Lekhapaddhati: Documents of State and Everyday Life from Ancient and Medieval Gujarat 0195684478, 9780195684476

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Lekhapaddhati: Documents of State and Everyday Life from Ancient and Medieval Gujarat Pushpa Prasad

Print publication date: 2007 Print ISBN-13: 9780195684476 Published to Oxford Scholarship Online: October 2012 DOI: 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195684476.001.0001

Title Pages (p.i) Lekhapaddhati (p.iii) Lekhapaddhati

(p.iv) YMCA Library Building, Jai Singh Road, New Delhi 110 001 Oxford University Press is a department of the University of Oxford. It furthers the University's objective of excellence in research, scholarship, and education by publishing worldwide in Oxford New York Auckland Cape Town Dar es Salaam Hong Kong Karachi Kuala Lumpur Madrid Melbourne Mexico City Nairobi New Delhi Shanghai Taipei Toronto With offices in Argentina Austria Brazil Chile Czech Republic France Greece Guatemala Hungary Italy Japan Poland Portugal Singapore South Korea Switzerland Thailand Turkey Ukraine Vietnam Oxford is a registered trade mark of Oxford University Press in the UK and in certain other countries. Published in India

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Title Pages by Oxford University Press, New Delhi © Oxford University Press 2007 The moral rights of the authors have been asserted Database right Oxford University Press (maker) First published 2007 All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopying, recording or by any information storage and retrieval system, without permission in writing from Oxford University Press. Enquiries concerning reproduction outside the scope of the above should be sent to the Rights Department, Oxford University Press, at the address above You must not circulate this book in any other binding or cover and you must impose this same condition on any acquirer ISBN-13: 978-019568447-6 ISBN-10: 019-568447-8 Typeset in AGaramond 11/13.2 by Eleven Arts, Keshav Puram, Delhi 110 035 Printed in India by De Unique, New Delhi 110 018 Published by Oxford University Press YMCA Library Building, Jai Singh Road, New Delhi 110 001

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Dedication

Lekhapaddhati: Documents of State and Everyday Life from Ancient and Medieval Gujarat Pushpa Prasad

Print publication date: 2007 Print ISBN-13: 9780195684476 Published to Oxford Scholarship Online: October 2012 DOI: 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195684476.001.0001

Dedication (p.v) To the memory of my husband Shri Jagdish Prasad (p.vi)

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Preface

Lekhapaddhati: Documents of State and Everyday Life from Ancient and Medieval Gujarat Pushpa Prasad

Print publication date: 2007 Print ISBN-13: 9780195684476 Published to Oxford Scholarship Online: October 2012 DOI: 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195684476.001.0001

(p.xi) Preface The Lekhapaddhati is a unique collection of Sanskrit documents of late ancient (early medieval) Gujarat, and is held to be of great value by historians. No English translation of it has, however, yet been attempted, and this impelled me to undertake such a venture, whose result is now before the reader. I confess that the task of translating these documents has not been an easy one, and has required considerable time and labour. First, the four manuscripts had to be collated to check the text that had been printed in 1925 under the aegis of the Gaekwad Oriental Series. While one must always remain grateful to the editors of the text, it is no disparagement of their pioneer work to say that a scrutiny of the manuscripts was still found to be indispensable. Secondly, both the phraseology and the terminology of the documents is replete with the officialese of the day, while also reflecting some Gujarati and Persian influences. The Lekhapaddhati needs thus to be checked not only with texts of inscriptions of the time, but also other old Gujarati materials and Persian texts. In the documents of the later period in the Lekhapaddhati, the language shifts from Sanskrit to Jain Prakrit. Some portions of the text still remain obscure, but I have tried my best to render every phrase as literally as possible, without hopefully sacrificing intelligibility. Terms and phrases of significance, or of doubtful meaning, are discussed in notes, and these hopefully will help to clarify the meaning of the original at many places. For the representation of Sanskrit and Prakrit terms, I have followed the system of transliteration adopted by Monier Williams for his Sanskrit English Dictionary. Where the same word is spelt in our documents in different ways, the word at each place is transliterated as given in the original, the existence of variation being usually noted. Diacritical marks have not however, been put on the names of rulers in the Introduction.

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Preface To Professor Irfan Habib I owe a great debt for having been so supportive of my effort throughout, and having not only gone through (p.xii) the translation, but also given me advice on various points requiring comment. In translating these documents I sought assistance on points of language at Aligarh from Professors S.P. Singh, S.R. Sarma, and S.P. Sharma, all of AMU. They invariably responded most generously to my enquiries, and I am, indeed, deeply grateful to them. I am deeply indebted to Professor Shireen Moosvi, who both as a colleague at Aligarh and as Secretary, Aligarh Historians Society, has given me much help. Professor S.P. Verma has been of help to me in far more ways than I can mention. To Dr Ishrat Alam are owed many references that my commentary on the text contains. I am most thankful to the authorities and staff of the Lalbhai Dalpatbhai Institute of Indology and B.J. Institute, Ahmedabad; the Central Library and Oriental Institute, Ahmedabad; the Central Library and Oriental Institute, Baroda; the Bhandarkar Oriental Institute, Pune; the Asiatic Society, Mumbai; the Archaeological Survey of India Library, New Delhi; the Maulana Azad Library, and the Research Library of the Department of History, AMU. Mr Arshad Ali, of the Research Library of the Department of History, has been of special help to me in locating the books needed by me. Mr Muneer Uddin Khan has processed the entire text, and has throughout been very indulgent with regard to the changes I went on making in it from time to time. My daughter Dr Smriti Prasad has helped me in seeing the proofs through and my grand daughters Astha and Ami have given me much love during the time that I have been engaged in this work. For the final form that this text bears, much is owed to the editors of Oxford University Press, who so carefully edited the translation. Pushpa Prasad Aligarh

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System of Transliteration

Lekhapaddhati: Documents of State and Everyday Life from Ancient and Medieval Gujarat Pushpa Prasad

Print publication date: 2007 Print ISBN-13: 9780195684476 Published to Oxford Scholarship Online: October 2012 DOI: 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195684476.001.0001

(p.xiii) System of Transliteration

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Abbreviations

Lekhapaddhati: Documents of State and Everyday Life from Ancient and Medieval Gujarat Pushpa Prasad

Print publication date: 2007 Print ISBN-13: 9780195684476 Published to Oxford Scholarship Online: October 2012 DOI: 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195684476.001.0001

(p.xiv) Abbreviations ABORI — Annals of the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute. AIOC — Proceedings and Transactions of All India Oriental Conference ASI — Annual Report of the Archaeological Survey of India. ASR — Archaeological Survey Report by Cunningham B.G. — Bombay Gazetteer Bhandarkar's List — A List of Inscriptions of Northern India in Brahmi and its Derivative Scripts. Appendix to Epigraphic Indica, XIX–XXIII CII — Corpus Inscriptionum Indicarum. DHNI — Dynastic History of Northern India by H.C. Ray. D.N. — Deśīnāmamāla of Hemacandra D.No. — Document number Dv — Dvyāśrayakāvya of Hemacandra E.C. — Epigraphia Carnatica E.I. — Epigraphia Indica GOS Page 1 of 3

Abbreviations — Gaekwad's Oriental Series. HDS — History of Dharmasastra IA — Indian Antiquary IHQ — Indian Historical Quarterly IHR — Indian Historical Review JASB — Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal JASBNS — Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, New Series JBBRAS — Journal of the Bombay Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society JBORS — Journal of the Bihar and Orrisa Research Society JIH — Journal of Indian History JNSI — Journal of Numismatic Society of India JOI — Journal of Oriental Institute JRASB — Journal of Royal Asiatic Society of Bengal LP — Lekhapaddhati MRAS, ASI — Memoirs of Royal Asiatic Society, Archaeological Survey of India (p.xv) P.C. — Prabandhachintāmani of Merutung Manuscript. PCJ — Prabandhachintāmani of Merutung. Edited by Jinvijaya Muni PC — Prabandhachintamani of Merutung. Translated by Tawney PHIC — Proceedings of the Indian History Congress PO — Poona Orientalist PRAS WC — Progress Report of the Archaeological Survey, Western Circle. SBE — Sacred Book of East SJS Page 2 of 3

Abbreviations — Singhi Jain Series STG — Singhi Jain Granthmala Sircar's Glossary — Indian Epigraphical Glossary TN — Tabaqāt-i Nāsirī V. — Verse VS — Vikram Saṁvat Wilson's Glossary — A Glossary of Judicial and Revenue Terms by H.H. Wilson (p.xvi)

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Introduction

Lekhapaddhati: Documents of State and Everyday Life from Ancient and Medieval Gujarat Pushpa Prasad

Print publication date: 2007 Print ISBN-13: 9780195684476 Published to Oxford Scholarship Online: October 2012 DOI: 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195684476.001.0001

Introduction Pushpa Prasad

The Text and its Time The Caulukya dynasty ruled over Gujarat for nearly four centuries, from the ninth to the beginning of the fourteenth century. We have considerable source material for this dynasty including coins, copper-plates, stone inscriptions and both secular as well as religious (Jain) literature. Besides these, there is one remarkable source as well, the Lekhapaddhati (‘models of written documents’),1 a collection of documents, unique among the mass of ancient Indian texts. The Lekhapaddhati is also known as Lekhapañcāsikā, ‘models of fifty letters’. It contains numerous specimens of letters and documents of various kinds, gives rules for the drafting of land grants, treaties between kings, rules of administration and model drafts of private letters. It was presumably written as a guide for official draftsmen or scribes and professional letter-writers. The compiler is unknown, but his constant references to Pattan and habitual employment of words and phrases some of which are still current there, shows that he either belonged to or was serving in that locality. The name of three draftsmen, Parthijayat,2 Pari or Pāri,3 and Mahaṉtaka Pale,4 occur in manuscripts (MSs) A and B. The word Pari or Pāri according to D.C. Sircar is a contraction of Gujarati pārikha (literally, an examiner of coins, from Sanskrit pariksha, parīkshaka) that is often found in inscriptions and literary records of this period. Pārikh is also now a common surname among Gujarati businessmen.5 All the documents of these three draftsmen in MSS A and B are dated VS 1288, Vaishākha Sudi, 15 Monday, or Thursday which could be Tuesday 30 April, 1230 or Sunday 19 April, 1231 AD. Only document no. 47 of MS A which is drafted by mahaṉtaka Pale, is dated VS. 1332 Āshvina Sudi, 10 Sunday

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Introduction [Thursday 12 September 1274 or Monday 2 September 1275]. The lack of correspondence of weekdays remains a worrisome matter. (p.2) Four manuscripts of the Lekhapaddhati were used for the Devanagari text of the Baroda edition (which is rarely to be found nowadays). The details of the manuscripts are given by the editor, G.K. Srigondekar in his preface (pp. XI– XIII). The earliest modern reference to the Lekhapaddhati seems to be by Pandit Bhagvanlal Indraji, who rendered its title as ‘Forms of Treaties’.6 MS A consists of 41 leaves with 11 lines to the page. Two leaves are missing in the middle. It is preserved at the Bharatiya Vidya Bhavan, Mumbai. Despite many requests, the manuscript could not be made available to me, owing to its bad state of preservation. According to Srigondekar, ‘This MS is not only more complete than the other three manuscripts, but also gives a greater number of lekhas with more detail. It is undated, but from the script it appears that it has been copied in the sixteenth century’. It contains 61 lekhas. MS B now belongs to the Bhandarkar Research Institute, Pune. This I have been able to examine. As Srigondekar tells us, it consists of nineteen leaves (the first one is missing), and contains both the parts given in the Baroda edition. The first part ends at line 9 of folio 5b, with a letter to a friend which is given at page 62 of the printed edition. It is numbered 23, which shows that this part contains 23 letters. The remaining leaves contain the second part which begins with the verses at the beginning of the printed edition.7 It consists of 54 lekhas. At the end it is dated, Saṁvat year 1536, Caitra Sudi,11 Wednesday/Friday 14 April, 1478–9 AD. This MS gives to the collection the title of Lekhapañcāsikā. MS C, is now preserved at the Oriental Institute Library, Baroda (Vadodra). It contains both the parts. Its leaves 3–27 have 9 lines per page. The first part is incomplete as two leaves are missing. The second part is complete, but is not as accurately transcribed as in MSs A and B. The order of the lekhas is also quite confusing. The colophon at the end reads: ‘In the Saṁvat year 1533, Jyeshṭha Sudi,8 Tuesday/Saturday 13 May, 1475–6, here at Narsanda village (modern Nardiyada, in district Kheda) during the victorious reign of Rānā Śrī Jagamala Haridas,8 son of Sundana, Śrī Ram wrote this Lekhapañcāsikā, for his own study and satisfaction.’ It contains 38 lekhas. MS D is also preserved at the Oriental Institute Library, Baroda (Vadodra). It also contains two parts. It consists of 13 leaves, 9 lines (p.3) to the page. The first part of the MS is complete and more extensive than in the other MSs. It helps to fill the gaps in MSs A and B. But the second part exists only in a fragmentary form. The first part begins with the verses printed on pages 58–9 of the printed edition. The second part, folios 12–13, begins with ten verses printed on the first page of the edition. The documents in this MS are dated 1521 dvitīya Vaishākha Sudi 8 Friday/Monday 15 April 1464. Page 2 of 41

Introduction All the four manuscripts of the Lekhapaddhati carry the Sanskrit text in Devanagari script. It may be noted that the second part of the Lekhapaddhati as distinct from the first, contains only personal letters. It deals with the rules for the preparation of the model letters written to persons such as one's teacher, friend, master, servant, husband, wife, mother, father, son, father-in-law, motherin-law, and son-in-law. After the second part, the printed text gives five appendices, containing documents which do not come from any of the four original manuscripts of the Lekhapaddhati, and the source from which these are derived remains unknown. The dated documents in the Lekhapaddhati (as in MS A) range from VS 802 to VS 1533 (744–5 AD to 1475–6 AD), and it seems that the earliest version of the surviving manuscripts was copied in the sixteenth century. Fourteen documents are dated VS 802, (744–5 AD), 69 are dated VS 1288 (1230–1 AD);9 3 are dated VS 1521 (1463 AD); and 8 are dated VS 1533 (1475–6 AD). Other documents bear the dates VS 1332, 1365 (1307–8 AD), 1399 (1341–2 AD) 1407 (1351–2 AD) and 1432 (1374–75 AD). But in MS B all the documents are dated VS 1288 (1230–31 AD), the week days are different being either Monday or Thursday, but the tithi is the same. All the documents of MS C are dated VS 1533, Jyeshṭha Sudi, 8 Tuesday/Saturday 13 May 1475 AD or Friday 1 June 1476 AD. The documents in MS D are dated VS 1521 dvitīya Vaishākha Sudi 8 Friday [Saturday 16 June 1463 AD; and 15 Monday April, 1464 AD]. Our conversions of the dates into Christian era are based on the tables given by Sewell and Dikshit.10 For every date, however, two equivalents need to be given since the text does not indicate whether the dates are in the current or the expired year. Since the Lekhapaddhati documents touch upon many aspects of life (from rights and obligations of land grantees to sale of women slaves), it is important to establish the chronological sequence of all (p.4) the four manuscripts and to test the historicity and authenticity of the documents. It can best be tested by comparison with Caulukyan inscriptions and contemporary literary accounts. Let us first take an instance where the test reveals a possible disjuncture. A Śāsan Patra (royal charter) dated VS 802 Kārttika Sudi 11 (Friday 23 October 744, Tuesday 12 October 745), in the Lekhapaddhati records the name of Vanarājā,11 along with the titles garjjanakādhirāja abhinava siddharāja and cakravartī. We have no epigraphic evidence for this ruler, but he is mentioned in literary texts.12 In these he is shown as enjoying only the title of rājā, whereas the Lekhapaddhati gives him impressive titles. As for the title garjjanakādhirāja, the editor of Lekhapaddhati has suggested that the term garjjanaka denotes Ghazni.13 Buhler, A.K. Majumdar and D.C. Sircar are of the same opinion.14 Garjanik or Garjjanaka, as a Sanskrit word, also means ‘to cry, roar or rumble’.15 Buhler held that garjanaka was coined to represent Ghazni (rect. Ghazna), whereafter an etymological meaning was found for it, such as, ‘roar’.16 In this it seems he followed Jonaraja, the commentator of Prithvīrāja Vijaya, who Page 3 of 41

Introduction explained the word as follows: Garjanākhyo deśa visesho garjanaṁ garjitaṁ ca (‘Garjana is the name of a place [and also means roaring or roared’).17 But it is possible that the true linguistic development is the reverse of the suggested one. If the present document really belonged to the reign of Vanaraja and so to the eighth century, garjjanaka could not possibly have referred to Ghazni. In the Encyclopaedia of Islam (s.v. Ghazana) it is suggested that the name takes its origin from Iranian ganjak—ganj (treasury), transmuted in Eastern Iranian into Gazna, whence Ghazna. It therefore supposes that already in pre-Islamic times it was ‘the metropolis of the surrounding region of Zabulistan.’ We also have earlier possible references in Yuan Chwang (7th century) who transcribes Ghazna as Ho Si-Na and describes it as the chief town of the kingdom of ‘TsauKiu-cha’ or Zabulistan. Ghazna was thus already in the seventh century, a town of some importance.18 But until Mahmud of Ghazni (1000–1030) carried out his conquests and invasions of India, Ghazni had no significance as a centre of military power, and thus any association of garjjanaka with Ghazna, before the 11th century, would not have served to glorify any ruler. In other words it was natural for Mularaja II (1177–1178) to assume this title, but not for Vanaraja. Here the Lekhapaddhati may, therefore, be anachronistic. In MS B, the version of the text of (p.5) the same document is short and is assigned to the reign of Bhima II, who reigned from 1178–1241.19 For this period, the term garjjanaka would of course be apt enough. In other respects the matching of documents with inscriptions leaves little room for suspicion as to the authenticity of the Lekhapaddhati documents. The very next document, a tāmra śāsana20 (Copper-plate charter) of MS B, dated VS 1288 Vaishākha Sudi 3 Thursday, [Friday 18 April, 1230/Tuesday 7 April, 1231] gives a genealogical list in chronological sequence of all Caulukya rulers from Mularaja I onwards, which fits in with what we know of the dynasty from other sources. From the latter we can assign the rulers named in the Lekhapaddhati to their respective reigns, as follows:

AD Mularaja I

996–97

Chamundaraja

1010

Vallabharaja

1010

Duralbharaja

1010–1022

Bhima I

1022–1064

Karnadeva

1064–1094

Jayasiṁha deva

1094–1144

Kumarpala deva

1144–1173

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Introduction

Ajayapala deva

1173–1177

Mularaja deva II

1177–1178

Bhima II

1178–1241

The chronology of Caulukya kings of Gujarat has been worked out by Buhler on the basis of ‘eleven land grants of Caulukyas of Anhilvad’.21 The list derived from the Lekhapaddhati documents thus conforms closely to the genealogical lists of the Caulukya inscriptions. Moreover, the actual titles and epithets used for individual rulers are also the same, for example, Jayasiṁha deva, ‘conqueror of Tribhuvangaṉḍa, Vārvarka and the lord of Avantī’; Kumarapala deva, ‘conqueror of Śākambharī’; Ajayapaladeva, ‘who made (the) Sapādalaksha king his tributary;’ and Mularaja deva, ‘who conquered the ruler of Garjjanaka (and rulers) who are difficult to conquer.’22 The expressions and terms used in the Lekhapaddhati documents and the inscriptions are generally identical. Thus expressions such as rājāvali puravaṁ (proper [genealogical] line of the kings); Śrī Karaṇādi, (p.6) samasta mudrā vyāpara paripanthayati yathā (Chief secretariat and others, looking after all the affairs of trade and currency thus); savṛiksha mālā kula (together with various gardens or plantations); Nava nidhāna sahita, (along with new gifts); Yathotapanna dravya hiraṇya bhāga bhoga (whatever produce, be it money, gold, [together with] share of produce [and] periodical offerings; Sahasto tṛṇodakopetha (along with wood, grass and water) occur in both. The injunction to pay the land revenue in three instalments occurs both in Lekhapaddhati and the Caulukyan inscriptions, along with such details as the first instalment being payable in Bhādrapada, the second in Kārttika and the third in Māgha.23 The names of certain specific territorial units in Lekhapaddhati also occur in the inscriptions. This may be shown in a tabular form:

Territorial Unit

Lekhapaddhati

Inscriptions:

1. Khetakdhara maṉḍala

D.No.23

EI, XIX, p. 242

2. Khetakdhara pathaka

D.No.3

EI, XIX, p. 236

3. Dandahi pathaka

D.No.31

IA, pp. 208–10

4. Danṇahiya pathaka

D.No.47

IA, XI, pp. 71–3.

5. Nausāri pathaka

D.No.68

JBBRAS-XXVI, p. 250

6. Manḍali pathaka

D.No.36

IA, VI, pp. 201–02

7. Candravatī

D.No.47

EI, VIII, p. 219

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Introduction Rayapala's Nadol inscriptions of VS 1198 (1191 AD)24 provides the best instances of gardabha patra (D.No.61). This inscription states that ‘sixteen Brahmans of Dhalopa town’, had written the deed with their own hands. It contains a solemn promise on their part to find out in accordance with the custom of the country, by means of Caukaḍika (public testimony), what is lost or snatched away from the travelling bhaṭṭas and others, and to trace the articles lost by them. A declaration was also made to the effect that if any Brahman amongst them, when asked by the chief (rāṇaka) to find out some lost property, refused to do so, and asked for means of subsistence or fled away, or, if apprehended, had recourse to self-immolation, he would die like a cur, donkey or cāṉḍāla, and the chief and the others would in no wise be held responsible. If one now turns to a gardabha patra document in the Lekhapaddhati, one finds it recorded that Brahmans directly went (p.7) to the rājakula (court of justice) to seek justice. The ruler did not give an arbitrary judgement. He generally referred the plea to the Dharmādhikaraṇa, who then called for documentary evidence, witnesses and also resorted to ordeals.25 From such ordeals, however, they exempted women, children, weak, old and sick persons. A Brahman was required to submit a gardabha patra, that is, a declaration to the effect that if he committed suicide on account of his resentment at the judge's verdict, he would die the death of a donkey or Cāṉḍāla. No blame would be laid on the judges or the rulers. Here the inscriptions and the Lekhapaddhati, use almost identical formulae. Another document, yamala patra (D.No.64) sets out the terms of a treaty between Siṁhana and Lavanyaprasada dated VS 1288 (1231 AD). Siṁhana may be identified with the Yadava king Siṁghana (1210–47),26 and Lavanyaprasada was a Vaghela chief and a mahāmaṉḍaleśvara of Bhima II.27 The inscriptions of the Yadava king Singhana claim repeated victories over the rulers of Gujarat.28 The treaty significantly omits the name of the reigning monarch of Gujarat and a substitute for him is provided by his minister. It seems that Bhima II was ruler only in name. The Kadi grant of Jayantasiṁha, after tracing the Caulukya genealogy up to Bhima II replaces the usual pādānudhyāta by tadantraṁ sthāne (‘after him in his place’) and mentions the name with several titles, of Jayantasiṁhadeva and ends with the name Śrī Jayasiṁhadevasya.29 The Girnar inscription dated VS 1288 (AD 1231) not only omits the name of Bhima II but invests Lavanyaprasada with the title mahārājādhirāja and mahārājā.30 It was in this very year that the yamala patra was written. On the basis of other epigraphic evidence Bhagavanalal Indraji has suggested that the Vaghelas perhaps rose to power by aiding Bhima II to recover his throne from the usurper Jayantasiṁha (VS 1275–83), as the inscriptional evidence for Bhima II continues up to VS 1296 (AD 1240).31 In any case, the treaty recorded in the Lekhapaddhati fits in well with what we know from epigraphic sources about Bhima II and the Vaghelas.

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Introduction In the opening verses in the Lekhapaddhati the names of thirty-two karaṇas or departments are mentioned. Several of these are also mentioned in Caulukyan inscriptions. A.K. Majumdar has, therefore, concluded: (p.8) It is highly improbable that the verse giving the names of karaṇas was composed during the Muslim period, hence it must have been composed during the Caulukya or any other earlier period. Even if the verses were not composed at an earlier period they may be regarded as generally applicable to Caulukya administration.32 The designation of Śrī karaṇa occurs in several inscriptions.33 There are specific references to the vayaya karaṇa in the Gala stone inscription of Jayasiṁha, dated VS 1193 (AD 1136);34 to the deva karaṇa in the Bali inscription of Kumarapala dated VS 1216 (AD 1159);35 and to the maṉḍapikā karaṇa in the sense of maṉḍapikā and śulka maṉḍapikā in the Nadol grant of Kumarapala deva of VS 1213 (AD 1156) and the Cintra praśasti of Sarangadeva.36 The designation mahākshapatalikā, as that of the writer of several grants, is also confirmed from inscriptions.37 Similarly, officers in charge of the guild (śreṇī),38 justice (dharamādhi), mint, horses, camels, elephants, and palaces are mentioned in the inscriptions; though they are not described as karaṇas. The titles of some officers along with their proper names mentioned in the Lekhapaddhati also occur in inscriptions, e.g. mahārāṇaka Maṉḍalik deva39 rāṇaka Śrī Analadeva,40 mahāmaṉḍaleśvara Dharavarasha,41 mahāmaṉḍaleśvara rāṇaka Śrī Lavanayaprasada deva;42 mahāmātya Maladeva, Nagada, Aliga and Dharnidhara. Besides the mahāmātya, the titles of their officers are also mentioned in both the Lekhapaddhati and the inscriptions, such as daṉḍanāyaka, deśatalāra, grāmatalāra, hinḍipaka, volāpika, bhaṭṭaputra and balādhikṛita. Lekhapaddhati documents mention the Pañcakula as an administrative institution. The term Pañcakula (‘five [heads of] families’ indicating, simply, notables), and Pañca mukha nagara (five town-headmen) similarly occur in both the Lekhapaddhati and the inscriptions.43 We can thus be sure that the Lekhapaddhati has as its bedrock a very genuine collection of Gujarat-Caulukya documents from the ninth century onwards, arranged and circulated to serve as models for scribes and secretaries serving Caulukya administrators. The original editor or compiler who was presumably the author of the preface, was very familiar with how the public and private documents of the Caulukya kingdom were drafted, and the documents of the early Caulukya times could well have been preserved in his family or locality. But though his own time cannot be precisely fixed, it is possible that he lived before (p.9) the twelfth century. After him the collection was probably expanded, and some insertions or interpolations were made in the earlier texts. The second arrangement was probably made after the twelfth century when the Caulukya ruler Vanaraja was given the anachronistic title of garjanakādhirāja, which was Page 7 of 41

Introduction derived from Ghazna, and which Mularaja II first used in 1170. The collection as it now stands is represented by MS A., the earliest version of the Lekhapaddhati. The style of writing of Document Nos. 2 and 3 which are land grants is the same as that of the royal charters and copper plate inscriptions of the Caulukya period recording similar grants. Here too, a ruler is the donor, and there is a praśasti giving his name and achievements set out in a highly exaggerated style; and following it is an elaborate description of the donee and the rights of property granted. With the exception of these two documents, the text is often influenced by the Gujarati language of the early medieval period. Several Gujarati terms are found in a Sanskritized form, such as, avalagā in D.No. 4 (Guj. olaga), kriyāṇakāni D.No.5 (Guj. kariyanu), khashcā, D.No.5 (Guj. khāṉca), caṭāpaka in D.No.6 (Guj. caḍhābo), pottaka in D.No.12 (Guj. Pottuṁ), pocila in D.No.22 (Guj. poci), and such like. In some of the documents Marathi terms are also Sanskritized, such as kiveluṁ in D.No.38 (Marathi, kaula), cauracaraṭa in D.No.4 (Marathi, cauracila tāṉacā), ṭhākamana in D.No.25 (Marathi, thakalelībākī), and vāru in D.No.4 (Marathi, vāru). The Hindi word bhājan (‘utensils’) is also found in D.No.60. Some documents are written in mixed prose and verse, while others are wholly in prose. Document No.27, titled Divya (ordeals), is composed entirely in verse, The verses were apparently derived from Smriti texts. In the second part of the Lekhapaddhati(LP), which contains private letters, the verses are composed in Jain Prakrit.44 Let us now scrutinize what information the Lekhapaddhati documents offer us.

Administration The terms indicating particular types of territorial or administrative units in LP are often suffixed to place-names, a fashion also common in Caulukya inscriptions. The territorial divisions or administrative (p.10) units of preSultanate Gujarat as they appear in the LP were maṉḍala, deśa, pathaka, vishya, nagara (town) and grāma (village). Some times a place is designated pathaka in one record, and vishya in another, Nagarasarika (Navasari) a vishya in Lata, for example, is mentioned as such in the Karana I's inscription,45 but in the LP document No.68 it is designated pathaka. In LP D.No.3, the territory of Khetakadhara (Khaida) is described as a maṉḍala, while in LP D.No.3, it appears as a pathaka. It would thus seem that maṉḍala, pathaka and vishya were interchangeable terms, representing districts or sub-divisions. The term pallī or pallayāṁ46 also occurs in the LP for a territorial unit. LP documents offer good evidence for the earlier forms of names of various places and ports: Yoganipura for Delhi (D.No.45), Bhrigukaccha for Broach Page 8 of 41

Introduction (D.No.4). Stambhatīrtha, for Kambhat (D.No.45), Sapādalaksha for Sawālakh, a large area in Haryana and Rajasthan (D.No.3), and Ormuj (for Hormuz), the Persian Gulf port (D.No.41). Many place names recorded in these documents have survived with no great change, for example, Godha, Malava, Surashtra, Lata, Disa. Anhillapattana and Maharashtra. The Lekhapaddhati documents also give information about officers who were associated with the administration of the territorial units. The designation mahāmātya47 indicates an officer of the highest status. LP documents give us the names of a few mahāmatyas for example, Shila, (D.No.2); Bhabhuya (D.No.3); Maladeva (D.No.12); Nagada:48 (D.No.13, 18); Aliga (D.Nos. 28, 30, 31, 33, 66, 68), Dharanidhara. (D.Nos.42, 47), and Śrī Jagadeva (D.No. 23). The mahāmātyas were usually associated with the department known as śrī karaṇa along with samasta mudrā vyāpara (‘the entire business of the seal’).49 Frequent references to śrī karaṇa or śrī karaṇādi in the documents imply that this was an important department of state and hence the minister in charge of this department, the mahāmātya seems to have enjoyed considerable authority. The two other departments such as, deva karaṇa50 (D.No.6) and dharamādhi karaṇa (D.No.20) were also under the charge of mahāmātya. Sometimes the mahāmātya gave instructions to the officers of the province and districts (D.Nos. 4, 13); they were also associated with the Pañcakula (D.Nos.8, 33). (p.11) The term maṉḍaleśvara or mahāmaṉḍaleśvara indicates the officer of high rank or one in charge of a maṉḍala or province. It is clear from the LP that maṉḍalas were partly controlled by the rāṇakas who styled themselves mahāmaṉḍaleśvara and maṉḍalādhipati. They were immediate vassals, or feudatories of the king. They were powerful enough to appoint officers in their maṉḍala or pathaka (D.Nos.2, 3). They even made treaties like autonomous rulers (D.No.64). The daṉḍanāyaka51 performed both civil and military duties. Two names of such officers are mentioned: daṉḍanāyaka Sange (D.No.2), appointed by mahārāṇaka Maṉḍalika deva, and daṉḍanāyaka Madhava (D.No.3), appointed by mahāmaṉḍaleśvara Lavanyaprasada. It would seem from these references that, as between mahāmaṉḍaleśvara and daṉḍanāyaka, the status of the former was higher. Balā or balādhi is an abbreviated form of balādhikṭita. The balādhikṛita performed both military and civil service. The editor of the LP (p. 100) holds that he was a revenue officer and as such enjoyed high status. In D.No.5, we find him issuing an order to officers of lower rank; he also issued charters, in consultation with the Pañcakula (D.No.15, 16). The LP gives (D.Nos.15, 16) four instances of the balādhipa along with the Pañcakula as holding charge of a maṉḍapikā. The Deśa ṭhakura was another royal officer, who held the charge of a particular Page 9 of 41

Introduction department of the maṉḍala, or province. In D.No.5 a distinction is made between the deśatalāra and gramatalāra. It is therefore evident that the prefix deśa was used to denote a higher rank, the former officer dealing with deśa (district), the latter only with a village (grāma). Bhaṭṭaputra is the full form of bhaṭṭa. Generally this title is used in addressing princes and learned Brahmans. But in the Nadol inscription,52 the bhaṭṭaputra is mentioned along with the bhaṭṭa dauvārika and others. In the LP (D.Nos.19, 25, 66) the term is apparently used in the sense of an officer, not in the sense of a soldier.53 In many LP documents the boundaries of villages are defined. The term caturāghāta indicates the four boundaries of the village (LP, D. Nos.2, 3). The actual process of how a village was administered is, however, not definitely known. The designation of the officers can provide only a rough idea of it. We find mentions of the designation of a few officers,54 such as, grāma talāra (D.Nos.4 and 5), watchman of (p.12) the village; hinḍīpaka (D.No.5), tax collector; pratīsāraka (D.No.5), road toll collector or gate keeper; volāpika (D. No.5), tax-collector; adhikārī,55 (D.Nos.22, 29, 30, 62), official (unspecified). The last-named official apparently performed various duties. In Document No.62, the adhikārī settles a village boundary dispute. In Document Nos.29 and 30, he performs the services of a revenue official and gives instructions to other functionaries. Obviously adhikārī was a very general designation.56 Other designations, such as māṉaḍavi (collector of taxes, in charge of the pathaka); pathakīyaka (collector of road taxes); and uparahinḍīya (inspector) (D.No.68), are also mentioned. In towns and villages the administration seems almost universally to have been carried out by royal officers with the assistance of the Pañcakula (‘Five Elders’).57 The earliest epigraphic reference to the Pañcakula occurs in the Sarada inscription of Hund in the North Western Frontier Province, assigned to the last quarter of the eighth century.58 In the LP documents the activities of the Pañcakula seem to be quite varied. Document Nos. 6, 7, 22, and 24 show the Pañcakula collecting the state's share of revenue and taking congnizance of religious as well as secular grants when made by private individuals. The Pañcakula are shown as holding the charge of the Devakaraṇa (department looking after temples) (D.No.10); and as granting certificates of sale and concessions to traders (D.Nos.15, 16, 17). In Document Nos. 47 and 74, the Pañcakula appear as arbitrators and judges settling disputes between two parties and establishing facts. The phrase amukāka prabhṛiti Pañcakulaṁ (so-and-so from the Pañcakula) shows that it was a body composed of a certain number of persons. We can get some idea about the members of Pañcakula from these documents. It seems that, given Page 10 of 41

Introduction the context, its members were not only the village elders, but also highest administrative officers, such as mahāmātyas, balādhipas, rājaputras and mahanṭakas. Sometimes they appear to be working under the mahāmaṉḍaleśvara (D.No.7). Document No. 47 shows us that a rajāputra had appointed the mahanṭakas, who were members of the Pañcakula.59 The Pañca mukha nagara are also mentioned in several documents of LP.60 Document Nos. 49 and 59 lay down the requirement of informing the Pañca mukha nagara before the sale of a house or a female (p.13) slave takes place. In Document No.23, an accused person declares before the Pañcakula that he was guiltless as the moon, which shows that the body included a priest, who was competent to administer an oath. In the LP Document No. 67 we find a man being ostracized by his family as he was a habitual offender. His parents brought the matter before the Pañca-mukha nagara and Pañca-mukha Brāhman, who thereupon deprived the accused of his right of inheritance, maintenance and partition. However, if the evil-doer changed his conduct in future and was accepted by the family, a certificate to this effect was to be given by the judicial officials (dharmādhikārī). Both, the full and abbreviated forms mahaṉṭaka and mahaṁ, frequently occur in the LP. According to the editor (p. 100), it denotes a title of respect among the Baniyas of Gujarat, and is applied to accountants and clerks.61 Rajabali Pandey thinks that the mahaṉṭakas were associated with the village administration.62 From these documents we can infer that the mahaṉṭakas were members of the Pañcakula, being high officers, either of the pathaka or the village.

Feudatories Rājaputras

For the so-called ‘feudal organization’ of Pre-Sultanate Gujarat, the LP documents form an important source. We may first begin with the status of the rājaputra. R.S. Sharma suggests that rājaputras were scions of royal families.63 The literal meaning of the word rājaputra is, of course ‘son of a rājā’, so a prince. It was thus used as a title of a member of the royal family as well as of a subordinate ruler, but especially in the modified Prakrit forms of rāvata and rāuta, it began to be used for a horseman.64 The full form rājaputra occurs only once in the LP (D.No.29); the abbreviated form rājā occurs at all other places. It is clear from the usage in LP that the rājaputra was an official with both civil and military obligations. His rank was lower than that of the rāṇaka. The rājaputra who received the land grant as a gift (prasāda pattalā)65 from the rāṇaka, had no right to grant uncultivated land within it to Brahmans and temples (D.No.4). In one case the rāṇaka called upon the rājaputra to provide for the service of the king 400 foot-soldiers, 100

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Introduction horsemen (p.14) and 100 carriage horses (D.No.4). Here clearly the rājaputra was much more than a horseman, but a kind of military officer or clan chief. Another document (dated VS 802 and 1288) (D.No.13) indicates that allowances were to be given to rājaputras for the maintenance of soldiers and horses, the allowance to be given to them by the officer (adhikāri) in charge of the pathaka66 in both cash and kind. The officer of the pathaka was required to make the payment after seeing the number of cavalrymen and horses (dṛashṭa-ghoṭaka padātināṁ) and recording daily expenses. An officer apparently incharge of the granary was ordered to pay certain foot soldiers (padāti) a specified quantity of grain and other undressed provisions (kaṇa-bhaktaka) (D.No.9). The rājaputras had apparently to pay certain sums on account of villages assigned to them by the rāṇaka. According to one document (D.No.6)67 there was an agreement between a rājaputra and the pañcakula, by which the rājaputra agreed to pay 3000 drammas as the main head of revenue, plus 216 drammas as perquisites to the Pañcakula and 40 drammas for miscellaneous expenses. The main revenue was to be paid in three instalments. In addition the rājaputra paid the increased money that was already fixed (caṭāpaka), offerings (?) (mala mārgaṇa), money for auspicious occasions called māṁgalīyaka and charges for a watch station (catavara).68 The rājaputra was also made responsible for the safeguarding of the roads. The agreement had to be accompanied by a guarantee given by another rājaputra. Information of the payment of three instalments was to be conveyed to Śrī karaṇa (Head of the Department concerned) and the officer incharge of state income. By another charter (D.No.6) the rājaputra was to pay revenue in cash along with 40 kalasis of peas in four sacks. If money remained to be paid after the time was over it should be paid along with interest at 5% (per month?). The cultivators were to pay (him?) revenue in lieu of protection. Those who came from outside, could settle here according to the lease-deed (guṇākshara).69 Cultivators who had lived for generations should not be punished illegally and all fines exceeding 25 drammas should be surrendered to the royal treasury. Special arrangements should be made for the protection of the village. Men residing in the confines of the village should not be allowed to have additional land in their (p.15) possession. Cows should not be kept in the houses of scavengers (mātaṉgāṉā gṛiha gavāṁ nishedhanāya). Other rājaputras stood sureties for the rājaputra to whom the charter was issued. Both these charters granted to the rājaputras were for a year only; but there is no indication of a time limit in other charters granted by the rājās, mahāmātyas and rāṇakas. The LP provides texts of three kinds of charters (D.No.4) said to be written on the bark of a birch tree (Śrī bhūrjapattalā). The text of one recites that the Page 12 of 41

Introduction rāṇaka granted land as a gift (prasāda pattalā) to a rājaputra who collected the revenue (udgrāhya), maintained law and order and provided 100 foot soldiers and 20 horsemen for the service of the rāṇaka. This village was to be taxed along with those families who enjoyed the privilege of paying fixed revenue (vasamān samkara kula). It would thus seem that the rājaputra collected taxes which he passed on to the rāṇaka. A rājaputra Caturbhuja, who had enjoyed village Balua as a benefice in Dhandahi pathaka, appointed as vāhaka (official), in his own territory, the rājaputra Ajayasiṁha, the son of mahaṉtaka, who wrote a deed of debt (which forms D.No. 47) in the presence of the Pañcakula. Here the term rājaputra seems to stand for a caste. According to one of the documents (D.No.29) certain rājaputras wrote the deed regarding payment of the government tax (rājakīya). It states that the rānā's village would be seized by the order of the king as government property (rājā saṉjātaya kartavya), presumably if the tax was not paid. Another document (D.No.9) dated Saṁvat year 1533/AD 1476, and thus of the period of the Gujarat Sultanate records that the son of a rājaputra should be paid 124 drammas when the bill of exchange rājhunḍikā became due. The period of payment was 15 days. For the series of days afterwards, that is, beginning with the 16th day he should be paid one dramma and one pice (kalā).70 A particular rājaputra (D.Nos.5, 12, 13) was appointed by the officer of mahāmātya and posted to a place other than where he was at the time of issue of the document. Two documents (both contained in D.No.62) VS 1288/AD 1231 show that their overlords tried to check disputes among rājaputras (p.16) by laying down a code of conduct (śilapatraṁ) for them. B.N.S. Yadava has argued from this that ‘the feudal aristocracy was actively connected with the accentuation of localism and regionalism’.71 The rājaputras were also called rāut and rāval and might hold the title mahāmaṉḍaleśvara (D.Nos.7, 37). Rāṇakas

As is apparent from the LP documents, the status and designation of the rāṇaka was higher than that of the rājaputra. The term rāṇaka seems to be derived from the word rājanaka or rājanīyaka.72 Our documents show that rāṉakas enjoyed high-sounding titles such as mahārāṇaka,73 māṉḍalika, mahāmaṉḍalādhipati and mahāmaṉḍaleśvara74 which were not only meant to indicate their functions but also emphasized their high position.

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Introduction The rāṇakas in Gujarat appear to have been the immediate vassals of the rulers. The LP (D.No.I) records that the rāṇa or rāṇaka should follow the instructions of the daṉḍanayaka and should present himself at the royal army-camp along with his horses and foot soldiers, various kinds of armour, war elephants, and such like. It appears from Document No.30 that if the rāṇā did not present himself in war, then, according to the orders of the king, his villages would be seized. While holding the land by grant of the ruler and mahāmātya, the rāṇakas could grant the land to other title holders. Document No. 3 dated S. 1288/AD 1231, shows that mahāmaṉdaleśvara rāṇaka Śrī Lavanayaprasada75 had been enjoying the pathaka (territory) of Khetakdhara as a gift (prasāda pattala), granted to him by his overlord, and he (the rāṇaka) now had appointed Śrī Madhava as the daṉḍanāyaka (governor) for his own pathaka in the knowledge of the Pañcakula. The rāṇaka, by the same document, without apparently needing to take permission from his lord, granted the village to a ṭhakkura, who was reputedly a reliable person and performed all the services of the temples: the ṭhakkura collected all the taxes from the villagers. The rāṇaka, or rāṇā, who accepted the land grant from the ruler, collected all the taxes and was obliged to honestly pay dues to the (p.17) grantor and protect the village from ‘disturbances by thieves and śudras’. It seems that the rāṇakas exercised full control over their territory, which as we have seen, they could subassign to rājaputras. A model document (D.No.24) for the bhūmi saṁsthā (dated S. 1407) says that at the maṉḍala karaṇa, the rāṇā Śrī Arinamalla issued the guṇā patra to the cultivators (kuṭumbikās) residing in all the villages of the Pāncala country. These are described variously as cultivators upon whom revenue was fixed in a lumpsum, those who had to pay revenue at a particular rate and those who live in huts (analogous with ‘cottagers’ and so possibly with lease rights). The dānidrammas76 (taxes in kind and dramma) were already entered in the royal account book. The cultivators were to cultivate the field, recorded in the registers against their names. They were not to keep any portion uncultivated. They were to render dues and services according to local custom, including the payment of parts of the produce to local officials, village artisans, and the like. There was to be a specific provision for seeds of rice (vrīhi), wheat (godhūma), barley (yava), peas (ciṇa), and lāta(?) from the barn-yard or threshing floor, the procurement of other seeds being the responsibility of the peasants. The peasants were required to carry two-thirds of the grain to the granary which formed the share of the rāṇā and to keep one-third and the grass for themselves. A peasant found stealing the grain was to be warned once; but if he did so again, he was to be deprived of his share of the produce; and upon this being further repeated, he was to be turned out of the village. Complainants were to be turned Page 14 of 41

Introduction out of the village. Complaints were not to be entertained from individual peasants, except when four of them made them together with the guṇā patra. The fields, grain, cattle and other property of any cultivator, who abandoned the land, were to be seized for the ruler. The rāṇaka exercized not only the right to wage war but could also enter into treaties with another rāṇaka (D.No.64). It shows that both the parties agreed not to invade each other's country and if attacked by any powerful enemy, both the parties were to jointly oppose the invader. If a rājaputra of one rāṇaka committed a felony, or entered the territory of another, he was not to be permitted to stay in his territory.

(p.18) Agriculture and Fiscal System LP documents shed interesting light on fiscal and agrarian matters. According to one document (dated VS 1288/AD 1231) (D.No.22) the rate of revenue was fixed on the basis of the nature or type of land. Previously uncultivated high land (uddhakhila bhūmi), when put under cultivation by peasants coming from outside, had to pay ten drammas per viṁośopika (unit of area of land).77 The same document in MS B, however, makes no difference between local peasants and those from outside, but states that for tilling previously uncultivated high land one had to pay sixteen drammas per viṁśopika. On the khilabhūmi (uncultivated land) one had to pay ten drammas per viṁśopikas. For samakara bhūmi revenue was fixed at 24 drammas. For soft land (pocil bhūmi) also the tax was the same, namely, 24 drammas. Document No. 24 is of the utmost importance in revealing how heavy the landtax was. As we have already seen, it required the peasants to carry two-thirds of the produce into the granary of the rāṇaka. Any cultivator who abandoned land risked his land, grain, cattle and property being seized by the ruler, (apparently) in lieu of the tax-loss his abandonment of cultivation would bring about. For the peasant the term kuṭumbika78 is generally used. According to B.N.S. Yadava kuṭumbin, as a generic term for peasant, prevailed all over Northern India during the early Medieval period.79 These documents mention two types of peasants, such as, those who came from outside and brought land under cultivation, being now obliged to pay revenue on them, and the local peasants who already paid taxes.80 The kuṭumbin or kuṭumbika included propertied peasants as well. Such peasants borrowed money to meet their needs, and for the satisfaction of the creditor, sometimes mortgaged their houses, threshing floor, field and crops.81 Given its nature LP naturally supplies little information on the methods employed in cultivation and irrigation. It mentions crops such as wheat, millet, lintels (such as mūṉg, māsh), rice (vrihi), tila, tūvar, jhālar and jhūlā; agricultural tools, such as: pāvaḍā (spade); kuhāḍā (axe); kudāla (hoe); kusi (an iron bar Page 15 of 41

Introduction sharpened at one end; a scythe); hala lāṉgala (plough); and goad, as also lāngaḍi (a kind of cart) (see (p.19) D.No.60, a vibhaṉga patra, where the property is divided among family members). Other documents record names of fruits, seeds, and other products such as betel-nut, coconut, pepper, Indian madder; yellow myrobalan, sugar, and molasses, and seeds of pravāla, maithī, a kind of kidney beans (mūga). A reference to the Vārigṛiha karaṇa (official in charge of irrigation) in models of documents of LP (para 8) suggests that there was a department of irrigation. We have references to kūpa (well), taḍāga (tank) and nadi (river), which provided water for irrigation. LP documents also record the following terms relating to revenue and taxation, for whose significance wherever inferable see the notes to the respective documents.

1. Bhāga lāgadhika or Bhāga lāga

D.No.2

2. Talārābhāvya

”  4

3. Volāpana

”  5

4. Caṭāpaka

”  6

5. Mala mārgaṇaka

”  ”

6. Caturaka

”  ”

7. Bhoga

”  ”

8. Māṉgalīyaka

”  ”

9. Māṉḍavi

”  7

10. Vāhotaka

”  11

11. Vyavahārapada

”  11

12. Dasabandha

”  14

13. Karapaṭa pade

”  15

14. Dāna

”  15

15. Sagunani dāna or Saguni dana

”  17

16. Gocara

”  22

17. Dāni

”  22

18. Meḍhihāraka

”  24

19. Rajakīyaka

”  24

Page 16 of 41

Introduction 20. Khalakīyaka82

”  24

21. Halan prati

”  24

22.Rāja bhoga

”  26

23. pathakīyaka

”   68

24. Āgam nigam dāna

”   68

(p.20)

In addition to these taxes and cesses, the following fines are also mentioned: 1. For stealing hides, 25 drammas83 2. For violence, breaking heads (mastaka phoḍana), 6 drammas. 3. Ploughing land belonging to some one else (appropriating the share of crop due to another), 5 drammas. 4. For allowing one's cattle to graze on (others') corn fields: 1 dramma. 5. For disobeying orders: 5 drammas. The LP describes five offences meriting fines though it formally speaks of ‘ten offences’ (dasāprādha), the latter being perhaps just a common formula. Documents designated grāma paṭṭaka, samkara uddha grāma paṭṭaka vidhi and grāma saṁsthā (D.Nos. 6, 7, 22), yield information about other methods for collecting the land revenue. According to these deeds, agreements were made between private persons and the government for the payment of yearly revenue. According to A.K. Majumdar, the type of agreement conformed to what under the British was termed ‘ryotwari settlement’, although this seems to be a little far-fetched since the Ryotwari Settlements envisaged fixed rates for long periods in the Bombay Presidency and permanently in the Madras Presidency. The revenue was to be paid in three instalments along with a few perquisites.84 Under another arrangement given in LP, D.No.7, the annual revenue was fixed and villagers were freed from paying any further impost and perquisiters.

Trade and Commerce Lekhapaddhati85 refers to many departments of state related to trade and commerce such as the vyāpāra karaṇa (trade and commerce department), the velakula karaṇa (department of harbours), the jalapatha karaṇa (department of waterways and roads), the maṉḍapikā karaṇa (department of excise, customs and octroi) and the taṉḵa śālā (p.21) karaṇa (the department of the mint). There are also references to both inland and sea trade in the documents. For carrying goods from one place to another merchants had to pay taxes such as road-tax, toll and excise, and also had to obtain permits, certificates, and transit clearances which mainly indicated that they had paid the taxes due. Two documents called de śottara86 (both contained in D.No.5) (dated VS 802/AD 744 and VS 1288/AD 1230) show that officers such as the pratisārika87 and the Page 17 of 41

Introduction volāpika88 collected taxes from the merchants. The pratisārika, an officer, after charging a fee, allowed carts carrying household furniture, corn, 160 unspecified [units] of packed goods, eight bullocks and ten buffaloes, to encamp at a place. After being detained, the merchant (sāhu), who was the owner, obtained a permit called de śottara to travel further. Another document called ṭippanakaṁ yathā (certificate)89 (D.No.16) recites that the Pañcakula along with the balādhikāri had issued a certificate to the merchant Cahada. According to this certificate, the merchant had to pay 10,000 drammas as road tax. These drammas were part of what he had obtained after selling a hundred mūḍakas,90 a kind of mūng (lentils), being carried to Śrī Pattana from Vardhamana.91 The amount seems unrealistically high. Three documents relate to transit and are called atha mārgāksharārṇi yathā92 and issued by the Pañcakula. Of these (both contained in D.No.17) the first is dated VS 802/AD 744 and the and the second, VS 1288/AD 1230–31 According to these documents the merchant had carried 48 carts full of sesamum and ten loaded pack-bullocks, and had to pay four drammas as a road cess along with a tax on sacks. (Since, as mentioned earlier, the same merchant could not have been conveying the carts in 744 as well as 1230–31, one of the dates must be fictitious.) The third document (No.17), which is dated VS 1533/AD 1475–76, mentions that the Pañcakula, in charge of custom house (maṉḍapikā),93 gave transit clearance to a merchant with his goods, comprising four carts, ten earthen pots, 15 packages of Indian madder, 10 bundles of sweetmeats, one bundle of sandal wood, four earthen pots, fifty manas94 of seeds of pravāla grass, and two packages of maithi. However for the road cess, along with a tax on sacks, he had now to pay 1000 drammas. (p.22) The documents called guṇāksharāṇi95 (D.No.15, remission letters), dated VS 802/AD 744, VS 1288/AD 1230 show the Pañcakula along with other officers issuing letters to the same merchant Madan.96 (Obviously, the dates given in one of the documents is, again, fictitious). The merchant had purchased betel-nut, coconut, pepper, Indian madder, yellow myrobalan, sugar and molasses and cloth. Thereafter he carried these pack bullocks from Śrī Pattan to Nagasarika. On these pack bullocks the road cess was to be levied with a reduction amounting to a fourth of what was customarily collected. A document, dāna maṉḍapikā patra vidhi (D.No.68), dated VS 1288/AD 1231,97 concerning duties levied by superintendent of the custom house, shows that a foreign merchant, who intended to buy and sell, had to pay duty on both export and import. These taxes were collected by the superintendents of the pathakīyaka (collection of the road tax), the pratisārika (gate-keeper) and the uparahiṉḍīyaka (tax inspector). This document directs the officers not to harass Page 18 of 41

Introduction people, maintain good behaviour, and not collect more money than authorized, from foreign merchants, the Banjāras and itinerant traders. On the other hand the merchants were directed to strictly pay the custom duty and other taxes. Two documents are concerned with sea trade. One mentions slaves being shipped overseas and sold or exchanged for other commodities.98 This is a document of great significance, since it shows that the export of slaves took place from the Caulukya kingdom as well, and not only from the Sultanates. Another Document (D.No.41) records that horses and other articles were being imported from Hormuz.99 Gujarat then, as for much of pre-modern times, occupied a premier position in oversea commerce, and these documents reflect the concern of the Caulukya state for both protecting commerce and extracting its own share out of its profits.

Credit and Banking System100 The Lekhapaddhati cites a number of principles or norms recorded in the Dharmaśāstra literature and later legal texts, in matters relating to credit and banking. For example, the Dharmaśāstra prescribes that the creditor should take an adequate pledge or deposit, and a reliable surety before advancing (p.23) a loan and should have the transactions written down in the presence of witnesses. The pledge was to be mainly of two types, usufructuary and nonusufructuary.101 Both types of pledges occur in LP documents. Two documents entitled vṛiddhiphala bhoga (D.No.51) and gṛihaḍḍāṇka patra vidhi (D.No.52) refer to the mortgage of a residential building in return for loan. In both the documents the mortgager is not obliged to pay any interest, but has to let the mortgagee use the house without paying any rent during the period of mortgage, set at one year in the first document and five years in the second. Both the documents follow the rules laid down in Smriti literature.102 Usufructuary mortgages, according to these texts, carried no interest and the debtor got back the property on repaying the principal. Both our documents give details of the mortgaged property such as boundaries of a field or a house. The documents also record that if any damage occurred for which any action on the part of the mortgagee was not responsible, then, the mortgager would have to repair the property at his own expenses. The second document also contains a specific provision forbidding the mortgagee from creating a sub-mortgage by transferring the original deed of mortgage to a new mortgagee. The implied system of sub-mortgage would seem also to conform to the legal texts.103 According to Lallanji Gopal, the texts prescribe that a sub-mortgage can be made only when the amount due has risen to double the principal.104

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Introduction Another clause in the second document forbids the mortgagee from turning a portion of the mortgaged house into a store-house or granary for such articles as gram and salt. The document called gṛihadūlipatraṁ (D.No.53) is an example of a nonusufructuary deed. This records that the mortgagee would not enjoy the possession of the property and the mortgager would have to pay him interest at the rate of 2% per month. Further it records that if the debtor failed to repay the principal along with interest, the house would be permanently lost to the mortgager, even if he paid the double of the amount after the expiry date. These clauses are in conformity with the rules prescribed by Yajnavalkya.105 Loans were taken against mortgaged objects recorded in the adhau kṛita, vastūr nāmupari gṛihita dravya patra vidhi, (D.No.25) aśvāḍḍaṇaka, (D.No.55) gṛihāḍḍānaka patra, (D.No.52) kshetrāḍḍaṇaka patra (D.No.54), these being the names of deeds for mortgaging chattel, that is, 8 she-buffaloes, 16 oxen, 50 cows and 2 phiks(?) horses, houses and (p.24) fields respectively. But the law-givers in Smriti literature do not permit monetary interest and simultaneous use of mortgaged cattle.106 It seems, that in practice this prohibition was a dead-letter. A.K. Majumdar's explanation that the use of cattle with imposition of interest noted in the deed was due to the fact that the mortgage was made in a village where money was always more difficult to raise than in cities,107 does not seem very convincing, since the interest was still to be paid. Of two other documents, one called valitpatra vidhi records transactions over money borrowed by mortgaging products of land or other property (D.No.48). In the first document, the borrower, who had to repay a loan of 600 drammas, mortgaged his mango garden with the creditor, on the condition that the mortgagee would collect 100 drammas annually for the next six years, whereafter the garden would return to the mortgager. The interesting point in this deed is that the creditor entered into an agreement with the debtor after the interest paid had become equal to the principal. The rules prescribed by lawgivers state that ‘in money transactions interest paid at one time shall never exceed the double (of the principal).’108 This limitation of interest to an amount not exceeding the principal is known in modern times as the rule of danḍupat.109 Such a rule required that a fresh deed be drawn up. In the other document (D.No.26) it is recorded that a loan of foodgrains of good quality was to be repaid together with interest in kind, which was to be carried to the creditor's godown in the debtor's cart. Though the creditor did not possess the field or foodgrains of the debtor, it is clear that a charge was made on the standing crops of the debtor. A.K. Majumdar suggests that this kind of pledge or mortgage may be called hypothecation without possession,110 as this was also known to Smriti writers.111 According to another clause of this document the repayment of wheat was to be made after paying the king's share Page 20 of 41

Introduction (in tax). It is incidentally laid down by Kauṭilya that the claims of the king and śrotriya (Brahman) take precedence over other debts.112 Loans given on personal security of a surety are called vyavahāra patra (D.No. 47), hastākshārāṇi (D.No.69) and ādhipatra (D.No.56) in the LP. Loans contracted without any security are recorded in a document called sanmukha hastāksharāṇi (D.No.70). In this document (p.25) the rate of interest is not mentioned, but the loan is shown to be interest-bearing. One set of documents gives the texts of bills (huṉḍikā) and shows how they were issued and honoured. According to D.No.9, dated Saṁvat year 1533 (AD 1476) a son of a rājaputra was to be paid 124 drammas when the royal bill rājahuṉḍikā matured. The period of grace for payment was 15 days. For any delay beyond that time, beginning with the 16th day the holder was to be paid one dramma and one kala (pice). The document bears a late (15th-century) date in LP, though we know that the instrument had an earlier history.113

Sureties and Repayment of Loan From these documents it appears that the practice of taking sureties for loan was general. Some of the documents refer to adhipālakas (D.Nos.25, 52); bhaṭṭaputras (D.No.25), kuṭuṁbikas (D.Nos.47, 48, 51, 89), rājaputras (D.Nos.55, 58, 62), vāṇija or vyavahāraka (both the terms are applied for merchants (D.Nos11, 47, 55, 69, 71) Śreshṭhī (D.No.60) and rakshapāla (D.Nos.48, 61) as sureties. The deeds are often said to be written in the presence of the Pañcakula. It seems that for recovering one's loan, one had to approach certain royal officers. The responsibility of the sureties for the payment of money was held to be equal to that of the debtor himself. Further, these documents state that if the mortgagee failed to recover his money after selling the mortgaged property, the sureties had to meet the balance even by selling their own property or by borrowing from others. It is also laid down that if the mortgaged property was destroyed without any fault of the mortgagee, the sureties still carried the full responsibility for the repayment of loan with interest. Further, if any of the sureties was approached for the repayment of loan, he was not to point to the others as being also responsible. Document No.25 prescribes that if the mortgagee was under the necessity of having the money back before the specified time, he, accompanied by the bhaṭṭaputras,114 would approach the guarantors and obtain from them the principal together with interest; the expenses on account of the involvement of the bhaṭṭaputras were to be borne entirely by the guarantors. (p.26) Apart from the sureties, the heirs were also responsible for repayment of loans contracted by a deceased debtor (D.No.60). Alberuni points out that, irrespective of the consideration whether the deceased had left property or not,

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Introduction the heir was obliged to pay the debt of the deceased either out of his share of inheritance or the stock of his own property.115 For the recovery or repayment of loan various other provisions are made in these documents. These documents prescribe as a rule that the whole amount along with interest was to be paid on a fixed day, either on Divali, Akshayatṛitīyā or during a specified month. The whole amount should be paid at once, without the debtor causing any anxiety to, or any quarrel with, the creditor, within 24 hours of the prescribed time.

Rate of Interest All the documents record the rate of interest as 2% per month. Alberuni also refers to this rate as the permissible rate of interest.116 In document (D.No.6) the rate of interest is as high as 5% (per month).

Creditor-Debtor Relations In the documents the creditor is called dhanika,117 vyavahāraka, śreshṭī118 or sādhu,119 who invests his money for the sake of profit. The term wevehar is the Gujarati form of Sanskrit vyavahāraka,120 the literal meaning being trader or merchant.121 It is used in the LP in the sense of both money-lender and merchant. Document No.71, specifically says that the son of a merchant borrowed money for the business of money lending. In most of the documents the creditor is usually a merchant who lends out his money for interest. The documents generally contain a phrase that whatever is written in them is to be regarded as authoritative, even if an additional word has been inserted or a word is wanting. Lallanji Gopal points out that ‘the documents in Lekhapaddhati indicate that deeds were drafted with a view to emphasizing the prerogatives of the creditor, but there is hardly anything protecting the debtor from exploitation.’122 The creditors, debtors, and sureties in these documents belong to the Śrīmālī, Pragavate, Vayada, Oswal and Gurjara castes. These are sub-divisions of Banias.123 The names of the sub-divisions are often (p.27) derived from the places of origin of the castes. The Śrīmālīs takes their names from the town in Marwar, called Sharīmāl, which is now called Bhinmal.124 Tod writes of Shrīmāl and other Marwar towns that these ‘are on the high road to Cutch and Gujarat, which has given them from the most remote times a commercial celebrity—very wealthy mahājanas or merchants used to reside here but insecurity both within and without has much injured these cities, the first of which has its name Mal from its wealth’.125 The legend of their origin is that the goddess Lakshmi created, from a flower garland, 90,000 families to act as servants to the 90,000 Shrīmālī Brahmins and these were the ancestors of Shrīmālī Banias.126 According to Nando Lal Dey, Bhinmal was the capital of the Gurjaras from about sixth to ninth century AD,127 while Commissariat suggests that it remained the capital up to the 13th century.128 Page 22 of 41

Introduction The caste name Oswal similarly derives its name from the town Osi in Marwar.129

Coinage Much about the currency system in Gujarat under the Caulukyas can be learnt from LP documents. These documents mention different types of coins, namely, dramma and its variants; rūpya or rūpaka, and ṭaṉkā. Contemporary Jain Prabandhas, inscriptions and other literary accounts also furnish information on the coins current during 13th and 14th centuries in Gujarat;130 and these sources provide good corroboration of LP's statements. The frequent mention of dramma in LP documents shows that it was the basic coin, preferred over all other coins. The term dramma, which is sometimes abbreviated to dra or drā in our documents, is derived from Greek drachma. In India, in fact, it conformed to the Roman weight standard for a drachma.131 The ‘dramma originally and mostly denoted the Indo-Sassanian or Gadhiya coins, which followed the drachma weight standard’.132 It has been suggested that drammas were coins of different metals such as gold, silver and copper,133 but the term dramma was mostly used for silver coins.134 Dalal notes that the dramma mentioned in the LP documents was a copper coin, which he rather unconvincingly holds as equal to the Anglo-Indian copper pice in value.135 (p.28) The LP documents record various type of drammas, such as, vīsalapriya or viśvamalla drammas (D.Nos.25, 47, 52, 55, 56, 58, 69). pāraupatha or pāraupathaka drammas (D.Nos.47, 48, 57, 55) and dvivallaka dramma (D.No.56). These may be considered separately.

Pārautha or Pāraupathaka Dramma136 Evidence of drammas of this designation is furnished from epigraphical and literary sources as well. Jinpala refers to the use of parauthas at Anhillapattana during the reign of Durlabharaja, AD 1010–22.137 In Purātan Prabandha Saṁghraha these coins are called pārūthaka or pārūtha.138 A.K. Narain has suggested that these are Parthian drammas, mentioned as Khurasani dirhams by Abul Fida or as Tatariya or Tahiriyeh dirham by Al Masudi and Sulaiman.139 In the LP these coins are shown as struck at the mint of Shrimalla,140 and the connection with the Parthian coinage is not very clear. An inscription of Aparaditya II (Śaka 1106/AD 1184) found at Lonada near Kalyana, mentions 100 pauruthi drammas and pāruttha dramma.141 Another inscription of the Silahara ruler Somesvara of AD 1206 from Chhanje (Konkan) refers to poruttha dramma.142 From these references it seems that the pāraupatha dramma struck in Gujarat, circulated in the area extending from southern Rajasthan to northern Konkan during the thirteenth century. These are specified as the specie in which loans should be paid or repaid, and are to be such as are current in the market as well as thrice-tested.

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Introduction V.S. Agrawala is of the opinion that pāraupātha dramma was the same as bhillamala dramma or śrīmāliya dramma.143 Lallanji Gopal holds the same view.144 The LP documents indicate, that these coins were minted at Śrimāliya mint. In the Purātan Prabandha Saṁgraha, it is the pārūthaka drammas, which alone are said to have circulated in the kingdom of Jalor near Bhinmal.145 R.C. Agrawala notes, however that no actual coins were found at Bhinmal at excavations there in 1954.146 At Bhīnmal (Śhrīmāla), not only the pāraupātha drammas were minted but also other types of drammas such as vīśvamallapriya drammas and dramma in general, if we go by the LP documents. Dashrath Sharma has argued that pāruttha drammas was a silver coin, on the basis of the term raukya used in LP document Nos. 47, 56.147 But the term raukya is used here for rokaḍa, which means ‘cash’ and, (p.29) as Lallanji Gopal notes, LP documents generally refer to cash payment by this term.148 Śrī Gondekar takes pāruttha as derived from a personal name, like the later Babashahi Mahamudis149 No doubt, the LP uses the adjectives śreshṭha or śrīmata before coin names, but Lallanji Gopal holds that no personal name is implied here, the adjectives simply suggesting a superior coin.150 This view is confirmed by the evidence of Purātan Prabandha Saṁghra (p. 53) which equates eight drammas to one pārutthaka dramma.

Viśvamallapriya Dramma In LP documents these coins are also called visalapriya dramma. S. Deyell suggests that the pāraupatha dramma was superseded by visalapriya dramma.151 The LP documents attribute these coins uniformly to the Śrimalla mint. In inscriptions we come across references to vīsalpriya, vīsalpari dra, visa or vīsalapari dra.152 The inscriptions show that these coins were also current in southern Rajasthan. A.K. Majumdar and Lallanji Gopal have attributed these coins to the Caulukya Vagehalla king Visaladeva.153 D.C. Sircar has, however, suggested that the prefix śreshṭha preceding Visala here stands for śreshṭhin, meaning merchant and so refers to a particular merchant.154 A.K. Majumdar believes that the words jīrṇa (old) and śreshṭha (good or better) were adjectives, and were impressed on the old coins of Vīsaladeva.155 However, Samaresh Bandopadhyay has agreed with D.C. Sircar's suggestion that this epithet may well be taken as referring to śreshṭhin (merchant) Vīsala or Vīsaladeva.156 Sircar's suggestion that the viśvamallapriya dramma was issued or minted by the Śresṭhin Viśvamalla seems plausible in view of the fact that a document of the LP, which contains a variant of the phrase, is dated VS 1288, that is at least ten years before the accession of the Caulukya king Visaladeva; and Bhima II (VS 1235–1298) was then on the throne. As against this Majumdar argues that the date VS 1288 in that particular document is due to scribal error;157 and Dashratha Sharma adds that the documents of LP are models only and the date VS 1288 need not be taken to be an actual one.158 No coin identifiable with the vīsalapriya has been found as yet.

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Introduction Dvivallaka dramma, another variant of dramma, is also mentioned in LP,159 and there is a reference to it also in the Kharatara gaccha (p.30) gurvāvali.160 V.K. Jain conjectures that these drammas were generally used in connection with yātras or pilgrimages in Saurashtra and the adjoining regions.161 According to Lallanji Gopal dvivallaka drammas may be explained as a sub-denomination of a dramma, weighing 2 valas or 6 rattis or 10.98 grains.162 Besides the dramma and its variants other coins recorded in the LP documents also mention the rupaya or rūpaka, and the ṭaṉkā (D.No.11). The words raupya, rūpa and rūpaka are found in both literary texts and inscriptions. The term rūpaka literally means having a form or figure and rupaya is also used in the early period for ‘bright metal’, that is silver.163 In Kautilya's Arthaśāstra there is a reference to silver (rūpya), and copper (tāmra-rūpa) coins.164 According to B.J. Sandesara who published a commentary on Gaṇitasāra of Sridhara, 5 rūpakas were equal to one dramma.165 It thus seems that the rūpaka was not only different from dramma, but also a coin of lesser value, and so could not be of silver. The Lilāvati equates 1 dramma with 64 kākinis [8 copper coins equal to one kākini], and 8 rūpakas with one dramma.166 The references to suvaraṇa rūpakas in the Rājatrangaṇī (VI, 45, 52, 60, 66) and the Kathā Sarita Sāgara,167 on the other hand, indicate that rūpaka, raupya denoted silver coins as well. Kshiraswami the commentator of Amarakosha, who probably belonged to the 11th century, refers to a karshapaṉa as a silver rūpaka, whereas the copper one was called paṇa.168 Hemachandra in the Dvyāśrayakāvya (12th century) refers to different types of coins, bhāgaka, rūpaka, viṁśatika and others, the viṁśatika being equal to twenty rūpakas.169 In the Kharatar gaccha paṭṭāvali (13th century) there are references to six types of coins: parutta, dramma, jaithal and dvivallaka, drammas, hema ṭaṉka and raupya ṭaṉka.170 The rūpakas are also mentioned in Jain literature. The Bṛihat kalpa bhāshya (13th century) records that the price of a blanket ranged from 18 to a hundred thousand rupakas.171 In the Prithvīrāja Vijaya Mahākāvya, the drammas struck by king Ajayadeva are called rūpakas.172 The rūpaka or raupya often denoted a specific silver coin and as such was distinguished from the dramma. The Ahar inscription of VS 1010 dating to the reign of Guhila king Allata imposes the tax of one dramma on the sale of elephant and two rūpakas on that a horse.173 In Sodhavalivav inscription at Mangarol (VS 1202) the rūpaka is abbreviated to rua (p.31) or ru.174 The Timana Caulukya grant of VS 1207 refers to religious gifts in terms of rūpakas and drammas.175 B.N. Puri suggests that the rūpaka was worth between 1/4 and 1/20 of dramma.176 The Anjeri plates of Bhogasakti, dated AD 710–11 refer to the rūpakas of Krishnaraja.177 These are to be identified with the silver coins weighing between 30 and 34 grains, struck by Krishnaraja of the Kalachuri dynasty. It is evident that silver coins of the Page 25 of 41

Introduction Kalachuri Krisnaraja remained in circulation for 150 years after his death. V.V. Mirashi is of the opinion that they were called Krishnaraja rūpakas to distinguish them from the rūpakas of the Kshatrapas, Andharas and Traikutakas which were similar in fabric. That the ṭaṉkā was the common name of a coin, whether general or of a specific type of metal, is inferrable from the coins of Mahmudpur (now Lahore) struck by Mahmud of Ghazni, which have the name dirham in the Kufic legend and ṭakā (or ṭaṉkā) in early Nagari.178 Thakkura Pheru in his Gaṇitasāra equates 50 drammas with one ṭaṉkā.179 There are references to hema ṭaṉkā and raupya ṭaṉkā in the Kharatara gaccha- bṛihada gurvāvali180 It seems that both gold and silver ṭaṉkas were in circulation. Merutung in Prabhandhaciṇtāmaṇi (13th and 14th centuries) mentions gold ṭaṉkās.181 The editor of LP is of the opinion that the ṭaṉkā was equal to a half-pice or a copper coin,182 and he must then be assuming that it was a copper piece, which was the case in the Mughal period.

Social Life The Lekhapaddhati documents naturally accord a prominent position to the caste system. The term caturavarṇa (four castes) occurs again and again.183 More interesting, perhaps, are references to subdivisions (designated jātis) of Brahman and Vaishya castes such as Nagara, Modha, Pragavata, Oswala, Śrīmālla, Divedi, Vyasa, Bhaṭṭa and Saṉghavī. Document No.24, refers to the presence in a small village of the ‘five artisans’ (Pañha-kārūka), of which the professions of three are given: sutradhāra (mason), lohkāra (ironsmith) and kuṁbhakāra (potter). Document No.45 mentions the castes of weaver and goldsmith.184 There are indications of untouchability as well. Document No.6 prescribed that the mātaṉga (also known as cāṉḍāla) should not keep (p.32) cows in their houses and Bhaivaḍa (members of a shepherd community) and Mehakula (who performed menial tasks) should live only in the forest. The Śudras were also considered outside the pale of what might be called civil society: Document No.4 thus pairs Śudras and thieves together.

Social Customs The document called Nayāyavāda,185 is a judgement given in a case where a Brahman woman had been unjustly defamed. Someone had spread a rumour that a certain Brahman's wife had a paramour. This news infuriated the woman, and she approached the court and swore on her family honour before all the judges, that she had always been chaste. The judges thereupon declared that as there was no witness of the offence attributed, there could be no punishment. It appears that if her guilt could be proved she would have been punished,

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Introduction according to the Smriti laws. On the other hand unless adequate witnesses were produced, the maligner must be punished for the offence of Vākaparushya.186 Document No.67 relates to ostracism. It records that a person named Punak was a habitual offender, though no specific offence committed by him is mentioned. Therefore his parents and all his relatives, after taking permission from the court, declared that no one would maintain any relations with him, and he was expelled from society. By this declaration the offender was given a ‘black-letter’. In future if the offender did not commit any offence and wanted to return to his family, then the court and judges would first give him a warning and then issue him a certificate of good conduct and a ‘bright letter’.187 Four documents of LP (D.Nos. 42, 43, 44, 45) prescribe that the instructions given by mother and father, teacher and the king should be obeyed by all sons, pupils, and subjects respectively. LP contains two types of inheritance documents. One is called vibhaṉaga patra vidhi (D.No.60), dated Saṁvat year 1288/AD 1231 This document records that the movable and immovable property of the deceased father, should be divided among all the heirs (sons, and the mother), after the taxes and debts and other claims have been met. It also prescribes that an equal share should be deducted from all heirs after the death of the father to meet funeral expenses. Besides (p.33) this, if a son or daughter remained unmarried, then an equal share should be deducted from the shares of the other family members to defray his or her marriage expenses, the amount to be kept with the mother, that is, the widow. Another document (D.No.71) envisages the division of a person's property among the heirs well in advance of the event. It records that the son had borrowed 500 drammas from his father and issued a receipt, stating that if he failed to return the amount borrowed, then upon the division of his father's property, he would receive 500 drammas less than his due share. It absolves the son from paying any interest. To safeguard the interest of the other heirs the signatures of the security and witnesses were taken.

Funeral Ceremony In one of the documents called vibhaṉaga patra vidhi details are given regarding funeral ceremonies performed by a dutiful son for the benefit of his dead mother's soul. The following funeral rites are mentioned: 1. Ourdhadehikakṛiyā which was undoubtedly the chief ceremony, where oblations of rice and water were offered to the deceased. 2. Ekādasa—dvādasaha prabhṛitika: These probably included the rites which the son was expected to perform each day up to the twelfth after his mother's death. Page 27 of 41

Introduction 3. Saṁvatsaraṁ yāvata dīpadāna māsika shaṇamāsika—saṁvatsaraṁ: This probably means that a light was placed in memory of the dead person the end of every month, but there was a special ceremony at the end of six months and a year when special funeral rites were performed. 4. Navaha-paksha māsa tripakshādi kṛiyā. It probably means that a certain funeral ceremony was to be performed at the end of every ninth day, fortnight, a month and three fortnights. The document lays down that these ceremonies were to be performed according to the usage current in one's family.

Women: Slavery and Marriage Four documents of LP (D.Nos.58–59, each Doc. No. consisting of two documents) record the sale of female slaves. The Brihaspati Smriti (p.34) prescribes that a female slave ‘could never be acquired and possessed without a written deed (title)’.188 This perhaps explains why the deeds of acquisition of slaves only concern women, not men, for whom a written deed was apparently not required. From these documents it transpires that female slaves could be acquired by capture, purchase, gift, or mortgage, and, as we learn from vibhaṉga patra vidhi (D.No.60), by inheritance as well. One could also volunteer to become a slave. All these methods are in accordance with the Smritis. The Manu knew of seven types of slaves; and in Narada and Katyayana (AD 400–600) we get further elaboration. Following Narada, Vijnanesvara enumerates fifteen categories of slaves. In the LP documents we get detailed accounts regarding the duties of female slaves, which consisted of all type of household work as well as field work whether ‘pure’ or ‘impure’. The Lekhapaddhati contains a document (D.No.65) called ḍhaukana patra189 (presentation of letter for divorce and remarriage), which is of considerable importance as it shows that women could also remarry. It describes how, unhappy with his wife, Mehar Lunaika caused his father-in-law to take her away, freeing her from the marital knot. This was done in an assembly of relatives who received his letter from the court. The girl's father then offered her in marriage to another person. Thenceforth the former husband was forbidden ever to see the face of his divorced wife. Both parties in this particular case were of the Mehar caste. According R.E. Enthoven's description of this caste, the practice of widow marriage was current in it.190 Our document shows that in earlier times divorce and subsequent remarriage of the divorced wife were also allowed by the custom of the Mehars. Notes (1) . Edited by, C.D. Dalal and G.K. Srigondekar, Gaekwad's Oriental Series, XIX, 1925.

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Introduction (2) . Lekhapaddhati (hereafter LP) Document Nos. of MS A. 24, 26, 52, 56, 58, 61, 62, 69. The name Pārthijayat, also written as Pārthijayatsiṁha, occurs in Document No.57 of MS A. (3) . Ibid., MS B. Document Nos.48, 50, 56, 62, 63. (4) . Ibid., MS A. Document No.47. (5) . Epigraphia Indica, (hereafter EI), XXXI, p. 12. D.C. Sircar, Indian Epigraphical Glossary (Delhi, 1966) p. 238. Dalal also has the same opinion, LP, pp. 102, 116. According to James M. Campbell, ‘a wealthy and respectable Vania banker has the honorific, shāh, that is solvent, or pārikha, that is tested, added to his name. Pārikha is considered superior to Shāh. A Vania jestingly claims to be four times as good as an emperor, who is only a pād-shāh, or quarter-Shāh.’ James M. Campbell, Hindu Castes and Tribes of Gujarat,. IX, pt. I, (Reprinted, Bombay, 1901), p. 78. V.K. Jain plausibly suggests that the term Pari is one of the professional and functional designations of merchants. Trade and Traders in Western India (AD 1000–1300) (Delhi, 1990), pp. 218, fn.73. (6) . Gazetteer of the Bombay Presidency, (hereafter BG) ed. Sir James Campbell, I Pt. I (Bombay, 1896), p. 199. (7) . C.D. Dalal (the editor of the LP manuscript), after collecting all the four manuscripts establishes fairly definitively the text of the opening verses and gives the variant readings in footnotes. (8) . H.G. Sastri is of the opinion that Rānā Śrī Jagamala Haridas probably belonged to Todarmala family because names like Surajmala, Bharamala. Ranamala are known in this family. ‘Lekhapaddhati’ in Pathika, 15–16, Ahmedabad, Pt. I, pp. 69–72. (9) . Bhagavan Lal Indraji fixes the time of compilation as Saṁvat year 1288 (AD 1238), given in Yamala patra (D.No.64) (BG. I, Pt. I, p. 199). (10) . Robert Sewell and S. Balkrishna Dikshit, The Indian Calendar (London, 1846). (11) . Vanaraja was the founder of Anhilapataka and later became famous as Chapotakata. See A.K. Majumdar, Chaulukyas of Gujarat (Bombay, 1956), pp. 18– 19. (12) . In the Prabandha-Ciṉtāmaṇi, Merutung gives Saṁvat year 802 Vaishākha Sudi 2 (AD 745–6) as the date of the installation of Vanaraja, while in the Vicāraśreṇi, Saṁvat 821, Vaishākha Sudi 2 (AD 765) is given as the year of the foundation of the city. Anhilapaṭaka, ed. Jinavijaya Muni (Sindhi Jain Series, Bombay, 1933, hereafter PCJ), pp. 12–13. BG. I, Pt. I, pp. 150–1.

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Introduction (13) . LP, p. 97. (14) . Indian Antiquary (hereafter IA), VI, pp. 186–7. A.K. Majumdar, Chaulukyas, p. 133, D.C. Sircar, Epigraphical Glossary, p. 12. (15) . Monier Williams, Sanskrit English Dictionary, s.v. (16) . IA, VI, pp. 186–7. (17) . A.K. Majumdar, Chaulukyas, p. 133. (18) . The Encyclopaedia of Islam, New Edition, II (London, 1965), p. 1048. (19) . Document No.2; H.C. Ray, The Dynastic History of Northern India (hereafter, DHNI), II, (Delhi 1973), pp. 1005–16, (20) . Document No. 3. (21) . IA, VI, pp. 180–214. (22) . IA, VI, pp. 180–214. (23) . IA, XIII, p. 69. (24) . EI, XI, pp. 38–9. (25) . Document No.61. (26) . DHNI, II, p. 902. (27) . A.K. Majumdar, Chaulukyas, p. 152. (28) . Annual Report of Archaeological Survey of India—Western Circle (hereafter ASI, WC), III, p. 85. Someśvara in his Kīrtī-kaumadī tells us that ‘during the time of Lavanayaprasada and his son Viradhavala, Siṁghana with a mighty army crossed the Tapti and overran the country about Broach’ (BG., I, pt. II, p. 241). (29) . IA, VI, pp. 196–8. (30) . ASI, WC., II, p. 173; EI, XX, Appendix, p. 73, No.703. (31) . IA, VI, pp. 206–8. (32) . A.K. Majumdar, Chaulukyas, pp. 220–1. (33) . Pandit Lal Chand and Bhagavandas Gandhi, Atihāsika Lekha Saṁgraha, p. 297; EI, XII, p. 154; Poona Orientalist (hereafter PO), I, p. 40; IA, XLI, p. 202.

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Introduction (34) . Edited by G.V. Acharaya, Journal of Bombay Branch of Royal Asiatic Society (hereafter JBBRAS) XXV, p. 322. (35) . Edited by Diskalakar, PO, I, No. 2, p. 44. (36) . Edited by Bhandarkar, IA, pp. 202–3, Buhlar, EI, I, p. 278. (37) . IA, VI, pp. 194–6, 199–200, XI, pp. 71–3. (38) . EI, I, p. 277. (39) . See note in Document No.2. (40) . See note in Document No.3. (41) . See note in the Section on Administration. (42) . See note in Document Nos3, 64. (43) . In the Gurjara-Pratihara Siyodani inscription it is mentioned five times (EI, I, p. 173). In Caulukyan inscriptions it occurs frequently. See PO, III, 21; IA, XI, 241. (44) . Jain Prakrit combines the pecularities and characteristics of Jain Maharashtri, Jain Sauraseni and Nagara Apabhraṁśa. A.C. Woolner, Introduction to Prakrit (Varanasi, 1966), pp. 6–7. (45) . Edited by G.V. Acharya, JBBRAS, XXVI, p. 250. (46) . For details see the LP, Document Nos. 2, 11, 23. H.C. Ray suggests the meaning of pallī as ‘settlement’, DHNI, II, p. 858. (47) . The literal meaning of this term is chief minister, or executive officer. See P.V. Kane, History of Dharamśāstra, III, (hereafter HD) (Poona, 1946), p. 977. (48) . See also Document No.30. Literary accounts suggest that he was the Chancellor or held charge of some ministry. Cf. A.K. Majumdar, Chaulukyas, pp. 222–3. (49) . A.K. Majumdar has suggested that the meaning of this phrase is ‘passport and foreign trade’ (Chaulukyas, p. 222). But D.C. Sircar holds that it concerned the safe keeping and use of the royal seal (Indian Epigraphy pp. 342, 359). See also EI. XXXII, p. 152, fn.2 and p. 166. (50) . The Bali inscription of Kumarapala shows the mahāmātya to be in-charge of the deva karaṇa (ASI, WC, 1907–08, pp. 54–5).

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Introduction (51) . Various meanings are assigned to this term, such as, judge, magistrate, army leader, police officer, and such like. V.S. Apte, Practical Sanskrit English Dictionary, s.v. (52) . There is an instance of the daṉḍanāyaka being promoted to the rank of mahāmaṉḍaleśvara. Vijayaka, who was first a daṉḍanāyaka of Nadula, later became a mahāmaṉḍaleśvara, ruling at Naramda and Lata. See the Bali inscription (PRAS, WC, 1907–08, p. 55). (53) . EI, XI, p. 37. (54) . LP, p. 106; A.K. Majumdar, Chaulukyas, p. 230. (55) . All these terms are explained in notes to the main text. (56) . In the Sanjan copper plate inscription the term adhikārī is used for a village officer (EI, XIV, p. 150). (57) . The literal meaning of this is ‘five elders of the family’. (58) . EI, XXII, p. 47. As mentioned in note 43 above, in the Siyodani inscription of the Gurjara Pratiharas this term occurs five times (EI, I, p. 173), and in Caulukyan inscriptions also quite frequently. See PO III, p. 21; IA, XI, p. 241. (59) . In the Anavada inscription it is stated that the Pañcakula of Palhanpura were appointed by the king (Bhandarkar ed., IA., XLI, p. 20). Dashratha Sharma suggests that Pañcakula are mentioned mostly as tanniyukta, that is, appointed by the rulers, whose name precedes the word tanniyukta (Early Chauhan Dynasties, Delhi, 1959, p. 204). Somadeva in Nitivākyamṛita (edited by Nathuram Premi, XVIII, p. 49) assigns different functions to members of the karaṇa or Pañcakula of what appears to be the revenue department: One member received the amount, the second recorded it in a register; the third sealed it; the fourth deposited it in the treasury; and the fifth exercised general supervision (Cf. CII, ed. V.V. Mirashi, IV, Pt. I, cxliv). (60) . D.C. Sircar has explained this term as meaning ‘a city in which there are five leding men or fivefold people of the town.’ Epigraphical Glossary, p. 231. The Anavad inscription of Sarangadeva, (Saṁvat year 1348) indicates that Pañca mukha nagara included among the Pañca; Brahmans who were also called Purohits, mahājans (some of whom were sādhu, śreshṭhī, ṭhakkura soni, and kaṁsakār), vānijayakārs (vanjaras) and nau-vittakas (IA, XLI, pp. 20–1). (61) . D.C. Sircar also has the same opinion (Epigraphical Glossary, p. 182). (62) . Comprehensive History of India, edited by R.S. Sharma and K.M. Shrimali, IV, Pts. I, p. 719. V.V. Mirashi says that mahaṉtakas performed the same duties as mahattrās (CII, IV, Pt. II, pp. 395–6). Page 32 of 41

Introduction (63) . D.C. Sircar, Indian Epigraphical Glossary, pp. 272, 279–80. (64) . R.S. Sharma, Indian Feudalism, (Calcutta, 1965) p. 193. (65) . See note in Document No. 2. (66) . According to R.S. Sharma this may imply that he was authorized to make grants only of the cultivated land. This clause therefore reverses the old practice sanctioned by the bhumicchidranyāya, according to which at first only waste land was granted to priests and temples (Indian Feudalism, pp. 29–30, 163). (67) . R.S. Sharma gives a different interpretation of this charter (Document No. 6). According to him the rājaputras farmed out their villages to merchants and their associates, who collected the revenue of the village (Indian Feudalism, p. 201). (68) . See the detailed note on the terms under Document No.6. (69) . Guṇā means quality or skill; the term guṇākshara may mean a deed conditional on performance of some function. D.C. Sircar's definition, ‘a deed for a lease land by proprietors to tenants’ (Epigraphical Glossary, p. 124), seems to unduly narrow down the sense. (70) . Note for Kalā. See Document No.9. (71) . B.N.S. Yadava, Society and Culture in Northern India in the 12th Century (Allahabad, 1973), pp. 169–222. (72) . D.C. Sircar, Indian Epigraphy, pp. 342–3. (73) . The title of mahārāṇaka is mostly found in inscriptions of the Kalachuri dynasty (Corpus Inscriptionun Indicarum, ed. V.V. Mirashi, IV. Pt. I, II, pp. 340–4, 419–23, 585–6). (74) . The title mahāmaṉḍaleśvara is given to both the rāṇaka and rājaputra. (75) . Udayapur stone inscription of Saṁvat 1229/AD 1173 records that king Ajayapala appointed Lavanayaprasada as governor of Udayapur (H.C. Ray, DHNI II, p. 999; IA, XVIII, p. 347). (76) . The term dāni corresponds to the dānībhogbhāg, which probably refers to the periodical supplies of fruits and other things in kind by the villages (U.N. Ghoshal, Contributions to the History of the Hindu Revenue System, p. 256; A.K. Majumdar, Chaulukyas, p. 252). But Sircar suggests that dani was a perquisite of the collector (Epigraphical Glossary, p. 83). (77) . JNSI, XXII, p. 104.

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Introduction (78) . Here the term viṁśopikā is used in the sense of land measure. According to D.C. Sircar it was a biswā or 20th part of the bīghā, the standard measure of land (Indian Epigraphy, p. 428). The editor of LP, however, suggests that viṁśopaka was the bīghā itself, a measure of land equal to 20 Vāsās (Hindi biswās) (LP, p. 106). (79) . The term literally means a house holder. See, Monier Williams, Sanskrit English Dictionary, s.v. (80) . V.K. Thakur and Ashok Aouneshuman ed., Peasant in Indian History, I, (Delhi, 1996), p. 204. (81) . Document No. 22, LP, p. 16. (82) . Document Nos. 47, 48, 51, 54, 56. The editor of LP has recorded the term gomota along with rājakīyaka and khalkīyaka on p. 108, but this is not mentioned in the printed text. B.N.S. Yadava also recorded the same term, and suggested the meaning of this as ‘a tax payable to the village priest.’ (Society and Culture, p. 294). (83) . It seems that leather was in considerable demand. Inscriptions of Kumarapala's feudatories contain orders for banning the slaughter of animals on certain days and imposing a fine on those who violated this rule. See P. Peterson, A Collection of Prakrit and Sanskrit Inscriptions (Bhavanagar 1905), pp. 172, 205; EI, XI, p. 44. (84) . A.K. Majumdar, Chaulukyas, pp. 242–3. (85) . See Models of documents in LP, p.I. (86) . Document No.5 (87) . The literal meaning of pratisārika is gate-keeper and watchman (IA, VII, p. 7). A.K. Majumdar suggests that he was the collector of road cess or octroi, who could allow the carts to leave, after having been detained (Chaulukyas, p. 235). This term also occurs in the Kadi grant (AD 1230) in connection with taxes levied on the goods of the merchants of Salakhanpuri (IA, VI, No. 6, p. 202). (88) . Volāpika was an officer in charge of collecting the tax called volāpana or vulāvi. In Gujarati the term has the form valaman, vulāviya. Volāpana was collected from merchants on their goods (Sircar, Epigraphical Glossary, pp. 380– 1; and A.K. Majumdar, Chaulukyas, p. 236). (89) . Document No.16. (90) . Mūḍe, mūḍo or mūḍā is a measure of capacity equal to a hundred maunds. (M.B. Belsare, Etymological Gujarati English Dictionary, s.v.) Page 34 of 41

Introduction (91) . Vardhman pathaka may be identified with modern Vadhawan on the northern branch of Bhogava river, an ancient place in Saurashtra, according to local tradition, which speaks of Vala and Wadhawan (See Forbes, Ras Mālā. Hindu Annals of Western India (Delhi, 1973), I, p. 164). (92) . Document No.17 (93) . Maṉḍapikā, lit. an open hall shed or ‘pavilion’ (Monier Williams, Sanskrit– English Dictionary, s.v.). The specific sense of a custom house is proved by various passages in inscriptions (EI. I, pp. 7, 117, 166; U.N. Ghoshal, Contributions, pp. 238–9, 294). Buhler suggests that it is derived from the Prakrit word maṉḍavika, maṉḍaba or māṉḍapa. In Marathi the term mānḍavī stands for ‘custom house’. Molesworth, Marathi English Dictionary, s.v. (94) . A well-known measure of weight in general use. The Indian man (‘maund’) used to vary in value in different places. (95) . Document No.15 (96) . Since the documents relate to the same man there must be some error in their dates, which, as given, separate them by over four hundred years. (97) . Document No.68 (98) . Document No.59 (99) . Marco Polo says that horses were exported from Hormuz. He tells us that ‘merchants come hither from India with ships loaded with spicery and… many other wares and also export many goods and Arab horses from this port to India’. Henry Yule and Henry Cordier, The Book of Ser Marco Polo, Delhi 1993, I, pp. 107–22; also II, pp. 340, 450. (100) . For the information on credit practices in LP documents see A.K. Majumdar, Chaulukyas, pp. 275–85; Lallanji Gopal, The Economic Life of Northern India, 700–1000 (Delhi, 1965), pp. 161–78; and V.K. Jain, Trade and Traders, pp. 190–208. (101) . P.V. Kane, HDS, III, p. 419. (102) . Ibid., p. 429. (103) . Ibid. See also, SBE, XXXIII Pt. I, p. 71, fn.122. (104) . Lallanji Gopal, Economic Life, p. 167. V.K. Jain, Trade and Traders, p. 194, argues that sub-mortgaging would have been beneficial for the generation of capital. But submortgages would have made the transactions very complex, and made the recovery of mortgages by debtors very difficult.

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Introduction (105) . P.V. Kane, HDS, III, p. 428. (106) . Ibid., III, p. 418. (107) . A.K. Majumdar, Chaulukyas, p. 279. (108) . Manu, VIII, p. 151. Gautam XII, p. 28; Yajnavalkya II p. 39, cf. HDS, III, p. 422. (109) . The rule dandupat as expressed cryptically by Manu (VIII, 151) and Gautam (XII, 28) is that ‘the amount of principal and interest recoverable at one time in a lumpsum cannot be more than double of the money lent’. Cf. HDS, III, pp. 423–5; A.K. Majumdar, Chaulukyas, p. 276. (110) . A.K. Majumdar, Chaulukyas, p. 282. (111) . From the definition of bandha given in Vyavahāramyūkha it is clear that this was the same as hypothecation without possession. It is explained as an undertaking by the debtor not to alienate by sale, gift or mortagage his house, land or other property until the debt due to the creditor is paid off. Cf. P.V. Kane, HDS, III, p. 431. (112) . Arthaśāstra, (tr.) R.P. Kangle, II, Book, 3.11.20. (113) . Huṉḍikā, modern huṉdī. The term huṉḍika for bill of exchange does not seem to be attested prior to Kalhana's Rājatraṉgaṇī, V, pp. 266, 275, 302, which was composed about AD 1150. S.R. Sarma recently reviewed the Bakshali manuscript edited by Takao Hayashi which mentions certain rules called huṉḍikāsamyanyana. The editor has assigned this manuscript tentatively to the seventh century (Aligarh Journal of Oriental Studies, III, No.2, pp. 156–8). Several examples of huṉḍikā are mentioned in Loka Prakāsha of Kshemendra (The Kashmir Series of Texts and Studies, No.LXXV, ed. J.D. Zadoo, Srinagar, 1947, ch. II, pp. 13–18). The Ukti vyakti prākaraṇa of Damodara (12th Century) refers to bhuṉḍika (V.50), which seems to stand for huṉḍikā, cf. V.K. Jain, Trade and Traders, p. 200, fn.74. See Pushpa Prasad, ‘Huṉḍikā Documents from Loka Prakāsha’, Proceedings of the Indian History Congress, Gorakhpur, 1989, pp. 124–31. (114) . According to A.K. Majumdar (Chaulukyas, p. 280), the bhaṭṭaputra were probably junior judicial officers, whose permission was required to realize repayment of loan with interest. In the same document the term adhipāla is used for a person enjoined to effect the recovery of a loan with interest, A.K. Majumdar (Chaulukyas, pp. 80–1) suggests that adhipālas were private persons, acting as arbitrators. Lallanji Gopal holds that the term adhipāla in the deed is used for the surety (Economic Life, p. 165). (115) . Alberuni's India, tr. E.C. Sachau (Delhi, 1983), II, p. 164. Page 36 of 41

Introduction (116) . Ibid., II, p. 150. (117) . The term dhanika occurs frequently in Manusmriti VII, 47, 51, 176, 177) and other Smriti texts. References to the dhanika as one who spends or lends money also occurs in Maithli documents (Proceedings of the Indian Historical Records Commission, 18, p. 90; D.C. Sircar, Epigraphical Glossary, p. 90). Dhanika in the sense of creditor is found in the Jaunpur brick and Kasaraka copper-plate inscription (Pushpa Prasad, Sanskrit Inscriptions of Delhi Sultanate, pp. 79–86). (118) . The term śreshṭhī means a banker, merchant or foreman of a guild (D.C. Sircar, Epigraphical Glossary, p. 317). (119) . The literal meaning of the term sādhu is pious ascetic, but it is also applied to a respectable trader or merchant. Wilson thought that sādhu is a sanskritized form of sāhu or sāhukāra. (Glossary of Judicial and Revenue Terms, pp. 450, 453). According to V.K. Jain it became one of the titles of those merchants who joined one of the reforming sects (Trade and Traders, p. 219, fn. 78). (120) . B.N. Mehta and B.B. Mehta, The Modern Gujarati English Dictionary (Baroda, 1925), s.v. (121) . Wilson's Glossary, p. 552. (122) . Lallanji Gopal, Economic Life, p. 165. (123) . B.N.S. Yadava, Society and Culture, p. 38. (124) . R.V. Russell and Rai Bahadur Hira Lal, The Tribes and Castes of the Central Province of India, II, (Delhi, 1975), pp. 160–1. Now this town is situated in Jaswantpura in Jodhpur district about 105 miles south-west of Jodhpur city (The Imperial Gazetteer of India VIII, p. 111). An earlier reference to Bhinmal is found in Hieun Tsiang's account. Beal transliterated the name as Balmer or Barmer, Buddhist Records of the Western World, (Reprint, Delhi), II, 1983, pp. 269–70. (125) . James Tod, Annals and Antiquities of Rajasthan, III, p. 1269, fn.3. Since māl is a Persian word, the popular etymology seems to be wrong. (126) . BG., I, Pt. I, p. 99. (127) . The Geographical Dictionary of Ancient and Medieval India, Calcutta, 1989, pp. 192, 224. (128) . BG., I, Pt. I, p. 25. M.S. Commissariat, A History of Gujarat, I, pp. xxxviii– xxxix. Page 37 of 41

Introduction (129) . James Tod, Annals and Antiquities, II, p. 127. (130) . In Dvyāśrayakavya (12th century) of Hemachandra, the names of the coins are given as bhāgaka rūpaka, dramma, viṁśatika, etc. The Prabandhacintāmaṇi (14th century) refers to dīnār, nishka, dramma viṁśopaka and ṭaṉkā. (JNSI, XVII, pp. 79–81; 84, 94; XX, p. 10). The Kharatara gaccha-paṭṭavali (13th-14th centuries) lists six type of coins; pārupatha, dramma, Jaithala, dvivallaka dramma, hemaṭaṉkā, rūpya ṭaṉkā, (JNSI, XXII, p. 197). The old Gujarati commentary on Gaṇitasāra which was copied down in Anhilawada in VS 1449/AD 1392 by Rajakiriti Misra indicates that the names of many coins, weights, and measures mentioned in the Gaṇitasāra, were current all over Gujarat and Marwar. The manuscript has been published along with notes by B.J. Sandesara, JNSI, VIII, Pt. 2, 1946, pp. 138–46. (131) . The term dramma occurs in an inscription from Marwar (Gupta Saṁvat 289/VS 665/AD 608, EI XI, pp. 299 ff) and also in Āvaśyakacūrṇī, a Jain work of the seventh century. U.P. Shah, ‘Numismatic data from the early Jain literature’, Journals of M.S. University of Baroda, III, 1954, pp. 56–7; R.C. Agarwal, ‘Dramma in Ancient Indian Epigraphs and Literature’ JNSI, XVII, Pt. 2, p. 64. (132) . Lallanji, Gopal, Economic Life, p. 193. (133) . R.C. Agarwal, JNSI, XVII, Pt. 2, 1955, pp. 76–9. (134) . Cf. Bhagwanlal Indraji, JBBRAS, XLI, pp. 325–6, V.V. Mirashi, JNSI, III, pp. 36f.; CII, IV, p. clxxxiv. It has been suggested that there were gold drammas known after the name of king Visaldeva. This is evidently based on the Bhinmal Inscription of VS 1345 (BGI, Pt. I, p. 488) which mentions raukṁa Visalpri dra 2000. The term raukaṁ cannot be identified with gold, and could be the corrupt form of raupya which is used in LP (D.No.47) for cash or in connection with transactions in coins in circulations. (135) . LP, p. 101. (136) . For this type of dramma, see Somsesha Bandopadhyay, ‘Pārutha Dramma’, JNSI, XXX, pp. 96–101. (137) . Kharatara gaccha-paṭṭāvali (AD 1255–1336), Singhi Jain Granthamala, p. 2. (138) . Puratan Prabandha Saṁgraha, pp. 53–128. Cf. Lallanji Gopal, Economic Life, p. 198. (139) . BG, I, Pt. II, p. 21 note 6.

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Introduction (140) . Shrimalla or Bhillamalla, is identified with modern Bhinmal, north of Anhilawada Pattan. It was governed by the hereditary, rājās of Parmara lineage, and then was under the suzerainty of the Caulukyas (P. Bhatia, The Paramaras, New Delhi, 1970, pp. 182–5). (141) . JBORS, XXIX, no.4, pp. 211–15. (142) . EI, XXIII, p. 280. (143) . JNSI, XII, p. 201. (144) . Economic Life, p. 199. (145) . JNSI, XXV, p. 6. (146) . JNSI, XVII, p. 74. (147) . JNSI, XXII, p. 196. (148) . Economic Life, p. 199. (149) . LP, p. 114. (150) . Cf. Lallanji Gopal, Economic Life, p. 199. (151) . Living Without Silver (Delhi, 1990), p. 113. (152) . JNSI, XVII, Pt. II, pp. 72–3. (153) . A.K. Majumdar, Chaulukyas, p. 273, Lallanji Gopal, Economic Life, p. 197. (154) . EI, XXXII, p. 60. (155) . A.K. Majumdar, Chaulukyas, p. 273. (156) . JNSI, XXX, pp. 98–101. (157) . A.K. Majumdar, Chaulukyas, p. 273. (158) . JNSI, XXX, p. 101n.5. (159) . See detailed Note in D.No.56. (160) . Khartara gaccha gurvavali, pp. 75, 76, 79. See also JNSI, XXII, p. 197. (161) . V.K. Jain, Trade and Traders, p. 152. (162) . Economic Life, p. 203. (163) . JNSI, XIX, pp. 115–120.

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Introduction (164) . Kangle, I, 2; 5.6.12. (165) . JNSI, VIII, p. 114. (166) . JNSI, XXV, p. 12. (167) . JNSI, XIX, p. 120. (168) . JNSI, XIX, p. 109. (169) . A.K. Majumdar, Chaulukyas, p. 271. (170) . JNSI, XXII, p. 196. (171) . JNSI, XIV, p. 109. (172) . JNSI, XIX, p. 117. (173) . IA, LVIII, p. 162. (174) . Historical Inscriptions of Gujarat, II, p. 145. (175) . IA, XI, p. 338. (176) . CII, IV, p. 149. (177) . The History of Gurjara and Pratiharas, p. 136. (178) . Edward Thomas, The Chronicles of the Pathan Kings of Delhi (Delhi 1967). pp. 47–48; JASB, Numismatic Supplement, 1930, p. 40. (179) . Cf. Dasharath Sharma, Early Chauhan Dynasties, p. 319. (180) . JNSI, XXII, p. 197. (181) . J.N.S.I., p. 15. (182) . LP, p. 104. (183) . LP, D.Nos.2, 57, 59, 61. (184) . It is not clear how barber and washerman are added in B.N.S. Yadava, Society and Culture, p. 267. (185) . D.No.20. (186) . Narada defines ‘vākaparusya as ‘abusive words that loudly proclaim censure of another's country, caste, family and the like and that cause mental pain or offence to that man’ (P.V. Kane, HDS, III, pp. 511–13).

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Introduction (187) . Smriti literature also provide information of this kind of excommunication of a man. A peculiar procedure called ghaṭasphota is also prescribed for excommunicating offenders (P.V. Kane, HDS, II, p. 88, III, p. 615). (188) . Bṛihaspati Smriti, tr. J. Jolly. The Sacred Books of the East, XXXIII (reprint Delhi 1969), p. 312. The absence of any document dealing with male slaves in this text does not naturally indicate their non-existence. In the Likhanāvalī (pp. 42–8) of Vidyapati, edited by Indra Kanta Jha (Patna 1969) belonging to the 14th century, there are a number of traditional model documents for the sale and mortagage of male Śudra slaves. They had to perform the work of tilling, carrying palanquins, water, luggage, and the like, for their masters, who were usually rautās and ṭhakkuras. (189) . Dalal (LP, p. 123) and A.K. Majumdar (Chaulukyas, p. 338) both have referred to it as a letter of ‘permission of divorce’. However the literal meaning of the term ‘ḍhaukan’, is ‘offering or present’ (Monier Williams Sanskrit English Dictionary, s.v.) (190) . The Mers, Mehaḍa and Manḍs call themselves Rajputs and claim a Rajput origin, stating that they are descended from one Randhirji a Jethva who held twenty-four villages in the Barda district. R.E. Enthoven, The Tribes and Castes of Bombay, III (Delhi 1997), p. 55.

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Translation of Model Documents

Lekhapaddhati: Documents of State and Everyday Life from Ancient and Medieval Gujarat Pushpa Prasad

Print publication date: 2007 Print ISBN-13: 9780195684476 Published to Oxford Scholarship Online: October 2012 DOI: 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195684476.001.0001

Translation of Model Documents Pushpa Prasad

DOI:10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195684476.003.0002

Abstract and Keywords This section presents translations of seventy-eight documents from Lekhapaddhati. These include: Order of the King (Rājādeśo Yathā); Royal Charter (Śāsana Patra Yathā); Copper-plate Charter (Tāmra-Śāsana Yathā); Charter on a Birch Bark (Śrī Bhūrjja Pattalā Yathā); Permit or Passport (Deśottara Yathā); Village Charter (Grāma Paṭṭaka); Paṭṭaka for Regular and Additional (Lumpsum?) Tax From Village (Samakara Uddha Grāma Paṭṭaka Vidhi Yathā); Decision Regarding the Payment of Fine (Vyavasthā Yathā); A Royal Treasury Draft (Rāj Huṉḍikā Yathā); ‘Secret’ Paṭṭaka (Gupta Paṭṭako Yathā); Loan-Repayment [By Merchant in Lieu of Land Given] (Uttarāksharāṇī Yathā); Order for the Transfer of Service (Nirūpaṇā Yathā); Another Transfer or Appointment Charter (Aprā Api-Nirupaṇa Yathā); Paṭṭaka of Horse Sale Deed (Ašva Vikraya Paṭṭaka Yathā); A Concession Letter (Guṇāksharāṇi Yathā); Certificate (Ṭippanakaṁ Yathā); and Transit Clearance Certificate (Atha Mārgāksharāṇi Yathā), among others. Keywords:   Sanskrit documents translations, charters, copper-plate, pattaka, sale deed, loan repayment, transfer of service, certificates, transit clearance

(p.49) Models of Documents 1. Having received instructions of the teacher, and following the advice of learned scholars, for knowledge of things that one is ignorant of, I am putting down here the models of documents [namely/those known as]. 2. Rājādeśa, Śāsan pattalā, Deśottāra, Grāma pattalā and Vyavasthā, Huṉḍī Gupttottāra, Nirupaṇā, Aśvakṛitaṁ Bhūrja, Ṭippan, being minor letters (gauṇpatra). Page 1 of 94

Translation of Model Documents 3. Nayāyavāda, Pratipriccha, Grāma saṁsthā and Cīrakā, Ḍivya, Dohalikāmukti, Vyāshedho, Grāsalopana. 4. Viśudha-Upagatā, Ṭheko Vyāshedho, Saṁdhi-vigraha—a friend writes the minor letters and Vijñapatis (messages) in full form—[and] 5. Vyavhārapatra, Valita-patra, Vikraya, Vriddhi phala, Dharma, Dāsi, Vibhaṁga, Garddhabha Śīla, Samaya, Yamala, Ḍhaukana and Samvitta completing the fifty customary letters. 6. [There are] many letters related to money, polity, commerce or affairs of practical life that concern the state's administration and are drafted by learned scholars who are fully aware of the mood of their masters [svāmī]. 7. The main departments [are as follows]: Chief Secretariat; the accounts department; king [,that is, the royal department]; department of justice; department of collecting the śulk (taxes); department of harbours [velākula], roads and waterways; department of building (related to education); and the mint. 8. Departments [of] stores, incharge of weaving fine clothes (Aṁsuka karaṇa), royal granary, irrigation, palaces and temples, gaṇikā (courtezan); elephant's stable, horse, camel; guilds (śrenī); trade, and commerce; and the political department [Tantra śālā]. 9. [Department of] treasury, for examining ministers (upakaraṇa) executive department (karma karaṇa), public-works department (sthāna karaṇa), department of temple, department of war and peace; department of conveyance; (royal) department of accounts and records; department of kitchen, and department of armour. 10. Department incharge of alms-houses for the poor [satrāgāra], [department] incharge of interior of the palace, and in charge of the store house. Here the officers of the thirty-two departments are correctly recorded. (p.50)

(p.51) 1. Order of the King (Rājādeśo Yathā)1 MS-A. Hail! Mahārājadhirāja graciously instructs rānā Y of the territory A as follows:2 You should proceed to the royal army camp (kaṭak) along with the person Z appointed daṉḍanāyaka3 by the king of B country [that is the mahārājādhirāja aforesaid] along with your horses, foot soldiers, various kinds of armour,4 war elephants and all other material. Considering that the daṉḍanāyaka has been appointed by us in our place (as our deputy), you should come and not defy this order. You should follow the instructions of the daṉḍanāyaka in all cases and should not behave according to your own predilections even for a moment. The daṉḍanāyaka always informs us whether his instructions have been followed. Vaishākha Sudi, 15 Monday. We have personally given the instructions to the messenger.5 (Our) authority should not be violated even in thought.

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Translation of Model Documents Notes

(1) . Omitted in MS C, given full in A and in fragments in B and D. (2) . Text in MS D ends here. (3) . See note on daṉḍanāyaka in Introduction. (4) . Jayan, lit. armour for cavalry and elephants, and such like. (Apte, Practical Sanskrit English Dictionary, s.v.) Also see A.K. Majumdar, Chaulukyas, p. 220, who says the sense of the term cannot be established. (5) . MS B omits the text beginning with ‘you should come’ and ending here.

(p.52) 2. Royal Charter (Śāsana Patra Yathā)1 MS-A. In the Saṁvat year 802 Kārttika Sudi 11 Thursday, [Saturday 30 May; AD 744 Wednesday, 19 May, AD 745], during the victorious reign of mahārājādhirājā Śrī Vanaraja,2 who is made illustrious by all the twelve kings, supreme lord, parama bhaṭṭārka; who obtained the grace in consequence of a boon given by the husband of Uma (Lord Śiva); who is endowed with exceeding valour; who harassed numerous enemies; who is the very pancānana;3 who is able to tear down a part of the front of the hosts of elephants in the army of the king of the South; who subdued the ‘roaring’ (garjanaka)4 king in the battle field; the new Siddharāja paramount sovereign; who has become the husband chosen of royal fortune; proficient in fourteen Śāstrās; highly skilled in the use of thirty-six kinds of weapons;5 strengthened by the three Śaktis or constituents of regal power; who, endowed with three Siddhās,6 acquired all the six qualities; who always obtained victory or annexed the territory of another country due to the efficient knowledge gained from spies; who is possessed the six doctrines of philosophy; proficient in politics like Brihaspati and Śukra; more vigilant in searching the weak points of enemies; a Kalpataru7 for dependents; who has given pleasure to his subjects like a father; eagerly devoted to Brahma, Vishnu, Rudra and other gods; who ruled at Anahillapattana,8 while his dependent9 mahāmātya Śrī Śīla is appointed by him, looking after all the affairs of trade and currency at this time, while the mahārāṇaka Mānḍalikadeva10 appointed the daṉḍanāyaka Sange, is looking after five hundred vyāpriyamāṇa(?) being enjoyed in the territory of Bhimapallī maṉḍala,11 he [the illustratrious Vanaraja] granted him a deed of grant of (prasāda-pattalā)12 land, and this royal charter has been written thus: After taking bath at Agni tīrtha, having worshipped with five forms, and after saluting god Tribhuvan Śrī Somanatha, having pondered on the worthlessness of the world; having realized the instability of the whole of elements and things which are visible in this way; having considered that life is unstable as a drop of water lying on a lotus leaf; having pondered over the inconstancy of youthfulness like the cloud of autumnal season; and from the fearful fall of the head of Bhṛigu, the female deer (shows by) her glance (that it) has been frightened and distracted; having understood the kindness of the goddess Page 3 of 94

Translation of Model Documents Lakshmi (p.53) with the instability of the shadow from the morning to midnoon, having considered that worldly objects are like poison, worldly enjoyment like sorrow; having seen that son, friend and wife seem to be devoted as far as their self interest is involved, but indifferent otherwise; having visualized the momentariness of this gleaming world; having accurately apprehended the perpetuity and eternity of Dharma and fame; at the time of Lunar and Solar eclipse rāṇaka Śrī Deva X with great devotion for the welfare of the next world; as far as its boundaries of village A, together with various gardens or treasure, wealth or property in plantations, along with the new gift (navnidhān-sahita)13 according to the earlier custom, excluding the gifts to the Brahmans and temples and pasture land for the cows, together with water sources, the boundary of [the said] village A is being marked as it has earlier existed; it should be known to the Brahmans, ascetics and chiefs, and such like, of the eighty-four maṭhas living within the four boundaries of the village and in the presence of the four varnas dwelling in the vicinity, the four kind of Brahmans, and eminent Brahmans, inhabitants of the village and appointed officers; to the officers of the other village or the janapada, and having satisfied the rājaputra by means of some gifts, to someone with sweet and true speech, to someone by means of special gift or honour, to someone by means of gold, silver (rūpya),14 jewels and pearls, and such like, to someone with cloth and other things; to someone after giving honour and gift; this village A has been granted to diety Y and Brahman Z. Whatever be the produce in this village, let it be corn, gold, silver, and such like, according to the earlier custom, periodical offerings and regular land-tax (lāga)15 payments should be made (either in cash or kind) by the villagers or administrators; all this to be given to the deity or Brahman. This village is to be protected by me or someone else, the customs should be observed by his [the grantor's] own sons and grandsons for religious purposes, and desiring that the share of the grantee be protected. Wherefore, the divine Vyas has declared thus: 1. The earth has been enjoyed by many princes and the kings as Sagara and others, and the merit of the charitable grant has successively belonged to those who for the time being were possessed of the sovereign power over her. (p.54) 2. He, who confiscates the land given by himself or others, becomes a worm in the excrement of a dog and sinks (into hell) with his parents. 3. They who confiscate a grant of land are born as black serpents, dwelling in dried up hollow trees in the forests of the Vindhya mountain, which are destitute of water. 4. The donor of the land enjoys bliss in heaven for sixty thousand years, and he who destroys (or resumes) it or who abets the destruction dwells in hell for the same period. Page 4 of 94

Translation of Model Documents 5. ‘Thing given away in charity by former kings with the purpose of philanthropy—and what good man would resume those gifts which have been made in former times by kings which produce piety, wealth and fame, but which (if revoked) are like the remains of ablation that are vomited forth?’ 6. The confiscator of land would not become free (of sin) despite donating thousands of ponds, hundred horses and millions of cows. 7. To all the future kings of this earth does that the Śrī Ramacandra entreat again and again, that as the bridge of charity is a common boon which benefits all their kings in their times alike, it should in successive times be maintained intact by them all. 8. This universe is definitely inconstant like the sports of the Ocean, and the whole world is without essence as unworthy straw and mist, and one who is curious to descend into the orbit of the hollow-like hell, such an evil person shall have [committed the sin of having] plundered the kingdom of gods. 9. Poison is not [really] poison, [while] a Brahman's property is poison [for the usurper], or poison that they do not call poison (though) the property of a Brahman is said to be the (most destructive) poison. [Ordinary] poison destroys only one person, but the property of Brahman destroys him who takes it, together with his sons and grandsons. 10. [One who] by giving a thousand cows in donation and [yet one] who by resuming the previous gifts, performs bad actions [sins], such actions are like the killing of a thousand cows. 11. The Māndhātā king, an ornament of the Satayuga, who has constructed the bridge on this great ocean; where is the destroyer of Ravana? Where are Yudhishṭhra and other kings? O, King, so (p.55) long as you exist, this land would not perish I understand that it will accompany you. 12. If any king is born weak in my family and whose treasury is exhausted, of him I beg with clasped hands, “Let him not resume this grant.” MS-B. In the Saṁvat year 1288, Vaishākha Sudi 15 Monday, [Tuesday 30 April, AD 1230; Sunday, 19 April AD 1231] at Anhillapattana, during the victorious reign of Śrī Bhimadeva,16—who is adorned with all the royal lineage, mahārājādhirāja, parambhaṭṭaraka, who obtained the grace in consequence of boon given by the husband of Uma (Lord Śiva), who is endowed with exceeding of valour, who harassed numerous enemies, the seventh universalking; who accomplished with the favour of Paravati's husband (Śiva), who has become the chosen husband of the royal fortune, new Siddharāja and the king of enemies. This royal charter has been written like this in favour of the diety X and Brahman Y.

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Translation of Model Documents After taking bath at Agni tīrtha, having worshipped with five forms (to perform the rites in five ways), and after saluting god Tribhuvan Śrī Somnātha, having pondered on the worthlessness of the world, having realized the instablity of the elements and things visible in this way, having considered that youthfulness is unstable as a drop of water lying on a lotus leaf, having understood affinity of the goddess Lakshmi with the instability of the shadow from morning to midnoon, having considered worldly objects like poison; enjoyment like sorrow, having seen that son, friend and wife seem to be involved in their selfishness, but indifferent otherwise, having visualized the momentariness of this manifested world, having properly understood the perpetuity and eternity of Dharma and fame; at the time of the Lunar eclipse devotionally or religiously, village A excluding the gifts to the temples and gifts to Brahmans, has been granted to diety X and Brahman Y as a royal charter. Whatever produce be in this village, be it money, gold, rūpya (silver?) corn, together with the share of the produce, periodical offerings and such like and villagers or inhabitant, should be granted to the Brahmans and the diety. This village should be protected religiously by me or the others. The granter and protector have obtained their desire share. (p.56) Wherefore the divine Vyās has declared: 1. The earth was donated by many such kings as Sagara and others, whatever king is the lord of the earth any particular time enjoys the (merit) reward of the gift of that land. 2. He who confiscates the land given by himself or given by other is reborn as a germ faces for sixty thousand years. This is the royal charter. Notes

(1) . Text not found in MS C and D. B has a variant, which is separately translated as B. (2) . Vanaraja was the founder of Anhilapataka and later became famous as Chapotakata. (A.K. Majumdar, Chaulukyas, pp. 18–19). In Prabhandha-ciṉtāmaṇi Merutunga gives Saṁvat year 802 Vaishākha Sudi 2 Soma (AD 745–6 ) as the date of the installation of Vanaraja, while in his Vicāra-Śreṇī the year given is Saṁvat 821 Vaishākha Śukla 2 (765 AD.) as the date of the foundation of the city. PCJ, pp. 12–13. BG, I, pt. I, pp. 150–1). (3) . Lit, five faces meaning Lord Śiva. (4) . For Garjjanaka or garjanika, see the discussion in Introduction. (5) . For thirty six kinds of weapons, see, Prācīna-Gurjara-Kāvya-Saṁgrha, Gaekwad's Oriental Series XVIII, pp. 106–07. Page 6 of 94

Translation of Model Documents (6) . Lit. acquisition of supernatural powers or faculties, eight in number. Monier William, Sanskrit English Dictionary, s.v. (7) . Kalpataru is one of the five trees of Svarga or Indra's paradise, fabled to fullfill all desires or wishing tree. Monier Williams, Sanskrit English Dictionary, S.V. (8) . In the early Caulukya grants Anhilapura is called Anhilapataka. In the records of Caulukyas of Vyagrapalli the name of the city is give as Anhilapattaka. Some times in late records Anhilapataka popularly known as Anahilawada, Anhilawada pattana. Anhilla pattan, or puttan. IA, VI, pp. 191–3, 210–13; According to Jain chronicles it was founded by Vanaraja the first Cavada king Pancasara (765–80 AD) and named after the shepherd Anhila, who pointed out the site of the city. Meruting gives 746 AD as the date of installation. Hemachandra in his Vicāra-Śreṇi 765 AD, as the date of the foundation of the city (cf. BG vol. I, Pt. I, p. 151, DHNI, II, p. 936, fn 3; IA, IV, pp. 145–147; XVIII, p. 81). It has been identified with modern Anavada 3 miles from Patan in Gujarat, or 65 miles in the north Western direction from Ahmedabad. DHNI, II, p. 1232. (9) . Pādapadmopajīvan, Lit, ‘he, who subsists like a bee on the lotuses that are his feet.…’ (IA, XVIII, pp. 84, 115). This formula indicating the relationship of officials or subordinates to their masters, occurs frequently in Southern India [D.C. Sircar, Indian Epigraphy, (Delhi, 1965), p. 349]; and in Central India also. (IA, XVIII, pp. 346–7). (10) . Mahārāṇaka Maṉḍalika deva was the Paramara chief of Bhimapallī mentioned in Panhere stone inscription dated VS 1116 (AD1059) Notice ASI 1916–17. pp. 19–20; EI XX Appendix, pp. 22, 20, 133. (11) . The village Bhimapallī is unidentified. Majumdar, Chaulukyas, p. 169 suggests it could be Vyaghrapallī—the tiger's lair—a village ten miles south-west of Anhilapataka. It was from Vyaghrapallī that the dynasty took their name Vyaghrapalliya or Vaghela. According to Sukṛit-sankīrtana, Bhima II appointed as his heir-apparent Viradhavala son of Lavanaprasad at Bhimapallī. Cf. BG, I, Pt. I, p. 196. (12) . Dalal and D.C. Sircar render the term prasādā pattalā as a deed of grant of rent free land (LP p. 98; Sircar, Glossary, p. 249), but there is no word here signifying ‘rent-free’. The word means no more than a deed of gift or grant. The Candella grants of the 13th century use the term prasādena pradatta ‘bestowed by the favour of the kings’ (EI, XVI, No.20. I, II, XX, No.1.14). R.S. Sharma (Indian Feudalism, p. 199) is of the view that ‘such words do not occur in the grants to gods and priests and indicate that in legal terms the beneficiary did not owe the grant to his service or ability, but to the favour and good will of the master.’

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Translation of Model Documents (13) . The phrase is explained by Buhler as an ‘epithet of gift land’ (IA, VI, p. 180). It is however elsewhere explained by Buhler himself as meaning new taxes imposed for the first time, or probably a fresh assessment of taxes, (EI, XXXIX, p. 143). U.N. Ghosal takes nava-nidhān sahita to mean ‘a kind of cess imposed upon agricultural land in the Chalukya dynasty’ (Contributions to the History of the Revenue System, Calcutta, 1924, pp. 256, 295). (14) . For the term rupya, see Introduction. (15) . The term lāga might be translated as impost (EI, XI, p. 59ff.). It is still in common use in Rajasthan and is contrasted with bhāga or regular land tax (D. Sharma, Early Chauhan Dynasties, p. 210). (16) . Here Śrī Bhima is identified with Bhima II who ruled from 1178–1247 AD (DHNI, II, p. 1048).

(p.58) 3. Copper-Plate Charter (Tāmra-Śāsana Yathā)1 MS-B. This royal charter is dated like this; since the time of the king Śrī Vikrama in the Saṁvat year twelve hundred eighty-eight in the month of Vaishākha on the 3rd day of the bright half on Thursday; Saṁvat year, month, tithi and day as mentioned earlier. Now the date is in words, in the Saṁvat year 1288, in the month of Vaishākha on the 3rd day of the bright half on Thursday, [Friday 18 April, 1230 AD; Tuesday 7 April, 1231 AD], at Anahillapattana during the victorious reign of Śrī Bhimadeva, a new Siddharāja, conqueror of enemy's territory, who has become the self-chosen husband of royal Fortune: adorned with all royal lineage:—mahārājādhirāja parameśavara paramabhaṭṭāraka Śrī Mularajadeva who obtained the grace in consequence of a boon given by the husband of Uma, whose feet are meditated on by Śrī Chammundadeva, whose feet are meditated on by Śrī Ariraja Nandan Saṁkara,2 Śrī Ballabhadeva, whose feet are meditated on by Śrī mahārājādhirāja Duralabhadeva,3 whose feet are meditated on mahārājādhirāja Śrī Bhima, whose feet are meditated on by mahārāja Śrī Karndeva, whose feet are meditated on by Śrī Jaysiṁhadeva, who was the conqueror of the enemy's territory, who has become the chosen husband of Fortune (Lakshmi), conqueror of Lord of Avanti, of Tribhuvangaṉḍa and of Vārabarka,4 whose feet are meditated on by the lord of the earth Śrī Kumarapladeva, who was the conqueror in the battle of Śākambharī,5 whose feet are meditated on by Śrī Ajayapala, whose valour was unsurpassed, who made the Sapādalaksha6 king [his] tributary; whose feet are meditated on by Śrī Mularajadeva, who conquered the ruler of Garajjna (Ghazna),7 [and other rulers] who are difficult to conquer, the incarnation of Bālanārāyaṉa: while his feudatory,8 mahāmātya Bhabhu who was very greatly fond of devotion to God (prabhu) and practising the siddhas and mantra only, due to the adoption of whose wise policy, whose virtues have been [widely] sung; who holds the office of secretariat, conducting the affairs of trade and currency at this time.9 Now maṉḍalādhipati rāṇaka Śrī Lavanayaprasada has been enjoying a deed of grant Page 8 of 94

Translation of Model Documents of land of the pathaka Khetakadhara;10 Śrī Madhava has been appointed as daṉḍanāyaka, with the consent of Pañcakula. This copper-plate charter has been written like this:—After taking bath at (p.59) Agni tīrtha, having worshipped [God] in five forms, for the spiritual welfare of his father and for increasing merit; having paid his obeisance to the lord of three worlds Śrī Somanatha; mahāmaṉḍaleśvarādhipati rāṇaka Śrī Lavanayaprasada son of rāṇaka Śrī Analadeva11 in the Caulukya family [so in text], having pondered on the worthlessness of the world, having understood the instability of the whole of objects and things which is visible in this way, having considered that life is unstable as a drop of water lying on a lotus leaf; understood the affinity of the goddess Lakshmi with the instability of the shadow from morning to midnoon; having considered that worldly objects [are] like poison, worldly enjoyment like sorrow; having seen that son, friend and wife seem to be devoted as far as their self-interest is involved but indifferent otherwise, having visualized the momentariness of this glittering world; having properly understood the perpetuity and eternity of Dharma and fame; therefore, for the satisfaction of future world, honouring, by giving gold, silver, bharaṇa (grain)12 and cloth to Brahman, deity and Guru, inhabitants, eminent Brahmans, appointed officers of villages and janapadas, chiefs of maṭhas and honouring the princes by means of the gift to some, and with true and sweet word uttered in favour of some. And this royal charter should be conveyed and made known to all. In this village of Khetakadhara pathaka, as far as its boundaries together with its various gardens and trees, with wood, grass and water, and whatever is produced within its boundaries, with the new gift or treasure, wealth or property,13 according to the earlier tradition, excluding the gifts to Brahman and deity, has been granted according to royal charter to trustworthy ṭhakura and inhabitant of Devapattana14 for the maintenance of Śrī Someshvara temple, such as five types of bath, worship, and such like, and for the daily offerings to the gods according to the aforesaid traditions. The boundary of this village is like this. Knowing it the inhabitants and descendents of this village, the share of produce, taxes, gold, and such like, all should be given to the trustworthy ṭhakura for performing worship at the Śrī Somanatha temple. Knowing that the reward for the merit acquired by such gifts (of land) is common, whether they belong to our family or strangers and others and those who enjoyed this earth should agree to, and protect this religious gift. Wherefore the divine Vyas has declared: (p.60) 1. This earth has been enjoyed by many princes Sagara and others and the merit of charitable grant has successively belonged to those who for the time being were possessed of sovereign power over her. 2. The donor of the land enjoys bliss in the heaven for sixty thousand years; and he who destroys (or resumes) it or who abets its destruction, dwells in hell for the same period. 3. He, who confiscates the land given by himself or others, becomes a worm in the excrement of a dog and sinks (into hell) with his ancestors. Page 9 of 94

Translation of Model Documents 4. This universe is definitely inconstant like the divisions of the Ocean, and the whole universe is without essence as unworthy straw and mist, and one who is curious to descend into the orbit of the hollow like hell, such an evil person has plundered the kingdom of gods. 5. After giving or donating the gift; Ramacandra repeatedly requests all the future kings of this earth that merit of this charity is shared by all. It should in successive times be maintained intact by all. 6. What good man would resume those gifts given away in charity by former kings with the purpose of philanthropy, which produce piety, wealth and fame but which (if revoked) are like the remains of an oblation that are vomited forth? 7. They, who confiscate a grant of land are born as black serpents dwelling in dried up hollow trees in the forests of the Vindhya mountain, which are destitute of water. 8. If any king is born weak in my family and whose treasury is exhausted, of him I beg with clasped hands—Let him not resume this grant. 9. Where is the Māndhātā king an ornament of the Satayuga, who has constructed the bridge on this great ocean and where is the destroyer of Rāvana? Where are Yudhishṭhra and other kings? O, king, so long as you exist, this land would not perish. I understand that it will accompany you. Notes

(1) . The Text of this document is found in MS B. Omitted in MSs A, C and D. (2) . The correct rendering of the title as given in Prabandha-cintāmaṇi is ari Rāja Madana Śaṉkara, subduer of kings as Śiva (who subdued the god of love). PCJ, p. 20. (3) . The present document gives us a genealogical list of the Caulukya rulers, which fits in with what we know from other sources, from which the following dates are obtained:

Mularaja

941–42

Chammundaraja

997–1009 AD

Vallabharaja

1010–AD

Duralbharaja

1010–1022 AD

Bhima I

1022–1064 AD

Karnadeva

1064–1094 AD

Jayasiṁha deva

1094–1144 AD

Kumarapala deva

1144–1173 AD

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996–97 AD

Translation of Model Documents

Ajayapala deva

1173–1177 AD

Mularaja deva II

1177–1178 AD

Bhima II

1178–1241 AD

The chronology of the Caulukya kings of Gujarat has been worked out by Buhler on the basis of eleven land grants of Caulukyas of Anhilavada, list (IA, VI, pp. 180–213). Our documents' dynastic list conforms very well with that deduced from epigraphic evidence, even the details regarding the titles and epithets are identical. Jayasiṁhadeva, conqueror of Tribhuvangaṉḍa (and) Varvaraka and the lord of the Avanti; Kumarapala deva, conquerer of Śākambhari; Ajayapaladeva, who made Sapādalaksha king tributary; and Mularajadeva who conquered the ruler of Garrjanaka [and rulers] who are difficult to conquer (Ibid., pp. 195–210). According to the present document Mularaja II was succeeded by Bhima II. The relationship of these two is not clearly established. Forbes makes Bhima the younger brother of Ajayapala, but Sukṛita saṉkīrtana after concluding the account of Mularaja calls Bhima asya bandhu, his brother' and Kīrtī-kaumudi, after mentioning the death of Mularaja says that thereafter Bhima, his brother (anujanmasya), became king [BG, I, pt. I, p. 195). We know that Mularaja came to the throne as a child. Of Bhima too the Kīrtī-kaumudi says that he came to the throne while still in his childhood, and this agrees with the statements that he was the younger brother of Mularaja. Bhima probably came to the throne in AD1178. (Ibid., p. 196). (4) . The reference to Tribhuvanagaṉḍa, the hero of the three worlds' is not clear. According Dvyāśraya Barbaraka was assisted by the younger brother of ‘Rājā of Antradhāna deśa’. The followers of Barbaraka are described by Hemacandra as Rākshasas, who troubled the Brahman sages at Śrīsthala tīrtha, he may be the leader of some ‘non-Aryan’ tribe (IA, IV, pp. 235–6). But Hemacandra also calls Barbaraka a Kshatriya (IA, IV, p. 265). According to Bhagvanlal Indraji, the modern representatives of this tribe ‘are the Babarias, settled in Kathiawar, in this, province they are still known as Babariavāda’ (BG, I, pt, I, pp. 174–75, and fn.I, on p. 174; DHNI, II, pp. 972–3; A.K. Majumdar, Chaulukyas, pp. 97, 408). (5) . Modern Sāṁbhar on the east bank of the Sāṁbhar lake in Rajasthan. (BG, I, pt. I, p. 158, fn I). According to Kielhorn Śākaṁbhari was the capital of Sapādalaksha country. (EI, II, p. 422). (6) . The territory Sawālakha or Sapādalaksha should not be confused with Sivālikha, the sub-Himalyana range. In the Tabaqāt-i-Nāsiri, the territory, Sapādalaksha is called Sawālak, to which Hansi, Surusati, Nagaur, and Mandor belonged and which bordered upon Haryana and Bayana, Ajmer being seemingly its capital seat (tr. Raverty, I, pp. 468, 611, fn.3, 689). The early 14th-century Page 11 of 94

Translation of Model Documents Iranian writer Wassaf suggests the likely etymology of the Hindi Sawālakha (lit. ‘125,000’), when he assigns a reputed 1,25,000 cities and villages to the territory (Elliot and Dowson, The History of India as told by its Own Historians, III, p. 31), Dashrath Sharma points out that the Skanda Purāṇa too mentions territorial units called Sapādalaksha, each containing 1,25,000 villages. (Early Chauhan Dynasties p. 12, n.) He also suggests that the Chauhan states of Śākambhari and Ajmer were known as Jaṉgala deśa as well as Sapādalaksha(Sawālākha) on account of large number of villages, and is referred to by these names in inscriptions and literary accounts. Therefore, Sapādalaksha came to mean Jaṉgala, the tract which extends from Shekhawati to Ranthambhor, parts of Kota, Mandalgarh fort of Mewar, the western part of Bundi, Kishangarh and Ajmer (Rajasthan Through the Ages, Bikaner, 1966, p. 18). (7) . Mularaja II ascended the throne in 1177 AD but reigned only for a year. The 13th-century Prabandha-cintāmaṇi states that after his accession, ‘the queen mother Naiki, daughter of King Pararmarddin, taking her son in her lap, fought at Gadarata-ghatta and defeated the king of mlecchas allegedly by the aid of rain coming from clouds attracted by her virtue’ (PCJ, p. 97). The Kīrtīkaumudi and Sukṛita saṉkīratana claim that Mularaja II, when a child dispersed the turushkas (cf. DHNI, II, p. 1004; BG, I pt. I, p. 195). The Veraval inscription of Bhima II tells us that Mularaja II defeated Hammira in battle (Prakrit and Sanskrit Inscription of Kaṭṭyawar, p. 210, line 21); while four Kadi plates give him the title parābhūta-durjaya Garjjanakādhirāja (IA VI, pp. 195, 198, 201, 203) (he who overcome in battle the ruler of Garjjanka, who is hard to defeat). If Buhler's opinion is accepted that Garjjanka [now] represents Ghazni, then the question arises who was the leader of the Ghaznavid army and when the battle took place. Minhaj Siraj in the Tabaqāt-i-Nāsiri says: ‘Sultan Muizzuddin marched towards Naharwalah by way of Uchhah and Multan. The Rae of Naharwalah, Bhim Dew was young in years but he had numerous forces and many elephants; and when a battle took place, the army of Islam was defeated and put to the rout and the Sultan-i-Ghazi [Muizzuddin] returned again without having accomplished his designs. This event took place in the year 574 H. (1178 AD)’. (Tabaqāt-i-Nāsiri, tr. Raverty, I, p. 451). The only inaccuracy in the account is the mention of Bhima instead of Mularaja II as the name of the king under whose banner the Gujarat army defeated the invading army. Since Bhima succeeded soon afterwards the confusion is not surpirsing, he might indeed, have accompanied the queen mother and his elder brother. (8) . See note for Pādapadmopjivan in Document No.2. fn. 9. (9) . The phrase is often used to denote the function of Viceroy and affairs associated with royal seal. (EI, XXXIII, p. 154).

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Translation of Model Documents (10) . Sankalia suggests that Khetak maṉḍala, frequently mentioned in Rashtrakuta records, continued to exist during this period, though no reference to it is found in Caulukya inscriptions (Studies in Historical and Cultural Geography and Ethonology of Gujarat, p. 33), LP in D. No. 23, however, mentions Khetakdhara maṉḍala which included within it caturuttara cautrāsika (a group of villages). The latter is probably identical with catush caturottara mentioned in the records written during the reign of Sarangadeva, caturottara has been identified with Charotara a tract in Gujarat, north of Baroda, while caturāsika was modern Corāsī in the east of Baroda. (Majumdar, Chaulukyas, pp. 209, 212). Khetaka maṉḍala or Khetakdhara pathaka which is largely identical with modern Kaira district, formed a part of Lata. (DHNI, II p. 839). (11) . In the inscriptions of the Caulukyan dynasty the name of the father of Lavanayaprasada is given as Arnoraja instead of Analadeva. (EI, VIII, pp. 204–7, 219–22; DHNI II, p. 1027, Bombay Gazetteer, I, pt. II, p. 525). (12) . Lit ‘feeding, nourishing or maintenance’. (Apte's Practical Sanskrit English Dictionary, s.v.). In the South it indicated ‘a row of betel nut trees’; (Wilson's Glossary, p. 77). Neither seems appropriate here. (13) . See Document No. 2A.n.13 for note on the phrase, nava nidhān sahita. (14) . According to Fleet it is the ancient name of modern Verawal (Corpus Inscriptionum Indicarum, III, Introduction, p. 91), Buhler has suggested that Somanatha pattan or Devapattan or Prabhasa the famous Saiva tīrtha in Sorath (Kathiawad), form a single settlement, usually called Veraval (EI, I, p. 271).

(p.64) 4. Charter on a Birch Bark (Śrī Bhūrjja Pattalā Yathā)1 [Śrī Rañjo Bhūrja pattalā (The King's charter on birch-bark)]

MS-B. By the order of the king X (we are pleased to) instruct rāṇaka Y with a gift, as follows. A territory has been granted to you by us as a grant (prasāda) in accordance with former custom, excluding the grants to Brahmans and temples, in the Saṁvat year 1288 Vaishākha Sudi 15 Monday. Tuesday, 30 April 1230 AD/ Sunday 19 April 1231 AD]. The [necessary] instruction (given) personally to the messenger. MS-A. Śrī Mahāmātya's Charter (Śrī Mahāmāstya Pattalā)

Hail! By the instruction of Śrī mahāmātya, all officers (mahāvishyaka) of territory A are instructed as follows. Whereas this territory has become the grant (prasāda) to rāṇā X by royal order in accordance with former custom, excluding the grant (prasāda) to the temples and Brahmans, you should follow (this) charter and pay to the rāṇā the established dāna,2 dāni,3 and siddhas,4 offer gifts (dāya)5 [to Brahmans], and extend (to the rāṇā) the right of enjoyment (bhoga) of whatever has become due (yathotappan) and is established, honestly

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Translation of Model Documents and with pleasure. Samvat year 802 Jyeshtha Sudi, 15 Thursday [Monday, 1 June, 744 AD, Thursday, 20 May, 745 ad] Signed by Śrī or signature of Śrī Y. MS-A. Charter of rāṇāka (Śrī Rāṇāka Pattalā)

Saṁvat 802 Vaishākha Sudi 3 Sunday, [Tuesday 21 April, 744 AD, Saturday 10 April, 745 AD] today, after giving the dynastic list as previously given, mahārāṇāka X of district A and (subordinate?) territory has issued this charter as follows: Whereas we have granted village B in district A as a grant to the rājaputra Y from which [grant] taxes are raised (udgrāhyamāna), excluding the grants to the Brahmans and temples. Now in this village whatever taxes are to be raised according to the prevailing custom, such as the king's dues (dānī), the [dues claimed by] volāpika,6 (tax on) pasturing of cattle (gocara), perquisites of the talāra,7 local cess (dāna) and such like, all these should be collected by the rāja[-putra]8 Y fairly according to the prevailing custom. Uncultivated land (navatarbhūmi) should never be granted (p.65) to temples and Brahmans. A watchman should be appointed in the village. The village should be protected from Śudras and (the ravages of) rogues and calamities. Property lost within its boundary by travellers or by the inhabitants of the village should be traced and restored, and force should be used to have it given to the owners. Moreover, enjoying the income of this village, (you) should attend to us at the victorious camp in the capital along with 100 foot soldiers and 20 horses, that is with the above mentioned horses and men. On (each) Akshayatṛitīyā (3rd bright Vaishākha), tax should be realized for us from this village including the taxpaying families (samakarkula). The local inhabitants mentioned inside and guardians (rakshapāla) appointed for executing the provisions recorded in the charter and protecting (it) from new (unforseen) loss, shall so act that no provision is violated and no loss is incurred. For this, the signatures by their own hands of both the parties and witnesses (are to be affixed). The [necessary] instruction (has been given) personally to the messenger. MS-C. Saṁvat year 1533, Jyeshṭha Sudi, 2 Tuesday, [Sunday 7 May, 1475 AD; Saturday 26 May, 1476 AD] today, here in Bhṛigukaccha,9 after giving the dynastic list as previously given. Mahārājādhirāja X has been pleased to confer the charter as a grant (prasāda) as follows: rājaputra [Prince?] Y, son of X, has granted territory B through a charter as a grant, excluding the gifts [previously made] to temple and Brahmans. Taxes should be realized in this territory according to the prevailing custom. This (the tax), rāṇā X should justly realize, and receive according to custom, and the said territory should be protected from thieves, and Śudras and other rogues and calamities. There should be good protection. Property lost within the boundaries (of the territory) should be compensated for or restored. Moreover, the rāṇaka should provide 400 foot soldiers, 100 riding horses and 100 draft horses for the service (of the King) (lit. for destroying the power). Uncultivated land should not be given in a gift deed (śāsan). Taxes should be realized only from the area where families reside.

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Translation of Model Documents Signature of Śrī …. Notes

(1) . Omitted in MS D. (2) . Lit. (in Sanskrit) gift, but in Gujarati a road cess, a transit duty or local cess (Belsare, Etymological Gujarati English Dictionary, s.v.). In Deccan inscriptions the term dāna is used for custom duties (EI, XXXII, p. 42). (3) . Dānī or dānībhoga, the king's dues. See U.N. Ghoshal, Contributions, p. 291. According to Tawney dāna and bhog were synonymous and denoted the king's share out of the grain taxed (PCT, p. 53). (4) . The literal meaning of the term siddha or siddhi is ‘perfect, accomplished’. But here it rather conveys the sense of enjoyment. According P.V. Kane it represents one of the eight ways of enjoying landed property (HDS, II, pt. II; p. 865). D.C. Sircar points out that in most Deccan records the eight bhogs are enumerated as nidhi (treasure trove) nikshepa (what is deposited on land) vāri (water); pāshāṇa (stone-quarries); akshīṇin (privileges); agāmin (future profit); siddha (what is already brought under cultivation) and sādhya (waste land that may be turned into cultivable land.) Indian Epigraphy, pp. 400–1. (5) . Dāya is explained as gifts made to Brahmans in D.C. Sircar, Epigraphical Glossary, p. 123. (6) . Volāpika was an officer in charge of collecting the tax also called volāpana or vulāvi. In Gujarati the term has the form vaḷāmāṇ, vulāyiya. Volāpana was collected from merchants for protection extended to their goods (Sircar, Glossary, pp. 380–81, A.K. Majumdar, Chaulukyas, p. 236). (7) . R.B. Halder suggested that talāra meant a night watchman put over the crops (IA, LVI, p. 10; PO, III, p. 69; see also Wilson's Glossary, p. 508). But Hemacandra in his Desināmamālā glosses it as nagara rakshaka (town guard) (D.N., V, verse 3); and Bhandarkar therefore translates it as Kotwal (EI, XI, p. 47). Talāra might be derived from talavāra, an officer mentioned in the Basarah seals and mahātalavāra mentioned in a Nagarjunakonda inscription (EI, XX, p. 32). It seems that talārābhāvya was not a regular tax but might be a perquisite attached to the office of talāra. (A.K. Majumdar, Chaulukyas, p. 235, D.C. Sircar, Epigraphical Glossary, pp. 333–4). (8) . Rājā is used as an abbreviation of rājaputra, a practice found in inscriptions as well, for example, EI XXXIV, pp. 143–4; PO, XXI, pp. 222–3.x (9) . Bhṛigukacchha is identified with modern Broach (BG, I, pt. I, p. 127, DHNI, II, pp. 896, 1024, 1056).

(p.67) 5. Permit or Passport (Deśottara Yathā)1 Page 15 of 94

Translation of Model Documents MS-A. Hail! On the word of mahaṉtaka X, all the territorial officers (deśādhipa), ṭhākura, an officers (vulviyā); watch and ward (talāra);2 hiṉḍīpaka (officer);3 [and] officials controlling (cart) traffic (pratisārika)4 [positioned] on the way, are instructed thus: whereas 160 unspecified [units] of packed goods, being [our] property are sent out on carts from Anhilwada to Nagasarika5 with sāhu X, the sāhu should not be called to the presence of vulāpika(?) nor should he be harassed. Saṁvat year 802 Vaishākha Sudi 3 Thursday, [Tuesday 21 April, 744 AD; April, 10 Saturday 745 AD]. Signature of ‘Śrī. MS-B. By the order of the king, today, on the word of Śrī mahaṉtaka X, all the villages and all the rivers situated in the territory of country A; police officer, Pañcakula, all territorial officers (deśādhipa) ṭhakkura, village watchman (grāmatalāra); hiṉdīpaka, pratisārika, volāpika, and niryamaka6, present on both the [river] banks, on the way, are instructed thus: On the way [the person] Y from village B, along with rājaputra X of village C, is coming with the belonging of person Z, such as two carts containing household furnitures, four carts, and corn, weighing 4 muḍās,7 eight bullocks and ten buffaloes, be allowed to encamp somewhere on collecting the money (talārābhāvya) and the road cess [from them] for the safe conduct of their goods, in the presence of the officer incharge volāpika. In this connection no one should be harassed and troubled, and nobody should be spoken to [harshly] anywhere. The instruction (has been given) personally to the messenger. MS-B. On the word of balādhi8 (balādhikṛita) (head revenue officer), all the petty officers, village officials, talāra, hiṉḍipaka, pratisārika, on the way, are instructed thus: A cart full of packed goods is being carried by oxen of merchant Z from Pattan to Nagasarika. [The merchant] should not be called to the presence of vulāpika on account of the road cess. Samvat year 1288 Vaishakha Sudi 15 Monday, [Tuesday 30 April, 1230 AD; Sunday 19th April 1231 AD]. Signature of Śrī. Notes

(1) . Not in MSs C and D. (2) . For valviyā and talāra, see note in Document No.4. (3) . According to the editor of LP, the hiṉḍīpaka was a touring revenue officer (p. 99). Buhler read the term in the Kadi copper plate grant as hithīpaka, paired with ‘pratīsārika. It seems that both officials were responsible for collecting taxes (IA, VI, p. 202). (4) . The literal meaning of pratīsārika is gate keeper or watchman (IA, VII, p. 7). Majumdar suggests that he was the collector of road cess or octroi who allowed the carts to leave the site where the carts were detained (Chaulukyas, p. 235).

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Translation of Model Documents (5) . Nagasarika may be identified with modern Navasari in South Gujarat (JBBRAS, XXVI, p. 250); but the place seems too far off, and cart-traffic would be difficult with rivers Narmada and Tapti intervening. (6) . The meaning of the term is not clear. (7) . Mūḍe, mūḍo or mūḍā is a measure of capacity equal to a hundred mauṉds (M.B. Belsare, Etymological Gujarati English Dictionary, s.v.). (8) . Here the officer balādhi (an abbreviated form of balādhikṛita) was designated as a revenue officer. For detail see note in Document No.14.

(p.69) 6. Village Charter (Grāma Paṭṭaka)1 MS-A. In the Saṁ (Saṁvat year) 802 Vaishākha Sudi, 3 Thursday [Tuesday 21 April, 744 ad, Saturday 10 April 745 ad] today, the Pañcakula consisting of mahaṉtaka X and others of pathaka A, issued the village charter granted by (ruler) to rājaputra Godaka (under) the following (conditions): rājaputra Godaka should pay in the coming year, namely, Sam 803, dra.3000, that is, three thousand drammas, according to the village charter [tax contract] dra. 216 that is, two hundred and sixteen drammas, as perquisite to the pañcakula (karpatbhāva),2 and dra. 40, that is, forty drammas, for miscellaneous expenses (vikarpada).3 He should pay along with the increased money (caṭāpaka),4 offering (?) (malamārgaṇa),5 money for auspicious occasions (māṉgalīyaka),6 and charges for a watch station (caturaka)7 and uncultivated land (patita) according to the custom of the locality (deśācāra). The ‘iron-strong' (lohamayo) roads (royal highway?) within his boundary should be protected. The mode of payment in drammas mentioned in the paṭṭaka is as follows: First instalment of 1000 drammas (should be paid) each in the month of Bhadrapada; second instalment [of] 1000 drammas each year, in the month of Magha; and the third instalment of 1000 drammas, on Akshyatṛitīyā or on the 3rd day of Vaishākha. The drammas mentioned in this pattaka should be paid to the royal treasury in three instalments as stated and the information should be given to the chief secretariat (Śrī karaṇa). Rājaputra, Y, son of Z, resident of village B, has been appointed as surety for the payment of the money mentioned in this pattaka in accordance with the manner prescribed in the paṭṭaka; and for executing the provisions of the paṭṭaka;, he shall be responsible to the chief secretariat (Śrī karaṇa). For this, signatures of the sureties named such-and-such, and witnesses. MS-B. Saṁvat year 1288 Vaishākha Sudi, 15 Monday [Tuesday 30 April, 1230 AD; Sunday 19 April, 1231 AD], today, here, mahaṉtaka X of pathaka A issued a village paṭṭaka; to rājaputra Y in the following manner. Paramara Y should pay in the coming year 1289, 3000 drammas, in words, three thousand drammas, according to the village paṭṭaka; along with 216, two hundred and sixteen, drammas as the perquisite (vikarpada) to Pañcakula, 40, forty, drammas for miscellaneous (p.70) expenses. In accordance with the custom of the locality, Page 17 of 94

Translation of Model Documents (he) should pay the increased money [caṭāpaka] transit [dues], [payments] on auspicious occasions, and charges for a watch station and uncultivated land. The ‘iron-strong' roads (royal highways?) within its own boundary should be guarded. The mode of payment of drammas mentioned in the paṭṭaka; is as follows: The first instalment, 1000 drammas (should be paid) each year in the month of Bhādrapada; the second instalment of 1000 drammas, in the month of Māgha; and the third of 1000 drammas, on Akshyatṛitīyā. According to this arrangement, the drammas in the paṭṭaka; should be paid in three instalments. For giving paṭṭaka; drammas, to fulfil all the conditions in the paṭṭaka, for keeping it safe from the three faults (dosha) such as,, doing anything wrong (vināśa), not doing anything at all, and delay (avashṭābadhi), Vāstavya ṭhakura X stands surety. Signature of Śrī. MS-C. Saṁvat year 1533 Jyeshṭha Sudi, 8 Tuesday, [Saturday, 13 May, 1475 AD Friday, 1 June, 1476 AD] today, the Pañcakula, consisting of mahaṉtaka X and others, issued the paṭṭaka; in the knowledge of rāṇaka Śrī Deva Y of Narasamudra,8 under the following (conditions). rājaputra Y was granted village B in accordance with the prevailing custom, excluding the grant held by Brahmans and temples and pasture land for cows. He (rājaputra) should pay 4001 drammas according to such-and-such village paṭṭaka, 64 drammas for miscellaneous expenses, 116 dra. as the fees of the Mahaṉtaka X, and 64 drammas as the perquisites of the examiner of the coins. In total 4244 drammas,9 in words, four thousand two hundred and forty-five, drammas should be paid. Forty kalasīs10 of peas in four sacks (mūṭaka)11 should be given for enjoyment. These drammas should be paid in the following instalments: 2000 drammas should be paid at Dipotsava, and 2245 drammas at the end of the month Kārttika. In order that the drammas are paid according to the arrangements in two instalments, and for fulfilling the conditions of the paṭṭaka, to keep it safe from the three faults (dosha), such as, doing anything wrong, (vināśa), not doing anything at all and delaying (avashṭābadhi); to extract herbs and other (produce of land) (aushadhi prabhṛitīnā nissāraṇāya); to see that the money not paid within the time limit, is paid with interest at the rate of 5 percent; for protecting; families paying fixed tax without any discrimination, cultivators (kuṭumbikā) who have come from outside (p.71) and settled here according to lease deed [guṇākshara] for not punishing illegally those cultivators (kuṭumbikā) who originally settled here and for surrendering fines exceeding 25 drammas to royal treasury; for warding off thieves and other calamities within his own boundary through his own special arrangements (svasaṁketena); for preventing those who live within the confines of the village from erecting new fences (pañjih?); for not granting uncultivated land to Brahmans and temples; for settling the people of Bhāiāḍa, tattava(?) and Mehakula,12 who should reside in the forest; for prohibiting cows from (being kept in) the houses of the untouchables (mātaṉga);13 for seeing that the conditions written in the paṭṭaka are followed—the following are appointed sureties: rājaputra Y, son of XX, for the Page 18 of 94

Translation of Model Documents amount (of) 1000 (dra.) and rājaputra Z, son of YY for the amount (of) 2000 (dra.) and rājaputra ZZ for the amount (of) 125514 (dra.). By these three persons, the guarantee (for) the execution of the charter should be given. Notes

(1) . Omitted in MS D. (2) . Lit. ‘[payment] on account of cloth’ (EI, XXVIII, p. 50 fn. 4); The editor of LP explains it as paghaḍi or offering (nazararāna) (p. 101). (3) . Cf. A.K. Majumdar, Chaulukyas, p. 243. (4) . A.K. Majumdar (Chaulukyas, p. 243) and editor of LP (p. 101) both suggest that the expression means increase in the rent already fixed. (5) . The term māragaṇa is mentioned in Ajayapala II's copper-plate grant of vs 1231 (Historical Inscriptions of Gujarat, II, p. 157) and the Kumbhi plate of Kalachuri ruler Vijayasimha (Kalachuri year 932) (CII, IV, p. 649). According to U.N. Ghoshal this term ‘represented benevolence of a general character levied upon the villages as distinguished from the special forms prasthaka and skandhaka”’. (Hindu Revenue System, pp. 294–5). Prasthaka is a cess on each prasthā of grain over and above the usual grain share and skandhaka is probably a cess at a certain rate per load. Under the Gahadawalas of Kanauj, prasthaka devotes the contributions paid by the villagers at so much per prasthā measure on account of the officers concerned (Ibid., pp. 296–8). Apparently the term was given the prefix māla in Gujarat. According to Majumdar, (Chaulukyas, p. 243) and Dalal, p. 101, māla-māragaṇa is represented by modern Gujarati malavero, an offering by the whole village in order to show respect to a particular man. According to Dashrath Sharma, if we identify malavero with māragaṇaka and keep in view the primary sense of mārgaṇa, ‘it might be at time when state officials or elders of the village had to go about and ask for contributions, so that highly placed officers or members of the royal family might be presented with adequate amount of nazar money. Later on such contributions became customary and had to be paid as a matter of course; though the impost retained its old name’ (Rajasthan Though The Ages, pp. 327–8). Māragaṇa may also be same ward as Hindi mānganā (demand) (Ibid., p. 328), the lit. meaning of māragaṇaka being a beggar solicitor (Monier Williams, Sanskrit English Dictionary, s.v.). (6) . According to Majumdar, Chaulukyas, p. 243, and Dalal, p. 101, also a tax. (7) . In Gujarati, choro is a public place in a village (M.B. Belsare, An Etymological Gujarati—English Dictionary s.v.). (8) . Place not identified. (9) . Should be 4245 drammas, as written out in words.

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Translation of Model Documents (10) . Kalasī is a measure of seeds, equal to sixteen maunds (Wilson, Glossary, p. 139). (11) . Mūṭaka is a measure of capacity equal to a hundred or twenty-four mauṉds or a bullock's load. of Marathi muṭh ‘bullock's pack-saddle’ EI, XIV, p. 309; XV, p. 303. (12) . Bhāiāḍa may be identified with Bharwada, a community of shepherds. Mehakula are presumably Mehgaval or the Menghvar community of the “menial” caste. The tattva cannot be identified. See S.B. Rajyagar, ed., Ahmadabad. Distt. Gazetteer, (Ahmadabad, 1984), pp. 202–4, Cf. But according editor of LP tattva may be Tadwas (p. 102). (13) . According to Anuśāsana parva of Mahabharata, mātaṉga was a cāṉḍāla, because he was born of the association of a Brahman woman and a barber. Bana in Kadambari and Amara in Amarkosha employ the mātaṉga and cāṉḍāla as synonyms (History of Dharmasastra Vol. II, part I, pp. 81–82, 91). (14) . Should, be 1245.

(p.73) 7. Paṭṭaka for Regular and Additional (Lumpsum?) Tax from Village (Samakara Uddha Grāma Paṭṭaka Vidhi Yathā)1 MS-A. In the year such and such, after recording the usual line of dynastic succession—the Pañcakula, consisting of mahaṉtaka X and others attached to the mahāmaṉḍaleśvara rāul Y, who is embraced confidently by the Goddess of Victory, granted the village through a paṭṭaka; in the following manner: Whereas, according to prevailing custom, excluding the grants to temples and Brahmans, pasture land for cows, free of encumbrances (stithi mukti),2 excluding the royal grant (rājaprasāda), excluding the road cess (dana),3 the vulāvī4 (taxes collected by an officer) and the tax levied on articles that are to be sold in the market (māṉḍavī), person Y of such-and-such caste (jātiya) should pay for the village B upto its own boundary according samakara paṭṭaka and uddha paṭṭaka at the proper time 4004 dra., in words four thousand and four, drammas deposited in the royal treasury, in the knowledge of the Pañcakula for conduct of [(official business (?) (vyāpriyamāṇen)] true to facts. Notes

(1) . Omitted in MSs B, C and D. Here for the collection of the tax two terms are mentioned, samakara and uddha. The first means, ‘regular and fair tax, and the latter means ‘to be raised’ (Monier Williams, Sanskrit English Dictionary, s.v., samakara and uddha). But according to D.C. Sircar here term uddha is to be explained as ‘the village of which the revenue is fixed in lumpsum’ (Glossary, p. 348). The editor of LP has the same view (p. 103). Hornle gives the meaning, ‘deserted’ IA, XIX, p. 239.

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Translation of Model Documents (2) . A compound word, sthiti means standing upright, existence, usage and decree; mukti, freedom. The expression roughly corresponds to the English phrase ‘free from all encumbrances’. (3) . See note for dāna in Document No.4. (4) . See note for vulāvī in Document No.4.

(p.74) 8. Decision Regarding the Payment of Fine (Vyavasthā Yathā)1 MS-B. In the Saṁvat year 1288 Vaishākha Sudi [Tuesday 30 April, 1230 AD/ Sunday 19th April, 1231 AD] Monday, today here, the Pañcakula consisting of mahāmātya X of the Śrī karaṇa (chief secretariat) and others issued the following decision regarding the payment of drammas as fine by the guilty merchant Y. The fine to be paid by the merchant Y is 5000, in words: five thousand raupya.2 Out of these 2000 dra. should be paid in the first instalment, and 1500 dra. should be paid at the end of Māgha and 1500 dra. at Akshyatṛitīyā. We shall accept the drammas according to the arrangement of three instalments. Signature of Śrī—— Notes

(1) . Omitted in MSs B, C, and D. (2) . Here raupya is obviously supposed to be the same as dramma. See note under Document No.2.

(p.75) 9. A Royal Treasury Draft (Rāj Huṉḍikā Yathā)1 MS-A. Hail! Mahāmaṉḍaleśvara! rāṇaka X instructs Officer Y of his maṉḍala in the following manner (the order is like this). Now, rājaputra, you should first collect and pay 3000 dra, in words: three thousand drammas, and send (the sum) to the treasury. Likewise you should pay for eight foot soldiers belonging to him [(,that is, the rājaputra(?)] who have come here, (at the rate of) 8 dra. per day towards undressed provisions until the account is clear. Saṁvat year 802 Jyeshṭha Sudi 15 Thursday, [Monday 1 June, 744 AD; Thursday 20 May, 745 AD]. Signature of Śrī——. Instruction has been given to the messenger. MS-B. Hail! Mahāmaṉḍaleśvara rāṇaka X instructs the officer Y in the following manner (the order is like this). Now, Parmara rājaputra Z, you should first collect, and send three hundred drammas to the royal treasury. Likewise you should pay for the eight foot soldiers belonging to him (the rājaputra) who have come here (at the rate of) 8 drammas per day towards undressed provisions until the account is clear. Saṁvat year 1288 Vaishākha Sudi 15 Monday [Tuesday 3 April, 1230 AD; Sunday 19th April 1231 AD]. Instructions have been given personally to the messenger.

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Translation of Model Documents MS-C.2 By the order of the King, on the word of X of territory A, a bill (huṉḍikā) is issued to Y [as follows]: You should pay to rājaputra X, son of Y, dra. 124, in words, one hundred and twenty-four drammas, when the bill (huṉḍikā) becomes due (phalit pade), according to the usage of the bill of exchange (huṉḍikā). The period (of payment) is 15 days. For each day beyond the limit, you should pay 1 dramma ka 2 (,that is, 1 3/16 dra.?).3 Saṁvat year 1533 Jyeshṭha. Sudi 8 Tuesday [Saturday 13 May, 1475 AD; Friday 1 June, 1476 AD]. Signed. Notes

(1) . Omitted in MS D. (2) . This version of the document is entirely different in pattern from the previous two versions. It is far more in accordance with how we would expect a huṉḍikā as bill or draft would be drafted. The date assigned to it, 1476 AD, suggests a late insertion. (3) . Ka is an abbreviation of Kalā lit. a small part of any thing (Apte, Sanskrit English Dictionary, s.v.), The editor says that it may be taken to be the sixteenth part of a dramma (LP, p. 103).

(p.76) 10. ‘Secret’ Paṭṭaka (Gupta Paṭṭako Yathā)1 MS-A. Hail! The Pañcakula of the Devakaraṇa,2 consisting of mahāmātya Y and others, issued a ‘secret’ paṭṭaka to śreshṭhī Bahada, son of śreshṭhī Pasad, thus: That (the house situated) in front of Śrī Tripursha temple,3 in locality A,4 facing east, with a terrace in front of the door, double storeyed, with an open space, surrounded with four boundaries, is given to śreshṭhī Bahada through the ‘secret’ paṭṭaka. By this paṭṭaka each year, at the time of Diwali, 216 dra., in words: two hundred and sixteen drammas, should be paid to the temple, and for miscellaneous expenses, 24 dra., twenty-four drammas, should be given each year. Paying the drammas, as written in the paṭṭaka (each year), the merchant Bahada, his sons and grandsons, may traditionally enjoy the possession of this house. The Pañcakula should not give this house to anyone else by raising the [lease] money [thereon]. From this day, if the house is left uncared for, or gets broken or burnt down by misfortune, Bahada should restore it to the original condition with his own money. Saṁvat year 802 Vaishākha Sudi, 3 Thursday [Tuesday 21 April, 744 AD; Saturday 10 April, 745 AD]. Signature of Śrī——for authority. MS-B. Hail, The Pañcakula of Devakaraṇa consisting of mahaṉtaka and others issued a secret paṭṭaka to śreshṭhī Y son of śreshṭhī Z in the following manner: The house of locality A in front of Tripursha temple with a terrace, in front of the door, double storeyed, with an open space, lying within four boundaries is given to śreshṭhī Y according to this paṭṭaka. By this paṭṭaka each year at the time of Diwali, 24 drammas., twenty-four drammas, should be paid. Paying twenty-four drammas each year, the sons and grandsons of the merchant X traditionally may enjoy (this house). The Pañcakula should not give this house to anyone [else] by Page 22 of 94

Translation of Model Documents raising the amount [of rent]. From this day if the house is left uncared for, and gets broken down, (then) it should be restored with his own money [by śreshṭhī Y]. Saṁvat year 1288 Vaishākha Sudi, 15 Monday, [Tuesday 30 April, 1230 AD; Sunday 19 April, 1231 AD]. Signature of Śrī—— (p.77) Notes

(1) . Omitted in MSs C and D. (2) . Devakaraṇa was the department dealing with temples. It is mentioned in the Bali inscription of Kumarapala (PO, I, No. 2, p. 44; A.K. Majumdar, Chaulukyas, p. 219). (3) . This temple built by Mularaja of the Solanki family at Anhilapattana, (PCT; p. 26). (4) . Paṭaka lit. a part of the village, or a hamlet (Apte, Sanskrit English Dictionary, s.v.). In Gujarati it is spelt pāḍo and means a street, or a ward of the town (LP, p. 103, D.C. Sircar, Epigraphical Glossary, p. 242).

(p.78) 11. Loan-Repayment [By Merchant in Lieu of Land Given] (Uttarāksharāṇī Yathā)1 MS-B. In the Saṁvat year 1288 Vaishākha Sudi, 15 Monday, [Tuesday 30 April, 1230 AD; Sunday 19 April 1231 AD] today, Officer X of Latapallī2 in the presence of Pañcakula has issued the uttarāṇī to the vyavahāraka Y (merchant/ moneylender) in the following manner. That in the coming year 1289 the entire village A should be given to Z through the document called Uttarā. Twenty thousand (20,000) drammas should be paid at the auspicious occasions for the royal family; 4,000 dra, four thousand drammas, for the purpose of [carrying on] the trading profession (vyavahārapade);3 200 dra., two hundred for the reward of Pañcakula; (and) 50 dra. fifty for miscellaneous expenses, the [said amounts of] drammas being recorded in the Uttarā deed. The merchants should collect the money from the village at 2 percent interest. The plough-money (Vāhoṭaka: vāho=plough, ṭaka=coin)4 should be collected at 2 percent interest also. The merchant should deposit the uttaraka drammas at the royal household in three instalments. The first instalment of 7000 dra., seven thousand (drammas) should be paid each year at the end of the month Kārttika; the second instalment of 7000 dra. seven thousand drammas at the end of the month Māgha and third instalment of 6650dra., six thousand six hundred and fifty, should be paid at the end of the month Caitra. According to the arrangement, the royal household should accept this. In order to execute the above mentioned condition, to ensure the payment of these drammas in three instalments, Merchant Y son of Z has been appointed the surety. Signature of Śrī——

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Translation of Model Documents MS-A. In the Saṁvat year 802 Vaishākha Sudi, 3 Thursday, [Tuesday 21 April, 744 AD; Saturday 10 April, 745 AD] today, after giving the line of the kings/royal titles as established, the Pañcakula consisting of the officer (and) daṉḍanāyaka of Latapallī, have issued the deed of uttarā to the merchant (vyavahāraka), Somasiṁha, [providing] thus: That in the coming Saṁvat year 803 Kotiya5 in village A (and) four villages are given to you. From the income that shall be realized from these villages 20,000 ṭaṉkās should be paid to the royal household and 400 ṭaṉkās should be paid on auspicious occasions; 216 ṭaṉkās, for the reward of Pañcakula; 50 ṭaṉkās, for (p.79) miscellaneous expenses. Thus the money to be paid by the merchant Somasiṁha under all heads is 20,666 ṭaṉkās, in words, twenty thousand six hundred and sixty six ṭaṉkās. Consenting (to the aforesaid), the merchant Somasiṁha may collect from the yield of the villages and from the side of cultivators (kuṭumbikā). The merchant Somasiṁha should deposit uttaraka drammas with the royal household in three instalments. The first instalment of 7666 ṭaṉkās should be paid each year at the end of the Kārtika; the second instalment of 6,500 ṭaṉkās at the end of Māgha; and the third instalment of 6,500 ṭaṉkās at the end of Caitra. According to this arrangement the drammas realized from these villages should be given to the royal treasury as written in the deed of uttarā. The royal treasury should receive all fines and tribute on auspicious occasions from these villages. In this connection, in order to enforce the above mentioned conditions and to ensure the payment of ṭaṉkās in three instalments in the proper manner, the sons of Y and others have been appointed sureties, without any dispute. For accomplishing all the things, both [the merchant and the surety have] signed by their own hands. Notes

(1) . Omitted in MSs C and D. (2) . Lata territory in Caulukyan period is put after the name of deity Lingavataśiva (Sankalia, Historical Cultural Ethno-Geography, p. 95). Lata represents the greater portion of modern Gujarat. According to Buhler (IA, V, p. 145) and Bhagwan Lal Indraji (BG, I, pt. I, p. 7) it corresponds to the country between Mahi and Konkan or the Tapti. But Hultzsch maintained that it was the portion of Gujarat between Tapti and Sheri. The latter view is supported by the Cambay plates of Govinda IV (EI, VIII, p. 36). See a1so CII, III, (revised by D.R. Bhandarkar) pp. 323–4. The suffix pallī or its diminutive pallikā appears for the first time in the Traikurtaka records, it is derived from Pal, ‘to go or, to move (Monier Williams, Sanskrit English Dictionary, s.v.). In Hindi and Bengali it means a hamlet, a detached portion of a village; in Tamil, a small town (Wilson's Glossary, p. 392; Boehtlingk and Roth, Sanskrit Worterbuch, IV, p. 598, Sankalia, Studies in the Historical and Cultural Geography and Ethnography of Gujarat, p. 53). In inscriptions it has been used in two senses (1) pallī for a settlement of castes these being prefixed to it, for example, cora, cāṉḍāla, and abhīra, (2) the addition of grāma to pallī implies that the place had already outgrown the size of Page 24 of 94

Translation of Model Documents a small settlement, and pallī now formed the part of the name itself. (Sankalia, Studies in the Historical and Cultural, p. 53; DHNI, II, p. 858). Here Lata pallī indicates the headquarters of Lata maṉḍala. Cf. LP Document No. 22, which states that revenue mentioned will be applicable in all the villages of the vishyas under Lata pallī. (3) . The editor understands by this term, a tax on merchant (LP, p. 104). (4) . In Gujarati the term is spelt vighotī, meaning assessment of land collected per bīghā or on each plough (LP, p. 104). (5) . Most probably, the word ‘koṭiya’ is another form of the koṭhi or koshṭhāgāra, meaning storehouse, fort, or granary (Wilson's Glossary, p. 295).

(p.81) 12. Order for the Transfer of Service (Nirūpaṇā Yathā)1 MS-A. Hail! Mahāmātya Śrī Maladeva2 instructs the officer mahaṉtaka Hari Raja of pathak A, thus: You should note this. We have appointed in your place the officer Maladeva. Knowing this, you should hand over to him all the money, a mudrā,3 the ledger in which the items of income are given, the amount of the revenue of a village, and the daily [account] book. You should leave the place and come here. Saṁvat year 802 Jyeshṭha Sudi, 13 Tuesday [Saturday 30 May, 744 AD; Wednesday 19 May, 745 AD]. MS-B. Hail! So-and-so instructs officer Y of paṭṭaka A, thus: You should note this. In your place, officer Z is appointed. You should give him all the money, chief revenue charters, the record of documents, the amount of village revenue and daily [account] book. Vaishākha Sudi, 15 Monday. Signature of Śrī. Notes

(1) . Omitted in MSs C and D. (2) . The Veraval grant (dated 1264 AD) records that mahāmātya rāṇaka Śrī Maladeva was then transacting the business of trade and money (IA, XI, pp. 98– 108; DHNI, II, p. 1038; BG, I, pt, p. 204). However, the date of the inscription shows it does not belong to the same period, as our document and so the two Maladevas cannot be identical. (3) . The editor translates the term mudrā as seal (LP, p. 104).

(p.82) 13. Another Transfer or Appointment Charter (Aprā Api-Nirupaṇa Yathā)1 MS-A. Hail! Mahāmātya Śrī Nagada instructs the officer Ajayasiṁha of pathaka B in the following way: You should note this. In your army (tantra),2 rājaputra Y has been appointed. Therefore from the amount of your personal resources, (you) should pay (him) two drammas for each day. After seeing fifty foot-soldiers, 7 drammas should be given to each foot-soldier per month, and after seeing eight horses, two drammas should be paid for fodder (daily). Constant care Page 25 of 94

Translation of Model Documents should always be taken of these inspected foot soldiers and horses. All the daily expenses of these foot soldiers and horses should be written in the ledger. Saṁvat 802 Jyeshṭha Sudi, 13 Thursday [Saturday 30 May, 744 AD; Wednesday 19 May, 745 AD]. The dutaka (messenger is) Kaḍua and the old man (ḍokara) Raghavadeva known to so-and-so, signed this (?). Śrī—— MS-B Hail! Mahāmātya X instructs the officer Y of pathaka B thus: You should note that the rājaputra Y, who had been appointed in your army (tantra), has reached that place. Four (4) drammas should be paid (to him) daily for food and enjoyment, for the inspected (dṛishṭa) horses and 8 drammas paid every month including food to each person for inspected (dṛishṭa) foot soldiers. Care should always be taken. These expenses, and such like, should be recorded in the ledger. Saṁvat year 1288 Vaishākha Sudi, 8 Monday [Tuesday 23 April, 1230; AD; Sunday 12 April, 1231 AD]. Messenger so-and-so. Signature of Śrī—— Notes

(1) . Omitted in MSs C and D. (2) . The literal meaning of the term tantra is instrument, loom or wrap, (Monier Williams, Sanskrit English Dictionary s.v.,), but this word is used in many other senses. The term tantra is used for a subject, (CII, IV, pt. 1, p. LXXXVI) and trantrādhipa for the minister for home affairs (Ibid., p. 196). The word trantrapāla is found in the Partabgadh inscription of Pratihara Mahendrapala II (EI, XIV, p. 176); and the Sudi plate of Chaulukya Somesvara I also mentions two trantrapālas. (EI, XV, p. 77). In South Indian inscriptions the term tantra or tantrin has been used for army or government [T.V. Mahalingam, Administration and Social Life under Vijayanagara (Madras 1969, pp. 244–5)]; and trantrapati would indicate military officer (Ibid). In the Rajatraṉgiṇī an officer is called trantrapati (VIII, p. 2422). A long list of officers found in Prithvicandra Carita, includes trantrapāla an officer. (Dashratha Sharma, Early Chauhan Dynasties, pp. 217–18). In Abhidhāna-cintāmāṇi, edited by Nemi Chandra Sastri, (Khanda, 3, v. 410, p. 183), the term tantra is also used in the sense of army.

(p.84) 14. A Paṭṭaka of Horse Sale Deed (Ašva Vikraya Paṭṭaka Yathā)1 MS-A. In Saṁvat year 802 Vaishākha Sudi, 3 Thursday [Tuesday 21 April, 744 AD; Saturday 10 April, 745 AD] today, the Pañcakula consisting of balādhikṛita2 Śrī Nagaraja, issued a paṭṭaka of a sale of horse to Heḍau3 Nagada in the following manner. Now, Merchant Y purchases one horse Śrīkhaṉḍ Ghodūn from Heḍau Nagaḍ X at the cost of 5,000 drammas, five thousand drammas; as regards the ‘sale tax’ (dāna sambaṉdha) of this horse, is paid (at the rate of) 10 percent (dasa-baṉdha),4 that is, 500 drammas., five hundred drammas and deposited to the office of Śrī Karaṇa. One should not harass Heḍau Nagaḍa if he moves within or outside the territory. Saṁvat year 802 Jyeshṭha Sudi, 15 Thursday, [Monday 1 June, 744 AD; Thursday 20 May, 745 AD]. Signature of Śrī, for authority. Page 26 of 94

Translation of Model Documents Notes

(1) . Omitted in MSs C and D, but the texts of MSs A and B are practically identical. (2) . Balādhikṛita was the designation of a commander of the army (P.V. Kane, HD, III, p. 992). In Rashtrakuta grant of Saka 679, the term balādhikṛita follows senāpati (JBBRAS XVI, pp. 105, 108). Cf. A.K. Majumdar, Chaulukyas, pp. 231–2. (3) . Also spelt as heḍau, heḍavālā, heḍāvika, and heḍāvuka (EI, XII, p. 128). Heḍau is said to mean a man who wanders about with a herd of cattle for sale (D.C. Sircar, Epigraphical Glossary, p. 128). (4) . The word dasa-bandha is also used in Manusmriti, in the sense of one tenth (ed. Vasudeva, Chapter VIII, V.107, Varanasi, S. 2031 p. 284). It also frequently occurs in Arthaśāstrā, ed. R.P. Kangle, pt I, 2.7.21; 3.1.21; 3.11.33; 3.13.33.

(p.85) 15. A Concession Letter (Guṇāksharāṇi Yathā)1 MS-A. Hail! The Pañcakula consisting of balā2 Śrī Y of mahāmaṉḍapikā3 has issued a concession letter to merchant Madan thus: The betelnut, coconut, pepper, Indian madder, yellow myrobalan, sugar and molasses, [and] cloth have been purchased by merchant Madan and the loaded pack bullocks are being carried through Śrī Pattan to Nagasarika. On these pack bullocks, the road cess (dāna)4 should be levied one-fourth less than is customarily collected. Given the usual reward, 20 loaded pack bullocks of caravan leaders have been released, and allowed [to pass]. Saṁvat year 802 Vaishākha Sudi, 3 Thursday [Tuesday 21 April, 744 AD; Saturday 10 April, 745 AD]. Signature of Śrī——for authority. MS-B. Hail! The Pañcakula consisting of balā Y of mahāmaṉḍapikā has issued a concession letter to merchant X thus. The betelnut, coconut, pepper, Indian madder, yellow myrobalan, sugar and molasses have been purchased by merchant X, and these loaded pack-bullocks are being carried through Śrī Pattan to Nagasarika. On these pack bullocks the road cess should be levied one-fourth less than is customarily collected. The caravan trader had twenty loaded bullocks. Samvat year 1288 Vaishākha Sudi, 15 Monday [Tuesday 30 April, 1230 AD; Sunday 19 April, 1231 AD]. Signature of Śrī—— Notes

(1) . Omitted in MS D. (2) . Balā is an abbreviated form of balādhipa or balādhikṛita (LP, p. 105). This officer seems to be here incharge of the maṉḍapikā, along with Pañcakula. It seems that he held different administrative positions, since in an earlier document he appears as an army commander. See also EI, XIV, pp. 181ff where we are told that business of a maṉḍ apikā at Ujjayini was conducted by Sarman a nominee of a balādhikṛita.

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Translation of Model Documents (3) . Maṉḍapikā, lit. ‘an open hall, shed or pavallian’ (Monier Williams, Sanskrit English Dictionary, s.v). Its specific meaning as a ‘custom house’ is proved by the various passages in inscriptions (EI, I, pp. 7, 117, 166; U.N. Ghoshal, Contributions to the History of the Revenue System, pp. 238–9, 294). Buhler suggests that it has been derived from the Prakrit māmḍavikā, manḍaba or manḍapa. In Marathi the term māṉḍavī has been used in the sense of ‘custom house’ (Molesworth, Marathi Dictionary s.v.; D.C. Sircar, Epigraphical Glossary, pp. 193–4). (4) . See note for dāna in Document No. 4.

(p.86) 16. Certificate (Ṭippanakaṁ Yathā)1 MS-A. Hail! Pañcakula Y consisting of balādhikāri X of Arlu pathaka2 has issued a certificate to merchant Cahada, resident of Śrī Vardhaman3 pathaka, thus; Hundred mūḍakas4 of a kind of mung (lentils) to the cost of 10,000 drammas, in words: ten thousand drammas have been delivered to Śrī Pattan by the merchant Śrī Cahada. These drammas should be [deemed] paid for road cess, against [this] certificate. Saṁvat year 802 Jyeshṁha Sudi, 15 Thursday [Monday 1 June, 744 AD; Thursday 20 May, 745 AD]. Signature of Śrī——for authority. MS-B. Hail! The Pañcakula consisting of balādhikāri X of pathaka B has issued a certificate to merchant Y thus: Loaded bullocks of hundred mūṭakas of mūnga have been carried to Śrī Pattan by merchant Y. The road cess (dāna) should be [deemed] paid there against [this] certificate. Samvat year 1288 Vaishākha Sudi, 15 Monday, [Tuesday 30 April, 1230 AD; Sunday 19 April, 1231 AD]. Signature of Śrī—— Notes

(1) . Omitted in MSs C and D. (2) . Place not identified. (3) . Vardhaman pathaka may be identified with modern Wadhawan, on the northern branch of Bhogavo river. It is one of the most ancient places in Saurashtra (Gujarat), as may be seen from local tradition which speaks of ‘Vala and Wadhawan’. See Forbes, Ras Mala, I, p. 164; M.S. Commissariat, A History of Gujarat, (Bombay, 1938) I, pp. ivi, 123–4. (4) . See note for mūḍaka in Document No.5.

(p.87) 17. Transit Clearance Certificate (Atha Mārgāksharāṇi Yathā)1 MS-A. In the Saṁvat year 802 Vaishākha Sudi, 3 Thursday, [Tuesday 21 April, 744 AD; Saturday 10 April, 745 AD], today, the Pañcakula Y have issued transit clearance certificate in the following manner. Now the merchant Pasad has carried one loaded cart and ten loaded pack bullocks (dhāṇā).2 Four drammas

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Translation of Model Documents for the road cess along with a tax on sacks (saguṇanīdāne)3 should be paid. Signature of Śrī——for authority. MS-B. In Saṁvat year 1288 Vaishākha Sudi, 15 Monday [Tuesday 30 April, 1230 AD; Sunday 19 April, 1231 AD] today, the Pañcakula consisting of the mahaṉtaka X and others of pathaka A have issued a transit clearance certificate, thus: merchant Y has carried 48 carts full of seasamum and 10 loaded packed bullocks. Four drammas for the road cess along with a tax on sacks, should be paid, Śrī. MS-C. In the Samvat year 1533 Jyeshtha Sudi, 8 Tuesday [Saturday 13 May, 1475 AD; Friday 1 June, 1476 AD], the Pañcakula consisting of mahaṉtaka Y connected with the customs house (maṉḍapikā),4 have issued a transit clearance certificate to the following effect. Merchant X (has carried) his goods, such as, four carts, ten earthen pots, 15 packages of Indian madder, 10 bundles of sweetmeats, one bundle of sandalwood, four earthen pots, fifty manas5 of seeds of pravāla grass, two packages of maithī. Now for the road cess along with a tax on sacks, one thousand/1000 drammas should be known (to be payable). Notes

(1) . Omitted in MS D. (2) . It may be compared with bṛihatbalivardda, ‘loaded pack bullocks’ LP, p. 106. (3) . The term guṇā seems to mean a sack cloth (M.B. Belsare, An Etymological Gujarati-English Dictionary. s.v.). (4) . See note for maṉḍapika in Document No.15. (5) . A well-known measure of weight of general use (Hindi, mana, anglicized as ‘maund’) in India but varying in value in different places.

(p.88) 18. Mahāmātya's Charter on a Birch Bark (Mahāmātya Bhūrjapatraṁ Yathā)1 MS-A. On the instruction of mahāmātya Śrī Nagada, officer Mahip of Petala udra2 has written this to the following effect: Now you should come here for your own business and give all three books (that is, day books, account book and receipt book) after seeing the proof or sanction of the order. In this connection two drammas/2 drammas and 4 undressed provisions are to be given to the bhaṭṭaputra everyday. Jyeshṭha Sudi, 15 Thursday, Signature for authority—— MS-B. On the instructions of mahaṉtaka, the mahaṉtaka Y of Petala padra has written this to the following effect: Come here to give these documents or records. In this connection, 2 drammas (and) 4 undressed (items of) provisions are to be given to them everyday. Vaishākha Sudi, 15 Monday. Signature of Śrī.

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Translation of Model Documents Notes

(1) . Omitted in MSs C and D. (2) . Petala udra or Petila padra may be identified with Petala padra, the ancient name of Petlad. It is situated about 66 km south of Ahmadabad. The suffix udra is not clear but padra means a village, or a place of habitation, besides a road in a village, earth or the name of a district (Monier Williams, Sanskrit English Dictionary, s.v.)

(p.89) 19. Maṉḍaleśvara Charter on Birch Bark (Maṉḍaleśvara Bhūrja Patraṁ Yathā)1 MS-A. Hail! From the maṉḍala karaṇa (department dealing with the administration of the district) B and on the instruction of mahāmaṉḍaleśvara Śrī Dharavarsha,2 the rājaputra Jagada of village A is instructed as follows: That the money is to be paid to the 4 bhaṭṭaputras,3 who have been sent to collect the drammas that are due as tax, (drawing) 4 dra. per diem (per person). Thus 16 dra., in words: sixteen drammas per day, Vaishākha Sudi, 3 Thursday. This is written with authority. Notes

(1) . Omitted in MSs B, C and D. (2) . Mount Abu praśastī records that Dharavarsha was the son of Paramara Yasodhavala (EI, VIII, p. 211), who also enjoyed the title of mahāmanḍaleśvara (IA, LVI, p. 10, EI, IX, p. 149). According to A.K. Majumdar, Dharavarsha rendered distinguished services to four generations of Caulukya rulers, namely Kumarapala, Ajayapala, Mularaja II and Bhima II, but he turned against Bhima II and was either won over or forced into submission by Lavanyaprasada (Chaulukyas, pp. 114, 144, 158, 166, 254). (3) . Bhaṭṭa, a title of respect used by a humble person to address a prince but also affixed to the names of learned Brahmans. Sometimes it is used for a hereditary panegyrist (Monier Williams, Sanskrit English Dictionary s.v.). Here the term bhaṭṭaputra means the son of a learned brahman, formed, according to Kielhorn, on the analogy of rājaputra (EI, IV, p. 199). Bhaṭṭaputra was thus used for a royal officer generally (IA, XVIII, p. 80). D.C. Sircar has suggested that in LP this term has been used in the sense of a sepoy or soldier (Epigraphical Glossary, p. 52).

(p.90) 20. Text of Judgement (Nyāyavādo Yathā)1 MS-A. In the Saṁvat year 802 Vaishākha Sudi, of 3 Thursday (Tuesday 21 April, 744 AD; Saturday 10 April, 745 AD) today at Śrī Pattan, after recording the usual list of royal titles of the kings and great men, the mahāmātya announces that in the court of justice a letter of judgement is being written to the following effect: ‘A rascal having become presumptuous and jealous of others’ prosperity [and] spoken falsely about other women, and meditating thus, going to the court of Page 30 of 94

Translation of Model Documents justice, said that the wife of someone, being an unchaste woman [though pretending to be] a virtuous lady, has kept company with a paramour, etc. These vulgar (śudra) words infuriated the Brahman woman, [who there upon] went to the court of justice and before the judges [paṉḍits] made the statement that ‘if I quit my husband in thought, words and actions and became desirous of going to the other person, I swear that the repute of my house [be destroyed]’. After deliberation, the judges took the decision. The affected eyes and hearers are not sufficient witnesses, let the ordeal be the judge [as witness]. Without witnesses there is, no punishment. This the judgement. Notes

(1) . Omitted in MSs C and D, given full in MS A and in fragments in MS B.

(p.91) 21. Text of Reply (Pratipṛiccha Yathā)1 MS-B. Hail! Śrī, honourable mahākula [lit. of noble family] states that the most efficient door-keeper so-and-so, who is interested in the task of distribution of gifts, by him is brought yugakhetrāja sukhetra(?)2 in number 36(?). Besides(?) this gift, this document is being given. All the time enquiry should be made about the important articles [distributed in gift]. Saṁvat year 1288 Vaishākha Sudi, 15 Monday, [Tuesday 30 April, 1230 AD; Sunday 19 April, 1231 AD]. The messenger conveyed the order himself. Notes

(1) . Omitted in MSs C and D. The text of MS A is not available to me. (2) . The text of these lines seems corrupt.

(p.92) 22. The Village Revenue Administration (Grāma Saṁsthā Yathā)1 MS-A. Hail! In Lata pallī2 the Officer Y (and other members) of the Pañcakula are issuing this deed for the payment of dues in the village (grāma saṁsthā) to all the residents of the vishaya and all the villagers in Petala udra3 thus: That in all the villages, the land on which the tax is permanently or regularly fixed has to pay 24 drammas per viṁśopaka. Likewise for soft (marshy?) land (pocila bhūmi), 20 drammas per viṁśopaka,4 for the hilly uncultivated waste land (uddhakhila bhūmi),5 16 drammas per viṁśopaka; the cultivators (kuṭumbikās) who have settled recently have to pay 10 dr., in words ten drammas per viṁśopaka for undulating and uncultivated land; for the land where carts stop to dispose off goods, 3 dr. in words, three drammas; for grazing field for female buffaloes, 2 dr., two drammas; for grazing field for oxen 1 dr, one (dramma); for grazing field for rams and sheep, 1/2 dr, half dramma; for grazing for bullocks used in ploughing, no tax is levied. Moreover for the theft of animal hide, the fine is 25 drammas; for breaking (animal's) heads 6 dr, six drammas; share for ploughing (the land) 5 dr., in words, five drammas; for allowing cattle to graze on grainfields, 1 dr., one dramma; for disobeying orders, 5 dr., five drammas According to this arrangement all villages of the territory are taxed (udgrahita). Saṃvat

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Translation of Model Documents 802 Jyeshṭha Sudi, 15 Thursday [Monday 1 June, 744 AD; Thursday 20 May, 745 AD]. Signature of Śrī X for authority. MS-B. Hail! In the territory of Lata pallī in all the villages; the land tax per viṁśopaka of cultivated land to be paid by all cultivators who are permanently settled, and those who have been recently settled, and traders, is 24 drammas; for soft (marshy?) and desert (khila) land 20 dr. per viṁśopaka; for hilly uncultivated waste land, 16 dr. per viṁśopaka; for uncultivated land 10 dr. per viṁśopaka; for the (spot of) land where carts stop to dispose of goods, 3 dr.; for grazing field for female buffaloes, 2 dr.; for grazing of oxen, 2 dr.; for grazing field of rams, 1/2 dr.; for grazing field of sheep, 1/2 dr. For grazing field for bullocks used in ploughing, no tax is levied. Moreover, the fine for breaking (animal's) heads is 6 dr., six drammas; the share for ploughing (the land), 5 dr.; for theft of animal hide, 25 dr.; for each act of lapse(?), 1 dr.; for disobeying (p. 93) orders, 5 dr. According to this arrangement I shall raise the money (mudrā) from the entire territory. Signature of Śrī—— Notes

(1) . Omitted in MSs C and D. (2) . For the note of Lata pallī, see Document No.11. (3) . For the note of Petala padra, see Document No.18. (4) . Here the term viṁśopaka is used in the sense of a measure of land. (5) . The editor of LP (p. 106) translates this term as table land but uncultivated!

(p.94) 23. Correct Public Announcement on a Piece of Cloth (DharmaCīrikā Yathā)1 MS-A. Saṁvat year 1288 Vaishākha Sudi, Thursday [1230 or 1231 AD], today, during the victorious reign of lord, supreme king, Śrī Kumarapaladeva has occupied the capital Āsāpallī2—who is adorned with the whole line of twelve kings, mahārājadhirāja, parameśvara, parambhaṭṭāraka; who obtained grace in consequence of the boon given by the husband of Uma, endowed with exceptional valour; who outshone his enemies, dense as a forest; who subdued the rulers of Śākambhari3 in the battle-field through his own arms; who is (as it were) a Sun, (able) to open the buds of the lotus field of the Caulukya ruler, Mularaja; who is like the middle pearl of the necklace in the line of the rising family; serving as an unbreakable enclosure for his dependents; who is like a garland shining on a pitcher like the breast of pretty Lilavati, who could not be removed from his position by the words of opposition; who gave shelter to destitute persons seeking refuge; who placed his lotus-like feet on the heads of inimical kings, taking them as [much under him as] the top of the fort (Valabhi); who is skilled in the use of 36 kinds of weapons and modes of warfare; who never turned his back to the enemy; who is always known for (attaining) victory; Page 32 of 94

Translation of Model Documents possessed of prosperity of the three-fold powers (śaktis) and of the complete four-fold army; his body adorned with main qualities, such as, seriousness, kindness, patience and modesty; having his mind full of devotion and respect for the service of Deva, Guru and Brahman; serving as a crown in the thirty-six royal families; engaged in sacrifice and study, pure as the water of the Ganga; for his dependents, like Kalpavṛiksha;4 eminent religious man; free from mental agony and bodily pain; famous as moon in all directions with his pure fame; who, having understood the real position of day-to-day, accurate knowledge of other countries acquired by means of the word of messengers, having defeated the beauty of Asvani Kumara by means of graceful look; being skilled in different type of means for the development of his own state (rashṭra); proficient in implementing the means of sama and daṉḍa, and such like, at the proper place and proper time; his body adorned with the qualities of being firm, brave and noble-minded, but sportive and bold, disinclined towards other women; accomplishing the eight great siddhas; awake for the safety (defence or protection) of the world; learned in all (p.95) forms of knowledge; not surrounded with vices; engaged in pleasing (or satisfying) subjects; the sole treasure of prosperity; crown (tilak) among the assembly of learned old scholars; surrounded by Brahmans; in valour like a new Rama and Arjuna, in patience like the earth; in truth equal to the image of Yudhishṭhira; who is ācarya in restoration of a displaced king; firm in pride like Ravana; deep and serious as an ocean; always associated with the goods and well-behaved (people), always devoted to Vishnu, meditating in utter concentration on the beautiful lotus-like feet of Śrī Somesvara Deva; who is (able in) suppressing the ambitious ruler; who defeated Ballal,5 the ruler of Malawa; while his obedient mahāmātya Śrī Jaga Deva, who obtained [his] grace, looking after all the affairs of trade and currency at this time, at the Khetakadhara maṉḍala6 included caturūttor a cauturāsika7 (probably a group of villages), in the presence of mahaṉtaka Bhabhuya of Petala udra8 consisting of Pañcakula, in the knowledge of judges and the Pañca mukha nagara (the principal five headmen of the town), and in the presence of mahājanas and people of four castes; by the order of the king has laid his head before the lord of the world. A person undergoing ordeal Y exerts for finding truth and [takes] oath, and such like. (saying), ‘This crime has been not committed by me. If I committed this crime or got it done by someone else then I shall be subjected to any one from amongst the seven methods (of ordeals) or eleven births. If I am not successful in performing this ordeal, then I shall become [guilty as] an offender’. Now whichever rascal, who has two tongues like a snake gave this false statement against the royal officer, [if] after performing one ordeal (the latter) becomes free, then that rascal should be removed from the court, I [the accused] say this to the members of the sabhā (assembly) in the presence of Pañca mukha nagara that ‘I am guiltless as the moon.’ For this purpose, here for the witnesses of truth and false, Dikpāla and Lokapāla are witnesses. Ṛishi has declared this earlier:

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Translation of Model Documents 1. Come, come Lord Dharma, enter into this very ordeal along with the world-protectors, the multitudes of Vasus, Adityas and Martus. 2. The Sun, the Moon, the Wind, the Fire, the Sky, the Earth, the Water, the Heart, the god of Death, the Day, the Night and the Sunrise and Sunset, as well as Dharma, know the acts of men. 3. It is the Dharma which wins, not vice or adharma. It is tolerance or patience which wins, not anger. It is Visnu who wins, not the demon. (p. 96) 4. Dharma is the friend of man, Dharma, the bright decoration. Dharma is beyond [even] non-destruction, Dharma is the protector everywhere. 5. Dharma alone is the greatest relative; Dharma the highest form of wealth; Dharma is the helper and Dharma, when protected, provides protection. 6. Whatever is the truth in the three worlds of Indra, Vaishsravana and Yama, and whatever is true amongst the speakers of the highest mystery, that truth is to be seen here. 7. The Earth is supported by truth, the Sun shines by truth, the winds blow by truth, and thus everything rests on truth. 8. When Dharma stands on one foot, when truth has disappeared, as also when the world has moved in the opposite direction, Victory (still) comes from the source of Dharma. 9. Salutation to the Sun, which is also the source of the delight of the world, which is the eye of the whole world [and] witness of all worldly actions. 10. Depose, O witness: expecting the (true) answer, thy ancestors hang in suspense. (By it) they will rise (to heaven) or fall (into hell). 11. Written word when recorded by the sages, never do fail; when letters are there in existence, there is no need of ordeal or witness. 12. When there is a dispute, the document is searched for. In the absence of the document, the [oral] witness; in the absence of [such] witness, the sages provide for ordeals. 13. (A person) who is well versed in Dharma-Śāstra belongs to a noble family, speaks truth, has the same feelings for enemy and friend, such a person should become the sabhāsada of the king. 14. Up to the end of 14 Yamas9 the person who [in an order?] does not suffer from any serious consequences or death, caused either by the king or destiny, is to be taken to be innocent. MS-B.10 In the Saṁvat year 1288 Vaishākha Sudi, 15 [Monday 30 April, Tuesday 1230 AD; 19 April, Sunday 1231 AD], today, Śrī deva X [and] the elderly persons, resident of A, royal officer sitting near by the king, known by [the name] Y, brought by them in the knowledge of X, this Dharmacīrīka is to be written like this. If I commit any offense towards so and so then as per verdict given by elders, I will write [the account of] the ordeal. (p.97) Page 34 of 94

Translation of Model Documents Notes

(1) . Omitted in MSs C and D. The text of MS B, is not given by Dalal and Shrigondekar LP, p. 18. The cīrakā is a document written by hereditary scribes residing in the capital, after being approached by the concerned parties. They record the names of the parties and witnesses and the names of their fathers. Kane, HDS, (Poona, 1946), III, p. 311. (2) . Āsāpallī or Āsāpallī is usually identified with modern Ahmadabad. (BG I, pt. II, p. 205 DHNI II, p. 1034, fn. 6). (3) . See note for Śākambhari in Document No. 3. (4) . See note for Kalpavṛiksha in Document No. 2. (5) . Hemacandra writes in Dvyāśraya that ‘after his (Kumarapala) victory over Anna, he was advised to win fame by subduing Ballal, the ruler of Malawa’, IA, IV, p. 268; BG, I, pt. I, p. 185; DHNI, II, pp. 886, 988–91. See also A.K. Majumdar, Chaulukyas, pp. 454–6. (6) . See note for Khetakadhara (=Kaira) in Document No. 3. (7) . Khetak, the Charotara tract lies between the Mahi and Vatrak rivers, forming the Barsad, Anand, Nadiad, Mehamadabad and Matar sub-divisions of Kaira and Petlad subdivisions (James Campbell, Hindu Castes and Tribes of Gujarat, IX, pt. I. p. 155). The word Charotara is derived from the Sanskrit word cāru meaning beautiful. The land which is fertile with green and lush vegetation, so as to please the eyes, is called Charotara. In the local dialect Kaira district was called Charotara (Gujarat State Gazetteers, Kheda District vol., ed. by Rajyagor, p. 1.). Vinaya Chandra has enumerated several groups of villagers in Gujarat, in Kāvayasikshā (13th century), (ed. by H.G. Shastri, 1964, p. 53) one of which is a group of ‘one hundred and four’ (caturūttaraśata) villages with Petala padra (Petlad) as its head quarters. All this corroborates LP here which refers to Caturūttara (with śata left understood) as included in Kaira mahāmanḍala, and containing Petala udra, or Petlad (cf. Distt. Gazetteer, Kheda p. 70). Cāturūttara cauturāsika, is probably be identical with Catushcaturottara mentioned in a manuscript written during the reign of Sarangadeva (A K Majumdar, Chaulukyas, pp. 70, 209). The editor of LP (p. 107) has suggested that Cāturottara is to be identified with modern Charotara, a portion of Gujarat north of Baroda, while cautūrāsika was modern Chorosi, east of Baroda. This, however, seems to be ruled out by the details in our document. (8) . See note for Petalaudra in Document No. 18. (9) . Yama is a period of 3 hours, or eighth part of the day-and-night (Monier Williams, Sanskrit English Dictionary, s.v.)

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Translation of Model Documents (10) . After the prose text, five verses are recorded. These are the same as given in MSA. (Verses No.1,3,6,7,8).

(p.98) 24. Settlement of Balāra Land in Pāñcāla Country (Pāñcāla Balāra Bhūmi Saṁsthā Vidhi Yathā)1 MS-A. Saṁvat year 1407 [1350 AD; 1351 AD], in the Maṉḍali karaṇa2 (administrative office at the Maṉḍali): rānā Śrī Rinamalladeva has issued this guṇāpatra3 (settlement deed) to the cultivators (kuṭumbikās) residing in all the villages of Pāñcāla country4 in the following manner. (Cultivators) paying fixed tax in lumpsum, and those who live in huts, may reside at will in the villages concerned. Dāni drammas (taxes in money) should be delivered in the royal household, according as they had been written in each person's account in the ledger (bahī).5 Half of the drammas should be paid at the time of Dīpotsava (Diwali) and half at the time of rājyotsava (royal celebration). The entire mode of the payment should be according to local custom. The cultivators who cultivate the balāra land should pay two [of three] parts of produce of grain to the rana's household. The cultivators should keep one part. In this way the grain produced by cultivating the fallow and balāra land should be divided and taken. All the land recorded in the government register with the name of the cultivators (kuṭumbikā) should be cultivated (kheḍnīya), sown and not left uncultivated (patnīya). The income due from uncultivated land will be taken (balishayti) (?) from the share of the cultivators. The seeds [or grains] of rice (vrīhi), peas (ciṇā), wheat (godhūma), barley (yava) and lāṭa (?) should be taken from the midst of the threshing-floor. All the other grain should be cut by the cultivators themselves. All the fodder/grass may be kept by the cultivators. All the cultivators should pay the special tax on the threshing-floor (meḍhīhāraka) to the royal household, at the threshing-floor itself. Handfuls (vāckani)6 (of produce) should be given to the five artisans; the mason, the iron-smith, the potter, and such like., from the threshing-floor. After the payment of the government [tax] (rājkīya) and threshing-floor [tax] (the cultivator) should give to the mason (? sūtradhara) (a fixed amount of) grain for every plough, one seer (ser) of grain may be given to (to the weigh-man) for each heap of grain weighed by him, and he should also give free grain as a reward (sūkhāḍi) to the Pañcakula and the superintendent of the watchman of the threshing-floor on the spot (talak). The whole royal share should be sent to the royal stores by the cultivators. The land granted to the temples and Brahmans, or as (p.99) a gift (prasāda) or as a grant for doing some government work should not be cultivated [on their own] by the cultivators. The cultivator should not steal the grain and should divide the grain in the correct manner. If at any time a cultivator is caught with stolen grain, it does not matter up to the limit of one māṇa.7 He should be warned in the first instance. If the cultivator is found stealing grain a second time, then the produce of his plough should be sent to the royal household (rājakula). In this connection no complaint should be entertained by the rakshapāla and the cultivator should be driven out from the village. If a cultivator moves elsewhere (?), his field, grain, cattle and other Page 36 of 94

Translation of Model Documents property, all should stand forfeited to the royal household. According to this guṇāpatra, the protector of the village should protect the cultivators. If four cultivators after obtaining the guṇāpatra come, then the officer entrusted with protection (rakshapāla) should listen to their complaint. Otherwise, from a [single] individual's mouth complaint should not be entertained. This is in accordance with the guṇāpatra concerning the cultivators of the entire Pañcāla country. Notes

(1) . Omitted in MSs C and D. The meaning of the term balāra is not clear; it may denote a place or a type of land. The editor of LP (p. 107) has another reading for this term, kalār. In Tamil the meaning of kalār or kalārī is waste land or barren soil (Wilson's Glossary, p. 251). Dashrath Sharma has suggested that Kheḍī-balāra bhūmi perhaps indicates barren and waste land (Rajasthan through the Ages, p. 328). In this case the correct reading seems still to be balara, and the sense, uncultivated land. The settlement would then be one that is made with peasants bringing virgin land into cultivation. (2) . Maṉḍali may be identified with modern Brahmapur, near modern Maṉḍala in Viramagam Taluka (DHNI, II, p. 984 IA, VI, pp. 203, 208, 212). According to Sankalia the capital of Varddhi-pathaka was Maṉḍali. But it is very difficult to say with certainty whether this Maṉḍali represents Maṉḍali in the Viramgam taluka or Maṉḍali in Chansama mahal. A record of Bhima II mentions Maṉḍali as a place situated to the west of Ghusadi village where the temples of Viramesvara and Sumalesvara were built. The modern Maṉḍali suits this position. The author of the Mirat-i-Ahmadi while giving the details of the pargana-Viramgam or Jhalawar says. ‘In former days the chief town was Maṉḍali, then the head quarters were removed to Viramgam’ (cf. Historico-Cultural Ethno-Geography, p. 38.). (3) . Guṇāpatra means a lease of land granted by proprietors to cultivators (D.C. Sirar Indian Epigraphical Glossary, p. 124). (4) . The Chotila area of the Surendranagar district is known as Pānchāla area. The Pāñchala area is a grass-land full of water and khakhra trees and surrounded by hills on all sides (Gujarat State Gazetteers, Surendranagar District, edited by G.D. Patel, (Allahabad, 1977), pp. 6, 176, 177. (5) . Bahī is a Hindustani word, means ‘a diary, account book or ledger’ (Wilson's Glossary, p. 46). (6) . In Gujarati (cf. Vācako), the grain that is to be given annually to the artisans. M.B. Belsare, An Etymological Gujarati English Dictionary, s.v. (7) . See note for maṇa in Document No.17.

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Translation of Model Documents (p.101) 25. A Document for Money Taken Against Mortgaged Objects (Ādhau-Kṛita-Vastūnāma-Upari Gṛīhita Dravya-Patra Vidhi)1 MS-A. In the Saṁvat year 1288 Vaishākha Sudi, 15 Thursday, (Tuesday 30 April, 1230 AD, Sunday 19 April,1231 AD), today, at Śrī Pattan, after recording the proper line of the kings, a deed of mortgage of objects, upon which the drammas are borrowed, is being written in the following manner: That paṭṭa (paṭṭadhara)2 Malaka of Saṉkhāri village3 mortgaged with merchant Cāhaḍa, a resident of this place of Pragavata caste.4 [After mortgaging] 8 female buffaloes, 16 bullocks, 50 cows and 2 phiks (bulls?), he received 2,404 dra., in words, two thousand four hundred and four, old Viśavamallapriya drammas,5 which were uttered at the mint of Śrīmālīya,6 thrice tested, and which are still current in [market] transactions. The monthly interest is two drammas percent. These drammas should be paid at the time of Dipavali of each year, without dispute and grumbling within eight pahars (day and night) at once by the debtor, even if the merchant (vayavhāraka) had gone to another place. If the merchant is not present in the village, then the debtor, if the (borrowed) sum is from [the same] one [source] (eka-dhana),7 should pay the whole sum of drammas to his [the merchant's] brother or to his son, and the money must be brought to the house. In case either the creditor or debtor, one of them, has died or is ruined and some time, unfortunately or by lack of care, a false excuse [for non-payment] has occurred, then their sons and grandsons should pay the drammas according to the deed. On the said day, if the debtor fails to pay all the money together with interest to the creditor, then the arrears should be made up by selling the appropriate quantity of mortgaged objects like vegetables in the market in the presence of the debtor and sureties, and [from this] the money should be realized. However, if the mortgaged objects mentioned in the deed, are, after sale, not sufficient to pay the interest together with other expenses, then the surety should borrow money with interest from the other creditor or by selling things of his own house, should pay the interest to the creditor. The debtor and sureties should not report any dispute [that is, complain] to the royal court. In case of personal disagreement (jāti vivāda), or dispute, all the expenses should always be borne by the debtor as [if he is] the defeated party. However, (p.102) if a part of the mortgaged objects get damaged or destroyed by an act of the gods or by natural calamity, such as fire, theft and excessive rain, then the guarantor and debtor would still be liable to pay the principal and other expenses to the creditor, and (so become) free from the burden. The creditor is not concerned with the loss of the mortgaged objects and (any) quarrelsome talk (over it). Now if the creditor is ever under the necessity of obtaining money due to some work taking place in his own house, then the creditor, accompanied by the bhaṭṭaputra,8 will approach the sureties and obtain from them the (principal) drammas together with interest. In this connection expenses on account of engaging the bhaṭṭa putras should be borne entirely by the debtor and sureties. For maintaining the above mentioned provisions, for giving the interest along with the principal (drammas) and expenses, for confirming the provisions or Page 38 of 94

Translation of Model Documents terms recorded in the deed, for observing the security of the mortgaged objects, the sureties are to be deemed to be [the same] as the debtor, and the creditor should act as the same [as if this was the case]. If there are many sureties available, then once one of the sureties is approached, all should be supposed to have been approached, and when all are approached, each one would be supposed to have been approached, and each single person is obliged to make the [due] payment to the creditor. There is no difference between the surety and debtor. When one is approached, he in reply should not point to the others, and the creditor should obtain the terms, amount and interest with expenses, the same as mentioned in the deed as [is the liability] of the debtor.9 The sureties should bear in mind that they are [one with] the debtor. For this purpose having given up all the complaints and fulfilling the conditions of being a surety, the adhipālakas are enjoined to secure the payment of the loan with interest to the creditor on the strength of the present deed. For this purpose, provisions are made for naming four adhipālas, resident of a certain village and belonging to such-and-such caste. They gave their signatures by hand and the debtor also gave his own signatures by hand. Neighbours of a certain caste, and five people, known by name, are witnesses. Parthijayat wrote this deed at the request of both the parties. Omissions or additions of letters should always be treated as legal and should be condoned. (p.103) Notes

(1) . Omitted in MSs B, C, and D. (2) . The editor of LP considers paṭṭa to be an abbreviated form of paṭṭadhara and identifies this term with the designation paṭel in Gujarati, that is, a headman or one who holds a charter for collecting government revenues (p. 102). D.C. Sircar holds paṭṭakila (for whose occurrence see Annual Report of Indian Epigraphy 1958–59 No. B296) as its full form while concurring with its identification paṭel or pāṭil (Epigraphical Glossary, pp. 244–5). (3) . This place is not identifiable. (4) . Sankalia believes that Pragvata is a Sanskritized form of Porvad. This may not be originally the name of a place, but of a person, since expressions like porityavoḍāṇa—anvayai prāgavāṭakula occur (Historico-Cultural EthnoGeography, p. 144); he suggests that they belonged to the Jain Community. But according to R.E. Enthoven, ‘Porvadas are said to be take their name from Porvada, a suburb of Śrimalla, the old capital of South Marwar. Their family priests are Śrimālī Brahmans and their family diety is the Śrī or Mahālakshmi of Śrimāla. They are partly Vaishnavas, partly Jains (The Tribes and Castes of Bombay, III, (Reprint ed. Delhi, 1997), p. 430; BG, IX, pt. I, p. 73). (5) . See detail note for Vīsalapriya or Viśvamalla drammas in Introduction.

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Translation of Model Documents (6) . The town Śrīmālla, now called Bhinmal, was the capital of the Gurjjaras from about the 6th to the 9th century. AD 50 miles west of Abu mountain. (BG I, pt. I, 305, 461; N.L. Dey, The Geographical Dictionary of Ancient and Medieval India, p. 192), Commissariat suggests that it remained the capital upto the 13th century, A History of Gujarat, I, pp.XXXVIII—XXXIX. Tod writes, ‘these towns are on the high road to Cutch and Gujarat, which has given them from the most remote times a commercial celebrity… very wealthy mahājans or merchants used to reside here but insecurity both within and without has much injured the cities, the first of which has its name Māl from its wealth’ (Annals and Antiquities of Rajasthan III, p. 1269, fn. 3). For other details see my paper ‘Credit and mortgage documents in the Lekhapaddhati’, Puratattva, (Delhi,1987– 88), No.18, pp. 93–101. (7) . Editor of the LP and Sircar have translated the meaning of this term as joint family. (8) . See note for bhaṭṭaputra in Document No.19. (9) . Instead of dhanikavat, read dharaṇīkavat.

(p.104) 26. Enhanced Repayment in Wheat (Vṛidhi Dhānyākshrāṇi)1 MS-A. Saṁvat year 1288 Vaishākha Sudi. 15 Thursday, [Tuesday 30 April, 1230 AD; Sunday 19 April, 1231 AD], here at Śrī Pattan, after recording the proper [genealogical] line of kings, today a deed of enhancement of [amount of repayment in] wheat has been written in the following manner. The creditor is known by the name, resident of this place, merchant Pataka of Śrīmalla caste,2 [who] invests his own money for profit. Here is the signature of the debtor, known by the name, resident of Sankhārī village, of Nagara caste,3 merchant Mahipaka, son of merchant Padam, [who] borrowed 20 maṇi/twenty maṇi4 of wheat on credit. This additional wheat amounts to one-fourth maṇi. When cut at the end of the threshing season, all grains with the dust thrown away, huskless, without ciwaḍā[?], without clay, unbroken, should be collected up to the Pūrṇimā of the month Jyeshṭha; after the payment of King's share, without quarrel, loquacity, impatience, without [assigning] blame, immediately, brought home from the threshing floor, [and] on the first day of Pūrṇimā of the month Jyeshṭha, good grains, after loading on his cart, with the [said] addition, taken [just] as obtained [from the threshing floor] should be brought by the merchant Mahipaka to the house of the creditor. The wheat [crop] with the addition, should not be consumed by the merchant Mahipaka, up to the last day of the month Jyeshṭha of the Saṁvat year; then according to the assessment of the grains and custom of the country (deśa), the stipulated amount of wheat, at the present rate of drammas, has to be given by Mahipaka. For observing the terms of the written deed, [signed by] two witnesses of such-and-such caste; inhabitant of village A; (the amount of wheat in the form of dramma) should be given (to the creditor). When one is Page 40 of 94

Translation of Model Documents approached the others are [to be] deemed to have been approached and when all are approached each one shall be supposed to have been approached. If one is shown [his] signature, then he should not in reply point to the others. The creditor should also observe the terms and conditions of the deed like the debtor. To this effect the debtor should give his surety signing in hand in the presence of five witness and neighbours. Parthijayat wrote this deed with the consent of both the parties. Omissions or additions of letters should be treated as legal. (p.105) Notes

(1) . Omitted in MSs B, C, and D. (2) . Śrīmālīs are found all over Gujarat but chiefly in the districts of Ahmadabad and Kaira (The Imperial Gazetter of India, VIII, p. 111). Like Oswal Vanias they claim to have formerly been Solanki Rajputs and originally Gurjaras. They are divided into Visas and Dasas, who eat together but do not intermarry. The Visa Śrīmālīs are exclusively Jains. The Gujarati Srimalis, Sonis or goldsmiths originally belonged to the Śrīmālī Vania class. (R.E. Enthoven, The Tribes and Castes of Bombay, II, p. 430; R.V. Russell and Rai Bahadur Hira Lal, The Tribes and Castes of the Central Provinces of India II. (Delhi, 1975), pp. 160–1. BG, IX, pt. I, p. 73). (3) . The Nagaras are found all over Gujarat, Baroda and Kaira. Like Nagara Brahmans they claim Vadnagara as their original seat. Vadnagara Nagaras are again divided and Visnagaras take their name from Visnagara in Baroda territory, and are found chiefly in Ahmadabad, Surat and Baroda territory, as money-lenders, cultivators and servants (R.E. Enthoven, The Tribes and Castes of Bombay, I, pp. 234–7, III, p. 429. BG, IX, pt. I, p. 73). (4) . Maṇi or Maṇikā is a measure, being the same as mana (M.B. Belsare, An Etymological Gujarati English Dictionary, s.v.)

(p.106) 27. Ordeals as Usual (Divyaṁ-Yathā)1 1. Ploughshare; holy water, balance; and snake in a pitcher and water; and rice is the sixth ordeal; and the seventh is ‘hot gold’ [ghee?] 2. The ordeal of [the burning] ploughshare which is the most harsh is [that the ploughshare] is put in the cavity formed by the folding and joining of the hands together, [the person being made to say] ‘You O Agni always reside in all beings, speak the truth like a witness about my good deeds and sins; O, Purifiers, if he is a sinner burn him, if innocent, then quench yourself’ This is the preliminary ploughshare (ordeal). 3. ‘You, O Water, are the life of all living things, you are created first in creation, hold up the innocent (lit. pure) and expose the sinner [by letting him drown]’. This is the invocation of the [ordeal by] holy water. 4. ‘You, O Balance, are the abode of truth, you were created by the gods for this purpose, declare the truth, O Auspicious One, free me from this Page 41 of 94

Translation of Model Documents (cloud of) suspicion. O Mother, if I am pure take me upwards if I am a sinner, then lead me downwards.’ This is the invocation of the balance ordeal. 5. ‘O, Lord Snake, listen, you are born in the family of Vasuki, become a garland for the innocent and killer for the sinner.’ This is the invocation of (an ordeal by) the serpent in a pitcher. 6. To observe virtue and sin, two pitchers are filled with water. If the person is a sinner then the silver (pitcher) falls or is shaken, and if the person is innocent then the gold pitcher falls or is shaken. This is an invocation of the pitcher full of water. 7. The rice, which shines as the splendour of the pure conch shell, due to the flow of truth and becomes like the milk of buffalo [when confronted with the innocent], and when [the persons] are sinners, then the rice, if chewed, becomes like blood. 8. O ghee, you are the best pure nectar in the sacrificial rites, you are the most favoured food of Gods and used to be called most pious, you, O Agni, always reside in all living beings. You may burn the sinner; and quench yourself for the innocent. This is the invocation for ‘hot gold’.2 9. The seven ways of ordeals are [thus] performed (lit. uttered). The learned should utter [the formulas of] the ordeals according to (p.107) their ability before the gods. These seven [formulas of] ordeals, as they are uttered on the earth, all of these should be performed in the same order as they are spoken by intelligent persons. The ordeal of the balance is not [to be used] for low persons, the plough not for women, the holy water not for the bilious, and ‘hot gold’ [ghee], not for lepers. Poison is to be avoided for all because it takes life quickly, [and] fire is to be avoided for the lepers. These are the characteristics of ordeals. The ordeals should not be held for children and aged persons, nor women, or eunuchs, and are especially to be avoided for the sick and those who suffer from leprosy. Some times the sinner or impure person is successful and the innocent or righteous is defeated. Therefore the ordeal should be set (after taking all things into consideration), or after proper reflection; because [once it is left to] the ordeal [it] alone will decide the scope and efficacy of the ordeal. Notes

(1) . Omitted in MSs A and D. The text given in MSs B and C is corrupt, and has had to be reconstructed by the editors by collation of the two MSs. (2) . The expression ‘hot gold’ (taptamāshak) is perhaps explained by the mode of the ritual: In performing this ordeal, butter and sesame oil are boiled together in a pot, a leaf is tossed in, to test its heat and a piece of gold must be tossed

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Translation of Model Documents into the oil and then retrieved by the accused. See Raghunandan Bhattacharya, The Divyatattava, tr. by Richard W. Lariviere, (Delhi, 1981) pp. 43, 215.

(p.108) 28. Land of which the Ownership is Doubted and hence Taken by the Government (Ḍohalikā Mukti Yathā)1 MS-A. Saṁvat year 1288 Vaishākha Sudi, 15 Monday [Tuesday 30 April, 1230 AD, Sunday 19 April, 1231 AD] today, here at Anhillapattana, after recording the proper and established line of kings, at the court of judges, in the knowledge of the mahāmātya Śrī Aliga,2 a deed of ḍohalikā3 land is being written in the following manner. That, Dube Balāit, resident of this great place, Modhera,4 sitting down at the court of justice, in the presence of the Brahmans and paṉḍits, by envoking his ancestors as witnesses in the knowledge of Śrī karaṇa, proved his ownership of the land and removed any doubt in the court of justice that it was his own land not ḍohalikā land. No one related to [any] royal department should stop the above-mentioned Brahman when he is ploughing his own piece of land. Signature of Śrī for authority. MS-B. Samvat year 1288 Vaishākha Sudi, 15 Monday [Tuesday 30 April, 1230 AD, Sunday 19 April, 1231 AD] today, here at Anhillapattan, mahārājadhirāja Śrī Bhimadeva presided over as god, at the court of justice, at the invitation of mahāmātya X and Śrī karaṇa and others, a deed of ḍohalikā land is being issued to a certain Dvivedi Brahman in the following manner. Now the said Brahman of village A, sitting down at the court of justice in the presence of the panḍita, by invoking old men as witnesses in the knowledge of Śrī karaṇa, proved his ownership of land without any doubt and proved that it was his own land, not ḍohalikā land. Henceforth no one should stop the Brahman when he is ploughing his own piece of land. Signature of Śrī. Notes

(1) . Omitted in MS C and fragments of the text are given in MS-D; titled as ‘Lupt, Ḍohalikā vidhi, meaning; lost the owner of the ḍohalikā land. D.C. Sircar, Epigraphical Glossary, p. 99. (2) . Mahāmātya Śrī Aliga was appointed as the chief member of the council by Kumarapaladeva (vs 1150–1200). Merutunga, Prabandha-cintāmaṇi, p. 80. Tawney (translator) spells Alinga but the text has Aliga. (p. 121). (3) . Ḍohalikā is a Rajasthani word, meaning ‘a piece of land granted to Brahmans, Svāmins, Sādhu and others’ (EI, XIII, pp. 207–8). In Gujarati it is spelt dūlā dulabuṁ, ḍohalavuṁ, meaning’ land of which ownership is doubted, taken by government’ (PRASI, W.C. 1908–9, p. 53). (4) . Modhera is now a small village, 18 miles south of Anhalapataka, on the left bank of Pushpavati river. H.D. Sankalia, Archaeology of Gujarat (Bombay, 1941), Page 43 of 94

Translation of Model Documents pp. 84–91; Burgess & Cousens, Architectural Antiquities of Northern Gujarat, pp. 71–8. It is sometimes called Mundera, the original settelement of Modh Brahman (Commissariat, History of Gujarat, I, p. LXIV).

(p.110) 29. Deed of Seizure (Vyāshedho-Yathā)1 MS-A. Hail! On the instruction of mahāmātya Śrī Aliga,2 Vikramsiṁha, the officer of Muhuḍasa pathaka,3 is informed thus. The instructions are: In your pathaka you are to undertake seizures of all villages that have been granted as a gift (prasāda) and for sacitta(?)4 (for purposes of governance), Saṁvat year 1288 Vaishākha Sudi, 15 [Tuesday 30 April, 1230 AD, Sunday 19 April, 1231 AD] Signature of ‘Śrī. MS-B. Hail! From the Śrī karaṇa and on the instruction of mahaṉtaka X, rājaputras Y concerned with government survey (rājkīya nibadha) of village B are being instructed thus. Whereas, by the order of the King, the villages of rāṇā Virmadeva are seized as government property (sajāto?). His right of enjoyment (bhoga) land tax (dānī), and such like, have been given over for collection (?) in the old way. After taking your share, you should leave the place and go away. (No) harassment (of anyone) should be committed. Saṁvat year 1288 Vaishākha Sudi, 15 Thursday [Tuesday 30 April, 1230 AD, Sunday 19 April, 1231 AD] Signature of Śrī, under authority. MS-B. Hail! On the instruction of mahāmātya X, officer Y of pathaka B has been informed in the following manner. You should note. You should take possession, in your pathaka, of the villages given to you as gift (prasāda) Saṁvat year 1288 Vaishākha Sudi, 15 Monday. [Tuesday 30 April, 1230 AD; Sunday 19 April, 1231 AD] Signature of Śrī. MS-D.5 Hail! By the order of Śrī Mahāmātya X the officer Y of pathaka A is being informed thus. You should note thus. All the granted villages should be seized. Saṁvat year 1521 divitīya Vaishakha Sudi 8 Friday. [Saturday 16 June 1463 AD; Monday 15 April 1464 AD] Notes

(1) . Omitted in MS C. (2) . See note for mahāmātya Śrī Aliga in Document No. 28. (3) . Mahuḍāsa pathaka may be identified with Muhuḍāsai or Moḍāsa. Moḍāsa is 52 miles north-east of Ahmadabad. Padamnābha Kanhaḍade Prabandha, trans. by V.S. Bhatnagar, (Delhi, 1991), p. 118. (4) . The meaning of this term is not clear. (5) . The text, not being printed in LP, is translated directly from the text in MS D.

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Translation of Model Documents (p.111) 30. Deed of Seizure (Athavā-Vyāshedho Yathā)1 MS-A. By the order of mahāmātya Śrī Aliga,2 officer Nagada of Arlu pathaka3 has been informed thus. You should note: Whereas rāṇā Nago did not join the campaign, therefore, according to the order of the king, his village should be confiscated. Saṁvat year 1288 Vaishākha Sudi, 15 Monday [Tuesday 30 April, 1230 AD; Sunday 19 April, 1231 AD]. MS-B. Hail! By the order of Śrī mahāmātya X, officer Y of pathaka B is being informed thus. You should note: Parmara rājaputra has not appeared in the royal army camp; therefore by the order of the king his village should be confiscated. Signature of Śrī—— MS-D.4 Hail! By the order of Śrī Mahāmātya X, officer (adhikārī) Y is being informed thus. [You] should note this: Paramara rājā X has not appeared in the royal army camp: therefore by the order of the king his village should be confiscated. Therefore by the order of [our] king that village may be made government property. [Your] own people should be placed over all the villages. Saṁvat year 1521 divitīya Vaishakha Sudi 8 Friday [Saturday 16 June 1463 AD; Monday 15 April 1464 AD]. Notes

(1) . Omitted in MS C and in MS D it is called Adhi vyāshedo yathā. (2) . See note mahāmātya Śrī Aliga in Document No. 28. (3) . This place cannot be identified. (4) . The text, not being printed in LP, is translated directly from the text in MS D.

(p.112) 31. A Deed of Confiscation of Land given in Maintenance (Grāsslopanaṁ Yathā)1 MS-A. Hail! By the order of mahāmātya Śrī Aliga,2 Vijayasiṁha3 of Dāṉḍahi pathaka,4 has been informed thus. Rājā Nagapala5 did not arrive for a certain campaign and escaped and fled away. His village may be made government property. For collecting the income of all the villages, (your) own people should be appointed. Saṁvat year 1288 Vaishākha Sudi, 15 Monday, [Tuesday 30 April, 1230 AD; Sunday 19 April, 1231 AD]. Signature of Śrī for authority. MS-B. Hail! By the order of mahāmātya X, officer Y has been informed thus: Rājā Z has disappeared from the campaign against a certain king. Then by the order of [our] own king that village may be made government property. (Your) own people and officers should be placed over all the villages. Saṁvat year 1288 Vaishākha Sudi, 15 Monday [Tuesday 30 April, 1230 AD; Sunday 19 April, 1231 AD] Signature of Śrī.

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Translation of Model Documents Notes

(1) . Omitted in MSs C and D. (2) . See note for mahāmātya Śrī Aliga in Document No. 28. (3) . In the year VS 1295, in the realm of mahāmaṉḍaleśvara rāṇaka Śrī Visala at Combay, the daṉḍādhipati Śrī Vijayasiṁha was appointed. Catalogue of MSS in Pattan Bhandara, p. 33, No.37; cited by A.K. Majumdar, Chaulukyas, p. 173. (4) . This pathaka immediately south of Dhāṇaḍa Ahara pathaka was called Dandahi pathaka (Sankalia; Historico-Cultural Ethno-Geography, p. 36; IA, XI, pp. 71–3, VI, p. 208). The Daṉḍahi once was the name of a sub-division. We are told by the Mirat-i-Ahmadi: ‘In the kingodm of Gujarat most areas are specially named, and wonderful stories are told about the origin of those names. (Thus) Daṉḍahi (included) pargana Kadi and its neighbourhood’ (Supplement, p. 206). Places in Daṉḍahi pathaka lie partly in the modern Sidhpur Visanagara and Mehsana mahals. (Sankalia Historico-cultural Ethno-Geography, pp. 37, 42). (5) . A.K. Majumdar suggests that rājā Nagapala, whose village is said to have been confiscated, was one of māṉḍalikas who had rebelled against Bhima (Chaulukyas, p. 246).

(p.113) 32. Acknowledgement Deed (Viśudhāksharāṇi-Yathā)1 MS-A. Saṁvat year 1288 Vaishākha Sudi, 15 Monday [Tuesday 30 April, 1230 AD Sunday 19 April, 1231 AD] here, at Śrī Pattan, mahāmātya Śrī Aliga,2 has issued a letter to paṭṭadhara3 Aradka to the following effect. Paṭṭadhara Aradka, from the last day of the month Śravana up to the day of the full moon in the month of Āshaḍha, [after scrutiny of] the charters of all the villages, drammas recorded in the charter and all the items, that is, transit dues (malamārgaṇa);4 money for auspicious day (māṉgalīyaka);5 charges for the maintenance of police (caturaka),6 [record of] uncultivated land, and such like, proceeding item by item, according to the usages of territory, the drammas should be recorded [as are] in receipt of Śrī karaṇa. Signature of Śrī for authority. MS-B. Saṁvat year 1288 Vaishākha Sudi, 15 Monday [Tuesday 30 April, 1230 AD; Sunday 19 April, 1231 AD] here at Śrī Pattan a mahāmātya X has issued a deed of acknowledgement to paṭṭadhara Y. Paṭṭadhara Y, from the last day of the month Śrāvana, up to the day of full moon of the month Āshaḍha, the items in all the charters, drammas mentioned in all the charters, along with the charges for the maintenance of the police, transit dues, should be recorded, and such like, accurately, and properly. Signature of Śrī… Notes

(1) . Omitted in MSs C and D. (2) . See note for mahāmātya Aliga in Document No. 28. Page 46 of 94

Translation of Model Documents (3) . See note for paṭṭadhara in Document No. 25. (4) . See note malamārgaṇa in Document No. 4. (5) . See note for māṉgalīyaka in Document No. 4. (6) . See note for caturaka in Document No. 4.

(p.114) 33. Receipt (Upgatā Yathā)1 MS-A. Saṁvat year 1288 Vaishākha Sudi, 15 Thursday [Tuesday 30 April, 1230 AD Sunday 19 April, 1231 AD] today, at Śrī Pattan, mahāmātya Śrī Aliga,2 together with the Pañcakula, has issued a receipt to the officer Vijada thus: The officer Vijada has deposited 5000 drammas/five thousand drammas in the money bag of bhaṉaḍārī Narsiṁha. Signature of Śrī. MS-B Saṁvat year 1288 Vaishākha Sudi, 15 Monday [Tuesday 30 April, 1230 AD Sunday 19 April, 1231 AD] today here at Śrī Pattan, mahāmātya X issued a receipt to Officer Y thus. Officer Y has deposited the [sum of] 5000 drammas/five thousand drammas in the government money bag of Z. Signature of bhaṉadārī XX and authority of Śrī YY. MS D.3 Saṁvat year 1521 so and so month Sudi 8 Monday [1463 AD], today here at Śrī Pattan, Śrī Mahāmātya X together with the Pañcakula has issued a receipt to officer Y thus. Officer Y has deposited the [sum of] 5000/five thousand drammas. Signature of bhaṉḍāri X and authority of Sri Y. Notes

(1) . Omitted in MS C. According to P.V. Kane upagatā means a receipt given by the creditor to a debtor on payment of the whole or part of the debt. (HDS, III, p. 311.) (2) . See note for mahāmātya Aliga in Document No. 28. (3) . The text, not being printed in LP, is translated directly from the text in MS D.

(p.115) 34. Receipt of Department Dealing with Administration of District (Maṉḍalakaraṇasya-Upagatā-Yathā)1 MS-A. Saṁvat year 1366, Vaishākha Sudi, 3, Thursday [Wednesday 24 April, 1308 AD; Monday 14 April, 1309 AD] today here, the department dealing with the administration of the district has issued a receipt to saṁghavī Hira,2 resident of Sitapura village,3 thus: Now in relation to the charter of this village, saṁghavī Hira, has given 4000 cash drammas/four thousand drammas to bhaṉaḍārī Medha. Signature of the bhaṉaḍārī, with some token; and, for authority, Śrī karaṇa's token is also recorded. Notes

(1) . Omitted in MSs B, C, and D. Page 47 of 94

Translation of Model Documents (2) . The title is derived from Sanskrit saṁghapati given to the leader of a saṁgha or group of Jains, who bear the expenses of all the pilgrims going with them. (Sircar, Epigraphical Glossary, p. 297). Saṁghavī is the surname of many Gujarati Vaishnava Baniyas and Jains (Sankalia, Historico Cultural EthnoGeography, p. 152). (3) . This village is not identified.

(p.116) 35. Receipt for Undressed Provision (Kaṇa-Upagatā-Yathā)1 MS-C. Saṁvat year 1533 Jyeshṭha Sudi, 8 Tuesday, [Saturday 13 May, 1475; Friday 1 June, 1476 AD] today mahaṉtaka X of a certain treasury, one of the Pañcakula, has issued a receipt thus: Y, purchasing from the threshing floor of a certain village, a muḍā2 of peas assessed by mahaṉtaka Z, one of the Pañcakula, by certain measure [out of?] 40/forty muṭaka3 of peas should be deposited. Signature of Śrī. Notes

(1) . Omitted MSs A, B and D. (2) . See note for mūḍa in Document No. 5. (3) . Ibid.

(p.117) 36. Special Restraint (Ṭheko Yathā)1 MS-A. Hail! By the order of mahāmātya Śrī Aliga,2 the officer Khetasimha of Māṉḍalika pathaka is informed thus: Collections should be undertaken in the villages of mahāmaṉḍaleśvara rāṇā Śrī Viramadeva.4 For small presents (vikara) dr. 16, Liga dr. 6, dhūpa dr. 14, and darśana dr. 8; thus 44 dr. [in total].3 Hail! Saṁvat year 1288 Vaishākha Sudi, 15 Thursday [Tuesday 30 April, 1230 AD; Sunday 19 April, 1231 AD] Signature of Śrī——, under authority or his witness. MS-B. Hail! On the instruction of mahāmātya Y, the officer X of pathaka B is informed thus: You should note that collections should be undertaken in the villages of mahāmātya Y and of mahāmaṉḍaleśvara rājaputra X. For small present 16 dr. linka [= liga] 6 dr., dhūpa 14 dr., darśana 8 dr.; thus 44 drammas [in total]. Hail! Saṁvat year 1288 Vaishākha Sudi, 15 Monday [Tuesday, 30th April 1230 AD; Sunday 19 April, 1231 AD] Signature of Śrī—— Notes

(1) . Omitted in MSs C and D. (2) . See note for mahāmātya Aliga in Document No. 28. (3) . The term māṉḍalika could be a place name or an official title. Here it is used as a place name, because the term pathaka has been suffixed to it. Māṉḍalika may be restored to Maṉḍalī, and so identified with village Maṉḍala of 28 miles

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Translation of Model Documents north east of Gala or with Maṉḍala in the Viramgam Taluka (DHNI II, p. 984. PO, I, No. 2, p. 41 for Manḍalikā as title see note under Document No. 24). (4) . Viramdeva was the son of Viradhavala. He is also mentioned in Kadi Grant (IA, VI, pp. 190, 205–6. DHNI, II, pp. 1031, 1033–4, A.K. Majumdar, Chaulukyas, pp. 171–2).

(p.118) 37. Deed on War and Peace [Saṉdhi-Vigrahau Yathā]1 MS-A. Hail! From the royal army camp situated at Muhuḍāsa, on the instruction of rāula2 Śrī Baghadeva, the minister for war and peace of rāṇā Śrī Jayata of Anapura has been informed respectfully thus: You should note: Knowing that we are doing well in our good kingdom and well disposed (towards you), you should constantly delight us with the news of the welfare of your lord (nātha). Now the purpose [of our letter]: Whereas we are at war with the ruler (daṉḍādhipati) of Maharashtra, therefore you should immediately send one thousand soldiers for offensive and defensive purposes and the entire war material of the armourdepartment (jayan-śālā).3 Now you should inform for your lord's (svāmi) satisfaction (that you have despatched the above assistance). Saṁvat year 1399 Jyeshṭha Sudi, 15 Thursday [Thursday 31 May 1341 AD; Monday 20 May 1342 AD]. The instruction (has been given) with (personal) authentication. MS-B. Hail! From the royal army camp situated at place A, the minister for war and peace of mahāmaṉḍaleśvara rāṇaka X is being instructed as follows. You should note: Knowing that we are well here and are well-disposed (towards you) and that we are at war, leading to victory, one thousand soldiers may be sent for offensive and defensive purposes.4 All activity should always be reported; for the satisfaction of your lord; (therefore, let your lord (prabhu) know about this business). Saṁvat year 1288 Vaishākha Sudi, 15 Monday [Tuesday 30 April 1230 AD; Sunday 19 April 1231 AD]. The instruction (has been given) personally to the messenger. Notes

(1) . Omitted in MSs C and D. (2) . It is derived from Sanskrit rājakula, same as rāvata or rāuta, title of the feudatory chiefs. Sircar's, Epigraphical Glossary, p. 279. (3) . See note for jayan-śālā in Document No. I. (4) . The text here is not clear.

(p.119) 38. Letter (Likhitaṁ Yathā)1 MS-B Hail! From a certain place, rājaputra X wishes to speak to his brother Y of place A, with respect, anxiety, firmness and happiness. Knowing that we are well here and well disposed towards you, please send report daily about (your) welfare there. All activity should always be reported.

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Translation of Model Documents Notes

(1) . Omitted in MSs A, C, and D.

(p.120) 39. Letter (Lekho Yathā)1 MS-A Hail! From the camp, and on the instructions of rāṇā Śrī Rāsila, the pratī2 of Odā village,3 benevolently instructs thus: As soon as you see my order you should join the expedition, along with the group of forces of the king Śrī rājā Jayatarna of Ātursumbaka,4 and horses and foot soldiers belonging to your escort and all the war material of the armour department. We shall march to join the expeditionary force of the king Jayata Karana5 tomorrow morning, accompanied by a big troop or force. Saṁvat 1365 Vaishākha Sudi, 15 Thursday [30 April Tuesday 1230 AD; 19 April Sunday 1231 AD]. The instruction (has been given) with (personal) authentication. MS-B. Hail! Mahaṉtaka of Latapallī6 instructs Y of X village A thus: The instructions are like this. All the royal money (pottak dramma) collected in that village should be deposited here. You should always report all (your) activities. Signature of Śrī——— Notes

(1) . Omitted in MSs C and D. (2) . It is not clear what the abbreviation pratī stands for. It cannot be pratīhāri as Dalal suggests (LP, p. 112). From the context, it should refer to an army officer much lower in rank than rāṇā. The literal meaning of the term is ‘doorkeeper’, but mahāpratīhāra was an officer incharge of the defence of the royal palace or head of the guards of the city gate. (cf. Sircar, Epigraphical Glossary, p. 259). A.K. Majumdar (Chaulukyas p. 229) suggests that mahāpratīhāra corresponded to the English High Chamberlain, but from the land grants issued by mahāmaṉḍelaśvara Vaijalladeva it appears that mahāpratīhāras and pratīhāras were titles of provincial officials. (3) . Oḍā may be identified with Oḍe, 5 km from the Oḍe Road Railway station on the Anand-Godhara railway line. (District Gazzetter Kheda, pp. 819, 20.) (4) . Ātursumbaka may be identified with Āttursumba, on the river Vatrak, 11 km from Kapadvanj, formerly in Baroda state, when it was a mahal headquarter. After the merger of the state with Bombay it was included in Kapadvanj tāluka (District Gazzetteer Kheda, p. 788). (5) . Dalal however, thinks that rājā Śrī Jayatarna's army formed the opposing force (LP, p. 112). (6) . See note for Latapallī in Document No. 11.

(p.121) 40. Royal Letter Addressed to Daughter in Law (Vadhū-Heto-RājaLekha)1 Page 50 of 94

Translation of Model Documents MS-A. Hail! From Muhuḍasā nagara rāu Śrī Vaghadeva instructs Candrauli, wife of prince Narasiṁhadeva at Aṉapura2, with benevolence and affection, thus: The order is like this. Until prince Narasiṁha returns from the army camp, all the servants should receive grain for food, after producing the proper evidence [of entitlement], of the royal granary from mahaṉtaka Jayata. Royal female slaves, other servants (ḍikola?), workers, and others, should receive food, and such like, in accordance with previous orders. You should look after the feeding and clothing of the dependents well. Moreover, during religious processions and festivals no one from the royal household should go out. Looking at other men and going to others’ houses should not be allowed. We should always be informed about special cases related to royal work. Saṁvat year 1432 Vaishākha Sudi, 15 Thursday [Friday 28 April 1374 AD; Tuesday 17 April 1375 AD]. The instruction [has been given] personally under authority. Notes

(1) . Omittted in MSs B, C, and D. (2) . Not identified.

(p.122) 41. Nature and Form [of Document] (Svarūpa Vidhi)1 MS-A. Hail! From Śrī Pattan mahaṉtaka Jayataka has been conveyed, with love, great courtesy, respectfully, having embraced tightly; to kind-hearted mahaṉtaka Vijayasiṁha2 [stationed] at the Śrī Ghoga harbour3 thus: The information is like this. By knowing the welfare of all your family members (residing here), you must always delight me (by informing me) of the good health of your family members, and the present status and nature of your business. What is to be accomplished at the moment; when the ship from Ormuz (Hormuj)4 (island) has arrived, what varieties of articles are [brought by the ship]; how many horses of fine variety (and) their descriptions—[all] clearly written is to be sent here. I am always to be informed of such matters, which I am authorized for. Māgh Sudi, 15 Thursday. Notes

(1) . Omitted in MSs B, C, and D. (2) . Mahaṉtaka Vijayasiṁha may be identified with danḍadhipati Śrī Vijayasiṁha who was appointed by Visaladeva in vs 1295. A.K. Majumdar, Chaulukyas, p. 173. (3) . Ghogha served as an important port of Cambay, the cargo being conveyed on small boats from Cambay to Ghogha to be loaded there on ships, and the cargo unloaded from ships at Ghogha being similarly transported to Cambay. [Irfan Habib, An Atlas of the Mughal Empire, (Delhi, 1982). p. 25]. Ibn-i-Batuta also mentions Ghoga as a famous sea port on the east cost of Kathiawar, being a

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Translation of Model Documents large town with an important bazar. (Gibb, Ibn-Batuta: Travels in Asia and Africa p. 230; Commissariat, A History of Gujarat, I, pp. 26, 41–2). (4) . Marco-Polo confirms LP in saying that horses were exported from Hormuz. He states that ‘merchants come thither from India, with ships loaded with spicery and precious stones, pearls, clothes of silk and gold elephants teeth and many other wares…’ (Henry Yule and Henri Cordier, The Book of Ser Marco Polo, I, (Delhi, 1993), pp. 107–22). He adds that ‘they also export many good Arab horses from this (port) to India.’ (Ibid., II, pp. 340, 450.) Ibn-i-Batuta also described Hormuz as a town on the coast called Mughistan. On an island nine miles from shore was new Hormuz. (Gibb Ibn-Bātutā: Travels in Asia and Africa, pp. 118–9). From the Jagadu Carita (an account of Jagadu merchant), (14th century) we learn that Jagadu used to trade regularly with Persia and transport goods in his own ship. His agent at Hormuz was an Indian. (Jagadu carita, VI, V-64). The Veraval stone inscription 1264 AD of Arjundeva also mentions Hormuza deśa. It records that Amir Ruknuddin was the chief at the harbour (Velākula) of Hormuza. (EI, XXXIV, pp. 47–150). An earlier reference to Hormuz is in the account of Yuan Chwang, who says ‘ Po-la-se (Persia) kingdom is several myriads of li in circuit. Its chief town called Su-la-sa t'ang-na (Surasthana) is about 40 li in circuit. On the eastern frontiers of the country is the town of Ho-mo (Ormus?): The city is not great but the external walls are in circuit about 60 li or so. The people who inhabit it are all very rich.’ (Buddhist Records of the Western World, pp. 277–8)

(p.124) 42. Royal [Officer's] Order (Śrī Rāja-Vijñaptikā Yathā)1 MS-A. Hail! At the victorious army camp situated in the city of Ujjayini;2 highly esteemed, venerable, honourable, worthy of worship, who obtained grace in consequence of a boon given by the husband of Umā, and endowed with exceeding valour to destroy the enemies as by forest conflagration; having formidable power to crush the pride of violent enemies; who has become the self-chosen husband of royal fortune (despite) furious rivals; who always obtained glory; who is hardly to be seen in the group of enemies; who placed his lotus-like feet on the heads of inimical kings taking them as [much under him as] the top of (the fort of) Valabhi; who was3 terrible as Bhima in burning the group of (his) enemies; who was4 skilled in the use of 36 types of weapons; and who has5 the knowledge of warfare: who, in vanquishing the hostile ruler, was6 the equal of lions that shattered the elephants’ forehead; who never turned his back to the enemy; who always engaged in protecting the royal good fortune; who was7 fully confident in supressing the multitude of hostile enemies; who served as the resort of the defenceless, having given assurance of safety to those who were bewildered with fear (or, who was8 able to create fearlessness among those creatures who were dismayed by fear), having purified the whole earth by means of the water of the Ganga as fame is produced (after) killing those sinful people who were inimical towards [good] people; having engaged himself9 in three-fold Page 52 of 94

Translation of Model Documents actions namely: sacrificial rites; study, and charity, and such like; being untouched by the unwholesome air which represents sin; having shown proficiency in policy like Brihaspati; being pure like the water of the Ganga; disinclined towards other women, being satisfied with his10 own wife; being eminent among religious people, serving as the Kalpataru for the dependent; serving as the founder of six systems of philosophy; having removed the sorrow of the distressed; being engaged in purification from outside and inside; who was11 like the Dhurva in establishing righteousness, who could not be removed from his12 position by words of opposition; being free from mental agony and bodily pain; making people tread the path preferred by cultured people; being well behaved; serving as the Sun in making multitudes of lotus buds in his13 own family; being made distinct in various directions by his fame as luminous (p. 125) as the light of the moon; who put to shade the graciousness of Bali, Karna, Sibi and Dadhici by making different kinds of gifts; having outshone the beauty of Asvani Kumara by means of his14 graceful appearance; having learned or mastered all disciplines of knowledge; being skilled in the use of weapons and [driving] vehicles; having understood the real position from day to day and accurate knowledge of the other country by means of the words of (his) messenger; having adorned the body with such qualities as to be firm, brave, noble-minded, but sportive and reckless; having mastered his senses; being not affected by the seven vices; being engaged in pleasing his15 subjects; being the treasure house of various kinds of virtues; being efficient in the art of expansion of his16 own kingdom (rāshṭra); being well versed in the acquisition and preservation of prosperity of the kingdom; the unique treasure of prosperity; well versed in implementing the means of sāma, dāma, daṉḍa and bheda at the proper place and in proper manner; very (lit. more) munificent; being the supporter of all; having over fullfilled expectations of artists who were drawn from different countries and displayed their respective arts before him;17 being given a drink constantly by servants in the form of Chakore bird like the rays of the moon (?);[successful] in fulfilling desires of mendicants of different countries; looking like rājā Raghu towards sage Kautsubha in giving unexpected and impossible amounts of gold; being equal to the Meru mountain in the hearts of the kings of the four directions, in regard to the fame and heroism being extolled by bards of other countries; being surrounded by learned people; who was18 like a tilak (forehead-mark) in the assembly, (which is) full of elderly learned scholars; in valour equal to new Rāma and Arjuna, and such others; in patience appearing the equal of the earth; in truth similar to Yudhishṭhira; in the restoration of displaced kings like an ācārya; in pride, firm like Rāvaṇa; in seriousness like the unfathomable ocean; closely associated with good people, contemplating only the lotus-like feet of Śrī Someśvara-deva; always engaged in obeisance to the Lord of Lakshmi, that is, (Vishnu); being served by the group of twelve kings; the the seven-wheel king, the new Siddharāja; at the lotus-like feet of mahārājādhirāja Śrī Jayasiṁhadeva,19 mahāmātya Śrī Aliga of Āsāpallī,20 saluting with reverential prostration of body [as to touch (p.126) the earth with Page 53 of 94

Translation of Model Documents the forehead] with folded hands, respectfully and modestly, pleads thus: The message is communicated like this: Having considered that, due to the goodwill of the Lord (svāmī), with the favour of Śrī Vishnu, Śrī Kumara along with the harem (lit. female establishment) and entire royal court, and such like, considering that there is unique prosperity everywhere; now by the grace of the Lord (prabhu) at the victorious army camp, along with the welfare of his own whole empire, due to the best friendship spreading in other countries, by means of tales filling the [void with] nectar-like water of affection, due to the great battle and due to intense occupation with royal work and strain produced by it for a long time, affected by more troubled thought, (you) are like a tree branching out in a multitude of foliage and gaining growth through the appearance of a fruit without even taking a flower. The work [to be done] is like this. Now, by the order of the lord (Śrī svāmī) and king's order bestowed upon us as a favour, like the remainder of a temple (?), having paid my homage by means of bowing my head, having received the complete instruction, whatsoever, for the interest of the state, according to the order, I am making the siddhi available, keeping alert day and night with a concentrated mind. Now again with one month, a multitude of forces comprising four wings, namely, chariot, elephant, horses, foot-soldiers, being equipped with 36 types of weapons including dagger, blade, spear, and different kinds of armour, and such like, for battle, the armour along with other material of jayan śālā; for taking revenge from the enemy (one has) to receive many weapons from Śrī Vaṉghota (?);—and it is to be ordered, having considered it in my mind that the order of the king is always to be carried out. Saṁvat year 1288 Vaishākha Sudi, 15 Thursday, [Tuesday 30 April, 1230 AD; Sunday 19 April, 1231 AD]. The coloured letter sent by me, should be received personally, and for attesting (to its contents), have appointed those who have obtained (access to) the lotus-like feet (Vishnu), and one worshipping your feet. In your mind any sort of confusion should not arise regarding income and expenditure. MS-B. Hail! At the victorious camp mahārājādhirāja Śrī mahāmātya parambhaṭṭāraka, who obtained the grace in the consequence of a boon given by the husband of Uma, endowed with exceeding valour, (p.127) who has harassed numerous enemies, seventh-wheel king, new Siddharāja, conqueror of the world, who has become the self-chosen husband of royal good fortune, (who is) like a Bhima in the enemy's kingdom; at the lotus like feet of Śrī Bhima, mahāmātya of Śrī Pattan saluting with reverential prostration of body, and accomplishing all deeds, purposes of which were made clear. Other actions and such like, were always to be brought to his notice. Saṁvat year 1288 Vaishākha Sudi, 15 Monday [Tuesday 30 April, 1230 AD, Sunday 19 April, 1231 AD]. MS-C. Hail! At the Victorious camp, mahārājādhirāja, who obtained the grace in the consequence of a boon given by the husband of Uma and endowed with exceeding valour to destroy the enemies as by forest conflagration, seventhwheel king in the new kingdom of the enemy, who has become the self-chosen Page 54 of 94

Translation of Model Documents husband of royal good fortune; being the founder of the six systems of philosophy, serving always as the Kalpatru for dependents, being the author of the path of polity; having always engaged in the meditation of God Hari Hara; at the lotus-like feet of rājā Śrī Sarangadeva; mahāmātya Śrī Dharṇīdhara of Āsāpallī, having paid his obeisance by means of his blessings, saluting with reverential prostration of body with folded hands, respectfully and modestly pleads as follows: The information is like this. Now by the authority of the order of the Lord (svāmī), all the works related to the government have been accomplished. Having determined it, I may be obliged by [your] giving orders for other works which are to be done regularly day after day. It is Karttika Sudi 15, Thursday. Notes

(1) . Omitted in MS D. (2) . This document of LP also confirms the occupation of Ujjain by Jayasiṁha (1094–1144 AD) at Uijjain. According to Hemachandra (a court poet) ‘Jayasimha advanced on Ujjain ‘by daily stages of eight kos’ entered it and seizing Yasovarman imprisioned him and brought him and all of Avantidesa, with Dhara, under subjection to himself. Afterwards Jayasiṁha seized and imprisioned a rājā of the country near Ujjain named Sim’. (IA, IV, p. 266). Further, we are told that ‘Jayasiṁha brought from Ujjayaini “Yogini pīṭha”’ and defeated and imprisioned the Lord of Dhara ‘like a Suka bird in a cage’ (Ibid). The Ujjain fragmentary inscription (1138 AD), the Talwara (undated) inscription, and the Dohad pillar inscription (1140 AD) also show that Jayasiṁha held the Avantidesa after vanquishing the Malwa king. Yasovarman (ASI, WC, 1921, pp. 54–5; RMR, 1915, p. 2; IA, XX, pp. 158–60). Merutung in Prabandha-Ciṉtāmani gives a detailed account of this war (PCT, pp. 88–90). However, from all these accounts it is not clear in which years this war actually took place. (3) . Plural in the text however. (4) . Ibid. (5) . Ibid. (6) . Ibid. (7) . Ibid. (8) . Ibid. (9) . Ibid. (10) . Ibid. (11) . Ibid. Page 55 of 94

Translation of Model Documents (12) . Ibid. (13) . Ibid. (14) . Ibid. (15) . Ibid. (16) . Ibid. (17) . Ibid. (18) . Ibid. (19) . Śrī Jayasimhadeva was the son of Karna and ruled from AD 1092–1162. (A.K. Majumdar, Chaulukyas, p. 67). (20) . See note for Āsāpallī in Document No. 23.

(p.129) 43. Request to the Teacher (Guru Vijñaptikā Yathā)1 MS-A. Hail! At Bhṛigu-kaccha, one who has purified his mind by taking bath at different tīrthas, deserving respect and to be worshipped, having saluted with prostration of body, who always keeps himself busy in performing sacrifice by himself, or getting it sacrificed by Brahmans or priests, in study, and receiving and giving of gifts, and such like, such necessary six actions; who always puts in effort continuously in the study of the Rigveda, Yajurveda, Sāmaveda and Atharvaveda; being always engaged in worshipping Deva, Brahman, Guru, ascetics and guests; who is comparable to the swan moving amongst lotus flowers; representing the family of pure persons; being well versed in supporting the poor and orphans, who is admired by the members of Vatsa family which is bedecked with the lustre of a newly arisen moon; being as cool in nature as the snow or the moon which makes the night lotus bloom; being born in the good or spotless family; having a pure character like the water of the Ganga; who has all his desires fulfilled always by the blessings given by the priests; whose expectations are gratified from the sacrifice; well behaved; having delivered righteous doctrine, an inhabitant of Candravati,2 rāul Śrī Dharavarsha,3 saluting, in reverential prostration of body with great modesty, the lotus-like feet of the sacrificer Śrī Moksha (one who wanted to become free from worldly existence) is giving this information: This information is like this. Now by your blessing, respectable one, we have obtained unique progress and favour and are sustained by you, having ascertained this that [your] cheerfulness of mind is always indescribable, your people, as we know (lit. have experience), [also] having thought; you have to instruct us along with your blessings, Saṁvat year 1288 Vaishākha Sudi, 15 Thursday [Tuesday 30 April, 1230 AD, Sunday 19 April, 1231 AD].

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Translation of Model Documents MS-B. Hail! at place A, one who has purified his mind by taking bath at different tīrthas, being always engaged in worshipping Deva, Brahaman, Guru and ascetics, who is comparable to the swan moving amongst the lotus flowers, highly esteemed, venerable, honourable, worthy to [offer] worship, a representative of place B, saluting by reverential prostration of body with most respect and modesty, made this petition, like this. The information is like this. Here, we, perpetually (p.130) meditate over your lotus-like feet, you, yourself are expected not to overlook us in regard to your mercy. Notes

(1) . Omitted in MSs C and D. (2) . The site of this capital city is 18 miles in circuit, about four miles south-west of Abu Road station in Sirohi State of Rajputana and close to left bank of the Western Banas, EI, VIII, p. 219, Commissariat, A History of Gujarat, I, p. 114–5; Burgess and Cousens, The Architectural Antiquities of Northern Gujarat, (Delhi, 1975), p. 96. (3) . Dharavarsha was the son the Paramara Yasodhavala (EI, VIII, pp. 200–4, 208–19, DHNI, II, pp. 1021, 1023).

(p.131) 44. Request to the Father (Pitra Vijñaptikā Yathā)1 MS-A. Hail! At Śrī Pattan, highly esteemed venerable, honourable, worthy to [offer] worship, whose body is endowed with various virtues, who in illuminating the lotus-flower of your family is like the sun along with its thousand rays; who always remains eager in supporting his own family; having nourished his race (jāti) at the time of famine; who is devoted to the Lord of Lakshmi; most religious; being the supporter of the poor, orphans and guests; who is used to removing the fear of the oppressed; who is used to cherish unique filial affection due to being most loving; well behaved, who is used to bringing illumination in his own family, who is used to set moral ideals for the noble family; having fully established himself in the service of God, Brahman and Guru; who is devoted for the welfare of others; being free from mental agony and bodily pain; having great satisfaction; whose limbs are set beautifully with justice and modesty; being the author of establishing the company of (noble persons); who is not carried away by bad habits; who is, as it were, the heavenly wish-fulfilling tree with respect to those who have taken resort to him; who, as it were, feels physically crippled from seizing the property of others; who is proved to have given respect to the acquisition of special knowledge and art; who, though living in the Kaliyuga behaves as if (he) was living in Satayuga; more munificient; serving as the founder of the six systems of philosophy; who is proven to be alleviating the suffering of distressed persons; who is the unique treasurer of prosperity; who has as pure a character as taintless as the water of the Ganga; having mastered all the disciplines of knowledge; who is given to nourishing in conditions of drought; who is firm in regard to noble people; who is the treasure Page 57 of 94

Translation of Model Documents of immeasure glory; who is fully established in carrying out devices for acquisition (yoga) and protection (kshema); who always keeps awake day and night in observance of dharma; from Stambha tīrthā,2 at the lotus like feet of father mahaṉtaka Jayasiṁha, son Devad, having paid his homage with all the eight limbs of the body and with utmost delight having embraced with eagerness and with all humility, pleads like this—the message is to be communicated as follows—By the grace of the respectable one, having considered that I am free from all illness and also considered that the whole family here is free from all (p.132) disease, respectable one, by means of the health of your body as well as taking into consideration the whole of the family there, free of all disease, may I always be accorded consideration delightfully. The work is like this. That respected people being always busy in the acquisition and protection of the family, for a long time I was not informed either in writing or orally, that is why I am grieving so much over them. Therefore I am to be kindly favoured with special instructions; now due to your grace and having love in my mind, which is always active, I may be efficienct in performing all the functions of royalty and family attentively as ordered by you. Whatever be the work for which I am authorized, I am always to be instructed about the performance of action that comes under my charge. (Your issuance of) special instructions is a matter of favour and blessings (for me). Vaishākha Sudi, 15 Thursday. MS-B. Hail! At village A, embodied with various virtues, most religious, adorned with the virtue of affection, having love for son, highly esteemed, honourable, respectable, worthy to worship at the lotus-like feet of father X from the place B, always modest, son Y, with great devotion, most delightfully having embraced with eagerness, having paid his homage with all eight limbs of the body, with modesty, intimates thus—The message communicated is as follows—We are all well here. Being delighted in my mind, I entreat that the message, [designed] for my satisfaction [and one] which is potent enough for our well-being, may be conveyed continuously. And my greetings are also communicated to the entire family including my mother. Whatever is to be done maybe ordered regularly. Notes

(1) . Omitted in MSs C and D. (2) . Stambha tīrtha may be identified with Kambayat, Khambat or Cambay in Gujarat (EI, I, p. 23). Khambat corresponding to khamba in Hindi/Gujarati corresponds to Sanskrit stambha. The local name of Cambay is Tamba nagari (shortened form of Stambha-nagari). (BG, I, pt. 1, p. 208). It has also been called Stambha pura, N.L. Dey, The Geographical Dictionary of Ancient and Medieval India, p. 194.

(p.133) 45. Request to the Mother (Mātṛi Vijñaptikā Yathā)1 MS-A. Hail! At Stambha tīrthā, highly esteemed, respectable, honourable, one worthy to [offer] worship, having an untainted character, as pure as the water of Page 58 of 94

Translation of Model Documents the Ganga; whose body is endowed with various virtues; who is devoted to her husband day and night, continuously like goddess Arundhati; who is encircled by the daughters-in-law, who remain busy in feeding those who need to be fed; who keeps fully awake being engaged in the worship of the Guru, family members, the deity, God, the Brahman and guests; having fully established herself in devotion to the elderly persons of the family; [to her, the writer seated] at the feet of the Mother Goddess Gaṉgā, mahaṉtaka Govil, from Pattan, saluting with reverential prostration of body, with goodwill of the heart, with modesty and with folded hands, communicates thus: The message is to be conveyed as follows: Now by the blessings of respectable people and by the grace of (her, my) mother, in accordance with her wishes, I am free from all diseases. (I know) your honour has constant thought about my good health, and (recites) nectar-like tales, [designed by their lessons] to enhance my welfare, along with bestowal of blessings (upon me), all of which make me content. The work is (proceeding) like this. Here, by a weaver (sālavi) Dharṇa, is to be woven a five-colour cloth made up of cross-threads (kaṉtī-taṇī) and from Yoginipura [Delhi]2 [is to be obtained] a kind of cloth worn by women with clusters of flowers woven in it (guḍīyāla cunḍī), a pair of white speckled cloth with variegated colours (ghāṭaḍi); a pair of bangles (cubanu); and from Saurashtra a pair of bracelets of pure gold-colour of tortoise shell and vadrī fruit, one necklace of pearls and other articles, for presenting you, (my) respected mother. These articles are ready. At the time of the full moon of Māgh for seeing both feet of my respected mother, along with [presenting] the above mentioned coloured garments and ornaments, I propose to come back. In the meantime, since you cherish extreme affection towards me in your heart, I may please be honoured always by blessings so that by their means, I may make new progress and meditate on you especially. MS-B. Adorned with various virtues, pious in character as the water of the Ganga, surrounded by daughters-in-law blessed with all family (p.134) members and descendants, highly esteemed, most faithful, chaste lady at the lotus-like feet of mother Ganga-devi, from place A, the son X, who always followed (her) orders, [and] is engaged in devotion to parents, saluting with prostration, with modesty, [submits] thus: The information is like this. Here I, with all the family members, am well and content in my mind. I entreat that messages for welfare, which are potent enough to secure well-being for all of us, may be sent continuously. In connection with the marriage of the children, Y, and such like, of members of our family, [one is obliged] to come. Having thought so in my mind, I am ordering whatever is to be done. Notes

(1) . Omitted in MSs C and D.

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Translation of Model Documents (2) . Yoginipura (Delhi) was the capital of Madanpala, a ruler of the Tomar dynasty in vs 1222/ad 1166 (Sharma, Early Chauhan Dynasties, p. 60. Jinpal's Khartartara gaccha paṭṭavali, p. 22). Jinapala's account shows that Yoginipura was a place of Jain pilgrimage, there being numerous references to the pilgrimages of many Jain ācāryās of Khartargaccha at this place (Ibid., pp. 55, 68, 69, 75, 77, 79). Jinapala says that during the reign of Qutbuddin (1316–19) son of Alauddin, Jinacandra Suri, on a pilgrimage with his followers, travelled from Mathura to Tilapat a (Tilpat) near Yoginipura (Ibid., p. 69). Tilpat was a well known village to the south of Delhi, it was the point where troops marching out to the south from Delhi, usually assembled (Tārikh-i-Firuz-Shāhi, pp. 107– 272, 420). The reference to Yoginipura here shows that the flowered cloth of Delhi was much valued in Gujarat at this time. R.R. Halder has identified Yoginipura with the town of Javar in Mewar, EI, XXI, p. 281, but this is most doubtful.

(p.135) 46. A Deed of Blessings—(Āśīravādo Yathā)1 MS-B Hail! From this great place, where people are engaged in six-fold actions such as sacrifice, performing sacrifice for others, in study, in teaching, in giving and receiving charity; at the army camp the respectable Ācārya who performs several types of sacrifices including agnishtoṁ,2 who is familiar with the knowledge of the three Vedas of the Universe, has given his blessings in the following manner, which is coming out from the lotus mouth and formed by the understanding of the Rigveda, Sāmaveda, Yajurveda, and Atharvaveda, to rājaputra X who is always engaged in worshipping God, Brahman and saints. By this [order] rural land A granted by you [to the said Ācārya is confirmed?]. Great care is to be exercised always, if one's own virtue is to be enhanced. Notes

(1) . Omitted in MSs A, C and D. (2) . A protracted ceremony or sacrifice (forming one of the chief modifications of jyotishtoma), offered by one who is desirous of obtaining heaven. The performer is a Brahman, who maintained the sacred fire. The offering is the drink of Soma; the deities, to whom the offering is made are Indra and others. Sixteen priests are required for the ceremony, and the ceremony continues for five days (Monier Williams, Sanskrit English Dictionary, s.v.).

(p.136) 47. Debt Deed (Vyavahāra Patra)1 MS-A. In the Saṁvat year 1332 Āśvina Sudi, 10 Sunday/[Thursday 12th September 1274 AD; Monday, 2 September 1275 AD] today—here at Anahillapattana during the victorious and auspicious reign of Śrī Sarangadeva,2 who is adorned with the line of kings, parameśvara, parambhaṭṭāraka; who obtained valour in consequence of a boon given by the husband of Uma, who harassed enemies; who is, indeed an incarnation of Narayana lying on the deep waters [,that is, Vishnu]; who is as [it were] a sun able to open the buds of the Page 60 of 94

Translation of Model Documents lotus field of the Caulukya race, and by the grace of Śrī Lakshmikanta [,that is, Vishnu] has become a new self-chosen husband of royal fortune; who is like a terrible forest conflagration of the time of Universal destruction in order to burn down the forest of kandalī-like enemies;3 who is the only one Paṉcānana, able to tear away parts of foreheads of the host of elephants in the army of the king of the South (dakshiṇa); who is a new Cakravartin, while his obedient and loyal servant mahāmātya Śrī Dharnidhara4 holds the office of Śrī karaṇa, and such like, and conducts the entire business of the royal seal; in these circumstances, while mahārājakula Śrī Dharavarsha,5 is immensely prosperous in Candravati karaṇa,6 which is being enjoyed by him as a consequence of the king's grant of gift (prasāda), and while mahaṉtaka Vijayasiṁha of pathaka A, acts as an officer in charge of dravya mudrā(?)—this deed of debt is written in the presence of the Pañcakula, including Candisiṁha, who was appointed (by Dharavarsha), stating as follows: Ganapati, son of Sāhu Jayacandra of Oswal caste7 and resident of Prahladanapura,8 borrowed, for legitimate purposes, from Vyāslakshmīdhara 50,000 drammas, in words fifty thousand drammas, (in) old drammas issued by Viśvamalla9 (?), which were uttered at the mint of Śrīmālīya,10 thrice tested, and which are still current in the gold market as superior money (śresṭha artha), in one instalment. The monthly interest on these drammas is two drammas percent per month, and the interest percent is to be compounded. These drammas should be returned, without any layer of mud, without dispute, quarrel and anxiety, within eight prahars [24 hours] (of the demand for return being made), renouncing all claims to it, together with compound interest on the drammas, to the satisfaction of Vyāslakshmīdhara. For giving these drammas with interest, for preventing all controversy (p.137) and harassment Padamsiṁha, son of Sāhu Jagasiṁha of the Oswal caste (jāti) and the merchant (vyavahāraka) Vikramasiṁha, son of merchant Dharna of Śrīmala caste, both residing at the same place, are made sureties for the mental and inner satisfaction of Vyāslakshmīdhara. When one [of the sureties] is approached, the other is deemed to be approached. If one is available and the second is not, responding to the other (party), then the person who is available should take the responsibility of (honouring) the deed of debt, just like a debtor of the moneylender (vyavahāraka). In this sense the agreement of the debtor and of the sureties is recorded by their signatures or given by their own hand, and to the best of their knowledge and judgement. Mahantaka Śrī Pala wrote this deed at the request of both the parties. [Despite] any omission or addition of letters, (this text) is legal and (constitutes) authentic evidence. MS-B. In the Saṁvat year 1288 Vaishākha Sudi, 15 Monday [Tuesday, 30 April 1230 AD; Sunday 19 April 1231 AD] today, here at Anahillapattaka, during the auspicious and victorious reign of Śrī Bhimadeva,11 who was adorned with the line of kings, mahārājādhirāja, Prameśvara, parambhaṭṭāraka; who obtained valour in consequence of the boon given by the husband of Uma, who has harassed the host of enemies and the seventh cakravartin, who by the grace of Page 61 of 94

Translation of Model Documents the husband of Parvati, has become the self-chosen husband of royal fortune, a new (version of) Siddharaja, terrible to hostile kings; while his loyal servant mahāmātya X holds the office of Śrī karaṇa and conducts the entire business of the (royal) seal; while here in the pathaka A, mahaṉtaka Vijayasiṁha acts as the officer in charge of dua mudra (?): In these circumstances in Balua village situated in the Dandahiya pathaka, which is being enjoyed by rājaputra Caturbhuja, having received it from the king as a gift (prasāda), this deed of debt is being written in the knowledge of the Pañcakula, consisting of the vāhaka (an official) rājaputra Ajayasiṁha, who was appointed by him (rājaputra Caturbhuja), mahaṉtaka Jajala, son of mahaṉtaka Yasachandra and others, thus: The creditor is known by the name śresṭhī Y, son of śresṭhī Z, resident of this very place, (who has) employed his money for profit. This [is] his signature, being the creditor, by name [thus]. The resident of this very place the cultivator XX, son of cultivator YY, out of genuine need or legitimate purpose, received the superior 210 (p. 138) pāraupath drammas12 in cash, in words two hundred and ten dr, which were uttered at the mint of Śrīmālīya thrice tested and meant for commercial transactions still current in the market, and the money to be paid as interest on these drammas is 2 drammas per cent per month. The drammas should be paid annually13 in the month of Kārttika, along with interest, without layers of mud (maṭṭa skandha), renouncing all claim to it (niryogakshema), all at once (yekamushṭyā) within eight prahars (twenty-four hour). In order to execute the above mentioned conditions, and ensure the payment of the drammas and in accordance with the common practice of borrowers, the cultivator ZZ has been appointed surety and cultivator XXX the second surety. Here the signature [of the debtor?], here [the signatures of] the witnesses. Notes

(1) . Omitted in MS D. Text of MS C is not available. (2) . Sarangadeva succeeded Arjundeva, in 1274 AD DHNI, II, p. 1040. (3) . Kandalī is a kind of tuberous plant. Kandalī like enemies may, therefore, mean deep-rooted enemies. (4) . The Kiradu inscription of Kumarapala's reign (VS 1218), mentions one Dharnidhara, the grandfather of Dhanduka, the Paramara king of Abu. (IA, LXI, p. 135. Cf. A.K. Majumdar, Chaulukyas, p. 31). The Cintra prasasti of Sarangadeva was composed by one Dharnidhara, son of Dhamdha. (EI, I, p. 279). (5) . See note māhārājā Dharavarsha in Document No. 43. (6) . It is an ancient name of Baroda (Vadodara). See Nandolal Dey The Geographical Dictionary of Ancient and Medieval India, (Delhi, 1979), p. 46.

Page 62 of 94

Translation of Model Documents (7) . Oisavala is the present Oswal, one of the main Marwari sub-groups. They are all from Osavala in Marwar (Sankalia, Historico-Cultural ethno-Geography, p. 144). The name of Oswal is derived from the town Osi in Marwar (James Tod, Annals and Antiquities of Rajasthan, II, p. 127). However, Tod also mentions that the Oswals are descended from the Solanki Rajputs of Anhilavada, (Travels in Western India, Delhi, 1971, pp. 183–465). Campbell has suggested that Osvals are the Sharavaka Vaniās, and their family goddess is Osia in Marwar. Hindu Castes and Tribal of Gujarat, IX, pt. I, pp. 96–7. (8) . Prahaladanapur may be identified with Palanpur, Gujarat, Imperial Gazetter of India, XIX (New edition), pp. 345–6.

(9) . See note for Viśvamalla in Document No. 25. (10) . See note for Śrīmāla in Document No. 25. (11) . Bhimdeva II reigned from AD 1178 to 1241, and thus the date of the present document falls well within his reign. (12) . The Purātana Prabhandha Sangraha calls them pāruthaka and pārutha. The Kharatara gaccha bṛihad gurvāvali mentions these as pāruttha drammas (JNSI, XVII, pt. II, pp. 73–4). Dalal takes pāraupatha to represent a proper name (LP, p. 114), while A.K. Nairne suggests that the pāruttha drammas are to be equated with Parthian drammas (Bombay Gazetteer I, pt. II, p. 21, fn. 6) VS Agrawala is of the opinion that pāraupatha drammas were the same as the bhillamalla or the śrīmaliya drammas (JNSI, XVII, pt. II, p. 75). See Introduction. (13) . Saṁ, by which perhaps one is to understand ‘annual’.

(p.140) 48. A Particular Kind of Mortgage Deed (Valita-Patra-Vidhi)1 MS-A. In the Saṁvat year 1288 Vaishākha Sudi, 15 Thursday [Tuesday 30 April, 1230 AD; Sunday 19 April, 1231 AD] today, here, after mentioning the proper line of the king, valita patra (a deed of mortgage of the produce of land), is being written thus: Thus the creditor is known by name [such], resident of the village A, belonging to a certain caste, invests his own money for profit. Here is the signature of the debtor known by the name X. Here Y, the resident of this very place mentioned earlier, due to his own need, received 300 dr., in words three hundred drammas, which were uttered at the mint of Śrīmālīya,2 thrice tested and still current in transactions. In future every year, these drammas after adding the interest would [in time] double and become 600 drammas. In connection with these drammas, for the satisfaction of the creditor, 50 mango trees of a certain garden have been mortgaged. From the price of these mangoes of the trees [each year], the creditor should [receive and] record 100 drammas at the back of the deed. After completing six years, the debtor will obtain the mango (trees) free from the bond to the creditor. After six years the Page 63 of 94

Translation of Model Documents creditor will have no connection with the mango trees, but until then mangotrees will exclusively belong to the creditor. For executing the above mentioned deed, for giving the mangoes in order to prevent all type of harassment of other family members, heirs, and members connected with other creditors, two sureties are appointed, (and) two rakshapālas, of such-and-such caste, known by the name[s] Z, son of the XX, [and such like] are (also) appointed for the inner satisfaction of the creditor. When one [of the sureties] is approached, all are supposed to have been approached, and when all are approached, each one is supposed to have been approached. If one signature of the creditor is available, then he should not in reply, point to the others, and should observe all the conditions of the deed. In this sense, the debtor and sureties gave their signatures by their own hand. Written in the presence (lit. knowledge) of 5 witnesses and neighbours. MS-B. In the Saṁvat year 1288 Vaishākha Sudi, 15 Monday [Tuesday 30 April, 1230 AD; Sunday 19 April, 1231 AD] here, at Anahillapataka, after mentioning the proper line of kings, today, at Balua village, a deed of mortgage of produce of the land is being written (p.141) to the following effect: Here is the resident of this place, cultivator X has received for legitimate purpose 300 hundred paurapatha drammas in cash, three hundred drammas, which were uttered at the mint of Śrīmāliya, thrice tested and meant for commercial transactions. These drammas, after adding the interest, would double and become 600 drammas [in six years?]. In connection with these fixed drammas, for the satisfaction of the creditor, something (is to be) mortgaged, the yield of which in course of time should pay off the debt. Fifty mango trees of a certain garden have (therefore) been mortgaged. From the price of the fruits of these fifty mango trees, 100 drammas should be realized every year. The fruits of the mango trees are to be enjoyed by the creditor.3 There is no interest upon these drammas. From Saṁvat year 1288 up to Saṁvat year [12]93, without (any) obstruction, within six years (these) mango trees will become free [of mortgage]. After six years the creditor will have no connection with the mango trees. For executing the above-mentioned deed, in order to prevent all types of harassment of the family of the rāṇaka and the creditor, and in accordance with the customary practice of the borrower, cultivator Y has been appointed surety and the second surety is Z. Here is the signature, and here are the witnesses. Parikh wrote this deed at the request of both the parties, XX is the witness. Notes

(1) . Omitted in MSs C and D. Vult-dāna or valat dāna khat is the Gujarati form of valita patra, lit. meaning ‘money borrowed by mortgaging the produce of land or other property or any fund pledged to repay the amount of a loan’ (H.H. Wilson, Glossary, p. 540). See also M.B. Belsare, An Etymological Gujarati English Dictionary, s.v. (2) . See note for Śrīmālīya in Document No. 25. Page 64 of 94

Translation of Model Documents (3) . Dalal holds that this means that all the fruits are to be enjoyed and the value of all is to be considered as a hundred drammas only, which sum is to be deducted from the final amount of debt of six hundred drammas (LP, p. 115).

(p.142) 49. Form of Sale Deed of a House (Gṛiha Vikraya-Vidhi)1 MS-A In the Saṁvat year 1288 Vaishākha Sudi, 15 Thursday [Tuesday 30 April, 1230 AD; Sunday 19 April, 1231 AD] today, hereafter mentioning the royal titles as they exist, a deed of the sale of a house is written in the following manner. Thus, merchant Asa received 500 dr., five hundred drammas, as the price of the house in the presence of Pañcakula, from Godo, son of mahaṉtaka Mala, of Nagara caste, acquired from the ancestors, double storeyed, covered with tiles, well built with good threshold, open towards the east, with open space on all sides, with walls of the compound, with previously existing passages for outlets of water, as far as its boundaries run, surrounded by four boundaries, firmly (lit. ‘99 per cent’) attached to various gardens, with the new taxes imposed for the first time (nava-nidhān sahita)2 in perpetuity, as on vegetables in the market. Hereafter the house should be enjoyed in succession by the sons and grandsons of the (purchasing) merchant, as they will: whatever suits them, should be done in this house. As usual, the royal title is given in this written sale deed. New building work should be done in the house as they desire. This house may be given for religious purposes and may be sold into the hands of others. In relation to such (future) sale of the house, the debtor [the seller(?)] should not discuss anything with the merchant. For this purpose, and for observing the above mentioned conditions of the written deed, in order to prevent all types of harassment by the other family members of the (same) sept (gotra) or member of the royal family and to prevent any controversy with the merchant, mentioned in the deed, people Y of so and so caste should be given the surety. The children of the (purchasing) merchant may traditionally enjoy this sold house and all discussion and controversy be barred. When one (surety) is approached, all shall be deemed to have been approached and when all are approached, each one shall be deemed to have been approached. For observing the terms of the written deed, when the merchant is approached, he in reply should not point to the others. For this purpose the debtor [seller (?) and rakshapāla are named. The deed is valid. Notes

(1) . Omitted in MSs B, C, and D. (2) . See note for nava-nidhān sahita in Document No. 2.

(p.143) 50. Permanent Sale Deed (Candra-Kalikaṁ Vikrya-Patra Yathā)1 MS-B. Saṁvat year 1288 Vaishākha Sudi, 15 Monday, [Tuesday 30 April, 1230 AD; Sunday 19 April, 1231 AD] today here, at Anihallapattana, after being adorned with the line of the king as recorded earlier, here at Balaua village a permanent sale deed is being written thus: The creditor is known by name, Here Page 65 of 94

Translation of Model Documents the resident Brahman X whatever (he) gained from his ancestors, and others, has been sold permanently, as vegetables and fruits in the market, the doublestoreyed house, covered with tiles, with a good threshold, with an open space on all sides as far as its own boundaries, together with various gardens, with new taxes imposed for the first time, [sold] firmly (lit. 99 per cent) to the merchant Kheta; the price of the house being 500 drammas, (in words) five hundred drammas. Now hereafter the house should be enjoyed and sold traditionally by the sons and grandsons of the [purchasing] merchant. Whatever suits [them] should be done. The Brahmana X should not cast his eyes on this house. The boundaries of the house are as follows. For observing the above conditions, and protecting from harassment, and such like, [in relations] between the rāṇaka and other merchants, Brahmana Y stands witness, the second witness being Z. Here is the signature, and witnesses; with the consent of both the parties, Parikh soand-so has written this. This is valid. Note

(1) . Omitted in MSs A, C and D.

(p.144) 51. A Deed of Mortgage for the Enjoyment of Usufruct (VṛiddhiPhalabhoga Patraṁ Yathā)1 MS-B. In the Saṁvat year 1288 Vaishākha Sudi, 15 Monday [Tuesday 30 April, 1230 AD; Sunday 19 April, 1231 AD] here at Anahillapattaka, after mentioning the proper line of all the kings, today, at Balua village a deed of mortgage for the enjoyment of usufruct (vṛiddhi phala bhoga) is being written thus. The creditor is known by the name A. Cultivator X, resident of this very place, due to (his) need borrowed in cash 100 Śrī pāraupath drammas in words, 100 drammas, which were uttered at the mint of Śrīmālīya, thrice tested and still current in transactions. In connection with these drammas, and for the satisfaction of the creditor, a house, facing the east, with a good threshold, double-storeyed with an open space, limited by four boundaries, mortgaged for the enjoyment of the usufruct (vṛiddhi phala bhoga). There is no rent (bhāḍā) of the house, no interest upon drammas. This [that is, the use of this house] meets the principle of enjoying the interest on a deposit. The damaged and collapsed (condition) of the house and repairing expenses, all should be added in the deed in the presence of the debtor. When the house is being vacated, the expenses of repairing the house should be obtained for the profit of the creditor. (As to) this house, only after paying the entire amount with expenses on [the occasion of each] Akshayatṛitīyā, will the debtor get this house released. The boundaries of this house are as follows. For performing the above-mentioned terms and conditions, for paying the drammas with expenses, sureties are appointed: the [first is] cultivator Y and the second surety is Z. Here is the signature, here are the witnesses. Note

(1) . Omitted in MSs A, C and D. Page 66 of 94

Translation of Model Documents (p.145) 52. A Deed of Mortgage of a House (Gṛihaḍḍāṇaka Patra Vidhi Yathā)1 MS-A. In the Saṁvat year 1288 Vaishākha Sudi, 15 Monday [Tuesday, 30 April, 1230 AD; Sunday 19 April, 1231 AD] today after mentioning the proper line of the kings, at Candravati,2 a deed of mortgage of a house is being written in the presence of Pañcakula and rāula Dharavarsha in the following manner: The creditor is known by the name X, resident of the village A, belonging to suchand-such caste, son of Y, invests his own money for profit. Here is the signature of the debtor, known by the name Y. The resident of this very place, of Vayada caste,3 Suraka, son of merchant Kura, due to his own need received 400 dra., four hundred Śrī Viśvamalla-priya drammas, which were uttered at the mint of Śrīmālīyā, thrice tested, and still current in transactions, from the creditor. In the context of these drammas and for the mental satisfaction of the creditor, his own house, with four boundaries mentioned below, and for the enjoyment of the usufruct, has been given for mortgage; the house which was acquired by the ancestors, is still being enjoyed, with an open space, four sides surrounded by the verandah,4 with the first room of the house [or a detached room, where the household diety, was probably housed, paṭṭaśālā]5 and kitchen, covered with tiles,6 well founded, double-storeyed and facing east. There is no rent of the house, no interest upon drammas. It is for usufructury enjoyment. The boundaries of the house are as follows: In the east, the boundary is upto the verandah of temple; in the South, the limit is nīvapata7 of Deva's house; in the west, the limit is the compound wall of the royal palace; and in the north, up to the high way, or royal way (or highway). With these four boundaries, my own house, acquired by my ancestors, (is) mortgaged for five years from today for the satisfaction of the creditor. If any expenses are claimed on this house by the sons, relatives, heirs and the government, then all should be borne by the debtor. Now, at any time when the creditor falls into strained circumstances (and is) in need of money, then he can forcibly collect the drammas from the debtor. Or else, he can mortgage this very deed to any other creditor with the consent of the debtor and receive the drammas [from the transference]. If the house is damaged due to natural calamities, fire, (p.146) excessive rain, or is burnt, collapses, or is damaged, then the debtor, after investing his own money, should repair the house in the same manner and should give it to the creditor. In case the debtor is unable to do so, then the creditor in the knowledge of the debtor should repair the house in the same way on the original foundations.8 The money invested on wood, tile, [wages of] mason and day labour should be entered on the back of the deed with interest and expenses in the presence of the debtor. The creditor should not construct the granary in the house or a storehouse for gram and salt. If any damage occurred in the house due to their disturbances, then the creditor should repair the house, investing his own money, and enjoy this house at his own sweet will up to the time limit mentioned in the deed. After the time limit, every year at the time of Dīpāvalī, [the debtor] should pay the whole expenses, along with the original amount and get the house released. On Page 67 of 94

Translation of Model Documents the day next to Dīpāvalī, the debtor will not(?) get (his house) released by ready money tied in a piece of cloth. For observing the above mentioned conditions, for paying the original amount with expenses collectively, in order to prevent all types of harassment from the sons, relatives, heirs of the family and other (members of the) family, appointed Adhipala as a surety and two persons [X and Y] of such-and-such caste, sons of Z [as further sureties?]. The creditor should also observe the terms and conditions of the deed in the same manner as the debtor. If one surety is available to the creditor, he [that surety] should not reply, ‘Go to the other surety’. He should fulfill all the conditions and stipulations as if he is the debtor himself. In this context, the debtor and Adhipala gave their signatures by their own hand in the presence of the five witnesses and neighbours. Parthijayat wrote this deed with the consent of both the parties. Omissions or additions of the letters should be treated as legal and condoned. Notes

(1) . Omitted in MSs B, C and D. (2) . See Note for Candravati in Document No. 43. (3) . The Vāyaḍas, are subdivisions of Brahmans and Vanias. They are said to take their name from Vayada, a village near Patna about fifty four miles northwest of Ahmedabad, originally come from Bet Island in Saurashtra (James M. Campbell, Hindu Castes and Tribes of Gujarat, I, pp. 21, 74). (4) . According to Hemachandra varando was a deśī word and meant a prākāra, that is, a compound wall (Cf. A.K. Majumdar, Chaulukyas, p. 489). Dr Moti Chandra, however, explains this as a kind of hole beneath the verandah. (‘Architectural Data in Jaina Canonical Literature’, JBBRAS, XXVI (1951), pt. II, p. 179). (5) . According to Moti Chandra paṭṭa śālā means a dressing room (JBBRAS, XXVI, p. 182). The word paṭṭa śālā occurs in the Mandhata plate of Jayasiṁha (EI, III, p. 47) where Kielhorn took paṭṭa śālā (paṭṭa śālā Brahamanebhyo) to mean ‘the abode of the Brahmins. However, the meaning of paṭṭa śālā becomes clear from the following account in another inscription:’ To provide for eight kinds of ceremonies of god Mallinatha of paṭṭa śāle which they had made within the precincts of that Santinatha bāsāḍi’ (EC, V, I. Belur 129, p. 86). The word paṭṭa śālā then had a religious significance, and, according A.K. Majumdar, in the context of the document it means a detached room in which the deity was kept Chaulukyas, pp. 353, 489, fn. 45. (6) . Kaveluka, is the same as Marathi kaul meaning ‘tile’, and has variants such as kaveluka and kivela (EI, XXXIV, p. 145). (7) . Nīva-paṭa, ‘the falling of the rain water from the eaves’ Cf. D.C. Sircar, Epigraphical Glossary, p. 220. Page 68 of 94

Translation of Model Documents (8) . Pāya is the Gujarati term for foundation (Gujarati–English Dictionary, s.v.).

(p.148) 53. A Deed for [Mortgaged] House Lost to Owner (Gṛihaḍūli Patra Yathā)1 MS-A. In the Saṁvat year 1288 Vaishākha Sudi, 15 Thursday [Tuesday 30 April, 1230 AD; Sunday 19 April, 1231 AD] here, after mentioning the line of the king as earlier, this mortgaged deed has been written in the following manner: Merchant Somaka, out of his own need, has mortgaged his own house, and has been received 200 hundred drammas from merchant Mala, resident of Pattan, [and has agreed to] pay interest at the rate of 2 (percent). These drammas with interest, at the same time ‘free from the layer of mud’, should be paid on Akshayatṛitīyā of the Saṁvat year. If he does not pay the money on the fixed day, the house will be permanently lost2 to him (even if) he pays the double amount after the period is over. The surety of the debtor and merchant should be recorded permanently (lit. 99 percent) on the deed [providing] for the house to be lost to the owner [in case of non-repayment of debt]. In this connection witnesses [on behalf] of the debtor along with five inhabitants should be furnished and their own signatures considered authentic. Notes

(1) . Omitted in MSs B, C and D. (2) . The literal meaning of dūla is loss, destruction. (M.B. Belsare, An Etymological Gujarati English Dictionary, s.v.) Cf. EI, XIII, pp. 207–8.

(p.149) 54. Deed of A Mortgage of Field (Athakshetrāḍḍānaka Patraṁ)1 MS-A. In the Saṁvat year 1288 Vaishākha Sudi, 15 Thursday [Tuesday 30 April, 1230 AD, Sunday 19 April, 1231 AD] today, mentioning as usual the dynastic lineage, a deed of mortgage of a field2 is being written in the following manner: That the creditor (dhanika) is known by the name merchant (vyavahāraka) Cahada, resident of Śrī Pattan, belonging to Śrīmala caste (jāti), invested his own money for profit. This (is) his signature, debtor (dhārṇikā) known by the name [Cāhaḍa]. The cultivator (kuṭumbikā) Mokhaka, resident of Sankhari village for legitimate purpose, borrowed from merchant Cāhaḍa 500 drammas, in words five hundred drammas, old drammas issued by Viśvamalla-priya3 which were uttered at the mint of Śrīmālīya, thrice tested and which are still current in transactions. Against these drammas, and for the inner satisfaction of the creditor, [the debtor's] own field has been mortgaged; a field, which was acquired by [his] ancestors, [and] is being enjoyed even now, along with new gifts or treasures (nava-nidhāna-sahita),4 together with various gardens and rows of trees, with four boundaries, for the enjoyment of the usufruct (vṛidhi phalabhoga-cāreṇa). The creditor, after giving the whole (sum of) drammas for this field, should be paid(?) [instalments/interest] on Akshayatṛitīyā of every year. The income of the field should be enjoyed by the [said] merchant. On the fourth day [after the set date is past] the debtor will not get his field (kshetra) released [even] by ready money tied in a piece of cloth. In order to execute the above Page 69 of 94

Translation of Model Documents mentioned conditions, to prevent this order from causing harassment to all others, from amongst the sons, relatives, heirs and other (members of the) family, two sureties X and Y are appointed and they will see that the conditions laid down in the document are maintained. When one [of the sureties] is approached, the others are to be deemed to have been approached, and when all are approached, each should be deemed to have been approached. For observing the terms of the written deed, if one [surety] is available then one should not point to the other (for responsibility). In this connection, three witnesses along with inhabitants have put their signature, or all persons concerned assembled at one place have put their signatures, along with the three witnesses. (p.150) Notes

(1) . Omitted in MSs B, C and D. (2) . Dalal translates the term kshetra as ‘house’ (LP, p. 116), but it surely means field or land here. (3) . See note for Viśvamalla-priya in Document No. 25. (4) . See note for nava nidhāna in Document No. 2.

(p.151) 55. A Deed of Mortgage of Horse has been Written (Aśvāḍḍāṇaka Patra Abhilikhyate Yathā)1 MS-A After mentioning the proper line of kings, in Saṁvat year 1288, Vaishākha Sudi, 15 Monday, [Tuesday 30 April, 1230 AD; Sunday 19 April, 1231 AD] here at Pattan, a deed of mortgage of horses is being written in the following manner. The creditor is known by the name [Asadhira]. Here the resident of this very place, Heḍau2 Nagaden, due to his own need received 800 dra./Eight hundred old and Viśavamallapriya drammas which were uttered at the mint of Śrīmālīya, thrice tested and still current in transactions. For the satisfaction of the creditor Asadhira, Heḍau Nagaden has tied his own horses, one [named] Hirau and other one Śrī Khandau, at the door of Asadhira. For both the horses, tied at the door, grass for eating, a place for the shed, medicine, physician, and a guard, and all (other) expenses should be met by the debtor. If the debtor does not bear the daily expenses according to the deed, then the creditor will provide for the (debtor's) horses prickly shrubs in place of a shed, gravel in place of grass, and urine in place of water. In observing these conditions, the debtor should not create any obstacle to the creditor. If the debtor at such time does not provide the expenses according to the deed, then after one day, the creditor for every day's expenses required [shall claim] 1½, one and a half drammas for each item; [the particulars of] medicine and physician, all should be written at the back of this deed. The security and welfare of both the horses should be maintained by the creditor honestly the same way as by the debtor. These two tied horses at the door should be used for riding on the ground up to the sea shore either by the creditor for his own purpose or by his servants. If at any time due to Page 70 of 94

Translation of Model Documents excessive riding, vomiting and bleeding, these two horses die, or run away or roam off, or died tormented by [close binding of] the front reins, or if death is caused by drawing of the ropes round the hind legs of horses, or they die out of fright or are drowned in water, or die by a stake, or die due to disease, or are killed by a tiger, lion and other wild cave animals or die due to the invasion of an enemy, or, while entering the house of the debtor's enemy, get killed, or die due to the hurt of the edge of pin, or get killed by some enemy, cutting off their tongues, or are unable to walk due to wound developed in the feet, or die due to fire, excessive water, air, and bite (p.152) of snake, or die some time due to any other natural calamity, then Heḍau Nagaden [the debtor] (will) replace the previous dead horses by any two of the same breed, same colour or the same age, and tie them at the door of creditor Asadhira. These two horses, from this day in the course of two months, Heḍau Nagaden may get released, after paying the money with interest and expenses at any time without quarrel and dispute, [with money] without mixture (lit. mud)’, to the creditor. If, on the said day in the course of two months, the debtor is unable to pay the money with interest and expenses, and so get these two horses released from the creditor according to the deed, then the creditor, in the knowledge of the debtor, after bringing these two horses to the market, will sell them at current prices, like vegetables, sugar and badari fruit. Even after selling the two horses, if the amount of money lent along with expenses, cannot be recovered in full, then the creditor should realize the money by selling any other objects from the house of the debtor or of any two sureties. And the debtor should not raise any quarrel with the creditor in relation to higher and lesser prices obtained by sale of the horses in the present and future. For executing the above mentioned terms and conditions of the deed, there are appointed two sureties: Puna, son of the merchant Jagsi of Śrīmālla caste; and Khokhaka, son of merchant Mokha of Gurjar caste. Both sureties should observe the terms and conditions of the written deed, the same way as the debtor. If one signatory is available to the creditor, to maintain the terms and conditions of the deed, then he should not in reply point to the other. The creditor should observe the terms and conditions of the deed like the debtor. In this sense the debtor gave signatures by his own hand as assurance. MS-B. In the Saṁvat year 1288 Vaishākha Sudi, 15 Monday [Tuesday 30 April, 1230 AD; Sunday 19 April, 1231 AD] here at Anhillapattan, after mentioning the proper line of all the kings, at Balau village, a deed of mortgage of horses is being written in the following manner. The creditor known by the name, Khetaka, resident merchant, invests his own money for profit. Here is the signature of the debtor, known by the name X. Here the resident of this very place Heḍau X, due to his own need received 800 dra./eight hundred paraupatha drammas, which were uttered at the mint of Śrīmālīya, thrice tested, still current for transactions. The monthly interest is two drammas percent. For the interest of these drammas and for the satisfaction of the merchant (p.153) two kind of horses have been mortgaged and tied at the door of the merchant. For both tied Page 71 of 94

Translation of Model Documents horses, grass for eating, a place for the shed, physician, a guard, and all other expenses should be met by Heḍau X. If Heḍau X does not provide the expenditure of grass for eating, then the creditor should meet every day's expenditure of grass for eating, [and] may claim in the deed one and a half dramma for each item of expense, to be accumulated. If these two tied horses at the door die due to fire, drown in water, due to the rush of mass of horses from all directions, due to an uprising, violent revolt, calamities owing to the king or God, due to the disease of vāta, pit and vomiting, and death coming due to any other natural calamity, (the loss in) all (cases) should be borne by the debtor. If these two [horses] died, then the debtor will replace the dead horses by those of the same breed, same colour, and of the same price or any two of the same age and tie these horses at the door of the creditor. The two horses from head to tail should be used for riding upon the ground upto the sea shore also by the family members of the creditors in the same manner as the family members of the debtor. The debtor should not raise any quarrel in providing the place for grass, shed, a kind of pulse (kulavā) for eating, prickly shrub, fodder, and such like, before the animals. If on the said day within one month, (the debtor) is unable to get the two horses released [by repaying the full debt], then the creditor should sell them in the market like sugar and ber fruit. From the sale of horses, if the amount or dramma cannot be recovered in full, then the debtor from his own house has to give [the required] dramma together with other expenses and with interest to Adhipālaka and sureties. And the debtor should not make any quarrel in relation to the higher and lesser prices of the sale of horses in present and future. For executing the above mentioned terms and conditions of the deed in order to ensure the payment of drammas along with interest and other expenses, in accordance with common practice or usage, for releasing the horses, [the following are] appointed as sureties: rājaputra Y, and the second surety, Z. Here is the surety, and here is the witness. It is written thus. Notes

(1) . Omitted in MSs C and D. (2) . See note for Heḍau in Document No. 14.

(p.154) 56. Mortgage Deed (Ādhi Patraṁ Yathā)1 MS-A. In the Saṁvat year 1288 Vaishākha Sudi, 15 Monday [Tuesday 30 April, 1230 AD Sunday 19 April, 1231 AD] today, at Śrī Pattan after mentioning the proper line of the kings, a deed of mortgage is being written thus: The creditor is known by name [Khemako]. The resident of this very place, the creditor Khemako, invests his own money for profit. Here is the signature of debtor, known by the name [Punaka]. The resident of this very place, the merchant (vānija) Punaka, for the sake of his own need, received 200dr., two hundred dvivallakya2 Śrī Vīsalpriya drammas, uttered at the mint of Śrīmālīya, thrice Page 72 of 94

Translation of Model Documents tested and still current in the market. The monthly interest is two drammas percent. Now for paying these drammas and for the satisfaction of the creditor the merchant Punaka mortgaged (a house) facing east with a good threshold, double-storeyed, well-founded, covered with tiles, with an open space on all sides, with a courtyard, with four boundaries as above mentioned. The four boundries of the house are laid out in the following manner. In the east, the boundary is the merchant Jagasi's house; in the south, the boundary is the merchant Chahad's compound wall; in the west, up to the highway; in the north, the boundary is the verandah of the Deva Śrī Ādinath temple. Now his own house, with these four boundaries, has been mortgaged to the creditor. This house would be released [to the debtor] on Akshyatṛitīyā [day] after he has paid principal with interest, free from the layers of mud, at one time according to the terms of the deed without any quarrel, to the creditor. If the debtor is unable to get the house released on Akshyatṛitīyā [day] then, each year afterwards, he may get the house released after paying the extra money [due] to the creditor. In case the house is damaged due to calamities, owing to any act of the king and God, or is burnt, collapses or is damaged, then the debtor and sureties should repair this house in the same way and should give it to the creditor. According to the deed, the creditor should enjoy this house permanently as long as [the sun and moon endure], till the debtor does not pay the amount with interest. In this connection for maintaining the terms of this deed, two sureties are appointed; Puna, son of Jagasi of Oswal caste, [and] Chahada, son of Nagarbahada. If one signatory [of the two sureties] is available, then the other need not reply [that he has not been informed], and the sureties should observe the terms and (p.155) conditions of the deed the same as the debtor. In this connection, the debtor and sureties, both have signed by their own hand. Parthijayat wrote this mortgage deed with five witnesses as above mentioned; and (this) should be treated as legal. MS-B. In the Saṁvat year 1288 Vaishākha Sudi, 15 Monday, [Tuesday 30 April, 1230 AD; Sunday 19 April, 1231 AD], today at Anhillapattan, after mentioning the dynastic list of the kings, at Balua village, a deed of mortgage is being written thus. The creditor is known by name, the merchant or creditor Khetak, inhabitant of this very place, [who] invests his own money. Here is the signature of the debtor known by the name. The resident of this very place, the cultivator (kuṭumbikā) X, for the sake of his own need received 200 drammas, two hundred pārupathaka drammas, uttered at the mint of Śrīmālīya, thrice tested and still current in the market. For the satisfaction of the creditor merchant [the debtor] has mortgaged a house facing east with a good threshold, double-storeyed, wellfounded covered with tiles, with an open space on all sides, with a courtyard with four boundaries as mentioned. The four boundaries of the house are like this. [details not given]. These drammas should be given [back] on the Akshyatṛitīyā [day], with interest, free from layers of mud, at one time. If these drammas are not paid on the Akshayatṛitīyā [day], then the house will be Page 73 of 94

Translation of Model Documents permanently lost to him, (even if) he pays double the amount after the period is over. For observing the above-mentioned conditions and according to custom, the borrower [has] appointed surety Y and the second surety Z. If one signatory is available then the other need not reply. Here is the signature. Here are the witnesses. With the consent of both the parties Pari (Parthijayat) wrote this. Notes

(1) . Omitted in MSs C and D. (2) . According to D.C. Sircar there was a mixture of two vals (6 ratis) of base metal in these coins. (Epigraphical Glossary, pp. 105, 361). This kind of drammas is also recorded in Kharatara gaccha bṛihad-gurvāvali, (JNSI XXII, p. 197; XII, p. 202). See Lallanji Gopal, Economic Life, p. 203; Dashratha Sharma, Early Chauhan Dynasties, p. 303.

(p.156) 57. A Deed Related to Land Grant for Religious Purposes (Dharmeṇa Datta-Bhūmi Patra Vidhi)1 MS-A. In the Saṁvat year 1288 Vaishākha Sudi, 15 Monday [Tuesday 30 April, 1230 AD] Sunday 19 April, 1231 AD after recording the dynastic list as usual, at Balau village a deed related to religious or pious merit is being written thus. That there is a ṭhakura Mukund, son of Damodara, a Brahman; having a firm opinion in his mind about the worthlessness of the world and asceticism, having seen the momentariness of this luxury-loving world, [and] having accurately apprehended the perpetuity and eternity of dharma, granted religiously a piece of land which can be tilled by one plough, for pious purposes, from his own Ḍohalikā land of the Unaua village, in the knowledge of the inhabitants of that village and their children, village-headman and Brahmans posted for religious duties and other Brahmans, at the time of the lunar eclipse, to Jāni Harihara Sharman, son of Jāni Vidyanidhi, resident of Unaua (who is known) as Dvivedi, an eminent Brahman. From this day, one plough land has been given by me to Jāni Harihara for religious purposes, to be enjoyed by [his] sons, grandsons and their family members so long as the sun and the moon endure. In this sense, this written deed is known to all the residents of the village, every section of the royalty and to Mukund; and all the members of his own family have signed by their own hand, and all the residents of the village and people of all the four varnas are witnesses. Being requested by all members of both the families, Parthi Jayasiṁha has written this religious deed. Omissions and additions of the letters should be treated as valid. In carrying it out, let no one be harassed. MS-B. Saṁvat year 1288 Vaishākha Sudi, 15 Monday [Tuesday, 30 April, 1230 AD; Sunday 19 April, 1231 AD] at Anhillapattan, after mentioning the proper line of kings at Balua village a religious deed is being written thus. Here the resident X son of Brahman Y, having pondered on the worthlessness of the world, at the time of the lunar eclipse, for the Brahman Z of X caste of Prabhasa territory,2 one piece of ploughland from the ḍohalikā land of the village has been granted Page 74 of 94

Translation of Model Documents for religious purpose to earn merit for his own parents, to Brahman Dvivedi XX in the knowledge of villagers, village headmen, Brahmans devoted to religious purposes so long as the sun and the moon endure. From this day, their sons and grandsons should enjoy this land granted (p.157) for religious purposes, so long as the sun and moon endure. Here is the signature. Here are the witnesses. In the knowledge of all the sons, brothers and family members [of the grantor] this has to be written. Notes

(1) . Omitted in MSs C and D. (2) . Prabhas may be identified with modern Patan (Somnath), also called Devapattan and Veraval. (DHNI, II, pp. 941—2; N.L. Dey, Geographical Dictionary, 157; Commissariat, History of Gujarat, I, p. LIX.)

(p.158) 58. Deed of Female Slave (Dāsī Patra Vidhi)1 MS-A. In the Saṁvat year 1288 Vaishākha Sudi, 15 Thursday, [Tuesday 30 April, 1230 AD; Sunday 19 April, 1231 AD] today, here, after mentioning the proper line of kings, a deed of sale of a female slave is being written in the following manner. Rāṇā Pratapa Siṁgha made an attack on another country and brought a fair-looking sixteen-year old girl named Panuti as a female slave; after having informed the pañca mukha nagara,2 she was sold at the crossing of the four roads3 with a blade of grass on her head. The merchant Asadhara paid as price five hundred and four Vīsalapriya drammas4 to rāṇā Pratapa Siṁgha and obtained the female slave named Panuti for the work of a female slave and proclaimed the fact to all the residents of the town belonging to the four varṇas. Henceforth the female slave should honestly perform the [following] duties in the house of the merchant: cutting, grinding, smearing the floor, sweeping, bringing firewood, carrying water, throwing away human excreta, milking the cow, buffalo and goat, churning the curd and carrying butter-milk to the field, and field work such as bringing the fodder, weeding, cutting grass. The merchant should provide unasked; food, clothing, and so on, according to the prevailing customs of the land and [limits of] his wealth, to the female slave acquired in the above manner. While the slave girl works in the merchant's house, if her father, brother or husband comes to reclaim her with money5 or interrupts (the performance of) her duty, the merchant is entitled to bind, beat or strike her cruelly and send her back to the work of the slave girl as mentioned in the deed. If ever the female slave, being tortured, commits suicide by throwing herself into a well, she would become a she-ass, bitch or Cāṉḍālī and die. The merchant should be deemed to be as pure as if he has performed the purificatory bath in the Ganga (vyavahārakasya gaṉgā snānaṁ).6 To execute the above written conditions, the rakshapalas and residents of the town have been chosen as witnesses. For this purpose rāṇā Pratapa Siṁgha and four rakshapālas signed (this document) under their names by their hand. On the request of both

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Translation of Model Documents the parties, the Parthijayata wrote this deed. Omission and addition of any letters should be treated valid. MS-B. In the Saṁvat year 1288 Vaishākha Sudi, 15 Monday [Tuesday 30 April, 1230 AD; Sunday 19 April, 1231 AD] here, today (p.159) at Anahillapataka, after mentioning the proper line of kings, a deed of the sale of a female slave is being written at Balua village thus. The creditor (dhanika) by name śreshṭhī Khetaka, resident of this place, employed his money for profit. Now the borrower (hastāḍdharanika) is known by name—name should be mentioned. At the time of the war waged by mahāmaṉḍaleśvara rāṇaka Śrī Viradhavaladeva,7 a rājaputra so-and-so, resident of this place, who made an attack on Maharashtra8 and brought a fair-looking sixteen year old girl (who), rich in qualities and beautiful, was sold. The price of the female slave is 60 drammas. From now onward, the female slave with her good behaviour and mild nature should perform the duties of cutting, grinding, smearing the floor, cooking and field work, threshing, and all other kinds of work in the house of the moneylender. If she is sold or given away as a gift to some other person, she should perform the duties without any mischievous intent. If she commits theft or any other misconduct in the house of the moneylender, she should be punished by beating. If on being beaten the slave girl commits suicide by throwing herself into a well or pond, then she will die at an improper place like a she-ass or Cāṉḍālī. The innocent blameless moneylender should be deemed to be as pure as if he had performed the purificatory bath in the Ganga. This one who commits suicide does so because of her own fault. While the slave girl is working in the moneylender's house, neither the borrower, her brother, son or relative, nor her paramour should interrupt her work by calling her with signs of the eyes or eyebrows, nor should they disturb her mind. Neither the borrower nor the moneylender should behave with a crooked mind in any respect. To execute the above written conditions and to see that the slave girl performs all the duties and to reimburse any loss (caused by the slave girl), the brother of rājaputra soand-so has been appointed surety and an oath has been taken at the temple of Śrī Vaidyanatha (Śiva). Here signatures, here witnesses. The deed is being written in this way. Notes

(1) . Omitted in MSs C and D. (2) . Pañca mukha nagara means the five leading men of the town, according to D.C. Sircar, Epigraphical Glossary, p. 231. Detail note see in Introduction. (3) . Catushpatha means where four roads meet. It seems that it was a place for the sale of slaves so that the sale might be known to everybody. (4) . See note for Vīsalapriya drammas in Introduction.

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Translation of Model Documents (5) . The phrase dhanikatvam vidhāya means that the family members of the female slave ‘by virtue of their wealth’ interrupt her in the performance of duty, Dalal has taken this word to mean ‘claiming ownership.’ (6) . According to Dalal, these words mean that the purchaser has not incurred any sin thereby, LP, p. 119. (7) . Rāṇaka Viradhavala deva was the son of mahāmaṉḍaleśvara Rāṇaka Lavanyaprasada, the founder of the Vaghela dynasty, DHNI, II, p. 1027, A.K. Majumdar, Chaulukyas, p. 139. (8) . It seems that when rāṇaka Lavanyaprasada made a treaty with rājā Siṁhana, the Yadava rulerin VS1288/AD1230–31 (see Yamala Patra, D.No. 64. LP, p. 52), rāṇaka Viradhavala raided Maharashtra and captured some slave girls, one of whom was now being sold.

(p.161) 59. Deed of Voluntry Female Slave (Svayamāgata-Dāsī Patra Vidhi)1 MS-A. In the Saṁvat year 1288 Vaishākha Sudi, 15 Monday [Tuesday 30 April, 1230 AD Sunday 19 April, 1231 AD] after mentioning the proper line of kings, a deed of (sale of) a female slave, who herself became a female slave, is being written thus. Now a girl of ten years, named Sampuri, a rājaputrī,2 daughter of Jagada, has arrived from Sirnara, a village on the bank of the river Mahi3 in the east, much harassed by famine and the mlecchas, while all the territory was plundered by the Rashtra (kutas) (?),4 abandoned by all the citizens and the entire family; (even her) mother, father, brother, nephew and uncle, all from the family of her father's side, and mother-in-law, husband's elder and younger brothers, all from the family of her husband's side, did not prevent her. Knowing that both the families (her) father's and husband's, had, due to famine, started begging, she left (her) place in great distress, alone. She begged for only a mouthful of grain at every house in every village and then found it impossible to satisfy her hunger even with this. She became extremely emaciated due to want of food and (wore) dirty and ragged clothes. She passed her nights in temples, monasteries, places where water is distributed to travellers (prapā), alms-houses and other places, with unkempt hair, looking in all directions and living like a refugee and quite changed due to hunger and thirst, and reflecting over ‘What to do, where to go, where to stay, and who would be the owner of an orphan like me, the only refuge being death’; [and] speaking in each house, ‘Lord! I am an orphan, will you keep me as a slave’? Wandering in this manner, by the grace of God, one day of the month in the year, so-and-so the female slave, falling at the feet of the merchant Cahada, resident of a certain village, said with folded hands: ‘I have come voluntarily. Please engage me for the work of a female slave and save me from this terrible famine. I shall work according to your order and, as long as I live, work as a female slave and shall perform the duties of cutting, grinding, sweeping, fetching drinking water, smearing the floor with cowdung, Page 77 of 94

Translation of Model Documents throwing away human excreta (and) all other household duties, and (engage in) outside work (such as) cultivation, other field work, and zealously perform all these tasks during three seasons, rains, winter and summer, throughout the day and night, untiringly and without giving any reply. You have to (p.162) give me food, clothing and foot-wear only, according to your capacity. What more shall I ask for’? When she declared this at the crossroads, the merchant Cahada accepted her statement and took her as a slave in the presence of (in the knowledge of) the entire population consisting of the four varnas. Then she made the following statement (lit. took the following oath) regarding her surrender of herself (as a slave) to the merchant Cahada in the presence of the whole town: ‘If I, so long as I live, while employed as a slave in your house or in any other house, commit theft, or seeing a vacant room with nobody there appropriate some article lying there, or finding that begging has become easier go elsewhere, or in my youth, being tempted or enticed by some man, leave you, or mix with your enemies and do, or cause to, cheat, conspire, and such like., then on the basis of the deed, you will catch me by my hair, bind and beat me, and again put me to the work of a female slave. I shall always throughout the day and night, carry out the orders of all the members of your family. If I, (feeling) self-satisfied (paripūrṇa), out of mischievous intent, refuse to perform the duties when ordered to do so, you will punish me by kicking and beating me with sticks and torture me to death, for which you, my master, will be as free from guilt, as [you would be] had you been absent. I declare this in the presence of the four varṇas that I will die by my own fault. You, my master, with (your) son, grandson, wife and other family members, shall be absolved as [you would be] by bathing in the Ganga. If I ever feign stomach ache (udarabādha) or commit suicide by jumping into a well or pond or by taking poison, the pañca mukha nagara should know that you, my master, are guiltless, and that I have died in consequence of my own previous actions and due to fate. My master with his family members should be deemed to be as pure as if he has performed the purificatory bath in the Ganga’. In this way, in the knowledge of the Pañca mukha nagara and in the knowledge of the Pañcakula consisting of mahājana and brahmana so and so, the document is signed by my own hand with a sign of svāstikā. Signature of five witnesses. MS-C. The preamble (beginnings) and date, as before. (arrived) from a certain place, daughter of so and so, motivated by her own actions, known by the name so and so, 12-year old, having fair complexion, long ears, whose husband died, having lost her relatives (p.163) on both sides such as father, mother, father-inlaw, husband's elder and younger brothers, became an orphan having black eyes, pointed nose, unkempt hair, neither short nor tall, with all her limbs in proper form and with these qualities, she is standing in person. Therefore, this female slave, from this very day, till the end of her life, should perform duties in the house of a certain purchaser and by his order in the houses of others and other families, such as cutting, grinding, cooking, sweeping, smearing the floor, Page 78 of 94

Translation of Model Documents fetching water, ploughing, washing hands and feet [of others], cleaning the gutter (khāla) and reservoirs of water (kuṉḍikā), tending cattle and going to places far and near, and all other household work, field work, work on the threshing floor, and all other kinds of work throughout the day and night, during winter and summer, even in hunger and thirst. This female slave, who has been purchased after paying full price, can be mortgaged, or can be given away in charity. With the desire to earn a little or more money, she can be sent to another country, and can be put in a boat (pravahaṇaka)5 and sent to another island and sold for cash, kind or against gifts. Whatever is liked and contemplated by the master, that is to be done. The seller had bought her at the time of her birth and she is his sole property; now she is being sold to the (purchaser) as a slave.6 If due to bad conduct or youth, being tempted by someone out of a desire for money or out of love towards the father, mother, brother and other relatives, she disappears from the house of the purchaser so and so, according to the deed held in hand, or under royal order, he will punish her by kicking and will catch her by the hair, bind and beat her and employ her again for the work of a female slave. Now these are the several duties of the female slave…. From this day onwards, the purchaser, his sons, grandsons, shall be the masters of this female slave. From this very day till death, the father, brother, uncle and other relatives belonging to a certain purchaser should not be liable to pay any extra money to the seller (lāga bhago nahī),7 either in cash or kind. Children and old persons are not connected (with this). Notes

(1) . Omitted in MSs B and D. (2) . Here the word rājaputrī means a ‘Rajput woman’, not a princess, as rendered by A.K. Majumdar, Chaulukyas, p. 345. (3) . The river Mahi rises in Malwa and flows through Gujarat. Near its mouth Andhaka, a daitya, was believed to have been killed by Śiva in a cavern. (4) . The word rashṭra here is used for the Rastrakutas, and not in the sense of a territorial division. The terms maṉḍala and deśa are employed for the largest territorial divisions in Gujarat (A.K. Majumdar, Chaulukyas, p. 208). (5) . The literal meaning of this word is a vehicle or any large means of conveyance, like a boat or ship. See Apte, Sanskrit-English Dictionary, s.v.; Sircar, Epigraphical Glossary, pp. 262, 358. (6) . The term janma grāhaka refers to the right of the purchaser over the life of the slave. (7) . The literal meaning of the term lāga bhāga is ‘payment in kind’, Sircar, Epigraphical Glossary, p. 48.

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Translation of Model Documents (p.165) 60. A Deed of Mode of Division (Vibhaṉga Patra Vidhi)1 MS-A. In the Saṁvat year 1288 Kārttika Sudi, 15 Thursday [Thursday 22 November, 1230 AD; Saturday 1 November 1231 AD]. Today, after mentioning the royal titles as earlier recorded, a deed of division of property is being written in the following manner: Now, after the death of the father, the property has been divided among the four brothers. When the four brothers have their property separated, [then] first the debt of the deceased, any dues payable to royalty, dues payable to the deity, dues either to a relation or to a creditor are also to be paid off. Collecting all things at one place, all the household articles, jewels, rubies, pearls, coral, cash, measures, gold and silver ornaments, seven metals and others; and worthy and unworthy objects, inside the ground and outside of it, household furniture, grains such as wheat, millet, mung, mash, vrīhi, tila, tūvar (a kind of grain), jhālar and jhūla2 (a kind of pulse beans), bunches of castor oil seeds, masūr, and mustard oil seeds and other grains, molasses, khāṉd, honey, ghee, oil and other sweet juices, and owned animals such as horse, camel, ox, sheep, goat and mule, [and] material related to the field, namely; lāṉgaḍi (a kind of cart) a big bullock cart drawn by four bullocks, other kinds of carts, rude cart (chakaḍā) and other means of transport or vehicles; and iron objects such as spade, kusi (iron-coulter), scythe (dātra), iron pan (lohaḍī), round board [usually used for cooking capātis or bread-cakes]; objects connected with field and well, such as plough goad, well in dry pond, and such like; vessels [in which food is served], tāṁbātīsaya [a small cup],3 made of bronze [for holding butter and milk]; and also including articles of copper; bronze objects; frying pan, copper pot, and such like, small pot, all bronze objects, vessel stand, swing (hiṉḍolī), kind of lid, (ṭakaḍā) covers (būjāra), vessel for burning incense (dhūphaḍapāla), water pot with spout, all the vessels made of brass (pittal), and including all the articles of bronze copper and brass, vaṭloī (a round frying pan), grinding [hand] mill, nīshā (stone plates for grinding), wooden mortar (udukhal), wooden pestle, cot for sleeping and including other articles of the house, even including gruel and (dhānī bīja) coriander seeds, large earthen jar and small jar for storing grain, and other household articles and such like, after taking into account the four-fold division of the property, the elderly (p.166) persons of the family and prominent persons of the caste and four members without any secrecy, have divided the property into five parts. One part is to be given to the mother [of the brothers]. The [remaining] four parts of the property are to be given to the four brothers. Sometimes if one son or daughter remained unmarried, then from the whole of the articles of the house, the elderly members of the family, from [each of] the four portions, will deduct an equal amount, to defray the marriage expenses; from the five shares, and that amount is to be given to the mother. The mother may live with pleasure with any one of her sons, who should worship her like their family goddess; and all [the brothers] should remain devoted to her. Now if the mother died, all the funeral rites, beginning from eleventh up to the twelfth day (after her death) should be performed, by the son who receives the mother's share in property, with due Page 80 of 94

Translation of Model Documents respect and affection;4 and a lamp is to be lit [in memory of the mother] once every month, once in six months and once a year, and other rites performed at the end of every ninth day, at end of fortnight, of month and of three-fortnightly intervals, according to the usages current in the family, and all [rites] should be performed for promoting the welfare of the departed soul, the mother. If after the death of the mother, an unmarried sister and brother remain to be married, then the already deducted equal amount from the five shares, is to be made over to one of the brothers, who conformably to [the advice of] the four elderly relatives, who are more considerate, most reliable, respectable and honest, should perform the marriage ceremony with great consideration and care or attention, like a father. Since all the brothers have separated from each, then, the property or wealth of their own share or gain made from their shares, should be invested in improving their business. Now all the brothers, separated from each other, have earned one lakh of money [coins unstated], by their own faith or action. Their share should not be destroyed by their being consumed by vice and they should [properly] invest the existing capital or wealth. Amongst the brothers in future, a brother getting a lower income, being overpowered by greed, should not quarrel with either of his prosperous brothers. There is no [breach of] partition and separation of any nature [allowed] among them. Even water is not allowed to one from a pond belonging to the other. The relationship among the brothers now is (p.167) only this much that they are to be affected by the impurity caused by birth or death in their families, and there is no other relationship besides this. None of them would, for their business, take anything from the others. All things should be obtained (by them) through their own dealings or actions. Now among the four brothers, should any one consuming the money from his own share, become jealous of the prosperity of another, commit fraud by claiming household articles [from the latter], then the old men of that family and other persons and ‘four persons’ are to be appointed to enforce the authority of the written letters of the deed of the division of property in order to prevent any transgression. For this purpose all the brothers and the named officials of their caste, and X by name, at proper place gave their signatures separately by their own hand. And old persons, executors of the division and the other ‘four persons’ [certified] this long (lit. ‘many-leaved’) deed and attest this deed of division of property along with the signatory witnesses. MS-B. Saṁvat year 1288 Vaishākha Sudi, 15 [Tuesday 30 April, 1230 AD; Sunday 19 April, 1231 AD]. Today, here at village Balua, the śreshṭhī X and [Y], son of Z, a deed of mutual partition is being written in the following manner: The ancestrally acquired property such as gold, silver rupee, copper, and such like., camphor, musk, saffron, silk cloth, paṭṭkula (linen), wheat, grain, and kard [rice once ground and divested of its outer husk, millet], uḍada (pulse), horse, camel, she-buffalo, cow, bull, and other owned animals; male and female slaves, household furniture; cot or couch, and other household articles; and when after Page 81 of 94

Translation of Model Documents the mutual division is made of all the things, recorded on the back of this bond and in the knowledge of old persons of their own sept (gotra), senior people of the city; for the sake of the named persons [X and Y], the two parties, explaining why a particular thing given to one, and not to the other, should be given to the other. Neither are minors. Both have given witnesses on their behalf. From that day both of them should enjoy the earning from their own share. In the context of the ancestrally acquired money neither of them in any way, anywhere, should look at the other or seek connection between themselves; even water is not allowed to one from a pond belonging to the other. By both of them for observing the above conditions, for preventing conflict, sureties should be given. Śreshṭhī X and śreshṭhī Y (p.168) of the other side have also given witnesses. Here are the signatures, here are the witnesses. This has to be written with the consent of both the parties, in the knowledge of the whole family, so-and-so being authorized [to write it]. Notes

(1) . Omitted in MS D, but the text of the MS C is not available. (2) . In modern Gujarati jhālar and jhūla mean pulse soaked with water and the crop so named may be identified with kulthi or horse gram, ‘Diolichos bilorus’, grown in the Bombay Presidency as a subordinate crop to bājrā and other crops. M.B. Belsare, An Etymological Gujarati, English Dictionary, s.v; Irfan Habib, ‘Agriculture and Agrarian conditions in South Gujarat’. Proceedings of Indian History Congress, Mysore session, 1993, p. 250; G. Watt. Commercial Products of India, p. 505. (3) . In Gujarati, spell as vataki: cf. M.B. Belsare, An Etymological Gujarati, English Dictionary, s.v. (4) . A.K. Majumdar renders the phrase: ‘so that people may know that he has spent money on her account’, Chaulukyas, p. 337.

(p.169) 61. Model of an Ass Deed (Garadabha Patra Vidhi)1 MS-A. In the Saṁvat year 1288 Vaishākha Sudi, 15 Thursday, [Tuesday 30 April, 1230 AD; Sunday 19 April, 1231 AD], today, after mentioning the royal titles as earlier, a self-imprecatory deed (lit. ‘ass deed’) is being written like this. Now, for a Brahman of good character, who is engaged in dispensing justice, some rascals spoke falsely, misrepresenting the truth at the royal court for punishing this Brahman, having become jealous of the renown and high status of this Brahman. Therefore, by the order of the king, for giving judgement at the court, Brahmans should be appointed as judges. After that learned man [the paṉḏit-judge at the court] came to know that, without a self-imprecatory (lit. ‘ass deed’) which was given by this Brahman, we cannot dispense justice. Thereafter that virtuous Brahman declared, ‘If during the dispensing of justice performed by the paṉḏit of the royal court, I commit any type of suicidal act, due to mental agony and bodily pain, then I shall die a donkey's or cāṉḍāla's death. There is no sin Page 82 of 94

Translation of Model Documents attaching to the paṉḍita of royal court at the office of justice’. In this connection for observing the conditions of the above mentioned deed, and for protecting from harassment Ramdube of Modhera, a holy place,2 and Alshrama Tiwadi of Disa,3 a holy place, both Brahmans, along with rakshapāla, shall observe the conditions of the written deed. Now for the sake of judgement given at the court of justice, the Brahman has been brought (who) should affix the signature. The inhabitants of the city and people of the four varnas are witnesses, Parthijayat wrote this a self-imprecatory deed for the virtous Brahman with the consent of both, rakshapāla and the [said] Brahman. [Any] ommisions or additions of the letters should be treated as legal. MS-B. Saṁvat year 1288 Vaishākha Sudi, 15 Monday [Tuesday 30 April, 1230 AD; Sunday 19 April, 1231 AD] today, at Balua Village, self-imprecatory deed (lit. ‘ass-deed’) is being written thus: a false rumour has been circulated by a rascal, who has become jealous of the renown and high status of some virtuous Brahman. Accidentally, due to some misfortune among the people, a calamity has fallen from the sky. Now for the sake of his defence, he went to the royal court and asked for [test of] purity. After that the paṉḍit at the court of justice has been given a self-imprecatory deed (lit. ‘ass deed’) to wit: (p.170) ‘If during the performance of justice by the Judges, I commit any suicidal act, and such like, at any place, than I shall die the death of an ass or cāṉḍāla by suicide’. There is no sin [in it] of the royal judges at the seat of justice. For observing the conditions of the above mentioned deed and for protecting from disappointment and non-accomplishment, surety should be given. Here is the signature. Here are the witnesses. It is to be written thus. Notes

(1) . Omitted in MSs C and D. (2) . Modhera is now a small village, eighteen miles from Anhalapataka, on the left bank of Pushpavati river. The famous sun temple is situated to the west of this village. (A.K. Majumdar, Chaulukyas, p. 375). See also Buhler in IA, VI, pp. 191–2. BG, VII, p. 609; Burggess and Cousens, op. cit., p. 71. (3) . Disa or Deesa is situated on a rising ground on the east bank of river Banas about 26 km east of Palanpur (Gujarat State Gazetteers, Banaskanth District, ed. by S.B. Rajyagor, Ahmadabad, 1981, p. 752).

(p.171) 62. A Certificate or Letter of Good Character (Śīla Patra Vidhi)1 MS-A. In the Saṁvat year 1288 Vaishākha Sudi, 15 Thursday, [Tuesday 30 April, 1230 AD; Sunday 19 April, 1231 AD], today, at Vardhaman nagara2 after recording the previously [mentioned] royal titles, in the knowledge of royal officers and revenue officer of the field, consisting of the Pañcakula, advised the rājaputra Jagasimha and rājaputra Viramdeva, in relation to the disputes over the boundary of Dedra village3 and agreement relating to the field, and [ending] the natural enmity among them, both [parties] came together, for discussion Page 83 of 94

Translation of Model Documents before the members of the assembly (sabhā). Then both of them asked for a śīla patra (a certificate of good conduct), from the members of the assembly. From the next day both of them behaved in a fraternal fashion, as if born of the same parent. None should be excited by jealousy. At this time for fixing the boundary, both of them should be satisfied with the portion (they have) obtained. Both of them from each side have given the surety of rājaputra Carakak, son of Rathor Jogam, and the second rājaputra Citraka, son of Vaghela Bhadamala, and both of them were protectors (and) observers of this written śīla patra. If after this, the rājaputra Jaga siṁha and rājaputra Viramdeva, in relation to any dispute, discussion, quarrel for the boundary of the land, violate the laws over the boundary according to the judgement of the sabhāsada, then both of them be punished, arrested and fined accordingly by the royal order. Now by the order of the king, the two [sureties], rājaputra Carakak and rājaputra Citraka, will meet the expenses for [repairs after] the destruction [caused by the disputants]. When one of them is approached, he in reply should not point to the other. The entire loss should be met [by them]. For this purpose rājaputra Jaga siṁha and rājaputra Viramdeva gave their signatures by their own hand along with a recognition mark, and rakshapāla, rājaputra Caraka and rājaputra Citraka gave their signatures by their own hands, with the dagger as a recognition mark. Five present chief members of assembly were the witnesses with the consent of both parties, Parthijayat wrote this deed. [Any] Omissions or additions in the text should be treated as legal. MS-B. In the Saṁvat year 1288 Vaishākha Sudi, 15 Monday, [Tuesday 30 April, 1230; Sunday 19 April, 1231 AD] here, at Balau (p.172) village a certificate of good conduct has been written thus. [Whereas] rājaputra X, resident of village A, and rājaputra Y, inhabitant of the other village, due to natural enmity (and) hostility over the field and family [differences] among themselves, rājaputra Z of village B advised them to sit down together. Now from the next day both of them should behave in a fraternal fashion as if they spring from the same mother. None should be excited by jealousy. Each should be satisfied with his own portion and one should not harbour any anxiety [for seizing] the other's portion. Both of them, rājaputras X, and Y, of themselves gave this śīla patra, and for observing the conditions of the written deed [gave consent by] the sign of the eye-brow and the eyes [respectively] and gave sureties for prevention of any violation [of the agreement]. For both of them Deva Śrī Vaidyanath drew this deed. Here is the signature. Here are the witnesses. With the consent of both the parties, Parthijayat XX wrote this deed. It is valid. Notes

(1) . Omitted in MSs C and D. (2) . See note on Vardhaman nagara under Document No. 16. (3) . This village is not identified. Page 84 of 94

Translation of Model Documents (p.173) 63. An Agreement Letter (Samaya Patra)1 MS-B. In the Saṁvat year 1288 Vaishākha Sudi, 15 Monday [Tuesday 30th April 1230 AD; Sunday 19th April 1231 AD], today here at Balau village, a deed of an agreement is being written thus: Someone from amongst the Brahmans of village A, obtaining prosperity—Whosoever starts a quarrel with a Brahman, the latter Brahman should be furnished with their friendly assistance by all [other] Brahmans. The rāṇaka of the royal court also gave assurance of his assistance. From among ourselves, (if) some one joins the rascals, or begins a quarrel by speech, or (if) anyone among ourselves meets with others and, at the sign of eyebrow and eyes, starts a quarrel by speech with the royal family, then let him be deemed to have committed the sin of Brahman killing, [to be branded] as the murderer of a Brahman, and also the sin of breaking the idol of Śiva (linga). In this connection, everybody [else] among all the Brahmans shall commit no [such] sins. Now before (performing) an ordeal, Śrī Deva drew this deed. Here are the signatures, here are the witnesses. Parthi Z has written this with the consent of both parties. So-and-so is the authority (pramāṇa). Note

(1) . Omitted in MSs A, C and D.

(p.174) 64. Text of Treaty (Yamala Patra Yathā)1 MS-B. Saṁvat year 1288 Vaishākha Sudi, 15 Monday [Tuesday 30 April, 1230; Sunday 19 April, 1231 AD], today, (a treaty is made between) mahārājādhirāja Śrī Siṁhandeva2 and mahāmaṉḍaleśvara rāṇaka Śrī Lavanyaprasada,3 and approved or signed by rājakula Śrī Siṁhandeva and mahāmaṉḍaleśvara Lavanyaprasada. Each one should stay within the traditional boundaries of his own territory (deśa). Neither should occupy each other's area (bhūmi), if either is attacked by a more powerful enemy, both should send their armies against the enemy. If the enemy's army commander attacks, then stronger action should be undertaken by the two armies together. If from either territory (deśa) a rājaputra, committing some felony, enters the other's territory (deśa), he [the other ruler] should not permit him a place in his territory (svadeśa). If any loss is caused, compensation should be given (for it). The surety appointed for protecting the text from irregularities, the guarantor (of the text), Deva Śrī Vaidyanath, drew this treaty. Notes

(1) . Omitted in MSs A, C and D. This document is also cited by H.C. Ray, DHNI, II, pp. 1024–5. (2) . Mahārājādhirāja Siṁhandeva was a Yadava ruler (1210–47 AD) who claimed repeated victories over the Gurjaras. (BG, I, pt. II, pp. 240–3, 542–52). Also see Archaeological Survey Report of Western India, III, p. 85. (3) . See note for Lavanyaprasad under Document No. 3.

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Translation of Model Documents (p.175) 65. Presentation Letter [for Divorce and Remarriage] (Ḍhaukhaṇa Patra)1 MS-B. Hail, at Pattana, mahāmātya X has sent a presentation (ḍhaukaṇa) letter to the father of the girl, resident of this same place thus. Now, Mehr Luniyaka, after taking the consent of the whole clan (kulhara) and in the knowledge of the family (kuṭumba), had their daughter released2 from the father-in-law. On the following day, the father of the girl Mehr Caiyan offered his daughter to Abhighauli according to the conditions of the presentation letter, in the knowledge of the assembly of the family (kuṭumba) and in the knowledge of the near relatives. This presentation letter is to be received from the royal court. So that, even in distant future, the former husband is forbidden ever (lit. again and again) to see the face [of the bride], Saṁvat year 1288 Vaishākha Sudi, 15 Monday [Tuesday 30 April, 1230 AD; Sunday 19 April, 1231 AD]. It is valid. Notes

(1) . Omitted in MSs A, C and D. Dalal has referred to it as a letter of permission for divorce, LP, p. 123. However, the literal meaning of the term ‘ḍhaukaṇa’ is ‘offering or present’ (Monier Williams, Sanskrit English Dictionary, s.v.). (2) . It is assumed here that tatasutā would have been used in the text instead svasutā.

(p.176) 66. Letter for Clearance of Accounts (Utthān Patrikā Vidhi)1 MS-A. Hail! At Vardhaman maṉḍala2 during the victorious reign of mahārājādhirāja Śrī Sarangadeva, by the order of mahāmātya Śrī Aliga, appointed Śrī Canda Siṁha in the department of Commerce along with the Pañcakula, in connection with realization of the proper royal drammas of Jambu village,3 mentioned by the dūtaka Maladeva along with 8 bhaṭṭa putras.4 This Utthān patrikā has been issued to dūtaka Maladeva and all the bhaṭṭaputras in the following manner: Now for the evidence of the order of the king, rāṇā Khetak has deposited a verified list of all the royal goods and all proper drammas in the presence of the treasurer (bhaṉḍārī) Nagada.5 The treasurer Nagada has admitted in our presence that all the royal goods [and] proper drammas [were] entered in the treasure and accepted as of full value (lit. pure). Now you along with bhaṭṭa putra, as mentioned should come here, according to the order, and from the beginning of the first day up to the date of receipt written in the bhūrja deed, send the Utthān patrikā, for proof. You should reach immediately with the cleared [accounts], with the recorded drammas, [being the income for] the accumulated days and [with] undressed provisions [collected]. For this purpose we have personally given instructions to the messenger. Śrī, as the mark of recognition, should be accepted. In the Samvat year 1288 Vaishākha Sudi, 13 Monday [Tuesday 30 April, 1230 AD; Sunday 19 April, 1231 AD]. This Utthān patrikā is valid. Notes

(1) . Omitted in MSs B, C, and D. Page 86 of 94

Translation of Model Documents (2) . Not found in the list of maṉḍalas given by Sankalia. He has however, mentioned it elsewhere as Varddhamanpura, modern Wadhawan, See note to Document No. 16. (3) . Not identified. (4) . See note for bhaṭṭa putras in Document No. 19. (5) . Nagada was the treasurer of Visaladeva (vs 1302–1318). He served different departments in different capacities. See A.K. Majumdar Chaulukyas, pp. 222–3. In one inscription dated vs 1315 and another dated vs 1317, Nagada is described as mahāmātya, in charge of the mudrā vyāpāra and Śrī karaṇa respectively. It seems that if Nagada became the chancellor in vs 1317 prior to date he had to content himself by holding the office of treasurer (PO, II, p. 225; IA, VI, pp. 190, 212). But the date of the document and the period of Vīsaladeva's reign do not match; thus this Nagada must be different from the one in our document.

(p.178) 67. A Draft of Letter of Censure and Amnesty ‘Black and Bright Letters’ (Kṛishṇākshara—Ujjavalākshara Vidhi)1 MS-A. In the Saṁvat year 1288 Vaishākha Sudi, 15 [Monday] [Tuesday 30 April, 1230 AD; Sunday 19 April, 1231 AD] today, after mentioning the royal titles as earlier, a document for keeping the record of censure is being written thus: Now, Punak, son of Saṉghavī2 Padam, brought to the court by his parents along with all the family members in the knowledge of inhabitants of Pattan and the five principal Brahmans, to examine his unjust behaviour and in the presence of mahājana3 of Pañca mukha nagara, (to the effect) that Punak has been addressed or marked in black letters: henceforth upon any mischief or any misbehaviour conducted by him, his grandfather, brother, father's brother, son and all (kinsmen) and all his fellow sept (gotra) members and other relations, should not be allowed to attend the court. Now, for his misconduct, neither royal imprisonment nor any royal punishment should fall upon us. Now from this day, if he commits more crimes, such as stealing from treasury, stealing cattle, [or] inflicts (injury) with a weapon, [or] now in the city some time perceiving a beautiful woman of a Brahman, Kshatriya, sādhu and merchant, seduces her through a female messenger, by tempting the woman with money, or if the woman went outside, forcibly drags her away to another village or country, or cheats travelling foreign merchants and vāṇijyakāras (baṉjāras)4 in greed of (getting) money on the highway, or eats forbidden food, imbibes forbidden prohibited drinks, [or] kills prohibited animals, has improper relations with females of prohibited degree, acts against the usages of honest people, then for all the said [lit. written] crimes of his and acts of harmful, faulty conduct and misconduct; due to (his) unknown and past actions [in previous birth?], his father's line, brother's line, his own relatives, members of his sept (gotra), successors, distant friends and others, none of them would be punished by royal Page 87 of 94

Translation of Model Documents justice (rājkula-danḍa). He alone would be punishable for committing these crimes. He may also be given death punishment. Now his above mentioned family members and relations would no longer observe penances ‘of birth and death’ [for him] according to this black letter. Moreover, after that day, if any (p. 179) member from this group (of family) mentioned (in this) letter, due to earlier affection, which happens to be secretly entertained, gives him a place, a gift, allows him to stay, [or gives] food and cloth, then that person is punishable accordingly by royal justice. Now if anyone, by the sign of eye and eyebrow, from one to the other, is given to that person, any [food], cloth, money, and such like, by any means or given through any other person, now that person according to this black letter, would be guilty of offence and punished by the court. If sometime (after) he is abandoned by the family, he, undergoing suffering, and overtaken by hunger and thirst, and repenting in mind, in due course by good fortune, again becomes virtuous or shows good conduct and has the desire to join his family, then his family members also, through public opinion recognizing his good conduct and after also examining him carefully again (to ensure that he) wanted [sincerely] to return to his family, then by the family members he should not [still] be accepted nor by his own relatives, [together] with the family members, at his own sweet will. In that case, [those of] his father's line and of his mother's line and all his relatives shall have to go to the court and appear before the lord (svāmi) with some gift, according to their capacity, and to satisfy their family (members) and properly requesting the king, in the knowledge of all the inhabitants of the city, after tearing up the written document with the black letter, again in the knowledge of the residents, in the presence of the lord [and] drawing up a bright letter or a certificate of good conduct at the court of justice; and in connection with the earlier misdeeds, making the king give him a warning,5 and again declaring (his subsequent) good conduct, (putting it) in the knowledge of the Pañca mukha nagara. (He) should deal with his family members after taking the bright letter in hand. Now after that (he) would no longer remain subject to taunts and comments for his former misdeeds in the city. For this purpose judges and the members of assembly should be given (this certificate) in the presence of all, by their own hands; and many witnesses are (to be present) there also. After all these letters are given by the officers of the court of justice [and the tearing up of] that black letter, through his parents, according to the above described usage or ways, exempting him from any kind of punishment for his former misdeeds, he should receive in the presence (p.180) [of notables] a deed of guarantee of safety with royal seals. In this way (he) should receive a deed of good conduct or bright letter. By this method a deed, which maintained the record of censure or a deed of bright and black letters, should be prepared. Notes

(1) . MSs B, C and D omits this document. (2) . See note for Saṉghavī in Document No. 34. Page 88 of 94

Translation of Model Documents (3) . Mahājana lit. meaning a great man but applied to merchant, creditor, magnate or grandees. (Wilson's, Glossary p. 317, H.D. Sankalia, Historical and Cultural Geography and Ethnography of Gujarat, p. 152). (4) . This term (baṉjāra) is usually applied to the grain and cattle merchant, who with a more or less numerous party of the same calling, moves about to different markets, and especially accompanies bodies of troops to supply them with corn. Wilson's Glossary, p. 60. D.C. Sircar, Epigraphical Glossary, p. 362, IA, XLI, p. 20. (5) . A.K. Majumdar, Chaulukyas, p. 489, n. 36, says the term for king is not mentioned in the document, but the word ‘svāmi’ may well stand here for the king (LP, p. 54).

(p.181) 68. Form of Deed Related to Duty by the Incharge, Customs House (Dāna Maṉḍapikā Patra Vidhi)1 MS-A. In the Saṁvat year 1288 Vaishākha Sudi, 15 Monday [Tuesday 30 April, 1230 AD; Sunday 19 April, 1231 AD], today, at Śrī Anhillapattan, after recording the dynastic list as earlier; mahāmātya Śrī Alig along with Pañcakula, thus instructs all the officers of māṉḍavi,2 in charge of pathakīyaka (collector of road tax),3 pratīsārika4 (gate-keeper) and uparahīṉḍīya (tax inspectors) of Nausari pathaka,5 involved in (collection of) all taxes: That the bright appearance of the 160 groceries [or drugs] [imported] is evidence of [conformity to] earlier usage, is not against custom, [and so] an export and import tax should be collected from the foreign merchant, who intends to buy and sell. Anything contrary to customary practices should not be resorted to in respect of a foreign merchant. Small presents and large shares should be obtained in accordance with earlier custom. The gate-keeper should not force any delay and henceforth none should realize any extra [sum]. Beside [what is sanctioned by] earlier practice, improper behaviour should not occur. If, after harassing a foreign merchant more tax is taken in an improper way and for gain, drammas to be received as tax, [taken] forcibly from the foreign merchant, and any other goods are realized for their [the tax-collectors’] enjoyment, then foreign articles might not be brought by the aggrieved foreign merchants. Such ways are also not good. Considering this, baṉjārās6 and foreign merchants should be well received on the road at Mānapura.7 And, onwards in the offices (karaṇas) of the maṉḍalas between Pattan and Malava, the rāwal, the rāṇaka and others, if anybody were to ask unjustly merchants, and the foreign merchants, for protection-money (bulāra misheṇ), it must be prohibited. Our views should be widely conveyed. In this connection, the seal with ‘the letter’, is to be affixed (lit. written) for authority. Notes

(1) . Omitted in B, C and D.

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Translation of Model Documents (2) . Māṉḍavī or māṉḍavo is a Marathi and Gujarati term for the Sanskrit word maṉḍapikā. The maṉḍapikā is the officer-in-charge of the manḍapa or customs house, and māṉḍavī is a building into which goods are received from ships at sea ports. (Wilson's Glossary, p. 328; D.C. Sircar, Indian Epigraphy, p. 356). The term māṉḍapikā also denotes a market place EI XXII, pp. 124, 127. (3) . A.K. Majumdar, Chaulukyas, p. 236. (4) . See note for pratīsārika in Document no.5. (5) . Nausari pathaka is situated in Lata, and is evidently the same as Nagasarika vishya, the modern Navsari. Ibid., p. 212. (6) . See note for baṉjārās in Document no.67. (7) . Hultzsch has identified it with Manpura, near Bandhogarh in Rewa (EI, VIII, p. 166); Bhagvanlal Indraji thought it was an older form of the name Manyakheta (modern Malkhed), about 60 miles, south-east of Sholapur; (BG I, pt i, p. 120). Fleet at first identified it ‘with modern Manpur in Malwa about 12 miles south-west of Mhow, in the Indore Residency, Central India’ (Ibid, pt. II, p. 386; IA, XVIII, pp. 233–34), but later thought it is not impossible that Manpur may have been the older name of Shohagpur or Sobhapur, which is a large village 6 miles on the north east of Shohagapur (IA, XXX, p. 514).

(p.183) 69. Deed for Borrowing Money (Hastāksharāṇi Yathā)1 MS-A. Saṁvat year 1288 Vaishākha Sudi, 15 Thursday [Tuesday 30 April, 1230 AD; Sunday 19 April, 1231 AD] today, after recording the dynastic list as earlier, a deed for borrowing money is being written in the following manner: The creditor is known by the name, Punaka son of Jaga siṁha, of Śrimalla caste, resident of Śrī Pattan [who] invested his own money for profit. Here is the resident Punaka, son of mahaṉtaka Male, of Nagara caste, [who] for legitimate purpose borrowed from merchant (vyavhāraka) Puna siṁha 504 drammas, in words five hundred and four drammas, old and new coins, issued by Viśvamallapriya, which were uttered at the mint of Śrīmālīya, thrice tested and still current in the gold market. The monthly interest on these drammas is two drammas percent per month; and this interest should be given to the merchant Puna[ka] siṁha, without dispute, quarrel and trouble, entirely punctually (lit. at once), within eight pahars (one day-and-night) [of the due date]. To confirm the provisions or terms written in the deed, for making the payment of drammas along with interest, Punaka, son of merchant Malakha of Gurjara caste, and mahaṉtaka Rajad, son of mahaṉtaka Ratan of Oswal caste, are both made sureties and the debtor himself too [is a surety] like the others. When one is approached all are approached, every one is supposed to have been approached. There is no difference between the debtor and guarantor. And when one is approached, he in reply should not point to the other. The debtor and creditor should both observe the terms of the written deed. For this purpose in the Page 90 of 94

Translation of Model Documents presence of three chief witnesses, the guarantor and debtor gave their signature by their own hand. Parthijayat wrote this deed at the request of both the parties. Omissions or additions of letters should always be treated as legal and [slips] should be condoned. Note

(1) . Omitted in MSs B, C and D.

(p.184) 70. Unsecured Loan (Sanmukha Hastākshāraṇi)1 MS-A. Saṁvat year 1288 Vaishākha Sudi, 15 Thursday, [Tuesday 30th April 1230 AD; Sunday 19th April 1231 AD], today, at Śrī Pattan after mentioning the proper lineage of dynasty and other respectable members, a deed of unsecured loan is being written in the following manner. Thus, Malaka, son of mahaṉtaka Puna of Śrimalla caste, has issued a deed of unsecured loan to Punaka, son of mahaṉtaka Kavanada Gujara, resident of this place like this: Now from me for [his] business, mahaṉtaka Punaka, has received 400 drammas, four hundred drammas, with interest according to the terms of the written deed, recorded with the time-limit, and repaid at the set time. For the non-payment and payment of these drammas mentioned in the deed, mahaṉtaka Dharana has no relationship of any kind [with the above parties]. For observing the above mentioned terms and conditions and for preventing all controversies about what is written herein, if any dispute arises from difference over the record of the above mentioned drammas, this should be removed by mahaṉtaka Malaka in the same way as [approved by] mahaṉtaka Dharana, along with two rakshapālas of X names and such-and-such caste mentioned herein. For this purpose the guarantors or debtor should give their signatures by their own hand in company of five persons (pañca-jana) as witnesses. All is valid. Note

(1) . Omitted in MSs B, C and D.

(p.185) 71. Deed for Borrowing One's Own Money—(Svahastāksharāṇi Yathā)1 MS-B. In the Saṁvat year 1288 Vaishākha Sudi, 15 Monday [Tuesday 30 April, 1231 AD; Sunday 19 April, 1231 AD] today at Balua village, X, son of merchant Y, has issued a receipt in favour of his father, thus: That I have borrowed 500 dra., five hundred drammas, from my father Y out of my own share [of inheritance] for carrying on the business of money lending. If I receive (as inheritance) from my father Y, then I should receive five hundred [drammas] less from my share. For the observance of the written condition of this (deed) surety is given by merchant Z. Here are the witnesses, here the signatures; written by so-and-so. Note

(1) . Omitted in MSs A, C and D.

(p.186) 72. Deed of Assurance (Abhayāksharāṇi Yathā)1 Page 91 of 94

Translation of Model Documents MS-B. Hail! Śrī X, from place A has issued a deed of assurance of safety to Y, thus: If the royal family has done this favour to you, (then) you have become free from (repaying) the drammas borrowed from the government treasury. All the previous blameworthy acts, evil-doing, censurable deeds (by you) are removed (from consideration). As you have been given protection by us and the royal family, keeping this in mind, you should reach here immediately. There is no room for doubt here. Note

(1) . Omitted in MSs A, C and D.

(p.187) 73. A Letter of Judgement (Vidhi Patraṁ)1 MS-C. In the Saṁvat 1533 Jyeshṭha Sudi, 8 [Saturday 13 May, 1475 AD; 1 June, Friday 1476 AD], here today, at the office of Narasamudra maṉḍala,2 mahaṉtaka X consisting of the Pañcakula, the following judgement has been written: That, in the presence of (the assembly) for accomplishing the judgement, consisting of four śreshṭhis such-and-such and four śreshṭhis such-and-such of district A, [it is decided that] if any internecine feud [now] occurs, then half punishment [due] should be given to each of the two parties. Notes

(1) . Omitted in MSs A, B and D. (2) . Not identified.

(p.188) 74. Question and Answer (Bhāshottara Yathā)1 MS-C. On Tuesday of the month Jyeshṭha Sudi 8, so-and-so has got it written that son X of this person has stolen the [crop of] beans from the field at night. If [my assertion that] (these) are not stolen [is denied,] then I shall prove the fact [of their being not stolen], and for this purpose the [sum of] 50 multiplied by 10 drammas, 500 drammas, is deposited. In pursuance of these words prescribed by the same lord (prabhu) Y of the office of the maṉḍala and others, including the Pañcakula, both the petitioner [complainant] and the depositor, with mutual consent, should come to an agreement. Note

(1) . Omitted in MSs A, B and D.

(p.189) 75. Model Statement (Ālāpo Yathā)1 MS-C. Written in the same way as earlier. The Pañcakula has issued a statement thus: rājaputra X of village A, according to earlier custom, excluding the gift to Brahmans and temples, [has claims on the village A?]. According to this statement, [he] has been given [from this village?], 4000 drammas/four thousand drammas.

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Translation of Model Documents Note

(1) . Omitted in MSs A, B and D. The Editor explains this term as a deed of contract, LP, p. 125.

(p.190) 76. Auspicious Letter (Śrī Patrikā Yathā)1 MS-C. By the order of mahaṉtaka X, [encamped] at the stream (nālya) A, pratīsārak Y, has written thus: This is to be written. Sixty packages (pūga) of Indian madder (maṉjishṭhā), four chāta(?), eight baskets of dates (khajūra) and 10 bundles of sandal wood, belong to Sāhu Z. All these should be despatched on Jyeshṭha Sudi 8 Monday. Let this be accepted and known. Note

(1) . Omitted in MSs A, B and D.

(p.191) 77. Deed of Market Tax Contract (Vikraṇa Paṭṭako Yathā)1 MS-C. Written the same as earlier. The Pañcakula has issued the charter in the following manner: X, son of Y of such-and-such caste, according to earlier custom, except the gifts to the temples and Brahmans, according to custom and usage; from the beginning of the month of Śrāvaṇa of the Saṁvat year…. up to the month of Āshāḍha, a duration of 12 months, if the duration exceeds (12) months then along with the extra month, that is, a duration of 13 months, should be counted and (an amount of) sixty thousand drammas meant for the market-tax contract should be paid. And for the above, an arrangement of instalments should be made. The first instalment of 10,000 drammas is to be paid at the end of the month of Kārttika of the Saṁvat year. [The sum of] 30,000 drammas is to be paid at the end of the month Caitra; and [the sum] of 20,000 drammas is to be paid at the end of month Jyeshṭha. In this way according to custom by such arrangement of three instalments, the total payment of the drammas [due] should be made. Now if any calamity occurs due to nature or [acts of] royalty, from [our] own state or from others, and for whatever days [payment is thereby] delayed, then after calculating those days according to the entry in the record, Śrīmata rāṇaka should not take into account [such delays] when calculating the number of days. Now for the sake of declaration of all the terms and conditions of the written deed and for the payment of these drammas, Z, son of so-and-so, is the surety. Note

(1) . Omitted in MSs A, B and D.

(p.192) 78. The Letter (Cīṭhikā Yathā)1 MS-C. In the Saṁvat year 1533 Jyeshṭha Sudi, 8 Tuesday [Saturday 13 May, 1475 AD, Friday 1 June, 1476 AD]. The letter is [written] thus: By the order of the King and by the instruction of mahaṉtaka X, the Pañcakula of the treasury, it has thus been written: for the footman X, undressed provision, jovāri 3–3/4, (ājayaṁ) ghee 0–1–3/42, for the month of Bhādra, these undressed provisions,

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Translation of Model Documents jovāri and ghee should be given. We have personally given the [necessary] instructions to the messenger. The messenger is so-and-so. Notes

(1) . Omitted in MSs A, B and D. (2) . According to Dalal this is mentioned as which is really 3.75 seers and ājayaṁ is 9.75 (rect. 1.75?) adholās (16 adholas make one seer). (LP p. 126).

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Translation of Model Documents

Lekhapaddhati: Documents of State and Everyday Life from Ancient and Medieval Gujarat Pushpa Prasad

Print publication date: 2007 Print ISBN-13: 9780195684476 Published to Oxford Scholarship Online: October 2012 DOI: 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195684476.001.0001

Translation of Model Documents Pushpa Prasad

DOI:10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195684476.003.0003

Abstract and Keywords This section presents translations of twenty-three documents from the Lekhapaddhati. These include: Request Sent by the Teacher to Śrāvaka (Śrāvaka Guru Vijñaptikā); Āchārya Sends the Letter to Śrāvaka (Ācārya Śrāvakasya Prasthāpayati Lekhaṁ Yathā); Teacher Sends Blessing to Disciple (Guru Śishāśyāśīravādaṁ Prasthāpyati Yathā); A Saffron Letter (Kuṁkuṁ Patrikā); Letter to the Swāmī (Swāmī Lekho Yathā); Letter to a Servant (Bhṛitya Lekho Yathā); Letter to a Friend (Mitra Lekho Yathā); A Letter of the Happy Wife to Her Husband (Prasanna Bhāryā Lekhani Prasthāpayati Yathā); A Letter of an Angry Wife to Her Husband (Saṁrushṭa Bhārayā Bhṛita Lekho Yathā); A Letter of a Secretly Beloved One to Her Lover (Gupta Priyasya Lekho Yathā); A Letter to the Wife (Bhāryā Lekho Yathā); A Letter of the Displeased Husband to His Wife (Sarosha Bhṛita Bhāryā Lekho Yathā); A Letter of Husband with Affection to the Beloved (Sānurāga Prasthāpyati Priya Lekho Yathā); A Letter for the Younger Brother (Kanishṭha Bhrātṛi Lekho Yathā); Informative Letters which were Earlier Conveyed by the Respected Peoples in Detail (Pūravokta Pujai Vistrā Khāyapi Sāmānya Pratipatti Lekho Yathā); Letter to Son (Putra Lekha); Letter to the Mother (Mātṛi Lekha); Letter to the Father-in-law (Svasura Lekha); Letter to Mother-in-law (Svasru Lekha); and A Letter to Son-in-law (Jāmātṛi Lekha). Keywords:   Sanskrit documents translations, letter, Lekhapaddhati, letter to the swāmī, letter to a friend, letter to husband, letter of a beloved one, letter to the wife, letter for the younger brother

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Translation of Model Documents (p.195) Models of Documents1 1. Having offered salutation to Śaṁbhu and also to the lotus-like feet of the teacher. [Here is] an intricate writing to serve as an ornament for the neck of the Kāyastha (writer), for him to understand completely…. 2. Offering salutation with devotion to Sarasvati and Gaṇesh I am expounding with devout mind, the system of writing for the understanding of even the dull-headed, [a system] that is also the resort of all prosperity. 3. On the whole earth, encircled by the four oceans, there is no country without a king; and no king, of whom no written documents exist. 4. The learned put down the word ‘svasti’ for the sake of renown and for auspiciousness and also for the well-being of the speakers. 5. The writer should use the word ‘Śrī’ set in the tablet, before commencing to write the names of kings, ministers as well as officers. 6. Such use [of Śrī] is also appropriate before the names of the lords of the maṉḍala, queens and sons of kings, and such like, and those who have the grace of the teacher and the ritualprescribing masters. 7. The word Śrī thrice is to be used for friend, one each for son, six times for teacher, five times for lord (svāmi), twice for servant and four times for an enemy. 8. For one's own place the fifth termination is to be used; the seventh for other places; for oneself the first is to be used; for others, the second one. 9. The beginning should be from the prominent place accompanying the words, venerable and respectable (pādapūjya). After that the text (or document) should be written at the proper place with due modesty by your order. 10. The name of the sender should be written with ‘visarga’; if it is a woman then it should be ‘ikarānata’ (gender). 11. To whomsoever the document is to be addressed, he should indicate by marking the letter of his companion (?), the last letter of his name to be with ‘anusvāra’. 12. Those who are respectable, such as maternal uncle, father-in-law, mother-in-law and master (svāmi), their names should be suffixed with the term pāda (respectable). (p.196)

13. If a document is of one fold, or too long, without dust, or it is covered [by dust] in that condition [if] it cannot be read by three persons together, then it cannot bring wellfare to anyone. 14. If the document is written without the term svasti without dust, and the name is not written at the top, without seal, that document is directly handed over into the hands [of the person concerned], then it is not the perfect one. 15. If a knot is tied at the neck, then the whole kingdom is destroyed; if it is tied in the middle, then the writer will be destroyed; if the knot is tied Page 2 of 15

Translation of Model Documents at the back then everything would be siezed. Therefore, it should be written with a pen (lekhni). 16. The term svasti should be used in the beginning, the term iti at the end and the term kuśala in the middle; and it is (to be sprinkled) with dust, and marked with seal, and [written on] paper (kāgada) [which] should exist on the earth. Prosperity! The upper part is related to the document (lekha) and the lower is related to petition or information or correspondence (vijñapati). In the beginning, blessings and the order of the king are to be written and thrice, five and seventh times the word Śrī is to be used in the vijñapati and lekha. At the top the title should be recorded before the blessings and order of the king are written. To whom all the Documents (lekha) and Messages (vijñapati), and such like, are addressed, as follows: Among the respectable people, father, mother, elder brother, teacher, father-inlaw and any other venerable person, whoever it be, it should be sent in accordance with that [rule]. Moreover, the letter for its own sake, should be sent in accordance with the proper position as to who is lower, higher or of the same status: Blessings should be sent by the parents, [and] among the women, to one's own mother's sister, and such like, and among the younger people, to one's own brother's son accordingly. Letters should also be sent to one who is an equal, in terms suited to mutual relationship with him.

(p.197) 1. Request Sent by the Teacher to Śrāvaka (Śrāvaka Guru Vijñaptikā)1 MS-C and D. Hail! At the place of the city (nagara) Śrī Parasva Jina, who is to be revered, who triumphs over anger and four Kashāyas,2 as enemies, who is honourable, highly esteemed, venerable and worthy of worship, who is the resort for the performance of the five Mahavratas, that is, Prānatipāta,3 and such like, … possessing knowledge of grammar, meter, alaṁkāra, logic, essence, characters, story, syllabus, siddhāṉta, and remaining aspects of literature, who offers affection like the mother, that is, Trigupti, who, as it were, is capable of serving as a boat for those souls sinking in the ocean of the world, who creates awakening among the various kinds of creatures by means of good teaching imparted continuously, who had assumed auspicious names. At the lotus-like feet of bhaṭṭāraka along with (his) whole family, from city B, the always obedient śreshṭhī Śrāvaka Y offers salutation, in which the joined hands are moved twelve times, (and) with modesty pleads thus: the message is communicated like this. By the grace of that revered one (Śrī Parasva Jina) we are free from illness. We await being delighted by the communication of the news of your [the bhaṭṭāraka's] well-being there every day. Moreover, we are passing our time remaining constant on the path shown by you, and keeping ourselves busy in the Page 3 of 15

Translation of Model Documents performance of various religious duties such as being engaged in worship of gods, circumambulation, reading by oneself, and such others. Moreover, you may kindly wash away the blemishes [in us] produced by the Kali age, by means of water in the form of pure religious teachings and by arriving [here] quickly. We may also please be favoured by making books available as well as other implements, and by indicating to us what next is to be done. Notes

(1) . Omitted in MSs A and B. (2) . The four Kashāyas in Jain philosophy are, krodha, māna, māyā, and lobha, LP, p. 126. (3) . These five Mahāvratas are also related to Jain Philosophy.

(p.198) 2. Āchārya Sends the Letter to Śrāvaka (Ācārya śrāvakasya Prasthāpayati Lekhaṁ Yathā)1 MS-C and D. Hail! From place A, the revered Śrī Vira Jina, [and] respected Śrī Suri X, possessed of lotus like feet, along with his [X's] family of place B, the Śrāvakas Y, along with [female] Śrāvikās Z are (thus) instructed: Having welcomed and saluted them, by means of pure water that is able to wash away the black ink of blemished [sins] produced by the Kali age. [Śrī Suri X], who keep them busy, in worshipping and circumambulation around god (deva) and teacher, engaged in reading by oneself and delighted with virtuous deeds, and who keeps satisfied needy persons by offering wealth earned through justified means—[From him] the order is like this: We live [here] along with our family, free from all disease. We shall be always delighted by messages of your wellfare there. Moreover, you should always endeavour to perform virtuous deeds, as being attached to your wife, (such actions) would produce [for you] a wealth of rejoicing in this world (loka) and in the other (praloka). [Verses:] As heaven is attained by means of virtuous deeds alone, one should perform virtuous deeds. [True] wealth is obtained by the means of dharma; and dharma is the source of all [good] fruit of actions.2 Notes

(1) . Omitted in MSs A and B. (2) . The source from which these verses are taken has not been traced.

(p.199) 3. Request to Maheśvara (Maheśvara Yogya Vijñaptikā1) MS-C and D. Hail! Honourable, highly esteemed, worthy of worship bhaṭṭāraka X of place A, whose mind has been purified due to regular study of the Vedas; who keep themselves busy in studying 18 Purāṇas, Smritis, Śāstrās relating to religious (dhārmika) narrations, and such like, who has understood the reality through a deep study of astronomy; who has acquired great popularity due to manifestation of mantras relating to inauspicious planets, sakini,2 dead spirit Page 4 of 15

Translation of Model Documents (bhūta), Mudagala3 and Uccātan;4 who keeps his domains of knowledge engaged in contemplation of Śiva, Krishna, Brahma and other venerable gods—[Of him] a disciple Y from place B saluting with prostration of body, with modesty, requests as follows: The request is communicated like this. Due to the blessings given by the venerable one, and considering the news of the well-being of all the human beings along with the news of your wellfare there, this is always a mark of favour for my satisfaction. Moreover you have also kindly purified my limbs, which are enmeshed with the impurities of the Kali age, by means of the pure water of your visit. Notes

(1) . Omitted in MSs A, B and D. (2) . A kind of female demon attendant on Durga (Monier Willaims, SanskritEnglish Dictionary, s.v.) (3) . Name of a Rishi. (4) . Name of a magical person.

(p.200) 4. Teacher Sends Blessing to Disciple (Guru Śishāśyāśīravādaṁ Prasthāpyati Yathā)1 MS-C and D. Hail! From place A, Ācarya X sends his blessings, with due regards, with great honour to disciple Y of place B, who by incessantly following the true dharma and is purified of all the sins of the Kali age, who follows the path of justice, whose body is enriched with great virtues, the long-lived one who, honoured by means of blessings, uttered from all the four Vedas, thus: The content of [this message of] blessings is like this: We are well here; you should regularly send information of your welfare there. Moreover, every day getting up early in the morning and having accomplished all the tasks of purification, you should reflect [on] your self. On the way, the deity (deva) ancestor, Brahman, and guest should be worshipped by offerings of water and fire, and (you) have always to serve your father, mother, sister, Neshtṛi(?), brother and other relatives. The poor, your sister in condition of misery, your sister's son and members of paushyavarga (parents, children, guests and dependents) should not be abandoned. You should be eager to taste the honey in the form of the words of the Śāstrās uttered from the mouths of scholarly persons [to be] envisioned as the lotus flower. The company of virtuous peoples has always to be cherished. You have always to remain determined in your mind, to adopt [only] the fully justified means of livelihood. What more is there to say? Such action as is beneficial in this world and the other, that alone has to be undertaken. Note

(1) . Omitted in MSs A and B. Page 5 of 15

Translation of Model Documents (p.201) 5. A Saffron Letter (Kuṁkuṁ Patrikā)1 MS-C. From a place A, mahaṉtaka X has been invited by his own relatives Y of such and such caste, thus: There will take place the marriage of my son, named Z, in a certain month, on such and such tithī, on such-and-such a day with soand-so, daughter of so-and-so, you should come here along with [your] whole family, after receiving this message. Note

(1) . Omitted in MSs A, B and D.

(p.202) 6. Letter to the Swāmī (Swāmī Lekho Yathā1) MS-B and D. Hail! Respectable, most venerable ṭhakura X of place A, who is the supporter of those who are in trouble, always adorned with numerous virtues, and accessible equally to [all] dependents, who has created good effect on the whole of his loka (territory) by means of his own virtues; Y, from place B, who has always remained obedient, having bowed his head to the ground and saluting with prostration of body, with modesty, pleads thus: The request is submitted like this: I am established here doing (my) business (vyāpāra) according to your instructions as has been ordered by your honour. Due to the grace of the honourable one whatever is to be begun, all of it should be performed without any delay. (Verse)2 The monkey who is jumping from one branch to the other, (if only by means of this), he is able to get across the ocean, it is due to the grace of the lord (Prabhu) himself. Moreover, after receiving instructions from your Honour (as also) for paying my respects to you, I am reaching there within a few days, at the proper time. [You] should not (show) any anxiety over any existing matter. If there is any loss on account of my being here, your testing of me is not necessary. Considering this, [you have] always favoured me. Whatever instructions are given (to me) regularly, these [may be deemed as] always bestowed on me as a mark of favour. Notes

(1) . Omitted in MSs A and C. (2) . The verse is not traceable.

(p.203) 7. Letter to a Servant (Bhṛitya Lekho Yathā)1 MS-B and D. Hail! From place A, ṭhakura X has given the order to Y of place B, thus: [Your] work is [to be] like this: Now you should not conduct any kind of business (vyāpara) due to which that rascal (pishun) should [be able to] enter; and (you) should not be ineffective either. With patience (you) should carry on the business, and regularly record the nature of the business there.

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Translation of Model Documents Note

(1) . Omitted in MSs A and C.

(p.204) 8. Letter to a Friend (Mitra Lekho Yathā)1 MS-B. Hail! From the place A, X with eagerness, affection, love, embraces him tightly with extended hand, enquires about the well being of Y of equal age, (residing) at the proper place, whose person is adorned with sincerity, generosity, scholarship and other virtuous qualities, and most loving, [conveys] thus: Affairs here are like this: [to be described]. Informed of [our] welfare of this place, send the information about the well-being of every one there regularly for my satisfaction. Moreover, from the very day I was separated from you, my mind being clouded with your memory, (there is) no hunger, thirst, sleep and no other pleasure of life. When I remember the day we played together, (my) mind becomes full of sorrow. After seeing my letter, if you could concentrate your mind, come immediately along with a gift. It is said: Verse:2 ‘Giving, taking, talking of secret things, asking, eating, and making one to enjoy, (these) are the six signs of affections.’ Moreover, having such a friend, [who] is the closest confidant, how without him can one transmit to another the sorrow and pleasure of one's heart? Thus has to be said: Verse:3 There is no good man to whom, to convey the suffering of the heart, that comes up to the throat, goes back and gets lost in the heart’. For whatever actions I am to be employed has to be informed regularly [to me]. Notes

(1) . Omitted in MSs A and C. (2) . Not traceable. (3) . Ibid.

(p.205) 9. A Letter of the Happy Wife to Her Husband (Prasanna Bhāryā Lekhani Prasthāpayati Yathā)1 MS-B and D. Hail! From place A, always obedient X (wife) with love, with eagerness, and with modesty communicates to the respected husband Y of this same place, who is adorned with amiability, self-control and other sterling (lit. unsubdued) qualities, who is the source of support to members of his family, those as are in distressed circumstances, thus: The situation (lit. work) is like this. All persons here are well, send a message about your own health and wellbeing regularly and so favour (me). Moreover, I live here, following the path Page 7 of 15

Translation of Model Documents shown by you, caring daily about the happiness of all the relatives who come here and depart from here, and (your) dependents (pausyavarga). And I am especially exerting myself, day and night, in taking care of the house, field and house-supplies (lit. undressed provisions). (You) need not bother about conditions here. Moreover, while anybody there has a great regard for you, (it is) due to your own good qualities, therefore you should live happily there. Even then I am not fully satisfied here and there is a great anxiety about your children as well. Having accomplished all your objects there, please return quickly. Note

(1) . Omitted in MSs A and C.

(p.206) 10. A Letter of an Angry Wife to Her Husband (Saṁrushṭa Bhārayā Bhṛita Lekho Yathā)1 MS-B and D. Hail! From place A, X (wife) sends the message to (her) respected husband Y of place B thus: The situation is like this. All the people are well here. Send the message of your wellfare there. Moreover, the moment you left this place, from that time onward, you have forgotten about the house, wife and children. Then, wherever food (is available) (that) becomes one's dwelling place. Days here pass after getting ornaments released from mortgage (and) taking [money] on credit. Nowadays with children there is much trouble. If (you,) my husband, live regularly with any other woman as her husband, and regard [such conduct] as just, you need not come back here. By killing one's child, one commits the same sin as that of killing a cow. If taking care of the family is necessary, then thinking thus,—O cruel hearted one,—she [the wife] sends [the message]—(You) should come back to look after the (family); if this is not possible, then [at least] provisions should be supplied. If you do not make haste, then I shall leave your house, and take the children along with me, and will live in my parents' house. Whatever gives you pleasure, you may do that. Note

(1) . Omitted in MSs A and C.

(p.207) 11. A Letter of a Secretly Beloved One to Her Lover (Gupta Priyasya Lekho Yathā)1 MS-B and D. Hail! From place A, the always obedient X with love, with eagerness, with a sigh, informs the respected dear one Y, who, by his charming personality has conquered the God of love (Kāmadeva), calmness and, sublime qualities, with good fortune and all other good qualities, who has stolen the heart of young ladies, thus: The content [of this] is like this. Here all is well; I have to be made delighted regularly by means of messages of your well-being there. From the very day you undertook the victorious journey; from that day

Page 8 of 15

Translation of Model Documents onwards, due to the fire of the pang of separation, I do not find any consolation day and night. As has been said (verse)2 ‘O beloved, please tell me, where is the peace available for one, who has burnt all her hopes in the fire of separation, until she has taken a leap into the pond of love, filled with pure water of loving union’. Having understood so, and having mercy on me, and leaving all other objectives, come back here, you have to extinguish the fire of my body by means of the ambrosia of your presence, since (my body) is getting burnt by the fire of separation. You must not delay any more. Notes

(1) . Omitted in MSs A and C. (2) . Not traced.

(p.208) 12. A Letter to the Wife (Bhāryā Lekho Yathā)1 MS-B and D. Hail! From place A [to] wife X, with love, affection and regard, enquires about the well-being [of the wife] in the following manner: [To one] who has observed the virtue of loyalty to the husband and is humble, who is familiar with all [manner of] management of our family; who has gained the fruits of the three-fold human objects (Purūshārtha that is, Dharma (discharge of duty), Artha (acquirement of wealth) and Kāma (the gratification of desire); who has given great satisfaction to the minds of all her relatives by means of her modesty, affection, kind words and all such other virtues. The contents of this letter [run] thus: Here all is well. Please send messages of the well being of all the people there. Whatever instructions given by us at the time of departure, you should maintain the affairs of the house accordingly, you should manage the affairs of the house (so perfectly) that any unchaste woman coming and going to your house may not be able to spread any scandal about your house outside. If something wrong happens in the house that should be intimated to us here. Here we have to achieve certain ends, and certain [of these] have yet remained unachieved; that is why there is delay [in return] on our part. As soon as we achieve all our objectives within a few days, we shall be coming back: (You) need not worry about it. Up to that time, until our return, (you) should manage the house in such a way that nothing gets lost. Note

(1) . Omitted in MSs A and C.

(p.209) 13. A Letter of the Displeased Husband to His Wife (Sarosha Bhṛita Bhāryā Lekho Yathā)1

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Translation of Model Documents MS-B and D. Hail! From place A, X [husband] enquires about well-being of wife Y, at place B, with respect, thus: All are well here. Please send the message of the wellfare of all the people there. Further: whosoever comes from there makes a complaint about the household there. Wherever we are not present, nothing gets accomplished there. Whatever provisions we left last for two or three months, those (provisions) you consumed [lit. destroyed] within eight or ten days. At each step we are tormented by you, but you are not to be blamed for this. It is due to the demerits acquired by us in a previous birth. As has been said [verse]:2 ‘Whatever learning has been given earlier, whatever wealth has been given earlier, whatever woman has been given earlier comes to pass by, comes to pass by’. Further, on all days, whatever it is that we communicate to you, you do just the opposite, what more is there to say. Whatever befits your family, you should do that. Notes

(1) . Omitted in MSs A and C. (2) . Not traced.

(p.210) 14. A Letter of Husband with Affection to the Beloved (Sānurāga Prasthāpyati Priya Lekho Yathā)1 MS-B and D. Hail! From place A, X enquires with eagerness with love, with tight embrace, about the welfare of Y, (wife), at place B, who, by the lustre of her body has surpassed the gleam of gold, whose hands and feet are as delicate as new sprouts of trees; whose face is like the full moon, whose eyes are like those of a frightened fawn, whose two thighs are as the stem of banana plant; whose voice is always sweet; who steals the hearts of lovers by means of her side glances, whose teeth are like the buds of the night lotus, whose breasts are raised and hard like the high forehead of the elephant, thus: The contents [of the letter] are like this. All are well here. You should send messages about your health regularly. While I was coming back [to this place], having embraced you tightly on that day, having the longing and anxiety, with empty mind, only due to this pain the days are passing with hunger and thirst, from that day onwards. Now [verse]2 ‘In all the ten directions you are seen moving on the paths, and dwelling in my heart, O innocent one in the state of separation, I percieve the whole world dwelling in you’! and by means of the following, the reply is made to the other one: [Verse]3 Page 10 of 15

Translation of Model Documents ‘The messages of a lover are meant to hurt, but, O my heart, having put it within you, the body of my beloved, you need not repent any more! Therefore everyday I think like this’ [Verse]4 ‘Which day will be of this world, when the fire of separation is extinguished, through the rain falling from the cloud, O deer-eyed one, then I shall able to see your face which is filled with ambrosia’. Having thought over this, that the thieves of the same age should not steal the essence of love, [when I will be] away from the house, (p.211) and [you should] depend upon such actions I shall come quickly at the proper time. In my heart uninterruptedly, there is none who is equal to you. In this respect you need not be uncertain. Notes

(1) . Omitted in MSs A and C. (2) . Not traced. (3) . Ibid. (4) . Ibid.

(p.212) 15. A Letter for the Younger Brother (Kanishṭha Bhrātṛi Lekho Yathā)1 MS-B. From place A, X enquires about the welfare, with eagerness, with respect, with high esteem, embracing tightly, of Y, of the place B, thus: I am well here. Please send information about your welfare there regularly. Till the day we come back, until that day, [you] should take care of all the people, and keep the house, field, property and other things well. If my two wives quarrel and raise an outcry, then [you] should calm them by means of words of reconciliation. Do not be partial to any one. Whatever task I have to undertake in future, please inform me of it by a letter in reply, without fail. Note

(1) . Omitted in MSs A, C and D.

(p.213) 16. Informative Letters which were Earlier Conveyed by the Respected Peoples in Detail (Pūravokta Pujai Vistrā Khāyapi Sāmānya Pratipatti Lekho Yathā)1 MS-B. Hail! From Place A, two merchants (vyavahāraka), X and Y, inquire about the welfare [one of the other] with love, with modesty, with eagerness, thus: Affairs here are like this: Due to some work I may be there for [some] more days, upto that time my house should be kept properly. If the people are in straits (lit. sit down) [for want of money] there, then you may please borrow (money) on my behalf and provide it to them. When we return, then [I] will repay the entire Page 11 of 15

Translation of Model Documents amount borrowed previously as well as now. It is fully acknowledged [for purposes of repayment?] at the time of return, that when we were departing from the house, I borrowed 12 drammas from you for the sake of provisions. In view of this acknowledgement on my behalf, you need not do otherwise. Whatever I am required to accomplish, please keep me informed of it. Note

(1) . Omitted in MSs A, C and D.

(p.214) 17. From a Certain Place a Letter is Sent to a Friend. (Amuka Pure Mitraṁ Prasthāpyati Lekho Yathā)1 MS-B. So and so X (verse). ‘The sprout of love grows every day [when] it is nursed by the water of the sight of one another, so that it may not get dried up by the rays of the scorching sun taking the shape of pangs of separation: so must you do [what is required accordingly].’ Y- [verse]. ‘There is nobody born in the family of a tortoise, to whom handing over the burden [of the earth], the tortoise may dwell and rest for a while.’ ‘The Vindhya mountain supplies water regularly to a stream in the summer as well as in rainy season; great people do not throw away the worthless objects that grow on their lap’. ‘My mind remembers you in the same way as a peacock's tail moving freely in the forest; so it is kept confined within the cage in the rainy season’. ‘There is no person good enough to whom I may reveal sorrows of the heart—my sorrows that move up to the throat, go to the heart and then come to the throat [again]. Those days were to be counted only on the four fingers which were spent in your company, but now the sun sets for six months [on end] as it were.’ ‘The peacock dwells on the mountain, while the cloud is in the sky, at a distance of (one) lakh [yojanas], while the sun dwells lakhs of miles away from the lotus which grows in the water; and the moon makes the night lotus bloom from a distance of two lakh miles, [This is a fact] that one who loves any one (more), the distance from him does not count.’ Once who gets acquainted even once—‘Better, I get rid of my life but not [suffer] a separation from you, because life can be restored in the next world, but a person like you cannot be met any more.

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Translation of Model Documents ‘There is no day, no night, no hour, no ghaḍi (24 minutes); when, O friend, I do not remember you under the force of love’. ‘Waters are there in abundance in the territories (deśa) and rivers [too]; and they are pure; but can they withstand a comparison with even a mouthful of water taken from the Gaṉgā? Note

(1) . Omitted in MSs A, C and D.

(p.215) 18. A Letter to the Father (Pitṛi-Lekha)1 MS-D. Hail! From place A, his son X, who always remains obedient, salutes with the prostration of body, with modesty and informs the respected, honourable, most venerable and worthy-of-worship, father Y, of place B, thus: The (state of) affairs is like this. Here all the people are well. It is a boon to send a message [seeking news] of your well-being there. Moreover [during my] stay [here], I am beginning to do house-hold work according to the instructions given by that respected one. Under the influence of your more effective instructions, all the people here are engaged in cultivation, and other such activities, and rendering service with ever growing zeal. Whatever I may be required to accomplish, may I please be informed thereof? Note

(1) . Omitted in MSs A, B and C.

(p.216) 19. Letter to Son (Putra Lekha)1 MS-D. Hail! From place A (so and so) enquires about the well being of son X of place B with eagerness, love, embracing him tightly, [a son] who is adorned with modesty, sincerity, and other such qualities and therefore [who] delights one and all, long-lived, thus: The (state of) affairs here is like this. (All are) prosperous here. Send [your] message about the well-being of all our people there regularly. Moreover, until we return till that time none of the affairs of the house should be neglected. Note

(1) . Omitted MSs A, B and C.

(p.217) 20. Letter to the Mother (Mātṛi Lekha)1 MS-D. Hail! from place A. always obedient, devoted to one's [mother's] feet, follower X salutes with the prostration of body, with modesty, [and] informs the most respectable mother Y, who is most affectionate or loving, whose mind has always been engaged in sweet conversation, [activated?] through instruction, thus: The contents of the letter are like this: By the impact of blessings imparted by you I am living here quite well. I stay here doing good work every day. You may please be kind enough to send a message regarding the well-being of all the people there, and the information regarding one's own house. Until I return, until that time you should be always careful in all matters of concern [to us]. Page 13 of 15

Translation of Model Documents Note

(1) . Omitted in MSs A, B and C.

(p.218) 21. Letter to the Father-in-law (Svasura Lekha)1 MS-D. Hail! From place A, attendant (sevaka) X with modesty informs [his] respected father-in-law at place B thus: (All are) well here. Send a message about [your] well-being there. Further, your daughter named Y, is obedient and respectful to (her) husband, Z [the writer]. Note

(1) . Omitted in MSs A, B and C.

(p.219) 22. Letter to Mother-in-law (Svasru Lekha)1 MS-D. Hail From place A, this attendant (sevaka) X requests respectfully the respected mother-in-law Y, who has lotus-like feet, thus: All is well here. Send a message about your well being there. Further to fetch your daughter [my wife] I have sent my younger brother two or three times continuously. But due to certain reasons unknown to me, your daughter has not been sent with him. Is it that some trouble has been caused to her by her mother-in-law, sister-in-law, or is it due to my failure (lit. defeat). (She), the daughter, might have narrated all this to you (and it might have) created anxiety in (your) mind. This is true. Therefore it is not to be taken to heart. Do not send (her) if it causes her to be displeased: I myself will come. Note

(1) . Omitted in MSs A, B and C.

(p.220) 23. A Letter to Son-in-law (Jāmātṛi Lekha1’) MS-D. Hail! From place A, Y asks for (news of) welfare with affection, with generosity, embracing tightly, śreshṭhī X of place B, whose person is adorned with various good qualities, the loving honourable son-in-law, thus: Affairs here are like this: All are well here. Send messages about your own welfare regularly for my satisfaction. Moreover, we have offered our daughter to you. (Therefore) you should endeavour in such a way that all our objectives are attained. If our younger daughter, while being with you, due to her ignorance, continously caused some agony in the minds of her mother-in-law, sister-in-law, and others, by responding to them in harsh words or by disobeying their instructions, all that may please be overlooked. Moreover—— [Verse]2 ‘A gentleman is well regarded by a gentleman who behaves gently towards even those who do not act favourably to him. [Indeed, if there is], one who [only] behaves gently to those were favourable to him, there would be no special virtue in such gentle behaviour’.

Page 14 of 15

Translation of Model Documents Notes

(1) . Omitted in MSs A, B and C. (2) . Not traced. Notes:

(1) . Omitted in MSs A, B and C.

Page 15 of 15

Bibliography

Lekhapaddhati: Documents of State and Everyday Life from Ancient and Medieval Gujarat Pushpa Prasad

Print publication date: 2007 Print ISBN-13: 9780195684476 Published to Oxford Scholarship Online: October 2012 DOI: 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195684476.001.0001

(p.221) Bibliography Prakrit, Sanskrit, And Apabhraṁśa Works

Abhidhāna-cintāmani of Hema Chandra with Commentry in Hindi by Nemichandra and Haragovinda Sastri Varanasi, 1964. Arthaśāstrā of Kautilya, ed. and Eng. trans. R.P. Kangle, 3 pts., Bombay, 1960–65. Bṛihaspati Smriti, Eng. trans., J. Jolly, SBE, XXXIII, Delhi, 1965. Dasakumāra Carita of Dandin, Eng. trans., with notes M.R. Kale, Delhi, 1966. Desī-nāma-mālā of ed. with English introduction, Muralyadhara Banerjee, Calcutta, 1931; also sec. ed., P.V. Ramanujaswami, Vizianagaram, 1938. Dharmakosha (Vyavahāra Khaṉḍa), I, pt. II; ed. Laxman Sastri Joshi, Satara, 1938. Divyatattava of Raghunandana Bhattacharya, ed. with Eng. trans., by Richard W. Laravieve, Delhi, 1981. Dvyāsryakāvya of Hemacandra edited by A.V. Kathavate, 2 vols., Bombay, 1915, 1921; extracts trans. in Eng. in IA, IX 1875, pp. 52–9; 71–5; 110–4; 223–32; 265– 9. Ganita Sāra of Sridharacarya, with a Commentary in old Gujarati, ed. B.J. Sandesara, JNSI, VIII, pp. 138–46. Hammīra-mada-mardana of Jayasiṁha Suri, ed. C.D. Dalal, GOS, no.X Baroda, 1920. Harśacarita of Bana, Eng. trans. E.B. Cowell and F.W. Thomas, London, 1897.

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Bibliography Jain Pustaka Praśasti Saṁgrah, ed. Jinavijaya Muni, SJS, No. 18 Bombay, 1943. Jagadu carita of Sarvanananda, ed. G. Buhler, Indian Studies, No. 1. Kānahaḍade Prabandha of Padamanābha ed., annotated with English trans., by VS Bhatanagar Padmanabha's epic account of kānahaḍade; Delhi, 1991. Kathā sarita Sāgara of Somadeva, ed. Durga Prasad and K.P. Parab. Bombay 1930. The Ocean of Story, Eng. trans. C.H. Tawney and ed. with notes by M.N. Penzer 10 vols. New Delhi, 1968, text and trans. in Hindi K.N. Sharma Sarasvata, 2 vols., Patna, 1960. Kāvya Śikshā of Vinyachandra Suri, ed. by H.G. Sastri, 1964. Kharatara gaccha-Vṛihadgurvāvali, ed. Jinavijya Muni, SJS, No. 42 Bombay, 1956. (p.222) Kumārapāla carita of Hemacandra, ed. P.L. Vaidya, Poona, 1936. Kīrti kaumudī of Somesvara, ed. A.V. Kathavate Bombay 1883; ed. Punyavijaya Suri, SJS. No. 32, Bombay, 1961. Kuvalya māla of Uddyotona Suri, ed. with text notes and Eng. introduction, A.N. Upadhye, 2 pts. SJS, Nos. 45–6, Bombay, 1959–1970. Kumārapāla prabandha of Jinamandana: ed. by Caturavijaya Muni, Bhavanagara, 1914. Likhanāvali of Vidyapati, ed. Indrakant Jha, Patna, 1969. Loka Prakāsha of Ksemendra, ed. J.D. Zadoo, Srinagar, 1947. Manusmriti or Laws of Manu, Eng. trns. G. Buhler SBE, XXV, Delhi, 1967. Mitākshara (commentary by Vijnanesvara on Yājñavalkya Smriti) ed. J.R. Gharpure, 1914; ed., with Hindi commentary U.C. Pandey, Varanasi, 1967. Nārada Smriti, Eng. trans. J. Jolly, SBE, XXIII, Delhi, 1965. Nitivākyamṛita of Somadeva, edited by Nathu Ram Premi Manikchandra, Digambara Jain Granthamala, XVIII, Bombay, 1887–8. Paṭṭāvali of the Kharatara gaccha, extracts Eng. trans. J. Klatt IA, pp. 245–50. Paṭṭāvali of the Upakeśa gaccha, Eng. trans, A.F.R. Hoernle, IA, XIX, 1890, pp. 233–42. Paṭṭāvali of the Tapā gaccha extracts Eng. trans. J. Klatt, IA, XI, pp. 251–6. Page 2 of 19

Bibliography Prabandha-ciṉtāmaṇi of Merutunga, Eng. trans, M.A. Tawney, ed. Jinavijaya Muni SJS, Santiniketan, 1933. Prabandha-kośa of Rajashekhara, ed., Jinavijaya Muni, SJS, No.6, Santiniketan, 1935. Prabhāvaka carita of Prabhacandra Suri, ed., H.M. Sharma, Bombay, 1909, ed., Jinavijaya Muni, SJS, Calcutta, 1940. Prācīna-Gurjara-Kāvya Saṁgraha, ed., C.D. Dalal; GOS, no.XIII Baroda, 1920. Puratana Prabandha Saṁgraha, ed. Jinavijaya Muni, SJS, No. 2 Ahmedabad, 1936. Rājatraṉagiṇī of Kalhaṇa, trans., with introduction, commentary appendices, M.A. Stein, 2 vols. Delhi, 1961. Smriti-caṇdrika of Devannbhatta, ed. L. Srinivasacharya, 6 vols. Mysore, 1914– 21; ed. J.R. Gharpure, Bombay, 1918. Sukrita-Kīrti—Kallolini of Udayaprabha, GOS, No. X Appendix, II, pp. 67–90. Śukranīti ed., G. Oppert, Madras 1882, Eng. trans. by B.K. Sarkar SBH, 1914; See L. Gopal ‘The Sukraniti—a Nineteenth Century Text’, Bulletin of the School of the Oriental and African Studies, XXV, 1962. Trishashṭi-śalāka-purusha carita, of Hemacandra, text, 6 vols., Bhavanagara, 1905–06. (p.223) Eng. trans., Helene M. Johnson 6 vols. GOS, nos. LI, LXXVII, CVIII, CXXV, CXXXIX, CIL, Baroda, 1921–62. Vastupāla Carita of Jinaharsa Gani, ed., Kirtivijaya Muni, Ahmedabad, 1941. Vicāra Śreṇi or Therāvali of Merutunga, Eng. trans. Bhau Daji, JBBRAS, IX, pp. 147–158. Vividha Tīrtha kalapa of Jinaprabha Suri, ed. Jinavijaya Muni, Ahmedabad and Calcutta, 1934. Hindi tr. A.B. Nahata, Mewanagar, 1978. Vyavahāra-mātrika of Jimuta vahana, ed. Sir Asutosha Mukerjee, Memoirs of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, III, Calcutta. Vyavahāra Mayukha of Nilakantha ed. P.V. Kane, Bombay, 1926, Eng. trans. V.N. Mandalika, Delhi, 1982. Yajñyavalkaya Smriti, ed. and tr. in Hindi, Sri Umesha Chandra Pandeya and Sri Narayana Misra, Kashi Sanskrit Grantha Mala, 1978.

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Bibliography Arabic And Persian Works

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Bibliography Mc Crindle, J.W, tr and ed., Ancient India as Described in Classical Literature, New Delhi, 1979. Takakusu J., A Record of the Buddhist Religion as Practised in India and the Malaya Archipelago. Reprinted, Delhi, 1966. Yuan Chwang Abridged tr. and Commentary by T. Watters, On Yuan Chwang's Travels in India (629–45 AD), 2 vols., Delhi, 1973. Yule, H. and H. Cordier., ed. and tr. The Book of Ser Marco Polo, 2 vols., Delhi, 1993. Inscriptions

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Bibliography Cunningham A., Book of Indian Eras, Delhi, 1977. Cunningham A., Coins of Medieval India from Seventh Century down to Muhammadan Conquest, Delhi, 1967. Cunningham A., ‘Somanatha and other Medieval Temples in Kathiawad’, Arch. Survey of India, XLV; Calcutta, 1931. Das, S.K., Economic History of Ancient India; Calcutta, 1925. Das, Sukla, Socio-Economic Life of Northern India (c. AD 550 to AD 650) New Delhi, 1980. Das Gupta, S.N. and De S.K. A History of Sanskrit Literature, I, (Classical Period); Calcutta, 1924. Day U.N., Medieval Malawa (Delhi, 1965) Deo, S.B., History of Jain Monachism from Inscriptions and Literature, Poona, 1956. Desai, M.D., Jain Sāhityo no Saṁksipta Itihās; Bombay, 1933, (in Gujarati). Desai, M.D., Bhanu Candra Gani Carita, by his pupil Gani Siddhicandra Upadhyaya, SJG, No.15, Ahmedabad and Calcutta, 1941. Desai, Z.A. ‘Muslims in the 13th Century Gujarat as known from Arabic Inscriptions’. JOI, Baroda X, No.4, 1960, pp. 353–64. Deshpande C.D., Western India—A Regional Geography; Dharwar, 1948. Dey, N.L., The Geographical Dictionary of Ancient and Medieval India; Delhi, 1971. Deyell, J.S., Living without Silver, The Monetary History of Early Medieval North India; New Delhi, 1990. Dhaky, M.A., ‘Modhera, Modha vamsa, Modha Gaccha, and Modha, Chaityas’, JASB, NS, vols. 56–59, 1986, pp. 144ff. Dikshit G.S. ‘Trade Guilds under the Chaulukyas of Kalyani’, PIHC, 1951, pp. 122–25. Dikshit Yatindra Kumar, ‘Lekhapaddhati mā Darshvelama’, Vidyapitha, XV, No.6, pp. 67–71; Ahmedabad, 1977. Dosabhai E., ‘A History of Gujarat from the Earliest Period to the Present time; Bombay, 1894.

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Bibliography Dutt N.K., Origin and Growth of Caste in India, II; Calcutta, 1965. Enthoven, R.E., The Tribes and Castes of Bombay, 3 vols.; Bombay, 1922. Forbes, A.K., Ras Mālā. Hindu Annals of Western India; Delhi, 1973. Gadre, A.S. Archaeology in Gujarat (1934–37); Baroda, 1947. Gadre, A.S. ‘Some Rare coins from Gujarat’, JNSI, XII, pt. I, 1950, pp. 26–30. Gandhi, L.B., Gujarāt no Prācīn Mantrivamsa AIOC, 1933, pp. 1157–63. (in Gujarati). Ganguly, D.C., History of Paramara Dynasty, Dacca, 1938. (p.229) Ghoshal, U.N., Contributions to the History of the Hindu Revenue System, Calcutta, 1972. Ghoshal, U.N., The Agrarian System in Ancient India, Calcutta, 1973. Ghurye, G.S., Caste and Class in India, Bombay, 1969. Gode, P.K., Studies in Indian Literary History, 3 vols. I, II, Bombay, 1953–54, III; Poona, 1965. Gode, P.K., ‘References to Persian Horses in Indian Literature’, P.O., XI Nos. 1–2, pp. 1, ff. Gopal, Lallanji, The Economic Life of Northern India, c. AD 700–1200, Delhi, 1965. Gopal, Lallanji, ‘Coins in Epigraphic and Literary records of Northern India in Early Medieval Period’, JNSI, XXV, pt 1, Varanasi, 1963. Gopal, Lallanji, Aspects of History of Agriculture in Ancient India; Varanasi, 1980. Gopal, Lallanji, Early Medieval Coin Types of Northern India; Varanasi, 1966. Gopal, Lallanji, Sukraniti—A Ninteenth Century text, Varanasi, 1978. Gupta, D.K., Society and Culture in the Time of Dandin, New Delhi, 1972. Habibullah, A.B.M., The Foundation of Muslim Rule in India; Allahabad, 1961. Habib, Irfan, The Agrarian System of Mughal India. Reprinted, Delhi, 2000. Habib, Irfan, ‘Distribution of Landed Property in British India’, Enquiry New Series, No.II, 1963, pp. 21–75.

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Bibliography Habib, Irfan, ‘Economic History of Delhi, Sultanate—an essay in interpretation’, IHR, IV 1977, pp. 287–303. Habib, Irfan, ‘Formation of Sultanate ruling class of the thirteenth century’, in I. Habib (ed.) Medieval India, I, pp. 1–21. Habib, Irfan, (ed.), Medieval India, I, Researches in the history of India, 1200– 1750; Delhi, 1992. Habib M., & Nizami K.A., (ed.), Comprehensive History of India, The Delhi Sultanate (1206–1526); Delhi, 1970. Habib, M., Sultana Mahmud of Ghazni; Aligarh, 1951. Hertl, Johannes, On the Literature of the Svetambaras of Gujarat; Leipzig, 1922. Hodivala, S.H., Studies in Indo-Muslim History, Bombay, 1939, supplement, II; Bombay, 1957. Hultzsch, E., ‘A Grant of Arjunadeva of Gujarat, Dated 1264 AD’ IA, II, (1882) pp. 241–3. Husain, Yusuf, ‘Glimpses of Medieval Indian Culture’; Bombay, 1962. Husain, S.A.Q., The Economic History of India, I; Calcutta, 1962. Husain, Agha Mahdi, Life and Times of Muhammad Bin Tughluq; London, 1938. Husain, Agha Mahdi, Tughluq Dynasty; Calcutta, 1963. Inderji, Bhagvan Lal and Jackson, AMT, History of Gujarat, Gazetteer of the Bombay Presidency I, pt. I; Bombay, 1896. (p.230) Jackson, Peter The Delhi Sultanate, A Political and Military History, London, 1999. Jain, C.L., Jain Bibliography; Calcutta, 1945. Jain, Muni Uttam Kamal, Jain Sects and Schools; Delhi, 1975. Jain, Kamal Prasad, Pracin Jain Lekh Samgraha I; Vardha, 1926. Jain, D.C., Economic Life in Ancient India as depicted in Jain Canonical Literature; Vaishali, 1980. Jain, J.C., Life in Ancient India as depicted in Jain Canon and Commentaries; Delhi, 1984. Jain, J.C., Prakrit Jaina Katha Sahitya; Ahmedabad, 1971. Page 12 of 19

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Bibliography Sharma, R.S., Indian Feudalism: C.300–1200; Calcutta, 1965 and New Delhi, 1980. Sharma, R.S., Land Revenue in India, Historical Studies; Delhi, 1971. Sharma, R.S., ‘Coins and Problems of Early Indian Economic History’; JNSI, XXXI, pt. I, pp. 1–8, 1969. Sharma, R.S., ‘Indian Feudalism Retouched’ IHR, I, No. 2, 1974. Sharma, R.S., ‘How Feudal was Indian Feudalism’ (reprint from Journal of Peasant Studies) in Feudal Social Formation in Early India, D.N. Jha, ed., Delhi, 1987, pp. 166–97. Early medieval Indian Society, A Study in Feudalisation; Calcutta, 2001. Sharma, R.S., K.M. Shrimali, ed. Comprehensive History of India, (985–1206 AD), IV; pt. I, Delhi, 1992. Sharma, K. Madhava Krishna, ‘Rulers of Anhilavada’, IHQ, XXI, p. 98. Shastri Parmananda, ‘Paṭṭāvali of Balatakar Gaṅa in Nandi Saṁgha’, Anekanta, XVII, No.1, pp. 35–41; Delhi, 1964. Shastri Hari Prasad Ganga Sankar, ‘Vividha Dastāvejona, nāmuno Saṁgraha’, Lekhapaddhati, Pathika, Vol. 15–16, No.12, 1975, pp. 69–72. Ahmedabad (in Gujarati). Sheth, C.B., Jainism in Gujarat, (AD 1100–1600); Bombay, 1953. Sircar, D.C., Studies in the Geography of Ancient and Medieval India; Varanasi, 1960. Sircar, D.C., Indian Epigraphy; Delhi, 1965. Sircar, D.C., Indian Epigraphical Glossary; Delhi, 1966. Sircar, D.C., Land Lordism and Tenancy in Ancient and Medieval India revealed by Epigraphical Records; Lucknow 1969. Sircar, D.C., (ed.), Land System and Feudalism in Ancient India; Calcutta, 1966. Sircar, D.C., Studies in the Political and Administrative System in Ancient and Medieval India; Delhi, 1974. Sircar, D.C., ‘Veraval Inscription of Chaulukya Vaghela Arjuna 1264 AD’ EI, XXXIV, 1961–62, pp. 141–50, Delhi, 1963.

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Bibliography Stern Bach, L., Judicial Studies in Ancient Indian Law, pt. I; Delhi, 1965, pt. II, Delhi, 1967. Stevension, Sinclair, The Heart of Jainism; Bombay, 1915. (p.234) Subbarao, B, Baroda, Through the Ages; Baroda, 1953. Tawney, R.H., Techno-Economic Survey of Gujarat; Delhi, 1963. Tawney, R.H. Techno-Economic Survey of Rajasthan; Delhi, 1963. Thakur, J.P., ‘Cultural Gleanings from Hemacandra's Trisastisalakapurusacharita, AIOC, XX, pp. 121–30. Thakur Vijay Kumar & Aouneshuman, (ed), Peasant in Indian History Theoretical issues and Structural Enquiries; Delhi, 1995. Thomas, Edward, Chronicles of The Pathan Kings of Delhi; Delhi, 1967. Tirmizi, SAI, Some Aspects of Medieval Gujarat; Delhi, 1968. Tod, James, Travels in Western India; Delhi, 1971. Tod, James, Annals and Antiquities of Rajasthan, ed., with introduction and notes by William Crooke, 3 vols.; Delhi, 1971. Vaidya, C.V., History of Medieval India, 3 Vols.; Reprinted, Delhi, 1979. Virji, K.J., Ancient History of Saurashtra being a Study of the Maitrakas of Valabhi, 5th-8th Centuries AD; Bombay, 1952. Vyas Lakshmi Shankar, Caulukya Kumarapala; Varanasi, 1962 (in Hindi). Watson, J.W., ‘Notes on the Seacoast of Saurashtra with a few Remarks, on the Extent of Chudasama Rule’, IA, VIII pp. 181ff, 1879. Watt, George, The Commercial Products of India, New Delhi, 1966. Wilberforce, Bell, H, The History of Kathiawad, London, 1966. Wilson, H.H., A Glossary of Judicial and Revenue Terms and of Useful Words occuring in the official Documents Relating to the Administration of Government of British India; Delhi, 1968. Wink, Andre., Al-Hind: The making of the Indo-Islamic World I, Early Medieval India, and the expansion of Islam 7th-11th Centuries; Leiden, 1990. Wink, Andre., Al-Hind: The making of Indo-Islamic World II, The Slave kings and the Islamic Conquest, 11th-13th Centuries; Leiden, 1997. Page 18 of 19

Bibliography Woolner, A.C., Introduction to Prakrit; Varanasi, 1966. Yadav, B.N.S., Society and Culture in Northern India in the 12th Century; Allahabad, 1973. Yadav, B.N.S., ‘Immobility and Subjection of Indian Peasantry in Early Medieval Complex’, IHR, I, No.I; 1974. Yadav, B.N.S., ‘Problems of the Interaction between Socio-Economic Classes in Early Medieval Complex’, IHR, III, No.I, pp. 43–58; 1976. Yadav, B.N.S., ‘The Problem of the Emergence of Feudal Relations in Early India’, Presidential Address, PIHC; Bombay, 1980.

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Index

Lekhapaddhati: Documents of State and Everyday Life from Ancient and Medieval Gujarat Pushpa Prasad

Print publication date: 2007 Print ISBN-13: 9780195684476 Published to Oxford Scholarship Online: October 2012 DOI: 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195684476.001.0001

(p.235) Index Abhayāksharāṇi yathā 186 Abhidhāna cintāmaṇi 83n Ācārya 135 Ācārya Śrāvakasya prasthāpayati lekhaṁ yathā 198 Ādhau kṛita vasturnām-upari gṛihata dravya patra vidhi 23, 101 Ādhi patra 24, 154 Adhikārī 12, 14, 37n Adhipālaka 25, 41n, 102, 153 Ādināth temple 154 Āgama-nigam-dāna 20 Agni tīrtha 52, 55, 59 Agnishtoṁ 135 Agriculture and Fiscal system 18 Ajayapala deva 5, 58 Ajayasiṁha (officer) 17, 82 Akshayatṛitīyā 26, 65, 69, 70, 144, 148, 149, 154, 155 Al-beruni 26 Ālāpo-yathā 189 Amarakosh 30, 72n Aṁsuka karaṇa 49 Amukāka prabhṛiti Pañcakula 12 Amuka pure mitraṁ prasthapayati lekho yathā 214 Anhila 56n Aṇhilapura 56n Anhilapaṭṭaka 35n, 137, 144, 158 Anhilapaṭṭa or paṭṭana 10, 28, 52, 55, 58, 136, 143, 152, 155, 181 Anhilavāḍa or Anhilawāḍa 67 Apabhraṁśa 36n Aprā api nirupaṇa yathā 82 Ari-rāja nandan śaṉkara 58, 60n Arthaśāstra 30, 41n, 84n Page 1 of 16

Index Arlu pathaka 86, 111 Āśīravado yathā 135 Āsāpallī 94, 125, 127 Ashṭa bhoga 66n Aśvaḍḍānaka patra vidhi 23, 151 Aśvakṛitaṁ 49 Aśva vikraya paṭṭaka yathā 84 Atha kshetraḍḍānaka patra 149 Atha mārgaksharāṇi yathā 87 Atharvaveda 129, 135 Athavā Vyāshedho yathā 111 Ātursumbaka 120 Avalagā 9 Avanti 5, 58 Avashṭābadhi 70 Āvaśyaka cūrṉi 43n Bahi 98 Bājara 11 Bala 11, 85 Balādhi 11, 67 Balādhikārī 21, 86 Balādhipa 11, 12, 67 Balādhikṛita 8, 11, 67 Balāra (kind of land) Ballabhava deva (Caulukya ruler) 58 Baladua (Village), 15, 143, 144, 152, 155, 156, 158, 167, 169, 173, 185 Bana 70n, 72n Banjārā 22, 178, 181 Bhāḍā 144 (p.236) Bhāga 19 Bhāgaka (coin) 30 Bhāga lāgadhika or bhāga lāga 19 Bhaiwada 72n Bhāiāḍa 71 Bhājana 9 Bhanaḍārī 114, 115, 176 Bhāryā lekho yathā 208 Bhāshottara yathā 188 Bhaṭṭa 6, 11 Bhaṭṭ dauvārika 11 Bhaṭṭa putra 8, 11, 25, 41n, 88, 89, 102, 176 Bhaṭṭāraka 197, 199 Bhillamalla 43n Bhillamalla dramma 27, 28 Bhima I (Caulukya ruler) 5 Bhima II (Caulukya ruler) 5, 7, 29, 55, 58, 127, 137 Bhimapallī (maṉḍala) Bhoga 19, 64, 110 Bhṛigukachcha 10, 65, 129 Page 2 of 16

Index Bhṛitya lekho yatho 203 Bṛihaspati Smriti 33 Bṛihat kalpa bhāsya 30 Bhūmi 174 Bhumicchidranyāya 38n Bhūmi saṁsthā 17 Bhūrjja 219 Bhūrjja pattala yathā 15, 64 Bīghā 39n, 80n Biswa 39n Bulārmisheṉa 181 Cahaḍa 21 Cāṉḍāla 169, 170 Cāṉḍālī 6, 7, 31, 158, 159 Caṉdravati 6, 127, 136, 145 Candra kalikaṁ vikrya patra vidhi 143 Caṭāpaka 9, 14, 19, 69, 70 Caturāghaṭa 11 Caturaka 19, 69, 113 Caturuttara cautrāsika 63n, 95 Catushapātha 160n Catushcaturottara 63n Caturavarṇa 31 Catvara 14 Cauracaraṭa or Cauracila tāṉacā 9 Chamundaraja (Caulukya ruler) 5, 58 Cina 17 Cintra praśasti inscription 8 Cīrika or Cīrakā 219 Cīṭhīkā yathā 192 Dāna 19, 64, 73, 85, 86 Dāna maṉḍapikā patra vidhi 22, 181 Dāna saṁbandha 84 Daṉḍahi pathaka or (Dhaṉḍahi) 6, 15, 112 Daṉḍahiya pathaka 6, 137 Daṉḍanāyaka 8, 11, 37n, 51, 78 Madhava 11, 16, 58 Sange 11 Danḍupat 24, 41n Dāni 19, 38n, 64, 110 Dāni bhog bhāg 38n Dāni drammā 17, 98 Dāsī 49 Dāsī patra vidhi 158 Dasāparādha 20 Dāya 64 Dedra (Village) Deśa 10, 104, 174, 214 Deśādhipa 67 Page 3 of 16

Index Deśācara 69 Deśatalāra 8, 11 Deśaṭhakkura 11 Deśottara yathā 21, 49, 67 Deva 198, 200 (p.237) Devakaraṇa 8, 10, 37n, 76 Deva pattana 59 Dhāṇā 87 Dhanika 26, 41n, 149, 158 Dharma 49, 53, 55, 198, 200 Dharma Cīrīkā 94, 96 Dharmādhi 8 Dharmādhikaraṇa 7, 10 Dharmādhikārī 13 Dharma śāstra 22, 96 Dharmeṇa dutta bhūmi patra vidhi 156 Dharaṇa (weaver) 133 Dhārṇika 149 Ḍhaukana patra 34, 49, 175 Ḍikolā 121 Dināra 42n Dīpotsva 98 Dirham 28, 31 Dīsā 10, 169 Divya 49 Divyaṁ yathā 106 Ḍohalikā 108, 156 Ḍohalika mukti yathā 49, 108 Ḍokara 82 Dosha 70 Dra 27 Drachma 27 Drammas 14, 15, 18, 21, 24, 25, 27, 31, 42n, 69, 70, 73–5, 78, 82, 84, 86–9, 92, 98, 101, 104, 113, 114, 137, 140, 142–4, 148, 149, 151, 153, 154, 159, 176, 181, 184–6, 188, 191, 213 Dṛishṭa 82 Dravya mudra 136 Duralbharaja 5 Dūṭaka 82, 176 Dvivalla dramma 29, 30, 154 Dvivallaka dramma 30 Dvyāśraya kāvaya 30, 42n, 61n, 97n Ekādasa dvādasaha, prabhṛitikā 33 Encyclopaedia of Islam 4 Gadhiya coin 27 Gala stone inscription 8 Ganga 218 Gaṇikā 49 Ganitasāra 30, 31 Page 4 of 16

Index Ganjak-ganj (treasury) 4 Gardabha, Garaddabha patra 6, 7, 49, 169 Garjankādhirāja 9 Garjjanaka 4, 5 Garjanika 4, 52 Gauṇpatra 49 Ghaḍī 214 Ghatasphota 44n Ghazni 41 Ghazana 4 Ghogha 122 Gocara 19, 64 Godha 10 Godhūma 17 Gomata 39n Gotra 142, 167 Grāma 10 Grāmapati 178 Grama paṭṭaka, Grāma pattalā 20, 49, 69 Grāma Saṁsthā 20, 49, 92 Grāma talāra 8, 11 Grāsalopana yathā 49, 112 Gṛihaḍḍāṇaka patra vidhi 23, 145 Gṛihadūli patram yathā 148 Gṛiha vikraya vidhi 142 Guṇā 38n Guṇākshara 14, 38n, 71 (p.238) Guṇāksharāṇi yathā 22, 85 Guṇā patra 17, 98, 99 Gupta paṭṭaka yathā 76 Gupttattara 49 Gupta priyasya lekho yathā 207 Gurjara 26, 183, 184 Guru śishasyāśīravādaṁ prasthāpayati yathā 200 Guru vijñapatikā yathā 129 Halan prati 19 Hastāḍdharanika 159 Hastāksharāṇi 24, 183 Heḍau Nāgaḍa 84, 151–3 Hema Candra 42n, 52n, 61 Hema ṭaṉkā 31 Hinḍīpaka 8, 12, 67 Hiraṇya 6 Hormuz (Ormuz, an island) 10, 122 Huṉḍī 41n, 49 Huṉḍikā 25, 41n, 75 Isami 223 Ibn-i Batutta 122n Jagadeva (minister) 10 Page 5 of 16

Index Jagadu 122n Jagaducarita 122n Jala patha karaṇa 20 Jaithal (coin) 30 Jambu (village) 176 Jamātṛi lekha 220 Janapada 53, 59 Jāti 131, 137, 149 Jātiya 73 Jayana 51 Jayanaśāla 118, 125 Jayantasimha, or Jayasimha deva (Caulukya ruler) 5, 7 Jina prabha Suri 223 Jīrṇa 29 Ka (= kala) 15, 25, 75n Kadi District 39n Kāgada 196 Kākani 30 Kālasis 14, 70 Kalapataru or Kalpavṛiksha 52, 94, 124, 127 Kaṁsakāra 38n Kaṇa-bhaktaka 14 Kaṇa upagatā yathā 116 Kandalī 137 Kānahaḍa deva Prabhandha 110n Kanishṭha bhratṛi lekho yathā 212 Karaṇas 181 Karna deva (Caulukya ruler) 5, 37n Karapatabhāva 69 Karapatapade 19 Kaṭaka 51 Kathāsarita sāgara 30 Kaula 9 Kāvayasikshā 97n Kāyastha 195 Khalakīyaka 19, 39n Kharataragaccha paṭṭāvali 30, 42n, 134n Kharataragaccha bṛihada gurvaāvalī 31, 139n Khashcā 9 Khednīya 98 Khetakadhara pathaka 6, 10, 16, 58, 59; maṉḍala 6, 10, 63n, 95 Khila bhūmi 18, 92 Kīrtī-kaumadī 36n, 61n Kiveluṁa 9 Koshṭhāgāra 80n Koṭīya 80n (p.239) Krishnākshara, Ujjavalākshara vidhi 178 Krishnarāja rūpaka, 31 Page 6 of 16

Index Kriyāṇakāni 9 Kshetra 149 Kshetrāḍḍānaka patra, 23 Kulhara 175 Kumarapala (Caulukya ruler) 5, 58, 94 Kuṁbhakāra 31 Kumkuṁ patrika 201 Kuṉḍikā 163 Kuṭuṁba 175 Kuṭuṁbina 18 Kuṭuṁbikā 17, 18, 25, 70, 71, 79, 92, 98, 149, 153 Lāga 53, 57n Lāga bhāga 163 Lākha 166, 214 Lāta 10 Lāta pallī 78, 92, 120 Lekha 2, 196 Lekhapaddhati 1–5, 7, 9, 26, 34n, 35n Lekhapancāsikā 12 Lekho yathā 119 Likhānavali 45n Likhitaṁ yathā 120 Līlāvati 30 Lohākāra 31 Lohāmayo 69 Lokaprakāsha 41n Loka-praloka 198 Madhava 11, 16 Mahājana 95, 162, 178 Mahākula 91 Mahākshapaṭalikā 8 Mahaṁ 12 Mahāmātya 8, 10, 12, 15, 16, 37n, 64, 74, 90, 108, 127, 175 Aliga 108, 110–14, 117, 125, 176, 181 Bhabuya 10, 95 Dharnidhara 127, 136 Jagadeva 95 Mahadeva 8, 10, 81 Nagada 82–8 Śila 52 Mahāmātya Bhūrja patraṁ yathā 88 Mahākula 91 Mahāmaṉḍaleśvara 7, 11, 12, 16, 37n, 38n. Dharvarsha 8, 89 Rānā Śrī Viramadeva 117 Rānaka and Rājaputra Lavanyaprasadadeva 75 rāula 73 Viradhavala 159 Mahāmaṉḍapikā 85 Page 7 of 16

Index Mahaṉtaka 12, 13, 15, 67, 69, 70, 73, 87, 88, 110, 120–2, 142, 184, 187, 190, 192, 201 Govil 133 Jajal 137 Jayasiṁha 131 Pale 1, 12, 38n, 137 Vijayasiṁha 122, 136, 137 Yashacandra 137 Mahārāja 7 Karanadeva 58 Bhima II Mahārāja kula Dharavarsha 136 Mahārājādhirāja 7, 51, 65 Bhima I 5 Bhima II 5, 108, 127 Duralabhadeva 5, 58 (p.240) Jayasiṁhadeva 125 Mularaja I 5, 58 Mularaja II 4, 5, 58, 94 Śrī Siṁhadeva (Yadava ruler) 174 Vanaraja 52, 55 Mahārājādhirāja parameśvara parambhaṭṭāraka, 58, 94, 137 Mahārājādhirāja mahāmātya 126 Mahāpratihāra 120n Mahārāṇaka 8, 11, 16, 38n, 64 Mandalika deva 8, 11, 52 Maharashtra 10, 118, 159 Mahattara 38n Mahāvishyaka 161 Maheśvara yogya vijñapatikā 199 Mahi (river) 161 Malamāragaṇa 14, 19, 69, 113 Malawa or Malava 95, 181 Mana (weight) 21, 87, 99 Manapura 181 Maṉḍala 10, 11, 52, 75, 181, 187, 188, 194 Maṉḍalādhipati 11, 16 Rāṇaka Śrī Lavanyaprasada 58, 59 Maṉḍava 40n Māṉḍapa 40n Māṉḍaba 40n Maṉḍali pathaka 6 Māṉḍalika pathaka 117 Maṉḍala karaṇa 17, 89 Maṉḍala Karanasya Upagata yatha 115 Maṉḍapikā 8, 11, 21, 40n, 87 Karaṇa 8, 20, 98 Śulka mandapika 8 Maṉḍaleśvara 11 Maṉḍaleśvara Bhūrja patraṁ yathā 89 Page 8 of 16

Index Māṉgaliyaka 14, 19, 113 Maṇi 104 Manu 34 Manusmriti 41n, 84n Marco Polo 104, 122n Mārgāksharāṇi yathā 21 Māṭaṉga (caste) 31 Maṭha 53, 59 Mātṛi lekha 217 Māṭṭivijñapatikā yathā 133 Maund 40n Meḍīhāraka 19, 98 Mehakula (caste) 32, 71 Mehar 34 Mehar Lunaika 34 Merchants 86, 87, 104, 142, 143, 145, 148, 152, 154, 158, 161, 183, 185 Mitra lekho yathā 204 Mleccha 62n Modhera 108, 169 Mūḍa, Mūde Mūḍo (weight) 40n Mūḍaka 21, 86 Mudrā 81 Mudagala 199 Muhdasa pathaka 110, 118, nagara 121 Mūṭuka (measure of capacity) 70, 86, 116 Nagada 8, 10 Nagara (city) 197 Nagara (caste) 10, 104, 142, 183 Nagarasarika vishya, 10, 22, 67, 85 Nālya (stream) 190 Narada 34 Narasamudra maṉḍala 70, 187 Nātha 118 Nausari pathaka 6, 181 Nau vittikas 38n Navaha-paksha-māsa-tṛipakshādi-kṛiyā 33 Nidhi 66n (p.241) Nikshepa 66n Nirmiyaka 67 Nirūpaṇā yathā 81 Nitīvākyamṛita 37n Nīvapata 145 Nyāyavādo yathā 31, 49, 90 Oḍā (village) 120 Osi 27 Oswāla (caste) 26, 27, 136, 137, 154, 183 Ormuz 10, 122 Ourdhadehikakṛiyā 33 Pāda 195 Page 9 of 16

Index Padāti 14 Pādapadamopajivan 57n, 63n Pādapūjya 195 Prahar 101, 136, 183 Pallī 10, 36n Pallayāṁ 10 Pāñcala Country 17, 98, 99 Pāñcāla Balāra Bhūmi saṁsthā vidhi yathā 98 Pañcānana 52, 136 Pañca jana 184 Pañcakula 8, 10–14, 16, 21, 22, 25, 37n, 58, 67, 69, 70, 73–5, 78, 85, 87, 92, 95, 114, 116, 136, 137, 145, 162, 171, 176, 181, 157–9, 191, 192 Pañca kārūka 31 Pañca mukha Brahaman 13 Pañca mukha nagara 8, 12, 13, 38n, 95, 158, 162, 178, 179 Paṉḍita 90, 108, 169 Paramara 69 Paramara rājaputra 75, 111 Parasva Jina 197 Parī 1 Pārikha 1, 35n, 143 Parikshaka 1 Pathaka 10, 11, 13, 14, 16, 69, 81, 87, 110, 136 Pathakīyaka 12, 20, 22 Pārthījayata 1, 34n, 104, 156, 171–3 Pāruthaka 28 Pārautha 28 Pāraupathaka, Pāraupatha dramma 28, 138, 141, 144, 152, 155 Pāruttha 28, 29 Pauruthi 28 Pāṭila 69 Patnīya 98 Paṭṭa 101 Paṭṭādhara 101, 103 Paṭṭaka dramma 70 Pattana (place name) 21, 22, 67, 85, 86, 90, 104, 114, 122, 127, 131, 133, 148, 175, 181, 183 Paushyavarga 200, 205 Petla Udra or Padra 88, 92, 95 Phalit pade 75 Pitṛi lekha 215 Pitra vijñapatikā yathā 131 Pocila bhūmi 18, 92 Pottaka dramma 120 Poruttha 28 Prabhasa 156 Prabandha ciṉtāmaṇi 31, 35n, 42n, 60n, 108n, 128 Prabandha Kosha 222 Prabhu 118, 188, 202 Page 10 of 16

Index Prahaladanapura 136 Pragavate (caste) 101, 190 Prasāda 64, 65, 99, 110, 136, 137 Prasāda-pattalā 13, 15, 16, 52 Prasanna Bhārya Lekhani prasthāpayati yathā 205 Prati 120 (p.242) Pratipriccha yathā 91 Prithviraja vijaya 4 Pratisārika 12, 21, 22, 39n, 67, 181 Pūga 190 Punaka 178 Purohita 38n Pūravokta Pujai vistrākhayapi sāmanya pratipatti lekho yathā 213 Putra lekha 216 Rājā 13, 15, 112, 125 Rāja-bhogha 20 Rajādeśo Yathā 49, 51 Rājahuṉḍikā yathā 75 Rāja huṉḍikā 15, 19, 25 Rājā Jayatarna 120 Rājakīya 15, 39n, 98 Rājakīya nibandha 110 Rājakula 7, 99, 174 Rājakula daṉḍa 178 Rājanaka 16 Rājanīyaka 16 Rāja prasāda 73 Rājaputra 13–17, 25, 38n, 53, 64, 65, 67, 69–71, 75, 82, 110, 135, 153, 159, 161, 171, 172, 174, 189 Ajaysimha 15, 137 Caturbhuja 15, 137 Godaka 69 Jagada 89 Rājatraṉgiṇī 30, 41n, 83n Rājavali purvaṁ 5 Rāja vijñaptikā yathā 124 Rājyotsava 98 Rakshapāla 25, 65, 84, 140, 142, 158, 169, 171 Rānā 98, 111, 176 Śrī Jayat 118 Śrī Pratapa Singh 158 Śrī Rinamalla deva 98 Śrī Rasil 120 Rāṉaka 6, 13–18, 38n, 65, 143, 173, 191 Śrī Analadeva 59 Śrī Deva 53, 70 RāṇakaPattala 64 Rāshtra 94, 125 Rashtrakuta 161 Page 11 of 16

Index Ras māla 86 Rāul 118 Śrī Dhararsha 129, 145 Raupaya 74 Raupaya ṭaṉkā 31 Rāuta 16 Rāwat 16 Rigveda 129, 135 Rokaḍa 28 Rūpa 30 Rūpaka 27, 30, 31, 42n Rūpaya 27, 30, 53, 55 Ryotwari system 20 Sabhā 95, 171 Sabhāsada 96, 171 Sacitta 110 Sādhu 26, 38n, 42n Sādhya 66n Saguṇanī dāna or Saguni dana 19, 87 Sāhu 21, 42n, 65, 136, 190 Sajato 110 Śākaṁbhari 5, 58, 94 Šaktis 94 Salavi (weaver) 133 Sama daṉḍa 94 Samakara 42n Samakara bhūmi 18 Samakara kula 65 (p.243) Samakara paṭṭaka 73 Samakara Uddha grāma paṭṭaka vidhi 20, 73 Samaya patra 49, 173 Saṁghavi 115, 178 Saṁrushṯa Bhāryā Bhṛita lekho yathā 206 Saṁdhi vighrau yathā 49, 118 Sanmukhahastākshārṇi 24, 184 Sānurāga prasthāpayati priya lekho yathā 210 Sapādalaksha 5, 10, 58, 62n Sarangadeva (Caulukya ruler) 8, 127, 136, 176 Sarosha Bhṛita Bhārya Lekho yathā 209 Śāsana 65 Śāsana patra 4, 52, pattalā 49 Śāstra 199, 200 Satrāgāra 49 Saurashtra 133 Savṛiksha mālā kula 6 Sawālākha 10 Sera (weight) 98 Sevaka 218, 219 Shāh 35n Page 12 of 16

Index Siddha 66n, 125 Siddharāja 52, 55, 58, 127, 137 Sidhi 125 Śīlapatra 16, 171, 172 Sirnara (Village) 161 Sitapura (Village) 115 Smasta mudra vyāpāra paripanthayati yathā 6, 10 Smriti 23, 34n, 41n, 199 Somanatha temple 59 Somesvara temple 59, 125 Soni 38n Śrāvaka 197 Śrāvaka guru vijñapatikā 197 Śrāvikā 198 Śreṇī 8, 49, 187, 197, 220 Śreshṭha (good) 29 Śreshṭhī 25, 26, 38n, 42n, 137, 159, 167, 187, 197, 220 Śreshṭhin 29 Śrī Karana 8, 10, 14, 74, 84, 108, 110, 113, 115, 136, 137 Śrī Karaṇādi 10 Śrīmalla (caste) 26, 104, 149, 152, 183, 184 Śrīmālīya dramma 28, 101 Śrimālīya mint 136–138, 141, 144, 145, 150, 152, 154, 155, 183 Śrī Patrikā yathā 190 Śrī Sthala tīrtha 61n Śrotṛiyā 24 Sthāna Karaṇa 49 Stambha tīrtha 131, 133 Stihi mukti 73 Śudra 17, 31, 65, 90 Sūkhāḍi 98 Sukranīti Sukṛita Saṁkīrtana 61n, 62n Sukra 52 Śulka (taxes) 49 Sulaiman 28 Surashtra 10 Sutradhāra 31, 98 Svahastoksharāṇī yathā 185 Svāmī 49, 118, 126, 127, 179, 194 Svāmī lekho yathā 202 Svarūpa vidhi 122 Svasti 194, 196 Svāstikā 162 Svaśura lekha 218 Svasru lekha 219 Svasaṁketan 71 (p.244) Svyamāgata dāsī patra vidhi 161 Tabaqāt-i Nāsirī 62n Page 13 of 16

Index Ṭakā 31 Talaka 98 Talāra 64, 67 Talārābhavāya 19, 67 Talavāro 67 Tāmra śāsan 5, 58 Tāmra rūpa 30 Ṭaṉkā 27, 31, 42n, 78, 79 Ṭaṉka Śālā karaṇa 20, 21 Tanniyukta 37n Tantra 82 Tantrapati 83n Tantra pāla 82n Tantra śālā 49 Tārīkh-i-Firuz Shāhi, 134n Tatariya or Tahiriyeh dirham 28 Ṭhakamana 9 Ṭhakkura 16, 38n, 59, 67, 70, 156, 202, 203 Ṭhakkura Pheru 31 Theko yatha 49, 117 Tippankam yatha 21, 49, 86 Tirtha 121 Tithi 201 Tribhuvanaganda 58 Tripurusha 76 Turuska 62n Uccatan 199 Uddhakhilabhumi 18, 92 Uddha-pattaka 73 Udgraya 15 Udgrahyamana 64 Udgrahita 92 Ujjayini (city) 124 Ujjavalaksharani 178 Ukti vyakti prakarana 41n Unaua (village) 156 Upagata yatha 114 Upakarna 49 Uparahindiya 12, 22, 181 Uttarā 78, 79 Uttaraka dramma 78, 79 Uttarāksharāṇi yathā 78 Uttarāni 78 Utthān Patrikā vidhi 176 Vāckani 98 Vadhu heto rāja lekha 121 Vāhaka (officer) 15, 19, 137 Vāhoṭaka 78 Vaidyanatha temple 159 Page 14 of 16

Index Vākaparushya 31, 44n Valitapatra vidhi 24, 49, 140 Vallabha rājā (Caulukya ruler) 5 Vaniā 35n, Vāṇija 25, 154 Vāṇijayakāra 38n, 178 Verandah or Varanḍo 145, 147n Vardhaman city 21, 40n, 86, 171, 176 Varabarka (ruler) 5, 58 Vārigṛiha karaṇa 19 Varṇa 53, 158, 161 Vāru 9 Vasamān samakara kula 15 Vāyaḍa 26, 145 Vayaya karaṇa 8 Vedas 199 Velākula karaṇa 20, 49 Vibhaṉga patra vidhi 19, 32, 33, 34, 49, 165 Vicāra-śreṇi 56n Vidhipatra 187 Vijñapti 196 Vijñaneśvara 34 Vikara 117 Vikarapada 69 (p.245) Vikraṇa paṭṭaka yathā 191 Vikraya 49 Viṁśopaka 92 Viṁśopikā 18, 42n Viṁśatika 42n Vināśa 70 Vīsaladeva (ruler) 29 Visala priya dramma 28, 129, 154, 158 Vishya 10 Vishnu 125 Viśudhāksharāni yathā 113 Viśvamallapriya dramma 28, 101, 136, 145, 149 Volāpika 11, 21, 39n, 64, 67, 73 Volāpana 19, 39n Vrihi 17 Vṛiddhi dhānyāksharāṇī patra 49, 104 Vṛiddhi phala bhoga 23, 49, 144, 149 Vyāpāra 202, 203 Vyāpāra karaṇa 20 Vyāpriyamāṇena 73 Vyāshedho yathā 49, 110 Vyāslakshmidhara 136, 137 Vyavahāraka 25, 26, 78, 79, 137, 149, 183, 213 Vyavahāra pada 19, 78 Vyavahāra patra 24, 49, 101, 136 Page 15 of 16

Index Vyavahāra karaṇa 20 Vyavahāra mayūkha 41n Vyavasthā yathā 74 Vyaya karaṇa 8 Wasaff 62n Wevehar 26 Women 33 Yajñavalkya 23, 41n Yajuraveda 127, 135 Yamala patra 7, 35n, 174 Yama 96 Yathotapanna 64 Yathotapanna dravya hiranya bhāg bhoga 6 Yava 17 Yoganipura 10, 133 Yudhishṭhra 94

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