22 upon oath] L | om. B 26 thereunto] L | thereto B 26 every] L | any alt. to every B 29 the] L | `the´ B 29–31 for … same] L | `for … same´ B 31 by] L | [by any of the Courts of Record at Westminster] by B 1 Endictment] L | `Endictment´ B 1

An excuse for non-appearance in court at the appointed time: OED, essoin.

2 allowd] foll. in B by del. paragraph, with letter q in LH margin: [And be it further Enacted that when any printer offending against this Act shall fly from Justice or shall not be known or shall not be able to pay the penalty by him incurrd the same shall or may be recoverd against & Leavyd on the owner of the House or place wherein the printing press used by such printer was kept at the time of such offence] 2

An extension of time granted to put in a response when pleading a case: OED, imparlance.

Page 7 of 8 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oseo/instance.00263881 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-div1-48 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

4 committed] L | om. B 5 shall] L | om. B 6–7 Provided … longer] L | om. B

Page 8 of 8 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oseo/instance.00263881 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-div1-48 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

Oxford Scholarly Editions Online

Sir Anthony Ashley Cooper, first Earl of Shaftesbury, A Letter from the First Earl of Shaftesbury to Charles II (1690 – 1691)

J. R. Milton, Brandon Chua, Geoff Kemp, David McInnis, John Spurr, and Richard Yeo (eds), The Clarendon Edition of the Works of John Locke, Vol. 23: Literary and Historical Writings Published in print:

Published online:

2019

March 2020

........................................................................................................................... PG 374

III. A LETTER FROM THE FIRST EARL OF SHAFTESBURY TO CHARLES II r

National Archives, PRO 30/24/42/62, fo. 8 .

5

Sir the Almighty god, the King of Kings, permitted Job to dispute with him and to order his cause before him; give me leave therefore Great Sir to lay my Case before your Majesty and to plead not only my innocence but my meritts towards your Majesty; for my integrity will I hold fast and will not 1

lett it goe, my heart shall not reproach me soe long as I live.

10

15

20

I had the honor to have a principall hand in your restoration, neither did I act in itt but from a principle of pyety and honor; I never betrayed (as your Majesty knows) the party or councells I was off, I kept noe Correspondence with nor I made noe secrett Addresses to your Majesty neither did I endeavour or obtaine any private termes or Articles for my selfe or rewarde for what I had or should doe, in what ever I did towards the service of your Majesty, I was solely Acted by the sense of that duty I owed to god the English Nation, and your Majestyes Just Righte and title. I saw the hand of providence that had led us through various formes of Government and had given power into the hands of severall sorts of men but he had given none of them a harte to use itt as they should they all fell to the prey sought not the good or settlement of the Nation Endeavourd onely the Inlargements and Continuance of their owne Authoritie, and grasped at those very powers they had Complainde of soe much, and for which soe bloudy and so fatall warr had been Raised and Continued in the bowells of the Nation: I observde the leaders of the great parties of

Page 1 of 3 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oseo/instance.00263882 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-div1-49 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

Religion both layety and Clergy ready and forward to deliver up the Rights and libertys of the people and to Introduce an Absolute dominion soe that ................................................................................................................ pg 375 the Tyrannie mighte be Establisht in the hands of those that favourd their way and with whome they might have hopes to devide the present spoyle, having no eye to posterity or thought of future things; one of the last Scenes of this confusion was; General Lambert's seizing of the 5

1

Government in a morning by force of armes; turning out the Parliament and their Councel of State, and in theire roome erecting a Committy of safety: The new's of this gives a great surprize to General Monk; who command the army in Scotland. ........................................................................................................................... pg 376

Page 2 of 3 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oseo/instance.00263882 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-div1-49 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

NOTES 1

Adapted from Job 27: 5–6: 'God forbid that I should justify you: till I die I will not remove mine integrity from me. My righteousness I hold fast, and will not let it go: my heart shall not reproach me so long as I live.' 8 from] reading very uncertain 8 pyety and honor] `pyety and´ {and} honor [and religion] 9 I] [I made noe secrett addresses to your] I text thus far in Shaftesbury's hand; next part in hand of Scribe A 11 obtaine] [make] [`maintaine´] `obtaine´ 19 their owne Authoritie] [their power] `their `owne´ Authoritie´ 20 much] [long] `much´ 3 eye] [thoughte] `eye´ alt. by Shaftesbury 3 thought] [future] thought 3 future] `future´ alt. by Shaftesbury 3 one] text from here onwards in hand of Scribe B 1

On 13 October 1659: Hutton, The Restoration, 66.

Page 3 of 3 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oseo/instance.00263882 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-div1-49 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

Oxford Scholarly Editions Online Bibliography

J. R. Milton, Brandon Chua, Geoff Kemp, David McInnis, John Spurr, and Richard Yeo (eds), The Clarendon Edition of the Works of John Locke, Vol. 23: Literary and Historical Writings Published in print:

Published online:

2019

March 2020

........................................................................................................................... pg 377 Bibliography (A) MANUSCRIPT SOURCES Bodleian Library, Oxford Lovelace Collection MS Locke b. 1: Bills and other papers relating to Locke′s expenditure. MS Locke b. 2: Papers relating to Locke′s books. MS Locke b. 4: Miscellaneous papers. MS Locke c. 2: Locke′s ledger, 1702–4. MS Locke c. 25: Miscellaneous personal papers. MS Locke c. 31: Miscellaneous papers. MS Locke c. 32: Poems, c.1652–c.1704. MS Locke c. 33: Reading notes, 1679, 1687–90. MS Locke c. 42B: General commonplace book, 1679–1702. MS Locke c. 43: ̀Adversaria Theologica′, 1694. MS Locke c. 44: Miscellaneous writings, including a catalogue of Locke′s London books, c.1690–2. MS Locke d. 3: Writings against Malebranche and Norris, 1693. MS Locke d. 9: Medical commonplace book, c.1665–1704. Page 1 of 30 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.bibliography.1 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-bibliography-1 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

MS Locke d. 10: ̀Lemmata Ethica′, General commonplace book, c.1660–c.1667, 1681–2, 1693–1701. MS Locke d. 11: ̀Lemmata Physica′, Medical commonplace book, c.1659–c.1675, 1693–1701. MS Locke e. 4: Medical notebook, c.1652–c.1658. MS Locke e. 6: Notebook, mid-1650s–c.1664. MS Locke e. 17: Notebook used mainly for poems, 1650s and later. MS Locke f. 3: Journal, 1678. MS Locke f. 4: Journal, 1680. MS Locke f. 5: Journal, 1681. MS Locke f. 6: Journal, 1682. MS Locke f. 7: Journal, 1683. MS Locke f. 8: Journal, 1684–5. MS Locke f. 9: Journal, 1686–8. MS Locke f. 10: Journal, 1689–1704. MS Locke f. 11: Notebook containing accounts, 1649–66. MS Locke f. 14: General commonplace book, c.1659–c.1666. MS Locke f. 16: Catalogue of Locke′s library, 1693–7. MS Locke f. 18: Medical commonplace book, 1659–c.1660. ........................................................................................................................... pg 378 MS Locke f. 19: Medical commonplace book, c.1662–c.1669. MS Locke f. 20: Medical commonplace book, c.1658–c.1660. MS Locke f. 29: Pocket memorandum book, 1683–1702. MS Locke f. 31: Notebook, c.1662–c.1664. Other Collections Page 2 of 30 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.bibliography.1 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-bibliography-1 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

MS Eng. misc. f. 20: Commonplace book of Daniel Burgess. MS Tanner 62: Letters and papers relating to the Civil War. Microfilms of Manuscripts in other Libraries or in Private Hands MS Film 77: Locke′s commonplace book ̀Adversaria 1661′. British Library Additional Charter 76687: Commission appointing Sir Edward Harley as Governor of Dunkirk, 26 May 1660. Additional MS 4165: Letters and papers of General Charles Fleetwood, 1652–9. Additional MSS 4222–4224: Biographical notices collected by Thomas Birch, c.1730–c.1766. Additional MS 4290: Locke′s correspondence and other papers, 1678–1704. Additional MS 4313: Letters addressed to Thomas Birch, 1728–63. Additional MS 28728: Letters and papers sent by Locke to Nicolas Toinard, 1678–1700. Additional MS 32554: Locke′s medical commonplace book, c.1660–c.1666. Additional MS 34880: Commonplace book of Edward Gibbon, 1755. Additional MS 42592: Parliamentary and political papers of William Brockman MP and others, 1626–1757. Additional MSS 78328–78331: Commonplace books of John Evelyn. Cambridge University Library MS Oo. 6. 93: Miscellaneous legal papers, seventeenth century. Christ Church, Oxford MS 375: Papers relating to Locke′s expulsion from the college. Hampshire Record Office, Winchester Malmesbury Papers 9M73/G198: Papers relating to the life of the first Earl of Shaftesbury.

Page 3 of 30 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.bibliography.1 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-bibliography-1 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

9M73/G200/1: Warrant to Sir Anthony Ashley Cooper to command a brigade of horse, 3 Aug. 1644. 9M73/G200/5: Warrant to Sir Anthony Ashley Cooper to direct and conduct armed forces and suppress tumults, 26 Dec. 1659. ........................................................................................................................... pg 379 9M73/G232: Pierre Coste to James Harris, 27 Dec. 1738. 9M73/G233: An account of the early history of the Shaftesbury family. 9M73/G238: Letters from the Earl of Shaftesbury to Thomas and Jane Stringer, 1689–1702. 9M73/G255/2: Pierre Coste to the Earl of Shaftesbury, 20 March 1705. 9M73/G258/2: Peter King to the Earl of Shaftesbury, 12 May 1705. Institution of Engineering and Technology, London MS 002/1/4: Commonplace book of Michael Faraday. Lambeth Palace Library, London Gibson Papers MS 639: Miscellaneous papers collected by Archbishop Tenison. MS 640: Parliamentary bills and other legal papers. Manuscripts in Private Hands Dr Nicholas Fisher A miscellany of verse and prose, seventeenth century. National Archives, Kew Shaftesbury Papers PRO 30/24/2/43: Copy of a warrant for Sir Anthony Ashley Cooper to command a brigade of horse, 3 Aug. 1644. PRO 30/24/2/71: Copy of a warrant for Sir Anthony Ashley Cooper to direct and conduct armed forces, 26 Dec. 1659.

Page 4 of 30 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.bibliography.1 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-bibliography-1 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

PRO 30/24/6A/385: English version of an epitaph for the first Earl of Shaftesbury. PRO 30/24/6B/417: Copy of Jane Stringer to Lady Elizabeth Ashley, late 1730s. PRO 30/24/6B/441: Copy of part of Thomas Stringer′s memoir of the first Earl of Shaftesbury. PRO 30/24/6B/442: Copy of part of the first Earl of Shaftesbury′s autobiography, 1659–60. PRO 30/24/8/1: Diary kept by Sir Anthony Ashley Cooper, 1646–8. PRO 30/24/8/2: Diary kept by Sir Anthony Ashley Cooper, 1649. PRO 30/24/8/3: Diary kept by Sir Anthony Ashley Cooper, 1650. PRO 30/24/16: Papers collected by Benjamin Martyn for his projected biography of the first Earl of Shaftesbury. PRO 30/24/17: Correspondence and other papers relating to Benjamin Martyn′s biography of the first Earl of Shaftesbury. PRO 30/24/18: Autobiographical fragment of the first Earl of Shaftesbury. PRO 30/24/20/86: Peter King to the Earl of Shaftesbury, 14 Mar. 1705. ........................................................................................................................... pg 380 PRO 30/24/20/88: Peter King to the Earl of Shaftesbury, 18 Jan. 1705. PRO 30/24/20/99: The Earl of Shaftesbury to Arent Furly, 9 May 1705. PRO 30/24/21/184: Pierre Coste to the Earl of Shaftesbury, 7/18 June 1712. PRO 30/24/22/2: Letter book of the third Earl of Shaftesbury, 1689–1706. PRO 30/24/22/5: Letter book of the third Earl of Shaftesbury, 1704–5. PRO 30/24/27/15: Notebook kept by the third Earl of Shaftesbury, 1712. PRO 30/24/27/18: Pierre Coste to Arent Furly, 23 Jan. 1705. PRO 30/24/30/30: Two papers relating to the regulation of printing. PRO 30/24/42/62: Memoirs relating to the Life of Anthony First Earl of Shaftesbury. PRO 30/24/47/3: The Fundamental Constitutions of Carolina, 1669.

Page 5 of 30 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.bibliography.1 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-bibliography-1 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

PRO 30/24/47/22: Personal papers of John Locke. PRO 30/24/47/24: Peter King to the Earl of Shaftesbury, 9 Dec. 1704. PRO 30/24/47/26: Pierre Coste to the Earl of Shaftesbury, 16 May 1706. PRO 30/24/47/29: Poem wrongly ascribed to Locke, c.1700. PRO 30/24/47/32: Poem wrongly ascribed to Locke, c.1719. State Papers SP 29/39: State papers, July 1661. SP 44/338: Warrants and passes, 1688–9. Parliamentary Archives, London HL/PO/JO/10/1/310: Draft of the 1662 Printing Act. National Library of Scotland, Edinburgh Wodrow Collection Wod. Lett. Qu. XXI: Correspondence of Robert Wodrow. Somerset Heritage Centre, Taunton Sanford Collection DD\SF/7/9/1: Locke to Edward Clarke and John Freke, 19 Mar. 1695. DD\SF/13/5/4/40–3: Printed tracts on the proposed renewal of the Printing Act, 1693. (B) NEWSPAPERS AND PERIODICALS The Craftsman (1726–52). The Daily Courant (1702–35). The Daily Post (1719–46). The General Advertiser (1744–52). ........................................................................................................................... pg 381 Page 6 of 30 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.bibliography.1 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-bibliography-1 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

The Gentleman′s Magazine (1731–1922). The Historical Register (1716–38). The New Monthly Magazine (1814–84). (C) PRINTED SOURCES: PRIMARY Works published anonymously are listed by the first significant word in their titles. AESOP, Aesopi Phrygis, Et Aliorum Fabulae (Lyon, 1542).

—— Æsopi Phrygis Fabulae Elegantissimis Iconibus Veras Animalium Species ad Vivum Adumbrantibus (n.p. [Lyon?], 1605). —— Fabulae Æsopi, Graecè & Latinè, Nunc Denuo Selectae (Amsterdam, 1660). —— Æsopi Fabulae Anglo-Latinae (London, 1668). —— The Fables of Esop in English; With all his Life and Fortune (London, 1676). —— Fabularum Æsopicarum Delectus (Oxford, 1698). —— Aesop′s Fables, in English & Latin, Interlineary, for the Benefit of those who Not having a Master, Would Learn Either of these Tongues. With Sculptures (London, 1703). —— Aesop′s Fables, in English & Latin, Interlineary, for the Benefit of those who not having a Master, would learn either of these Tongues. The Second Edition, With Sculptures. By John Locke, Gent. (London, 1723). —— Fabulæ Æsopi Selectæ: or, Select Fables of Æsop (Dublin, 1732). —— Fabulæ Æsopi Selectæ: or, Select Fables of Æsop (London, 1737). Answers to the Reasons for reviving and continuing the Act for Regulation of Printing, delivered to the Members of the Honourable House of Commons, Feb. 20th(n.p. [London?], n.d. [1693?]). APPIAN, Roman History, ed. Horace White (4 vols.; London and New York., 1912–13). AUGUSTINE, Omnium Operum D. Aurelii Augustini Hipponensis Episcopi (10 vols.; Basel, 1541–

3).

Page 7 of 30 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.bibliography.1 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-bibliography-1 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

AUNGIER, GEORGE JAMES, The History and Antiquities of Syon Monastery, the Parish of

Isleworth, and the Chapelry of Hounslow (London, 1840).

BAKER, SIR RICHARD, A Chronicle of the Kings of England, 4th edition continued by Edward

Phillips (London, 1665).

[BARBEYRAC, JEAN], ̀Eloge historique de feu Mr. Jean Le Clerc′, Bibliothèque raisonnée, 16

(1736), 344–418.

—— Eloge historique de feu Mr. Jean Le Clerc (Amsterdam, 1736). BARCLAY, JOHN, Argenis, ed. and transl. Mark Riley and Dorothy Pritchard Huber (2 vols.;

Assen, 2004).

BAXTER, RICHARD, Church-History of the Government of Bishops and their Councils

abbreviated (London, 1681).

........................................................................................................................... pg 382 Bell′s Common Place Book, for the pocket; form′d generally upon the Principles Recommended and Practised by Mr. Locke (London, 1770). Bibliotheca Furliana, sive Catalogus Librorum Honoratiss. & Doctiss. Viri Benjamin Furly (Rotterdam, 1714). Biographia Britannica: Or, the Lives of the Most eminent Persons Who have flourished in Great Britain and Ireland, From the earliest Ages, down to the present Times (6 vols.; London, 1747–66). [BLOUNT, CHARLES], A Just Vindication of Learning: Or, An Humble Address to the High Court of Parliament In behalf of the Liberty of the Press (London, 1679). The Bowyer Ledgers: The Printing Accounts of William Bowyer, Father and Son, ed. Keith Maslen and John Lancaster (London and New York, 1991). BOYLE, ROBERT, The General History of the Air (London, 1692).

—— Medicinal Experiments: Or, A Collection of Choice and Safe Remedies, For the most part Simple, and easily prepared: Useful in Families, and very Serviceble to Country People. The Second Volume (London, 1693). [BRAY, THOMAS], A Short Account of the Several Kinds of Societies, set up of late Years, for carrying on the Reformation of Manners, and for the Propagation of Christian Knowledge (London, 1700).

Page 8 of 30 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.bibliography.1 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-bibliography-1 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

Britannia Rediviva (Oxford, 1660). BURNET, GILBERT, A Supplement to Burnet′s History of My Own Time, ed. H. C. Foxcroft

(Oxford, 1902).

BUTLER, SAMUEL, Hudibras. The First Part (London, 1663).

—— Hudibras. The Second Part (London, 1664). —— Hudibras. The First Part (London, 1704). Calendar of the Clarendon State Papers, ed. H. O. Coxe et al. (5 vols.; Oxford, 1872–1970). Calendar of State Papers and Manuscripts Relating to English Affairs in the Archives and Collections of Venice (38 vols.; London, 1864–1947). Catalogue des autographes précieux provenant de la bibliothèque de feu M. Jacques-Charles Brunet (Paris and London, 1868). CHAMBERS, EPHRAIM, Cyclopaedia: or, An Universal Dictionary of Arts and Sciences (2 vols.;

London, 1728).

CHRISTIE, W. D., Memoirs, Letters, and Speeches of Anthony Ashley Cooper, First Earl of

Shaftesbury, Lord Chancellor (London, 1859).

CICERO, MARCUS TULLIUS, Opera quae extant omnia (London, 1681).

—— Opera quae extant omnia … recognita ab Jacobo Gronovio (Leiden, 1692). CLARENDON, EDWARD HYDE, FIRST EARL OF, The History of the Rebellion and Civil Wars in

England, ed. William Dunn Macray (6 vols.; Oxford, 1888).

CLARKE, WILLIAM, The Clarke Papers V: Further Selections from the Papers of William Clarke,

Camden 5th series, 27 (Cambridge, 2006).

COCCHI, ANTONIO, Dei Bagni di Pisa Trattato (Florence, 1750).

[COCKER, EDWARD], Cocker′s Arithmetick, 22nd edition (London, 1702). ........................................................................................................................... pg 383 A Collection of All the Treaties of Peace, Alliance, and Commerce, Between Great-Britain and Other Powers, ed. Charles Jenkinson (3 vols.; London, 1785). A Collection of Epigrams (London, 1727). Page 9 of 30 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.bibliography.1 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-bibliography-1 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

COLLINS, ARTHUR, The Peerage of England (7 vols.; London, 1768). COLLINSON, JOHN, The History and Antiquities of the County of Somerset (Bath, 1791).

The Common Place Book, for the pocket: Formed generally upon the Principles Recommended and practised by Mr. Locke (Dublin, 1778). Common Place Book, formed generally upon the principles recommended and practised by Mr. Locke (London, 1796). COSTE, PIERRE, ̀Lettre de Mr. Coste à l′Auteur de ces Nouvelles, à l′occasion de la mort de

Monsieur Locke′, Nouvelles de la république des lettres, February 1705, 154–77. COWLEY, ABRAHAM, The Works of Mr Abraham Cowley (London, 1668).

CROMWELL, HENRY, The Correspondence of Henry Cromwell 1655–1659, ed. Peter Gaunt,

Camden Society, 5th series, 31 (London, 2007).

Debrett′s Complete Peerage of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland (London, 1836). D′EWES, SIR SIMONDS, The Journal of Sir Simonds D′Ewes from the beginning of the Long

Parliament to the opening of the Trial of the Earl of Strafford, ed. Wallace Notestein (New Haven, 1923). DIO CASSIUS, Roman History, ed. Earnest Cary and Herbert B. Foster (9 vols.; London and New

York., 1914–27).

Domiduca Oxoniensis: Sive Musae Academicae Gratulatio Ob Auspicatissimum Serenissimae Principis Catharinae Lusitanae, Regi suo Desponsatae, In Angliam appulsum (Oxford, 1660). DREXEL, JEREMIAS, Aurifodina Artium & scientiarum omnium; Excerpendi Sollertia, Omnibus

litterarum amantibus monstrata (Munich, 1638).

DRYDEN, JOHN, The Poems of John Dryden: Volume One: 1649–1681, ed. Paul Hammond

(London, 1995).

Encyclopédie, ou dictionnaire raisonné des sciences, des arts et des métiers (28 vols.; Paris, 1751–72). EVELYN, JOHN, The Diary of John Evelyn, ed. E. S. de Beer (6 vols.; Oxford, 1955). FAULKNER, THOMAS, An Historical and Topographical Description of Chelsea, and its Environs (2

vols.; Chelsea, 1829).

Page 10 of 30 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.bibliography.1 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-bibliography-1 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

[FERGUSON, ROBERT], The Third Part of No Protestant Plot (London, 1682). FLATMAN, THOMAS, Poems and Songs, 4th edition (London, 1686).

The Fundamental Constitutions of Carolina (n.p. [London], n.d. [1672?]). GIBBON, EDWARD, Memoirs of my Life, ed. Georges A. Bonnard (New York, 1966).

—— The History of the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire, ed. J. B. Bury (7 vols.; Cambridge, 2013). [GORDON, THOMAS], The Character of an Independent Whig (London, 1719). Gratulatio solennis Universitatis Oxoniensis ob celsissimum Georgium Fred. Aug. Walliae Principem Georgio III. et Charlottae Reginae auspicatissime natum (Oxford, 1762). ........................................................................................................................... pg 384 GROTIUS, HUGO, Annotationes in Libros Evangeliorum (Amsterdam, 1641). HALLEY, EDMOND, ̀A Discourse of the Rule of the decrease of the hight of the Mercury in the

Barometer … upon change of Weather′, Philosophical Transactions, 16 (1686–7), 104–16. HANCOCKE, JOHN, Febrifugum Magnum (London, 1723). [HARRINGTON, JAMES], Reasons for Reviving and Continuing the Act for the Regulation of

Printing (n.p. [London?], n.d. [1693?]).

HARWOOD, EDWARD, A View of the Various Editions of the Greek and Roman Classics (London,

1775).

HILARY OF POITIERS, D. Hilarii Pictavorum Episcopi Lucubrationes quotquot extant (Basel,

1570).

HOLLES, DENZIL, Memoirs of Denzil Lord Holles, Baron of Ifield in Sussex, From the Year 1641,

to 1648 (London, 1699).

HOPTON, RALPH, Bellum Civile: Hopton′s Narrative of his Campaign in the West (1642–1644 ) and other papers, ed. Charles E. H. Chadwyck Healey (London, 1902). HUTCHINS, JOHN, The History and Antiquities of the County of Dorset (2 vols.; London, 1774). JOHNSON, SAMUEL, A Dictionary of the English Language (2 vols.; London, 1755).

Page 11 of 30 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.bibliography.1 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-bibliography-1 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

The Judgment and Decree of the University of Oxford Past in their Convocation July 21. 1683 (Oxford, 1683). KING, PETER, An Enquiry into the Constitution, Discipline, Unity & Worship of the Primitive

Church (London, 1691).

KIRCHER, ATHANASIUS, China monumentis qua Sacris qua Profanis, Nec non variis Naturae

& Artis Spectaculis, Aliarumque rerum memorabilium Argumentis Illustrata (Amsterdam, 1667). LA CALPRENÈDE, GAUTHIER DE COSTES, SEIGNEUR DE, Hymen′s Praeludia: Or, Love′s Master-Piece

(9 vols.; London, 1652–9).

[LAWRENCE, WILLIAM], Marriage by the Morall Law of God Vindicated ([London], 1680). LE CLERC, JEAN, Ars Critica (Amsterdam, 1697).

—— ̀Eloge de feu Mr. Locke′, Bibliothèque choisie, 6 (1705), 342–411. —— Review of A Collection of Several Pieces of Mr. John Locke, in Bibliothèque ancienne et moderne, 13 (1720), 444–59. —— Epistolario, ed. Mario Sina and Maria Grazia Sina (4 vols.; Florence, 1987–97). L′ESTRANGE, SIR ROGER, Fables, of Æsop And other Eminent Mythologists: with Morals and

Reflexions (London, 1692).

A Letter from Sir Anthony Ashley Cooper, Thomas Scot, Io. Berners, and Iohn Weaver, Esquiers, delivered to the Lord Fleetwood: Owning their Late Actions ([London], 1659). The Literary Diary; or Improved Common-place-book (London, 1814). ........................................................................................................................... pg 385 LOCKE, JOHN, ̀An Extract of a Letter, written to the Publisher by Mr. J. L. about poisonous Fish in one of the Bahama Islands′, Philosophical Transactions, 10 (1675), 312. —— ̀Methode nouvelle de dresser des recueuils′, Bibliothèque universelle et historique, 2 (1686), 315–40. —— Abregé d′un ouvrage intitulé essai philosophique touchant l′entendement (Amsterdam, 1688).

Page 12 of 30 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.bibliography.1 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-bibliography-1 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

—— ̀Extrait d′un Livre Anglois qui n′est pas encore publié, intitulé Essai Philosophique concernant L′entendement′, Bibliothèque universelle et historique, 8 (1688), 49–142. —— A Letter concerning Toleration (London, 1689). —— Two Treatises of Government (London, 1689). —— A Second Letter concerning Toleration (London, 1690). —— Some Considerations of the Consequences of the Lowering of Interest (London, 1692). —— A Third Letter for Toleration (London, 1692). —— Short Observations on a Printed Paper, Intituled, For encouraging the Coining Silver Money in England (London, 1695). —— Mr. Locke′s Reply to the Right Reverend the Lord Bishop of Worcester′s Answer to his Letter (London, 1697). —— ̀Mémoires pour servir à la Vie d′Antoine Ashley, Comte de Shaftesbury, & Grand Chancellier d′Angleterre, sous Charles II′, Bibliothèque choisie, 7 (1705), 146–91. —— A New Method of making Common-Place-Books; Written By the late Learned Mr. John Lock, Author of the Essay concerning Humane Understanding (London, 1706). —— Posthumous Works of Mr. John Locke (London, 1706). —— Oeuvres diverses de Monsieur Jean Locke (Rotterdam, 1710). —— Oeuvres diverses de Monsieur Locke (2 vols.; Amsterdam, 1732). —— Des berühmten Engelländers, Herrn Johann Locks Neuerfundene Manier, Excerpta und Locos Communes einzurichten (Frankfurt and Leipzig, 1711). —— The Remains of John Locke Esq. (London, 1714). —— The Works of John Locke Esq. (3 vols.; London, 1714). —— A Collection of Several Pieces of Mr. John Locke (London, 1720). —— A Collection of Several Pieces of Mr. John Locke (London, 1724). —— A Collection of Several Pieces of Mr. John Locke (London, 1739).

Page 13 of 30 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.bibliography.1 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-bibliography-1 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

—— Eene Nieuwe Manier om Verzaamelingen of Aantekeningen te maaken, Opgesteld en gemeen gemaakt door Johannes Locke (Amsterdam, 1739). —— Abregé de l′essai de Monsieur Locke, sur l′entendement humain (Geneva, 1741). —— The Works of John Locke, Esq., 5th edition (3 vols.; London, 1751). —— The Works of John Locke, 8th edition (4 vols.; London, 1777). —— Abregé de l′essai de Monsieur Locke, sur l′entendement humain (Geneva, 1788). —— ̀Two Juvenile Productions of Locke′s′, The Monthly Repository of Theology and General Literature, 5 (1810), 232–3. ........................................................................................................................... pg 386 —— Oeuvres philosophiques de Locke, ed. François Thurot (7 vols.; Paris, 1821–5). —— Essays on the Law of Nature, ed. W. von Leyden (Oxford, 1954). ——Two Tracts on Government, ed. Philip Abrams (Cambridge, 1967). —— Two Treatises of Government, ed. Peter Laslett, 2nd edition (Cambridge, 1967). —— An Essay Concerning Human Understanding, ed. Peter H. Nidditch (Oxford, 1975). —— The Correspondence of John Locke, ed. E. S. de Beer (10 vols.; Oxford, 1976–). —— Some Thoughts Concerning Education, ed. John W. and Jean S. Yolton (Oxford, 1989). —— Drafts for the Essay Concerning Human Understanding and Other Philosophical Writings, vol. 1, ed. Peter H. Nidditch and G. A. J. Rogers (Oxford, 1990). —— Political Essays, ed. Mark Goldie (Cambridge, 1997). —— The Reasonableness of Christianity, ed. John C. Higgins-Biddle (Oxford, 1999). —— An Essay Concerning Toleration and Other Writings on Law and Politics, 1667–1683, ed. J. R. Milton and Philip Milton (Oxford, 2006). LUDLOW, EDMUND, Memoirs of Edmund Ludlow, Esq. (3 vols.; ̀Vivay′ [London], 1698–9).

—— The Memoirs of Edmund Ludlow, ed. C. H. Firth (2 vols.; Oxford, 1894). —— A Voyce from the Watch Tower, Part Five: 1660–1662, ed. Blair.

Page 14 of 30 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.bibliography.1 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-bibliography-1 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

MACAULAY, THOMAS BABINGTON, The History of England from the Accession of James the Second

(5 vols.; London, 1849–61).

—— The Life and Letters of Lord Macaulay, ed. George Otto Trevelyan (2 vols.; London, 1876). —— The Journals of Thomas Babington Macaulay, ed. William Thomas (5 vols.; London, 2008). MADAN, FALCONER, Oxford Books: A Bibliography of Printed Works relating to the University

and City of Oxford or Printed or Published there (3 vols.; Oxford, 1895–1931).

MANBY, THOMAS, A Collection of the Statutes Made in the Reigns of King Charles the I. and

King Charles the II. (London, 1667).

MARSHAM, SIR JOHN, Chronicus Canon Ægyptiacus, Graecus, & Disquisitiones (London, 1672). MARTIN, CHARLES TRICE, Catalogue of the Archives in the Muniment Rooms of All Souls′ College

(London, 1877).

MARTINI, MARTIN, Atlas Sinicus, sive Magni Sinarum Imperii Geographica Descriptio

(Amsterdam, 1655).

[MARTYN, BENJAMIN], The Life of Anthony Ashley Cooper First Earl of Shaftesbury (n.p. [London], n.d. [1770–1]). MARTYN, BENJAMIN, and ANDREW KIPPIS, The Life of the First Earl of Shaftesbury (2 vols.; London,

1836).

MCKENZIE,D. F., and MAUREEN BELL, A Chronology and Calendar of Documents relating to the

London Book Trade 1641–1700 (3 vols.; Oxford, 2005).

........................................................................................................................... pg 387 MILLER, EDMOND, An Account of the University of Cambridge, And the Colleges there (London, 1717). MILTON, JOHN, Areopagitica (London, 1644).

—— Complete Prose Works of John Milton, ed. Don. M. Wolfe et al. (8 vols.; New Haven and London, 1953–82).

Page 15 of 30 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.bibliography.1 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-bibliography-1 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

Musarum Cantabrigiensium Luctus & Gratulatio: Ille in Funere Oliveri Angliae, Scotiae, & Hiberniae Protectoris; Haec De Ricardi successione felicissima ad eundem (Cambridge, 1658). Musarum Oxoniensium Elaiophoria. Sive, Ob Faedera, Auspiciis Serenissimi Oliveri Reipub. Ang. Scot. & Hiber. Domini Protectoris, Inter Rempub. Britannicam & Ordines Faederatos Belgii Faeliciter Stabilita, Gentis Togatae ad vada Isidis Celeusma Metricum (Oxford, 1654). Musarum Oxoniensium Epibateria Serenissimæ Reginarum Mariæ ex Batavia Feliciter Reduci Publico Voto D.D.D. (Oxford, 1643). A Narrative of the Proceedings of the Fleet: Giving an Account of what hath passed since their Arrivall at Graves End, between divers Honorable Members of Parliament and ViceAdmiral Lawson, and the Commissioners sent from White-Hall appointed to Treat on the behalf of the Army (London, 1659). [NEDHAM, MARCHAMONT], A Pacquet of Advices and Animadversions, Sent from London To the Men of Shaftsbury (London, 1676). A New Collection of Poems Relating to State Affairs (London, 1705). A New Common-Place Book, in which the Plan Recommended and Practised by John Locke, Esq. is enlarged and improved, by a Gentleman of the University of Cambridge (Cambridge and London, 1777). A New Commonplace Book; being an improvement on that recommended by Mr. Locke; properly ruled throughout with a complete skeleton Index, and ample Directions for its Use (London, 1799). Original Letters of Locke; Algernon Sidney; and Anthony Lord Shaftesbury, ed. Thomas Forster (London, 1830). ORME, WILLIAM, Memoirs of the Life, Writings, and Religious Connexions of John Owen D.D.

(London, 1820).

PAPIN, DENIS, ̀An Account of an Experiment shewn before the Royal Society, of Shooting by the

Rarefaction of the Air: By Dr. D. Papin, R. S. S.′, Philosophical Transactions, 16 (1686–7), 21– 2. PATIN, GUI, Lettres choisies de feu Mr. Guy Patin (3 vols.; Paris, 1692).

PLACCIUS, VINCENT, De Arte Excerpendi Vom Gelahrten Buchhalten Liber singularis (Hamburg,

1689).

Page 16 of 30 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.bibliography.1 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-bibliography-1 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

PLUTARCH, Lives (11 vols.; London and New York, 1914–26).

Poems on Affairs of State: Augustan Satirical Verse, 1660–1714, ed. George deF. Lord et al. (7 vols.; New Haven, 1963–75). PULTON, FERDINANDO, continued by THOMAS MANBY, A Collection Of all the Statutes Now in Use

(London, 1670).

........................................................................................................................... pg 388 Reasons humbly offered to be considered before the Act for Printing be renewed (n.p. [London?], n.d. [1692]). Reasons Humbly offered for the Liberty of Unlicens′d Printing. To which is Subjoin′d, The Just and True Character of Edmund Bohun, the Licenser of the Press (London, 1693). The Record of the Royal Society of London (London, 1897). The Remonstrance and Protestation of the Well-affected People of the Cities of London, Westminster, and the other Cities, Counties and places within the Common-wealth of England against Those Officers of the Army Who put force upon, and interrupted the Parliament (London, 1659). A Remonstrance or Declaration touching the Re-Establishing and Sitting of the Parliament at Westminster (London, 1659). Revolutions d′Angleterre depuis le mort du protecteur Olivier, jusques au retablissement du Roy (Paris, 1670). RUDGE, THOMAS, The History of the County of Gloucester (2 vols.; Gloucester, 1803). RUSHWORTH, JOHN, Historical Collections. The Second Part. Containing the Principal Matters

Which happened from the Dissolution of the Parliament, On the 10 th of March, 4 . Car. I. 1628 / 9. Until the Summoning of another Parliament, which met at Westminster, April 13. 1640. (London, 1680). SACCHINI, FRANCESCO, De Ratione Libros cum Profectu Legendi Libellus (Ingolstadt, 1614).

—— Moyens de lire avec fruit (The Hague, 1786). SALVIAN OF MARSEILLES, Salviani Massiliensis Opera (Nuremberg, 1623). SANDERSON, ROBERT, Logicae Artis Compendium (Oxford, 1615).

Page 17 of 30 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.bibliography.1 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-bibliography-1 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

SCHURMAN, MARIA VAN, Eukleria seu Melioris Partis Electio (Altona, 1673).

—— Eucleria, of Uitkiezing van het Beste Deel (Amsterdam, 1684). SHAFTESBURY, ANTHONY ASHLEY COOPER, THIRD EARL OF, The Life, Unpublished Letters, and

Philosophical Regimen of Anthony, Earl of Shaftesbury, Author of the ̀Characteristics′, ed. Benjamin Rand (London, 1900). SHELL, ALISON, and ALISON EMBLOW, Index to the Court Books of the Stationers′ Company, 1679

to 1717 (Oxford, 2007).

Shotover House … A Catalogue of the valuable Contents of the Mansion, comprising … A Valuable Library of Books … and Manuscripts formed by James Tyrrell the Historian … Which will be Sold by Auction … on Monday, 22d October, 1855 and Six following Days (London, 1855). SIDNEY, SIR PHILIP, The Countesse of Pembrokes Arcadia. Written by Sir Philip Sidney Knight

(London, 1593).

SPENCE, JOSEPH, Anecdotes, Observations, and Characters, of Books and Men: Collected from

the Conversation of Mr. Pope and other Eminent Persons of his Time, ed. Samuel Weller Singer (London, 1820). State Papers collected by Edward, Earl of Clarendon, ed. R. Scrope and T. Monkhouse (3 vols.; Oxford, 1767–86). ........................................................................................................................... pg 389 State-Poems; Continued From the time of O. Cromwel, to this present Year 1697 (n.p. [London], 1697). Statutes of the Realm (11 vols.; London, 1810–25). STELLING-MICHAUD, SUZANNE (ed.), Le Livre du recteur de l′Académie de Genève: 1559–1878 (6

vols.; Geneva, 1959–80).

A Supplement (to the Paper called, Reasons humbly offered to be considered before the Act for Printing be continued, &c.) to the Honourable Members of Parliament, humbly representing these further Publick Mischiefs acted by Monopolizing Patentees, Mercinary Licencers and others, under colour of the said Act (n.p. [London?], n.d. [1693?]). Survey of London, ed. C. R. Ashbee et al. (50 vols so far; London, 1900–). SYDENHAM, THOMAS, Methodus Curandi Febres, 2nd edition (London, 1668).

Page 18 of 30 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.bibliography.1 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-bibliography-1 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

The Term Catalogues 1668–1709 A.D., ed. Edward Arber (3 vols.; London, 1903–6). TERRY, EDWARD, A Voyage to East-India (London, 1655). THÉVENOT, MELCHISÉDEC, Relations de divers voyages curieux (4 vols.; Paris, 1663–72).

The Thirty-Third Annual Report of the Deputy Keeper of the Public Records (London, 1872). TINDAL, MATTHEW, A Letter to a Member of Parliament, Shewing, that a Restraint on the Press

Is inconsistent with the Protestant Religion, and dangerous to the Liberties of the Nation (London, 1698). —— A Defence of the Rights of the Christian Church (London, 1709). TODD, JOHN, Index Rerum; Or, Index of Subjects; Intended as a Manual to Aid the Student and

the Professional Man in Preparing Himself for Usefulness (Northampton, Mass., 1863).

A Transcript of the Registers of the Worshipful Company of Stationers: from 1641–1708 A.D. (3 vols.; London, 1913–14). [TRENCHARD, JOHN and THOMAS GORDON], The Independent Whig, 5th edition (2 vols.; London, 1732). USSHER, JAMES, Annales. In quibus, praeter Maccabaicam et Novi Testamenti historiam …

Chronicon (London, 1654).

—— The Annals of the World (London, 1658). VENN, JOHN, and J. A. VENN, Alumni Cantabrigienses: A Biographical List of All Known Students,

Graduates and Holders of Office at the University of Cambridge, from the Earliest Times to 1900 (10 vols.; Cambridge, 1922–54). WALKER, OBADIAH, Of Education. Especially of Young Gentlemen (Oxford, 1673). WALLIS, JOHN, ̀A Letter of Dr. John Wallis to Robert Boyle Esq, concerning the said Doctor

′s Essay of Teaching a person Dumb and Deaf to speak, and to Understand a Language′, Philosophical Transactions, vol. 5, number 61 (18 July 1670), 1087–99. —— ̀A letter of Dr. John Wallis … to Mr. Thomas Beverly; Concerning his Method for Instructing Persons Deaf and Dumb′, Philosophical Transactions, vol. 20, number 245 (October 1698), 353–60. ........................................................................................................................... pg 390

Page 19 of 30 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.bibliography.1 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-bibliography-1 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

WATTS, ISAAC, Logick: or, The Right Use of Reason in the Enquiry after Truth (London, 1725). WHITELOCKE, BULSTRODE, Memorials of the English Affairs from the Beginning of the Reign

of Charles the First to the Happy Restoration of King Charles the Second (4 vols.; Oxford, 1853). WOOD, ANTHONY, The History and Antiquities of the University of Oxford, ed. John Gutch (2

vols.; Oxford, 1796).

—— The Life and Times of Anthony Wood, antiquary, of Oxford, 1632–1695, described by Himself, ed. Andrew Clark (5 vols.; Oxford, 1891–1900). ZEDLER, JOHANN HEINRICH, Grosses vollständiges Universal Lexicon Aller Wissenschafften und

Künste (68 vols.; Leipzig, 1732–54).

(D) MODERN PRINTED WORKS ALLAN, DAVID, Commonplace Books and Reading in Georgian England (Cambridge, 2010). ANSELMENT, RAYMOND A., ̀The Oxford University Poets and Caroline Panegyric′, John Donne Journal, 3 (1984), 181–201. ASTBURY, RAYMOND, ̀The Renewal of the Licensing Act in 1693 and its Lapse in 1695′, The

Library, 5th Series, 33 (1978), 296–322.

AYLMER, G. E., ̀Was Oliver Cromwell a Member of the Army in 1646–7 or not?′, History, 56

(1971), 183–8.

BARNARD, JOHN, D. F. MCKENZIE, and MAUREEN BELL, The Cambridge History of the Book in

Britain, Volume IV: 1557–1695 (Cambridge, 2002).

BARNES, ANNIE, Jean Le Clerc (1657–1736) et la république des lettres (Paris, 1938). BAYLEY, A. R., The Great Civil War in Dorset 1642–1660 (Taunton, 1910). BEAVAN, IAIN, ̀Who Was Dr James Fraser of Chelsea?′, in From Compositors to Collectors:

Essays on Book-Trade History, ed. John Hinks and Matthew Day (New Castle, Delaware, 2012), 217–34. BEDDARD, R. A., ̀The Origin of Charles II′s Visitation of the University of Oxford in 1660′,

Parliamentary History, 24 (2005), 261–94.

BERGER, THOMAS L., WILLIAM C. BRADFORD, and SIDNEY L. SONDERGARD, An Index of Characters in

Early Modern English Drama: Printed Plays, 1500–1660, 2nd edition (Cambridge, 1998).

Page 20 of 30 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.bibliography.1 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-bibliography-1 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

BILL, E. G. W., Education at Christ Church Oxford, 1660–1800 (Oxford, 1988). BINNS, J. W., Intellectual Culture in Elizabethan and Jacobean England: The Latin Writings of

the Age (Leeds, 1990).

BLAGDEN, CYPRIAN, The Stationers′ Company: A History (London, 1960). BLAIR, ANN, The Theater of Nature: Jean Bodin and Renaissance Science (Princeton, 1997).

—— Too Much to Know: Managing Scholarly Information before the Modern Age (New Haven, 2010). ........................................................................................................................... pg 391 BOURNE, H. R. FOX, The Life of John Locke (2 vols.; London, 1876). BRADDICK, MICHAEL, God′s Fury, England′s Fire: A New History of the English Civil Wars

(London, 2008).

BROWN, LOUISE FARGO, The First Earl of Shaftesbury (New York, 1933). CEVOLINI, ALBERTO, De arte excerpendi: Imparare a dimenticare nella modernità (Florence,

2006).

CHRISTIE, W. D., A Life of Anthony Ashley Cooper, First Earl of Shaftesbury 1621–1683 (2 vols.;

London, 1871).

COSTELLO, WILLIAM T., The Scholastic Curriculum at Early Seventeenth-Century Cambridge

(Cambridge, Mass., 1958).

CRADDOCK, PATRICIA B., Young Edward Gibbon: Gentleman of Letters (Baltimore, 1982). CRANE, MARY THOMAS, Framing Authority: Sayings, Self, and Society in Sixteenth-Century

England (Princeton, 1993).

CRANSTON, MAURICE, John Locke: A Biography (London, 1957). CRAWFORD, PATRICIA, ̀The Savile Affair′, English Historical Review, 90 (1975), 76–93.

—— Denzil Holles 1598–1680: A Study of his Political Career (London, 1979). CRIST, TIMOTHY, ̀Government Control of the Press after the Expiration of the Printing Act in

1679′, Publishing History, 5 (1979), 49–77.

Page 21 of 30 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.bibliography.1 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-bibliography-1 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

CUTTS, JOHN P., ̀The Dramatic Writings of Martin Llewellyn′, Philological Quarterly, 47 (1968),

16–29.

DACOME, LUCIA, ̀Noting the Mind: Commonplace Books and the Pursuit of the Self in

Eighteenth-Century Britain′, Journal of the History of Ideas, 65 (2004), 603–25. DEAZLEY, RONAN, On the Origin of the Right to Copy (Oxford, 2004).

DE BEER, E. S., ̀Bishop Law′s List of Books Attributed to Locke′, Locke Newsletter, 7 (1976),

47–54.

DICKEY, ELEANOR, Ancient Greek Scholarship (New York, 2007). DORNIER, CAROLE, ̀Montesquieu et la tradition des recueils de lieux communs′, Revue d′histoire

littéraire de la France, 108 (2008), 809–20.

FARR, DAVID, John Lambert, Parliamentary Soldier and Cromwellian Major-General, 1619–1684

(Woodbridge, 2003).

FINOCCHIARO, MAURICE A., The Galileo Affair: A Documentary History (Berkeley, 1989). FIRTH, C. H., and S. C. LOMAS, Notes on the Diplomatic Relations of England and France 1603–

1688 (Oxford, 1906).

FORSTER, HAROLD, ̀The Rise and Fall of the Cambridge Muses (1603–1763)′, Transactions of the

Cambridge Bibliographical Society, 8 (1981–5), 141–72.

GASCOIGNE, JOHN, ̀Church and State Allied: the Failure of Parliamentary Reform of the

Universities, 1688–1800′, in The First Modern Society: Essays in English History in Honour of Lawrence Stone, ed. A. L. Beier, David Cannadine, and James M. Rosenheim (Cambridge, 1989), 401–29. ........................................................................................................................... pg 392 GENTLES, IAN, The English Revolution and the Wars in the Three Kingdoms 1638–1652 (Harlow, 2007). GOLDIE, MARK, ̀John Locke and the Reputation of the first Earl of Shaftesbury′, in Shaping

Enlightenment Politics: the Social and Political Impact of the First and Third Earls of Shaftesbury, ed. Patrick Müller (Frankfurt, 2018). GOODWIN, TIM, Dorset in the Civil War 1625–1665 (Tiverton, 1996).

Page 22 of 30 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.bibliography.1 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-bibliography-1 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

GREEN, IAN M., Humanism and Protestantism in Early Modern English Education (Farnham,

2009).

GUIZOT, FRANÇOIS, History of Richard Cromwell and the Restoration of Charles II, trans.

Andrew R. Scoble (2 vols.; London, 1856).

GUY, WILLIAM AUGUSTUS, ̀On the Use of Common-Place Books in Self-Education′, in Lectures, in Connection with the Educational Exhibition (London, 1854), 69–86. HALE, DAVID G., ̀Aesop in Renaissance England′, The Library, 5th series, 27 (1972), 116–25. HALEY, K. H. D., The First Earl of Shaftesbury (Oxford, 1968). HARRISON, JOHN, and PETER LASLETT, The Library of John Locke, 2nd edition (Oxford, 1971). HAVENS, EARLE, Commonplace Books: A History of Manuscripts and Printed Books from

Antiquity to the Twentieth Century (New Haven, 2001).

HERVIEUX, LÉOPOLD, Les Fabulistes Latins, depuis le siècle d′Auguste jusqu′à la fin du moyen

âge (5 vols.; Paris, 1884–99).

HILL, HERBERT WYNFORD, ̀La Calprenède′s Romances and the Restoration Drama, Part I: The

Romances′, University of Nevada Studies, 2 (1910), 1–56.

The History of Oxford University Press, ed. Ian Gadd, Simon Eliot, and Wm. Roger Louis (3 vols.; Oxford, 2013). The History of the University of Oxford, ed. J. I. Catto et al. (8 vols.; Oxford, 1984–2000). HOFTIJZER, P. G., Pieter van der Aa (1659–1733): Leids drukker en boekverkoper (Hilversum,

1999).

HOLBERTON, EDWARD, Poetry and the Cromwellian Protectorate: Culture, Politics, and

Institutions (Oxford, 2008).

HORWITZ, ROBERT H. and JUDITH B. FINN, ̀Locke′s Aesop′s Fables′, Locke Newsletter, 6 (1975),

71–88.

HUGHES, JUSTIN, ̀Locke′s 1694 Memorandum (and more incomplete Copyright

Historiographies)′, Cardozo Arts & Entertainment Law Journal, 27 (2010), 555–72. HUNT, CAROLINE, ̀A Forgotten Poem by Locke′, Locke Studies, 3 (2003), 195–9.

Page 23 of 30 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.bibliography.1 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-bibliography-1 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

HUNTER, MICHAEL, ̀The British Library and the Library of John Evelyn′, in John Evelyn at the

British Library (London, 1995), 82–102.

HUTTON, RONALD, The Restoration (Oxford, 1985).

—— Charles II (Oxford, 1989). ........................................................................................................................... pg 393 IJSEWIJN, JOZEF, ̀John Barclay and His Argenis. A Scottish Neo-Latin Novelist′, Humanistica Lovaniensia, 32 (1983), 1–27. KEAY, ANNA, The Magnificent Monarch: Charles II and the Ceremonies of Power (London,

2008).

KEMP, GEOFF, ̀The "End of Censorship˝ and the Politics of Toleration, from Locke to Sacheverell

′, Parliamentary History, 31 (2012), 47–68.

KEMP, GEOFF, JASON MCELLIGOTT, CYNDIA SUSAN CLEGG, and MARK GOLDIE (eds), Censorship and the

Press, 1580–1720 (London, 2009).

KING, PETER, The Life of John Locke, with Extracts from his Correspondence, Journals, and

Common-Place Books (London, 1829).

—— The Life of John Locke, with Extracts from his Correspondence, Journals, and CommonPlace Books, 2nd edition (2 vols.; London, 1830). KLIJN, A. F. J., ̀The Question of the Rich Young Man in a Jewish-Christian Gospel′, Novum

Testamentum, 8 (1966), 149–55.

KNIGHTS, MARK, ̀John Locke and Post-Revolutionary Politics: Electoral Reform and the Franchise

′, Past and Present, 213 (2011), 41–86.

LANCASTER, H. CARRINGTON, ̀La Calprenède Dramatist (Continued)′, Modern Philology, 18

(1920), 121–41.

LAPIDGE, MICHAEL, and JILL MANN, ̀Reconstructing the Anglo-Latin Aesop: The Literary Tradition

of the "Hexametrical Romulus˝ ′, in Latin Culture in the Eleventh Century: Proceedings of the Third International Conference on Medieval Latin Studies Cambridge, 9–12 September 1998, ed. Michael W. Herren, C. J. McDonough, and Ross G. Arthur (Turnhout, 2002), ii. 1–33. LECHNER, JOAN MARIE, Renaissance Concepts of the Commonplaces (New York, 1962).

Page 24 of 30 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.bibliography.1 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-bibliography-1 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

LITTLE, PATRICK, ̀Cromwell and Ireland before 1649′, in Oliver Cromwell: New Perspectives, ed.

Patrick Little (London, 2009), 116–41.

LONG, P., A Summary Catalogue of the Lovelace Collection of the Papers of John Locke in the

Bodleian Library (Oxford, 1959).

—— ̀The Mellon Donation of Additional Manuscripts of John Locke from the Lovelace Collection′, Bodleian Library Record, 7 (1964), 185–93. LOUGH, JOHN, ̀Locke′s List of Books Banned in France in 1679′, French Studies, 5 (1951), 217–

22.

LOVE, HAROLD, English Clandestine Satire 1660–1702 (Oxford, 2004). LOXLEY, JAMES, Royalism and Poetry in the English Civil Wars: The Drawn Sword (Basingstoke,

1997).

LUOMANEN, PETRI, ̀Where Did Another Rich Man Come from? The Jewish–Christian Profile of the

Story about a Rich Man in the "Gospel of the Hebrews˝ (Origen, Comm. in Matth. 15.14)′, Vigiliae Christianae, 57 (2003), 243–75. MACK, PETER, Elizabethan Rhetoric: Theory and Practice (Cambridge, 2002). MCKENZIE, DONALD FRANCIS, ̀Printing and Publishing 1557–1700: Constraints on the London

Book Trades′, in The Cambridge History of the Book in Britain, Volume IV: 1557–1695 (Cambridge, 2002).

........................................................................................................................... pg 394 MAHONEY, MICHAEL, ̀The Savile Affair and the Politics of the Long Parliament′, Parliamentary History, 7 (1988), 212–27. MARSHALL, ALAN, ̀ "Mechanic Tyrannie˝: Anthony Ashley Cooper and the English Republic′, in

Anthony Ashley Cooper, First Earl of Shaftesbury, ed. John Spurr (Farnham, 2011), 27–50. MAYERS, RUTH E., 1659: The Crisis of the Commonwealth (Woodbridge, 2004).

MCINNIS, DAVID, ̀"Orozes, King of Albania˝: An Unpublished Plot for a Stage Romance, by John

Locke′, Review of English Studies, 65 (2014), 266–80.

MCKEON, MICHAEL, The Secret History of Domesticity: Public, Private, and the Division of Knowledge (Baltimore, 2006).

Page 25 of 30 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.bibliography.1 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-bibliography-1 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

MEYNELL, GUY, ̀John Locke′s Method of Common-Placing, as seen in his Drafts and His Medical

Notebooks, Bodleian MSS Locke d. 9, f. 21, f. 23′, The Seventeenth Century, 8 (1993), 245– 67. MILLER, C. WILLIAM, ̀A Bibliographical Study of Parthenissa by Roger Boyle Earl of Orrery′,

Studies in Bibliography, 2 (1949–50), 115–37.

MILLER, JOHN, James II: A Study in Kingship (Hove, 1978). MILTON, J. R., ̀Locke′s Adversaria′, Locke Newsletter, 18 (1987), 63–74.

—— ̀The Date and Significance of Two of Locke′s Early Manuscripts′, Locke Newsletter, 19 (1988), 47–89. —— ̀John Locke and the Fundamental Constitutions of Carolina′, Locke Newsletter, 21 (1990), 111–33. —— ̀Locke at Oxford′, in Locke′s Philosophy: Context and Content, ed. G. A. J. Rogers (Oxford, 1994), 29–47. —— ̀John Locke′s Medical Notebooks′, Locke Newsletter, 28 (1997), 135–56. —— ̀Pierre Coste, John Locke, and the Shaftesbury Family: a New Letter′, Locke Studies, 7 (2007), 159–71. —— ̀Benjamin Martyn, the Shaftesbury Family, and the Reputation of the first Earl of Shaftesbury′, Historical Journal, 51 (2008), 315–35. —— ̀Pierre Coste, John Locke, and the Third Earl of Shaftesbury′, in Studies on Locke: Sources, Contemporaries and Legacy, ed. Sarah Hutton and Paul Schuurman (Dordrecht, 2008), 195–223. —— ̀Locke, William III, and the Reform of the Universities′, Locke Studies, 9 (2009), 123–38. —— ̀Locke′s Publications in the Bibliothèque universelle et historique′, British Journal for the History of Philosophy, 19 (2011), 451–72. MILTON, PHILIP, ̀John Locke and the Rye House Plot′, Historical Journal, 43 (2000), 647–68.

—— ̀Locke and the Memoirs of Edmund Ludlow′, Locke Studies, 6 (2006), 179–87. —— ̀Pierre Des Maizeaux, A Collection of Several Pieces of Mr. John Locke, and the Formation of the Locke Canon′, Eighteenth-Century Thought, 3 (2007), 255–91.

Page 26 of 30 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.bibliography.1 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-bibliography-1 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

—— ̀John Locke′s Expulsion from Christ Church in 1684′, Eighteenth-Century Thought, 4 (2009), 29–65. ........................................................................................................................... pg 395 MONEY, DAVID, ̀Free Flattery or Servile Tribute? Oxford and Cambridge Commemorative Poetry in the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries′, in Free Print and Non-Commercial Publishing since 1700, ed. James Raven (Aldershot, 2000), 48–66. MORRILL, J. S., The Nature of the English Revolution (London, 1993).

——Revolt in the Provinces: The People of England and the Tragedies of War 1630–1648 (London, 1999). MOSCATI, LAURA, ̀Un "Memorandum˝ di John Locke tra Censorship e Copyright′, Rivista di storia

del diritto italiano, 76 (2003), 127–44.

MOSS, ANN, Printed Commonplace-Books and the Structuring of Renaissance Thought (Oxford,

1996).

NELLES, PAUL, ̀Libros de papel, libri bianchi, libri papyracei: Note-Taking Techniques and the

Role of Student Notebooks in the Early Jesuit Colleges′, Archivum Historicum Societatis Iesu, 76 (2007), 75–112. NORBROOK, DAVID, Writing the English Republic: Poetry, Rhetoric, and Politics, 1627–1660

(Cambridge, 1999).

OATES, J. C. T., ̀Cambridge Books of Congratulatory Verses 1603–40 and their Binders′,

Transactions of the Cambridge Bibliographical Society, 1 (1949–53), 395–421.

Oxford Dictionary of National Biography, ed. H. C. G. Matthew and Brian Harrison (60 vols.; Oxford, 2004). PIEPHO, LEE, ̀International Protestantism and Commemorative Anthologies on the End of the

First Anglo-Dutch War′, in Acta Conventus Neo-Latini Monasteriensis: Proceedings of the Fifteenth International Congress of Neo-Latin Studies, Münster 2012 (Leiden, 2015), 420–9. RAYMOND, JOAD, ̀Framing Liberty: Marvell′s First Anniversary and the Instrument of

Government′, Huntington Library Quarterly, 62 (1999), 313–50.

REECE, HENRY, The Army in Cromwellian England, 1649–1660 (Oxford, 2013). ROBBINS, CAROLINE, ̀Absolute Liberty: the Life and Thought of William Popple, 1638–1708′,

William and Mary Quarterly, 3rd series, 24 (1967), 190–223.

Page 27 of 30 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.bibliography.1 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-bibliography-1 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

ROBERTS, JULIAN, ̀The Latin Trade′, in The Cambridge History of the Book in Britain, Volume IV:

1557–1695 (Cambridge, 2002).

ROSENFELD, SYBIL, ̀Some Notes on the Players in Oxford, 1661–1713′, Review of English

Studies, 19 (1943), 366–75.

SEARBY, PETER, A History of the University of Cambridge, Volume III, 1750–1870 (Cambridge,

1997).

SHARPE, KEVIN, Image Wars: Promoting Kings and Commonwealths in England, 1603–1660

(New Haven, 2010).

SIMONUTTI, LUISA, ̀Absolute, universal, equal and inviolable liberty of conscience: Popple, Locke

e il "Dry Club˝′, in La formazione storica dell′alterità: studi di storia della tolleranza nell′età moderna offerti a Antonio Rotondò, ed. Richard H. Popkin, Giuseppe Ricuperati, and Luisa Simonutti (3 vols.; Florence, 2001), ii. 707–49.

........................................................................................................................... pg 396 —— ̀Circles of Virtuosi and "Charity under Different Opinions˝: The Crucible of Locke′s Last Writings′, in Studies on Locke: Sources, Contemporaries, and Legacy, ed. Sarah Hutton and Paul Schuurman (Dordrecht, 2008), 159–75. STERN, TIFFANY, Documents of Performance in Early Modern England (Cambridge, 2009). STEWART, M. A., ̀Locke′s Professional Contacts with Robert Boyle′, Locke Newsletter, 12

(1981), 19–44.

STOLBERG, MICHAEL, ̀John Locke′s "New Method of Making Common-Place-Books˝: Tradition,

Innovation and Epistemic Effects′, Early Science and Medicine, 19 (2014), 448–70.

STRAZNICKY, MARTA, Privacy, Playreading, and Women′s Closet Drama, 1550–1700 (Cambridge,

2004).

TRAILL, HENRY DUFF, Shaftesbury (The First Earl) (London, 1886). TREADWELL, MICHAEL, ̀The Stationers and the Printing Acts at the End of the Seventeenth

Century′, in The Cambridge History of the Book in Britain, Volume IV: 1557–1695 (Cambridge, 2002).

UNDERDOWN, DAVID, Pride′s Purge: Politics in the Puritan Revolution (Oxford, 1971).

—— Fire from Heaven: Life in an English Town in the Seventeenth Century (New Haven, 1992).

Page 28 of 30 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.bibliography.1 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-bibliography-1 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

VAN LENNEP, WILLIAM, ̀The Death of the Red Bull′, Theatre Notebook, 16 (1962), 126–34. VOITLE, ROBERT, The Third Earl of Shaftesbury 1671–1713 (Baton Rouge, 1984). WATTS, DEREK A., ̀Seventeenth-Century French Memoirs: New Perspectives′, Journal of

European Studies, 10 (1980), 126–41.

WEST, M. L., Hellenica (3 vols.; Oxford, 2011–13). WHETHAM, CATHERINE DURNING, and WILLIAM CECIL DAMPIER WHETHAM, A History of the Life of

Colonel Nathaniel Whetham (London, 1907).

WOOLHOUSE, ROGER, Locke: A Biography (Cambridge, 2007). WOOLRYCH, AUSTIN, Soldiers and Statesmen: The General Council of the Army and its Debates,

1647–1648 (Oxford, 1987).

—— Britain in Revolution 1625–1660 (Oxford, 2002). WORDEN, BLAIR, Roundhead Reputations (London, 2001).

——̀Whig History and Puritan Politics: The Memoirs of Edmund Ludlow Revisited′, Historical Research, 75 (2002), 209–37. YEO, RICHARD, ̀Ephraim Chambers′s Cyclopaedia (1728) and the Tradition of Commonplaces′,

Journal of the History of Ideas, 57 (1996), 157–75.

—— ̀John Locke′s "New Method˝ of Commonplacing: Managing Memory and Information′, Eighteenth-Century Thought, 2 (2004), 1–38. —— Notebooks, English Virtuosi, and Early Modern Science (Chicago, 2014). YOLTON, JEAN S., John Locke: A Descriptive Bibliography (Bristol, 1998).

........................................................................................................................... pg 397 ZEDELMAIER, HELMUT, ̀De ratione excerpendi: Daniel Georg Morhof und das Exzerpieren′, in Mapping the World of Learning: The Polyhistor of Daniel Georg Morhof, ed. Françoise Waquet (Wiesbaden, 2000), 75–92. —— ̀Christoph Just Udenius and the German ars excerpendi around 1700: On the Flourishing and Disappearance of a Pedagogical Genre′, in Forgetting Machines: Knowledge Management Evolution in Early Modern Europe, ed. Alberto Cevolini (Leiden, 2016), 79–104. ...........................................................................................................................

Page 29 of 30 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.bibliography.1 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-bibliography-1 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

pg 398

Page 30 of 30 DOI of this work: https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.bibliography.1 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-bibliography-1 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

Oxford Scholarly Editions Online INDEX OF PERSONS

J. R. Milton, Brandon Chua, Geoff Kemp, David McInnis, John Spurr, and Richard Yeo (eds), The Clarendon Edition of the Works of John Locke, Vol. 23: Literary and Historical Writings Published in print:

2019

Published online:

March 2020

........................................................................................................................... pg 399 INDEX OF PERSONS Aa, Pieter van der 81 Aesop, Greek fabulist 101 Amhurst, Nicholas 98 Anne of Denmark, wife of James I 211n Anne, Queen of Great Britain 26n Appian 22, 23 Aristotle 212n Artaxias I, King of Armenia 24n Ashburnham, William 115n Ashley, Egidia 361n Ashley, Robert 361n Augustine of Hippo 43, 157, 158, 270, 271n, 298, 321n Augustus Caesar 3, 4, 24, 143, 191, 194 Aungier, Francis 121n   Baalde, Steven Jacobus 157 Baker, Sir Richard 136 Barbeyrac, Jean 62, 106 Barclay, John 20 Bassett, Thomas 79 Baxter, Richard 321n Beaumont, Francis 19 Bell, John, London bookseller 54, 55 Berkeley, Sir William 19 Bernard, Jean-Frédéric 154 Bertram, Johann Friedrich 51n Bettesworth, Arthur 101, 107, 108 Birch, Thomas 9, 175 Blake, Robert, General at Sea 7 Page 1 of 12 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-indexList-1 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

Blount, Charles 92n Bòhm, Michael 153 Bold, Samuel 45–6 Boom, Hendrick 151 Booth, Sir George 121 Bordeaux, Antoine de, Sieur de Neufville 125–6, 139, 354, 355–6 Bosset, Jean-Pierre 162 Bourne, H. R. Fox 9–10, 13, 57n, 100, 143 Bowyer, William 173 Boyle, Hon. Robert 77, 80n Boyle, Roger, 1st Earl of Orrery 20 Bray, Thomas 65n Brockman, William vi, 92, 95n, 96n, 178–9 Brodrick, Allen 126n Brome, Richard 15n Brooke, Robert Greville, 2nd Baron 73 Brounower, Sylvester 10–11, 164–5 Brown, Louise Fargo 137 Brunet, Jacques-Charles 150 Burgess, Daniel 53, 54 Burnet, Gilbert 139n Bury, Arthur 327n Butler, Samuel 12   Calepino, Ambrogio 48, 220 Carbery, John Vaughan, 3rd Earl of 64 Carnarvon, Robert Dormer, 1st Earl of 112 Cartwright, William 19 Catherine of Braganza, wife of Charles II 1, 5, 6, 16, 195–6 Chambers, Ephraim 34, 52–3 Charles I, King of England 1, 19, 70, 111, 112, 113n, 114, 116–19, 127, 133, 136–8, 140, 211n, 339, 342, 343, 352n Charles II, King of England 1, 4–6, 8, 16, 26, 72, 76, 82, 118, 125, 126, 142, 172n, 193–4, 195–6, 211n, 356 as Prince of Wales 14–15, 121n, 211 letter addressed to from 1st Earl of Shaftesbury, 1677 126, 131–2, 172n, 179, 180, 374–5 Charleton, William 74n, 80n Christian IV, King of Denmark 211n Christian, Prince of Denmark, subsequently Christian V v, 18, 26, 147, 210–12 Christie, William Dougal 131n, 133, 134–6, 137, 140 Churchill, Awnsham 76–80, 83, 84, 87, 101, 103–7, 131, 158, 172, 173, 322, 326n ........................................................................................................................... Page 2 of 12 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-indexList-1 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

pg 400 Churchill, John 77, 80, 87, 101, 106, 107, 158, 159, 173, 326n Cicero, Marcus Tullius 81, 82, 84, 87n, 89, 323, 324 Clarges, Thomas 125, 136, 354 Clarke, Edward 69, 76, 79, 80–1, 83–7, 91, 92, 93n, 94n, 96–9, 102–3, 106n, 136n, 178 Clarke, Edward Jr 101, 102 Clarke, Henry 107–83 Cocchi, Antonio 19 Coles, John 20n College, Stephen 74 Colleton, Sir Peter 74n Collins, Anthony 85n, 161 Congreve, William 18n Constantius II, Roman emperor 43, 273, 301 Cooke, George Wingrove 9n, 134, 145 Cooke, John 15n Cooper, Anthony Ashley, 1st Earl of Shaftesbury v, 6, 8, 9, 26n, 75, 109–39, 145, 167, 175, 180, 184, 339–56 epitaph devised by Locke 174, 180, 181, 182 memorial tablet placed on his tomb 141 Cooper, Anthony Ashley, 2nd Earl of Shaftesbury 176 Cooper, Anthony Ashley, 3rd Earl of Shaftesbury 54, 64, 128, 131, 133–4164, 176 asks Locke to write memoir of 1st Earl 110, 127–9 transmission of manuscript of Locke's memoir to him 132, 134, 158, 168–9, 172–3 requests Pierre Coste to make a French translation 169–70 asks Locke to compose an epitaph for 1st Earl 141 Cooper, Anthony Ashley, 4th Earl of Shaftesbury 9, 128n, 141, 175 Cooper, Dorothy, wife of the 2nd Earl of Shaftesbury 176 Cooper, Lady Frances 176 Cooper, John Ashley 176 Cooper, Margaret, Countess of Shaftesbury 118n, 141 Cooper, Maurice Ashley 176 Cooper, Richard 360n Cooper, Sir John 362 Corneille, Pierre 20 Coste, Pierre 19, 117n, 158, 169–72, 174 Costes, Gauthier de, seigneur de la Calprenède 20–1, 24 Coventry, Henry 126 Cowley, Abraham 8, 9, 14, 19, 145, 199 Cranston, Maurice 7, 11, 31n, 68n, 85, 93n, 100 Crewe-Milnes, Robert, 1st Marquess of Crewe 146 Cromwell, Henry 121n Cromwell, Oliver 2–5, 7, 11, 64, 114, 117, 118n, 119, 120–1, 126, 130n, 136, 137, 138, 353 Cromwell, Richard 3, 121, 351, 353

Page 3 of 12 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-indexList-1 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

Cudworth, Damaris, see Masham, Damaris Cumber, John 15n   Daborne, Robert 15n Danvers, Sir John 117–18, 139, 346–7 Darby, John 131n Davenant, Sir William 19 Davies, John 20n, 21 Deane, Richard, General at Sea 7 De Beer, E. S. 11, 79n, 92n, 94, 97n, 100, 165, 179 Denham, Sir John 11n, 19 Des Maizeaux, Pierre 61–2, 68, 161–2 Dickinson, Edmund 80n Digby, George, Baron Digby 344n Dio Cassius 22, 23 Diodorus Siculus 40n, 266, 294 Dolben, John 15n Dorset, Charles Sackville, 6th Earl of 145 Drexel, Jeremias 29, 34, 36, 46, 48n, 51 Dring, Thomas 78n, 79n, 80n, 82 Dryden, John 6, 146 Dyve, Sir Lewis 115   Elizabeth I, Queen of England 70, 96 Eveleigh, John 18n Evelyn, John 26n, 30n   ........................................................................................................................... pg 401 Fairfax, Sir Thomas 119, 353n Falkland, Lucius Cary, 2nd Viscount 111, 339 Faraday, Michael 55n Fell, John 15n, 26, 212n Ferguson, Robert 75 Fisher, Mr 175 Flatman, Thomas 11 Fleetwood, Charles 121–3, 124n, 349–50 Fletcher, Andrew 93n Fletcher, John 19

Page 4 of 12 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-indexList-1 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

Foote, Daniel 63, 64 Fountaine, John 113, 138, 139, 339 Fraser, James 77n, 78–9 Frederick III, King of Denmark 18, 26 Freke, John 44, 85–7, 91–6, 97n, 178 Freke, Thomas, MP for Dorset 93n Freke, Thomas, MP for Weymouth 93n Fritsch, Caspar 153 Furly, Arent 106, 169n Furly, Benjamin 44–5, 62–4, 66   George I, King of Great Britain 59 George IV, King of Great Britain, as Prince of Wales 2 George, Prince of Denmark, husband of Queen Anne 26n Gibbon, Edward 53–4 Godolphin, William 22 Gordon, Thomas 59–61 Goring, George, 1st Baron Goring 114, 136, 139, 342 Graevius, Johann Georg 84n Greenhill, John v, 8, 9, 135, 145, 199 Greenwood, J. 48n, 157–9 Gretton, George 55 Grigg, Anna 104 Grigg, William 104–9 Gronovius, Jacob 81, 82, 323 Grotius, Hugo 40, 43, 257, 268–9 Gruter, Jan 82n, 323n Guy, William 56   Hale, Sir Matthew 113, 120 Haley, K. H. D. 111n, 122n, 123n, 132n, 137–8 Halley, Edmond 151n Halton, Timothy 15–16 Hamelyn, Sir John 177, 361 Hancocke, John 159n Harley, Sir Edward 125, 355 Harmar, John 12 Harris, James(1674–1731) 175 Harris, James( 1709–80) 170n

Page 5 of 12 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-indexList-1 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

Harris, James, 1st Earl of Malmesbury 175 Harris, Lady Elizabeth, née Ashley 128n, 175 Harwood, Edward 82n Hedworth, Henry 63, 64 Henri III, King of France 20 Henri IV, King of France 20 Henrietta Maria, wife of Charles I 1, 19 Henry Duke of Gloucester, brother of Charles II 5 Henry VI, King of England 177, 361 Henry VIII, King of England 360 Heraclitus of Ephesus 212n Hertford, William Seymour, 1st Marquess of 111, 112, 133–4, 342n Hesilrige, Sir Arthur 121n, 122, 124, 125, 348, 349, 351 Hewes, Grace, wife of Sir John Danvers 117, 346–7 Hewes, Thomas 117n Heywood, Thomas 15n Hilary of Poitiers 43, 54, 273, 301 Hitch, Charles 107n Holdsworth, Richard 28n Holles, Denzil 116–19, 125, 134, 136–40, 343–5, 352–3 Hoole, Charles 84, 87n, 103–4, 108–9 Horace (Quintus Horatius Flaccus) 359n Hyde, Anne, Duchess of York 117, 118, 137, 170, 347–8 Hyde, Sir Edward, subsequently 1st Earl of Clarendon 112n, 114–15, 116n, 123, 126n, 127n, 134, 347   Jahangir, Mughal emperor 24 James I, King of England 1 James II, King of England 72, 78n, 131, 164n, 211n, 363 as Duke of York 26, 117, 118, 131, 170, 172n, 179, 211, 347, 348 ........................................................................................................................... pg 402 Janssonius van Waesberge, Johannes Gillis 151 Janssonius van Waesberge, Johannes 151 Johnson, Samuel 34, 54 Jonson, Ben 19 Julius Caesar 3, 89, 191, 324 Justin, Roman historian 45   Keckermann, Bartholomäus 51 Page 6 of 12 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-indexList-1 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

Khurram, son of Jahangir, Mughal emperor 24 Khusrau, son of Jahangir, Mughal emperor 24 King, Peter, subsequently 1st Baron King 21n, 28n, 45, 78n, 110, 128–9, 141, 157, 168–9, 172–3, 356n King, Peter, 7th Baron King 98–9, 100, 140, 165 King, Richard 45, 65 Kiplin, Timothy 164n Kippis, Andrew 132–3, 145 Kircher, Athanasius 39–40, 50n, 230–1, 246, 248   La Bruyère, Jean de 53n Labussière, Charles 150n La Calprenède, see Costes, Gauthier de Lambert, John 121, 123, 124, 138, 139, 179, 349–50, 375 Law, Edmund 101 Lawrence, William 75 Lawson, John 123 Le Clerc, Jean 23n, 41, 43–5, 50, 58n, 61–3, 68, 76, 81, 117n, 128n, 147n, 153n, 157, 170–2, 173n Lely, Sir Peter 8 L'Estrange, Sir Roger 84 Lilly, William, astrologer 192 Limborch, Francis 106 Limborch, Philippus van 61, 62, 80n, 81, 84n, 87n–88n, 89n Livy (Titus Livius) 89, 324 Lluelyn, Martin 15 Locke, Agnes 31n Locke, John, senior 7, 31n Lockhart, Sir William, replaced as Governor of Dunkirk 125, 355 Loménie, Henri-Auguste de, comte de Brienne 126n Long, Philip 7 Louis XIV, King of France 13 Loveday, Robert 20n Ludlow, Edmund 121n, 130–1   Macaulay, Thomas Babington 99–100 Madan, Falconer 4, 5 Malines, Mr 64 Manby, Thomas 88n, 321n, 327n Manship, Anne 80n Page 7 of 12 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-indexList-1 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

Manship, Samuel 79n, 80n Marsham, Sir John 40, 43, 50, 157, 158, 246, 250, 265, 266–7 Martyn, Benjamin 8, 9, 132–5, 140, 145, 175 Marvell, Andrew 6, 11n Mary II, Queen of England 72 Mary, Princess of Orange, sister of Charles II 5 Masham, Damaris 11, 23n, 58, 103n, 169n Masham, Francis Cudworth 169 Masham, Sir Francis 86 Massey, Edward 118n Maurice, Prince Palatine of the Rhine 112, 133, 136, 339 Mayne, Jasper 19 Mazarin, Jules Raymond, Cardinal 125, 126, 354, 355 Mearne, Samuel 82 Middleton, Thomas 15n Mill, John Stuart 69 Miller, Edmond 59, 60 Milton, John 69, 70, 73, 100 Monck, Anne 125, 354 Monck, George, subsequently 1st Duke of Albemarle 120–6, 136, 139, 179, 353–5, 375 Monckton Milnes, Richard, 1st Baron Houghton 10, 146 Monmouth, James Scott, Duke of 75 Montaigne, Michel Eyquem de 53n Mordaunt, Charles, 2nd Viscount Mordaunt and 1st Earl of Monmouth 60, 93n Mordaunt, John, 1st Viscount Mordaunt 124n ........................................................................................................................... pg 403 More, Sir Thomas Morhof, Daniel Georg 51 Morley, Herbert 124n Murad IV, Ottoman sultan 25   Nedham, Marchamont 115 Neville, Henry 64–5, 121n Newton, Sir Isaac 71n Nicholas, Sir Edward 15n Northey, Edward, of Hackney 157 Northey, Sir Edward 157n Nuttall, P. A. 107n  

Page 8 of 12 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-indexList-1 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

Okey, John 124n Onslow, Sir Richard 118, 346–7 Orhan I, Ottoman ruler 25 Orléans, Philippe duc d', Regent of France 13 Owen, John 4   Papin, Denis 151n Parry, Elinor 21 Pembroke, Thomas Herbert, 8th Earl of 78, 104n Pepys, Samuel 16n, 71n Percival, George 5 Phaedrus, Roman fabulist 100 Phillips, Edward 136 Placcius, Vincent 34, 51 Plutarch 22 Pococke, Edward 130 Pompeius Magnus, Gnaeus 22, 23 Popham, Alexander 7, 197n Popham, Edward 7, 197n Popple, William 63–6, 68, 77, 163 Proast, Jonas 79 Pulton, Ferdinando 88n, 321n, 327n   Rand, Benjamin 102n Rhodes, Richard 16 Rochester, John Wilmot, 2nd Earl of 146 Roe, Sir Thomas 24 Roper, Abel 102 Rowley, William 15n Royse, George 78, 89n Rupert, Prince Palatine of the Rhine 7 Rushworth, John 137n, 140–1   Sacchini, Francesco 29, 48n, 51 Saladin, Sultan of Egypt and Syria 25 Salmasius, Claudius (Claude de Saumaise) 73n Salvian of Marseilles 43, 277, 303 Sanderson, Robert 28–9, 48n Savile, Thomas, 2nd Baron Savile 116, 140, 344n Page 9 of 12 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-indexList-1 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

Schurman, Anna Maria van 75n Scot, Thomas 121n, 124n, 125 Scudéry, Madeleine de 21 Segestes, German prince mentioned by Tacitus 25n Shaftesbury, Earls of, see Cooper Shakespeare, William 18, 19n Sharp, Archbishop John 171 Shaw, William 168, 169n, 173n, 174 Sheppard, Sir Fleetwood 11 Shirley, James 15n, 19, 26 Shrewsbury, Charles Talbot, 12th Earl and 1st Duke of 60 Sidney, Sir Philip 26 Skippon, Philip 118n Smith, Humfry 130 Smith, Samuel 77n, 80–4, 87n–88n, 323, 326n Someren, Abraham van 151 Someren, Pieter van 151 Somers, Sir John 86 Sophocles 25n Sorel, Charles 21 Southampton, Thomas Wriothesley, 4th Earl of 118, 170, 347–8 Southwell, Robert 77n Spence, Joseph 19 Stapleton, Sir Philip 119, 353 Stephens, William 63, 64 Strangway, Sir John 115 Streater, John 124n, 368 Stringer, Jane 128n, 136n Stringer, Thomas 8n, 128, 133–6 Stuart, James (the Old Pretender) 164n Stubbe, Henry 21, 73n Sunderland, Robert Spencer, 2nd Earl of 13 Sydenham, Thomas 10, 142, 143 Symes, Thomas 19   ........................................................................................................................... pg 404 Tagliacozzi, Gaspare 12 Tatham, John 15 Tenison, Archbishop Thomas 97 Terry, Edward 23–4 Page 10 of 12 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-indexList-1 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

Thévenot, Melchisédec 23n Thomas, David 8, 76 Thomas, Honor 8 Thomason, George 3, 4n Thurot, François 154, 172 Tillotson, Archbishop John 78, 81 Tindal, Matthew 69n, 100 Todd, John 56 Toinard, Nicolas 27, 35–7, 40–1, 43, 45, 46, 47, 147–50, 153, 154, 158–9, 218–19, 234–5, 256–7, 284–5 Toland, John 131 Traill, Henry Duff 136–7 Tuke, Sir Samuel 19 Tyrrell, James 10, 23, 60, 145–6   Ussher, Archbishop James 22–3   Vane, Sir Henry, the younger 121n Velde, Jacob van der 75 Vergilius of Salzburg 321n Virgil (Publius Vergilius Maro) 5, 194 Voltaire, François-Marie Arouet 20   Walker, John, London bookseller 55 Walker, Obadiah 30 Waller, Edmund 146 Wallis, John 157 Walton, Valentine 124n Watts, Isaac 53 Webb, John 20n Wetstein, Gerard 153, 171 Wetstein, Hendrik 45, 81n, 153n Wetstein, Rudolf 153, 171 Whetham, Nathaniel 122, 348 White, Jeremiah 63, 64 Whitelocke, Bulstrode 122n Wiering, Johann von 156 Wildman, Sir John 64, 65 Wilhelm, Johann 82n, 323n Page 11 of 12 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-indexList-1 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

Wilkes, John 69 William III, King of England 12–13, 58–60, 72 Williamson, Joseph 15 Willis, Thomas 49 Willoughby, Lady 127 Wit, Kornelis de 156 Wodrow, Robert 78n Wolfgang, Abraham 151 Wolsey, Thomas, Cardinal 212n Wood, Anthony 14–16, 26, 58n, 92n, 212n Wycherley, William 18n Wynne, John 162   Yonge, Sir Walter 59, 86, 96   Zachary, Pope 317n Zedler, Johann Heinrich 51

Page 12 of 12 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-indexList-1 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

Oxford Scholarly Editions Online Index of Subjects

J. R. Milton, Brandon Chua, Geoff Kemp, David McInnis, John Spurr, and Richard Yeo (eds), The Clarendon Edition of the Works of John Locke, Vol. 23: Literary and Historical Writings Published in print:

2019

Published online:

March 2020

........................................................................................................................... pg 405 Index of Subjects Absalom and Achitophel 6, 128 Acherusia, Egyptian marsh 40, 157–8, 239, 246, 262, 265, 266, 293–4 Acts of Parliament Act of Supremacy, 1559 96 Printing Act, 1662 69–71, 73, 74, 78, 79, 82n, 83, 93, 96, 97 attempt to revive, 1696 97 failure to renew, 1694–5 86–7 Locke's criticisms 77, 84–5, 87–90, 163–5, 321–8 Reasons of the Commons against renewal, 1695 69, 87, 90– 1, 98–100, 177, 180, 365–8 renewals in 1664, 1665, 1685, and 1693 71, 72, 80–1, 85, 327 Toleration Act, 1689 89 Bill of Rights (Act Declaring the Rights and Liberties of the Subject), 1689 99 Act of Union, 1707 13 Copyright Act, 1710 97 Address to the Prince of Denmark 26, 146–7, 210–12 Adversariorum Methodus English Draft 36–9, 41–2, 47–8, 147–50, 215–32 Latin Draft 37–40, 41–2, 43, 48, 147–50, 233–50 Aesop's Fables 84, 101–2, 165–6, 333–4 edition prepared by Locke and William Grigg 104–9 Locke's desire for a new edition 83, 103–4, 322n Amsterdam 27, 40, 45, 81, 151, 154, 156–7, 170, 171, 326 society for discussion set up at, by Locke and others 61–3 Antipodes, belief in regarded as heretical 88, 321 Arians, described by Salvian 275, 303 Ars excerpendi 29 Asbestos, described by Kircher 39, 230–1, 243, 246 Athanasian Creed 89n Atlas Sinicus 230–1, 243   Bibliothèque universelle et historique, editions of 151–6 Bradford-on-Avon, Wiltshire 361n Bristol, siege and capture of, 1643 112   Cambridge, booksellers at 54–5 Cambridge University 1–2, 26, 56–9, 97, 104, 161 Clare Hall 104 Jesus College 104 Trinity College 15, 55, 59 Chelsea, Middlesex 78n, 117, 139, 346 Page 1 of 6 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-indexList-2 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

Cheshire, Booth's rising in, 1659 121 Clubmen 111, 113–14, 136–8, 341n Collection of Several Pieces of Mr. John Locke, A ( 1720) 61, 65, 161–3, 313 Committee of Safety ( 1659–60) 120–2, 124, 130, 138, 172, 348–9, 352 Commonplace books Locke's own use of 30–4 role in Renaissance education 27–30 Council for Trade and Plantations 135, 360 Council of State ( 1649–60) 120–5, 136, 139 Craftsman, The 98–9, 177   Derby House Committee 117 Dorset, civil war in, 1643–5 112–15, 339–42 Abbotsbury 115 Dorchester 111n, 112, 172, 340 Lyme 112 Poole 112, 172, 340 Portland 112 Shaftesbury 115 Sturminster Newton 115 Wareham 115 Weymouth 111n, 112, 172, 340 ........................................................................................................................... pg 406 Dover, Kent, Charles II landing at 4n Downton, Wiltshire, Ashley Cooper elected MP for, 1640 Drama, Locke's reading of 18–19 Dry Club meetings of, 1692–3 63–5 Rules, compared with the Rules of a Society 66–8 Dunkirk, Sir Edward Harley made Governor 125, 355   Early History of the Shaftesbury Family 141–2, 174–7, 360–1 East India Company 24 Ebionites 153n, 157, 223, 257, 261, 268–9, 285, 289, 296–7 Egypt, Saladin ruler of 25 Epitaph by Locke for 1st Earl of Shaftesbury 141, 168, 174, 358–9   France 8, 20, 45n, 47n, 350 Locke's residence there, 1675–9 34, 35, 39, 74, 132n, 136 Franeker 50n Fundamental Constitutions of Carolina 74   Goths, described by Salvian 275, 303 Gravesend, Kent, movement of fleet to, Dec. 1659 123   Hale Commission on law reform, 1652 113, 120 Hamburg 82n, 156

Page 2 of 6 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-indexList-2 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

Heresy entries on heretics in Locke's writings on the New Method 43, 153n, 270, 274, 276, 298, 302, 304 heretical books mentioned in 1662 Printing Act 70, 88, 89, 321, 367 in 1695 printing bills 95–6, 97, 372 restrictive definition in the 1559 Act of Supremacy 96 Holland, see Netherlands Hudibras, Latin verses inscribed in Locke's copy 12 Hungerford, Berkshire 113, 139, 340 Hurst Castle, Hampshire 115, 342n   Ireland, proposals for reconquest of, 1647 118, 119n, 353 Isleworth, Middlesex 117n   Journal des Sçavans 37   Kemerton, Gloucestershire 117n Kentford Heath, New Model Army assembles at, June 1647 119   Leiden 20, 81 Leipzig 50n Letter from a Person of Quality to his Friend in the Country, A( 1675) 72, 162n Licensing of Locke's publications, 1689–95 76–8 Locke, works by A Letter concerning Toleration 77, 79, 87n A Second Letter concerning Toleration 77, 78n, 87n A Third Letter for Toleration 77, 78n, 79n, 84, 87n Abregé d'un ouvrage intitulé essai philosophique touchant l'entendement 41n, 44, 76n An Essay concerning Human Understanding 23n, 38, 45, 63n, 75–80, 82, 87, 159, 162, 321n Draft B of the Essay 23n An Essay concerning Toleration 49, 73–4, 89n, 321n 'An Extract of a Letter … about poisonous Fish' 27n Epistola de Tolerantia 63, 77, 80 Essays on the Law of Nature 13n, 17, 21n, 23n 'Extrait d'un Livre Anglois qui n'est pas encore publié, intitulé Essai Philosophique concernant L'entendement' 41n, 76n Further Considerations concerning Raising the Value of Money 87n Reply to the … Bishop of Worcester's Answer to his Letter 321n ........................................................................................................................... pg 407 Short Observations on a Printed Paper 77n Some Considerations of the Consequences of the Lowering of Interest 77, 87n Some Thoughts concerning Education 25n, 77, 78, 89, 101, 102, 104, 105 Two Tracts on Government 17, 73n Two Treatises of Government 25n, 76, 77 London (see also Westminster) Ave Maria Lane 326n Covent Garden 123, 171, 172, 350 Custom House 366 Exeter House, the Strand 26n Half Moon tavern, the Strand 171, 350 Lincoln's Inn Fields 124, 351 Paternoster Row 107n, 326n St Paul's Churchyard 81, 326 St Paul's School 104n The Sun, Fleet Street 102 Thanet House, Aldersgate Street 140 The Tower 114, 116, 123, 126, 132, 138, 342n, 344, 366n Wallingford House, Whitehall 121–4, 127, 349, 351–2

Page 3 of 6 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-indexList-2 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

  Magna Carta 99 Malmesbury, Wiltshire 117 Memoirs relating to the Life of Anthony First Earl of Shaftesbury 109–39, 167–74, 337– 55 events described in them 111–27 French translation by Pierre Coste 169–72 historical reliability 138–9 purpose of writing 127–9 sources 129–132 Transmission of manuscript to 3rd Earl of Shaftesbury 168–9 Méthode nouvelle de dresser des recueuils publication of in the Bibliothèque universelle 40– 1 separate edition of 43–6 translations of Dutch 51, 156–7 English 52, 157–61 German 51, 156 Mithridatic War 22   Nantes, Edict of 43 Netherlands, The 4, 37, 44, 77, 128 better quality of printing in Dutch books 90, 323, 324, 326 books imported into England from 80, 81, 323 Locke in Netherlands, 1683–9 24n, 34, 36, 62, 68, 75, 76, 102 peace with English Republic, 1654 2, 6, 7 Newbury, Berkshire, first battle of 111, 113n New Method (see also Adversariorum Methodus, Méthode nouvelle de dresser des recueuils) criticisms of by later writers 50–1, 55–6 devised by Locke, c. 1660 30–1 exposition of Locke's method 31–3, 46–50 Adversaria and Lemmata 33–4 use of by writers after Locke's death 52– 6 Newmarket, Suffolk 119, 353n New Model Army 1, 117–19, 353 Nicaea, Council of 272–3, 300–1 Nottingham, Ashley Cooper attends Charles I at, 1642 111, 339n   Oakley, Buckinghamshire 10 Oates, High Laver, Essex 58n, 63, 65, 86, 103n, 169 Orleans 45 Orozes, King of Albania, outline for a play 205–7 date and circumstances of composition 17– 18 manuscript 146 sources 22–6 summary of plot 13–14 Oxford, City of Black Hall, St Giles 18, 21 dramatic performances after the Restoration 14– 15, 16 King's Arms, Holywell Street 16 Royalist headquarters, 1642–6 1–2, 111, 339n Denzil Holles at, 1644 116 letter sent to Ashley Cooper from, 1644 114, 133–4 ........................................................................................................................... pg 408 St Aldates 211n St Michael's church, Cornmarket 14 Oxford University Colleges All Souls College 59n Christ Church 11, 12n, 15n, 16, 17, 19, 20, 24, 26, 28n, 33n, 58, 130, 211n, 212n grades of Students at 57, 212n Locke's expulsion from his Studentship, 1684 36, 76 visit of Prince Christian, 1662 18, 26, 147, 210–12 Exeter College 327n Queen's College 15 St John's College 18n St Mary Hall 15n commemorative collections of verses issued by 1–6 decree against 'Pernicious Books and

Page 4 of 6 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-indexList-2 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

Damnable Doctrines', 1683 75 Marquess of Hertford made Chancellor, 1643 133n objections sent from, against second 1695 Printing Bill 97 proposal by Locke to relax requirements for fellowships, 1690 56–61, 309 royal visits, projected and actual, 1661, 1663 15, 16 Visitation of the university, 1660 211n   Paris 35, 45, 74, 148, 219, 235, 257, 285 Parliament Barebones Parliament, 1653 120 Convention Parliament, 1660 125 First Protectorate Parliament, 1654 120 House of Lords 58, 72, 75, 85–7, 90–1, 93n, 120, 164n, 177 Second Protectorate Parliament, 1656 121 The Long Parliament, 1640–60 112, 116, 134, 138, 343–4, 353 the Rump (see also Pride's Purge) 121–5, 127, 351, 354 Parliamentary bills bills aiming to revise statutes at Oxford or Cambridge, 1692 58–9 bills to renew expiring laws, 1692–5 80, 85–6, 90–1 Exclusion bill, 1679 72 First 1695 Printing bill 69, 91–6, 100, 165, 178–9, 180, 329, 369–73 Peerage bill, 1719 13 Second 1695 Printing bill 96– 8 other bills relating to printing 72, 164 Pawlett, Somerset 360 Penruddock's Rising, 1655 120–1 Poems wrongly attributed to Locke 10–13 Poetry, university commemorative volumes of 1–3 Portsmouth, Hampshire Ashley Cooper supposedly flees to in 1644 114, 115, 342 delivered to republican plotters in 1659 122–4, 348–9, 351–2 Posthumous Works of Mr. John Locke( 1706) vi, 27, 40n, 48n, 52, 53, 98n, 110n, 132, 156, 158–9, 160, 167, 172–4, 179, 182–4 Pride's Purge, 1648 118, 119, 138, 352n, 354n Printing, legislation and parliamentary debates relating to 69, 72, 80, 86–7, 90–2, 93n, 96, 98–100, 177, 180, 365–8 Printing Act 1662, see Acts of Parliament Provence, Nicolas Toinard visits 45 Pyrenees, Treaty of the, 1659 8   Romances, Locke's reading of at Oxford 19–21 Rome 3, 23, 191 Rotterdam 44, 62, 63, 106, 153, 171 Roundway Down, Wiltshire, battle of, 1643 112 Royal College of Physicians 92n Royal Society 27, 64, 71n, 77n, 151, 153, 158 Philosophical Transactions 27n, 151–2, 157 Rules of a Society 61–3, 65–6, 161–2, 313–14 comparison with Rules of the Dry Club 66–8   St Giles House, see Wimborne St Giles Salisbury, Wiltshire 8, 169 ........................................................................................................................... pg 409

Page 5 of 6 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-indexList-2 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020

Scotland, General Monck marches south from, Jan. 1660 120, 121, 179, 353–4, 375 Semeiotike 38, 241 Shotover, Oxfordshire 146 Signs, knowledge of (see also Semeiotike) 264, 292 Soldania, Bay of 23n Spain, England at war with 7–8, 197 Star Chamber, decree concerning printing, 1637 70 Stationers' Company 70–2, 75, 79, 82, 87, 90, 93, 95, 100, 108, 325, 365–8 Court 82, 104 English Stock 83, 84, 87 Locke's dislike of 79–81, 83–5, 89–90, 322–7 obstruction of Locke's projected edition of Aesop's Fables 83–4, 103–4 Register 70–1, 77–9, 84n, 87, 93, 322, 365, 367 Syria, Saladin ruler of 25   Taunton, Somerset 69, 115 Thriplow Heath, Cambridgeshire 119n, 130n, 138, 353 Tom Thumb, History of 327 Tunbridge Wells, Kent 116n   Utrecht, Locke staying at 37, 44n, 45 Uxbridge, Middlesex, peace negotiations at, 1645 116, 343, 344   Vandals, described by Salvian 275, 303   Westminster Abbey 7 the Gatehouse, used as prison 113 Westminster Hall 122, 348 Courts of Record at 370 Westminster School 7, 57, 130n Westminster, Treaty of, 1654 2 Wiltshire, Ashley Cooper sheriff of and MP for 120 Wimborne St Giles, Dorset 9, 111, 114, 118, 133–5, 141, 169, 358–61 Winchester College, future 3rd Earl of Shaftesbury unhappy at 128n   York, Monck advances towards, Jan. 1660 124

Page 6 of 6 https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780198824381.book.1/actrade-9780198824381-indexList-2 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARLY EDITIONS ONLINE (www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the agreement, an individual user may print out single copies of portions of Oxford Scholarly Editions Online for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 23 June 2020