Latin monasticism in Norman Sicily cj82k7972

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- THE MEDIAEVAL ACADEMY OF AMERICA

PUBLICATION No. 31

LATIN MONASTICISM IN NORMAN SICILY

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LATIN MONASTICISM

IN NORMAN SICILY LYNN TOWNSEND WHITE, JR Stanford University

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THE MEDIAEVAL ACADEMY OF AMERICA CAMBRIDGE, MASSACHUSETTS 1938

The publication of this book was made possible by grants of funds to the Mediaeval Academy from the Carnegie Corporation of New York and the American Council of Learned Societies.

CopYRIGHT

1938 , BY

THE MEDIAEVAL ACADEMY OF AMERICA

Printed in U.S. A.

TO

GEORGE LA PIANA

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PREFACE Sinethe theIntroduction, apology forthere this remains book ishere presented the first of only theinjoyful tasksection of remembering those who have helped and encouraged me in its preparation. Although no one who sat at the feet of Dr Charles H. Haskins could escape the infection of his enthusiasm for the southern Normans, it was Dr George La Piana of Harvard who first turned me towards the serious

study of the history of his native Sicily. I am deeply grateful for his guidance and support, especially in the early stages of the work. Thanks are due to Harvard University and to the family of Mr Bayard Cutting for the Bayard Cutting Fellowship which enabled me to comb the rele-

vant unpublished materials from the libraries of Italy and Sicily. Especially in ecclesiastical archives the kindly patience of the clergy often

permitted me to labor long after the official hour of closing. I recall particularly the cordiality of Mgr Carmelo Scalia at Catania, of Mgr Pannesitti at Patti, of Canon Tommaso Lanza at Cefalt, of the Reverend Libertino Cardella at Agrigento, of Dom Eugenio de Palma at Monte-

vergine, and in Rome of Mgr Leonida Perrin of the Lateran, and of Dom Joseph Croquison, then Vice-Rector of the Greek College. In Palermo the good offices of Dr C. A. Garufi assured me every courtesy

at the rich Communal Library and State Archive. The scholars of Catania could not have been more kind: the library of St Nicholas, temporarily closed, was opened to me by Mr Giuseppe Toscano; Dr Matteo Gaudioso of the State Archive gave freely of his time and advice;

while the directors of the local historical society and Dr G. Greco of Agira generously permitted me to consult Dr Greco’s transcripts of the Norman documents of Agira. As for the personnel of the Vatican Archive and Library, to publish a book on the Middle Ages is almost automatically to recognize one’s debt to them. I wish also to express my gratitude to the many friends at Harvard and at Princeton who have given me aid and comfort in this research, and to the Mediaeval Academy of America and the American Council of Learned Societies for

making possible its publication. Finally I thank the editor of the American historical review for his kind permission to reprint a portion of an article which appeared in that journal, and Mr Harry Winton of Stanford University for the preparation of the indices. Lynn WHITE, JR

19 November 1937 |

Stanford, California

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| CONTENTS Page

List oF ABBREVIATIONS Roger proved reluctant. There dwelt at Monte Cassino at that time the arch-forger of the Middle Ages, Peter the Deacon—an imaginative genius of the first order, and no mean scholar. In a vain attempt to arouse the King’s generosity by impressing on him the extent of the abbey’s former possessions in the island, Peter fabricated that elaborate series of lives of St Placidus and buttressing documents which for complexity and inventive ingenuity has no rival in the annals of mediaeval forgery, and which was not questioned until the time of Baronius.°®

Although the legend of St Placidus cannot be accepted, it is certain that during the sixth century monasteries spread and prospered throughout Sicily. In the letters of Pope Gregory I (590-604) we find indications

of at least sixteen establishments of monks and four of nuns located there. Since eleven of these appear only once, we may judge that the 1 Hans Achelis, “Die Martyrologien, ihr Geschichte und ihr Wert,’ Abhandlungen der kgl. Gesellschaft der Wissenschaft zu Gottingen, phil.-hist. Kl., u1, 3 (1900), 100. 2 Chronica Cassinensis, 111, c. 63, ed. W. Wattenbach, Monumenta germaniae historica, scriptores, vu, 746-7. 3L. A. Muratori, Rerum italicarum scriptores (Milan, 1725), vu, 937. 41, c. 1, ed. cit., 580. 5 Infra, p. 57. 6 Caspar, Petrus Diaconus, 47-72.

Latin Monasticism in Sicily before the Normans 11 actual number was considerably larger. Some of these cloisters had evidently been founded long before Gregory’s time: in cases involving lands of St Theodore’s in the diocese of Palermo (in 590)! and the abbeys of St Lucy of Syracuse and St Peter of Baias near Syracuse (in 597),? the

Pope orders that the disputes be settled on the basis of forty years’ possession. St Vitus’s on the slopes of Etna was probably in existence before 560,? while St Christopher’s in the diocese of ‘Taormina seems in 598 to have been an old foundation.* About 574 Gregory the Great endowed his famous abbey of St Andrew in Rome, and his contemporary Gregory of Tours (d. 594) tells us that ‘In rebus propriis sex in Sicilia monasteria congregavit.’> There is no reason to believe, however, that the six Sicilian cloisters were erected in 574 or even simultaneously. In fact Pope Gregory refers in July 591 to an ‘oratorium beatae Mariae quod nuper in cella fratrum aedificatum est’ as though it were one of his projects. It is probable that they were founded from time to time to provide for bands of Italian monks who

had fled to Sicily to escape the ravages of the Lombards. The papal register shows that such refugees were common. In March 591 Gregory orders that Bishop Paulinus of Taurianum (in Calabria) and his ‘monachos occasione dispersos barbarica’ be settled in St Theodore’s of Mes-

sina, with Paulinus as abbot.’ Again we find a monk named Trajan fleeing from the region of Lake Fucino (‘provincia Valeria’) with manu-

scripts and other possessions. He eventually became abbot of an unnamed monastery in Syracuse built by a certain Capitulina.? In 593 Gregory is trying to apprehend two Lucanian fugitives, one an ex-nun, ‘cum propter inruentem Italiae cladem Siciliam refugissent’ taking with them considerable stolen monastic treasure.® ‘This same year the Pope 1 Gregor I papae registrum epistolarum, 1, 9, ed. P. Ewald and L. M. Hartmann, Mon. germ.

Mary’s. |

haist., epistolae, 1 (Berlin, 1891), 11. For this abbey cf. also Ep. v, 4, Vol. 1, p. 284.

2 Ep. vu, 36, Vol. 1, p. 484. The editors, p. 11, n. 4, indicate that the 40-year period is taken

from Justinian’s Novels, cxxxi, c. 6. For St Lucy’s cf. Epp. 1, 67, and 11, 3, Vol. 1, pp. 87 and 160. Adolf Holm, Geschichte Siciliens im Alterthum (Leipzig, 1898), 111, 304, wrongly refers to it as St 3 Epp. xiv, 16, 17, Vol. 1, p. 436, refer to a privilege concerning St Vitus’s in the days of a Pope

Pelagius and Bishop Elpidius of Catania. Pelagius I (555-60) sanctioned Elpidius’s election in 558; cf. JK, No. 982. There is no evidence that Elpidius was alive under Pelagius II (578-90). The assertion of P. B. Gams, Series episcoporum (Ratisbon, 1873), 944, that Elpidius died c. 580 rests on the mistaken attribution of the bull of 558 to Pelagius II by Pirri, 527. 4 Ep. rx, 75, Vol. u, p. 93. 5 Historia francorum, x, c. 1, ed. W. Arndt and B. Krusch, Mon. germ. hist., script. rer. merov., 1 (Hanover, 1884), 407.

° Ep. 1, 54, Vol. 1, p. 79. He orders its dedication ‘quatenus coepta nostra . . . debeant consummari.’ 7 Epp. 1, 38, 39, Vol. 1, p. 51.

8 Ep. x, 1, Vol. 1, p. 237. 9 Ep. rv, 6, Vol. 1, p. 238.

12 | Introduction charges his Sicilian rector to collect all sacred vessels held by ‘diversos sacerdotes Siciliam confugientes’ and to return them to the bishops of their proper churches.! Five years later Gregory is still concerned with the same matter,? while in 599 we find the abbot of a Neapolitan house attempting to recover the codices and altar-cloths of his monastery which

had been taken to Sicily for protection.? Certainly in the late sixth century the island received a considerable influx of Latin monks from the mainland, and doubtless some of them found permanent homes in

Gregory’s new cloisters. |

Only three of the Pope’s own abbeys can be identified. St Hermas’s in Palermo he calls ‘monasterilum meum.’* The ‘monasterium sanctorum Maximi et Agathae quod Lucuscanum dicitur’ is likewise called ‘monasterium nostrum.’® I have referred above to Gregory’s patronage of the oratory of St Mary, which was probably identical with the ‘monasterium Praetorianum.’® The exact location of these abbeys is unknown.’ New monasteries were being established frequently in Gregory’s time by wealthy laymen. We have already noticed Capitulina’s foundation in Syracuse. Another unnamed abbey was built by a certain Bonus;® while a citizen of Catania, Julianus, having found himself unable to endow adequately a cloister which he had erected there, appealed to the 1 Ep. Iv, 15, Vol. I, p. 248,

2 Epp. vi, 26, and rx, 19, Vol. u, pp. 27, 53. | 3 Ep. rx, 172, Vol. 1, p. 169. |» Lancia di Brolo, op. cit., 1, 420, believes that the penitent Marcellus

‘Barunitanae ecclesiae’ (Ep. 1, 18, Vol. 1, p. 24) was a Calabrian refugee, but there is no support for such an idea. Ep. v, 28, Vol. 1, p. 308, speaks of Cicero, a monk of Misenum, as in Sicily, but he appears to have been a fugitive from justice rather than from the Lombards. Cf. also Ep. v, 83, Vol. 1, p. 314, for three monks sent to Sicily on business by their abbot, but who refused to return to the Campania. 4 “Urbicus monasterii mei praepositus,’ Ep. v, 4, of Sept. 594, Vol. 1, p. 284. St Hermas’s is not named in this letter, but in July 596 Urbicus was its abbot; cf. Epp. v1, 39, 47, Vol. 1, pp. 415, 422. 5 Epp. 1x, 20, 21, 66, 82, Vol. 11, pp. 54, 55, 86, 97.

6 Or ‘Praecoritanum,’ as it is called in Ep. rx, 18, Vol. u, p. 53. In July 591 (Ep. 1, 54, Vol. 1, p. 79) Gregory orders his Sicilian rector, Peter, to dedicate his monastery of St Mary ‘ubi Marinianus

abbas praeesse dignoscitur.? Marinianus appears as abbot in another letter (Ep. rx, 7, Vol. 1, p. 45), and is probably identical with ‘Martinianus abbas de Panormo’ (Ep. 101, 27, Vol. 1, p. 184). In July 592 (Ep. u, 38, Vol. 1, p. 138) the Pope writes indignantly to Peter the rector: ‘Martiniano abbate indicante cognovi quia fabrica in Praetoritano monasterio nec ad medietatem quidem adhuc

perducta est.” Apparently St Mary’s and the Praetoritanum were the same, and the dedication

had not taken place because the structure was unfinished. Gregory then commands that the work be completed at once so that (in the Ewald-Hartmann text) ‘ad me Privati abbatis querela non redeat.’ Hartmann, Vol. 1, p. 504, is doubtful whether ‘Privatus’ was really abbot of the Praetoritanum. Certainly the context points towards Martinianus as abbot, and the name Privatus is very unusual. The reading of the Maurine edition here seems preferable: ‘privati abbatis querela.’ 7 On the attempt to identify St Hermas’s with San Giovanni degli Eremiti in Palermo, cf. infra, p. 123.

8 Ep. 1x, 20, Vol. m1, p. 54. .

Latin Monasticism in Sicily before the Normans 13 Pope for aid.! Again, we find Gregory encouraging a pious lady, Adeodata, who wished to convert her mansion in Lilybaeum (Marsala) into a nunnery hospitably dedicated to SS. Peter, Lawrence, Hermas,

Pancras, Sebastian, and Agnes.? But we have no indication of the origin of most of the houses mentioned in the papal register: a men’s cloister in Lilybaeum,? another in Lentini,* St Andrew’s above Mascali in the diocese of Taormina,® St Hadrian’s in Palermo,® St George’s ‘in

massa ... Maratodis,’? the nunneries of St Martin in the diocese of Palermo,® of St Stephan in that of Agrigento,® and of an unidentified

nunnery ‘in fundo Monastheo.”!° __ |

It is improbable that these abbeys followed any single monastic rule. We know that elsewhere at that time the greatest variety was found: several different rules might even be used in the same monastery./! We may surmise, however, that the Italian refugees and the influence of St Gregory, particularly in the six abbeys which he hunself had erected, propagated the Benedictine observance in Sicily. Maximianus, bishop of Syracuse from 590 to 594, had been abbot of Pope Gregory’s own monastery of St Andrew in Rome.!? Caesarius, the abbot of St Peter’s of Baias near Syracuse, had been a monk with Gregory in Rome.!? In writing to Urbicus, abbot of St Hermas’s, regarding the administration of the Lucuscan monastery, the Pope speaks of ‘regula monachorum’ in

a context which points to c. 54 of the Benedictine rule.!* Since these are the only indications we have of the observances of our abbeys, we may assume that at the end of the sixth century Benedictinism was conspicuous, if not dominant, among the Sicilian churches. Gregory’s register, then, shows us a flourishing monasticism in Sicily during his pontificate, and a monasticism which was under strong Bene-

1 Ep. xu, 23, Vol. 1, p. 389. 2 Ep. 1x, 233, Vol. u, p. 228.

3 Ep. ut, 49, Vol. 1, p. 206.

4 Ep. xu, 15, Vol. 1, p. 362. | , 5 Kp. m1, 56, Vol. 1, p. 216. 6 Ep. 1, 18, Vol. 1, 24, and possibly Ep. x1, 5, Vol. 1, p. 370.

7 Ep. u, 29, Vol. 1, p. 125. . | 8 Ep. v, 4, Vol. 1, p. 284.

9 Ep. vir, 23, Vol. u, p. 24. 10 Epp. 1, 42, 11, 38, Vol. 1, pp. 68, 134. Can this have been in the diocese of Taormina, where a woman suffered excommunication for leaving a nunnery without the bishop’s permission? Cf. Ep.

1x, 3, Vol. m1, p. 42. - | | |

11 J, Mabillon, Acta sanctorum Ordinis S. Benedicti, praefatio in saec. tv (Venice, 1733-8), 218.

12 Cf. the note of the editors of the Registrum, Vol. 1, p. 15. ,

13 Ep. vu, 36, Vol. 1, p. 485: ‘Caesarius venerabilis abbas quia noster olim fuerit . . .’ | 14 Ep. rx, 20, Oct. 598, Vol. 11, p. 55. In his Dialogues, 11, c. 36, ed. Moricca, p. 131, written

probably in 594, Gregory says that Benedict ‘scripsit monachorum regulam.’ ,

14 Introduction dictine influence. Was it completely Latin, or did it contain Greek ele-

ments? The names found in the letters would lead us to believe that both Sicily and its abbeys were overwhelmingly Latin in race and tongue.! The only indications of Greeks permanently settled in the island come where we might expect them: in Catania and Syracuse? on

| the Ionian Sea, where Greek merchants would naturally be found, and in the imperial administration—the Pope replies to a Greek communica-

tion from Zitta, magister malitum in Sicily. Since over two hundred of Gregory’s letters refer to our island, this was formerly regarded as conclusive proof that Sicily was Latin to the core about the year 600. The excavations of recent decades, however, have supplied much new

material, and have forced us to modify this opinion drastically. The inscriptions from Messina, Catania, and Syracuse show that as late as the fifth century everywhere along the east coast of the island a majority of the people spoke Greek. As one approaches its southern tip, the proportion of Greek inscriptions increases: in the catacombs of Syracuse, then the most important city of Sicily, they outnumber the Latin

ten to one. The astonishing number of Latin names on these Greek tombstones® shows how easily we may be misled regarding the ordinary language of the ‘Latins’ found in Gregory’s letters. Except along the east coast the epigraphic material is as yet too scarce

to warrant conclusions. But there is evidence that at the end of the 1 Latin names of Sicilian monks or patrons of abbeys mentioned by Gregory are: Adeodata, Adeodatus, Bonus, Caesarius, Capitulina, Domina, Domitius, Julianus, Lucifer, Marcellus, Marcia, Marcianus, Marinianus, Paulinus, Trajan, Urbicus, and Victoria. John and Paul indicate nothing. Only three ‘Greek’ names are found: Agatho, Eusebius, and Gregory!

2 Ep. rx, 26, Vol. u, p. 59. The Registrum has two mentions of oriental transients in Sicily: a debt-ridden Syrian merchant named Cosmas (Ep. trv, 43, Vol. 1, p. 278), and a group of Monophysites from Alexandria (Ep. xu, 16, Vol. 1, p. 362). The Latin tombstone of an Alexandrian cloth-merchant in Palermo is dated 602; cf. Corpus inscriptionum latinarum, x, ii, 7330. 3 Ep. x, 10, Vol. um, p. 245.

4The admirable recent work of Gerhard Rohlfs, Scavi linguistict nella Magna Grecia (Rome, 1933), esp. pp. 129-131, makes it superfluous to examine the archaeological evidence here in any detail. Rohlf’s central thesis, that the Greek tongue was used continuously in Southern Italy and Sicily in Roman times, is now generally accepted, at least as regards Sicily. Unfortunately his reaction against the older theory that Southern Italy was completely Romanized for several centuries has led him to minimize the importance of the oriental immigration of the early Middle Ages (p. 147). Consequently his attempt to account for the remarkable revival of Hellenism in these regions during the seventh century (cf. p. 136) is unsatisfactory. 5 Eleven of the seventeen ‘Latin’ names listed above in note 1 can be matched in the Greek _ index of Vincenzo Strazzulla, Museum epigraphicum seu inscriptionum christianarum quae in syracusanis catacumbis repertae sunt corpusculum (Palermo, 1897), in Documenti per servire alla storia

di Sicilia, 3a serie, ur. Similar ambiguity prevents us from drawing any conclusion from the names in three Latin papyri of the late fifth century which concern Sicily, in Gaetano Marini, I papirt diplomatic: (Rome, 1805), Nos. 73, 82, 83, and in Biagio Pace, ‘I barbari ed i bizantini in Sicilia,’ ASS, xxxvi (1911), 59-68.

Latin Monasticism in Sicily before the Normans 15 sixth century the Hellenic population had maintained itself on the south

coast as well; for at Agrigento, the ancient Akragas, we find a Greek bishop, St Gregory of Agrigento, from before 591 until 603.1 It seems most improbable that this learned Greek exegete, whose commentary on Ecclesiastes is extant,? would have been elevated to such a post unless his flock had included a considerable Greek element. Does his penetration into the upper stratum of the secular hierarchy imply that Sicily also had a Greek-speaking regular clergy at that time? Probably, but of this we have no proof, either in the Registrum or from other sources.? Italian monks fleeing the Lombards, Pope Gregory’s own patronage of the Sicilian abbeys, and the natural tendency of church officials, who were directly responsible to the Pope, to favor Latin monasteries above Greek, would all tend to obscure the latter in the records

of the time. The existence of a Greek bishop at Agrigento and the archeological evidence from the east coast indicate that Gregory Is letters do not give us an accurate picture of the contemporary Sicilian

population. The Pope was corresponding with the bureaucrats, the papal agents, the bishops, and abbots, and wealthy laymen of the island. This ruling class was probably far more Latinized than were the com-

mon people. The foundations of Sicily, at least in the east and south, were Greek;* only the superstructure was Latin. It is this persistence of the Hellenic element in Sicily which explains the astonishing rapidity and permanence with which the island and its monasteries were Byzantinized in the first half of the seventh century by immigrants from the Levant. +I have discussed the problem of this St Gregory in ‘The Byzantinization of Sicily,’ American

historical review, xuit (1936), 2-6. |

2 Sancti Gregorit II agrigentinorum episcopi explanationes Ecclesiastae libri decem, ed. Stephano Antonio Morcelli (Venice, 1791), reprinted in PG, xcvu, cols. 742-1181.

3 However before 609 St Zosimus, a native Greek of Syracuse, entered St Lucy’s in that city; cf. infra, p. 24, n. 4.

* Additional evidence of the continued use of the Greek tongue in the island is to be found in the manuscript tradition of the New Testament. The latest criticism ascribes both the Codex Bezae and the Codex Claromontanus (both fifth-sixth century) to Sicily; cf. James Hardy Ropes, The text of Acts, Vol. 11 of The beginnings of Christianity, Part 1: The Acts of the Apostles, ed. by

F. J. Foakes Jackson and Kirsopp Lake (London, 1926), pp. lix-Lxviii. ,

INTRODUCTION Ill. THE BYZANTINIZATION OF SICILY! HE history of the mass migrations which disturbed the Mediterra"Doreen in the century following Gregory I’s pontificate remains to be written: an account of the great shifts of population from East to West,

the displacement of Greeks by Semites and of Latins by Greeks. In

| the study of this latter movement Sicily is of the greatest importance. Almost blocking the narrow passage between the eastern and western basins of the Mediterranean, the island received the full impact of that wave of Greeks and Greek influences which swept westward, temporarily submerging the Latinity of North Africa, Southern Italy, and of Rome itself, and completely ousting the Latin element from Sicily and Lower Calabria. The documentation of this Byzantine inundation is as yet most inadequate, and the chances of error regarding it are great. The discus-

sion has already passed through several stages. The first scholar to attract general attention to the ‘second Hellenization of Magna Graecia,’ Francois Lenormant, asserted that its agents were refugees, particularly Iconodulic monks, fleeing the wrath of the Iconoclastic emperors of the eighth century.?, Unfortunately Lenormant’s most striking ‘proofs’ of monastic migration to Italy at that time were derived from an eighteenthcentury forgery designed to enhance the reputation of a miraculous icon

in Bari.? Moreover the researches of Charles Diehl* refuted Lenormant’s contention® that, despite Byzantine rule, Italy was almost unaffected by oriental influences for two hundred years after Justinian’s conquest of the Goths. Louis Bréhier® and Paolo Orsi’ then decided that the process of Hellenization dated back to the middle of the sixth century.

This view in turn is being modified. Naturally there had always 1 See my more extensive article of the same title in the American historical review, x11 (1936), 1-21. 2 La Grande-Gréce (Paris, 1881), 1, vii; 1, 371-400. 3 P. Batiffol, L’abbaye de Rossano (Paris, 1891), p. v. 4 Etudes sur administration byzantine dans l’exarchat de Ravenne (568-751) (Paris, 1888), especially pp. 241-288. © Op. cit., 11, 382.

6 ‘Les colonies d’orientaux en occident au commencement du moyen-fge,’ Byzantinische Zertschroft, x11 (1903), 8. 7 “‘Byzantina Siciliae,’ ibid., xx (1910), 475.

16

The Byzantinization of Sicily 17 been oriental commercial colonies in the West, and eastern pilgrims had

frequented the shrines of SS. Peter and Paul. But no proof has yet been offered that, outside the exarchal capital of Ravenna, Italy or Sicily was profoundly affected by Byzantinism before the seventh cen-

tury. Under Pope Gregory I, after fifty years of Greek domination, Rome was a very Latin city. Two generations later it was truly ‘une ville bizantine,’! and Sicily, which in Gregory’s day contained a considerable Latin element, had become completely Greek in language, rite, and culture. The cause of this metamorphosis was an influx of Greek-speaking 1m-

migrants, both lay and clerical, from Syria and Egypt. From 614 onward the Levant suffered a series of fearful convulsions any one of which would have forced thousands of refugees across the sea.” The first dis-

aster was the Persian invasion under Khusrau II. The Sassanid armies spread terror throughout Syria. The churches particularly suffered. In the famous abbey of St Saba, on the road between Jerusalem and Jericho, forty-four monks were tortured to death; Antiochus, one who

escaped, tells how he and other survivors fled from place to place seeking

safety.? Alexandria was filled with Syrians living on the bounty of Patriarch John of that city.* But the relentless Persians advanced southward to the Nile, and destroyed a great many of the monasteries of Egypt as well. We know the name of one monk, John Moschus, who had retreated from Palestine to Antioch, then from Antioch to Alexandria. When in 617 the invaders besieged Alexandria itself, he fled westward to Rome, where he died in 619.6 Presumably he was only one of many who did likewise.

It is noteworthy that the migration to the Occident in the seventh century seems to have included almost no refugees habitually Coptic- or

Syriac-speaking.’ It was a purely Hellenic movement. This is ex1 Bréhier, loc. cit. , 2 See especially the brilliant sketch of Jules Gay, ‘Notes sur la crise du monde chrétien aprés les conquétes arabes,’ Mélanges d’archéologie et @ histoire, xiv (1928), 1-7.

3 PG, Lxxx1x, 1422-28. Cf. also English historical review, xxv (1910), 502-17. 4 Cf. the excerpt from John Moschus’s life of John the Almoner in H. Gelzer, Leontios von Neapolis Leben des heiligen Johannes des Baumherzigen, Erzbischofs von Alexandrien (Freiburg i. B., 1893),

112; Hippolyte Delehaye, ‘Une vie inédite de saint Jean lAuménier,’ Analecta bollandiana, xiv

(1927), 21-22. , 5 The history of the patriarchs of the Coptic church of Alexandria, ed. and tr. by B. T. A. Evetts

(Paris, 1907), 485-90; The churches and monasteries of Egypt, attributed to Abu Salih the Armenian, ed. and tr. by B. T. A. Evetts and A. J. Butler (Oxford, 1895), 168; A. J. Butler, The Arab conquest of Egypt and the last thirty years of the Roman dominion (Oxford, 1902), 74-5. 6 Karl Krumbacher, Geschichte der byzantinischen Literatur, 2nd edn. (Munich, 1897), 187. 7 The heretical nuns from Alexandria found at Carthage in 641 by St Maximus Confessor (PG xci, 459, 463, 466) may have been Greek-speaking Monothelites rather than Coptic Monophysites.

18 Introduction plained by the religious situation in the Orient at that time. The Greekspeaking population of the larger cities, particularly along the coast,

had clung to Chalcedonian orthodoxy. The indigenous Copts and Syrians tended to adopt the Monophysite heresy. Politics and religion were inseparable: the orthodox party was also the imperialist (Melkite) faction; the Monophysites were by reason of their heresy traitors to Byzantium. In faith, language, and political allegiance the schism between the two groups became increasingly sharp. “The key to the whole of this epoch is the antagonism between the Monophysites and the Melkites.’!

After the first tempest of war had passed, the Persians used these divisions to strengthen their hold on the newly-conquered provinces. Michael the Syrian tells us that ‘at the command of Khusrau all the Chalcedonian bishops were driven from the whole region of Mesopotamia and Syria. The churches and monasteries were given to the Jacobites.’?

The object was purely political, and persecution of the Melkites was directly instigated by the heretics: al-Makin says that Khusrau ‘had a Jacobite physician, John by name, who persuaded him that so long as [the Melkites] followed orthodoxy, they would incline towards the Romans’; so Khusrau offered the Chalcedonians the alternative of Jacobitism or death.* Evidently a similar policy was followed in Egypt,* which

the Persians ruled for more than a decade. All this would doubtless

stimulate emigration by the Greek minority. | ~ When in 629 the Emperor Heraclius finally drove back the Persians, , he determined to unify the orthodox and heretical churches at all costs. To this end he espoused Monothelitism as a theological compromise. | The Jacobites and Copts, whose antipathy to the Empire was as much political as religious, would have nothing to do with it, and were ruth-

lessly persecuted in return. But worse: Heraclius split the Greekspeaking Melkites. The extreme orthodox group, having suffered such tribulations for the faith under Khusrau, was adamant against this new A real exception may be the Syrian Nestorian monks discovered in Rome by Pope Donus (676-8); cf. Liber pontificalis, ed. L. Duchesne (Paris, 1886), 348. If Monophysites went west to escape the Heraclian persecution, they seem to have returned east after the Arab conquest; cf. infra, p. 19. 1 Butler, Arab conquest, 29.

2 Chronique, ed. and tr. by J. B. Chabot (Paris, 1901), 1, 3'79; cf. 380-81. 3 Historia saracenica, ed. and tr. by T. Erpenius (Leiden, 1625), 12. 4 Michael the Syrian, op. cit., 381, says ‘at that time the bishops of Syria who had been expelled by the Chalcedonians and had fled to Egypt returned to their sees in Syria by order of Khusrau.’

op. cit., 90. |

This would indicate a consistent Persian policy throughout the conquered regions. Cf. Butler, - J. B. Bury, History of the later Roman empire (395-800) (London, 1889), 11, 249, and L. Caetani, Annali dell’ Islam, 1 (Milan, 1907), 1048, agree in estimating the Egyptian Melkites under Heraclius at about thirty thousand, as compared with between five and six million Copts.

The Byzantinization of Sicaly 19 attempt to dilute the Christology of Chalcedon. Led by the monk Sophronius, Patriarch of Jerusalem, it bitterly opposed the Emperor’s heresy, and suffered a persecution which sent another wave of refugee

clerics to Rome, the traditional bulwark of orthodoxy. The Roman synod of 649 which definitively condemned Monotheletism was largely controlled by immigrant monks.! Heraclius’s fanaticism spent itself chiefly, however, on the Mono-

physites. For ten years he oppressed them brutally, particularly in Alexandria. He reaped his reward when the armies of Islam, advancing through Syria, Palestine, and Egypt, were greeted as liberators.2 The

invaders clearly understood the advantage they might draw from internal strife: the contemporary history of the Coptic patriarchs informs us that ‘the Muslims kept their hands off the province and its inhabitants, but destroyed the nation of the Romans.’* The Arab commander ‘Amr requested—and received !—the prayers of the Coptic patriarch for

the speedy conquest of Cyrenaica and the rest of North Africa.* In fact many Monophysites who had fled to the Pentapolis and even farther west to escape the persecution of Heraclius now returned to live in peace under Moslem masters.® The Greek-speaking inhabitants of Egypt, retreating before the mili1K. Caspar, ‘Die Lateransynode von 649,’ Zeitschrift fiir Kirchengeschichte, tr (1932), 118-120. These refugees likewise brought the Syrian form of the crucifix to Rome, and popularized its use in the West as the most adequate symbol of the orthodox doctrine of the Incarnation; cf. L. Bréhier, Les origines du crucifix dans Tart religieux, 3rd edn. (Paris, 1908), 59.

2 The contrary opinion of Butler, Arab conquest, 298, 357, 442, is not acceptable. In the late seventh century Bishop John of Nikiu, Chronique, ed. and tr. by Herman Zotenberg (Paris, 1883), 442, says: ‘Seeing the weakness of the Romans, and the hostility of the inhabitants towards the Emperor Heraclius because of the persecution he had inflicted on all Egypt against the orthodox (i. e. Coptic) religion . . . the Moslems became bolder and stronger in battle’; p. 464: ‘Everyone said that the expulsion (of the Romans) and the victory of the Moslems had been brought about by the tyranny of the Emperor Heraclius, and by the afflictions he had visited upon the orthodox (Copts)’; cf. also pp. 443, 449-50, 446; reprinted in Notices et extraits des MSS, xxiv (1883), i, 562-3, 569-70, 584-6. One may also consult The Chronicle of John, bishop of Nikiu, tr. by R. H. Charles (London, 1916). The classic statement of the Jacobite attitude towards the Islamic conquest gains greater weight because it comes from the twelfth century, when the full effects of the Arab domination were visible. Michael the Syrian, ed. Chabot, 11, 412-13, says: “The God of vengeance . . . beholding the wicked-

ness of the Romans, who, wherever they ruled, cruelly pillaged our churches and monasteries and condemned us without mercy, brought from the south-land the sons of Ishmael to deliver us by them from the hands of the Romans.’ Barhebraeus, Chronicon ecclesiasticum, ed. J. B. Abbeloos and T. J. Lamy (Louvain, 1872), 1, 274, expresses identical sentiments in the thirteenth century. Cf. also E. Amélineau, ‘Fragments coptes pour servir 4 l’histoire de la conquéte de Egypte par les arabes,’ Journal asiatique, 8me série, x11 (1888), 361-410, and Caetani, Annali, 1, 1049; 111, 813; v, 394. 3 Ed. by Evetts, 494. 4 Ibid., 496-7. 5 Tbid., 497.

20 Introduction tant Arabs and hostile Copts, huddled in Alexandria.!' In 642 the city capitulated. Under the terms of the treaty, a large part of the population departed with its goods.? It seems probable that some of these exiles reached the West, although there is no clear evidence on the point.? The Mohammedan histories show that a large proportion of the Greeks left the conquered regions,* but it is difficult to distinguish the refugees

in the Occident who retreated before the armies of Islam from those who had previously sought safety from the Persians and the persecution of Heraclius. The clearest data come from Carthage, where in 641 St Maximus reports immigrants from Syria, Egypt, and Lybia.> Many of these were monks,® and in 649 we find Palestinian monks in Rome who had probably fled from Africa to escape the Saracen raid into Byzacium in 647.7. We know definitely that Sicily received some of these North 1 Iind., 494: “Those of the Romans who escaped fled to Alexandria.’ 2 Butler, Conquest, 358, 366.

3 The oldest MS of the Alexandrian Liturgy of St Mark comes from Messina (that of the Antiochene Liturgy of St James was found at Rossano); cf. Batiffol, op. cit., p. xi. H. W. Codrington, ‘The anaphora fragment in the Rossano euchologion,’ Revue bénédictine, xuv1m (1936), 182-5, be-

lieves that Alexandrian influence is traceable in South Italian liturgy. A. Vaccari, La Grecia nell’ Italia meridionali, in Orientalia christiana, No. 13 (1925), 31, concludes from a study of Biblical

texts copied in the Byzantine monasteries of Southern Italy that ‘i monaci greci, che popolarono la Sicilia e poi le Calabrie nell’ alto medio evo, ci venivano dalla Palestina e dall’ Egitto.”. Myrtilla Avery, “The Alexandrian style at Santa Maria Antiqua, Rome,’ The art bulletin of the College Art Association of America, vit (1925), 131-149, ascribes the second of the five layers of fresco in Santa

Maria to Alexandrian artists of the first half of the seventh century. Since the third layer can be dated c. 650, it is improbable that the second layer was the work of refugees fleeing the Moslems in 642. Although Miss Avery’s attribution of the second fresco to the Alexandrian school is still

, under debate, the sharp contrast between the first and second frescos is admirable evidence of the arrival in Rome before 650 of eastern immigrants. 4K. g., al-Baladhuri, Origins of the Islamic state, tr. by P. K. Hitti, Columbia University studies in history, economics and public law, txvimt (New York, 1916), 180, says that Mu‘awiya sent Semitic colonists from the interior to settle places along the seacoast of Syria deserted by the Greeks. Pp. 194-5 tell how, when the Greeks evacuated Tripoli, a large colony of Jews took their place. Greek refugees are also mentioned from Damascus (p. 189), Antioch (p. 227), Alexandria (p. 348), and other cities (p. 232). The area of abandoned land in Syria was evidently considerable (p. 234). 5 PG, xct, 459, 466. On the date cf. C. Diehl, L’ Afrique byzantine (Paris, 1896), 543, n. 1. 6 PG, loc. cit., and 391. W. Seston, ‘Le monastére d’ Ain-Tamda et les origines de l’architecture monastique en Afrique du Nord,’ Mélanges d’archéologie et @ histoire, ur (1934), 79-113, describes a monastery in Caesarian Mauretania having a ground-plan which originated among the small abbeys

of South Syria, and which became typical of the Occident, as distinct from the Byzantine lands, which adopted the Egyptian arrangement. Seston points out that the channel by which the SouthSyrian plan reached the West has not been traced. With great hesitancy he dates Ain-Tamda in the fifth or sixth century, because he believes that a trident incised on two columns of the nave is a Trinitarian symbol aimed at the Arian Vandals. But it might equally be an anti-Monophysite or anti-Monothelite symbol. Since the Moslems did not reach the region of Ain-Tamda before 683 (cf. Diehl, op. cit., 578), the monastery may have been built by Syrian refugees in the first part of the seventh century. 7*. . . et prius quidem,’ they say, ‘dum Afrorum habitaremus provinciam’; Mansi, Conciliorum collectto, x, 906. Al-Bakri, ‘Description de |’Afrique septentrionale,’ tr. by the Baron de Slane,

The Byzantinization of Sicily 21 African fugitives: in 643, when the Saracens seized Sabrantha in the Tripolitana, a small group sailed to the island for safety.! After order had been restored in the provinces seized by Islam, the volume of the westward movement seems to have diminished greatly. Unlike the rulers of Persia and Byzantium, the early caliphs showed almost no religious fanaticism. Little pressure was exerted to convert Christians to Mohammedanism, factional strife was repressed, and all sects were treated with even-handed justice.? Indeed there was no inducement to migrate. The seventh and eighth centuries were artistically and intellectually a golden age not merely for the Monophysites of Syria and Egypt, but also for the remaining Melkites, as witness St John of Damascus. However it is certain that for thirty years at least, following the Per-

sian invasion, Greeks kept arriving in North Africa, Sicily, Southern Italy, and Rome, and that as the Moslems advanced along the African coast the refugees in that region joined those in the islands or in Europe. The size and importance of the Greek colonies formed by this migra-

tion is clearly seen in Rome. By the middle of the seventh century there were two, and probably three, oriental abbeys in the city; by 678 Journal asiatique, 5me série, x11 (1858), 525, says that the Romans of Africa fled before the Arab attack to the island of Pantellaria, between Sicily and Africa. M. Amari, Storia det musulmani di Sicilia, new edn., 1 (Catania, 1933), 237, puts this in the year 669, but Diehl, op. cit., 561, n. 1, dates it 647. Since the Moslem conquest of North Africa was not completed until the early eighth

century, emigration continued long from that region. A letter of Pope Gregory II dated the 1 | December 722 shows that African refugees were then common in Thuringia; cf. JE, No. 2161; PL, uxxxrx, 502; Léon Godard, ‘Observations critiques sur quelques points de l’histoire du christianisme en Afrique: 1, Quels sont les Africains que le pape Grégoire II défendit en 723 d’élever au sacerdoce?,’ Revue africaine, v (1861), 48-53. We should not be astonished to find such expatriates

north of the Alps. By 664 the Greek-speaking African Abbot Hadrian had sought safety in the Campania; four years later he, and his friend Theodore, a Cilician monk, were sent to England by Pope Vitalian: cf. Bede, Historia ecclesiastica, Lib. 1v, c. 1, ed. J. Stevenson (London, 1838), pp.

243-4. An Irish litany of the tenth-eleventh century mentions seven Egyptian monks buried together at Disert Uilaig, who may likewise have been fugitives of the seventh century; cf. C. Plummer, Irish litanies (London, 1925), 64. The martyrology of Oengus the Culdee, dating from about 800, ed. Whitley Stokes (London, 1905), 86 and 80, remembers an Egyptian monk named Moses who seems, from the context, to have died in Ireland. 1 Alphonse Rousseau, ‘Voyage du scheikh Et-Tidjani dans la régence de Tunis,’ Journal asiatique, 5me série, 1 (1853), 125-6. On at-Tijani’s credibility, cf. Amari, op. cit., 1 (1933), 233, n. 1. The linguistic and cultural effect of such North African immigrants in northern lands is uncertain. St Maximus’s letters (cf. supra, p. 21, n. 5) would indicate that by 641 the classes which could migrate most easily were strongly Byzantinized. The Byzantine period furnishes a large number of Greek

inscriptions, few of which can be dated exactly; cf. Paul Monceaux, ‘Enquéte sur |’épigraphie chrétienne d’ Afrique,’ Revue archéologique, 4me série, 11 (1903), 65; and Walter Thieling, Der Hellen-

ismus in Kleinafrika (Leipzig, 1911), 55-6. Godard, op. cit., 50, believes that ‘’Eglise d’ Afrique, durant le derniére periode de son existance . . . était devenue en quelque sort greco-latine, par le mélange des byzantines avec le population africaine et par la langue de ses écrivains.’ 2 Butler, op. cit., 447-8.

22 Introduction there were four.! From 678 to 752, or until after Ravenna had fallen before the Lombards, out of thirteen popes, eleven were orientals. Diehl supposed that this astonishing series was due to pressure exerted by the

Byzantine emperor or his exarch upon the Roman electors,? but Gay has shown that there is evidence neither of such official influence nor of any unusual subservience on the part of the immigrant popes to imperial

wishes.? Gay himself explains the election of so many foreigners on the ground that the Latin clergy realized that it was too ignorant of theology to carry on subtle disputes and negotiations with heretical em-

perors.¢ But admitting that the Latin clergy was indeed less learned than the Greek, it is incredible that for three-quarters of a century the native Romans should have practiced such exemplary self-abnegation in the interest of an alien minority.> One is driven to the conclusion that in the later seventh and early eighth centuries the orientals actually formed a majority of the Roman clergy, and presumably of the more influential laity as well—a thesis which seems amply substantiated by the remains of the Rome of that period. ® Certain of these “Greek’ popes were Sicilians, and their biographies in the Liber pontificalis are particularly valuable to us. The first of them, Agatho (678-81), is called simply ‘natione Sicula.’’ His successor, Leo II

(682-3), was likewise a Sicilian, ‘greca latinaque lingua eruditus.’® Conon (686-7) came originally from the east coast of the Aegean but was educated in Sicily before he went to Rome.® The biography of Sergius (687-701) is even more informative: ‘Sergius, natione Syrus, 1 ¥, Antonelli, ‘I primi monasteri di monaci orientali in Roma,’ Rivista di archeologia cristiana, v (1929), 105-121. One of these, the Renatum, was Latin in the days of Gregory 1. 2 Ravenne, 257-60.

3 ‘Quelques remarques sur les papes grecs et syriens avant la querelle des iconoclastes (678-715),

4 Tbid., 46. |

Mélanges Schlumberger (Paris, 1924), 1, 44-46.

5 A note of bitter resentment against the Greek immigrants and their popes has been left us from the late seventh century by a Latin Roman, who laments the departed glory of his city, and

the

, “Vulgus ab extremis destractum partibus orbis; Servorum servi nunc tibi sunt domini.’

Published in L. A. Muratori, Antiquitates italicae medit aevi (Milan, 1738), 1, 147; for date cf. F. Gregorovius, Geschichte der Stadt Rom im Mittelalter, 5th edn. (Stuttgart, 1903), u, 153, n. 1. 6 “Tout ce quartier de Rome, sur les flancs du Palatin, et jusqu’au pied du Capitole, est plein encore de monuments et de souvenirs, qui rappellent non seulment les temps de la domination byzantine, mais limportance que garde, aprés la chute de l’exarchat, cette colonie orientale, d’ot sont sortis les papes grecs et syriens,’ Gay, op. cit., 53; cf. Diehl, Ravenne, 278-9. 7 Inber pontificalis, ed. Duchesne, 1, 350. ‘The words ‘ex monachis’ found in earlier editions are

interpolated. | | 8 I bid., 359.

9 “Conon (some texts add “natione Grecus”), oriundus patre Thraceseo, edoctus apud Siciliam,

postmodum Roman veniens . . .,’ ibid., 368. The later Thracesian theme centered at Ephesus.

The Byzantinization of Sicily 23 Antiochiae regionis, ortus ex patre Tiberio in Panormo Siciliae . . . Romam veniens sub sanctae memoriae Adeodato pontifice (i. e. between 672 and 676) inter clerum Romanae ecclesiae connumeratus est.’! Here we find clear indication of what we guessed from the analogy of Africa and Italy: that by the middle of the seventh century Sicily was flooded with Greek-speaking refugees from the East. The information from the Liber pontificalis is welcome: the sources for the history of Sicily are meager after the Registrum of Pope Gregory fails us in 604.2 But the Latin atmosphere of the island was certainly changing rapidly: c. 648 St Maximus Confessor, abbot of Chrysopolis near Chalcedon, visited Sicily and addressed a Greek letter ‘to the holy fathers, hegumens, monks and orthodox laity’ resident there which 1mplies in its recipients a certain acquaintance with oriental theology.’

Fortunately we have one sure example of the Byzantinization of a Sicilian abbey which at the end of the sixth century was Latin and probably Benedictine: in 597 St Peter’s of Baias near Syracuse had as abbot Gregory’s Roman friend Caesarius;* in 681 it had passed to the Greeks, since its abbot, Theophanes, was made Patriarch of Antioch.® -How and when did such changes take place? Lancia di Brolo maintains that the island passed to the Greek rite and tongue during the six 1 Ibid., 371. The last of the Sicilian popes, Stephan III (768-72) went to Rome as a small boy in the pontificate of the Syrian Gregory III (731-41); zbid., 468. 2 JE, No. 2043, a letter of Pope John IV (640-42) to a Bishop Isaac of Syracuse concerning the

ordination of monks, is probably a forgery. No Bishop Isaac appears in the episcopal lists of Syracuse. According to a contemporary vita (AASS, March m1, 838) the Bishop Peter addressed by Honorius I (625-38) (JE, No. 2029) was succeeded by Zosimus under Pope Theodore (642-49). The forgery was incorporated in the canon law; cf. Decretum Gratiani, secunda pars, causa XVI,

quest. ii, c. 1, ed. Emil Friedberg (Leipzig, 1879); 1, 786. It may be related to JE, No. 1996, authorizing monks to minister in parish churches, which was fabricated in the early eleventh century, according to U. Berliére, ‘L’exercice du ministére paroissial par les moines dans le haut moyen-age,’ Revue bénédictine, xxx1x (1927), 233-4. —

3 PG, xc, 112 ff.; ef. ad., xc, 84.

4CE. supra, p. 18, n. 18. , 5 Liber pont., 354. That Theophanes was not simply a Greek in a Latin abbey is indicated by the fact that, when in 678 the Emperor requested that monks be sent to a general council from the four ‘Byzantine’ monasteries of Rome, Pope Agatho (another Sicilian) included Theophanes in the group; cf. ibid., 355, n. 8; Mansi, x1, 200. Cosmas, the learned monk who was captured by Saracen raiders in the later seventh century and taken as a slave to Syria, where he became the tutor of St John of Damascus, was perhaps a

Sicilian. St John’s late tenth-century biography merely speaks of Cosmas as ‘from Italy’; PG, xciv, 441. Amari, op. cit., 1 (1933), 303, thinks he was Sicilian or Sardinian. An Arabic life of St John composed in 1084 calls Cosmas a Calabrian; cf. G. Graf, “Das arabische Original der Vita

des hl. Johannes von Damaskus,’ Der Katholik, xc (1913), ii, 173. However, what may be the earliest extant biography, dating from the first half of the tenth century, has no mention of this Cosmas, but only of St John’s school-boy friend of the same name. Cf. M. Gordillo, Damascenica: 1, Vita Marciana, in Orientalia christiana, vu, fase. 2 (1926), 64, 66. M. Jugie questions the date and importance of this vita in Echos d’orient, xxvii (1929), 38-41.

Q4 Introduction years (663-8) when Constans II made Syracuse his residence and the capital of the Byzantine empire.! Certainly the presence of the imperial court in Sicily’s metropolis would greatly stimulate such a transition. To uphold his contention Lancia di Brolo points out that during his stay Constans appointed as bishop of Syracuse a noted Greek hymnographer named George, who had studied at Constantinople.? But the church of Syracuse, ruled in Gregory I’s time by a Roman Benedictine, Maximianus,? had elected Greek-speaking bishops for twenty years at least before Constans appointed George to that see. In the first decade of the century Zosimus, the scion of a Greek family of Syracuse, entered the monastery of St Lucy.* Thirty years later he succeeded Faustus as abbot—an indication that, whatever may have been the earlier situation

at St Lucy’s, the dominant group of monks was then Greek. Under Pope Theodore (642-49), himself a Palestinian Melkite,® Zosimus became bishop of Syracuse, and gave to his cathedral a Greek-inscribed baptismal

font which still exists. After thirteen years (or between 655 and 662), he was succeeded by Elias, under whom the Greek biography of St Zosimus was probably composed.’ Constans’ appointment of a Greekspeaking bishop at Syracuse was therefore no novelty. The Byzantinization of Sicily was not the result of an emperor’s residence there, but of a gradual process which was practically completed by Constans’ time. There is evidence that in Rome by the year 700 the native Latin element was beginning to reassert itself, or at least to Latinize the descend-

ants of the oriental immigrants. Wherever the Levantine refugees of 1 Lancia di Brolo, u, 21. 2 [bid., 11, 22, 324.

3 Formerly abbot of St Andrew’s on the Coelian; cf. note of the editors of the Registrum, Vol. 1, p. 15.

4 The Greek original of Zosimus’s vita is not extant. The Latin version in AASS, March m1, 835-9, says that he became an oblate at the age of 7, Faustus being abbot, that he was a simple monk for 30 years, and then ruled as abbot for 40 years before being elected bishop under Theodore

(642-9). According to this chronology, Faustus was abbot of St Lucy’s in 579 at the latest, and died in 602 at the earliest. But we know from Gregory’s Registrum, Epp. 1, 67, 11, 3, vu, 36, Vol. I,

pp. 87, 160, and 484, that an Abbot John ruled St Lucy’s from 591 to 597 at least. It is evident that an error has crept into the translation: the figure 40 years includes Zosimus’s whole residence at St Lucy’s, 30 years as oblate and monk, and 10 years as abbot. No suspicion is cast on this biography by its reference to raiding Saracens as ‘Vandali’: the same expression is used in the authentic tenth-century vita of St Leo Luke of Corleone referring to the Sicilian Moslems; cf. AASS, March 1, 99. 5 Taber pont., 331.

6 Strazzulla, Museum epigraphicum, 206-7, disputes Lancia di Brolo, Storia della chiesa, u1, 34,

note, regarding this font. , 7 AASS, March m1, 835, 837.

8 The later frescos of Santa Maria Antiqua illustrate the revival of Latinism: “The steady decay of Greek form is accompanied by a change from Greek to Latin in the inscriptions. The inscrip-

The Byzantinization of Sicily 25 the seventh century found an essentially Latin population, their influence was merely temporary. On the contrary in Sicily (and probably in Lower Calabria) where, as we have seen, they found a vigorous substratum of Hellenes, the conjunction of these immigrants with the indigenous Greeks completely eliminated or Byzantinized the Latin group which had been dominant for several centuries. When did Latinism finally disappear in Sicily? As I have shown elsewhere,! the last vestige of it is a letter written by Pope Vitalian between

669 and 672 to Benedictines in or near Syracuse who had survived a Saracenic raid. Although this epistle is extant only in a retouched version? as a part of Peter the Deacon’s forgeries in support of the Placidus legend, its substance appears to be authentic. It will be remembered that under Pope Greogory I Syracuse had a Benedictine bishop and that at least one of its abbots was a Roman and probably a Benedictine.?

We may assume that if two generations later Syracusan monks were still clinging to St Benedict’s rule, they were not yet completely Byzantinized in tongue or culture. Vitalian’s letter is the last trace of Latinism to be discovered in Sicily

until the coming of the Normans, four centuries later.* For at least two generations after 669 the island remained a part of the western tions of Martin I (c. 650) are in Greek; those of John VII (705-07) are in Greek and Latin; and that of Paul I (757-67) is in Latin only’—Avery, op. cit., 137. 1 American historical review, xu (1936), 16-20. 2 JE, No. 2102.

3 Supra, p. 18, nn. 12 and 18. The Registrum also mentions an abbot Eusebius of Syracuse (Epp. u, 31, 35, Vol. 1, pp. 127, 181) whose monastery is not named, and St Lucy’s in that city (supra, p. 24, n. 4; also Ep. xu, 32, Vol. u, p. 395). 4Tsidoro Carini, ‘Sopra un sugello siciliano inedito del Museo Britannico,’ Nuove effemeride siciliane, prima serie, 1 (1869), 214-22, 268-76, ascribes a badly damaged seal with a Latin inscription to the Bishop George of Catania who appears in 679 (cf. A. W. Haddan and W. Stubbs, Councils and ecclesiastical documents relating to Great Britain and Ireland, 11 {Oxford, 1871], 131). But W. de Gray Birch, Catalogue of seals in the Department of Manuscripts in the British Museum, v (London, 1898), 37, No. 17639, neglecting Carini’s views, assigns it to Bishop Leo II of Catania, whom he wrongly dates c. 778 rather than c. 725; cf. B. Pace, ‘I barbari ed i bizantini in Sicilia,’ ASS, xxxvi (1911), 22, n.1. Probably the seal is hopelessly illegible. Certainly by c. 786 Bishop

Theodore of Catania had a Greek seal; cf. G. Libertini, ‘Miscellanea epigrafica,’ ASSO, xxv (1931), 50.

J. Gay, ‘Notes sur l’hellénisme sicilien de l’occupation arabe & la conquéte normande,’ Byzanizon, , 1 (1924), 223, quite properly rejects the theory of Amari, op. cit., 1 (1933), 321-4, 11 (1858), 398-9, uz (1868-72), 204-6, 874-80, that a Latin element was present in Sicily when the Normans landed in 1060. Amari himself, m (1858), 399, recognizes the weakness of his position. Similarly Paolo Orsi, in ASSO, xu (1915), 449, declares unproved the theory of N. Maccarrone, La vita del latino in Sicilia fino all’ eta normanna (Florence, 1915), that a part of the Sicilian peasantry spoke a vulgar

Latin under Moslem rule. Rohlfs, Scam linguistict, 85-6, is convinced by an examination of the modern Sicilian dialects that their roots lie not in the Latin brought to the island by the Romans, but in the new Latinization of Sicily in Norman times.

26 Introduction patriarchate, but its interests and connections were almost entirely with

the Byzantine East. In 732, because of Rome’s stand against Iconoclasm, Leo the Isaurian confiscated the papal estates in Sicily and Southern Italy.1. There is no evidence that Leo transferred the bishoprics of those regions to the jurisdiction of the patriarch of Constantinople,? but inevitably, as the pope found new political support in the Frankish kings, the church of Magna Graecia drifted towards the New Rome.* By 787 the ecclesiastical shift was completed, when the Sicilian bishops called the Byzantine Patriarch ‘universal.’*

In all else Sicily had become oriental more than a hundred years earlier. Asin no other part of the west, the presence of a large indigenous

Hellenic population in the island enabled the Byzantinism brought by refugees fleeing Persians, Monothelites, and Moslems to strike deep roots, to obliterate the Latin elements, and to produce a purely Greek culture which flourished until Saracenic conquest crushed it in the late

ninth century.

1 Theophanes, Chronographia, ed. K. de Boor (Leipzig, 1883), 1, 410. Without other evidence the possession of these estates until 732 cannot be used as proof of continued Latinity in Sicily. _ In 686-7 the rector of the papal properties was no longer a Roman, but a Sicilian named Constantine, deacon of the church of Syracuse and probably a Greek; cf. Liber pontificalis, 369. 2 Cf. P. Lajolo, ‘Sul passagio delle chiese sicule sotto il dominio del patriarca bizantino,’ ASSO, x1 (1914), 369.

3 In the early ninth century Basil the Armenian remarks that the churches of Sicily and Calabria were united to Constantinople after ‘the pope of Old Rome fell under the power of the barbarians’; cf. George of Cyprus, Descriptio orbis romani, ed. H. Gelzer (Leipzig, 1890), 27. 4 Mansi, xu, 1151, cf. 983, 993, 1000, and Lancia di Brolo, op. cit., 1, 166-7. Shortly afterwards the Byzantine Patriarch sent a letter directly to the Sicilian bishops (thus ignoring papal claims to

jurisdiction in the island), and addressed them as ‘ovA\eroupyol,’ that is as using the liturgy of Constantinople; cf. J. B. Pitra, Juris ecclesiastict graecorum historia et monumenta (Rome, 1868), 1, 309.

INTRODUCTION IV. THE BASILIANS! OF SICILY UNDER THE LATER BYZANTINES AND MOSLEMS ()**! mained has justly remarked that the Basilians mustdel have renumerous until thealthough Moslem conquest, ‘la storia monachismo in Sicilia sotto i Bizantini é un’ incognita.’? Indeed the materials for such a history have almost entirely vanished: from the entire eighth century not a single name of a Sicilian monk or abbey has survived. Yet a hundred years after the coming of the Melkites fleeing Khusrau, Heraclius, and Islam, a new upheaval brought more immigrants to Italy and Sicily, particularly Basilians driven from their abbeys by that ‘calvinisme anticipé,’? Iconoclasm.

The Iconoclastic emperors soon discovered that the chief opposition to their policies centered in the monasteries. They therefore entered on a persecution of the Greek monks which lasted, with fluctuating intensity and periods of respite, for over a century. Communities were scattered and their properties confiscated.* The fiercest persecution occurred in Western Asia Minor about 772: Michael, the strategos of Thracesia, looted the abbeys and routed out both monks and nuns. If we can believe Theophanes,* not a single ascetic remained in Michael’s jurisdiction; and for this he received the congratulations of the Emperor!

In the early ninth century, when persecution broke out again in Constantinople, St Stephan advised his monks to seek safety in Southern Italy or on the Syrian coast; since the Patriarchs of Rome, Antioch, and

Alexandria were supporting the cult of images. “Then Byzantium seemed bereft of the monastic order, as though it had been led into captivity. For one sailed for the Euxine Pontus, another went to Cyprus, 1H. Delehaye’s objection, in Analecta bollandiana, xxx111 (1904), 488, that the use of the word

‘Basilian’ in a mediaeval context is an anachronism, seems a needless purism. |

132, 304, 343. |

2 ‘Chiese bizantine del territorio di Siracusa,’ Byz. Zeitschr., vit (1898), 17. Amari frequently

goes beyond the ascertainable facts in speaking of monasticism in this period, e. g., op. cit., 1 (1933),

3 Lenormant, op. cit., 11, 386. .

4K. J. Martin, History of the Iconoclastic controversy (London, 1930), 63-4. 5 Chronographia, ed. de Boor, 1, 445; PG, cvitt, 900. 6 PG, c, 1117. Q7

28 Introduction and yet another departed for Rome. And so having left their own monasteries, they became strangers and pilgrims.’!

Many abbeys were established in Italy and especially in Rome to care for these fugitives.” We are specifically told in one oriental source that Iconodulic monks found refuge in Sicily.2 Lancia di Brolo goes so far as to credit the exceptional vitality of Sicilian letters and poetry in

the ninth century to the influence of Studite fugitives.4 In any case it is certain that Studites reached the island: in the late eleventh century the rule of the Studion was observed at St Philip’s of Fragala,* and we find St Theodore the Studite (d. 826) corresponding with a Sicilian monk

named Theophanes.* The native population, like that of Italy, was stanchly orthodox, and doubtless received and protected the refugees as best 1t could; indeed, as a reprisal for such sympathies, Leo the Isaurian

raised the tax-rate in Sicily and Calabria by one third.” However the Byzantine emperors did not lose military and political control of Sicily,

as they did of so many parts of the mainland. On the contrary they used it as a place of detention for recalcitrant monks: St Theodore mentions that Nicephorus (802-811) imprisoned some on Lipari8—an inspiration revived in modern times! As an agent of Hellenization, this Iconodulic immigration, so largely monastic, was much less effective than the mixed lay and clerical influx

of the first half of the seventh century. The monks could propagate Greek culture in Italy, but not the Greek race. In Sicily they were absorbed into a society already solidly Byzantine. Elsewhere in the West they seem to have exerted no great influence in bolstering the declining oriental element: the succession of Greek popes ends just when the Iconodules begin to arrive in Rome. The importance of this movement has certainly been exaggerated. For the monastic history of Sicily almost nothing can be gleaned from 1 Tbid., 1120.

2 Cf. Diehl, Ravenne, 254, n. 10, and P. P. Rodota, Dell’ origine, progresso e stato presente del rito greco in Italia (Rome, 1760), u, 52-79. 3 Vita S. Josephi hymnographi, c. 16, AASS, April 1, p. xxxi; PG, cv, 953. The confusion between Leo the Isaurian and Leo the Armenian in this passage does not lend confidence. 4 Storia della chiesa, 1, 343-4. 5 Cf. Abbot Gregory’s testament of 1105, Cusa, 396 and 700; G. Spata, Le pergamene greche esis-

tentt nel Grande Archivio di Palermo (Palermo, 1861), 199. Spata, 204, asserts that Gregory’s testament is modelled after that of St Theodore the Studite.

6 Ep. mu, 190, PG, xcrx, 1577.

7 Chronographia, ed. de Boor, 1, 410. Cf. P. Lajolo, ‘L’editto di Bisanzio del 725. Trattamento della Sicilia durante la persecuzione iconoclasta,’ ASSO, xrx (1922-23), 155-166.

8 Ep. 1, 48, PG, xcrx, 1072. The careers of St Methodius, patriarch of Constantinople, of St Joseph the Hymnographer, and of St Athanasius of Catania throw no light on our subject, since all three became monks after leaving Sicily; cf. Lancia di Brolo, op. cit., 11, 217, 293, 426

The Bastlians of Sicily 29 the records of the later ninth century. Photius sent a letter to an ascetic named Metrophanes living in the island,! but nothing else is known of him. The oriental hermit Gregory Decapolita stayed for some time in Syracuse, ensconced in a tower of the city wall.? Evidently the monastic life flourished in Syracuse: an account? of the storming of the city in 878 by the Saracens comes from the pen of the monk Theodosius, who was captured, but who speaks of monks slain in the looting. Some, however, escaped; for in the tenth century we find an abbey of fugitive Syracusan Basilians in Calabria.+

The landing of Moslem troops at Mazara in 827 was an event in Sicilian history comparable to the arrival of the oriental refugees in the

early seventh century. That immigration had changed Sicily from a superficially Latinized into a completely Hellenized land. This new invasion was to make Arabic the dominant tongue of the island, and to force the Greeks into the position of a tolerated minority, practicing its religion on suffrance. According to the Byzantine chronicles the coming of the Saracens was caused by the violation of a nun: Euphemius, commander of the Sicilian militia, abducted a religious from her mon-

astery and married her;> the Emperor ordered drastic punishment; Euphemius raised a rebellion and called in help from North Africa.

Within four years (831) the Moslems had captured Palermo; in a decade more they controlled the entire western end of Sicily, the Val di

Mazara. The southeast, the Val di Noto, proved more difficult, but the fall of Syracuse in 878 ended Byzantine resistance in that region. The Val Demone, the triangle of land between Etna, Messina, and Caronia on the northern coast,® became the last stronghold of the Christians. The land is rugged and defensible; the indigenous Greeks must have been reenforced by refugees from the west and south. Even after the fall of Taormina, the last imperial fortress, in 902, the Hellenic communities of the mountains struggled to retain their independence. Not until 965 was Rametta, the last of these fastnesses, reduced to submission.” 1 PG, cu, 898. 2 Lancia di Brolo, op. cit., 1, 295, note. 3 Latin version in Caietanus, Vitae sanctorum siculorum, 11, 272-7. The extant fragment of the

Greek text is most recently edited by C. O. Zuretti in Centenario della nascita di Michele Amari (Palermo, 1910), 1, 165-173. 4 “Vita S. Sabae junioris,’ ed. G. Cozza-Luzi, Studi e documenti di storia e diritto, x11 (1891), 140.

5 This may be simply an ‘atrocity story’ for propaganda purposes. Pace has shown, ASS, xxxv (1910), 322, that this detail is not found in the Arabic or Italian accounts. The Chronicle of Salerno, ed. G. E. Pertz, Mon. germ. hist., script, 11, 498, gives the lady’s name as ‘Homoniza.’ A. A. Vasiliev, Byzance et les arabes, 1: La dynastie d Amorium (820-867), tr. and rev. by H. Grégoire, etc. (Brussels, 1935), 68, n. 3, suggests that this may be a corruption of hegumenissa or monazusa. 6 On its limits until the fourteenth century cf. Amari, op. cit., 1 (1933), 607, n. 1. 7 Ibid., u, (1858), 270.

30 Introduction Under Moslem rule there was a large immigration from Africa,! and a considerable number of native Sicilians must have been converted to

Islam in the regions where the crescent was well established.? This Saracenic settlement and influence was naturally strongest in the west of the island and along the south coast facing Africa. It was negligible in the Val Demone, where the Greeks held their position linguistically

and religiously, despite their political subjection to the invaders. Of the 328 Sicilian towns and villages having Arabic or Berber names, 209

are in the Val di Mazara, 100 in the Val di Noto, while only 19 are found in the Val Demone.? These last probably originated with garrisons. But even in the areas where Moslem penetration was greatest, there long remained a large Christian group: Amari calculates that in 938 the Mohammedans still formed less than half the population of the Val di Mazara.* Although during the next hundred years the Saracens seem to have gained a clear majority outside the Val Demone,® the records of the early Norman period show Greeks scattered in all parts of the island. Paradoxically we are far better informed about the Basilians of Sicily

under Moslem rule than about those of the Byzantine period. Our ignorance of the latter is due to the destruction of the records of the Sicilian churches during the Saracenic conquest. The distraught condition of the island sent a stream of monks, sometimes going as individuals, sometimes as communities, across the Strait of Messina into Calabria. Besides the abbey of Syracusans already mentioned’ we find a monas-

tery of refugee Tauromenians there. Spurred by their tribulations to deeper meditation on the ways of God, and incited to a more rigid

, asceticism, these Sicilian fugitives made the Calabria of the tenth century ‘une nouvelle Thebaide,’® to which devotees flocked even from 1 [bid., 1, 217, 361, 372-3.

2 For a probable case of a learned Greek turned Moslem, cf. ibid., 11, 219. 3 Ibid., 11, 435.

4 Thid., u, 216, 257, n. 1.

5 In their accounts of the Norman conquest, neither Malaterra nor Amatus mentions Greeks outside the Val Demone—a clear indication that elsewhere they were too small a minority to lend the Normans aid. ® As we shall see, nothing could be farther from the truth than the assertion of Batiffol, Rossano, p. ix, that ‘A la fin du ix® siécle il n’y a plus en Sicile ni monastéres ni siéges épiscopaux, la propriété

ecclésiastique y a été supprimée . . .2. On Greek bishops found at Palermo and possibly Taormina by the Normans, cf. infra, p. 38, n. 5. 7 Supra, p. 29, n. 4. 8 Studi e documentt, x11 (1891), 155, 157; Codex vaticanus 1673 may be from this abbey: it was copied in Calabria by a refugee from Taormina after 902; cf. Batiffol, Rossano, 87.

9 Gay, Italie mérid., 254. |

The Basilians of Sicily 31 Egypt.!. The lives of the more saintly of them were recorded in vitae written by contemporaries: no less than seven of these valuable biographies have survived.? From these, and from incidental sources, we can get some notion of monastic conditions in Sicily, and of their evolution from the late ninth to the eleventh century.

There seems to have been no systematic persecution of the Greek monks by the Moslems. Nevertheless during the four generations and more of hostilities—from 827 to 965—the former would naturally suffer

greatly. In 831 a monk named Philaret and some companions, while attempting to escape from Palermo to Calabria, were captured and executed.? The terror of the Infidel which possessed monkish hearts during the early years of the conquest is seen in a hymn to St Caloger by Sergius,

of that saint’s abbey near Sciacca.* In the spring of 906 an official newly arrived from Africa started a local persecution in Palermo, tearing

down churches, destroying manuscripts, and imprisoning priests. On the 20 August of that year a monk named Argentios was martyred in Palermo.§

The earliest of our Siculo-Calabrian saints was Elias the Younger (c. 829-903), often called, from his birthplace, St Elias of Enna (Castro-

giovanni). Having been captured as a boy by Saracens, he was sold as a slave to a Christian in Africa, but gained his liberty. He went from Africa to Palestine and Sinai, where he became a monk, and journeyed likewise to Alexandria and Antioch. About 880 he returned to Palermo to visit his aged mother. It is significant that this Basilian seems to have enjoyed perfect freedom of movement in Moslem Sicily.® 1K. g., Orestes, Patriarch of Jerusalem, brother of the favorite wife (a Christian) of the Fatimid Kalif al-‘Aziz, and maternal uncle of the mad Kalif al-Hakim; cf. Gustave Schlumberger, L’epopée byzantine (Paris, 1900), 11, 202. 2 Vita s. Eliae junioris, AASS, Aug. 11, 489-509. Vita s. Eliae Spelaeotae, AASS, Sept. m1, 848-

887. Vita s. Leonis Lucae Corilionis, AASS, March 1, 98-102. Vita s. Lucae Armenti, AASS, Oct. vi, 337-341. Vita s. Vitalis siculit, AASS, March u, 26-35. Vita s. Sabae junioris, ed. by G. Cozza-Luzi, Studi e documenti, x11 (1891), 33-56, 135-168, 312-323. Vita s. Christophori et s. Macaru, ed. by the same, ibid., x1 (1892), 375-400. Karl Krumbacher severely criticizes Cozza-Luzi’s editions in Byz. Zeitschr., 1 (1892), 635, and 1 (1894), 211. Variants from a Brussels MS will be found in Analecta bollandiana, xt (1892), 184, and xu (1893), 317. 3 Vita s. Philareti, AASS, April 1, 749; Caietanus, 11, 42. # AASS, June iv, 494; Caietanus, 1, 128. Amari, 1 (1933), 648, dates it c. 850, when Sciacca

was probably tributary to the invaders. After the destruction of Triocala in 860, the bishop of that city transferred his seat to the monastery of St Caloger; cf. I. Scaturro, ‘Del vescovado triocalitano e croniense,’ ASS, xur (1916), 536. 5 La cronaca siculo-saracena di Cambridge con doppio testo greco, ed. by G. Cozza-Luzi, Doc. serv. stor. Sic., 4a serie, 1 (Palermo, 1890), 40. 6 The monk Theophanes’s account of the fall of Syracuse in 878 describes the public grief of the Christians of Palermo at the sight of the Syracusan captives; Caietanus, 1, 276.

32 Introduction He had less good fortune in Greek lands: after he had acquired a monastic

companion, Daniel, in Taormina (which was still in Byzantine hands),

the two sailed for the Peloponnesus and then to Epirus, where they were arrested as Moslem spies. Liberated, St Elias went to Calabria, Rome, Taormina again, and died in Thessalonica in 903 while on his way to Constantinople. !

St Ehas of Enna’s most famous disciple was St Elias Speleota (c. 865-c. 960), a native of Reggio who came to Sicily to practice asceticism at a church of St Auxentius on the mountain of San Nicone near Taor-

mina. A marauding band of Saracens, who by this time were pressing on Taormina, killed his companion; so St Elias removed to Calabria, where he joined St Elias of Enna and Daniel. | More instructive is the career of St Christopher, a native of Collesano. Christopher was a married man who retired from the world in the first

decades of the tenth century, receiving the monastic habit from St | _ Nicephorus, abbot of St Philip’s of Agira. After a period spent in the monastery of Agira, St Christopher received permission to repair the ruined church of St Michael of Ctisma, and set up a priory there subordinate to Agira. His sons, St Saba (d. 990) and St Macarius (d. 1000),

joined him and took their vows at Agira, together with many friends and relatives.2. His wife Cali took the veil, and established a retreat for women near Ctisma. In 940-941 a fearful famine swept over Sicily, causing a general exodus of Greeks, both lay and clerical, to Calabria.?

St Christopher, his wife, his sons and a large number of people from Collesano, joined this movement, and left the island never to return.

St Philip’s of Agira was the chief center of Basilianism in tenthcentury Sicily, and sent many of its sons across the Straits. One of the most conspicuous was St Luke of Armento (d. 984),4* a native of Demena, and a friend of both St Saba and of the (now aged) St Elias Speleota.> Another was St Vitalis (d. 994) of Castronuovo, in the Val di Mazara. He received an excellent Christian education in his native city (which, of course, was under Islamic rule), and then entered the 1 As Jules Gay has pointed out, in Byzantion, 1 (1924), 218, and Mélanges Schlumberger, 1, 58,

the constant contact of Sicily and Italy with the Greek east during the Carolingian period is of crucial importance in evaluating the late Henri Pirenne’s famous thesis (cf. ‘Un contraste économique: Merovingiens et Carolongiens,’ Revue belge de philologie et @histoire, 11 [1923], 223-235) that

the Mediterranean was closed late in the Merovingian age by the Islamic conquests. 2 Lancia di Brolo, 11, 421, n. 1, suggests that the Sicilian brothers St John and St Hilary of ‘Galasso,’ found as monks in Calabria later in the century, were from Collesano and friends of St Christopher. Cf. AASS, March nm, 29, and Oct. v1, 337, 339 note. 3 Amari, 11 (1858), 194; Studi e doc., x11 (1891), 45-6; xu (1892), 385-6. ° * Not 993, as say the Bollandists, AASS, Oct. v1, 341. Cf. Lancia di Brolo, 1, 417, n. @. 5 In Calabria he was joined by his sister Catherine and her sons, Antony and Theodore, who became ascetics; cf. AASS, Oct. v1, 341.

The Basilians of Sicily 33 abbey of Agira, where he stayed five years. Having made a pilgrimage to Rome he returned to Sicily and lived for twelve years as a solitary

hermit on the slopes of Etna! before joining St Luke of Armento in Lucania.? Still another emigrant monk of Agira was St Leo Luke of Corleone, who became St Christopher’s successor as abbot in Calabria.?

It is evident that the central fact of Sicilian monastic history in the tenth century is wholesale migration to Calabria and Lucania.‘ It is equally certain that this movement arose not from any deliberate destruction of monasteries by the Saracens, but rather from the generally unsettled condition of the island. The largest single refugee group of which we have any record, that led by St Christopher, was forced to move not by the Infidels, but by a famine resulting from civil war between Mohammedan factions. The spirit of these migrants is well reflected in the vita of St Leo Luke: an aged monk at Agira advised the novice to go to Calabria, since Sicily was too disturbed by Saracen raids to permit the contemplative life. So the young man departed, leaving

the older behind. Likewise the novice St Luke of Armento left Agira for Calabria “‘secum deferens abbatis preces.’"° The monastic migration to Calabria was more a matter of convenience than of absolute necessity, and many ascetics stayed behind in the island.’ Such being the case, we should expect the drift to Calabria to end as

soon as Moslem Sicily attained a relative stability. There is, in fact, no evidence of further migration after hostilities ended in 965.8 There 1 Amari, 11, 403, n. 1, attempts to date St Vitalis’s Roman pilgrimage c. 959, and asserts that since he did not return to Agira, but lived nearby on Etna, the abbey of St Philip must have been

destroyed by the Moslems in the expedition of 960. But we have just seen that St Christopher recelved permission from the abbot to live at Ctisma. There was no rule of stability in Sicily at this time. St Philip’s is mentioned so frequently in these contemporary biographies that the argument from silence is particularly strong against its violent destruction. More probably it simply decayed. 2 His nephew Elias followed him from Sicily; 4 ASS, March uy, 31.

3 Lancia di Brolo, 1, 418 notes a third St Luke, a native of Taormina and abbot of a monastery

| on Etna, who died in Corinth while returning from Byzantium. Unfortunately we have no indication of his period. Cf. Caietanus, m1, 41.

4 A curious case of migration to Calabria is offered by St John Terista. His pregnant mother was captured in 924 by Saracens in Calabria, and he was born in Palermo. Although educated as a Moslem, John was influenced by his mother to flee to Calabria, where he entered a monastery. Cf. Lancia di Brolo, u, 423-5; AASS, Feb. m1, 485. 5 A ASS, March 1, 99.

6 AASS, Oct. vi, 337. The Greek text is not extant. | 7 We learn from the contemporary biography of St Nicephorus of Mileto (which C. B. Hase believes was written by a Sicilian) that in 964 many hermits were living on the promontory of Messina where St Savior’s in Lingua Phari was later erected. The most famous was named Prosinakios. Cf. extract from Vita S. Nicephori in Hase’s note 52 to Leonis diaconi caloensis historia, PG, cxvu, 756. 8 Cod. vat. 2138 and 2020, copied at Capua in 991 and 993 respectively by Cyriacus, a monk

34 Introduction are indications that relations thereafter between the Basilians and their Saracen masters were normally quite cordial. As early as 954 a monk was instrumental in negotiating a treaty between the Islamic and the

Byzantine forces.!| When, later in the century, three of St Nilus’s monks were captured by Moslem raiders in Calabria, the famous abbot

sent a ransom to the emir of Palermo, and wrote to the emir’s chief notary (a most devout Christian!) requesting his good offices in the case.

The emir refused the ransom, liberated the monks, and sent a remarkable letter to St Nilus: if the abbot had only requested it, he, the emir, would have sent the monastery a grant of Immunity from damage by

| raiding parties. Further, the emir invited St Nilus to settle in Sicily, promising that he might dwell freely there in honor and veneration. ? From the eleventh century comes a description by the Arabic poet Ibn Hamdis of how in his youth the young bloods of Syracuse used to go by night to a nunnery of that city where they were served old wine the color of gold by an aged sister.* If the vitality of Basilianism declined in the century following the fall of Rametta, it was not from persecution, but because the Greeks as a whole were losing their morale in the face of the increasing Islamization of the island. However we must not exaggerate the Isolation and degradation of the Hellenic population of Sicily in this period. Connections were maintained with Greece and Italy, and even a certain literary culture seems

to have been preserved. In the late tenth century St Simon of Trier from Mili (cf. Batiffol, Rossano, 88, 156), cannot be considered contrary evidence in view of the

death-dates of Sicilian saints mentioned above. Cod. vat. 1650, copied at Reggio in 1037 by a Sicilian cleric (ibid., 87, 155; Lancia di Brolo, 1m, 454, n. 1) is not a serious exception. It is significant that when the abortive expedition of Maniakes in 1038-40 momentarily restored the political

conditions of the early tenth century, a new wave of emigrants started across the Strait. The contemporary Vita s. Philareti (AASS, April 1, 603-615) indicates that Philaret’s family moved to Calabria, where he became a monk, shortly after Maniakes’s failure. 1 Cronaca siculo-saracena, ed. Cozza-Luzi, 77.

2 Vita s. Nila, ec. '71, AASS, Sept. vu, 302; PG, cxx, 122.

3M. Amari, Bibliotheca arabo-sicula (Turin, 1881) Cap. urx, $1, p. 310. Such relations were not exceptional. A curious parallel is found in the poem of Ibn Abi ‘Agim al-Misri praising the wine of the abbey of Tamwaih on the Nile: O that I could drink at Tamwaih of the bright juice, which brings contempt

on the wines of Hit and ‘Anat... . Hospitable chambers in which I have been sorely tempted in heart, when you were formerly my wineshops and my hostels; Behold! TI shall not cease to beg for the morning draught, when the clappers strike, in my love for the monasteries. Cf. The churches and monasteries of Egypt, attributed to Abi Salih the Armenian, ed. and tr. by B. T. A. Evetts and Alfred J. Butler (Oxford, 1895), 312-13. Abu Salih tells us that a son of Ibn Tilin, who erected the famous mosque in Cairo in the late ninth century, greatly admired a mosaic of Our Lady in the Egyptian Melkite abbey of al-Kusair, and that ‘he even built himself a manzarah for himself at this monastery, that he might come there for recreation’; cf. ibid., 149-50.

The Basilians of Sicily 35 was born in Syracuse of a Calabrian mother and a Greek father. When Simon was seven years old the family moved, under no compulsion, it seems, to Byzantium.! From Anna Comnena we learn that John Italus, a native of South Italy who became the leading dialectician of Con-

stantinople in the later eleventh century, spent considerable time in Sicily during his youth.? One is tempted to identify him with the ‘oyoractinog ‘lwavyys’ who, about the middle of the century, journeyed from Sicily to Rome to visit St Bartholomew of Grottaferrata, and later

returned to Sicily. Perhaps most significant of all is the statement in the contemporary life of St Philaret (1020-70) that although his father was a peasant the boy learned his letters from a priest in Sicily. We shall not be too rash, therefore, if we assume a certain continued intellectual activity in the monasteries of the island.

We know that when the Normans crossed the Strait of Messina in 1060 they discovered several of the Basilian houses still inhabited, though in a dilapidated condition. Roger I found the monks of St Mary’s of Vicari praying for his success against the Infidel;> while St Philip’s of Fragala, St Barbarus’s of Demena, and St Angel’s of Brolo were also occupied. These abbeys had held their lands legally under Saracen rule: in 1109 we learn that because the charter of St Barbarus’s had been destroyed during the Moslem depredations the lands of the abbey had been usurped by neighbors.® Since Roger ordered that the limits of the abbey’s possessions be determined by an inquest of aged men, it seems more probable that the charter was lost during the confusion incident to the Norman conquest rather than in the period before

965. If so, it is clear that these Basilians had been able to maintain their rights before 1060 by presenting their charter to the Moslem authorities. This is confirmed by a reference to lands which the monks of Brolo ‘tenebant et possidebant tempore impiorum agarenorum.’? 1 AASS, June 1, 86. St Simon became a monk at Sinai, journeyed to Normandy in 1026, and died at Trier in 1035. 2 Alexias, v, 8, ed. by August Reifferscheid (Leipzig, 1884), 1, 177. It is difficult to know how much we may trust Anna’s account of John Italus, since she was consciously denigrating a heretic. Her story of the relation of Italus’s father to the expedition of Maniakes in 1038-40 is unintelligible. 3 Vita s. Bartholomaei cryptoferratensis, PG, cxxvu, 488. Not in AASS. 4 AASS, April 1, 605. 5 Cusa, 4 and 697; Pirri, 294. 6 Cusa, 403 and 707; G. Spata, Le pergamene greche esistenti nel Grande Archivio di Palermo (Pal-

ermo, 1861), 216; Caspar, No. 9.

? Pirri, 1021. Under the Normans law was personal: a charter of 1168 from Catania provides ‘Latini, greci, iudei et saraceni unusquisque iuxta suam legem iudicetur’ (cf. infra, p. 115, n. 1). Presumably, therefore, the Sicilian Greeks had used the Byzantino-Roman law under Moslem rule. For an exhaustive bibliography on this point cf. A. Finocchiaro-Santorio, ‘Gizyah e kharag: Note sulla condizione dei vinti in Sicilia durante la dominazione mussulmana con speciale riguardo alla

proprieta fondiaria,’ Archivio giuridico, 3a serie, x (1910), 198, n. 1.

36 Introduction Even new donations were permitted: the longer of the two testaments, dated 1105, of Abbot Gregory of St Philip’s of Fragala' asserts that he took the monastic vows at Fragala before the coming of the Normans, when the abbey was almost falling in ruin, and at that time transferred to it all his inherited possessions, including lands. Apart from St Michael’s of Ctisma, established in a rebuilt church by St Christopher before 940, and the nunnery set up by his wife Cali,? we have no evidence of new monasteries being founded in Moslem Sicily.

However it seems likely that new churches were erected for existing communities. The rural Basilian churches of Norman Sicily are generally very conservative in architecture. While in the cities, above all in Palermo, a brilliant style was being developed out of Romanesque, Byzantine, and Saracenic elements, the Greek monasteries isolated among the mountains tended to follow older forms. In the ruins of the GraecoNorman abbeys of the Val Demone scarcely a trace of Moslem influence can be found;* their architecture probably carries on the types found in

the island under Byzantine rule. This is what we might expect in that part of Sicily where there had never been a large number of Mohammed-

ans. In the western region, where Islam was dominant for over two centuries, Basilian architecture would be more exposed to African influ-

ences. A few kilometers from Castelvetrano, in the Val di Mazara, stands the church of the Holy Trinity of Delia,> which seems to date from the early part of Roger II’s reign. It was probably monastic, and fairly inaccessible: here we should expect to find the same conservative tendency so conspicuous in the Val Demone. But this tiny edifice is a perfect fusion of the Byzantine and the Saracenic: it is one of the treasures of European architecture. Its ground-plan is a Greek cross, but it is surmounted by a little red Moorish dome, while its pointed windows are filled with plaster filigree in elaborate geometrical patterns. Apart from the windows the church is almost devoid of ornamentation. The structure depends for its effect upon perfection of proportion. There is nothing experimental about its combination of Greek and Saracenic 1 Cusa, 396 and 700; Spata, op. cit., 198-9. 2 Supra, p. 32.

3 It is now recognized that the so called Edict of ‘Omar, which forbids Christians to build new churches or monasteries, or to repair old ones, is an apocryphal document of the middle of the eleventh century; cf. L. Caetani, Annali dell’ Islam, 111 (1910), 957. On the erection of new churches and abbeys in mediaeval Islam cf. A. S. Tritton, The caliphs and their non-Muslim subjects, a critical study of the Covenant of ‘Umar (London, 1930), 37-60; also T. W. Arnold, Preaching of Islam, 2nd edn. (New York, 1913), 66-7.

4 The largest collection of photographs is appended to F. Valenti’s lecture ‘L’arte nell’era normanna’ in Il regno normanno (Messina, 1932), figs. 35-56. 5 G. Patricolo, ‘La chiesa della Trinita di Delia,’ ASS, v (1880), 51-66; cf. Valenti, figs. 73-4.

The Basilians of Sicily 37 features: the architect is sure of his tradition. It is unlikely that so satisfying a structure was the product of a new Norman fashion. It 1s , even less likely that a small community of rural Basilians would have

accepted any very startling innovation in the style of their church. There is one simple solution: for two hundred years before the Holy Trinity was erected, the Christians of Western Sicily had been building small churches, and had slowly absorbed and assimilated forms brought

from Africa by the conquering Moslems. Such an hypothesis would account for the architectural differences between the Val Demone and the rest of Sicily in the twelfth century, and would give the ‘typical’ Norman ecclesiastical architecture of Palermo, Cefali, and Monreale more continuity with the preceding era than has hitherto been recognized.

INTRODUCTION V. THE GREEK MONASTERIES OF NORMAN SICILY \ , YHEN the Normans crossed the Strait of Messina they found a land which was not European but Levantine: the conquest of Sicily was a dress-rehearsal for the Crusades. The north-eastern portion of the island—the region of Messina—was largely Greek. The southern coast and the west were overwhelmingly Saracenic. In language, religion, and civilization the inhabitants looked either to Byzantium or to Cairo: there was not the smallest Latin element.

Chalandon has computed! that in the early period of his Sicilian conquests Count Roger could not put more than six hundred men in the field at a time. The attitude of the indigenous Christians towards the Normans was therefore the key to his success. Its importance may be judged by the fact that while the Val Demone, where the Greeks predominated, was subdued in less than four years, the expulsion of the Moslem forces from the Val di Mazara and the Val di Noto required twenty-six years more. At first the Greeks received the Normans as liberators.?, The Chris-

tian inhabitants of Troina delivered that city to the invaders.? But Roger was soon to learn that the loyalty of the Sicilian Byzantines had

to be purchased. Certain Normans mistreated women of Troina, the population rose against them, and Roger and his garrison were blockaded

in the citadel during the whole winter of 1062-63. Thenceforth the Count made every effort to ensure the support of the native Christians. The most certain way to win their hearts was to favor their religion, so long decayed under Islamic rule. When Roger I and Robert Guiscard captured Palermo in 1072 they found a Greek archbishop named Nicodemus maintaining the cult in

an obscure suburban church. The Normans restored him in triumph to the ancient Byzantine cathedral, which had been used as the chief mosque of the city. Nicodemus seems to have retained his office until 1 Domination, 1, 203.

2 Malaterra, 1, 14, ed. E. Pontieri (Bologna, 1927), 33. 3 Jbid., 1, 18, p. 35. 4 Tbid., u, 29, p. 40. 5 [bid., u, 45, p. 53; cf. Pirri, 82. For a possible Greek bishop at Taormina, cf. infra, p. 109, n. 6.

38

Greek Monasteries 39 his death;! the first Latin archbishop of Palermo did not receive the pallium until 1083.2 To be sure, Roger Latinized the Sicilian bishoprics, but such action may not have caused great offence among the Greeks. The definitive breach between Rome and Constantinople had come only

in 1054, and it is doubtful whether the Sicilian Christians felt it very bitterly. As though to compensate for subordinating his Greek subjects to a Latin hierarchy, Roger showered favors on the Basilian monks, usually exempting them from episcopal jurisdiction. It is strange that the part played by the Greek abbeys of Sicily in the development of the so called ‘Sicilian Legation’ has not received more attention. Jordan has shown? that the extraordinary powers exercised by Roger I in the establishment of bishoprics and the delimitation of dioceses, and his control over his clergy’s freedom of movement, were not unusual in that age: the kings of England, Germany, Scandinavia, Hungary, and Spain shared them

in some degree. Indeed such a usurpation of spiritual authority by secular rulers was almost inevitable in any region where the church was

still expanding its organization. But the activities of the Count of Sicily were unique in one respect: no instance has yet been discovered elsewhere of a lay power subtracting a monastery from the jurisdiction of the local bishop. It is now recognized that Urban II’s bull of 1098 conferring an hereditary apostolic legation (or at least an appointment vice legatv) upon the Count was merely the recognition of existing conditions in Sicily. Roger’s first meeting with Urban II occurred in April 1088 at Troina,® and it is evident that the Pope there gave him permission to exempt monasteries. However the Count had already granted 1 A Greek charter of Roger I, dated October 1097, ind. 6, refers to gifts made to the Basilian abbey of St Mary of Vicari, in the diocese of Palermo, while Nicodemus was still alive; cf. Cusa, 4 and 697; Pirri, 293; V. Mortillaro, Catalogo ragionato dei diplomi esistenti nel tabulario della catiedrale

di Palermo (Palermo, 1842), Nos. 6 and 7. 2 JL, No. 5258. H .W. Klewitz, ‘Studien iiber die Wiederherstellung der rémischen Kirche in Siiditalien durch das Reformpapsttum,’ Quellen und Forschungen, xxv (1933-4), 131, asserts that Alcher, Nicodemus’s successor, was also a Greek, but on questionable grounds. 3 EK. Jordan, “La politique ecclésiastique de Roger I et les origines de la “Legation Sicilienne,”’ ”

Moyen age, xxx (1922), 262-7, and xxxiv (1923), 64, n. 2. 4 Ihid., xxx, 260. 5 Malaterra, Iv, 13, p. 92. 6 Cf. Roger’s charters of December, 1090, ind. 14, for St Mary’s of Mili (Pirri, 1025); of April, 1092, ind. 15, for St Angel’s of Brolo (Doc. ined., 3); of September, 1092, ind. 1, for SS. Peter’s

and Paul’s of Itala (Pirri, 1035); and of October, 1097, ind. 6, for St Mary’s of Vicari (cf. supra, n. 1). The charters of June, 1090, ind. 13, for St Philip’s of Fragala (Cusa, 383 and 703; Spata, Perg. greche, 245; Pirri, 1027; cf. Caspar, No. 191 and Cusa, 389 and 695), of September, 1092, ind. 1, for St Michael’s of Troina (Pirri, 1016), of December, 1092, ind. 1, for St Savior’s of Placa (Doc. ined., 7), and of 1093 for St Angel’s of Brolo (Pirri, 1021), make no reference to Urban’s delegation of papal authority to Roger.

40 Introduction such privileges on his own authority: in 1084, ind. 7, he had declared the Greek abbey of St Angel of Brolo ‘liberum et exemptum ab omnibus

episcopis, archiepiscopis et omni ecclesiastica et saeculari persona.”! Four years later Urban merely sanctioned a power already seized and exercised by Roger. The Count had constituted himself a buffer between the Greek and Latin factions of the Sicilian church, and master of both. To judge the significance of the Basilian abbeys of Norman Sicily we must know something of how many there were, and when and by whom they were founded. But the history of Greek monasticism in the island

has been as obscure as that of the Latin. The tabulary of the archimandrital abbey of St Savior in Messina which exists in a sixteenthcentury copy in Codex vaticanus 8201? is still unpublished. When it appears eventually in Testi e studi, edited by Dr Giannelli of the Vatican Library, a more or less definitive study of the subject will be possible. The most recent, and by far the best, list of the Greek houses of Italy and Sicily is in Cirillo Korolevskij’s “Basiliens italo-grecs et espagnols’?

which appeared in the autumn of 1932. Korolevskij enumerates 265 altogether, of which 58 were in Sicily. Unfortunately, however, his work leans heavily on two broken reeds: A. Lubin’s Abbatiarum Italiae brevis

notittia (Rome, 1693), and the second volume of P. P. Rodota’s Dell’ origine, progresso, e stato presente del rito greco in Italia (Rome, 1760). It is not surprising, therefore, that in compiling our list of the Basilian houses of Norman Sicily we must eliminate not simply 11 monasteries of which there is no trace before 1195, but also 9 duplications through variants of title, 2 houses which were not Greek but Latin, and one The exact extent of the immunity from episcopal control enjoyed by these Basilian abbeys is in doubt. The presence at Fragala in May, 1105, of la ‘houkds ’erioxoros ’aotrdwv’ (Cusa, 402; Spata, op. cit., 213; G. Cozza-Luzi, ‘Del testamento dell’abate fondatore di Demenna,’ ASS, xv [1890], 39), which might be translated ‘Luke, bishop of the immunities’ (cf. Spata, 214, n. 11), rouses visions of a Greek chorepiscopus caring for the sacramental needs of all the exempt monas-

teries. But in Byzantine times we find in Calabria a bishopric of Isola (°6 Tov ’Anotdrwv’s cf. L. Duchesne, ‘Les évéchés de Calabria,’ Mélanges Paul Fabre (Paris, 1902], 10) which seems to have

continued obscurely through Norman times (cf. G. Minasi, Le chiese di Calabria [Naples, 1896],

255-6). Some light may be thrown on the relation of the privileged abbeys to the diocesan by Roger I’s charter of April, 1096, ind. 4 (Cusa, 289 and 696; Starrabba, 340; Pirri, 383) to Bishop Robert of Troina-Messina permitting him to discipline delinquent monks, but forbidding him to touch the abbeys’ properties. 1 According to a Latin version of 1487 of a confirmation of 1145; Pirri, 1021; Caspar, No. 189. 2 Cf. P. Battifol, ‘L’archive du Saint-Sauveur de Messine d’aprés un registre inédit,’ Revue des questions historiques, x11 (1887), 555-67, and R. Starrabba, ‘Di un codice vaticano contenente i privilegi dell’archimandritato di Messina,’ ASS, x11 (1887), 465-9. 3 In Dictionnaire dhistotre et de géographie ecclésiastique, v1, 1180-1236.

Greek Monasteries 41 which was not in Sicily but in Calabria, leaving a total of 35 for the Norman period. To these it has been possible to add 33 new names, bringing the total to 68. The following list is merely tentative: it may still contain duplications, and a very careful sifting of the records would probably lengthen

it somewhat. The date given for each monastery is that of its first _ appearance in the documents, or a time when it must have existed because of its connection with some personage whose death-date we know.

The name of the founder or rebuilder is added. Three monasteries, St Nicholas’s of Mazara, St Savior’s of Palermo, and the Holy Trinity’s of Delia, have been admitted on architectural rather than on document-

ary grounds. In the course of our study we shall mention six ancient and probably ruined Basilian houses subordinated to Latin cloisters: St Philip’s of Pantano, St Savior’s of Cerami, St Stephan’s of Castronuovo, St Basil’s of Naso, and St Nicholas’s and St Angel’s of the Val Demone.! Only one, St Basil’s of Naso,? is included in our list, since there is no evidence that the others were occupied by Greek monks in Norman times. a.=ante. Bastian MONASTERIES IN NORMAN SICILY

St Anastasia in Mistretta .............. 1122 (M. of Creun) st Andrew of Bebene, Palermo ......... 1187? St Anne of Messina (nuns) ............. 1178-9 (Ola Grafeos) St Anne of Monteforte ................ 11381 St (Michael) Archangel of Brolo ........ 1084 (Roger I)

St Barbarus, near San Marco...........a.1109

St Basil of Naso ...................... 1080 St Basil of Troina..................... 11381

St Constantine of Malet ............... 1131 St Cosmas of Gonata .................. 1142-3 St Elias of Embula.................... 1094 (Roger I)

St Elias of Scala Oliveril ............... 1131 | St Felix of San Marco ................. 1181 St George of the Kemonia, Palermo ..... 1148 (1072, Guiscard?)

St George of Triocala .................. 1098 (Roger I) St George in [email protected] St Gregory of [email protected]? (Roger I?) St Honufrius of Calatabiet ............. 1131

1 Infra, pp. 122, 186, 191, n. 1. |

2 Pirri, 1061.

4Q- Introduction St James of Calo...................... 1181 St John of the Greeks, Messina (nuns) ... 1092? (Roger I)

_ St John of Psichro..................... 1131 St Leo in Messina..................... 11381 St Mary of Ambuto ...................a.1101 (Roger I) St Mary de Alto (de Jummariis), Mazara .a.1144

St Mary of Bordonaro ................. 1178-9 (Ola Grafeos) St Mary of Campogrosso ..............a.1134 St Mary de Crypta, Palermo ............a.1183 (1072, Guiscard?)

St Mary of Gala ...................... 1105 (Adelaide) St Mary of Mallimachi, dioc. Patti...... 1131

St Mary of Mandanici, dioc. Messina ... 1100 (Roger I) St Mary de Grotta, Marsala ............a.1107-8 (Christodoulos?) St Mary of Massa, near Messina........a.1114 (Nicholas Grafeos)

St Mary of Mili ...................... 1090 (Roger I) St Mary de Admirato (Crisé, la Pinta?),

Palermo (nuns) ................... 1140 (George of Antioch) St Mary of Scala, near Paternd .........a.1166 (Stephan, hermit) St Mary of Vicari (Biccari, Boico).......a.1097 (Roger I)

St Mercury of Troina ................. 1181

St Michael of Mazara (nuns) ........... 1124 (George of Antioch)! St Michael of Ficcara (Fulgerino,

Filarino?) ........................ 1181

| St Michael of Troina................... 1081 (Roger I) St Nicander of Messina ................ 11381 St Nicander of San Nicone ............. 1093 (Roger I)

St Nicholas of Butana, in Val Demone .. 1080

St Nicholas of Canneto ................ 1131

1 A note on this monastery may be forgiven, since I have been particularly concerned with it. At the Belgian abbey of Maredsous the late Dom Ursmer Berliére discovered three Greek charters of St Michael’s which were published with facsimiles by Henri Grégoire, ‘Documents grecs de Mazara, Sicile,’ Annuaire de [Institut de Philologie et d Histoire Orientales of the University of Brussels (1932-3), 79-107. I published a fourth, extant only in a bad Latin version, in “The charters of St Michael’s in Mazzara,’ Revue bénédictine, xtv (1933), 234-41, and showed it to be a forgery of the Angevin period, based partly on a donation by Frederick II to St Michael’s (cf. E. Winkelmann, Acta imperti inedita (Innsbruck, 1880], 77) and partly on the longest of the three charters edited by Grégoire. C. A. Garufi, “Tre nuove pergamene greche del monastero di S. Michele di ~Mazara,’ ASS, tut (1933), 219-224, showed that this latter is also probably a forgery. Evidently we are dealing with two strata of forgery in the cartulary of St Michael’s: one, amazingly skillful, arising out of the troubles following William II’s death, and a second, much more clumsy, following the Angevin conquest. Filippo Napoli, I diplomi del monastero di S. Michele di Mazara (Mazara: Tipog. Grillo, 1934), 34 pp., must be in error in locating the two chief casalia of St Michael’s, Ramelia

and Minzelalbulkair, twelve kilometers apart, since the descriptions of their boundaries found in the charters both mention the spring of Ullic. Cf. also Grégoire in Byzantion, vit (1933), 705-6, and G. Greco in ASSO, xxix (1934), 363-5.

Greek Monasteries 43 St Nicholas of Fico, near Racuja..... ..a.1101 (Roger I) St Nicholas of [email protected] (Theodore of Antioch) St Nicholas near Paterno ..............a.1174 (Geoffrey Secretus)

St Nicholas of Pellera .................a.1112 (Adelaide) St Nicholas de Regali, at Mazara........ 0 ....

St Nicholas of Ysa .................... 1181 St Pancras near San Fratello ........... 1131 St Pantaleon (St Savior) of the

Presbyter Scholarios...............a.1098 (Scholarios) St Peter of Deca, near San Marco....... 1131

St Peter de Largo Flumine ............. 1181 SS. Peter and Paul of Agro............. 1115 (Roger IT) SS. Peter and Paul of Itala............. 1092 (Roger I) St Philip of Fragala (Demena) ......... 1090 (Roger I) St Philip the Great .................... 1100 (Roger I) St Philip of Santa Lucia, near Milazzo ...a.1101 (Roger I)

St Savior in Lingua Phari.............. 1181 (Roger ID) St Savior in Messina (nuns) ............a.1101? (Roger I?) St Savior in Palermo (nuns) ............ ....

St Savior of Placa ..................... 1092 (Roger I) St Stephan of Messina................. 11384

St Theodore of Milazzo ................ 1181 St Theodore of Mirto..................a.11380 Holy Trinity of Delia ..................0000..

St Venera of Vanella................... 1181 Despite the provisional nature of this list, we can probably draw relable conclusions from it, The comparative statistics of Roger I’s monastic patronage are revealing: the Grand Count erected, with any certainty, only four Benedictine abbeys in Sicily (Lipari, Catania, Patti, and St Mary’s de Scalis); we know that he either founded or restored fourteen Basilian houses, and it is said that he rebuilt three others. The necessity of securing the support of the island’s Greek population, while probably the chief, was by no means the only reason for

Roger’s generosity to the Orthodox abbeys. Although the Normans were Latin in rite, the Pope was powerful, and a little too near for comfort. The Patriarch of Constantinople, on the contrary, was distant, ineffective, and eager to regain the lost provinces of Magna Graecia. The political tension between Rome and Sicily was very nearly chronic.! One of the most effective ways of winning concessions from 1 Despite the occasional cooperation between Urban and Roger I which Jordan’s ‘Politique ecclésiastique’ has demonstrated.

4A Introduction His Holiness was to flirt with the Byzantine church and perhaps even to toy with the idea of renouncing the papal jurisdiction altogether. It is not improbable that some such veiled threat was used to extort from Urban II the grant of hereditary legatine rights which gave to Roger and his successors much the same power over the Sicilian church as the Eastern emperors exercised over that in their dominions. It is true, as we have seen, that the church was at times forced to tolerate the usurpation of spiritual powers by kings in various parts of Europe. But only a unique danger to the papacy could have forced Rome, engaged at that moment in a general European struggle to free the church from lay control, to cede to the Count of Sicily, in formal documentary manner, prerogatives unparalleled in Latin Christendom. It is probable that the acquisition of legatine rights, and their successful application by the Norman rulers, was largely due to the strong tradition of Byzantine | Caesaropapism which permeated the Sicilian church, and of which the

Greek monks were the chief propagators. It was a Basilian archimandrite, Nilus Doxopatrius,! who at the request of King Roger II wrote the History of the five patriarchates—one of the most vigorous attacks ever penned against the supremacy of the Bishop of Rome.

Still a third motive may be discovered. The Normans could not spread their dominion northward because of the papal state. The coast of Africa, although possibly more inviting then than it is today, offered little inducement to conquest. (The Normans did, however, maintain a foot-hold there for many years.) The logical place for expansion lay to the east, in the Byzantine Empire. In 1080 Robert Guiscard launched an attack in that direction which was to continue, by arms or diplomacy, as long as Normans ruled the south. The task of winning Greece would be greatly simplified if the religious prejudices of the people could be overcome, and their fears of persecution by the Latin Normans assuaged. The propaganda value of the great Basilian monasteries of Sicily and Southern Italy for such a purpose is evident. Count Roger I’s patronage of the Greek monks may therefore be regarded as one of the most important and far-reaching of his policies. It assured the stability of his rule in Sicily, and greatly strengthened his position in dealing with his two most powerful neighbors, Rome and Byzantium. During the delicate eleven years of her regency, the Countess Adelaide wisely followed her husband’s example. In that time she

founded two Basilian abbeys, and only one for Latin monks. Three years after he had assumed the government Roger II built his first monastery: the Greek SS. Peter’s and Paul’s of Agro. 1 On Nilus cf. Caspar, Roger II, 346-354.

Greek Monasteries A5 This policy of the ruling house seems to have led to an over-expansion

of Basilianism in the island. Very early we find evidence that the unavoidable deflation was commencing. Under Adelaide’s regency, that is by 1112, the monastery of Ambuto, apparently restored by Roger I, was again deserted, and its lands were given to the nunnery of St Mary de Scalis near Messina.' Under William I St Pancras’s of San Fratello had become a simple benefice of the Cappella Palatina in Palermo.? In 1180 St Philip’s of Santa Lucia was still inhabited, and ruled by an abbot; eight years later it was the living of Master Benedict, the royal chaplain.?

And in 1196 Constance speaks of St Mary’s of Marsala, founded and endowed by Admiral Christodoulos, as ‘ab abbate et monachis penitus destituta.’* In contrast there is no evidence that a single Latin monastery was abandoned in the Norman period. An additional indication of the artificial inflation of Greek monasticism

is the sharp decline in the number of new foundations as the twelfth century progressed. Of the 65 datable Basilian houses of Norman Sicily,

21 appear by 1101, while 53 are mentioned by the year 1134. Of the remaining 12, half may well belong to the earlier period—we know them

only through casual notices. The other 6 were, significantly, founded by private persons: the Antiokites family, the Grafeos-Sekretos family, and by a certain Stephan. The emphasis in the patronage of the house of Hauteville had shifted from Greek to Latin monasticism. The foundation of the great abbey of St Savior in Lingua Phari at Messina by Roger IT in 1131-34, and the organization of most® of the Greek houses of Sicily under its archimandrite into a sort of congregation, has generally been regarded as the climax of the Hellenic renaissance

in the Norman realm. But it was actually a desperate effort to check the dissolution of Count Roger I’s work of restoration. Evidently, as we have seen, the Byzantine inhabitants of Sicily were unable to populate so great a number of monasteries; the churches were gradually falling into neglect and decay. Roger II’s daughter, the Empress Constance, tells us that her father gave to St Savior’s ‘multas abbatias fere desertas’® in order to reorganize and rejuvenate them. 1 Infra, p. 155. 2 Pirri, 1059.

3K. A. Kehr, 456, and infra, p. 99. 4K. F. Stumpf-Brentano, Acta imperti (Innsbruck, 1881), 111, 596; R. Ries, ‘Regesten der Kaiserin Constanze,’ Quellen und Forschungen, xvi11 (1926), No. 37.

5 At least ten monasteries known to have been inhabited by Greek monks between 1080 and 1130 are not enumerated in Roger II’s charter listing the houses connected with St Savior’s (Pirri, 975; Caspar, No. 95). I have discovered no feature common to these ten which would account for their exclusion: some had been endowed by Roger I, others by private benefactors.

6 Supra, n. 4. It cannot be maintained that the eighteen abbeys made directly obedient to St Savior’s were simply ancient ruins deserted since Moslem times: at least four of them, St Barbarus’s

46 Introduction The scheme was successful: in 1866 there were still 24 Basilian houses in Sicily.! But by 1134 the vitality was rapidly seeping from the Greek churches. The institution of the archimandrite embalmed and preserved

what had once been vigorous flesh. The charters of the Basilians increasingly were confirmations of ancient rights rather than new donations. One can detect no symptom of disfavor towards them—there is no proved case of the Latinization of a Basilian abbey in Norman Sicily.2, The interest was merely directed elsewhere. At the very moment when King Roger was salvaging the work of his father by the erection of St Savior’s, he was lavishing energy and wealth on the new Augustinian church of Cefalu, the first major Latin foundation of the Hautevilles in the twelfth century. Thereafter the royal family continued to support the Greek monasteries, but never established another. The Benedictines of San Giovanni degli Eremiti, Maniace, and Monreale were the chief objects of its generosity. The reasons for this change are not far to seek. The increased Romanic element in Sicily’s population? diminished the danger of Moslem rebellion, and consequently lessened the political importance which the Greeks had once had as the chief bulwark of the Norman dynasty. The Anacletan Schism and the treaties of Mignano and Benevento gave the king a hold on the Sicilian church and an independence of Rome which made the support of the Byzantine clergy less necessary than formerly. Finally, the Basilian abbeys of the island, headed by the superb archimandra, one of the landmarks of the Mediterranean, located as it was on the spit protecting Messina’s harbor, were quite sufficient for propa-

ganda in the Byzantine Empire. The support of the Greek monks by Latin rulers had always been somewhat artificial. The necessity for it passed when Roger II was firmly seated on his throne. Thenceforth the piety of the kings of Sicily found a more natural expression in aiding the religious of their own rite. of Demena, St George’s of Triocala, St Nicander’s of San Nicone, and St Nicholas’s of Pellera, had

been inhabited under the Normans. | | 1 Cf. Korolevskij, ‘Basiliens italo-grecs,’ 1225.

2St Philip’s of Agira and St Mary’s of Maniace were probably deserted when the Benedictines colonized them; cf. infra, pp. 216 and 145. St Mary’s of Ligno, Cistercianized in 1188, was prob-

ably not in Sicily but in Calabria; infra, p. 178. , 3 Cf. infra, pp. 58 ff.

INTRODUCTION VI. MONASTIC MIGRATION FROM NORTHERN EUROPE TO THE NORMAN REALM

Wis the Northmen at last settled in the lower valley of theroving Seine, and became Latinized and Christianized, their patronage of the monastic life more than compensated for the ravagings of their piratical ancestors. Abbeys and priories sprang up all over Normandy, richly endowed, and drawing novices frequently from the

nobility. ? |

After the Norman adventurers succeeded in carving out principalities for themselves in the south, their clerical relatives were not slow to join

them. For more than a century the contact of Southern Italy and Sicily with the realm of the Normans and Plantagenets was intimate.? The chief monastic migration took place in the late eleventh century. Invariably it reached Sicily by way of Calabria. Ordericus Vitalis has

fortunately left us a detailed account of one of these movements.? Robert of Grantmesnil, abbot of St Evroul-en-Ouche, became involved

in a conspiracy against Duke William of Normandy. He fled for his life, and the Duke forced a new abbot, named Osbern, upon the reluctant

monks. Robert appealed to Pope Nicholas II against this action, and - while in Rome went south ‘ad parentos suos in Apulia, ubi urbes et oppida quamplura vi armorum obtinuerant.’ Undoubtedly he was urged to remain; but he returned to Normandy, with two cardinal legates, to retrieve his abbey. ‘The Duke swore to hang him ‘ad altiorem quercum vicinae sylvae’ if he laid hands on him, and Robert discreetly retreated

to Paris. Thence he hurled excommunication at Osbern, and commanded the monks of St Evroul to follow him into exile. We are told that all the ablebodied obeyed. Ordericus names nine of them, including a fine scribe, a cantor, and a grammarian. Robert reached Rome

with eleven. After a short delay, the Benedictines journeyed on to 1 There is no critical history of early Norman monasticism. A partial list of abbeys older than 1050, with tentative dates of their foundation, is given in C. H. Haskins, Norman institutions

(Harvard, 1918), 10. , , a (1911), 433-47, 641-65. | |

_ ? Cf. C. H. Haskins, ‘England and Sicily in the twelfth century,’ English historical renew, xxvi 3 Orderici Vitalis ecclesiastica historia, ed. A. Le Prévost (Paris, 1838-55), 11, 82-91. AT

48 Introduction Calabria, where, in 1062, Guiscard founded and endowed the abbey of St Euphemia for them.!

The new monastery rapidly grew in wealth and influence. When Guiscard’s mother Fredesenda, the second wife of Tancred of Hauteville, died, she was buried there, and Duke Robert made a lavish donation in

her memory. About 1063 Guiscard subjected the monastery of the Holy Trinity at Venosa,? in Apulia, to Abbot Robert. Grantmesnil appointed as its abbot one of the monks who had followed him from St Evroul: a certain Berengar fitz Arnald, an expert in reading, writing, and singing. He was abbot of Venosa for nearly thirty years. Vitalis tells us that he started with only twenty monks in his abbey, and ended with one hundred.

Before 1080 the Count of Sicily, brother-in-law of Grantmesnil, founded another great cloister, that of the Holy Trinity and St Michael Archangel of Mileto in Calabria,*? and subordinated it to St Euphemia’s. Robert appointed another of his Norman monks, William fitz Ingram, to be its abbot.

But the greatest colony of St Euphemia’s was in Sicily. In 1091 Roger I induced its prior, the Breton monk Ansger, to become the head

of the new abbey of St Agatha in Catania. The Catanian church received a fabulous endowment, including the city itself. It is probable that a good proportion of the original colony was from beyond the Alps

—the chronicler Geoffrey Malaterra was almost certainly a Norman. From St Agatha’s went the founders of three new Sicilian monasteries—

the great-grand-daughters of St Evroul in Normandy. It may be that the slopes of Etna as well as the valleys of Calabria resounded with the ‘ecantus Uticensis.’4

A single charter preserves for us the memory of another early settle1Cf. E. Pontieri, ‘L’abbazia benedettina di Sant’Eufemia in Calabria e l’abate Roberto di Grantmesnil,’ ASSO, xx (1926), 92-115. On the foundation charter of 1062, cf. H. W. Klewitz,

(1933-4), 143. ,

‘Studien iiber die Wiederherstellung der rémischen Kirche in Siiditalien durch das Reformpapsttum:

m1, Normannische Klostergriindungen und ihre Uberlieferung,’ Quellen und Forschungen, xxv 2 Cf. G. Crudo, La SS. Trinita di Venosa (Trani, 1899). 3 The tabulary of this abbey, largely unpublished and rich in Norman documents, is in the archive of the Greek College in Rome. Cf. Pierre Battifol, ‘Das Archiv des greichischen Colleg’s in Rom,’ Rémische Quartalschrift, 1 (1888), 217-221; also his ‘Chartes byzantines inédites de Grande Gréce,’ Mélanges d’arch. et @hist., x (1890), 98-111; K. A. Kehr, 409; P. Kehr, ‘Papsturkunden in Rom,’ Gottingische Nachrichten (1900), pp. 152, 157, 177, and 186; Klewitz, op. cit., 155-7. 4 ‘In his itaque tribus monasteriis Italiae [St Euphemia’s, Mileto, and Venosa] Uticensis cantus canitur, et monasticus ordo usque hodie, prout opportunitas illius regionis et amor habitantium permittit, observatur,’ Ordericus Vitalis, 1, 91. Cf. “Troparium abbatiae Sancti Ebrulfi in Normannia,’ in E. Misset and W. H. J. Weale, Analecta liturgica, u, Pt. 2 (Lille and Bruges, 1892),

213-22. The Gallican rite, with Norman peculiarities, was used in Sicily until the Council of Trent; cf. G. di Giovanni, De divinis siculorum officiis (Palermo, 1736). For a manuscript of 1130-39

Monastic Migration from Northern Europe 49 ment of northern clerics in Calabria. In 1085 Roger I induced certain ‘uiros religiosos clericos, qui nuper a transmontanis partibus uenerant causa adeundi sepulchrum Ierosolimis’! to stay permanently in his realm. For their benefit he endowed St Mary’s of Bagnara, where they formed

a community under the Augustinian rule. Bagnara possessed many churches in Sicily, and colonized both the priory of St Lucy of Noto and the great cathedral of Cefalt. We may be sure that its original inhabitants were, if not Normans, at least from the region of modern France, for in 1103 the prior of Bagnara was a certain Geoffrey of Poitou. ?

A third wave of colonization was led by St Bruno of Cologne,? the

founder of the Carthusian order. Bruno spent his younger years at Rheims. In 1081 he was elected archbishop, but fled the honor, retired

to a wild valley near Grenoble, and founded the Grande Chartreuse about 1084. Six years later he was called to Rome by Urban II, who had studied under the saint. Shortly thereafter he was offered the archbishopric of Reggio in Calabria. Although Bruno refused the miter for

a second time, he was attracted by Southern Italy. With Lanvinus, prior of the Chartreuse, and a band of his hermits,* he searched the south for a suitably ascetic site, and finally, in 1091, settled at La Torre in Calabria, receiving an endowment from Count Roger I for the monastery of St Mary. ‘The success of the new abbey was so great that before 1099 the daughter-house of St Stephan del Bosco was founded not far

away.’ This St Stephan’s had a priory in Sicily, St Christopher’s of Prizzi, given to it in 1160 by Matthew Bonell. Still another Calabrian settlement, which opened the way to the great expansion of Cistercianism both on the mainland and in Sicily, was containing a liturgy of Rouen, but coming from the Norman kingdom, cf. L. Delisle, ‘Un livre de choeur normano-sicilien conservé en Espagne,’ Journal des savants, v1 (1908), 42-49. On Roger I’s alleged policy of filling the Sicilian cathedrae with monks from St Euphemia’s, cf. infra, p. 105, n. 6. 1K. A. Kehr, 411. 2 Cf. infra, p. 185. There are inedited Norman charters for Bagnara in the archive of St John’s Lateran, and copies of the same in Cod. vaticanus 3084. 3 Cf. H. Lobbel, Der Stifter des Carthaiiser-Ordens, der heilige Bruno aus Kéln, in Kirchengeschicht-

liche Studien, V, 1 (Miinster, 1899). | 4 Roger Borsa in 1093 tells us that ‘Bruno et Lanuinus . . . cum sociis suis in terram Calabrie a Galliarum partibus . . . uenerunt’; AASS, Oct. 111, 626. 5 One of the numerous desiderata in the history of Calabrian monasticism is a critical reexamination of the cartulary of St Stephan’s. At present its documents can be used only with the greatest reserve. They are largely printed in the ten volumes of B. Tromby, Storia critico-cronologica e diplomatica del patriarcha S. Brunone e del suo Ordine Cartusiano (Naples, 1773-79), and are attacked by F. Vargas-Macciucca, Esame delle vantate carte e diplomi della Certosa di S. Stefano del Bosco in Calabria (Naples, 1765). A beginning has been made by Chalandon, Domination, 1, 304-307, note;

Doc. ined., p. xv, n. 1; and K. A. Kehr, 371-86.

50 — _ Introduction St Nicholas’s of Filocastro, which, as we shall see, was founded by Cistercians from Clairvaux in 1140-41, and endowed by King Roger IT.

No doubt the paucity of our sources keeps us in ignorance of other similar monastic migrations to the new Norman domains of the south. The movements of individuals are even more difficult to check, particu-

larly since we know that vocations to the regular life did not cease among the other northern immigrants.1. The amount of information on South Italian and Sicilian affairs found in the chronicles of Normandy and England would alone assure us that there was an active intercourse between the abbeys of the two regions.? Fortunately we have a little specific evidence. Ordericus? tells us of a monk of St Evroul who made two trips to Calabria and Apulia, remaining almost three years at St Euphemia’s, and bringing back a rich present from its abbot William to his Norman monastery. In 1097 the Benedictine St Anselm of Canterbury conversed at Capua with Roger I,* and in 1137 St Bernard of

Clairvaux met Roger II at Salerno. We also know that Robert of Cricklade, the learned prior of the Augustinian canons of St Frideswide’s

in Oxford, visited Catania and Syracuse about 1156, and probably became acquainted with Henry Aristippus, archdeacon of Catania.® In 1167-9 the Benedictine William of Blois visited Sicily, and for a short time was abbot of a church in Calabria.” And in 1169 a Cluniac, Prior Theobald of Crépy-en-Valois, carried a letter from Louis VII of France to William IT of Sicily.®

It is evident that northern European monasticism exerted a powerful influence upon that of the Norman Kingdom. However, this influence 1 Ordericus, 1, 91, tells us that William, the first abbot of Mileto, although ordained in Normandy,

took the Benedictine habit at St Euphemia’s. 2 Cf. Haskins in English historical review, xxv, 436. 3 ‘Bis in Apuliam permissu Rogerii abbatis propter utilitatem Uticensis ecclesiae perrexit [Rainaldus], ibique Willermum fratrum suum, aliosque multos ex parentella sua, qui in extera regione

divitiis abundabant, invenit. Cum Willermo abbate S. Eufemiae filio Unfridi de Telliolo fere tribus annis in Calabria mansit, et inde remeans preadicti abbatis, cujus ipse consobrinus erat,

dono cappam ex alba purpura S. Ebrulfo detulit,’ mu, 110. , 4 Infra, p. 58, n. 3. 5 Infra, p. 163, n. 3.

6 Cf. Haskins, Mediaeval science, 2nd edn. (Harvard, 1927), 169-70. I have not discovered whether the altar to St Lucy in Christ Church (St Frideswide’s) is in any way connected with this Syracusan trip. ? Cf. my ‘For the biography of William of Blois,’ Eng. hist. rev., u (1935), 487-90. 8 Collection de documents inédits sur V histoire de France, série 11, No. 1: Lettres de rois, reines et autres personnages des cours de France et d’ Angleterre depuis Louis VII jusqw & Henri IV, pub. by J. J. Champollion-Figeac, 1 (Paris, 1839), 4. Possibly Theobald visited his fellow Benedictines at Catania, for Bibliothéque Nationale MS latin 13817, fol. 24”, lists among the relics of St Arnulf’s of Crépy ‘os cum dentibus S. Agathae et de velo eius.’ Theobald was probably on a ‘business trip

to the Holy Land: Louis says that ‘procurat autem necessitates nobilis ecclesie Cluniacensis in Oriente.’ For eastern connections of the priory of Crépy cf. my note in Speculum, 1x (1934), 404-7.

Monastic Migration from Northern Europe 51 was mediated to Sicily through Calabria, and was diluted in the process.

Just as the Norman adventurers who conquered Southern Italy fused with the older Lombard nobility, so the immigrant monks mixed with the indigenous Latin clergy in Apulia and in those portions of Calabria which were not solidly Greek. We may be sure that the colonies which went out to build the new Sicilian cloisters were very diverse, and that their monks continued to be of the most varied origin throughout our

period. For example, a Breton, a Norman, and an Amalfitan were among the pioneers of Catania. ‘Towards the middle of the twelfth century St Agatha’s seems to have had a Latinized Slav named Ivan as abbot, and about the same time a ‘Johannes Alemannus’ appears at one of its colonies. A decade later a Salernitan, John of Agello, was abbot. No further proof is needed of the thoroughly cosmopolitan character of the Latin monasteries of Sicily. The most puzzling feature of the migration of northern monks to the Norman domains is their concentration in Calabria, whence they spread into both Apulia and Sicily. We have no record of a transalpine going from his homeland directly to a Sicilian abbey to live. The reason for this is probably two-fold. After the success of the first crusade, migrant monks who wandered to Southern Italy or Sicily would probably not settle in the Norman realm, but would be drawn onward to Palestine. The transplanting of groups of regular clergy from north to south seems to have been confined to the second half of the eleventh century. Until 1091 Sicily was a battlefield, with almost constant raids and skirmishes. Moreover, until after the death of Roger I Mileto in Calabria was the

real center of Norman activity: only under Roger IT did it move to Palermo.

But there was also a political consideration. We have seen that in Sicily, where there were no Latins, the Normans based their power on the Greek element, and particularly on the Basilian monks. In Calabria, on the other hand, these very monks were a peril to the Norman domination. For centuries they had been the chief agents of the Basileus in his attempts to Byzantinize Southern Italy, and after the conquest of the There are other minor evidences of monastic relations between the Norman kingdom and the north. Alboldus, a clerk who later became a monk at Bec and abbot of St Edmund’s, was once in Bari; ef. ‘Miracula S. Nicolai [barensis] conscripta a monacho beccensi’ (itself a significant title), in Catalogus codicum hagiographicorum latinorum Bibliothecae Nationalis Parisiensis, 11 (Brussels, 1890), 422. According to Eadmer, Historia novorum in Anglia, ed. M. Rule (London, 1884), Rolls

series, No. 81, p. 96, the Roman-born Abbot John of Telese (c. 1098) had studied at Bec under St Anselm, that is, before 1092. We also hear of Warin, a former medical student at Salerno, becoming a monk at St Alban’s; cf. Thomas Walsingham, Gesta abbatum monasterii S. Albani ed. H. T. Riley, Rolls series, No. 28, Pt. 4 (London, 1867), 1, 194 ff.

52 Introduction land by the Hautevilles they kept alive a loyalty to the Eastern Empire which expressed itself in sporadic revolts. The danger was particularly great in southern Calabria, which at that time was solidly Hellenic— there are still Greek-speaking villages in the region. Some attempt was made to break the power of the Basilians by depriving them of their

properties;! but such action naturally stirred dangerous resentment. The Normans chiefly counteracted their influence by introducing powerful communities of Latin monks. The Lombards of Southern Italy were scarcely less given to revolt than were the Greeks. For their Calabrian foundations, therefore, the Normans secured northern European monks,

on whose loyalty they could depend. That these new abbeys were deliberately intended as agents of Latinization is indicated by their geographical positions: all were located in southern Calabria, below the Sila, where the Byzantine element was dominant.? Seen in the light of the political difficulties of Count Roger I, both the concentration of immigrant monastic groups in Calabria and their absence from Sicily be-

come intelligible.

1 A considerable number of Basilian monasteries were subjected to Latin abbeys. Cf. Batiffol, Rossano, p. xxv. Whereas in Sicily there is not a trace of friction between Greek and Latin church-

men, in Calabria the occidental monks were vigorous opponents of the Greeks. Thus in 1095 St Bruno took an active part in the Latinization of the bishopric of Squillace (Lébbel, op. cit., 160), and the Benedictines of Mileto brought charges of heresy against the hegoumenos of Rossano

(Batiffol, op. cit., 8). Litigation between the Greek and Latin houses was chronic (E. Pontieri, ‘I primordi della feudalita calabrese,’ Nuova rivista storica, v (1921), 637-9). The infiltration of a Romanic element into the Basilian abbeys seems to have begun very early: a Latin inscription on the magnificent mosaic pavement of the Patirion of Rossano (which P. Orsi, Le chiese basiliane della Calabria [Florence, 1929], 134, dates in the twelfth century), informs us that ‘Blasius Venerabilis Abbas Hoc Totum Jussit Fieri.’ The hostility of the Normans towards the Basilians of Calabria persisted until after the final conquest of Sicily had released for continental service the armed forces concentrated in the island, and had thus greatly reduced the danger of a Byzantine counter-

attack. ‘Solamente quando la potenza normanna fu cosi saldamente costituita, da non temere pid l’insidia del bizantinismo, da essere anzi in grado di prendere |’offensiva contro Bisanzio, verso la fine dell’undecimo secolo cioé, |’atteggiamento dei principi normanni di fronte all’elemento religioso greco nei loro territori cambio sensibilmente,’ E. Buonaiuti, Gioachino da Fiore (Rome, 1931),

89-90. |

2 Jules Gay, ‘Jusqu’ ot s’étend, & |’époque normande, la zone héllenisée de l’Italie méridionale?’ Mélanges Bertaux (Paris, 1924), 110-128, assumes the preponderance of Greeks in Calabria south

of the Val di Crati, and deals with the mixed Graeco-Latin region of Lucania and Apulia. G. Rohlfs, Scavi linguistici nella Magna Grecia (Rome, 1933), 9 and 55, believes that the NicastroCatanzaro line marked the division between Greek and Latin-speaking sections of Calabria.

INTRODUCTION VII. THE ROYAL POLICY TOWARDS THE LATIN MONASTERIES OF SICILY Ae wethe have seen, sway: Greekthe monasticism survived in Sicily even under Moslem task of Roger I was not so much to found abbeys as to restore them. Its Latin counterpart, on the other hand, was an alien thing introduced by the conquerors. In contrast with the mushroom growth of Basilianism, and its subsequent decay, the expansion of the Latin monks was steady and healthy, corresponding with the increase of the Roman Catholic population. Although a Benedictine abbey was erected on Lipari before 1085, there were no Latin communities in Sicily proper before 1091. The first, St

Agatha’s of Catania, was founded eleven months after the fall of the last Islamic stronghold on the island. In the next 103 years, which is the period of our study, we know that no less than 50 Latin abbeys and priories were erected in Sicily. The dates of the foundation of 23 of these can be given exactly; another 16 can be placed within limits. Six may be ascribed to the reign of Roger I; 8 were established between the

death of the Grand Count and the coronation of his son in 1130. AIthough only 8 foundations can be definitely placed in the 24 years of | Roger IT’s reign, some 32 of our cloisters had appeared by the time of his death in 1154. In the brief 12 years of William I we find 5 foundations; under William II, probably 9. Even in the short and turbulent reigns of Tancred and William III 3 new monasteries were erected. Naturally such statistics are only partial. Undoubtedly many of the churches subordinate to the monasteries were served and inhabited by monks, and should be ranked as priories. Another computation throws into clear relief the difference between

the growth of Latin and Greek monasticism in the island. Omitting dubious cases, we know that the counts, kings, and regents of Norman Sicily erected or restored 21 Basilian, and only 11 Latin houses. On the other hand, private patrons founded only 11 Greek cloisters, and 25

Latin. Here again we have proof that, while the Basilian expansion was largely the result of public policy, the spread of the occidental orders was the product of spontaneous piety.

However, it must not be thought that the rulers of Sicily were indif53

5A Introduction ferent to the Latins: their foundations were few, but they were the most

important. With the exception of four minor houses (St Mary’s of Sciacca, St Mary’s of Ustica, the Holy Spirit’s of Buscemi, and St Michael’s of Petralia) all the communities of black-clad Benedictine monks on the island were either colonies of, or subordinate to, the four great abbeys erected by the Hautevilles: Lipari-Patti, Catania, St John’s of the Hermits, and Monreale. Queen Margaret’s church at Maniace, subject to Monreale, was, as we shall see, enormously wealthy. Of the Latins other than Benedictines, the most powerful were the Augustinian Canons of Cefali, the favorite church of Roger IT. Elsewhere in Europe the monastic foundations of feudal lords competed in grandeur with those of their suzerains. It is indicative of the unique position of the Sicilian kings that their churches completely overshadowed those endowed by their subjects. It is a flattering commentary upon the importance of our monasteries that the rulers of Sicily took every precaution to assure their loyalty.

, As hereditary papal legate, the king had complete control over all the religious establishments of the island, including the election of abbots and bishops. The canonical form was respected by obtaining royal approval of the nominee before the actual election took place.!. Of course, in monasteries founded by the Hautevilles the king would also have the ius patronatus over the election of abbots.? Only once is there any trace of friction between the electoral body and the royal power. In 1167 the Benedictines of Catania appear to have chosen as their abbot-bishop John of Agello, in opposition to William of Blois, the candidate of the regent, Queen Margaret. However, we know very little of the circumstances: Matthew of Agello, John’s brother, was powerful at court, and probably secured approval of the election. In any case the political conditions of 1166-68 were too abnormal for such an episode to set a precedent.

As a consequence of the king’s legatine status, all appeals to Rome were prohibited, and no Sicilian prelate could visit the pope or attend

a papal council without the royal permission.? But in addition the 1 Tt is so provided by the Treaty of Benevento of 1156 between William I and Hadrian IV; cf. the text in G. B. Siragusa, Il regno di Guglielmo I in Sicilia, 2nd edn. (Palermo, 1929), 386. Cf. also the approval of the nominee of Cefalu, infra, p. 198. 2 On the 3 Oct. 1195, ind. 14, Constance complains to Celestine IIT in very strong terms against his interference in the abbatial election at St John’s of the Hermits which impugned her right of patronage; cf. P. Kehr, ‘Das Briefbuch des Thomas von Gaeta, Justitiars Friedrichs II,’ Quellen und Forschungen, vu (1905), 51, and Ries, ‘Regesten Constanzes,’ ibid., xvi1r (1926), No. 13. 3 On the striking difference between the liberties of the South Italian hierarchy as compared with the Sicilian cf. the provisions of the Treaty of Benevento, ed. cit., and P. Kehr, ‘Die Belehnung der siiditalienischen Normannenfiirsten durch die Papste (1059-1192),’ Abhandlungen der preussischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, phil.-hist. Kl. (1934), No. 1, p. 40.

Royal Policy towards the Latin Monasteries 55 rulers of the island maneuvered to reduce monastic contact with the Apostolic See to a minimum. At the end of the eleventh century two Sicilian abbots received consecration at the hands of the pope; a hundred years later, only one, despite the great increase in the number of monasteries. The first abbots of Lipari were consecrated at Rome, but the connection was broken in 1130 when the abbey became a suffragan

see of the church of Messina. The abbot-bishop of Catania was likewise consecrated by the pope until the Anacletan schism; about 1166 the custom was renewed, but in 1183 Catania was subjected to Monreale. In 1174 Margaret endowed the church of Maniace with domains so vast that normally it would have been made an exempt abbey; but the Queen

immediately subordinated it to Monreale. The abbot-archbishop of Monreale was therefore the only monastic prelate of Sicily dependent directly on the pope at the end of the Norman period.!' He was likewise

| the only one to pay a census (Lipari’s census, first paid in 1091, was transferred to Messina in 1094). The Norman kings did not merely maintain absolute control of their abbeys: they also prevented monastic colonization in Sicily from alien or disaffected sources, and with good reason. The island was the bulwark of their power, their donjon-keep. The continental portion of the kingdom, torn by papal, imperial, and Byzantine factions, and disturbed by the ambitions of the great feudatories, was in almost constant ferment. In Sicily, on the contrary, fiefs had been distributed.in such a way as to reduce the power of the nobility to a minimum,? there was no tradition of imperial intervention, the favor of the Greeks had been cultivated so assiduously as to extinguish any desire for reunion with Constantinople, and the Apostolic Legation had almost eliminated papal influences. The king could cross the Strait of Messina to subdue Calabrian and Apulian uprisings certain that he would not be stabbed in the back. The necessity for keeping Sicily free from subversive elements was

decisive in the royal monastic policy. Wherever we are able to trace the colonization of an abbey or priory, its inhabitants came from a church in the continental dominions of the ruler of Sicily, with one minor exception.*? The earliest cases of which we have definite knowledge, St Agatha’s of Catania and the cathedral of Cefalt, were colonies from two Calabrian communities of whose absolute loyalty there could be no doubt, 1K. Jordan, ‘La politique ecclésiastique de Roger I,’ Moyen dge, xxx1v (1923), 32-45, traces a similar growth of the metropolitan system in Sicily from 1130 to 1188 whereby papal influence was diminished and royal power augmented. 2 Chalandon, 1, 209-210.

3 The refugee Cistercians from Syria at the Holy Trinity’s of Refesio and St Michael’s of Prizzi; infra, pp. 176-77.

56 Introduction St Euphemia’s and Bagnara. Both had been founded by Roger I and settled by transalpine immigrants. In 1127-30 Roger II extended his sway over the whole of Southern

Italy, but for nearly two decades he did not tap this new reservoir of monks for Sicily. At last, between 1142 and 1148, he built San Giovanni

in Palermo, and called hermits from Montevergine to inhabit it. The foundation of St John’s is particularly useful for a study of Roger’s policy. During the Anacletan Schism his chief opponents had been Bernard of Clairvaux and Peter of Cluny. After Roger’s reconciliation with Innocent IT in 1139, his first task was to put himself in the good graces of the two great abbots. The obvious method was to endow Cistercian and Cluniac monasteries. However, despite Peter the Venerable’s broad hint that the foundation of a Cluniac abbey in his domains would be most acceptable,! there is no evidence that Roger acted on the

suggestion. He did indeed found a Cistercian house in Calabria in 1140-41,? but he had too recently felt the power of the white Benedictines

to permit them to settle in Sicily. The disciples of Bernard were notoriously pro-papal; Roger’s relations with Rome were generally too cool for

him to run the risk of planting French Cistercians in the island, where they might become a nucleus of ecclesiastical opposition in time of crisis.

Roger chose between preserving internal stability and augmenting his international prestige. The sacrifice involved in his selection of the more conservative course must not be underestimated. If an abbey as conspicuously located and as lavishly endowed as St John’s of Palermo had been given either to the Cistercians or to the Cluniacs, Roger’s fame would have resounded from one end of Europe to the other.

But why did Roger pick Montevergine as the object of such special favor? Probably because it was politically the most innocuous monastic community in his newly-acquired domains. About 1120 William of Vercelli, a saint of the most rigid pattern, had begun to gather about him a group of austere and other-worldly ascetics. They had no temporal interests, and no political tradition. They were admirably suited to Roger’s purpose. What little we know of the origins of other Sicilian cloisters confirms

the impression that the Norman rulers strictly excluded any foreign monastic influence dangerous to their power. The Cistercians were admitted only after probation at Fossanova, Sambucina, and St Stephan del Bosco (which ceased to be Carthusian about the middle of the twelfth century). Bagnara celonized not simply Cefali, but St Lucy’s of Noto. 1 Infra, p. 150. 2 Infra, pp. 163 ff.

Royal Policy towards the Latin Monasteries 57 The nunnery of St Mary’s de Scalis seems to have been an offshoot of St Euplus’s in Calabria. From La Cava came monks for St Michael’s of Petralia and William IT’s abbey of Monreale. An inevitable consequence of this policy was the complete exclusion from Sicily of Monte Cassino, the most famous abbey of the Norman kingdom. On the 21 May 1191! Henry VI issued a vast confirmation

of all its possessions. In the published edition two and a half folio pages are required to enumerate them. The mother-abbey of Benedictinism ruled an ecclesiastical empire, concentrated for the most part in Southern Italy, including Calabria, and in Sardinia. But its only claim in Sicily was ‘terras quas Tertullus S. Benedicto dedit’ seven centuries earlier,? and which the abbey had probably lost during the Arab invasions! The Cassinese monks, with their ancient tradition of independence and cordial relations with both Empire and papacy, submitted with bad grace to the firm rule of Roger II when he conquered the Duchy of Apulia. In 1137, when Lothair invaded Italy in support of Innocent II,

the abbey appears to have sided with him.* In any case there was a strong anti-Norman party among the monks. The kings of Sicily reciprocated by generally withholding their favor, and even by encroaching on Monte Cassino’s properties. They recognized that no more dangerous influence could be introduced into Sicily than the Cassinese; and the Cassinese were kept out. From what has been said it will be seen that the monastic situation in Sicily was very different from that in the continental half of the Kingdom. On the mainland the Normans were faced with a complex accumulation of centuries, and could only treat the abbeys individually, favoring those which supported the dynasty and repressing the others. No particular policy is detectable, save the tendency to play northern monks against Basilian in Calabria. In Sicily, on the contrary, Latin monasticism was

a new growth, transplanted into virgin soil. The Norman rulers controlled its development carefully, prevented the introduction of any antiroyal element, and trained it to be a strong support of the central power. 1. Gattola, Ad historiam abbatiae cassinensis accessiones (Vencie, 1734) 1, 269-74; T. Toeche, Kaiser Heinrich VI (Leipzig, 1867), No. 121. | 2K. Caspar, ‘Zur altesten Geschichte von Monte Cassino,’ Neues Archiv, xxx1v (1908), 195-207,

has shown that there is an authentic nucleus in the present forged donation. 3.R. Palmarrocchi, L’abbazia di Monte-Cassino e la conquista normanna (Rome, 1913), 162-6, attempts to show that the account of this incident is a distortion of the truth by Peter the Deacon, a partisan of the imperial faction. Caspar, 181-4, and Chalandon, 1, 59 ff. accept Peter’s account, which is contemporary, as authentic.

4 Palmarrocchi, 171.

INTRODUCTION

VIII THE LATIN MONASTERIES AND THE LATINIZATION OF SICILY HEN the Normans entered Sicily the population was about one-

\ \ third Byzantine and the rest Saracenic. A century later the Moslem element was in full retreat, and the Greek reduced to a small minority. At the end of another two generations the Mohammedans had been eliminated altogether, and the Greeks were negligible. The chief result of Norman rule was the Latinization of Sicily. There is an amazing lack of evidence showing how this fundamental change occurred. There was very little persecution of Islam:! the royal court and administration were filled with Saracens, and only relapsed converts or apostates were troubled because of religion? until towards the end of the century. Indeed we may surmise that the Norman kings discouraged active evangelization—it will be remembered that in 1097, at the siege of Capua, Roger I quenched St Anselm’s zeal for proselyting among his Moslem troops on the ground that it would stir up unneces-

sary trouble.? And the Archbishop of Canterbury would surely have been distressed at the sight of his fellow Benedictine, the abbot of Monreale, permitting three Mohammedan serfs to swear obedience on the Koran !*

Nevertheless there was undoubtedly considerable conversion from | Islam to Christianity, in a quiet way. The simple fact that so large a Moslem population, consisting in great part of serfs bound to the soil, was absorbed and Latinized, would warrant the assumption. There is some evidence for it in the documents. For example, of ten serfs given in 1183 to Cefali, three were baptized Saracens: ‘Iohannes filius delegandi, Philippus filius bulfadar, Basilius filius abdesseid. Isti sunt Christiani.’> Thousands of Mohammedans were subject to our monasteries

471-501. |

and we may be sure that the monks exerted pressure, if only that of 1 On the one auto da fé, cf. U. Epifanio, ‘Ruggiero II e Filippo di ‘Al Mahdia,’ ASS, xxx (1905),

iF Cf. articles xii and xiii of Cod. vat. 8782 in F. Brandileone, Il diritto romano nelle leggi normanne

e sveve del Regno di Sicilia (Turin, 1884), 101-2.

3 Eadmer, Vita Anselmi, in PL, civu, 102, and ed. M. Rule, in Rolls series, No. 81 (London, 1884), 395.

* Infra, p. 140. 5 Doc. ined., 187.

58

The Latinization of Sicily 59 favoring apostates from Islam,! to secure converts. At times indirect coercion may have been used: thus we find the abbot-bishop of Catania

turning a mosque of that city into the church of St Thomas Becket.’ _ At Lipari we even find a proselyte in the black habit of St Benedict: ‘pthimmog wovayosg 0 koabag.’?

It might be claimed that the Norman counts and kings intended their abbeys to be instruments for evangelizing the Moslems. Out of 9 bishoprics on the island, 4 were in the hands of regular clergy: 3 Benedictine, and 1 Augustinian. Neither Normandy nor Italy furnishes precedent for this; one must go to England and Northern Germany to find so large a proportion of monastic cathedrals. And in those regions the predominance of the monks was due to their activity as missionaries. However, a study of the origins of the Sicilian monastic sees dispels any analogy. Of the 6 bishoprics established by Roger I, only 1, Catania, was monastic,

and that for no evident reason.* Roger II secured miters from his Pierleone antipope for the Benedictine dual abbey of Lipari-Patti, and

for his Augustinian church at Cefalt, to give the new archbishop of Messina some suffragans, and in the latter case to lend luster to what he _ hoped to make the mortuary chapel of his dynasty. William IT secured archiepiscopal honors for Monreale simply to add to the splendor of his pet foundation, though probably he was incited by the enemies of Archbishop Walter Offamil of Palermo. The conspicuous role of monks in the Sicilian hierarchy was therefore a result not of consistent policy, but of casual circumstances.

The scarcity of Latin monasteries along the south and west coasts of the island, where the population long remained almost solidly Moslem,® supports the belief that they were not intended as agents of Latinization. Indeed probably no Latin abbey in those regions could rival the Basilian

foundations of St George of Triocala, St Michael of Mazara, and St 1 Converts advertized their new status: ‘Ego Iacobus nouus christianus testor’; zbid., 56. Monkish

distress at failure to convert subject Infidels has left its trace on the platea given to Lipari-Patti

‘fugiit’!). | 2 Infra, p. 115. ,

between 1131 and 1145 (ed. by Garufi, ASS, xurx [1928], 95-6): a hand of the later twelfth century

has added after the names of certain Moslem serfs ‘anima et corpore obiit’ (and after others, 3 Cusa, 512; Spata, Dipl. gr. sicil., 14. 4 Chalandon, 1, 346, believes that in his interview with Count Roger in 1088 Urban II refused to sanction the erection of bishoprics at Catania and Agrigento, and that in creating an abbey at Catania and then securing the episcopal dignity for it Roger got his bishopric ‘par un moyen détourné.’ But on the 26 April 1092 the Count explicitly tells us that Urban has approved the Catanian project ‘ore suo sanctissimo’; cf. infra, p. 107, n. 1, and E. Jordan, ‘La politique ecclésiastique de Roger I,’ Moyen dge, xxx1r (1922), 248 ff. 5 We are told in 1250-60 that ‘pauci Christiani [erant in Agrigento] usque ad mortem regis Guillelmi secundi’; ef. Garufi, ‘L’ Archivio Capitolare di Girgenti,’ ASS, xxvin (1903), 147-8.

60 Introduction Mary of Marsala, at least in the earlier period. But the very fact that the Norman abbeys were not obvious centers of propaganda probably made their penetration of the Moslem population the more effective. Here, as in the case of the Greeks of Calabria, we have what Kirsopp Lake has admirably called ‘an object lesson in the quiet conversion of a conquered nation to loyalty. Consciously or unconsciously [the Normans] proceeded on the theory, paradoxical yet often profoundly true, that it is easier to change essentials than appearances.’! By maintaining a policy of tolerance towards Islam, the conquerors facilitated the conversion of their Moslem subjects. The gradual Latinization of Sicily, however, was due not simply to conversion, but to another phenomenon equally obscure: the settlement of large colonies of ‘Lombards’ (which meant simply “‘mainlanders’) in

the mountains of the east-central portion of the island.? This immigration reached huge proportions. Hugo Falcandus,* who is not given to exaggeration, tells us that in 1168 the ‘Lombard’ cities offered Stephan

of Perche an army of twenty thousand men. This would indicate that the colonists, at a conservative estimate, numbered at least a hundred thousand, and probably more. The Latin clergy of the island, and particularly the monks, naturally had every incentive to increase the Romanic element in the population. It is therefore significant that the first hint of deliberate colonization of Latins—‘homines . . . lingue latine-—comes in the constitutum of Abbot Ambrose of Lipari for settlers at Patti, dating between 1094 and 1101.‘

In 1133 we have a reference to the ‘vulgar,’ that is, Italian, tongue of these immigrants.> In 1124 Count Henry of Paternd gave to the abbey of La Cava near Salerno the church of St Nicholas near Paternd.® This became a priory, later called St Nicholas de Lombardis, but whether the Lombards were brought there by the monks of Cava or by Count Henry himself we do not know. In 1145 we find the abbot-bishop of Catania ceding certain revenues from a community called ‘Lombardia’ to the Cappella Palatina in Palermo.’ The charter is somewhat ambiguous at 1 “The Greek monasteries in Southern Italy,’ Journal of theological studies, v (1904), 38-9. 2 To the literature on these colonies given in Chalandon, 1, 349, n. 6, add Amari, 11 (1868), 214233; Garufi, ‘Gli aleramici e i normanni in Sicilia e nelle Puglie,’ Centenario Amari (Palermo, 1910), 1, 59-63; F. Piazza, Le colonie e i dialettt lombardo-siculi (Catania, 1921); and G. Pardi, ‘La popolazione della Sicilia attraverso i secoli,’ ASS, xxix (1928), 165-7. 3 Tiber de regno Siciliae, ed. G. B. Siragusa (Rome, 1897), 155. 4 Infra, p. 85. 5 Infra, p. 90. Had the language been Greek or Arabic, the expression would have been “grece’ or ‘arabice,’ rather than ‘uulgariter exposita.’

6 Infra, p. 135, n. 5, and p. 115, n. 6. : 7 [A. Garofalo], Tabularium Regiae ac Imperialis Capellae (Palermo, 1835), 19.

The Latunization of Sicily 61 the crucial point: it may be simply a more exact definition of a previous grant. However, since the Royal Chapel was endowed only in 1140,! it is probable that ‘Lombardia’ was colonized under the auspices of the

Benedictines of Catania. An undated rescript of Roger II (therefore before 1154) shows us that a community of ‘Lombards’ was located at St Lucy’s, south of Milazzo, a casale belonging to the monks of LipariPatti.2 Our best proof of monastic interest in Latin colonization comes less than two years after the fall of the Norman dynasty: in January, 1196, ind. 14, Abbot Amatus of St Mary’s Jehosaphat made an agree-

ment with a group of Calabrians who had come to Sicily to settle at Meseph, near Paterno.? This evidence gains in importance when we consider that it constitutes practically all we have from the twelfth century bearing on the question of whose initiative brought the Romanic colonists to Sicily. Granting

that the archives of the local nobility have almost entirely vanished, nevertheless we are fully justified in asserting that our monasteries played

a major part in the Latinization of Sicily, not merely through the conversion of indigenous elements, but through the colonization of continentals. We may repeat of the island what Brandileone has said of the mainland: ‘Come gia . . . erano stati i Basiliani i precipui fattori della grecizzazione . .., cosi con la dominazione normanna incomincia un | periodo novello in cui gli ordini religiosi occidentali . . . intraprendono e compiono la nuova latinizzazione.’*

The Sicilian documents, it may be added, confirm the evidence from other regions® that the rural population of Europe in the twelfth century was on the move. In 1183 we find on the estates of Monreale 729 Mos-

lem serfs who had run away from the royal domains.* This explains how the enterprising churchmen of Sicily were able to recruit so many colonists from the mainland for their settlement projects. 1 Thid., 11.

2 Infra, p. 63, n. 5, and p. 85, n. @. 3 “Ego Amatus ecclesie uallis Iosaphat Abbas una cum conuento meo huiusmodi pactum et conuentiones habemus cum hominibus qui de Calabria ierunt in Siciliam ad construendam casale in terra

nostta in loco qui dicitur Mesep iuxta Paternionem,’ Garufi, ‘Un contratto agrario in Sicilia nel secolo xu,’ ASSO, v (1908), 19. 4 F. Brandileone, ‘Il diritto greco-romanno nell’ Italia meridionale sotto la dominazione normanna,’ Archivio giuridico, xxxvi (1886), 287. ° Cf. J. W. Thompson, Feudal Germany (Chicago, 1928), 546, n. 1. 6 Infra, p. 141.

INTRODUCTION IX. THE LEGAL, ECONOMIC, AND CULTURAL POSITION OF THE LATIN MONASTERIES OF NORMAN SICILY [* 1185 Spanish traveler Jubair exclaimed at the the glory the of the abbeys Moslem of Palermo: ‘How Ibn many monasteries around city belong to the king, who has adorned their buildings and endowed their monks with great fiefs!’!. Well he might exclaim; for our Latin cloisters were—indeed they remain today—the most imposing monuments of Sicily. Their functions in the expansive life of the Norman era are no less striking. ‘To be sure, in sharp contrast with the secular bishops, the abbots did not mix in the perpetual intrigues of the court. The monks, however, mingled intimately with the ordinary activities of the people. Their dependents were numbered by thousands, their parish churches by hundreds,? and their lands occupied no small portion of the island—those of Monreale alone were a principality. On what terms did the monastic communities hold their properties? Were they free to receive all donations? The discussion of these questions has often been diverted from an examination of the surviving diplomas to speculation about a Norman law, no longer extant but revived by Frederick II, forbidding the sale or gift of ‘possessiones hereditarias uel patrimoniales . . . cuilibet loco religioso de quo nostre curie certum seruitium minime debeatur.’? Brandileone* believes that this was a Norman revival of the Byzantine laws forbidding the acquisition of real property by monasteries. However, Frederick’s defense against papal accusations asserts that only property bearing feudal obligations was involved in this statute. Our Norman charters show clearly that such was the intent of the original measure, which, although it cannot be dated exactly,® was probably enacted by Roger II before 1148 to defend his rights against gradual corrosion. 1In M. Amari, Bibliotheca arabo-sicula, 1, 160, and Journal asiatique, 4me série, vir (1846), 80. 2 The Norman-Sicilian charters offer nothing of interest on the ministry of parish churches owned by monasteries. On this subject cf. U. Berliére, ‘L’exercise du ministére paroissial par les moines du xe au xvurt siécle,’ Revue bénédictine, xxx1x (1927), 340-64. 3 J. L. A. Huillard-Bréholles, Historia diplomatica Fredericit II (Paris, 1852-61), 1v, 227-8. 4 Op. cit., 271-7; cf. infra, p. 70, n. 2.

58 Cf. Matthew Paris, ed. H. R. Luard (London, 1876), 11, 556, and Huillard-Bréholles, op. cit., Vv, 252-3.

6 Cf. H. Niese, Gesetzgebung der normannischen Dynastie im Regnum Siciliae (Halle, 1910), 125.

62

Legal, Economic, and Cultural Position 63 Count Roger I, not forseeing the enormous extension of church lands in Sicily, undoubtedly intended that all ecclesiastical property should be free of service. In his very generous endowment of the church of Catania in 1091,! at the request of the abbot, he provides a nominal recognizance of bread and wine (‘et non amplius’) to himself and his heirs when they visited St Agatha’s. The abbey could receive and hold freely donations

of allodial land, which was common in Sicily.2, Three years later, in founding St Savior’s of Patti, the Count explicitly tells us that ‘ecclesias

quoque ab impietate nefanda saracenorum dirutas .. . in pristinum statum restitui . . . liberas ab omni seruitute constitui.’ He then gives the new abbey of Patti to Abbot Ambrose of Lipari ‘in ius proprium.’? In two subsequent charters, of 1094 and 1098,* Roger I confirmed donations made by barons to Lipari-Patti, and freed them of service.

It must soon have become evident that the Hautevilles could not

maintain their power if they permitted this process of converting feudal holdings into ecclesiastical allods to continue. There were two alterna-

tives: either to allow churchmen to accept such lands provided they rendered service for them; or to forbid such transfers entirely, save in rare instances when the count or king of Sicily was willing to renounce his right to service. In general the latter course was followed: no great ecclesiastic of Norman Sicily became deeply involved in feudal obliga-

tions. However there are traces of experimentation with the former plan. In 1177 we find William IT relieving the church of Lipari-Patti of its burden of maintaining twenty sailors in the fleet—a service due from its tenement of Santa Lucia.> Similarly in 1186 William IT remitted to St Leo’s of Pannachio the maintenance of one sailor. ® 1 Pirri, 523; infra, p. 106, n. 1.

2 Cf. G. Battaglia, I deplomi inediti relati all ordinamento della proprieta fondiaria in Sicilia

sotto 1 normanni e gli svevi, in Doe. serv. stor. Sic., prima serie, xv1 (Palermo, 1895), 35 ff. | 3 Pirri, 770; anfra, p. 83, n. 1. 4 Infra, p. 81, n. 3, and Appendix, 111.

5 Infra, p. 98. It is impossible to say when this obligation was assumed by the abbey. The church of St Lucy was donated before 1094 by Geoffrey Burrel (infra, p. 82), and freed by Roger I of all service. In 1100-1101 the same baron gave the casale of Santa Lucia to Lipari “cum mandato domini mei comitis’ (Appendix, tv), but there is no specific mention of exemption from service in this charter. In Roger II’s great confirmation of 1134, in which estates seem to be included in the enumeration of the obedient churches through which they were administered (infra, pp. 93-94), we find the ‘ecclesia S. Lucie in campo Milatii’ (Pirri, 774; infra, p. 77, n. 3). The terms of this diploma appear to show that all of the abbey’s property at that time was free of service. A charter of 1179

(ed. Garufi in ASS, xix [1928], 97) shows that Geoffrey’s donations were merely the nucleus around which the monks accumulated other properties, doubtless including the lands from which the twenty mariners were due. 6 Infra, p. 119. Since in his foundation charter of 1137 for St Leo’s (infra, p. 118, n. 3) Count Henry of Paternd had freed its lands from all service, this sailor must have been due from some later gift. Naturally, unless such an exemption were confirmed by the king, the baron would be

64 Introduction By 1148 Roger IT had settled definitely on the second alternative; indeed it is probable that the law revived by Frederick II was promulgated about that time. The endowment charter of Cefali, dated 1145, frees the holdings of that church from service, but has no specific restric-

tions on the acceptance of gifts.!. Three years later, in the foundationcharter of St John’s of the Hermits, the king states his policy in most unambiguous terms: the abbey may receive any lands ‘exceptis feudis et possessionibus que sunt alicui seruitio obligate, que nec ipsi recipere, nec

ili offerre absque nostra nostrorumque heredum licentia presumant.’? For properties received from the king the abbey is to pay a recognizance of bread, food, and wine on the pattern of that formulated in Catania’s

charter. This recognizance is likewise provided in the foundationcharter of Monreale in 1176, and the identical restriction on the acceptance of baronial lands is repeated.?

But the relation of Monreale to the Sicilian feudal organization was unique. In the vast area granted to the abbey, all lands formerly belonging to the royal domain were to be held allodially. Those held feudally by barons were to continue to render service to the king; the abbot, probably in his capacity of royal justiciar, was required to see that they fulfilled their obligations. If a baron died without heir, his lands were to revert not to the royal fisc but to the abbot, and to be incorporated in the monastic free-hold. The abbey was thus in no way involved in the feudal system,* although its abbot was a royal official. The Hautevilles had returned to Roger I’s principle that ecclesiastical property should be ‘libera ab omni seruitute.’ Two of the last charters forced to add the burden of the donated lands to that due from his remaining fiefs. For other baronial gifts of exempted land ef. infra, pp. 112, n. 4, 210, and 230. It will be noticed that the last of these is dated 1148.

1 Infra, p. 194, n. 3. On the unusual option held by this church over land in Cefalu cf. infra, p. 194, n. 4. 2 Pirri, 1111; infra, p. 126, n. 6.

3 Infra, p. 186, n. 6. There is no evidence that the Norman law contained the provision, found in Frederick II’s version of it, that if property owing service to the king were willed to a monastery it had to be sold by the monastery within a year, on pain of confiscation to the fisc. One of the two surviving deeds of sale by a Latin abbey of our period records the reason for the transaction: the neighborhood of the house to be sold ‘monachis per multum erat indecens et inhonesta.’ Infra, Appendix, xxv, and cf. p. 205, n. 9. # On the summit of Monte Caputo, rising above Monreale, is a massive castle, evidently Norman, but not mentioned in the documents of the twelfth century. The size of the chapel indicates that it was designed to shelter a monastic community (cf. Jl regno normanno, figs. 211-212). It was

probably constructed by the abbot of Monreale as a private precautionary measure. Similarly the abbot of Lipari-Patti required certain of his tenants to defend his church from danger (infra, p. 85), although he owed the king no military service. In the Middle Ages every freehold tended to become a little feudal system in itself.

Legal, Economic, and Cultural Position 65 of the Norman period show the workings of this rule: in 1194 William ITI and his mother, at the request of two vassals, freed two tenements, held in service from the fisc, from all obligations, so that they might be given

to the nunnery of St Mary in Palermo.! Over the inhabitants of their lands the abbots exercised judicial power in varying degree. The earlier documents are ambiguous as to its ex-

tent. In 1091 Roger I granted to the abbot of Catania ‘omnia illa ludicia terrena in tota terra monasterii, et in portibus, et in littoribus maris.? The word ‘terrena’ probably implies the normal jurisdiction of a baron: civil cases—if indeed the distinction between civil and criminal offenses was clearly understood at that time in Sicily—and low justice

in criminal trials. High criminal justice was presumably reserved to the courts of Roger himself. In any event, since St Agatha’s possessed both Catania and Aci and all their dependencies, the jurisdiction of its abbot was immense. The exact extent of the authority of the abbot of Lipari-Patti is equally uncertain. In 1133 we have a reference to fines inflicted by his court,? but the offences subject to it are not specified. A badly damaged document of 11904 records a judgment by the abbotbishop in a case concerning the theft of falcons and rabbits. From it we learn that the bishop had a prison, and could exile an offender. In a charter of 1143 Count Simon of Paterno grants lands to St Mary’s of Licodia: ‘Damus tibi etiam et potestatem congregandi et faciendi ibidem

casale, et esse in eo homines qui non constringantur ab aliquo, nisi tantum ab abbate monasterii.’> Nevertheless, it is improbable that the abbot of Licodia exercised high criminal justice.

The later documents are much more definite. In his endowment of the Augustinian church of Cefali in 1145 Roger IT gives the jurisdiction of the whole city to the bishop, ‘saluis tamen regalibus nostre maiestatis,

fellonia uidelicet, traditione et homicido.’ It is also provided that the church may imprison no citizen of Cefalt if he can provide sufficient bond among his friends, except in cases involving the three crimes reserved to the royal courts. The charter of 1148 for St John’s of the Hermits states that the abbot, personally or through his officials, shall judge civil cases (questiones ciuiles) arising between his subordinates, and 1 Infra, p. 162; Appendix, xLv1. 2 Pirri, 523; infra, p. 106.

3 Infra, p. 91. 4 Appendix, XLI.

the case. 5 Amico, 1158; infra, p. 121.

6 Pirri, 800; anfra, p. 194, n. 3. One other reference to the bishop of Cefald’s court occurs in two documents of Countess Adelicia of Collesano (infra, p. 192, nn. 3 and 4) providing that, if anyone owing service to the church of St Peter in Collesano fail to render it, the bishop shall try

66 Introduction that he is to keep the whole of fines levied by his court.! This clearly excludes criminal cases? and civil cases involving anyone not dwelling on the abbey’s lands. This last provision is eminently just, since in cases involving his man against an outsider the abbot’s judgement might

well be influenced. A similar reservation is the only check placed on the powers of justice granted in 1176 by William II to Monreale. The abbot was to be the justiciar in all his extensive lands, dispensing low and high justice, but only in cases between his dependents. However, unlike the ordinary royal justiciars, he was to keep the fines of his court.? This concession of the royal prerogative, although serious politically and financially, at least did not undermine the quality of justice obtain-

able. But the fatuous piety of William the Good went even further. His charter of 1178 for the Cistercians of the Holy Spirit’s in Palermo is generous to the abbot but careless of impartiality: ‘Si aliquis de homini-

bus uel seruentibus prefate abbatie fuerit appellatus de aliquo, non cogatur respondere, uel ad iusticiam stare, nisi coram abbate aut conuentu ipsius.’* However, criminal cases punishable by loss of life or limb were reserved to the king’s courts.®

Inevitably the Latin monasteries played a considerable part in the economic life of Sicily. Their importance was increased by certain priviliges and exemptions which they enjoyed. We must not, however, exaggerate the extent of these: Ciccaglione goes beyond the evidence when he asserts® that they were so sweeping as to make private enterprise

unprofitable, and that they gradually crushed the Sicilian commercial class. With few exceptions’ such privileges were granted by the kings, | 1 Pirri, 1112; wnfra, p. 126, n. 6.

2 Pirri, 1122, wrongly asserts that, in his donation of the casalia of Quercia and Sabuchi in 1173 to St John’s, William IT gave its abbot ‘“omnimodam jurisdictionem civilem et criminalem.’ Pirri’s own text, p. 741, merely commands: ‘hec casalia, cum iuribus suis et uillanis morantibus in eis, subiiciantur abbati seu priori S. Ioannis de Eremitis.’ 3 Pirri, 455; infra, p. 136, n. 6. 4 Amico, 1296; infra, pp. 169-170.

5 This last provision was in harmony with a law, promulgated by 1171 at least, providing that any accused cleric should be tried by the church to which he belonged, and in its court, according to canon law, ‘excepto si de proditione aliquis fuerit appellatus uel de alio magno huiusmodi maleficio, quod spectat ad maiestatem nostram. Quod si acciderit, uolumus et precipimus ut de hoc quod spectat ad curiam nostram in curia nostra ludicetur’; text preserved in Frederick II’s Consti-

342-3. : |

tutiones regni Siciliae, 1, 45; cf. Huillard-Bréholles, op. cit., rv, 48 and 40, n. 1; Niese, Gesetzgebung, 191-5.

6 Federico Ciccaglione, ‘La vita economica siciliana nel periodo normanno-svevo,’ ASSO, x (1913),

7 Count Tancred of Syracuse exempted the ships of Bagnara from all exactions in his lands; cf. infra, p. 185; but Roger II’s confirmation of 1124 explains that this privilege applies only to business necessary to maintain the church; cf. Pirri, 1243; Caspar, No. 45. In 1134 Countess Adelicia gave St Agatha’s freedom to buy and sell in her lands, (infra, p. 112), and in 1160 (?) she extended the same concession to the canons of the Holy Sepulchre; Appendix, xx1.

Legal, Economic, and Cultural Position 67 who made a consistent effort to apply exemptions only to goods destined for the use of the monks themselves. This is seen most clearly in Roger

II’s letter patent of 1134! exempting from port-taxes and tariffs all grain, butter, and cheese produced on the estates of Lipari-Patti, or given to the dual abbey, and transported in the vessels of the monks for their own use. But the King enjoins his officials in no uncertain terms

to levy taxes on the products which the abbey is buying or selling or transporting as a commercial transaction. The exemption in 1125 of St Agatha’s ships from tolls when going only between Catania and Mascali? shows a similar determination to limit monastic privileges to strictly intra-mural activities, since Mascali belonged to the abbey of Catania. Equally explicit is the charter of 1132 exempting the vessels running between Cefalii and its mother-church of Bagnara in Calabria: ‘omnia quecumque de propriis monasteriis siue casalibus et rebus propriis

et de propriis laboranciis et fructibus animalium uel de calabria in siciliam deferent uel de sicilia in calabriam ad opus Balnearie et Cephaludi

pro his nullam iusticiam neque anchoraticum uel portagium in nullo loco . . . tribuant.’? This clearly excludes any exemption from taxes on ordinary buying and selling carried on by the two churches. In order to prevent any temptation to indulge in extensive trade, these privileges did not apply to the churches’ ships if they sailed beyond Amalfi.

In 1148 Roger II’s charter endowing St John’s of the Hermits somewhat broadened the exemption: purchases made by the monastery for its own use, and all sales of the produce of its own estates, were to be tax-free; similarly products of its estates might be transported freely, as could timbers for the construction or repair of the church.* These privileges were substantially repeated in William II’s great charter for Monreale in 1176.5 This is still not a general exemption on all commerce conducted by the abbey. The King’s intent is clarified by his charter of 1182° freeing Monreale’s monks and their horses from tolls when crossing the Strait of Messina on strictly monastic matters. Willy Cohn remarks’ that only once did the Sicilian kings grant to any monastery ‘ein vollkommenes Handelsprivileg’; that is the charter for the Hos1 Infra, p. 93,n.6. 2 Infra, p. 111. 3 Spata, Perg. greche, 430; infra, p. 190, n. 4. # Pirri, 1111; infra, p. 128. > Pirri, 454; infra, p. 187. Cf. also the charter of 1177 for the Holy Spirit’s of Palermo freeing

from tariffs and tolls the goods bought, sold or transported ‘ad opus eiusdem abbatie’; Amico, 1296; wnfra, pp. 169-170.

6 Infra, p. 140, n. 2. * Die Geschichte der normannisch-sicilischen Flotte (1060-1154) (Breslau, 1910), 86.

68 Introduction | pitalers dated 1136, which, as we shall see, is a forgery!! That such a fabrication was necessary proves that the Normans, and probably their Hohenstaufen successors as well, interpreted their charters of exemption very narrowly. Commercial privileges granted to Palestinian churches and orders were

of particular importance, but were consistent with the royal policy of restricting these liberties in such a way as to disturb the normal flow of trade as little as possible. Monastic relations between Sicily and the East were most intimate. For geographical reasons nearly every Palestinian foundation eventually set up a way-station at Messina to facilitate its communications with Western Europe. Sicily was likewise nearer to the Holy Land than was any other region ruled by men of the Latin rite; consequently it was the ideal base of supplies for the Levantine motherhouses. Such commodities, exported from Sicily to the Orient for the

use of the abbeys there, were generally tax-exempt. |

There were, however, interesting limitations on this privilege. For example, a charter of Roger IT (or William I), known to us only through

a confirmation by the Emperor Henry VI,? permits St Mary’s of the Latins to export annually 200 salmas of grain freely ‘pro substentamento

fratrum ecclesie sancte Marie de latina.’ Evidently any grain shipped beyond that amount paid the normal taxes. In 1168 William II and his mother exempted the Latina from all tolls on exports to Palestine of cattle, wool, cheese, flax, and wine,? without limitation on quantity. Another charter of Roger II or William I known only through a confirma-

tion permitted the knights of the Hospital in Sicily to buy, sell, and export freely ‘pro utilitate et necessitate domorum, et subsidium Terre Sancte.’** Our most important information, however, comes from an inquest held in 1185 to establish the privileges granted to the monks of

St Mary’s Jehosaphat by Roger II, whose charter had been lost in a Calabrian earthquake.> On the testimony of five customs officials of Messina it was determined that the abbey could export a great variety of goods ‘ultra mare’ without duty; that when the monastery’s own ship ‘onerata uictualibus, lignaminibus, uino et baconibus uel aliis rebus’ came to Messina it might anchor and traffic without charge; likewise

goods from the priory of Jehosaphat at Paterno might be transported and sold freely. There was, however, a most important limitation on 1 Infra, pp. 236-7. 2 Pirri, 1132; enfra, p. 223.

3 Infra, p. 227. |

4 Delaville le Roulx, Cartulaire général de Ordre des Hospitaliers (Paris, 1894), 1, 382; infra, p. 237, n. 1.

5 Doc. ined., 200; infra, p. 212, n. 5. :

Legal, Economic, and Cultural Position 69 the exemption from the export tax: it could not exceed a total value of 120 taris each year. As Garufi has pointed out,! after 1160, when the ad valorem tariff was reduced from 10% to 3%, this permitted the abbey

to export 4000 taris worth of goods each year to the Holy Land dutyfree. Nevertheless the fact that a limit was put on its activities shows that the generosity of the Hautevilles did not blind them to the economic consequences of such exemptions.

Commercial privileges, then, while they gave to the monasteries an abnormally cheap supply of staple products for their own use, did not bring them into serious competition with private merchants in the open market. The same may be said of the privileged monastic fisheries. Because of the number of fasts, the consumption of fish by the monks was considerable. Therefore Catania, St John’s of Palermo, Cefalt, and - Monreale were permitted to maintain tax-exempt fishing boats; but in each case they were ‘ad opus conuentus.’? It is doubtful whether any part of the catch was normally sold. If the privileges of religious foundations exerted any depressing influence on prices in Norman Sicily, it was not because of exemptions from taxation upon commercial transactions or from tariffs: 1t came from the reduced costs of production enjoyed by the monasteries. Practically every abbey and priory had some special rights of free pasturage, glandage, Irrigation, milling, or wood-cutting either in the royal domains or in the lands of some great noble. While wood gathered and flour milled under such privileges would probably not be sold, undoubtedly some surplus cattle, hogs, and grain would be thrown on the market. Even if a sales-tax were paid on the deal, this produce might be sold by the monks for less than a layman, subject to normal imposts on his feed

and water, could afford to accept. But since we have no records of such sales, and no means of knowing how large a factor the monasteries were in the total production-for-sale in Sicily, we can reach no conclusion as to the results of these special exemptions.

With the rapid expansion in the twelfth century of the lands, the jurisdiction, and the economic power of the Latin monasteries, we might expect their influence increasingly to penetrate every aspect of the cul-

ture around them. Not the least interesting example of this is the *Benedictinization’ of the Basilians. In the Orient abbeys were generally completely independent of every other monastic foundation, and ecclesiastically subject to the bishop in whose diocese they lay. More-

over, after the tenth century at least, the emperors discouraged the 1 Doce. ined., p. XXxiv.

2 Infra, pp. 111, 128, 137, and 190.

70 Introduction accumulation of great landed endowments in monastic hands. In Sicily the Byzantine cloisters under the Normans tended towards the western

type. They were endowed as were their Latin neighbors; they were often immune from episcopal jurisdiction; and they were formed into a congregation under St Savior’s on the pattern of Cluny, Cava, or the

other great monasteries of the Occident. It is true that there were ‘stauropegic’ abbeys in the Levant, subject directly to the patriarch of Constantinople, and that as early as the tenth century one finds the germs of a confederation among the various communities on Mt Athos.! It is also undeniable that certain of the Basilian houses of Calabria and Apulia held property in land before the Norman conquest.? But despite these intimations of the later development, it can hardly be denied that the structure of Sicilian Basilianism was Benedictine. In view of their numbers and prosperity, the cultural activity of the Latin monasteries of Sicily is most disappointing. The only literature produced came from Catania: Malaterra’s history and Abbot Mauritius’s charming account of the translation of the relics of the church’s patroness. We know also that St Agatha’s had a scriptorium, but not a single manuscript has survived which can be ascribed to a Latin monastery of the

Norman period. Nor is there indication that the Latin churches of the island possessed any but strictly liturgical books. The situation was very different in the contemporary Greek cloisters. We know that one of them, St Savior’s of the Presbyter Scholarios, had a library of 300 volumes in 1114,? and there were certainly good collec-

tions in other abbeys. When Bartholomew founded St Savior’s of Messina in 1131, he took with him half the library of the great monastery 1 Cf. K. Lake, The early days of monasticism on Mount Athos (Oxford, 1909), 75 and 90-95; more recently C. Korolevskij, ‘Athos,’ Dictionnaire @ histoire et de géographie ecclésiastique, v (1931), 74-5.

2 Batiffol, Rossano, xiv and 5, and Gay, Italie mérid., 284, think that these estates were small, and held indirectly, through protectors. Gertrude Robinson, History and cartulary of the Greek monastery of St Elias and St Anastasius of Carbone, in Orientalia christiana (Rome, 1928), No. 44, p. 286, n. 2, and E. Buonaiuti, Gioachino da Fiore, 85, n. 2, following Brandileone, ‘Diritto grecoromano,’ 273-4, assert that under Byzantine rule the economic development of the Basilians was hindered by their inability to acquire real property. E. Pontieri, ‘I primord? della feudalita calabrese,’ Nuova rivista storica, tv (1920), 570-72, on the contrary attempts to prove that the imperial

edicts against monastic property were not enforced in Magna Graecia. The arguments of both sides are defective: the absolute prohibition of the acquisition of land by monasteries was law only from 964 to 998, and was merely a momentary check on the accumulation of endowments; but Pontieri has produced no evidence of the gift or sale of land to an abbey during those thirty-four years.

3 Pirri, 1005. J. L. Heiberg in Byz. Zeitschr., xx11 (1913), 160, deals rather roughly with F. Lo Parco, “‘Scolaro-Saba, bibliofilo italiota, vissuto tra I’x1 e il x11 secolo, e la biblioteca del monastero basiliano del SS. Salvatore di Bordonaro, presso Messina,’ Atti della R. Accademia di Archeologia, Lettere e Belle Arti di Napoli, 1 (1910), 207-86.

Legal, Economic, and Cultural Position 71 of Rossano.!. Some 177 manuscripts from the archimandra are extant, and the greater part of them seems to be of the eleventh and twelfth

centuries.2. At least two codices can be credited definitely to Basilian . scribes in Norman Sicily.2 Naturally in later centuries Greek manuscripts would be less used than Latin, and might therefore have a better chance of survival; but making all allowances the intellectual activity of our Latin monks compares most unfavorably with that of the Greeks. Under Norman rule Siculo-Byzantine culture developed generally on

traditional patterns, and the monastic element in it was large. The vigorous new Latin culture, drawing inspiration from both Greece and Islam, centered in the royal courts rather than in the monasteries. In sharp contrast to their poverty of literary remains, architectural survivals of the Latin abbeys are numerous and often spectacular: St John’s of the Hermits, Cefali, Monreale, the Magione, the Holy Spirit’s of Palermo, St Mary’s of Messina, St Mary’s of Refesio, the Holy Spirit’s

of Caltanisetta, and the massive east end of St Agatha’s in Catania. Doubtless investigation would reveal many minor fragments of the Nor-

man structures of our abbeys and priories hidden beneath baroque plaster. But Sicily awaits its Bertaux: a critical history of the art of the Norman period is still to be written. Indeed the reliable monographic ground-work for such a study is almost entirely lacking. Meanwhile our opinions can be only tentative.

Much has been written of the happy fusion of Greek, Latin, and Saracenic features in the ecclesiastical architecture of the island. How much of the western element in this synthesis can be ascribed to the 1 Batiffol, Rossano, 38.

2S. Rossi, ‘Spoglio e catalogo di codici greci del SS. Salvatore esistenti nella Biblioteca Universitaria di Messina,’ Archivio storico messinese (1901-05) u-v, passim; and H. Delehaye, ‘Catalogus codicum hagiographicorum monasterii S. Salvatoris,’ Analecta bollandiana (Brussels, 1904),

Xx, 19-75. ‘These MSS survived the earthquake of 1908; cf. M. C. Caputo, ‘II selvataggio della R. Biblioteca Universitaria di Messina,’ Zentralblat fiir Bibliothekswesen, xxv1 (1909), 121-7. For other Siculo-Greek monastic libraries, cf. Batiffol, op. ct#., 126-151. Batiffol, ‘Deux manuscrits grecs de l’Italie méridionale,’ Bulletin de la Société National des Antiquaires de France (1890),

87-8, publishes a French translation of a list at Messina of 35 books belonging to a church of St George, presumably subject to St Savior’s. A passage in the text eliminates the Basilian cloister of St George in Palermo; St George’s of Agrigento was quite inconspicuous; the catalogue probably comes from the abbey of St George of Triocala, near Caltabellotta, an obedience of the archimandra.

There is a copy of it in MS Qq H 237, foll. 22'-24" of the Biblioteca Comunale di Palermo. The same MS, foll. 15'-19¥ and 4177-419’, has a copy and translation of the inedited foundation charter of St Mary’s of Bordonaro, dated 1179, containing a list of ten books, including sermonic, theological, and grammatical material. Cf. also Franz Riihl, ‘Bemerkungen tiber einige Bibliotheken von Sicilien,’ Philologus, xtvu (1889), 577-88, and G. Sola, ‘Codici bizantini di Sicilia,’ ASSO, xxv (1929), 407-12. 3 Oxon. bodleianus misc. 178 was copied in 1141 at St Savior’s of Messina by Brother Bartholomew of Reggio; Cod. vaticanus 2143 was made in 1165 by another Bartholomew for Abbot Antony of St Mary’s of Mili; cf. Batiffol, Rossano, 92, and Vaccari, La Grecia nell’ Italia meridionale, 40-41.

72 Introduction Latin monks? The arcaded cloisters, certainly, since no other form of clergy would use them. The unusual position of the fountain in the

| corner of the cloister both at Cefalii and Monreale may enable us eventually to trace its introduction to a definite source, but as yet I have found no example of a corner fountain outside Sicily. In other matters monastic influence is more uncertain. In general the abbeys of Sicily were built for, rather than by, monks. Monreale was well under construction when its inhabitants arrived from La Cava; the austere hermits of Montevergine were surely not responsible for the Moorish domes of San Giovanni, nor the Austin canons from Bagnara for the purely Con-

stantinopolitan mosaics of the apse at Cefalt.!. The Latin basilican ground-plan was used from the very first by both secular and monastic churches. The great west towers set forward from the facades of Cefalt

and Monreale may indeed be a Northern French or Norman feature brought by transalpine monks. Freeman? accuses the Cistercians of having caused the abandonment of the Byzantine cupola, ‘to the great destruction of the external effect,’ and the adoption of a choir rising high above the nave. But this peculiarity appeared in Sicily at Messina, Catania, and Cefalt long before the Cistercians reached the island. It

seems, in fact, to have been a style set by the Desiderian basilica at Monte Cassino, dedicated in 1071.3 However, as we have seen,* Monte Cassino had no monastic connections with Sicily. It may be added that the two surviving Cistercian churches, the Magione and Santo Spirito, show no new influence entering the island with the white Benedictines. The northern conquerors of Sicily, both tem-

poral and spiritual, succumbed almost completely to the delights of Byzantine and Moslem art, even when they themselves were architects

and builders. Over the doorway of the Basilian abbey of SS. Peter and Paul of Agro is a Greek inscription declaring that the church was constructed for Abbot Theosterictos by ‘Gerard the Frank.’ Although the edifice has several unusual features, its architecture 1s essentially Siculo-Byzantine.°®

| The almost complete lack of cultural productivity in the Latin abbeys 1 Cf. Victor Lasareff, “The mosaics of Cefalu,’ The art bulletin of the College Art Association of America, xvi (1935), 184-232. 2K. A. Freeman, Historical essays, third series (London, 1879), 463. 3 Cf. the drawings of Kenneth J. Conant annexed to Henry M. Willard’s ‘A project for the graphic reconstruction of the Romanesque abbey at Monte Cassino,’ Speculum, x (1935), 144-6. 4 Supra, p. 57. 5 Cf. Valenti in Il regno normanno, pp. 206-8, and figs. 35-41. S. Bottari, ‘Nota sul tempio normanno dei SS. Pietro e Paulo d’Agroé,’ Archivio storico messinese, XXvI-xxvl (1925-6), 281-90, and ‘La genesi dell’architettura siciliana del periodo normanno,’ ASSO, xxvut (1932), 323, attempts to find ‘nordic elements’ in this exotic structure.

Legal, Economic, and Cultural Position 73 of Sicily in itself has a certain significance. The constant contact of Roman and Greek Catholics, of Moslems and Jews, bred a relative tolerance in matters of religion which developed into the easy agnosticism of

Frederick II and his entourage. Ibn al-Athir records that Roger II preferred the conversation of learned Saracens to that of Christian monks.' There was an increasing secularization of intellectual and artistic activity. In former centuries culture had been the almost exclusive possession not simply of the clergy, but of the regular clergy. Because of the peculiar

religious conditions in Norman Sicily, it was there that the lay mind first achieved superiority over the clerical mind. This development, temporarily retarded by the mendicant friars in the thirteenth century, spread steadily over Europe, and still continues, for good or ill. The sterility, therefore, of our Sicilian abbeys is an augury that, in the future, monasticism would play a role of decreasing importance in the general life of the occident. 1In Amari, Bib. arabo-sic., 1, 118.

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THE LATIN MONASTERIES OF NORMAN SICILY

BLANK PAGE

BENEDICTINES I. THE DUAL ABBEY OF ST BARTHOLOMEW OF LIPARI AND ST SAVIOR OF PATTI

he date of the occupation of the Eolian Islands is any, unknown. TheNorman inhabitants of the archipelago, if there were cannot have remained independent after the fall of Palermo in 1072, which gave the conquerors control of the entire northern coast of Sicily. The islands were defenceless, and the sparse population of fisherfolk, cultivators, and pumice-gatherers which may have existed there offered

so little opposition that the records of the time do not mention it. Indeed the ease of the conquest may have been a warning to the invaders:

Guiscard and Count Roger could not have adopted a more effective means of increasing the wealth and security of the Eolians than the foundation on Lipari of the Benedictine abbey in honor of St Bartholomew, whose body, legend said, had rested there before the Saracenic invasion. !

Roger has always been given the sole credit for this foundation,? and

certainly he had the chief part in it. Nevertheless a confirmation in 1134, ind. 12,3 by King Roger IT of the goods of the monastery, including the seven islands of the group, mentions Robert Guiscard as one of

its benefactors. These islands, or Lipari at least, must have been donated at the very beginning to St Bartholomew’s. But the Eolians have always been intimately connected with the Val Demone, which, it will be remembered, Guiscard took as his portion, together with Palermo and half of Messina, when the brothers divided Sicily between them.4 The task of determining Robert’s part in starting the abbey of Lipari is complicated by our ignorance of the date of its foundation. We can say with certainty only that it occurred before Guiscard’s death on the

17 July 1085. Our earliest document relating to St Bartholomew’s is 1C. A. Garufi, ‘Le Isole Eolie a proposito del “Constitutum” dell’ Abate Ambrogio del 1095,’

ASSO, 1x (1912), 162; cf. JL, No. 5448. | 2 E.g. Erich Caspar, Roger II (Innsbruck, 1904), 100: ‘Das Bistum Lipari-Patti wuchs aus zwei getrennten Kléstern zusammen, die beide von Graf Roger I... gegriindet waren.’ 3 Garufi, op. cit., 173-7, elaborately defends the authenticity of this document against G. C. Sciacca, Patti e Tamministrazione del comune nel medio evo (Palermo, 1907), 17-21. Text in Pirri, 774, who wrongly supposes it to be a translation from the Greek; cf. K. A: Kehr, Die Urkunden der normannisch-sictlischen Kénige (Innsbruck, 1902), 16, n. 2, and Caspar, No. 97. 4 F. Chalandon, Histoire de la domination normande en Italie et en Sicile (Paris, 1907), 1, 209.

7

78 Benedictines a charter of the 26 July 6596 (1088), ind. 11,1 in which Roger I records that ‘postquam cum filiis (fratribus?) meis ex Francia ueni in Militum, dedi abbati Ambrosio pro monasterio S. Bartholomei Liparensis terragia

... que... sunt prope faciem Castri Militi.. The implication is strong that Count Roger was at Mileto in Calabria when he made the donation, and Garufi’s suggestion? is plausible, that the gift may date from 1085, when the Count was in Mileto and gave the church of Bagnara to certain clerics on pilgrimage to Jerusalem. ? Attempts to prove the existence of St Bartholomew’s before 1085 are

inconclusive. Garufi believes that the islands were given to it about 1083, because he holds with Amari‘ that “Ruggiero poté divincolarsi del

tutto dalla sovranita di Roberto Guiscardo qualche paio d’anni prima che questi morisse.’"> But Chalandon® has shown that Amari’s conclusion that Roger was sole lord of Messina before Robert’s death is un-

warranted by the evidence. It is true that after the 16 April 1083, when, at Guiscard’s request, Gregory VII confirmed Bishop Alcher of Palermo,’ we find no trace of Duke Robert’s rule in Sicily. More im-

portant still: in 1082 Roger’s bastard Jordan revolted and seized Mistretta and San Marco from his father’—two castles in the part of Sicily which Guiscard had taken as his own. However, it appears that after 1081, when the Duke of Apulia undertook his wars with the Greek Empire, he left the rule not simply of Sicily, but even of Calabria and Apulia, to his brother.® It is unlikely that Roger performed these services without compensation, and probably such places as San Marco and Mistretta were given him. But while there was doubtless some transfer of lands in Sicily from Robert to Roger,!® there is no reason to believe that the latter gained the sovereignty of Lipari before his brother’s death in 1085. Itis therefore probable that Robert Guiscard confirmed Roger’s endowment of the abbey, and thus became one of its patrons.

op. cit.,cit. 166, 2 Loc. a n. 3. | |

1 Pirri, 952; Ughelli-Coleti, Italia sacra (Venice, 1717) 1, 775; originally in Greek, cf. Garufi,

195-6. | |

3 Kehr, 410, and Garufi, ‘Adelaide nipote di Bonifazio del Vasto,’ Rendiconti e memorie della R. Accademia di Scienze, Lettere ed Arti dei Zelanti di Acireale, classe di lettere, (1905), 3a serie, Iv, 4 Storia dei musulmani di Sicilia (Florence, 1868), 11, 161. 5 ASSO, 1x, 167. 8 Op. cit., 1, 335, n. 2g.

7 JL, No. 5258. 8 Geoffrey Malaterra, De rebus gestis, ed. E. Pontieri (Bologna, 1987), Lib. 11, c. 36, p. 78. 9 ibid., Lib. m1, c. 24, p. 71; Chalandon, 1, 335.

_ 10 Chalandon, loc. cit. In 1086 Roger Borsa, Guiscard’s heir, still held Palermo and Misilmeri, cf. ibid., 1; 289. Romuald of Salerno, Chronicon, ed. Garufi (Bologna, 1928), 213, asserts that Duke

William of Apulia (1111-1127) sold to Count Roger II ‘mediam ciuitatem Panormi, que ei iure hereditario pertinebat.’

| St Bartholomew’s of Lipari 79 The first Liparitan abbot was Ambrose, who appears in the charter of 1088 cited above.! Nothing is known of his previous history save that, in common with a goodly portion of our race, he had a brother named John, who once attested a diploma.? Garufi would have us believe that Count Roger, wishing to set up bishoprics in Sicily, decided to found monasteries and then induce the Pope to elevate the abbots to the episcopacy, and that about 1083-85 he went to St Euphemia’s in Calabria and took thence Ambrose to head St Bartholomew’s, as well as Ansger

to be abbot of St Agatha’s of Catania and shortly bishop of that city. But there is no evidence that Ambrose was ever a monk of St Euphemia’s.

The only connection which can be shown between him and Ansger of Catania is that in 1094 the latter signed a comital donation to Lipari*— a duty which might have fallen on any high ecclesiastic who happened to be at court. Garufi considers it significant® that, while the two bulls of Urban II in 1091-92 to Lipari® and Catania’ respectively both mention the fact that before the Moslem invasion these places were episcopal seats, never-

theless the Pope restored only Catania to its ancient dignity, pleading that he could not confer the same honor on Lipari ‘quia tamen episcop1 dignitatem nunc ipsius loci exiguitas et accolarum raritas non meretur,’ thus dashing Roger’s hopes of having another bishop in his domains. But is this wording really an indication that Roger had asked that Lipari be made a bishopric? ‘There is a simpler explanation: it would have been strange if the Pope had not mentioned the former glory of Lipari in his first privilege to St Bartholomew’s;® it would have been even 1 Supra, p. 78, n. 1; called primus abbas in his constitutum for Patti, in R. Gregorio, Considerazionz sopra la storia di Sicilia (Palermo, 1831), Lib. 1, c. 5, n. 4, 1, 196. 2 Garufi, ‘Memoratoria, chartae et instrumenta divisa,’ Bull. Ist. Stor. Ital., xxx1r (1912), 119.

The expression frater abbatis would seem to indicate more than a monastic relationship. Garufi, abid., 79 asserts that Ambrose was a Cluniac; but on what evidence, save the assumption that he had been at St Euphemia’s? And indeed St Euphemia’s, while possibly influenced by Cluny, was certainly not technically a Cluniac house. Cf. infra, pp. 107 and 150. 3 ASSO, 1x, 165, 169, and cf. ‘Memoratoria,’ 80. 4 Pirri, 770. 5 ASSO, rx, 169, and ‘Memoratoria,’ loc. cit.

6 JL, No. 5448; Pirri, 952; Ughelli, 1, 775; PL, cut, 329. 7 JL, No. 5460. 8 The ancient see of Lipari is not so obscure as one might expect. Duchesne thinks it was established as early as the fourth century (cf. his letter to Garufi in ASSO, rx, 160). ‘Augustus episcopus ecclesiae Liparitanae’ subscribed to the canons of the Roman synods of 501 and 502 (Cassiodorus,

Variae, ed. T. Mommsen, Mon. germ. hist., auct. ant., xu, 437 and 455). Gregory I (Ep. 1, 53, ed. P. Ewald in Mon. germ. hist., epistolae, 1, 210; JE, No. 1285) mentions a former Bishop Agatho of Lipari in July of 593 (Epp. m1, 19 and 51, ed. cit., 1, 115 and 154; JE, Nos. 1171 and 1172). Bishop Peregrinus of Lipari is listed among those who attended the Lateran synod of 649 (Mansi, Collectio,

X, 867), but there may be some confusion with the bishop of Messina of the same name. In the eighth century all trace of the see vanishes; cf. F. Lanzoni, ‘La prima introduzione del cristianesimo

80 | Benedictines stranger if he had not explained why the new status must be somewhat humbler. And surely Count Roger would have forseen the objections fatal to any plan to restore the miter immediately to Lipari—he had better reason than the Pontiff to know that the island was ‘eremi instar reducta.’ This passage is

the only basis for connecting San Giovanni degli Eremiti with Montevergine. Neither the surviving documents of the Palermitan abbey, nor the rich tabulary of its alleged mother-house has any indication of a relation between the two. Nevertheless the name ‘de Heremitis’ and the fact that such a tradition existed not more than a century after the foundation of St John’s, is sufficient to establish its ancestry. Our first document for San Giovanni, Roger’s charter dated July 1148, ind. 11,° is one of the most lavish and elaborate donations of the Norman

period, serving, indeed, as the model for William II’s endowment of Monreale a generation later. The colonization cannot have taken place 1 “Intorno alla legenda De vita et obitu S. Guilielmi confessoris et heremite,’ extract from the re-

view Irpinia, 1v (1932). The text of the vita is published by Celestino Mercurio, ‘Una leggenda medioevale di San Guglielmo da Vercelli,’ Rivista storica benedettina, 1 and 1 (1906-07), with a translation, Vita di S. Guglielmo da Vercelli (Rome, 1907). 2 De Palma, op. cit., 50 and 81. 3 Ibid., 64.

4 Ibid., 29, 41-47, and 64. The extant MS of the vita, in Beneventan script, is probably of the middle of the thirteenth century; cf. zbid., 98.

5 [bid., 80. The dating of St John’s foundation after 1142 renders unworthy of credit the note of Dom Teofilo di Franco, of 1551, published by Garufi, Tabulario di Monreale, 203, saying that our abbey was built by Roger II ‘anno iiii dominatus domini Rogerii gloriosissimi ducis Apulie carissimi filii sui,’ that is, 1138-39 (cf. Chalandon, 1, 48). 6 Pirri, 1109-12; Caspar, No. 216; Carini, op. cit., 69-71.

St John’s of the Hermits in Palermo 127 long before, for, although the King implies that he has already given some property to the abbey,! this is a charter of foundation. St John’s was established as Benedictine, and its abbots were to be elected ‘secundum regulam et constitutionem B. Benedicti’; that is, the King was to approve the candidate elected unanimously, or by the ‘sanior et potior pars’ of the monks, and so long as there was a suitable candidate

within the house, no outsider was to be nominated. ‘This provision is of especial interest because of the doubt concerning the rule followed by the early monks of Montevergine. Dom Eugenio de Palma,? after examining the indications in the Vita S. Guiltelmi, concludes that the Bene-

dictine rule was observed from the first. It seems to me that he has not allowed sufficiently for the fact that, since the vita was written by monks under that rule, Benedictine phraseology would inevitably creep into descriptions of the Saint’s activities. The tradition of Montevergine says that the rule of St Benedict was adopted in 1143-44, under Robert, the third abbot.? In any case, as our charter shows, it was in use by 1148.

The honors and privileges enjoyed by St John’s from the beginning were very great. In V. di Giovanni, op. cit., 11, 285-6. :

6 Manrique, u, 549; cf. Janauschek, 143. ’ Fazello, Dec. 1, Lib. vii, p. 188, and Mongitore in V. di Giovanni, op. cit., 11, 284. ,

170 Cistercians November 1177—so much so that Pirri, who knows better, once refers to the King as the builder of the church.!

This diploma tells us that Queen Margaret had already given the monastery a large garden. William himself gave it the church of St John at the Castello Mare in Palermo,? with its villains, lands, and its sub-

ject churches of St Mary and St Peter de Impero with their casalia. William likewise donated to the abbey the church of St Pantaleon with its casale of Galli Rebalsuat, and the church of St Nicholas of Misilmeri with its lands along the river of Misilmeri. But the various privileges

granted in this charter were perhaps as important as the lands and churches. The goods of the abbey, and whatever it might buy or sell, were to be exempt from all tolls at the gates of Palermo, or duties at its port. Besides this indirect subsidy, the King granted an annual contribution from the doghana of Palermo of three hundred taris for the monks’

clothing, together with fifty barrels of tuna, and twenty of wine from the doghana of the port of Palermo every month. Moreover the animals of the monastery were to have free pasturage and glandage in the royal domains, and be free ‘ab omni exactione passagii, plateatici, siue pedagii.’ The monks might keep a fishing boat at Palermo free of all port-taxes or

dues to the Doghana Piscium, and grind their grain freely in the royal mills. Finally, if an accusation were brought against any retainer of the abbey, he was to be tried only in the abbot’s court, save in criminal cases involving penalties of life or limb.

Janauschek® gives the name of the first abbot of Santo Spirito as Alexander, but I have found no mention of him earlier than a charter dated the 21 November 1196, ind. 3 (sic),4 in which Countess Guarneria of Gerace gives the abbey the church of St Mary of Altoplano, near Tusa,

as a priory, together with one hundred taris a year to support twelve monks. This was the second colony sent out by Santo Spirito, the first having been in 1188, when the Basilian foundation of St Mary of Ligno became Cistercian.?®

At its very inception our abbey may have been visited by the famous Joachim of Flora, who came to Palermo before the 12 December 1177, ind. 12, to attend to the affairs of his monastery of St Mary of Curatio 1 Pirn, 111.

2'V. di Giovanni, op. cit., 1, 456. Fazello, Dec. 1, Lib. vim, p. 186, followed by Mongitore in MS Qq E 11, fol. 127, of Bib. Com. Palermo, asserts that this was the church of St John given to the Neapolitans in 1516, and rebuilt by them in 1626. However San Giovanni dei Napolitani is across the ancient port from the Castello Mare. 3 Origines, 165.

4 Pirri, 837; Amico, 1296. Possibly the best palaeographic reconstruction of the date would be MCXCIII, ind. xii.

5 Infra, p. 178.

The Holy Syirit’s of Palermo 171 in Calabria, but who had returned to the mainland by the 13 February 1178, ind. 12, regni 13, as we learn from a correspondence between William II and Walter of Moac.+ Certainly when Joachim visited Palermo

with Abbot Luke of Sambucina in 1196 and interviewed the Empress Constance, he stayed at Santo Spirito.? 1 Manrique, III, 69. 2 Ibid., 11, 271-2; H. Bett, Joachim of Flora (London, 1931), 16, n. 1.

CISTERCIANS IV. THE ABBEY OF THE HOLY TRINITY OF REFESIO l; the tabulary cathedral Agrigento is a charter February 1170, ind. 3,ofinthe which Bishop of Gentile of Agrigento gives of to Ansaldus, castellan of the royal palace in Palermo,' permission ‘in bosco qui dicitur

uillanoue rehedificandi ecclesiam in honorem beati Georgi.’ In the original the words ‘beati Georgii’ have been scratched out with a much blacker ink, and a contemporary hand has interlined: ‘sancti trinitatis et rehedificandi aliam sancti Georgii in loco qui dicitur refes.’ Finally,

the ‘re’ in the first ‘rehedificandi’ has been erased, and a thirteenthcentury hand has added ‘in honorem beati uirginis M.’ The same tabuJary contains the original of an official transcript given the 19 November

1252 to Bishop Raynaldus of Agrigento, in which the judge asserts: ‘legimus, relegimus diligenter, et . . . ipsum uidimus non abolitum, non abrasum, non fractum, non uiciatum, nec ullum uicium penes se continere, sed in prima sua figura existere.’ Nevertheless this transcript contains the fully garbled text: ‘in bosco qui dicitur Villanoue edificandi ecclesiam in honorem Sancti Trinitatis, et rehedificandi aliam ecclesiam Sancti Georgii in honorem beate Virginis Marie in loco qui dicitur Reffes’ —which sadly shakes our faith in official transcripts !?

It is evident that originally Ansaldus expected to erect a monastery adjoining the restored church of St George, for its ‘abbas, prior, uel yconomus’ was to be consecrated by the bishop of Agrigento, to be sub1 Hugo Falcandus is our chief informant about Ansaldus. He succeeded as castellanus to Malgerius, whose carelessness was largely responsible for the capture of the royal palace and of William I

himself by the fellow-conspirators of Matthew Bonell on the 9 March 1161 (ed. Siragusa, 52). His appointment was amply justified by his presence of mind in thwarting a break from the palace prisons in 1162 (p. 85). He is later found as the loyal assistant, friend and adviser (pp. 113, 155-6) of Chancellor Stephan of Perche. Our other sources are scanty. In March 1167, ind. 15, regni 1, he and Eutropius, cantor of the Cappella Palatina, exchanged houses in the Kalsa of Palermo (cf. [A. Garofalo], Tabularium Regiae et Imperialis Capellae Collegiatae Divi Petri in Regio Panormitano Palatio [Palermo, 1835], p. 24). He is named in December 6675 (1166), ind. 15, as ‘rév ripiwrarov paiorpoyv Tov dvwkacréddov Kip ’Avoaddov’ (Cusa, 74 and 723). We shall notice his gift in April

. 1171 to the Holy Sepulchre. He was dead, as we shall see, by December of that year: the incidental mention of ‘rd auréd\tov Kupov dvodddov’ (Cusa, 120 and 728; Trinchera, 249, No. 190) of July 6685 (1177), ind. 10, does not indicate that he was still alive. 2 The published version of the charter of 1170, in Doc. ined., 122, is taken from MS Qq H 6, No. 11, of the Bib. Com. Palermo, which has the interpolated text, without indication of changes. Cf. Garufi in ASS, xxvu (1903), 125, and Pirri, 751.

172

The Holy Trinity's of Refesro 173 ject to him, to come to his synod, to pay an annual census of two pounds of wax and one of incense (but no tithes), and to visit the cathedral thrice a year, at stated feasts. However, it appears that Ansaldus’s plans soon became more ambitious: no longer content with merely rebuilding St George’s, he adopted as his primary aim the erection of the monastery of the Holy Trinity, with the church of St George subordinated to it.

But there is a confusion as to the location of these two churches. The original version of the charter of 1170 declares that St George’s is ‘in bosco qui dicitur uillanoue.’ The first interpolation, however, asserts that the ruined church of St George was ‘in loco qui dicitur refes,’ while the new church of the Trinity was in the wood of Villanova. It is evident that we are dealing with two neighboring churches, but that the name Refesio has a tendency to annex the wood of Villanova.! This process of absorption proceeded rapidly until, as we shall see, probably by 1187, and certainly by 1198, the Holy Trinity of Villanova had become the Holy Trinity of Refesio. The name Villanova, however, re-

mained dominant, at least in the beginning, for both churches. In a list of census due to Agrigento, compiled certainly by 1176,? we find the item: ‘Monasterium 8. Trinitatis, et ecclesia S$. Georgii que sunt in tenimento Villanoue cere libras 11 et incensi libram i.’ The tendency for ‘Refesio’ to absorb ‘Villanova’ accounts for much

of the confusion in the history of our monastery. In December 1171, ind. 5, regni 6,* William IT gave to the abbey of St John of the Hermits in Palermo the ‘feuda Refesii, Bellichi, Bordini et Sebi, que sunt prope Saccam et Bibonam.’ In the thirteenth century, when St George’s had been rebaptized as St Mary’s of Refesio, this donation led to long litigation between the abbots of St John’s and the bishops of Agrigento. An interminable procés-verbal of an inquest held under King Manfred, ind. 3 (therefore 1259-60),* casts some light on the vicissitudes of the __ 1 Pirri, 751, distinguishes clearly between the church of Refesio and that of the Trinity ‘iuxta Refesio in Villanova regione.’

2 Appendix, xxx1. The terminus a quo is our charter of February 1170; that ad quem is provided : by the item: ‘Ecclesia S. Maria de fluminaria, que est in parrochia Agrigentina in territorio Corrileonis.’ In September 1176, ind. 10, regni 11 (Pirri, 701; with 1177), Bishop Bartholomew records

his gift to Monreale of the revenues of the church of Agrigento in Corleone. The full sweep of this transfer is shown in William II’s charter of January 1177, ind. 10, regni 11 (Pirri, 700; Tab. Monr., No. 18), compensating Agrigento ‘pro decimis, et omnibus reditibus, quos eadem Agrigentina Ecclesia in Castello Corilionis, et in omnibus tenementis ipsius Castelli siue a baronibus siue aliunde habebat,’ which have been ceded to Monreale.

3 Cited by Pirri, 700 and 1125, who had not seen the complete text. | 4 Published by G. Picone, Memorie storiche agrigentine (Girgenti, 1866), Memoria v1, parte 1, pp. ix-xxiii, from the original of a transcript of the 20 June 1250 (sic!) [1260] ind. 3, Manfredi 2, in the tabulary of the cathedral of Agrigento. His text has numerous errors: e.g., ‘Ansaldus capellanus.’

174 Cistercians house of Refesio in the Norman period, and upon a curious document which complicates its history. ‘The witnesses assert that Ansaldus the castellan founded and built ‘Sancta Maria de Rephesio’ and gave it to the church of Agrigento in a ‘priuilegium ab eodem Ansaldo factum’ (not extant). At Ansaldus’s death his lands, and St Mary’s, devolved into the King’s hands, who gave them to St John’s of the Hermits. (This is probably William II’s donation of December 1171 which we have just noticed.) Since Bishop Bartholomew (who ruled Agrigento from 1172 to c. 1191) could not find Ansaldus’s privilege, he was forced to consent to this loss. But several years later Bartholomew found the missing charter, and King William (who died in 1189) revoked his donation to San Giovanni degli Eremiti in a ‘priuilegium reuocationis, restitutionis et confirmationis.’ _ The witnesses agree that since then the bishop of Agrigento had always

controlled both the temporals and spirituals of St Mary’s of Refesio, including the benediction of the abbot, but that during the rebellions under Frederick II, when the bishop was unable to reach Refesio, the

, abbot of St John’s may have exercised some jurisdiction over it. ‘There had been no monks in the abbey since the rebellion of 1220, when the Saracens, led by a certain “comitissa uxor comitis Bernardini’ captured Bishop Urso and held him fourteen months for ransom. Since then the church of Refesio had been simply a benefice in the gift of the bishop of Agrigento.

But Abbot Jucundus of St John’s had challenged the right of Bishop

Rainald (3 February 1240-c. 1264), and since the bishop could find neither that elusive donation of Ansaldus, nor the confirmation of William II (they may well have been destroyed in the riotous intervening years), he was forced to agree to build another church for St John’s in order to retain control of St Mary’s of Refesio. Shortly thereafter, however, the Bishop found William II’s privilege, exclaiming: “Benedictus Deus, quod reperi priuilegium, quo non habito in questione, non poteram me tueri contra abbatem!—and refused to keep his contract!

Bishop Rainald might better have exclaimed: ‘Thanks be to God, that I’ve found a man who can forge a charter!’ For the document he ‘found’ was not King William’s ‘priuilegium reuocationis, et confirmationis,’ given several years after Ansaldus’s death, but an alleged royal diploma of which he secured an official transcript on the 13 October 1252, ind. 11, Conradi 2. It is dated December 1172, ind. 5, regni 6,! that is 1171, using the September epoch.? It gives the church of Agri-

1 Appendix, xxvIIl. 7 2K. A. Kehr, 305, n. 3, calls the transumpt ‘trustworthy.’

The Holy Trinity’s of Refesro 175 gento, freely and absolutely, ‘ecclesiam ad honorem genetricis dei Marie

constructam in nemore quod dicitur Refesi,’ together with the three casalia of Gardalisi, Billuchia, and Sebi, with a tenement and mill below the mountain of Caltabellotta. It will be remembered that in a charter of identical date William IT gave the same properties to St John’s. Both documents cannot be authentic. And while the inquest of 1259-60 shows popular knowledge of the existence of the donation to St John’s, which was later revoked, it is equally evident that our document of December 1171 for Agrigento does not coincide with the memory of King William’s diploma. It does not fit into an otherwise consistent picture. Turning to the charter itself: K. A. Kehr, the most careful student of the royal diplomas of Norman Sicily, noticed! that the title of the notary,

Robert, should be magister. Moreover the charter calls the church of Refesio St Mary’s, whereas all the other documents until the garbled transumpt of the 19 November 1252 cited above? consistently uses the names Holy Trinity and St George—the census list of 1170-76 is especially useful for the period of our alleged donation. Finally, the style of the introduction immediately casts suspicion on the diploma’s validity:

the chancery of the Norman kings did not emit such rivers of turgid piety and questionable grammar. We may therefore conclude that the charter of William IT for Agrigento of December 1171 is a forgery of the

middle of the thirteenth century. Its only value lies in the detailed description of the properties of the church of Refesio, which will be of interest to local topographers. We have every reason to believe that it is accurate: the motive of the forgery was not to increase Refesio’s holdings, but to establish Agrigento’s authority over them. What kind of monks inhabited the monastery of Refesio? Pirri? assumed that they were Benedictines. Ansaldus’s only other benefaction of which we have any record was the gift of a house in Messina to the Augustinian canons of the Holy Sepulchre in Jerusalem in April 1171, ind. 4.4 If Ansaldus died late in 1171, it is improbable that the buildings at Refesio were completed or a community installed during his lifetime. In the few years between William’s donation of the feud to St John’s and his revocation of it, the church probably housed white-robed hermits of the order of Montevergine,® whence San Giovanni degli Ere-

miti had been colonized. Equally probably Bishop Bartholomew of

2P. 172. | 1 Op. cit., 59.

3 P. 700.

4E. de Roziére, Cartulaire du Saint Sépulcre (Paris, 1849), 295, No. 165. 5 Giovanni Giacomo Giordano, Chroniche di Monte Vergine (Naples, 1648), 325, refers to the converts receiving from St William of Vercelli’s hands ‘’habito monastico bianco.’

176 Cistercians Agrigento ousted his rivals when he succeeded in regaining possession of Refesio.

A note, apparently written in the middle of the thirteenth century,? informs us that ‘antiquo tempore’ certain monks fled from across the sea

for fear of the Saracens, and that the bishop of Agrigento gave them St Mary’s of Refesio. Likewise, certain nuns ‘albis ndumentis indute,’ similarly fleeing, were given St Michael’s of Prizzi, probably identical with the Cistercian house of St Angel of Prizzi.2 Returning to our lengthy inquest of 1259-60, we find a witness declaring that over sixty years before he had seen at the church of Refesio ‘aliquos monachos albos, qui cum interrogaret eos, culus nomine stabant, responderunt se | statutos fuisse a domino Bartholomeo, episcopo Agrigentino, et authoritate et licentia sua stare’*>—most assuredly these were not monks from St John’s of Palermo! Evidently we are dealing with two refugee colonies of Cistercians from the Levant: monks at Refesio, nuns at Prizzi,

Palermo in 1191. |

established by Bishop Bartholomew before his transfer to the see of

Let us turn to the Cistercian historians. Jongelinus* declares that

the second filia of the Syrian abbey of Bellus Mons, of the line of Mor1mond, was the Holy Trinity of Refet, Refech, or Rephech, colonized in 1187, in the Cyprian diocese of Famagusta. Manrique,*® examining the Cistercian chronologies for 1187, says: “Video et Sanctam Trinitatem de

Rephec ad hunc annum sed in Grecia, aut Cypro; nulla alia notitia clariori.” The abbé Dubois® repeats Jongelinus, giving the name as ‘de Refelt.’. Janauschek’ points out that the abbey can scarcely have been in Cyprus, since there were no Latin churches on the island before the third crusade. He suspects, since Refech is clearly an Arabic name, that the Holy Trinity was in Syria. Needless to say, we have at last located the elusive monastery. When, in 1187, Saladin launched the Moslem forces against the Christian garrisons of Syria and Palestine, some, at least, of the monks of Bellus Mons,® 1 Appendix, xix. It is in the untitled volume in the cathedral archive of Agrigento, which Garufi, ‘L’Archivio Capitolare di Girgenti,’ ASS, xxvi (1903), 137, dates 1250-60. It is to be noted that our account does not say that the nuns settled at Prizzi in the time of Matthew Bonell (d. 1161), but rather that the limits of St Michael’s lands were determined then. 2 Supra, p. 166. 3 Picone, op. cit., p. XVI.

4 Op. cit., Lib. vir, p. 94; cf. also index of Lib. 1, and Index chronologicus. 5 Op. cit., u1, 200.

6 Histoire de labbaye de Morimond (Paris, 1851), Index. 7 Op. cit., 188.

8 A daughter of Morimond, founded in 1157; cf. Janauschek, 189; Jongelinus, loc. cit., Manrique, 11, 302. No abbot of Bellus Mons is known before 1282, when ‘Pierre |’Aleman, abbé de la Maison

The Holy Trinity’s of Refesro 177 the only Cistercian abbey in the diocese of Tripoli, fled to safety in Sicily,

and were settled by Bishop Bartholomew at Refesio. There was, in the city of Tripoli, a Cistercian nunnery of St Mary Magdalene,! and probably its occupants found refuge in St Michael’s of Prizzi. How they reached Sicily is evident: in the spring of 1188 William ITI sent Admiral Margaritus with eighty galleys to relieve Tripoli from Saladin’s siege.? The refugees returned with the fleet. In direct confirmation of our conclusions as to the church of Refesio | is an inedited bull of Innocent ITI of the 3 November 1198, ind. 2, pontif. 1,3 for Abbot William and the brethren of the Holy Trinity of Refesio. The bull exists in a confirmation given at Palermo, in April 1271, to ‘Frater Gualterius Cantor Monasterii Belli Montis in Syria Tripolitani Diecesis Cisterciensis ordinis et Preceptor Monasterii Sancte Trinitatis de Refesio filie Bellimontis.’ The Pope took under his protection the monastery of Refesio to which the monks had transferred (‘in quo mancupati estis obsequio’), and confirmed its possession of Refesio, Villanova, and the casalia of Buligie (Billuchia) and Sibeti (Sebi), as well as a grange

and mills near Caltabellotta. Finally, the abbey had a variety of priviliges confirmed, rendering it largely independent of the bishop of Agrigento.

A Norman church called St Mary’s of Refesio‘ still exists near Burgio

in southern Sicily, and awaits restoration. I shall leave it to those familiar with the topography to decide whether this is the rebuilt church of St George, later called St Mary’s, or whether it is the church of the Holy Trinity, which, overwhelmed by popular piety, has succumbed to the Mother of God. de Beaumont, de l’Ordre de Cisteaux, devant Triple,’ appears; cf. L. de Mas Latrie, Histoire de Pale de Chypre sous le régne des princes de la maison de Lusignan (Paris, 1865), 111, 667.

1 Janauschek, 139. 2 Chalandon, 1, 416, n. 4 gives the sources, but neglects James of Vitry, Lib. 1, c. 95, in Bongars, 1, 1119.

3 Appendix, xLv11. There seems to be no trace of this bull in the Vatican. A. Luchaire, ‘Les registres d’Innocent III et les Registra de Potthast,’ Bibliothéque de la Faculté des Lettres, Université de Paris, fase. 18 (1904), 5, asserts that while the registers are contemporary, they are not ‘originals,’ made from day to day, but rather a handsome “edition’—‘sorte de recueil d’apparat ot |’on n’inserait

- pas indistinctement toutes les expéditions grossoyées.’ | 4 Photographs in Il regno normanno (Messina, 19382), figs. 65 and 66; cf. p. 213.

CISTERCIANS Excursus Tue ABBEY OF St Mary or LIGNo

N a lengthy diploma of January 1188, ind. 6, regni 22,1 Archbishop

[ Walter of Palermo converted the abbey of St Mary of Ligno from the Basilian to the Cistercian rule. Apparently both the spiritual and the temporal states of the monastery were in great decay ‘per abbatum et monachorum gravissimos et evidentes excessus.’ So with the permission of William ITI, the abbot of the Cistercian house of the Holy Spirit in Palermo instituted the rule of his order at Ligno. Walter confirmed to the new Latin abbot, named Michael,? the possessions of the cloister,

free of all obligation, as was required by the Cistercians, to wit: the casalia of Ligno itself and of St Pantaleon, with their churches and villains and tenements, and likewise the churches of St Nicholas of Grati

and St Angel near Malveto. The cathedral church of Palermo, however, retained the income from the casale of Scillutani ‘in tenimento Tirgani,’? thus saving to its treasury the census paid by the Basilians, while complying with the Cistercian rule. Moreover if the abbot and monks of Ligno should decide to move their monastery to Malveto, they might do so. The derelictions of the abbot were to be tried in the archbishop’s court, but according to the Cistercian rule. The abbot himself was to try disputes involving his own clergy and peasants, save

in cases reserved to the royal courts. Otherwise the abbot of Ligno and its churches were to be subject to the normal jurisdiction of the archbishop, always saving the Cistercian rule, and each year, in token of obedience, the monks were to pay the Church of Palermo two pounds of wax.

In December of the same year, ind. 7, regni 23,4 a new Abbot Alexander® of St Mary’s of Ligno came to Palermo and secured a confirma1 Doc. ined., 216-221.

: 2 The published text, drawn from a transumpt of 1237 in the Palermo Cathedral, reads, p. 216 ‘fratri monachi Abbati sancte Marie de Ligno.’ The copy in MS Qq E 144 of Bib. Com. Palermo has ‘fratri Michaeli.’ 3 This appears from Celestine III’s confirmation; cf. infra, p. 179, n. 1. 4 Doc. ined., 229.

5 He can hardly be identical with the Abbot Alexander of the mother-house of the Holy Spirit, unless he was later transferred to this latter.

178

St Mary’s of L1gno 179 tion of all his abbey’s goods from William II. Finally on the 9 February 1193, ind. 11,1 Pope Celestine III gave to still another abbot of Ligno, named Peter, a confirmation of Walter Offamil’s charter, including the permission to move St Mary’s to St Angel of Malveto, should it prove

expedient, and took the abbey and its possessions under his special protection. Those who have deigned to notice St Mary’s of Ligno have identified it with the abbey of the Holy Trinity of Ligno in the diocese of Rossano,

between Corigliano and Acri.? Janauschek’s study of the Calabrian abbey? would seem to justify such an identification by giving ‘S. M. de Ligno-Crucis’ as an alternative name. Yet there are certain difficulties which should be noticed. According to the best Cistercian tables, ‘SS. Trinitas de Ligno’ was founded in 1185 as a colony of St Stephan’s del Bosco. But, as we have seen, ‘S. Maria de Ligno’ was Cistercianized in 1188 from the Holy Spirit in Palermo. Nor does the title ‘S. Maria de Ligno’ ever appear in the published references to the Calabrian abbey. Janauschek evidently draws it solely from the Cistercian chronologies. And, although the church of Palermo owned certain lands near Nicotera in Calabria,® we know nothing of an episcopal jurisdiction in Calabria exercised by the archbishop of Palermo as extensive as that indicated in the charters for Ligno. Yet despite these objections, it seems probable that the abbey of St Mary of Ligno was in Calabria. ‘“Gratum’ is probably connected with the river Crati, and ‘Malvetum,’ the site of St Angel’s, would seem to be the Malveto in the diocese of San Marco.’ 1 Tbid., 249; not in JL; cf. P. Kehr, ‘Papsturkunden,’ 334.

2A. Mongitore, Siciliae sacrae adnotationes (Palermo, 1735), 8; V. Mortillaro, Diplomi della cattedrale di Palermo (Palermo, 1842), 61. 3 Op. cit., 185. 4 Thid.

5G. Jongelinus, Notitiae abbatiarum ordinis cisterciensis (Cologne, 1640), Lib. vu, p. 78, No. 57; Gregorius de Laude, Magni divinique B. Joachim . . . apologetica (Naples, 1660), 26; Manrique, 1, 162; Ughelli-Coleti, rx, 287, 294-5; Lubin, 190; B. R. de Riso, Discorst accademici, Della vita e delle opere dell’? Abate Gioachino (Milan, 1872), 76.

6 Pirri, 77, and Mortillaro, 42. 7 Giustiniani, op. cit., v, 334. The ‘Malvelum’ of Doc. ined., 218, is a misprint; cf. Mortillaro, 61.

7 CISTERCIANS V. THE ABBEY OF THE HOLY TRINITY OF THE CHAN. CELLOR IN PALERMO M onceunder wi of Agello, notary under vice-chancellor William II, achancellor underWilliam Tancred,I,and one of the outstanding figures of Norman Sicily, was a great patron of those who chose the religious life.' He built and endowed both the Hospital of All Saints outside Palermo, and a Benedictine nunnery within the city, known as St Mary’s of the Chancellor, or of the Latins. His greatest

foundation, however, was the Holy Trinity in Palermo, given to the Cistercians.

The date of its inception is uncertain. That almost universally given is 1150,? but on worthless grounds. Fazello claims that shortly after its foundation King William I gave it a casale named Meralme Mesalaime fifteen miles south of Palermo, in a diploma dated 1150.3 Since William I was not crowned King until the 8 April 1151, and since he did not really rule until after his father’s death in 1154, Fazello must be in error. No charter for the Holy Trinity is extant given by a King William; and one suspects that if it ever existed it was of William II rather than William I. If the assertion of the Cistercian tables be correct that our abbey was a filza of the Holy Spirit in Palermo,‘ then its foundation

must be put after 1177. Architecturally, also, the church, which is slowly being restored to its primitive form, belongs to the very end of the Norman epoch.® We have no trace of Matthew of Agello’s® original donation, but that

it was rather liberal is implied by the confirmation, in 1197, by the Emperor Henry VI of ‘possessiones omnes et tenementa que ex devotione 1Qn Matthew cf. Garufi, ‘Le benedettine in Sicilia,’ Bull. Ist. Stor. Ital., xuv1r (1932), 268, n. 2. 2 A. Mongitore, Monumenta historica sacrae Domus Mansionis S. 8. Trinitatis (Palermo, 1721), 5. V. Mortillaro, Elenco cronologico delle antiche pergamene pertinenti alla real chiesa della Magione (Palermo, 1859), p. xv; V. di Giovanni, Topografia ant. Pal., 1, 240; Pirri’s date 1160 is a typographical error for 1150 according to Mongitore, loc. cit., and Amico, 1340V.

3 Dec. 1, Lib. vit (edn. 1558), p. 183. Tornamira, Sicily’s worst fablemonger, seems to be responsible for the statement (quoted by Mongitore, 12, Amico, 1340%, and Janauschek, 196) that the Cistercians left the Holy Trinity in 1195 ‘postquam xxxxv annis monasterium tenuissent.’ 4 Janauschek, 196.

5 Cf. Valenti in Il regno normanno, 244. For photographs, cf. ibid., figs. 180-184. 6 Died May-July 1193, cf. K. A. Kehr, 62.

120

The Holy Trinity’s of the Chancellor in Palermo 181 eiusdem Cancellarii et filiorum eius, ipsum monasterium . . . possidet.’! Our first evidence of the monastery’s existence is a Greek diploma of November 6700 (1191), ind. 10, in which Chusun, daughter-in-law of Muza, with her sons Maimun and John, sold to the abbot of the Holy

Trinity of the Chancellor a house in Palermo, near the court bakery, for fifty taris.2. Thenceforth charters come at relatively frequent mtervals—an additional indication that the monastery had not long been in existence. Less than a year later, in September 1192, ind. 11, regni 3,? Rusticus, a justiciar of the royal curia, gave the abbey two shops in the Cassaro. In June 1194, ind. 12, the first year of William IIT,’* Count Richard of Agello, Matthew’s son, gave the Holy Trinity a vineyard and land near Monte Pellegrino which he had inherited from his father, as well as a garden and canneto. Late in November of the same year, ind. 13,° after the complete victory of the Hohenstaufen forces over the faction of Tancred and William

III which the Agello family had so vigorously supported, Rainald of Moac, Count of Ariano and justiciar under Henry VI, gave to Abbot Ludovicus of the Holy Trinity of the Cistercians all his tenements near Palermo. This donation is somewhat surprising, for one would expect a supporter of the Suabian cause, if he felt inclined to make a gift to the white monks of Palermo, to do so to the monastery of the Holy Spirit, founded by Walter Offamil, the chief advocate of the German dynasty,

rather than to the Cistercians of the Holy Trinity, whose sympathies would inevitably be with the rebel Agellos. On the 29 December 1194, four days after his coronation in Palermo,

Henry VI had the chief supporters of the old Norman line arrested, including Richard of Agello.6 Naturally, feelings towards the Emperor were especially bitter at our abbey. On the 18 July 1197, the Cistercians

were forced out of it, and Henry turned it over to his favorites, the Teutonic Knights, as a mansio’—whence to the present day it is called the Magione. 1 Mongitore, 13; cf. anfra, n. 7.

2 Cusa, 123 and 737; F. Trinchera, Syllabus graecarum membranarum (Naples, 1865), 315, No. 234; Latin tr. in Mongitore, 7. 3 Mongitore, 7; Mortillaro, 6; both with 1193, indicating the use of the September epoch. 4 Mongitore, 8; Mortillaro, 7; cited in ASS, xxu (1897), 303. Garufi in ASSO, x (1913), 170, n. 1, incorrectly calls Richard the founder of the house.

_® Mongitore, 10; Mortillaro, 9: ‘regnante ... Henrico... et . . . Constantia . . . anno primo Regni Sicilie,’ although the coronation did not occur until Christmas day of 1194. 6 Chalandon, 11, 487.

7 Mongitore, 13; Janauschek, 196; Stumpf-Brentano, Reichskanzler, u, 465, No. 5070; Ries, ‘Regesten Constanze,’ 55, No. 57.

CISTERCIANS

VI. THE ABBEY OF ST MARY OF NOVARA r \HE monastery of St Mary, which now stands on a lofty ridge dominating Novara, in the diocese of Messina, was formerly located, according to Amico,! in the valley about two miles from the city. Our information as to its origins is astonishingly scanty. The Cistercian records say that St Mary’s of Novara was a daughter of the abbey of Sambucina,? which places its foundation after 1160. The first abbot is said to have been a St Hugo, who Manrique thinks was a Spaniard.? Amico* reports two abbots, Paul and Eligius, after Hugo, but of un-

known dates. It is said that in 1193 Bartholomew of Luci secured

monks from Novara for his new monastery of St Mary of Roccamadore.® Our only really definite datum on this cloister in the twelfth century is a charter given to Abbot Mark in late December 1195, ind. 14, regni 2,°

by Constance. It provided that 1000 sheep, 100 cows, 50 horses, and 160 swine of the abbey were to have free pasturage on the royal domain. 1 Amico, 1299.

2 Janauschek, 164 and 143. The majority of the Cistercian tables date its foundation in 1171. Janauschek, 174, asserts that the abbey of St Mary of Roccadia, three miles from Lentini, was also a colony of Sambucina. The charter recording a donation of Roger II to its Cistercian abbot, John of Lentini, in 1120, is an obvious forgery (cf. Caspar, 368, note, and 493, No. 40). It may have been founded in 1199, when Abbot Luke of Sambucina was in Sicily preaching a crusade (Manrique, 111, 333). We have no documents relating to it before 1220 (cf. Pirri, 674; Amico, 1306). 3 Manrique, 01, 522; Amico, 1300; Janauschek, loc. cit. 4 Amico, loc. cit.

5 Janauschek, 164 and 197. 6 Amico, 1301; Ries, ‘Regesten Constanze,’ 41, No. 20.

182

CISTERCIANS VII. THE ABBEY OF ST MARY OF ROCCAMADORE HE Cistercian abbey of St Mary of Roccamadore, at Tremestieri, Tio miles south of Messina, was founded on the 9 September 1193,

ind. 12, ‘regnante Domino Henrico ...cum.. . Constantia,’! by Bartholomew of Luci, Count of Paternd.? He appears to have taken the name from a church of St Mary of Roc-Amadour at Quercy in France,

which after 1160 became a place of pilgrimage.* It is said that he secured monks from St Mary’s of Novara, twenty-five miles distant.‘ Bartholomew endowed his abbey with lands near Messina, Paternd, and Bordonaro, an inn (fundacum) on the main street of Messina, a winecellar (butticellaria) in the same city, and various houses. All these were to be possessed freely, in return for an annual Mass in suffrage of their benefactor after his death. This donation, which shows Bartholomew of Luci to have been a partizan of the Hohenstaufen faction, was given at Messina over thirteen

months before Henry VI entered that city. The turmoil of the followIng year prevented the actual erection of the monastery; but as it became increasingly evident that Henry VI would conquer Sicily, the plans progressed. In September 1194, ind. 13,6 Archbishop Richard of Messina granted Bartholomew permission to construct his abbey. To James, the future abbot, was granted free election, exemption from the judgment of the episcopal court, and various minor privileges. Nevertheless, St Mary’s of Trimestieri was to be subject in all other matters to the normal episcopal jurisdiction, and was to give the Church of Messina four candles annually, and bread and wine to the archbishop when he visited the monastery.

Henry VI’s capture of Messina the next month, his entrance into Palermo on the 20 November, and his coronation there on Christmas day ended the Norman period in Sicily, and assured the prosperity of St Mary’s of Roccamadore, whose possessions he confirmed shortly

thereafter.’ , | 1 Amico, 1287.

2 On Bartholomew cf. Garufi, in ASSO, x (1913), 164 ff. 3 Janauschek, pp. liii and 197. Amico, 1288, erroneously calls it a Cistercian abbey at Narbonne. 4 Janauschek, 164 and 197. 5 Chalandon, u1, 484; Garufi, loc. cit.

6 R. Starrabba, I diplomi della cattedrale di Messina (Palermo, 1876-90), 35. 7 Amico, 1288; Stumpf-Brentano, Reichskanzler, 1, 448, No. 4906. Cf. Ries, ‘Regesten,’ 64, No.

84, for a confirmation by Constance of Bartholomew’s gift to Roccamadore of certain mills of Ruveto which had formerly belonged to St Leo’s of Pannachio.

183

AUGUSTINIAN CANONS

I. THE PRIORY OF ST LUCY OF NOTO, AND THE OTHER SICILIAN CHURCHES SUBJECT TO THE PRIORY OF ST MARY OF BAGNARA, IN CALABRIA HE Priory of St Mary and the Twelve Apostles at Bagnara,! just north of Scilla, on the coast of Calabria, was founded probably in 1085,2 when Count Roger I induced certain transalpine clerics, then on a pilgrimage to Jerusalem, to stay permanently in his realm. There has been the greatest confusion as to the order to which this priory belonged:

Benedictine, Cistercian, Floran, or Augustinian.? Cardone* maintains that the first inhabitants of the priory were of the secular clergy, but admits that by the end of the century they were Augustinians; Minasi® argues from the mention of a prior and of vows in 1085 that they were always regular canons. In 1146 the inhabitants of Bagnara and of its colony at Cefalt assert that ‘in tota sicilie et calabrie provincia canonica religio a nobis specialiter colebatur.’® In February 1168’ a dispute is settled ‘inter uiros uenerabiles canonicos uldelicet balnearie, et monachos

sancte euphemie’; and twenty years later, on the 10 December 1188,° 1 To the literature on Bagnara given by B. Capasso, Le fonti della storia delle provincie napolitane dal 568 al 1500 (Naples 1902), 96, n. 1, we may add the Sommario di documenti delle ragioni della Sede Apostolica sopra la chiesa e priorato della B.ma Vergine Maria e Santi XII Apostoli della Terra di Bagnara (Typis Bernabd, 1759), Rosario Cardone, Notizie storiche di Bagnara Calabra (Reggio, 1873), G. Minasi, ‘Innocenzo III e Il’ abbazia di Bagnara Calabra,’ Rivista storica calabrese (1897), 257-265, and L’abbazia normanna in Bagnara Calabra alla fine dell’? undecimo secolo (Naples 1905). I have not seen Francesco Macri, La collegiata della regia abadial chiesa di Bagnara Calabra (1905), which, according to Minasi, is based entirely on Cardone.

1753), 7. | 2 K. A. Kehr, 410; Cardone, 41; G. P. Cirillo, Defesa de’ diritti del re sulla chiesa di Bagnara (Naples,

3 For earlier writers cf. Cardone, 52. Strangely enough, some of the most recent writers to

touch the point agree that it was Benedictine; cf. D. Taccone-Gallucci, Regestt det romani ponteficr per le chiese della Calabria (Rome, 1902), 327, and E. Pontieri in ASSO, xxi (1926), 102.

4P. 53; he takes his arguments bodily from Francesco Peccheneda, Dimostrazione . . . sulla regal chiesa di Bagnara (Naples, 1755), 117 ff.

5 [’abbazia, 76-8. | 6 Doc. ined., 60. For a reference in 1145 to the observance of the ‘canonica religio’ at Cefald,

cf. Pirri, 800.

7E. Jamison, ‘Note e documenti per la storia dei conti normanni di Catanzaro,’ extract from Archivio storico per la Calabria e la Lucania, 1 (1931), 16. 8 P. Kehr, ‘Nachtrige zu den rémischen Berichten,’ Gétt. Nachr. (1903), 582, which is repeated

by Celestine III the 12 May 1192 in the original in the Lateran Archive, Q. 7. C. 2., printed in part in zbid., 586.

184

St Lucy’s of Noto, etc. 185 Clement ITI refers most explicitly to ‘ordo canonicus qui secundum deum et beati Augustini regulam in eadem ecclesia instituta esse dignoscitur.’

Pirri and Amico! report that the church dedicated to St Lucy, the Roman widow, near Noto, was commenced by Roger I about 1100, and left unfinished at his death. On the 6 August 1103,? his nephew Count Tancred of Syracuse, son of Count William of the Principato, gave the

church, still undedicated (although his son Robert was buried in its cemetery), to the church of Bagnara, in the person of its prior, Geoffrey | of Poitou. Tancred also gave ten villains, and lands, the boundaries of which were determined by inquest, ‘et communitatem totius terre mee qualem habet syracusanus episcopus, et elus canonici, et omnes barones mei,’ and exempted the ships of the monastery of Bagnara and its com-

merce from all port-taxes and duties in his lands. It was made clear that while the property was donated to Bagnara, it was given secondarily

to St Lucy’s, and would be administered by it. Count Tancred also confirmed the donation of ten (not two) villains by Attardus Caputasini, and of one given by Geoffrey Ridell. The charter was witnessed by Bishop Roger of Syracuse, and by William, the deacon. Yet this document has a most puzzling feature. Every extant version of it, including what would seem to be the original,*® has in the body of the text a paragraph referring to the consecration of St Lucy’s by Bishop William, formerly the deacon, who succeeded Roger before March 1112.4 On this occasion Tancred and his wife Muriel added six villains to the endowment of the church, and permitted Manfred of Sicla and William

Turcus to give one apiece. Shortly afterwards Tancred also gave the casale of Rahalbarois. We may explain this strange interpolation by believing that our present text is a clumsy transumpt of two separate charters, made in the seignorial chancery of Syracuse at some later date. Such an assumption might also account for the error in the indiction. St Lucy’s of Noto was by far the most conspicuous church subject to St Mary’s of Bagnara—so conspicuous indeed that, despite the lack of specific proof for the Norman period, we may assume that it was a

priory, possibly having a single prior with Bagnara. In a document 1 Pirri, 662; Amico, 1242. 2 Text in Amico, 1242.

3 Lateran Archive Q. 7. C. 8 has a plica and holes for the seal cord, but also the erroneous ind. 13, whence the copy in Codex vaticanus 3084, fol. 14. Amico, 1242, prints it, with the correct ind. 11, from Mongitore’s transcript from the archive of St Peter’s of Palermo. There are four copies in MS Qq H 5, fol. 39 ff., of the Bib. Com. Palermo from the “Tabulario Universitatis Nothi,’ and another in MS Qq F 69, fol., 133, without indication of source. 4 Mon. germ. hist., legum sect. IV, constitutiones et acta publica, ed. L. Weiland (Hanover, 1893), 1, 572. Amico, 1242, followed by Gams, 954, asserts that William became bishop about 1105, but offers no proof.

186 Augustinian Canons which Caspar! has dated 1124, Roger II confirmed to Prior “Gizelmus’

of Bagnara Tancred’s gifts to it. Late in 1186, ind. 5,2 Baldwin of

Bagnara. |

Noto gave certain lands and serfs to St Lucy’s, and to Prior Daniel of After St Lucy’s, the most prominent Sicilian church of Bagnara was St Peter’s in Palermo.* Pirri * thrice asserts, on the basis of a document

in the archive of St Peter’s, which unfortunately he does not quote, that it was given by Roger II in October 1116, ind. 10, to St Mary’s of Bagnara on the occasion of the latter’s dedication. However, a portion of the text given by Cardone? indicates that St Peter’s of Palermo and St James’s of Partinico were both given by Archbishop Walter I of Palermo: ‘Ego Rogerius Comes quando tui ad ecclesiam Balnearie mense Octobris, inditio x, cum dedicatio ipsius ecclesie facta fuit, uenerunt ad me fratres elusdem loci cum priore suo, rogauerunt me multum ut cum ipsa ecclesia non haberet in Calabria terras seminaturas, etc. . . . Itemque confirmo ecclesiam s. Petri de Panormo cum uillanis et pertinentiis suis, sicut archiepiscopus Gualterius dedit eos IN meo nomine, etc. . . . et ecclesiam de Partiniaco sum uillanis et pertinentiis suis, sicut archiepiscopus panormitanus cum canonicis tenuit, etc.’

Pirri® likewise asserts that in this document of 1116 Roger confirmed to Bagnara the possession of the ruined Basilian abbey of St Stephan of Castronuovo which Aymo of Milazzo had given it, with lands and a mill,

and that the King likewise confirmed the donation by a certain Arnulf of the church of St Mary of Castronovo. A very fragmentary confirmation by William IT to Bagnara, probably of 1184,’ lends credit to these statements. Bagnara held St Mary’s of Castronuovo on payment of an annual census to Agrigento. ® In 1130, when Roger IT was planning to erect the church of Cefalut,®

he went to Bagnara, induced its prior, Jocelmus, to become bishop of the new see, to which the older monastery of Bagnara was subject, and

colonized it with Augustinian canons. Relations between the two 1 Caspar, No. 45. Amico’s text, 1243, gives the prior’s name as William, but since in 1131 Prior

Jocelmus became bishop of Cefali, I prefer the form given in a copy of a transumpt of October 1597 in the Lateran Archive, 1, 1, fol. 112. 2 Appendix, xxxvii. 3 'V. di Giovanni, Topografia ant. Pal., 1, 456, says that this church continued Greek in rite. 4 Pirri, 82, 620, and 799; cf. Caspar, No. 33. 5 Op. cit., 48. 6P. 746.

7 Appendix, xxxIVv. | 8 Appendix, xxx1; cf. also ASS, xxvii (1903), 147. ® Infra, p. 189.

| St Lucy’s of Noto, etc. 187 churches were intimate and seemingly cordial (despite one attempt, in 1146, of the canons of Bagnara to shake off the jurisdiction of Cefalt). Ships plying between the two establishments were exempt from all duties and customs, and the first two bishops of Cefalt, at least, were former priors of Bagnara. Nevertheless, the Calabrian house kept a large autonomy: there is no evidence that the bishop of Cefali: had any special relations with Bagnara’s Sicilian obediences. And in the second half of

the twelfth century, when Cefali had ceased to be the favorite royal foundation, Bagnara appears gradually to have become completely independent.

| Our great source of information as to Bagnara’s possessions in the island is a confirmation by Clement III of the 10 December 1188.! Besides those already mentioned, we hear of a number of obscure churches, of which little else is known in the Norman period: St Matthew’s of Messina, held with parochial rights St Eunufrius’s of Calatabiano? St George’s of Lentini, with various properties held from the Calabrian abbey of St Julian of Rocca Fallucca? for an annual census of twenty taris

| St Lucy’s of Rahalbiato St George’s of Hares St Peter’s of Sclafani St Nicholas’s of Corleone St Peter’s of Milazzo

St Cataldo’s* , In addition a great variety of lands, houses, tithes, parochial and episcopal rights are enumerated. Pirri> asserted that in 1192 Celestine III united Bagnara with the abbey of St Mary of Glory in the diocese of Mileto. Amico® prints a 1P. Kehr, in Gétt. Nachr. (1908), 582; repeated verbatim by Celestine III the 12 May 1192, whid., 586, and JL, No. 16872.

2 Can this be the Basilian church of St Honufrius of ‘Calatabiet’ subordinated to St Savior’s of Messina in 1131? Cf. Pirri, 974.

3 In 1100 St Julian’s received a church of St John the Evangelist near Syracuse, and a cultura at Lentini, which were confirmed, without mention of St George’s, by Innocent III the 9 June 1202; cf. F. Pometti, ‘Carte delle abbazie di S. Maria di Corazzo e di S. Giuliano di Rocca Fallucca in Calabria,’ Studi e doc., xxur (1901), 267 and 284. 4 Amico, 1246, lists among the obediences of Bagnara the church of St Basil of Naso; this, however was subject, in the twelfth century, to the Holy Trinity of Mileto; cf. infra, p.191,n.1. Like-

wise Pirri, 662, makes St Mary’s of Licata subordinate to Bagnara. The list of the census due to Agrigento 1170-1176 (cf. Appendix, xxx1) names this church without further particulars, while a similar, though later, mention of St Mary’s of Castronuovo speaks of its relation to Bagnara.

5 P. 662. |

6 P, 1244,

188 Augustinian Canons | sworn statement of 1644, purporting to be based on Celestine’s original bull of 1193 in the Lateran Archive, in which the Pope made the prior of Bagnara an abbot with the right to use the pontificial insignia. There is an original bull of Celestine for Bagnara in that archive, of the 12 May 1192,' but it is addressed to Prior Raimund, and says nothing of mitres, staves, and sandals. Nor was Bagnara united with the Floran abbey of St Mary of Glory, in the diocese of Anagni, until 1255.? 1 Lateran Archive Q. 7. C. 2; cf. P. Kehr, op. cit., 586. 2 Lateran Archive Q. 7. D. 20, and Q. 7. E. 13. P. Kehr, ‘Otia diplomatica,’ Gétt. Nachr. (1903), 297, strangely speaks of this union as having been accomplished by Alexander IV in 1268. Alexander died in 1261.

AUGUSTINIAN CANONS Il. THE CATHEDRAL CHURCH OF ST SAVIOR AND SS. PETER AND PAUL OF CEFALU EGEND says that once when Roger IT was sailing from Salerno to

Sicily his ship was overtaken by a terrific tempest. The rigging was smashed and those aboard were preparing their souls for death when

the Count prayed the Savior that he might be rescued from the waves, as were SS. Peter and Paul, vowing that wherever the ship reached a safe haven, there he would erect a magnificent cathedral. ‘The waters were at once stilled, and the headland of Cefalt: became a bishopric, with a church known to every lover of architecture and mosaic.! If there be any truth in this account, Roger’s escape probably occurred in the late autumn of 1128, when, according to his itinerary,” he sailed

from Salerno for Sicily. We know that to secure clerics for his new church Roger went personally, in 1130, ind. 8,? to the house of Augustinian canons at Bagnara in Calabria, and induced its prior, Jocelmus (or Gizelmus), to become the first bishop of Cefali. There was no delay thereafter: the cornerstone of the church of St Savior and SS. Peter and Paul was laid on Whitsunday, the 7 June 1131, ind. 9.‘ It will be remembered that at this time Roger II was the chief support of a pope whom history calls an anti-pope. On the 14 September 1131,

ind. 9 (sic), pontif. 2,5 Anacletus II created a bishopric at Cefalt, a suffragan of the new metropolitan see of Messina, and subjected the church of Bagnara to it. In October of the same year, ind. 10,° Arch1 The oldest form of the legend is printed by I. Carini from the Barcelona archives in ASS, vir (1883), 136-8. Its assertion that Boso was made the first bishop of Cefald in 1137 does not lend confidence. 2 Caspar, p. 501.

3 Cf. Doc. ined., 60; Caspar, No. 205. This visit was probably paid in August, when we find Roger at Stilo in Calabria; cf. Caspar, No. 64. A reminiscence of Bagnara’s dedication to St Mary and the Twelve Apostles may be found in the prominence of their figures in the apsidal mosaics of Cefala. On the complex problems involved cf. V. Lasareff, “The mosaics of Cefalu,’ Art bulletin of the College Art Association of America, xvi (1935), 184-232. # Caspar p. 511. Pirri, 798-9, has ‘ind. x,’ which must be a misprint, in view of the inscription which he quotes, and Archbishop Hugo of Messina’s charter, zbid., 389.

5 JL, No. 8421; Pirri, 388. The original, in Archivio di Stato, Palermo, Tabulario di Cefald,

No. 3, twice has indiction ‘viiii.’

6 Pirri, 389. The parallel document, of the same date, for Lipari-Patti is signed by “G. Balnearie prior’—probably our Gizelmus awaiting consecration; cf. Pirri, 388, 773.

189

190 Augustinian Canons bishop Hugo of Messina defined the limits of the diocese of Cefalt, which

was to include the towns of Mistretta, Tusa, Pollina, Gratteri, Rocca Asini, Collesano, Polizzi, Caltavuturo, Sclafani, and Alcusa.!

Apparently the church of Cefalii was endowed, not at its inception, but only after it had been officially made a bishopric. Then Roger IT commanded Admiral George of Antioch to hold an inquest of local Christians and Saracens to determine the exact limits of the lands to be given it. This inquest was held in February of 1132, ind. 10, as we learn from Roger’s Greek donation of the next month.? Admiral George’s investigation also produced a platea with the names of all the serfs on these lands

belonging to Cefalu.? Likewise in March of that same year* King Roger granted a Greek and Arabic charter giving St Savior’s the whole fishery of Cefali, including the tuna. Also the ships of the church, particularly those plying between Cefalti and Bagnara, were to be free of all duties and port-taxes, provided that such ships did not go beyond Amalfi. The same exemption applied to food and lumber transported by the citizens of Cefalt for their church; but all goods transported by citizens, strangers, or the church itself for commercial purposes, were

subject to the normal taxes. The bishop was to receive the market and anchorage fees of Cefalt. Finally, all the products of the lands of Cefali and Bagnara were to be free from tithes, port-, and anchoragetaxes.

It seems probable that still a fourth document of this period has perished. We know from two unpublished inquests of December 1188, ind. 7, regni 23, and of the 3 May 1189, ind. 7,° that in 1132 Roger IT gave to Cefalt the casale of Arsha, Charsa, or Harsa, near Biccari. This name does not appear in the extant charters. There was naturally a tendency to consolidate the possessions of the new bishopric, and to eliminate other jurisdictions (a tendency similar to that which is seen at Monreale forty years later). The Benedictine 1 The feud of Calcusa, says Pirri, 802. 2 Spata, Perg. greche, 423; Caspar, No. 74; Pirri, 799; not in Cusa. 3 Spata, op. cit., 424; Caspar, No. 71. Spata, 413-420, mistakes Roger’s modified confirmation of the 7 January 1145 (Caspar, No. 184) for the platea of 1132.

4 Spata, op. cit., 429; Caspar, No. 73; Pirri, 799. Arch. Stato, Tab. Cef., No. 6 contains an early Latin version of this charter, but the date is so deceptively arranged that a transumpt of 1329 mistook it for 1140, and the Archive’s inventory does the same. On the 8 January, ind. 13, probably in 1180, Geoffrey of Moac, a high officer of the royal court, issued a Greek and Latin letter patent confirming this grant of March 1132; cf. Cusa, 489 and 730; Spata, op. cit., 447. For Geoffrey, cf. Doc. ined., 152.

> Appendix, xxxvu and xxxrx. There is another inquest concerning the boundaries of Charsa of the 26-27 August 6683 (1175), ind. 8, which, however, makes no mention of Roger’s donation, or of Cefali. Cf. Spata, Perg. greche, 45%. The casalia of Harsa and Polla are mentioned in Alexander ITI’s confirmations to Cefalu of 1169 and 1171; cf. infra., p. 196, nn. 5 and 6.

St Savior’s of Cefalu 191 abbey of the Holy Trinity and St Michael Archangel of Mileto had possessed since at least 1098 the church of St Cosmas near Cefalt and that of St John of Rocella.!| Two parallel documents of January 1136, ind.

14, are extant concerning the transfer of these churches to Cefali. In one,? Abbot David of Mileto cedes them, with all their lands and villains; in the other,® he receives compensation in Calabria from King Roger. Unfortunately Bishop Jocelmus’s episcopal title had been granted by

an antipope. When Roger II and Innocent II were reconciled by the treaty of Mignano on the 25 July 1139, Roger retained his royal crown, but the Anacletan ecclesiastics of his realm suffered humiliation. The archbishop of Messina reverted to his title of bishop; John of Lipari-Patti thenceforth used only his secondary title of abbot.* But the bishop of Cefalu, perhaps just because his church had never had legitimate standing, but was the offspring of schism, clung to his dignity under the less

offensive form of electus. :

1 The Sicilian holdings and churches of this abbey were very extensive, but save for the (evidently Basilian) abbeys of St Basil, St Nicholas, and St Angel in the Val Demone, they do not seem to have been monastic establishments in the Norman era. The archive of the Collegio Greco in Rome, A.vi, has the original of a charter of Count Roger I, apparently given at the dedication of the Holy Trinity on the 29 December 1080, ind. 4 (P. Batiffol, ‘Das Archiv des griechischen Colleg’s in Rom,’ Rémische Quartalsschrift, 11 [1888], 219, wrongly gives 1081), enumerating among the abbey’s possessions: ‘In Sicilia uero ecclesiam sancti georgii

in ciuitate traina cum xl uillanis. In ualle demonii abbatias sancti basilii et sancti nicholai cum pertinentiis earum et sancti angeli cum pertinentiis suis . . . et in ualle demonum iiior uillanos.’ A. vii-ix of the same archive, three thirteenth(?)-century copies of a very similar diploma of Count Roger dated 1081, ind. 4, mention in addition the churches: ‘In misttrecto sanctorum innocentium et sancti philippi cum omnibus pertinentiis earum.’ Urban II’s bull of the 10 October 1098 (in P. Kehr, ‘Papsturkunden in Rom,’ Gété. Nachr. [1900], 150) confirms St George’s of Troina, the Holy Innocents’ of Mistretta, and St Basil’s, and also the churches ‘sancti iohannis de rocca de mari, sancte barbare de callata butorum, sancti nicolai de caca, sanctorum cosme et damiani de cephalo cum earum omnium pertinentiis.’ This was repeated verbatim by Paschal II the 23 March 1100, and by Calixtus II the 19 March 1122 (zbid., 152 and 158), both however adding, ‘partem oppidi quod Mesianum (sic) dicitur, que a supradicto comite [rogerio primo] beato Angelo oblata cognoscitur.’

Eugene III’s confirmation of the 24 February 1151 (JL, No. 9450; Ughelli-Coleti, 1, 952) shows a great expansion, with many new names; ‘In Sicilia ecclesiam s. Johannis, s. Georgii de Mohac,

s. Johannis de Calatiniseth . . . s. Anastasie de Grateriis . . . et s. Stephani [de Mistretol], s. Basilii de Naso, s. Nicolai de Brutana, s. Angeli . . . s. Mariede Murra . . . et s. Petri de Melasio.’ This was repeated verbatim, so far as Sicily is concerned, by Alexander III on the 16 July 1170 (Kehr, 177) and the 19 March 1179 (JL, No. 13332; Coll. Greco, B.v). Francesco Dini, archdeacon of Cefali in the late eighteenth century, in MS Qq H 123, No. 36, $13, note, of the Bib. Com. Palermo, says that in his day there was no trace of St John’s of Rocella, but that St Cosmas’s was about a mile from Cefalu. 2 Doc. ined., 25; Pirri, 799. Abbot David likewise appears in a bull of the 28 December 1139; ef. P. Kehr, ‘Papsturkunden in Rom,’ 164. 3 Appendix, xtv. This charter, B.x of the archive of the Greek College in Rome, was wrongly cited as B.xi by Batiffol, op. cit., 219. Confused by this, Paul Kehr failed to find it; cf. K. A. Kehr, Urkunden, 27, n. 6; Chalandon in Moyen dge, xvi (1903), 303 and 307; Caspar, No. 107. £ Cf. supra, p. 89.

192 Augustinian Canons The archives of Cefalt contain three charters of the Countess Adelicia,

granddaughter of Count Roger I, all given in June 1140.' In the first,? she presents to St Savior’s of Cefali: the monastery of St Lucy at Syracuse, with its four casalia, and some houses in the city. The other two concern the endowment of the church of St Peter in Collesano, which had just been consecrated by Bishop Drogo of Squillace, with the permission of Jocelmus of Cefalu. They are practically identical in wording, save that one® gives St Peter’s four Moslem villains, the other‘ six with Greek names. Both mention the gift of an oven in Collesano, with permission to cut wood for it, and for the repair of the church, in the Countess’s woods. St Peter’s also receives pasturage on the Countess’s lands for its sheep and cattle, and ‘quasdam de terris Carpiniant’ (‘et Tarmite’ adds the former) ‘que omnia ab omni seculari libera esse statuimus exactione.’ Moreover, if anyone defaulted in his services to St Peter’s he was liable to be tried in the court of the bishop of Cefalt ‘nisi ad regalia tantum pertineat.’ Pirri,> followed by Garufi,® asserts that Adelicia gave St Peter’s to Cefalt. There is nothing in the charters

to indicate this. On the other hand, if the church had belonged to —Cefalu, cases of default of service would not have been tried in the epis-

copal court, but rather in the royal courts, since the bishop himself would have been an aggrieved party.’ Sixteen years later Adelicia seems to have presented the church of St

Nicholas of Malvicino to Cefalt. In 1156, ind. 4,8 she records that at her request the elect and chapter of that cathedral had given the church to John of Brucato; towards the endowment of St Nicholas’s she gives St Nicholas’s ‘saltum molendini in flumine ipsius terre polici.’® Pirri,'° 1 Garufi in ASSO, rx (1912), 342. All are misdated ‘ind. 2.2. The title ‘Iocelmus electus cephaludensis’ which occurs in two of them eliminates the possibility of 1139. 2 ASSO, 1x (1912), 353; cf. infra, p. 203, n. 3. 3G. Battaglia, Diplomi inediti (Palermo, 1895), 113. 4 Doc. ined., 38.

5 Pirri, 799. 6 ASSO, 1x (1912), 342, and Doe. ined., 38.

? That disputes between the bishop of Cefali and his dependents were settled by the royal authority is shown by a case of 1150 (Doc. ined., 62), when, because of his derelictions against the church of Cefalu, two justiciars declared the lands and houses of a certain Aychard confiscated to the bishop, who, however, graciously restored them.

Pirri, 528 and 833, and Amico, 1273, think that the Benedictine abbey of St Mary of Pedali, near Collesano, was founded about 1130 by the Countess Adelicia, but offer no proof. St Mary’s does not definitely appear before 1347. There may be some confusion with St Peter’s. 8 Doc. ined., 76; Pirri, 801; ASSO, 1x (1912), 342. 9 Garufi’s text reads ‘in flumine idocie.’ In the original, in Archivio di Stato, Palermo, Tabulario

di Cefalu, No. 11, a hole mars the name, and the scribe has imperfectly erased a ‘d.’ The tail of

the ‘p’ is faint, but unmistakable. The word therefore reads ‘polic .... Pirri read Poltti. 10 Pirri, 801.

St Savior’s of Cefalu 193 however, quotes a charter in which Adelicia gives some land and four villains ‘ecclesie S. Nicolai quam Ioannes de Brucato in territorio Politi construxit . . . cui nomen est Malvicinum.’ Probably the solution is that John of Brucato was a priest who held land of Adelicia, built a church on it, and gave it to Cefalt with her permission, receiving from Cefalt a life-tenure in it. This belief is strengthened by a bull of Alexander III of the 25 April 1178! which lists among the Countess’s donations to Cefalti ‘ecclesiam §$. Nicolai de Malvicini, sicut Ioannes de Bruccato tenuit.’ No less than six charters survive of another pious benefactress of Cefali, Lucia of Cammarata. On the 15 August 1141? she gave Jocelmus, for St Savior’s, the church of St Mary outside Cammarata, in the diocese of Agrigento, together with its lands and free pasturage, wood, and water-

rights. On the 18 March 6653 (1145), ind. 8,3 she repeated her gift, adding other lands, with cattle and serfs. Evidently the church’s feast was the Assumption; for again on the 15 August 6654 (1146), ind. 9,¢ Lucia issued a third charter to Jocelmus, adding to St Mary’s endowment. Late in 1150, ind. 14,° she granted the elect of Cefalt. the dominium of certain burgenses living on the lands of St Mary’s of Cammarata. This church, however, was not dedicated until the 21 May 1153, ind. 1, when the ceremony was performed by Archbishop John of Bari, at the request of Lucia and of the elect of Cefali, and ‘per uoluntatem et concessum decani et canonicorum agrigentine matris ecclesie, in cuius territorio est,’ Agrigento then being bishopless. Our faith in this date and charter is heightened by the fact that twenty-five days later John consecrated the church of the Holy Spirit of Caltanissetta.” If we acaccept this diploma of 1153 as authentic, then a sixth charter of Lucia must be a forgery. It is dated in the ‘original’ May 1141, ind. 4,° but refers to, and is attested by, Archbishop John of Bari ‘qui ecclesiam ipsam consecravit.’ There was indeed an Archbishop John IV of Bari 1 JL, No. 13055; Pirni, 803. For this church cf. also Doc. ined., 202. 2 Published by Cesare Pasca in Giornale di scienze, lettere ed arti per la Sicilia (Palermo, 1837),

LX, 41-44; and incompletely in Pirri, 799. The original has disappeared, but a twelfth-century copy exists in MS Qq D 8, foll. 77-8, of Bib. Com. Palermo. Both Dini, S26, and Pasca, p. 9, n. 3, and p. 42, n. 1, say that the ruins of this Norman church existed in their day near the Franciscan convent of Santa Maria de Cacciapensieri, near Cammarata. 3 Cusa, 615 and 716. 4 Cusa, 617 and 717. 5 Pasca, 41, wrongly dated 1101, ind. 13; Pirri, 801. 6 Pasca, 45, and Doc. ined., 64. Despite Garufi’s ‘correction’ of his text in Pulci, “Giovanni V Arcivescovo di Bari,’ ASS, xxx1x (1914), 414, n. 4, the original in the Cefalu Archive, No. 15, is erroneously dated the twentieth (sic) year of Roger II’s reign, and the third of William I.

7 Infra, p. 232. John attested a charter in Sicily in December 1157 (Pirri, 98), and consecrated the nunnery of St Lucy of Aderno the 15 May 1158; supra, p. 158. 8 Appendix, xvI.

194 | Augustinian Canons in 1141, but he was in bad odor in Sicily, for despite the reconciliation with Pope Innocent IT in 1139, Roger II forced him to share the see of Bari with the Anacletan Archbishop Angelus; this arrangement endured until 1151, when our Archbishop John V assumed sole charge of the

church.! It is very unlikely that a church at Cammarata would have been dedicated twice within twelve years by two successive Archbishops

John of Bari. Textually the forgery is an expansion of Lucia’s charter of August 1141. There exists a Greek and Arabic platea of the 7 January an. heg. 539, an. m. 6653 (1145), ind. 8,? which is a confirmation of the platea granted

Cefalt: in 1132. In addition, it is recounted that the monks of St Angel and the Holy Trinity of Mileto in Calabria had presented a Latin platea showing that they owned thirty-seven serfs in Sicily. These were added to the possessions of St Savior’s, and the Miletan abbey received their equivalent in Calabria. In April of the same year,? Roger II gave to the church the temporals of the town of Cefali and of the surrounding sea, with the income from both, free of all obligation. Likewise, he gave to St Savior’s two porphyry sarcophagi, in one of which he was to be buried, in the choir, to lie forever amid the psalmody of the canons. Roger also granted to the citizens of Cefalti exemption from import and export taxes and army service, permission to cut wood in the forests freely, and to be responsible only to the bishop’s court, save in cases of homicide, treason, and fellonta. This privilege to the burghers of Cefalt is taken almost verbatim from a previous grant of 1131,4 which, however, has no mention of the bishop’s judicial powers. In October of 1145, ind. 9,° on the order of the King, a commission of

royal justiciars determined the boundary between the lands of Cefalt and those of Gratteri, and gave the resulting document to Jocelmus. The Augustinian canons of St Mary’s of Bagnara, headed by Prior Arduin, grew restive under the tutelage of Cefali, and in April 1146, ind. 9, their case was tried before King Roger in Palermo. ‘Two related documents survive. In the first,® drawn up at the time, Jocelmus of 1 Ughelli-Coleti, vu, 619-22. The Codice diplomatico barese (Bari, 1897) does not help us locate John IV in 1141. 2 Cusa, 472 and 716; Caspar, No. 184; cf. Garufi in ASS, xurx (1928), 63. 3 Pirri, 800; Caspar, No. 194. 4 Gregorio, Considerazioni, Lib. u, c. 7, n. 19; edn. 1831, 1, 545-6; Caspar, No. 70. This consti-

tution gives the church of Cefald an option on property in the city, provided it offers as good a price as do other bidders. This may account for the deeds of sale by one citizen to another ‘licentia domini episcopi’ in Doc. ined., 165 and 228; cf. 242. But Spata, Diplomi grect (1871), 77, has a Greek deed, drawn up in Messina, selling property in Cefalu without mention of the bishop. 5 Doc. ined., 57; Caspar, No. 202. 6 Pirri, 800; Caspar, No. 204.

St Savior’s of Cefalu 195 Cefalii records that Roger decided in his favor, and that each of the brethren of Bagnara swore obedience to him and to his successors. In the second, drawn up the next month,' Prior Arduin admits that since

1130 Cefalii has been the mother-church of Bagnara, and promises per- | petual obedience. The document is signed by all the brethren of Bagnara, totalling thirty-five, including Arduin. This rebellion at Bagnara left no resentment at Cefalt: on the contrary, when Jocelmus died shortly thereafter the canons thought that the energetic Prior Arduin would make an excellent bishop. So in 1150, ind. 13,2 ‘Harduinus dei gratia cephaludi humilis electus’ recei1ved some

land at Pantano, near Rocella, from a certain Aychard. Arduin appears later in the same year, ind. 14,° and is last heard of in 1156, ind. 4.4 He was followed by Daniel, whose incumbency was very brief. Only one document names him: late in 1157, ind. 6,5 at the request of Raynald

of Tusa, a royal justiciar, he gave the church of St Mary of Monte Maggiore to the monastery of Cluny, on condition of payment by the Cluniac priory of St Mary de Jummariis of Sciacca® of an annual census. This donation must have been one of Daniel’s last acts: his successor, Boso, was in office by December of that year, ind. 6.7. After over a year

of silence, we have two documents mentioning this Boso in January of

2 1159, ind. 7. In the first, on the 20th of the month,® Raynald of Tusa and Maio, by order of King William, conduct an inquest to settle a boundary near Pollina disputed between Boso and Gilbert, elect of Lipari-Patti. In the second,® with every protestation of obedience and affection, Boso gives to ‘Reuerendus in Christo Pater Robertus Messanensis Ecclesiae uenerabilis Archiepiscopus’ and to ‘mater nostra Ecclesia Messanensis’ a hospice and vineyard in Cefalt, together with exemption from import and export, buying and selling taxes; for all of which Mes1 Not May 1147, ind. 10, as has Doc. ined., 59; cf Caspar, No. 205. The close relations between the two houses is shown by the fact that Bernard, cellarer of Cefali, was a canon of Bagnara, which had its own cellarer, named Peter. 2 Doc. ined., 62; Pirri, 801; cf. supra, p. 192, n. 7. 3 Pasca, op. cit., 41, and Pirri, 801; cf. supra, p. 193, n. 5. 4 Doc. ined., '76; supra, p. 192, n. 8. 5 A. Bruel, Recueil des chartes de l’ abbaye de Cluny (Paris, 1894), v, 538, from the sealed original. Bishop-elect Boso has added a line in confirmation. A Daniel appears among the canons of Bagnara in 1146; cf. Doc. ined., 62. 6 Supra, p. 151. 7 Pirri, 98. Boso is found in 1150 as Arduin’s cellarer. Pirri, 801, reads ‘Cancellarius,’ but the

contemporary copy in MS Qq D 8, fol. 86, of the Bib. Com. Palermo reads ‘cellerarius.’ Pirri himself, on the same page also declares Boso to have been cellarer, as do the canons about 1170; cf. Doc. ined., 107. He was not, as Pirri thinks, Boso de Gorram, who was another canon; cf. Starrabba, Dipl. Messina, 21-2. 8 Doc. ined., 81.

9 Starrabba, 21.

196 Augustinian Canons sina is to pay to St Savior’s an annual census of three pounds of incense. The document is interesting as showing the persistent assertion by both Cefalt: and Messina of ranks not recognized by Rome.

Perhaps in 1164! Boso gave a warehouse (‘apoteca’) in Cefali to John, son of Paganus, in hereditary right, upon payment of a census of twenty taris a year. Sometime in 1166? Alexander III issued a bull making Nicholas of Messina an archbishop, and creating the sees of Cefalt and Lipari-Patti to be his suffragans, the bishops of which should be consecrated by him. There was a certain delay in Boso’s consecration. At some time after August of the same year, ind. 15,? a certain Martin of Bisignano, in presenting to Cefalt a church of St Dominica at Polizzi, built by him, refers to Boso as ‘electus,’ while calling Nicholas ‘archiepiscopus Messane.’ The consecration, however, occurred before the 15 December, ind. 15,4 when Boso signs himself ‘primus cephaludi episcopus’ (Jocelmus turns in his grave!) while permitting William of Cammarata to build, at his own expense, a mill on the land of St Mary’s of Cammarata, giving the bishop half the income from the mill. On the 23 November 1169, ind. 3, pontif. 11,5 Alexander ITI confirmed to Bishop Boso his episcopal dignity and a number of the possessions of

Cefalt. The Pope repeated this verbatim on the 9 April 1171, ind. 4, pontif. 12,6 with an enumeration of the cities of the diocese added, and

a statement that the bishop of Cefalt was to have complete spiritual control over all churches within that area, no matter to whom they owed temporal obedience. Despite Cefalt’s new hold on the papal affections, it was losing the favor of the Sicilian court. It had been Roger IL’s pet foundation; but William I had few religious interests, and in the early years of William IT the schemes of Queen Margaret’s monastery of Maniace, of Walter Offamil’s new cathedral at Palermo, and above all, of the tremendous new abbey of Monreale, robbed Cefalti: of its preeminent place in the royal affections. Symptomatic of this changed atmosphere is a petition pre1 Doc. ined., 89. If the date 1164 noted on the reverse of the diploma be correct, Boso’s title in the missing incipit, which Garufi supplies, was not episcopus, but electus. Johannes de Pagano signed a charter in March 1191; cf. cbid., 243. 2 Not in JL; Starrabba, 25. Confirmed in April 1198 by Innocent III; cf. cbid., 49. 3 Garufi, Doc. ined., 95. The indiction xvi of Garufi’s text is a misprint.

4 Ibid., 93. The original is dated 1167. Jordan, in Moyen dge, xxxiv (1923), 42, n. 2, prefers to change the indiction from 15 to 1 rather than assume that the September epoch was used. 5 JL, No. 11653; Doc. ined., 113; Pflugk-Harttung, Iter ctalicum (Stuttgart, 1883), 270; P. Kehr, ‘Papsturkunden in Sizilien,’ 316.

6 JL, No. 11887; Pirri, 801-2; Arch. Stato, Tab. Cefali, No. 16, has a bull dated 1169 forged on the basis of this. Cf. P. Kehr, op. cit., 323.

St Savior’s of Cefalu 197 sented to the Queen Mother and the King some time before the latter arrived ‘ad uiriles annos,’! in which the canons of Cefali beg that the two sarcophagi which Roger II had given the church in 1145 for his own entombment, and that of his successor, be not removed. According to this document, William I had promised to transfer his father’s body from Palermo to Cefalt, and had planned to be buried there himself. The petition was unavailing, and Roger’s plan to make of Cefalt the sepulchre of his dynasty was frustrated. The first Norman king lies in his porphyry coffin in the Palermitan cathedral, while his successors rest at Monreale. There survive several incidental documents of Boso’s pontificate. The

most important is a new ‘constitution’ for the citizens of Cefali. His title of episcopus puts it after August of 1166.2 The charter established a minute tariff for the slaughtering of animals (scannatura), regulated the charges for baking and milling, and decreed that the burghers might keep any rabbits they caught in their own vineyards. In 1167? Bishop Boso permitted a Peter of Tolosa (Toulouse?) to found a hospital of st Nicholas in Polizzi, and in September of the same year, ind. 1,* he confirmed to Robert of San Giovanni the management of the churches of Collesano and Polizzi. In June 6676 (1168), ind. 1,5 we find a royal inquest to determine the properties of the church of St Savior in Capizzi, which had been rebuilt and given to Cefalt by a notary named Rapaldus.

In January 1172, ind. 5, regni 6,° Bishop Boso, to avoid further litigation, granted the patronage of the church of St Philip in Polizzi, built and endowed by Maurus Blancabarba, to Maurus’s son Roger and his heirs, on condition that a priest be maintained at the church, that its property be kept up, and that St Savior’s of Cefali receive a census of a pound of incense and another of wax. Boso last appears in a donation by William IT in 1172, regni 7,” of some land to the monastery of St 1 Doc. ined., 106 dates it 1169 (?). Pirri, 802, cites it as of 1172. Margaret’s regency ended between March and the 27 June 1171; cf. Chalandon, 1, 351. Jordan, op. cit., 37, n. 2, conjectures that Roger m and William I had hesitated to be buried in a church which, as we have seen, suffered from papal disfavor until 1166. 2 Doc. ined., 78, accepts the date 1157, noted on the back of the parchment. Garufi, zbid., 80, believes that an inventory of vestments and liturgical objects extant at Cefali was compiled under Boso.

8 Mentioned in Pirri, 831. In the late eighteenth century Dini, §34, says he failed to find this document, which is still missing. * Doc. ined., 100; and cf. 173 and 202. 5 G. Spata, Perg. greche, 437; Cusa, 484 and 723.

6 Doc. ined., 146. The original, in the Cefali Archive, No. 23, is dated 1171. K. A. Kehr’s assertion (Urkunden, 305) that after about 1131 the Florentine style was not used in Sicily, is refuted by Chalandon in Moyen dge, xv1 (1903), 307.

7 Pirri, 802.

198 Augustinian Canons Lucy at Syracuse, an obedience of Cefalt. He is not mentioned in a diploma of July 1173, ind. 6, regni 8,1 in which the chapter of canons received a certain Peter of Caltavuturo into their number; but since Peter’s concubine and sons claimed a part of his house in that city, the chapter surrendered to them all his other property, and took the house. Mongitore? reports that a certain John was bishop of Cefalt in 1171. But we have just seen that Boso was still alive after the 7 May 1172, and I have been unable to find any John in the documents of this period. There seems, however, to have been an unusually long vacancy. The canons chose their cellerarius, Guido, to be the next bishop, and fortunately a document survives from the interval between his nomination and his formal election. In 1175, ind. 8,23 Richard, a former canon of

~ Cefalt, who had been disorderly, and had left the chapter, being in a penitent mood threw himself ‘ad pedes domini Guidonis ecclesie chephaludi cellerarii atque tocius eiusdem ecclesie conuentus,’ and graciously

received from them a life tenure of the church of St Lucy of Mistretta, on condition that he should leave all his property to the church at his death. Meanwhile Guido’s nomination had been announced to the King, who, on the 25 June, ind. 8,* permitted the canons of Cefalu to elect him bishop. Our most detailed knowledge of the holdings of Cefalii comes from a

confirmation by Alexander III to Bishop Guido on the 25 April 1178, ind. 11, pontif. 9,5 when the latter was attending the Third Lateran Council.® Pirri’s defective text may be corrected from Clement III’s verbatim confirmation of the 23 October 1190, ind. 9, pontif. 3.7. The Popes first enumerate the landed possessions: the city of Cefalt,® the casalia of Arsa and Polla,® and the gifts of the Countess Adelicia, that 1 Doc. ined., 154. In June 1176, ind. 9, Amelina, ‘presbiteri Petri quondam concubina,’ with her two sons Richard and Matthew, sold a little casale and cistern at Caltavuturo to the bishop of Cefalu, in the person of Blasius, prior of Caltavuturo; cf. Battaglia, Dipl. ined., 116, and ASS, xm (1887), 361-2. Apparently Peter of Caltavuturo’s irregularities were no handicap to his clerical career; for in May 1185, ind. 3, and again in 1191 he appears as prior of Cefalu; cf. Doc. ined., 204 and 245. 2 Pirri, (edn. 1733), 802. Two years later Mongitore in Siciliae sacrae celeberrimi abbatis netini D. Rocchi Pirri additiones et correctiones, editio secunda correctior (Palermo, 1735), 193, distinguishes between Pirri’s Guido de Anania and ‘Joannes, sive Guido Bevera.’ Dini, $34, does the same, but

on what ground? There was a Bishop John of Cefali under Henry VI. 3 Doc. ined., 161. 4 Pirri, 802-3.

5 JL, No. 13055; Pirri, 803; Original in Arch. Stato, Tab. Cefala, No. 19. 6 Mansi, xxu, 215. 7 JL, No. 16527; Doc. ined., 234; Pflugk-Harttung, Iter ttalicum, 321; Pirri, 803, with 1189; P. Kehr, ‘Papsturkunden in Sizilien,’ 332. 8 Cf. supra, p. 194, n. 3. 9 Cf. supra, p. 190, n. 5.

St Savior’s of Cefalu 199 is, the beneficia of Collesano, Caltavuturo, Polizzi, and Mistretta.1 Then come the churches owned by Cefali: St Lucy’s of Syracuse,? St Mary’s of Cammarata,? St Nicholas’s of Malvecino,* St Nicholas’s of Canrata, near Polizzi,®> St Mary’s ‘de Zibel Magno,’® St Iconius’s of Gratteri,’ St John’s of Rocella® and St Savior’s of Capizzi,° with all their possessions. The bishop is also to have the episcopal rights and tithes of his diocese, as defined by the archbishop of Messina.!° To the usual list of towns are added the Casale de Bacco and Monte Maggiore. Moreover, all the churches in the diocese, including the Premonstratensian priory of St George of Gratteri,!! are to render spiritual obedience to the bishop

of Cefalt, regardless of their responsibility In temporal matters. The bishop also has power to prevent his canons from leaving their order, ‘nisi forte ad artiorem uoluerint religionem transire,’ and to fill vacancies in the chapter, with its consent.

The tabulary of Cefali: contains, besides the charters we have mentioned, a number of documents of the late Norman period, which, although of little importance, serve to show the nature of the transactions in which the church was involved.

There is an undated donation!? to Bishop Guido, by a priest named

Paganus, of a church of St Christopher, probably in the diocese of Catania. In January 1182, ind. 15,!3 Robert of San Giovanni, whom we met in 1167 as the manager of the properties of Cefalt at Collesano and Polizzi, ‘*

returned to Bishop Guido the church of St Peter in Collesano which he

had held, together with its properties, and the offspring of the serfs given by the Countess Adelicia at its dedication in 1140.1° 1 We have no record of these donations. There was evidently a priory at Caltavuturo (cf. supra, p- 198,n. 1.) The church of St Lucy of Mistretta (cf. supra, p. 198, n. 3) may have been simply under the normal episcopal jurisdiction of Cefalu. 2 Infra, p. 203, n. 3; and cf. supra, p. 192, n. &. 3 Cf. supra, p. 193, n. 2.

4 Cf. supra, p. 192, n. 8. | 5 No previous mention.

6 No previous mention. Dini, $39, says it became a priory. 7 Spata, op. cit., 431, and Cusa, 481 and 718, publish a donation dated August, 6656 (1148), ind. 11, of the church of St Iconius to ‘the Holy Church of God of Gratteri,’ with no mention of Cefalu. The original, however, is in the Arch. Stato, Tab. Cefala, No. 10. 8 Cf. supra, p. 191. 9 Cf. supra, p. 197, n. 5. 10 Cf. supra, p. 189, n. 6. 11 Infra, p. 205. 12 Doc. ined., 98.

13 Ibid., 173. The original, in Arch. Stato, Tab. Cefali, No. 20, has 1181, stidus florentinus. 14 Cf. supra, p. 197, n. 4. 15 Cf. supra, p. 192, nn. 3 and 4.

200 Augustinian Canons In November 1182, ind. 1,! Robert of Collesano, son of the late Master

Bartholomew, assumed the clerical habit of Cefali, and transferred to that church three Christian and seven Moslem serfs, and properties near

Rocella. |

In September 1184, ind. 3,2 Guido gave a shop in Cefalt to a certain - Cantagullanus for a census of twenty taris every four months. In January 1186,? Guido regained for his obedience of St Lucy of Syracuse certain lands which had been usurped by a local baron. On the 15 March 1186,* after Guido had complained that the Countess of Collesano had forbidden pasturing and hunting on the lands of the church at Collesano, thus infringing privileges given it by Roger II, a royal justiciar, Roger Buxellus, confirmed Cefalt’s rights. An echo of the Third Crusade is heard on the 1 August 1188, ind. 6,° when Peter, son of Andrew Caci, departing for the Holy Sepulchre, made his will, disposing of his property to his relatives, but naming the bishopric of Cefalt: as legatee if they died without heirs.

On the 10 July (1189), ind. 7, Guido permitted Stephan the potter to tear down an old house on the bishop’s land, build a new one, and carry on his trade there; but he might not dig a well or have a garden ‘nisi hiemalem, de cepis, oleribus, et aliis et huiusmodi.’ In February of 1191, ind. 9,” Bishop Guido gave a vineyard to Arangia, a poor girl, at her marriage, for which she was to pay the church annually two pounds of incense. The next month,® the bishop confirmed to Gregory the Lombard the properties which he held of the church, and for which he paid twenty-two

taris thrice a year. Again, in April® he gave a house in Cefalt to the notary Matthew of Aversa for a rent of sixteen taris a year. Bishop Guido is last mentioned in January 1193, ind. 11,'° when, by 1 Doc. ined., 186; less complete text in Battaglia, Dipl. ined., 119. Original in Arch. Stato, Tab. Cefalu, No. 21, has 1183, the September epoch. 2 Doc. ined., 198.

3 Pirri, 804; infra, p. 203, n. 5.

4 Battaglia, op. cit., 121. I have not identified the privilege of Roger II to which this charter refers. 5 Doc. ined., 224.

6 Ibid., 232, with 1190, which is noted on the reverse of the parchment in a later hand. The original, in the Cefali Archive, No. 46, clearly has ‘Indictione septima.’ 7 I[bid., 238.

8 Ibid., 240. The original, in the Cefali Archive, No. 43, uses the Pisan style: ‘mense martii. Indictione. ix. Anno dominice Incarnacionis M. C. xcii.’ The Archive, Nos. 44 and 45, has two further documents with the calculus pisanus, in a script different from No. 43: the first is of March 1192,’ ind. 9, the second of April ‘1192,’ ind. 9. Cf. Doc. ined., 242 and 244. 9 Tbid., 244. Original with 1192, ind. 9: the Pisan style. 10 Thid., 253.

St Savior’s of Cefalu 201 mandate of King Tancred, the royal justiciar Roger Hamut settled a dispute over the boundary of certain lands of Cefalt' at Cammarata. Guido’s successor, Benedict, appears in August 1194, ind. 12,1 when he commands that the surplus income of the chief chapel of the church of Cefali be used to purchase medicine, sugar, syrups, and food for the sick in the infirmary. The various confirmations given in the early Hohenstaufen period to Bishop John, Benedict’s successor, add nothing to our knowledge of Cefali’ under the Normans, save for the mention of a mill named Fun-

deca, at Scillato, the gift of the Countess Adelicia.? | The cathedral of Cefalu, rising at the foot of an enormous rock which

juts isolated into the Mediterranean, is one of the most imposing shrines of Europe, and a worthy monument to its founder and patron, Roger II. Yet its architecture indicates the decline of its fortunes after his death.

In 1154 the great apse, with its mosaics, the choir, and the transepts seem to have been completed. The nave and west front were finished on a more modest scale under Roger’s successors and the Hohenstaufens.?

| Summary

Founded in 1130-31 by Roger II, and colonized by Augustinian canons from

Bagnara. |

Made a bishopric by the Antipope Anacletus II on the 14 December 1131; after July 1139 its bishop was known as electus, until December 1166 when the episcopal rank was restored. The possessions of the church of Cefalu included, besides the normal revenues from its diocese, at least ten churches, the city of Cefalt itself, the priory of St. Lucy of Syracuse, at least six casalia, and a nominal control over the

priories of Bagnara and St George of Gratteri. There were also a considerable number of serfs, exemptions, and privileges. Its bishops and electz were:

Jocelmus... 0.00... eee eee eee eee... 1130 to May 1146

Arduin. 2.000.000 occ cece cece ee eeeeeeeess. 1150 to 1156

Boso.. 0. ce eee eee eee esses... December 1157 to 1172 Guido. .......0...... 0.000000 00-02......95 June 1175 to January 1193

Benedict......0.0.. 000. ee te eee ee eeeeeee se. . August 1194

57-70. , JON. oe eee ee eee eee eeeeeeeee. Sanuary 1196

1 Jind., 266.

2K. A. Kehr, 474; Neues Archiv, xx1v, 227. Cf. Kehr, pp. 472 and 478; Neues Archiv, xxiv,

229; R. Ries, ‘Regesten Constanze,’ pp. 44, 45. 3 George Hubbard, ‘Notes on the cathedral church of Cefalu, Sicily,’ Archaeologia, tv1 (1898),

| AUGUSTINIAN CANONS Ill. THE PRIORY OF ST LUCY, NEAR SYRACUSE ()* thecuse, mainland, the island of Ortygia onsemi-circular which stands Syrathere isnear a church of St Lucy, the three apses of which would seem to be Norman. Its early history is very obscure and confused. Gregory the Great, in the last decade of the sixth century, refers to ‘monasterium Sanctae Luciae in Syracusana Civitate.”! By the end of the eleventh century it was again inhabited by monks, and in close subjection to the bishop of Syracuse, as we learn from Count Tancred of Syracuse’s charter of 1104, ind. 11 (sic) :? ‘illud quoque, quod Comes Rogerius predicte ecclesie [Syracusane] et episcopo

supranominato [Rogerio] de monasterio sancte Lucie per priuilegium suum dedit, Deinde Paschalis papa priuilegio suo eidem ecclesie confirmauit, ego etiam

fecit.’

post illud mea concessione corrobaraui. Concedo et firmiter assero scilicet episcopalem potestatem, et monachorum inibi habitantium debitam et promissam subiectionem; et partem Alfei fluuii Syracusani, qui dicitur fluuius de Pantano, cum terra ex utraque parte terminata, et molendinis cum mola communi, et piscationibus et aliis ecclesie utilitatibus quas episcopus Rogerius ibidem

We know nothing of the charters of Count Roger and Bishop Roger here mentioned. ‘That of Paschal II has also vanished, but was probprobably issued in October 1100, ind. 8 (sic), pontif. 2, when we know that Bishop Roger of Syracuse was at Melfi with the Pope.* It has been universally assumed that this monastery was Benedictine.* As late as 1190,5 King Tancred seems to have confirmed to Bishop Lawrence of Syracuse much the same rights which Bishop Roger had over it. In a charter dated 1115,° Gerald of Lentini gives to Abbess Macheldis, 1 Epistolae, ed. Ewald-Harttman, Ep. vu, 36, Vol. 1, p. 484. Its Abbot John appears in Ep. 1, 67, p. 87, and m1, 3, p. 160. The site of St Lucy’s was probably within the Syracuse of Gregory’s day. Cf. supra, pp. 11, n. 2, and 24, n. 4. 2 Pirri, 619.

3 Pirri, 843; cf. JL, No. 5841. 4 Pirri, 617; R. Ries, “Regesten Constanze,’ 45. 5 Pirri, 624. 6 Doc. ined., 18, and Pirri, 620 and 655, both with ind. 4, which probably rests on some copyist’s

misreading of ‘111’ for ‘vin.’ Pirri, 655, identifies this St Lucy’s with the church given in 1140 to

202

St Lucy’s near Syracuse 203 of the nunnery of St Euplus near Mileto in Calabria, the church of St — Lucy near Syracuse which he had restored after the defeat of the Saracens. Bishop William of Syracuse simultaneously freed St Lucy’s and its possessions from all exactions, while specifically reserving his normal episcopal jurisdiction and due obedience. Despite St Lucy’s subjection to a nunnery, it was evidently inhabited by men: our charter refers to

the ‘pii presbiteri uel laici inibi habitantes.’ It is said that in 1171 a house of Cistercian nuns was founded at St Lucy’s,! but I have been unable to find any proof of the statement. There is no evidence that St Euplus’s, which had a single abbess with St Mary’s delle Scale of Messina,” ceased to be Benedictine and became Cistercian.

It would seem, in fact, that there were no less than two monastic houses of St Lucy in Norman Syracuse, for in June of 1140, ind. 2 (sic),?

the Countess Adelicia of Aderno, granddaughter of Roger I, without making any reference to the rights of the nuns of St Euplius or of the bishop of Syracuse, gave to the bishop of Cefalti ‘ecclesiam sancte Lucie de Siracusia, quam progenitores mei fundauerunt, et ego de meis bonis a Deo datis decoraui cum omnibus iuribus, dignitatibus, et preeminentiis

suis, et cum casalibus Girepicii* et Cardinalis, Agulie et Mactile cum uillanis eorum.’ Probably the most generous progenitor of the Countess was Roger I, but how and when he founded this St Lucy’s we do not know.

The following year, on the 8 September, ind. 5,° at an inquest at which Gaimarus, son of Alfanus, yielded to St Lucy’s certain of its properties which he had usurped, we are informed that Archbishop Rosemannus of

Benevento was the rector of the church. This Rosemannus® was a Cefalu, and reports Gerald’s charter as ‘in tab. Eccl. Cephal.’ However he appears not to have seen the document, and is probably wrong regarding its location; for Garufi’s text is drawn from a copy of the original (?) once preserved at St Mary’s delle Scale, and there is no trace of such a

charter at Cefali at present. Pirri, 660, mentions without comment a Benedictine nunnery of St Lucy at Syracuse which may well be the descendant of the church given to St Euplus’s. 1 Catholic encyclopedia, 111, 791.

2 Supra, p. 153, n. 1. 3 Garufi, in ASSO, rx (1912), 353; Pirri, 655 and 799. Can the ‘de Siracusa’ be merely of, rather

. than ai, Siracuse? Pace, in ASS, xxxvi (1911), 38, n. 4, reports the remains of a large Norman basilica at S. Lucia de Mendola, near Buscemi and Palazzolo. There is no confusion with St Lucy’s of Aderno or St Lucy’s of Noto, cf. supra, pp. 157 and 184. 4 On which cf. Doc. ined., 150.

5 Ibid., 41. The duplicate originals in the Cefali Archive, Nos. 11 and 12, are both misdated ‘regni.x.’ In January 1186, ind. 4, Walter, Gaimar’s son, was forced to surrender exactly the same property to Bishop Guido of Cefala; cf. cbid., 207, and Pirri, 804. 6 Cf. Ughelli-Coleti, viz, 109-113; Marius de Vipera, Chronologia episcoporum . . . ecclesiae bene-

ventanae (Naples, 1636), 106 ff.; P. Sarnelli, Memorie cronologiche de’ vescovt . . . di Benevento (Naples, 1691), 94; S. Borgia, Memorie . . . di Benevento (Rome, 1764), 11, 193; JL, No. 8429; Caspar, No. 119.

204 Augustinian Canons schismatic prelate consecrated by Anacletus IT in 1134. After Roger II’s

reconciliation with Innocent II in July 1139, we are told by Falco of Benevento that “Rossemanus . . . de Benevento expulsus est, et miser ipse cum Domino Rege festinavit.’! No further notice has been taken of him. Naturally he sought consolation with the ‘bishop’ of Cefalt, whose episcopal pretensions were also an affront to Innocent. He appears to have been put in charge of St Lucy’s and to have lived there to a great age; for in 1172 a Rosemannus, without any title, signs a charter. ?

The church of Cefalii was populated by a chapter of Augustinian canons, and its obedience at Syracuse was also Augustinian, as is shown by the reference in 1172, ind. 5,3 to ‘magister Rogerius canonicus [Cephaludi] qui tunc erat prior sancte Lucie Syracuse.’ Prior Roger likewise appears in another document of the same date. Our last Norman document for the monastery is unique of its kind in Sicily: it is an Arabic charter, written in Hebrew characters, dated December 4948 (1187) ind. 6,° recording that, through the mediation of Prior Blasius of St Lucy’s,

the corporation of the Jews of Syracuse received from the bishop of Cefaltt a small tract of land for the extension of their cemetery, paying annually to St Lucy’s a cafiso of oil. In conclusion, it seems impossible, as yet, to disentangle the various monasteries at Syracuse dedicated to St Lucy. We may be certain only

of this: that after 1140 one such church was a priory of Augustinian

canons subject to Cefalu. 2 Doc. ined., 153. | :

3 Iind. : | 1In G. de Re, Cronisti e serittori (Naples, 1845), 1, 247.

# Cusa, 487 and 725; Spata, Perg. greche, 444; Pirri, 802.

* Cusa, 495 and 736, wrongly with 948 of the Jewish Mundane Era. Amari, Musulmani, ut (1868), 291, n. 4, dates it 1140.

| AUGUSTINIAN CANONS IV. THE PRIORY OF PREMONSTRATENSIAN CANONS OF ST GEORGE OF GRATTERI

4 ewPrémontré reformedabout order1120 of Austin by St Norbert at spreadcanons rapidlyfounded throughout Latin Europe. By 1133 there was a house at Todi, and shortly thereafter there were several Premonstratensian churches in Palestine.! St George’s of Gratteri, near Cefalu, the only house of this order in Norman Sicily, was founded by Duke Roger, Roger II’s eldest son,? who died in 1148.3 Duke Roger’s donation was confirmed by Innocent II,* who was recog-

nized in Sicily as Pope from the 25 July 1139 to his death on the 24 September 1143. Lucius II, whose short pontificate lasted from the 12 March 1144 to the 15 February 1145, issued a similar confirmation,® but unfortunately neither of these documents appears to be extant.® Our earliest document for this monastery is a donation by William I, dated July 6663 (1155), ind. 3,’ of 6 zuga of land (that is, 180 mod2z) in the region of Petralia near Gangi, with an adjoining pasture, rough land, and water. From a bull of Alexander IIT of 1178 to Cefalt: we learn that the prior and church of St George owed ecclesiastical obedience to the bishop of that city: ‘occasione temporalis obsequil, In quo aliis respondere noscuntur, tibi in spiritualibus obedientiam non audeant denegare,’® Who the temporal lord of the monastery was, we do not know.

In a Greek document, of c. 1160-1200,° Prior John of St George’s and a monk of the same name sell for sixty taris half of a house in the Kalsa of Palermo which had been willed to the monastery by a certain

Mark.

' 1 Heimbucher, Orden und Kongregationen, 11, 57. 2 Tancred’s charter, in Doc. ined., 248, and Pirri, 839.

3 Caspar, p. 569. | # Bull of Lucius III, infra, p. 206. n. 1. 5 Ibid.

6 There is in Madrid an inedited confirmation given the Premonstratensians by Lucius II; JL, No. 8534; ef. P. Ewald, ‘Reise nach Spanien,’ Neues Archiv, v1 (1881), 343.

7 Cusa, 360 and 720; text and Italian translation in Spata, Diplomi greci, 48, and Misc. stor. ital., xx (1870), 420. 8 JL, No. 18055; cf. supra, p. 198, n. 5, and JL, No. 16527. 9 Cusa, 98 and 722.

, , 205

206 Augustinian Canons Our most extensive information about the priory of Gratter1 comes from a bull of Lucius III given to our same Prior John on the 21 December 1182, ind. 1, pontif. 2.1. After urging the strict observance of the rule of Prémontré, the Pope confirms to the monastery the possession of the churches of St Leonard of Asinello and St Cataldus of Partinico? with their mills and lands, and of St Peter of Prate Gangi and St Nicholas of Gratteri with their holdings. Finally, on the 1 May 1191, ind. 9, regni 2,3 King Tancred, the bastard

of the founder of St George’s, gave its prior, Salatiel, the casale of Amballut freely. 1 Not in JL; cf. Pirri, 839, and P. Kehr, ‘Papsturkunden in Sizilien,’ 326. | 2 On Partinico cf. ASS, xuiv (1922), 4. 3 Doc. ined., 247; Pirri, 839.

THE SICILIAN CONNECTIONS OF PALESTINIAN ~~ MONASTERIES AND ORDERS I. BENEDICTINES A. THE SICILIAN POSSESSIONS OF THE ABBEY OF ST MARY IN THE VALLEY OF JEHOSAPHAT

HE grave of the Virgin in the valley of Jehosaphat, lying between TT; erusalem and the Mount of Olives, has been the site of a church, and intermittently of a monastery, from very early times. The early church was certainly destroyed by the Kalif al-Hakim about 1010, if it had not already fallen into decay. The indications are strong that St Mary’s Jehosaphat was refounded on an ancient ruined site when Geoffrey of Bouillon brought certain Latin monks to Palestine “quos, postquam regnum adeptus est, iuxta eorum postulationem in ualle Iosaphat locauit, amplissimumque loco, eorum gratia contulit patrimonium.’! In 1103 monks were seen there by Saewulf,? but three years later the church

was still in ruins.* Our first charter is a donation by Arnulf, Patriarch of Jerusalem in 1112, for its reconstruction.4 The church erected at that time exists intact at the present day.’ ‘The ‘primus abbas’® was Hugo, who is last heard of in 1116, although his successor, Gilduin, appears in 1120 only as electus.”

The congregation of Jehosaphat was the most aggressive of the nonmilitary orders of Palestine. As early as the 2 January 1113 it secured special papal protection,® and thereafter its possessions spread rapidly not simply in the Latin East, but particularly in the realm of the Norman

kings.

1 William of Tyre, rx, 9, in Rec. hist. crois., occid., 1, 376; PL, cct, 441. Cf. my ‘A forged letter

concerning the existence of Latin monks at St Mary’s Jehosaphat before the first crusade,’ Speculum, Ix (1934), 404-07. 2 Ad Merosolymam et Terram Sanctam, ed. Armand d’Arezac (Paris, 1839), 33. 3 Gesta francorum Iherusalem expugnantium, cap. 33, in Rec. hist. crois., occid., 11, 511-12.

*H. F. Delaborde, Chartes de Terre Sainte provenant de l’abbaye de N.-D. de Josaphat (Paris, 1880), 21.

5 C J. M. de Vogiié, Les églises de la Terre Sainte (Paris, 1860), 308. 6 Delaborde, 28; facsimile in frontispiece. 7 Ibid., 18.

8 Pflugk-Harttung, Acta pont. rom., 1, 203, No. 245; JL, No. 6336; repeated by Eugene ITI, 31

March 1151: Delaborde, 61, No. 27; JL, No. 9469. | 207

208 Palestinian Monasteries and Orders The study of the Sicilian properties and obediences of St Mary’s Jehosaphat has been greatly complicated by an outrageous series of forgeries, the responsibility for which seems to rest upon Stephan, prior of the Sicilian portion of the congregation of Jehosaphat from 1248 to 1259.1 Between 1899 and 1927, German and Italian diplomatists exposed, besides five documents not touching our study, no less than 21 forgeries relating to Norman Sicily: 6 spurious papal bulls, 7 false diplomas of the Norman kings, 5 forged privileges given by bishops of Catania, 2 similar charters of Count Henry of Paternd, and a document purporting to come from Abbot Hugo in 1106, probably also a fabrication.?

Our task is to see what information can be gained about the activities of the church of Jehosaphat in Norman Sicily from the authentic documents. We shall therefore disregard the following:

| 1. Papal bulls: Paschal IT, 3 January 1113 (Garufi, No. 9; JL, Nr. 6337). Innocent II, 18 May 1140 (Garufi, No. 55; Ardizzone, No. 10).

Innocent II, 18 May 1140 (Garufi, No. 56). ,

Innocent II, 18 May 1140 (Garufi, No. 57). Innocent II, 18 May 1140 (Garufi, No. 58; JL, No. 8096). Hadrian IV, 1 March 1155 (Garufi, No. 77, JL, No. 10003).

2. Royal charters: Roger II, 11 October 1144 (Garufi, No. 63; Caspar, No. 170).

William I, 1154-1166 (Garufi, No. 74). William II, March 1172 (Garufi, No. 93). William II, 14 July 1172 (Garufi, No. 94; Ardizzone, No. 15). William II, January 1188 (Garufi, No. 115; Ardizzone, No. 20). William II, January 1188 (Garufi, No. 116). William II, January 1188 (Garufi, No. 117).

3. Episcopal charters: |

Ansger of Catania, 30 September 1113 ives HO nO No. 1,

Ansger of Catania 1113 (Garufi, No. 10). Ansger of Catania 1124 (Garufi, No. 32). 1C. A. Garufi, ‘Il tabulario di S. Maria di Valle Giosafat nel tempo normanno-svevo e la data

delle sue falsificazioni,’ ASSO, v (1908). 178.

2 Cf. Doc. ined., 301-332; L. von Heinemann, ‘Normannische Herzogs und Kénigsurkunden,’ Tiibinger Universitdtsprogramme (1899); P. Kehr, ‘Papsturkunden fiir S. Maria de Valle Josaphat,’ Gott. Nachr. (1899), 338-368; P. Scheffer-Boichorst, ‘Das Gesetz Kaiser Friedrich’s II: De resignandis privilegiis,’ Berlinische Sitzungsberichte (1900), 132-162; K. A. Kehr, 338-371; Garufi, ‘Il Conte Enrico di Patern6é e le sue donazioni al monastero di S. Maria di Valle Giosafat,’ Revue de l’orient latin (1902), 206-229; Garufi, in ASSO, v (1908), 161-183, 315-349; C. Ardizzone Dziplomi nella Biblioteca Comunale ai Benedettini (Catania, 1927).

St Anne’s of Galath 209 Mauritius of Catania 14 July 1124 (Garufi, No. 30; Ardizzone, No. 7). Mauritius of Catania May 1134 (Garufi; No. 48; Ardizzone, No. 8). 4. while in March 1196 Constance reconfirmed it at the

request of ‘frater Willelmus de Sancto Paulo, magister domorum sacre milicie templi, que posite infra regni nostri limites dignoscuntur.’® We may assume that there continued to be a magister for Sicily, such as Geoffrey of Campiniaco was in 1151. B. Tux SicitiaAn Possessions OF THE ORDER OF THE KNIGHTS OF THE Hospital OF ST JOHN AT JERUSALEM

1. The Hospital of St John the Baptist of Jerusalem at Messina

That the Hospitalers had an establishment in Messina very soon after their separation from St Mary’s of the Latins of Jerusalem’ is proved by a bull of Paschal I, given the 15 February 1113 at Benevento 1 A Henricus de Bubio appears at Paternd in 1115, and he and Riccardus Bublii made gifts to Lipari-Patti in 1125; cf. Garufi, “Aleramici,’ 68, Nos. 2 and 3. In our charter of 1146, Henry gives his father’s name as Gerardus de Pentarica (a fief near Scordia). 2 Pirri, 933; J. C. Liinig, Codex Italiae diplomaticus (Frankfurt, 1726), u, 1641. 3 P. Kehr, ‘Papsturkunden in Sicilien,’ Géftingische Nachrichten (1899), 313; Pecorella, 61. “ An inedited Greek charter of 6702 (1193-4) in MS Qq H 237, fol. 5, of Bib. Com. di Palermo, refers to a vineyard ‘reuzoupéwy,’ at a place named Petritzi, which I have not identified, but which

was probably in Calabria. Cf. Ap., xu. 5K. F. Stumpf-Brentano, Acta imperit ab Henrico I ad Henricum VI (Innsbruck, 1881), 111, 711, No. 510; and cf. 11, 463, No. 5058.

6K. A. Kehr, 477; R. Ries, ‘Regesten Constanzes,’ No. 35. 7 Cf. supra, p. 217, n. 1.

236 Palestinian Monasteries and Orders to ‘Geraudus, institutor ac prepositus Hierosolymitani Xenodochii,’ taking the new hospital, and its houses at St Gilles, Asti, Pisa, Bari, Otranto, Taranto, and Messina under papal protection.!. This seniority gave the prior of the Messinese commandery an eventual preponderance over the

other houses of the order in Sicily.? © | There have come down to us three alleged donations of Roger II to the Hospitalers, concerning which there has been some confusion. The first, dated the 10 October 1136, ind. 11 (sic), regni 10 (sic),? has been

condemned by De Meo, K. A. Kehr, and Chalandon‘ as a forgery in the interest of the Messinese hospital. The other two are both dated the 10 October 1137, ind. 12 (sic), regni 11 (sic), and the two texts have never been properly distinguished. The longer version® is simply a clumsy amplification of the shorter text, and cannot be salvaged. The criticism of the shorter version® is a more delicate matter. Chal-

andon considers it a forgery because it claims to have been given at Palermo by the chancellor Guarinus, whereas in October of 1137 Roger II

was near Capua, and Guarinus died on the 21 January of that year.’ Kehr,® however, had already removed Chalandon’s objections by suggesting that the September epoch may have been used, and ingeniously reconstructing the garbled indiction and regnal year as ‘Mcxxxvit, ind. XV, regni vi,’ that is 1136. But more important: in April 1179 William IIT 1 JL, No. 6341; J. Delaville le Roulx, Cartulaire général de ' Ordre des Hospitaliers (Paris, 1894),

1, 29, No. 80. The bull appears to be authentic, and has never been impugned, so far as I know.

, However, the number of houses seems suspicious for so young an order, and the names of the scribe and all the witnesses, except Bishop John of Malta, might have been drawn from the genuine bull of the 2 January 1113 (JL, No. 6336) to the abbey of Jehosaphat, which formed the basis of the forged bull of the 3 January (JL, No. 6337).

Pirri, 931, asserts that in 1092 Count Roger’s foundation charter of St Mary’s of Mili, a Basilian cloister, mentions the Hospital of Messina. Pirri, 1025, prints a Latin translation of this diploma dated December, ind. 14 (sic) 6600 or 6590 (1091 or 1081, but a reference to Urban m1 puts it after

first crusade is fantastic. | ,

1087), but it contains no such mention. Naturally any thought of such a foundation before the 2 Delaville le Roulx, Les Hospitaliers en Terre-Sainte (Paris, 1904), 373 and 419 n. 2; Cart. gén.,

p. CXxxil.

3 Cart. gén., 1, 99, No. 119, with regni 11; Andrea Minutolo, Memorie del gran priorato di Messina (Messina, 1699), 4; Liinig, 1, 1635; Pirri, 931, 942 and 450; Caspar, No. 111. 4 De Meo, Annales, x, 45; Kehr, Urkunden, 336 ff.; Chalandon in Moyen dge, xv1 (1903), 304,

and Mélanges d’arch. et @hist., xx (1900), 180, n. 2. , . 5 Minutolo, 7; Liinig, 1, 1637; Pirri, 932; cf. De Meo, x, 79-80. Behring, Nos. 38 and 54 (the

latter wrongly dated 1141) both refer to this text.

for Guarinus. os 6 Cart. gén., 1, 103, No. 124.

7 Chalandon in Moyen dge, loc. cit.; cf. Caspar, p. 531, for Roger’s itinerary, and K. A. Kehr, 48,

8 Urkunden, 336. Kehr bases his argument solely on Delaville le Roulx’s text, remarking that

‘die alteren Drucke . . . sind abscheulich.’ -

St John the Baptist’s of Jerusalem at Messina 237 confirmed in the identical words of our charter the gifts and tax-exemptions ‘aui et patris nostri.’! Unfortunately for Kehr’s reconstruction of the date of Roger’s alleged donation, the Archivio di Stato in Palermo, Tabulario della Magione, No. 411, foll. 105 and 107, contains careful copies from the ‘originals’ of the diploma of the 10 October 1136, ind. 11, regni 10, and of the shorter

charter of the 10 October 1137, ind. 12, regni 11. Fine reproductions of the rotae of Roger II and of Duke Roger of Apulia are appended in each case, and the faulty indictions and regnal years are written out in full. We must therefore conclude that even the simpler of the texts of 1137 is a forgery. This does not necessarily prejudice the confirmation of William II, the authenticity of which is buttressed by a parallel order to the clergy and royal officials in the Hospital’s favor.? The forger probably learned from William’s charter that a grant by Roger IT to the Hospital had once existed, and intended to fill the lacuna in the monastery’s tabulary. The three versions represent successive efforts of an increasingly ambitious craftsman. The date of our fabrication may be set in the Golden Age of Sicilian forgery : the confused period immediately after the death of Frederick II. The longer text of 1137 was confirmed by Pope Innocent IV at Perugia on the 9 April 1252.2 The Biblioteca Comunale of Palermo has indications of transumpts and confirmations of these forgeries made in 1257,

1258, 1259, 1260, and 1305.4 But whatever our doubts as to the donations of Roger II, the Hospitalers certainly were established in Sicily during his reign. In Febru_ary 1147, ind. 10, Count Simon of Policastro, for the repose of his grandparents Count Roger I and Queen Adelaide, and his parents Count Henry of Paterno and Flandrina, presented to the Hospital of St John of Jeru1 Cart. gén., 1, 382, No. 562. No such charter of William I is extant. 2 Ibid., 1, 397, No. 584. 3 Elie Berger, Les registres d’ Innocent IV (Paris, 1884-1890), 11, 50, No. 5691; not in Potthast’s Regesta. The Palermitan Archivio di Stato, loc. cit., No. 412 (after fol. 224) has a very fragmentary

copy of this confirmation, without Innocent’s name or the full date, and with ‘Perusii’ changed to ‘Parisii.’

4 MS Qq H 203, foll. 237-41, contains an official transcript made in Messina for the prior of the Hospital there on the 12 April 1258, of a transcript made the 22 May 1257 at Acre, on the order of James, Patriarch of Jerusalem, of Roger II’s ‘donation’ of 1136. Ibid., foll. 242-43, has an official transcript made at Messina for the local hospital on the 11 January 1259 of one of the charters 1137 (text omitted). Ibid., foll. 244-46, has a similar transcript dated the 22 April 1260 of one of the texts of 1137

| (again lacking). | | |

Ibid., fol. 275, contains a confirmation made at Randazzo the 10 November 1305 for the Hospitalers of Polizzi of one of the charters of 1137 (text again omitted). _

238 Palestinian Monasteries and Orders salem “omnes res quas Osbertus de Sagona possidet mobiles et immobiles,

uidelicet domos, uimeas, agros, animalia cuncta penitus .. . ita ut priores et rectores ipsius Hospitalis ex eis quidquid placuerit . . . faciant.”?

In June of the same year Arnald, bishop-elect of Messina and Troina gave to the Hospital ‘quandam nostram ecclesiam Sancte Marie cum pertinentiis suis, que 1uxta Vaccarie (Ficcarie?) riuulum antiquitus sita est.’?. After the privileges of Innocent II of the 7 February 1137? and of Anastasius IV of the 21 October 1154,* such churches belonging to the Hospitalers were practically free from the jurisdiction of the bishops in whose diocese they lay. Andrea Minutolo® asserts that according to Romuald of Salerno Alex-

, ander III took refuge from Barbarossa in Messina in 1165, and issued several bulls ‘Datum Messane apud Domum Hospitalem 8. Joannis Hierosolymitani.’ No such bulls are now extant, but it is perfectly possible that the Pope may have stayed at St John’s when he was in Messina in November 1165: Romuald of Salerno® says nothing of it, but mentions that the cardinals who preceded Alexander to Messina sailed on a great ship belonging to the Hospitalers. The Messinese Hospital appears incidentally in a charter of April 1171, ind. 4,7 and three years later, in 1174, ind. 8,8 Odo Scarpa of Messina gave to Geoffrey of Andevilla, prior of the Hospital of Messina, a vineyard and a church which he had built in honor of St Michael. For this church Odo had been giving to Nicholas, archbishop of Messina, an annual census of a pound of incense, another of wax, and two rotulz of oil, for which the Hospital was thenceforth to be responsible. If a priest or cleric were not maintained at St Michael’s, the church was to revert

to Odo’s heirs.

After another three years, in December, 1177, ind. 11,° Roger of Aquila, count of Avellino, gave to Gebilinus, prior of Messina, the church of St John built on his lands near Adernd above the casale of Cannetum ‘cum totiis pertinentiis et lustitiis,’ and the church ‘in uilla ueteri1 S. Philippi, que est prope ecclesiam 8. Marie de Catania,’ besides 1 Garufi, ‘Aleramici,’ 79; Cart. gén., 1, 184, No. 172; Pirri, 933; Liinig, m1, 1639. 2 Cart. gén., 1, 136, No. 174; Pirri, 932; Liinig, 11, 1639. 3 JL, No. 7823; Cart. gén., 1, 101, No. 122. 4 JL, No. 9930; Cart. gén., 1, 174, No. 226; Liinig, u, 1641.

5 Op. cit., 4. , 6 Ed. W. Arndt, Mon. germ. hist., script., x1x, 434.

7 De Roziére, Cart. du S. Sépulcre, 295, No. 165, ‘. . . extra magistram portam que ducit ad

Sanctum Iohannem Hospitalis.’ }

8 Pirri, 934; Liinig, mn, 1643; not in Cart. gén. ® Cart. gén., 1, 358, No. 524; Pirri, 934; Liinig, m1, 1643.

St Lazarus’s at Jerusalem 239 a mill at Polizzi.! Finally Roger confirmed all the gifts of his grandmother Adelicia to the Hospital of Jerusalem. ? On the 15 February (1179-81), at Tusculum, Alexander III commanded the Sicilian and Calabrian hierarchy to permit the Hospitalers to make collections once a year throughout their dioceses.? | The next notice of the Messina house is a confirmation by the Empress Constance of January 1196, ind. 14, regni 2,* given to ‘Giraudus Magister Hospitalis Messane.’

2. The Hospital of All Saints at Palermo

The Hospital of All Saints, a commandery of the Hospitalers, was built by Matthew of Agello,®> one of the most prominent figures in Sicilian politics under the two Williams and Tancred. Pirri ® gives the date of its foundation as 1165 or 1170, but our only sure terminus is the death of Alexander III, on the 30 August 1181, for on the 18 May 1182, ind. 15, pontif. 1,7 and again on the 5 February 1183, ind. 1, pontif, 2,° Lucius III issued bulls to the master and brethren of All Saints, taking their hospital under his special protection ‘Alexandri Pape uestigiis in-

herentes.’ I find nothing further regarding this monastery in the Norman period.

C. Tue Sicinian PossEssIoNs oF THE Hospital OF St Lazarus AT JERUSALEM

The order of the Hospital of St Lazarus, located just outside the Damascus Gate of Jerusalem, devoted to the care of lepers, first appears shortly before the middle of the twelfth century.® Very little is known of its early history. Our only indication that it had properties in Sicily is to be found in the list of the census due to Agrigento,!° compiled between 1170 and 1176: “Ecclesia S. Catherine, que est in territorio Mele1 Later there existed at Polizzi a camera magistralis (Cart. gén., 1, cxxxii, and Amico, 944) called St John the Baptist de Ponte. Pirri, 830, says that Count Roger of Avellino founded it in December

1177, but the gift of a mill is hardly sufficient for such an assumption. | 2 Countess Adelicia of Aderné was living at least as late as 1161; cf. Hugo Falcandus, ed. Siragusa, 68-9.

3 P. Kehr, ‘Papsturkunden in Sizilien,’ 320, No. 14. 4 R. Ries, ‘Regesten Constanze,’ 45, No. 29. 5 As we learn from the bulls of Lucius ITI. 6 Pirri, 311 and 944. 7 P. Kehr, ‘Papsturkunden in Sizilien,’ 324, No. 18. 8 Ihid., 326, No. 20; cit. Pirri, 944 and Cart. gén., 1, 441, No. 653. Not in JL. 9 R. Pétiet, Contribution a U histoire de VOrdre de St-Lazare de Jérusalem en France (Paris, 1914), 58. 10 Appendix, xXXI.

240 Palestinian Monasteries and Orders sendini iuxta flumen Bellisii, quam tenet hospitale ecclesie S. Lazari de Hierusalem incensi libras 1i.’! The historians of St Lazarus’s claim that in later centuries the hospital

owned St John’s of the Lepers in Palermo, St Agatha’s in Messina, and hospitals dedicated to St Lazarus in both Lentini and Enna.?___Pirr1 men-

tions the three last,? but has no information on them. The hospital of San Giovanni dei Lebbrosi,* the charming little Norman church of which still stands near Palermo, seems to have been an independent foundation

in the twelfth century. In February 1219 Frederick II united it to the house of the Holy Trinity of the Teutonic Knights in Palermo, making no reference to any previous connection with St Lazarus’s.5 1 For the later history of this church, cf. Pirri, 736. | 2 Pétiet, op. cit., 68 and 136; D. Jannotta, Notizie storiche della chiesa e spedale di San Lazzaro di Capua (Naples, 1762), 19; P. Bertrand, Histoire des Chevaliers-Hospitaliers de Saint-Lazare (Paris, 1932), 77. 3 Pirri, 450, 584, and 674.

4 It seems very doubtful whether St Lazarus’s ever had more than a claim to St John’s. On the history of the latter cf. especially A. Mongitore, Monumenta historica sacrae Domus Mansions SS.

Trinitatis (Palermo, 1721), 186-197; also Amico, 1345; Caspar, No. 231; K. A. Kehr, 51; Cusa, 302 and 711; Il regno normanno, figs. 78-80. The still universal assertion that St John’s was erected in 1071 (e.g., cbid., p. 206, and ASS, 111 [1934], 213, n. 6) was long ago shown to be without foundation by Amari, Musulmani, 111 (1868-72), 118-119, 821, n. 2. 5 Mongitore, op. cit., 26; Boéhmer-Ficker, No. 974; V. Mortillaro, Elenco cronologico delle antiche pergamene pertinenti alla real chiesa della Magione (Palermo, 1859), 17.

THE SICILIAN CONNECTIONS OF PALESTINIAN MONASTERIES AND ORDERS IV. THE ALLEGED CARMELITE MONASTERIES OF NORMAN SICILY Pi... asserts that in 1118 the Countess Adelaide, from Palestine, founded the monastery of Sthaving Mary ofreturned Mount Carmel in Palermo; Inveges, his contemporary, repeats the statement;? and even as late as 1890 we find it in the work of Vincenzo di Giovanni,?

who also agrees with Pirri*t that the Carmelite nunnery of St Mary of Valverde (Vallis Viridis)® was founded in 1118, presumably by Adelaide. The date seems to have been drawn from a misinterpretation of archaeological evidence which has since disappeared. Lezana® speaks of ‘prima

erectio conuentus nostri maioris Panormi .. . anno scilicet 1118 uel circiter. . . . Pro quo extant duo antiquitatis monumenta. Alterum est inscriptio quedam trabi tecti etusdem Monasterii Ecclesie posita sub his

numeris grandiori characteri sculptis mM.c.xvi. Alterum, inscriptio altera cuidam Sepulchro eiusdem Ecclesie adiuncto sub his M.c.xxt.’ Writing in 1663, Vincenzio d’Auria’ corroborates the existence of the date 1118 on the beam, which he himself had seen before its destruction

in the rebuilding of the church a few years previous. Naturally these dates are witness only to the antiquity of the church, and not to the fact that it was Carmelite when erected. Similarly, in Pirri’s day® there was a breviary in the monastery of St Mary of Carmel at Sutera showing that the brethren had originally migrated from Jerusalem, and a brass pyx made, according to the inscription, under Urban II. The breviary is gone; Salinas has examined 1 Pirri, 302. 2 Palermo nobile (Palermo, 1651), 170. 3 Topografia ant. Pal., 1, 307, 316, and 451. 4 Pirri, 307. 5 Not to be confused with the Benedictine nunnery of much later date at Scicli (cf. Pirri, 687), or

with the church at Aci (Pirri, 592) containing a wonder-working ikon of the Virgin, on which cf. Caietanus, Vitae sanctorum siculorum, u, 284.

6 Joannis Baptista de Lezana, Annales sacri prophetici et eliant Ordinis Beatissimae Virginis Mariae de Monte Carmeli (Rome, 1645-53), 111, 546. 7 Istoria del crocifisso del duomo, 2nd edn. (Palermo, 1690), 88. 8 Pirri, 745.

| 241

Q42 Palestunian Monasteries and Orders the inscription,’ which reads: ‘Anno domini millesimo nonigesimo (sic) sexto (secundo?) tempore urbani tercii (sic!).”. Since no church is mentioned, and nothing is said about the Carmelites, it adds nothing to our discussion.

Finally, Pirri? reports a diploma, of ‘anno 1173, mense Decembris, ind. 6, regni Willelmi IT an. 6,’ in which Simon, a royal seneschal, gave | considerable property to the Carmelites of Messina. I have not found

this charter, but suspect that it contained no mention of Messinese Carmelites, and that it came into their tabulary at a later time. In fact, there can be no thought of Carmelite monasteries in Sicily before the very end of our period. St Berthold founded the hermitage of Mount Carmel sometime between 1155 and 1185.2 Moreover, it is improbable that there were any foundations of the order in the Occident before 1235, when, according to the best Carmelite tradition, houses

were erected in Sicily at Messina, Palermo, Trapani, Leocata, and Lentini.‘ 1In ASS, vit (1883), 136-7. 2 Pirrl, 447. December, ind. 6= December 1172, commencing the year on the 1 September. However, William II’s sixth year ended the 13 May 1172. 3B. Zimmerman, Monumenta historica carmelitana: antiquas ordinis constitutiones (Lérins, 1907), 269 ff.; D. Papenbrock in AASS, March, 111, 792. 4 Zimmerman, 210 and 295.

POSSESSIONS OF SOUTH-ITALIAN MONASTERIES IN NORMAN SICILY \ thethe course of ourrelations study we have had of occasion not only to examine incidental with Sicily such continental cloisters as St Euphemia’s,! Montevergine,? St Euplius’s,* and Sambucina,* but also

to discuss the holdings and properties in the island of Bagnara,*® the Holy Trinity’s of Mileto,® St Julian’s of Roccafallucca,’? Fossanova,® St Stephan’s of Bosco,® and La Cava,!° one of whose obediences, St Michael’s

of Petralia, was a monastery in its own right. Little remains to be said. In December 1148, ind. 7,1! Abbot Walter and the twenty-seven Bene- dictines of St Lawrence’s in Aversa, north of Naples, surrendered to King Roger the church of St Lawrence in Sciacca, and the casale of St Leonard

nearby, because they were too distant to be properly administered. There is no indication that the abbey was compensated. These properties seem to have been given to the Cappella Palatina, where Walter’s charter now rests. It has been stated!? that the ‘monasterium 8. Angeli Juniperiti,’ confirmed to Vallombrosa in bulls from 1169 to 1216,!% was in Sicily. I have found no trace of such a church in the island. The context of the papal confirmations would indicate that it lay in Northern Italy. 1 Supra, p. 105. 2 Pp. 124 ff. 3 Pp. 153 ff. and 203. 4 Pp. 169, 171 and 182. 5 Pp. 184 ff. 6 P. 191, n. 1. 7 P. 187, n. 3. 8 P. 166. 9 P. 167.

10 P, 135. |

11[A. Garofalo], Tab. Regiae Capellae, 17; Caspar, No. 160; cf. Pirri, 293 and 1358. For Abbot Walter cf. Caspar, No. 158. 12 T’ Italia benedettina, ed. P. Lugano (Rome, 1929), 369. The references are very defective.

13 JL, Nos. 11596, 12695, and 15604; Potthast, No. 5343. Cf. P. Kehr, Italia pontificia: IT, Etruria (Berlin, 1908), 93-4.

243

BLANK PAGE

APPENDIX OF INEDITED DOCUMENTS I 1095, ind. 3, Troina.! Count Robert of Aucetum gives Abbot Ambrose of Lipari thirty-one villains. Archive of Patti, Fondazione, 1, no. ant. 18 and 19, mod. 59: copies of 1319 and 1643 respectively.

In nomine sancte et indiuidue Trinitatis anno ab Incarnatione millesimo nonagesimo quinto Indictione tertia Regnante Comite Rogiero in Sicilia uictoriosissimo. Ego Robertus Comes Guilelmi de auceto filius pro remedio anime mee et pro anima prelibati Comitis Guilelmi patris mei diui recordii, pro salute Comitisse Matildis uxoris mee ut illam Deus ab infirmitate corporis liberet, danti

et concedenti eadem Comitissa Matilde ac etiam de uoluntate gloriosissimi Comitis Rogerii, probissime Comitisse Eremburge dignissimorum patris et matris

eius dominorum meorum, Ambrosio liparitano uenerabili abbati liberam constituo donationem triginta uillanorum, duos in Pactis, sex in Nasa, decem in Monte argiro, sex in Castronouo, et annuente Venerabili Roberto Traginensi Episcopo consanguineo sex hic Tragina et unum Iudeum cum filiis suis in Castello

quod Fatalia nuncupatur. Facta autem hec donatio in presentia coniugis mee Comitisse Matildis de nutu et uoluntate predictorum gloriosissimi Rogerii probissime Eremburge Comitisse hanc donationem laudantium et confirmantium, Roberti Traginensis Episcopi et Guarini filii mei. Robertus Comes de Aucetum. Comitissa Matildis. Robertus Troynensis. Guarinus Roberti Aucensis Comitis filius.

: II

6603 (1095) August, ind. 3. A judgement in a dispute over land between the abbess of St Euplus’s (in Calabria) and Condo Petrus. MS Qq H 237, fol. 12° of Biblioteca Comunale di Palermo. Latin translation made by Joseph Vinci, Protopope of Messina, the 11 April 1763 from the Greek text of ibid., fol. 11.

Mense Augusto Indictionis tertiae. Accusationem coram me proposuit Abbatissa S. Hieromartyris Eupli, scilicet, quod agrum habebat vicinum et con1 This diploma evidently records a gift made to Abbot Ambrose before 1089 when Roger I married Adelaide, his third wife. The Countess Eremburga, mentioned herein, was his second wife. The date of her death is not known. Cf. Chalandon, I, 351. Judging by the number of serfs given, Robert of Aucetum is identical with the Robert Mandaguerra found infra, mm.

945

246 Appendix of Inedited Documents finantem cum suo Monasterio, qui fuerat a publico dicatus praedicto Monasterio,

qui per Condo Petrum tyrannica manu fuit conversus in vineam quam et gubernat, et coram nobis constituentes Condo Petrum accusatum, et diligenter examinantes an vera sint quae ab Abbatissa praeponuntur, respondit dicens, veritatem non ita se haberi, sed ager ipse meus fuit, et a me possessus, Publicum vero qui agrum ipsum dedicavit nullum omnino jus in eo habebat, hinc his ab eo dictis, nosmet contulimus super faciem loci, ibique, uti divinae leges jubent, determinavimus Abbatissam nobis exhibere testes qui suam intentionem con-

firmarent, quod et fuit factum, atque nobis praesentavit testes fide dignos, homines frugi, qui haec omnia probe noverant, scilicet Joannem Gaidorophagan, et Presbyterum Nicolaum Gantecaelle, et Theodotum nepotem Drungari, quos

postquam advenerunt interrogavimus, quidnam scirent de agro, quem dicit Abbatissa, et responderunt dicentes quod vere ager, quem dicit Abbatissa, nos scimus, quod universitas dedicaverat Sancto Euplo, hinc jussimus eos jurare et confirmare quidquid dixerant, et acceperunt Evangelium ad jurandum, et rogavimus Abbatissam, ut ipsam vineam converteret suis sumptibus in agrum, Abbatissa vero condescendit ut agrum ipsum aequaliter divideremus, et ita

divisimus, et determinavimus, et Condo Petrus habuit partem orientalem, Abbatissa vero occidentalem. Haec omnia sic fuerunt judicata, observata, et examinata per me Gregorium Protospatharium Gannadu considerantibus nobiscum Principibus, scilicet Georgio Mabric, et Presbytero Petro, et Geosphre filio Malechosa, et Arcudio Steletano, et Helia Siculo, et Neophyto Munnera, et aliis plurimis, et praesens sigillatum fuit solita nostra bulla cerea Anno 6603. In-

dictione praemissa. ,

III 1098, ind. 6. Count Roger I confirms various donations of serfs and lands to St Bartholomew’s of Lipari and St Mary’s (of Caccamo). Copy of 13th century in the Patti Archive, Fond., 1, no. ant. 25, mod. 64. Copies of 17th century in Pretensiont varie, fol. 145, of the same archive, and in MSS Qq F 69, fol. 164, and Qq H 5, fol. 50 (at end), of the Biblioteca Comunale di Palermo.

In Nomine Patris et Filii et Spiritus Sancti Amen. Ego Rogerius magnus Comes Sicilie ac Calabrie pro redemcione anime mee omniumque parentum meorum, firmo, firmandoque concedo absque ulla contradictione alicuius mortalis Sancte Marie et Sancto Bartholomeo de insula liparitana triginta rusticos, et unum, quos Robertus manda guerra dedit Sancte Marie, et Sancto Bartholomeo. Unus quorum rusticorum est murarius. Adam quoque andegauensis duos rusticos supranominatis sanctis dedit. Guilelmus malet unum dedit. Stephanus mala conuentio unum. Salomon filius Guigonis unum. Preterea supranominatus Robertus mandra guerra cenobio Sancti Bartholomei insule liparitane totam terram que continetur inter fontem qui currit

Appendix of Inedited Documents QA7 ad Calcariam, et uiam qua tenditur ad Agrigentum, et flumen usque ad Montem Cacumina concedit, et uineam que est iuxta uineam Salomonis, tresque domos, que sunt iuxta monasterium Sancte Marie. Testibus horum donorum supradictis existentibus Salomone, Stephano, Adamo, preter hos Briencio de claudo dapifero, Goffredo de malet, Goffredo ridel, Maugero comitis filio, Reginaldo comitis cappellano, Guilelmo archino. Ego autem Comes Rogiero (sic) omnibus meis baronibus seu futuris heredibus mels commando ne aliquis contra hance cartam

sigillo meo sigillatam insurgat. Quod firmatum est a me nemo infringat. Facta est autem hec concessio et hec affirmatio Anno ab incarnatione domini millesimo nonagesimo octauo. Inditione sexta.

IV 6609 (1100-01), ind. 9.

Geoffrey Burrel gives Abbot Ambrose of St Bartholomew’s the place of Santa Lucia, and several serfs. The Greek original is not extant. The following Latin version was made for a confirmation of the 26 June 1270, ind. 13, the original of which is in Pretensioni varie, fol. 7, of the Patti Archive.

In nomine patris et filii et sancti spiritus. Amen. Propter deum et sanctam dei genitricem et sanctos ac sanctum Bartholomeum et ob reuerenciam domini nostri Comitis, et pro remissione eius peccatorum et meorum genitorum et pro salute mee anime donaui ego Goffridus Burrellus tibi domino Ambrosio abbati sancti Bartholomei locum sancte Lucie, cuius diuisio sic iacet. Secundum quidem occidentalem partem diuisio sancti Philippi et diuidit ipsam diuisionem et proficit in casale diauolii, et diuidit ipsam diuisionem flomara, et ascendit flomaram, et incipit a ualle ubi est calcara, et a calcara proficit in cristam et sicut ascendit ula iuxta diuisionem domini Gisberti et ascendit sursum in capite primi montis et proficit in diuisionem domini Oddi et ascendit uiolum et proficit in cristam et ex crista in parum montem medium et in locum ubi est pantanum, et de pantano in montem qui est e contra et proficit in flomaram et a flomara in rupem et ascendit in capite magne criste et proficit in magnam flomaram ubi sunt molendina, et descendit flomaram in sanctam Luciam et a sancta Lucia in

diuisionem sancti Philippi ubi inicium factum est. Donaui eciam uobis et agarenos quatuor. Epinalym et filios, Aptolganum cum filiis, Omorum cum filiis, Omorssum cum filiis. Hoc donaui cum mandato domini mei Comitis, et cum testibus qui inuenti sunt, Osberto de Soreuera, qui secundum tempus erat biscontus, et Odro de sancto polo, et Nichita biscomite Milacii, et Theodoro milite et notario, et Iohanne moto (?) et chaltino, et theodoro matera, et oliuero et fulcone et oprro (?) montifortis, et aliis pluribus testibus et monachis existentibus Coraine abbate adranopolis,! et Carberto et guisalmo. Scriptum autem per manus Philippi notarii. Anno sexmillesimo sexcentesimo nono, Indicione nona. 1 Not identified.

,V

248 Appendix of Inedited Documents

1105, February, ind. 13. Hugo of Creun exchanges certain serfs and a vineyard at Sichro with Abbot Ambrose of Lipari, receiving compensation at Geraci. Original in Patti Archive, Fond., 1, no. ant. 28, mod. 67; partial copy of 17th century, ant. 27, mod. 66, and of 18th century in MS Qq G 12, fol. 46, of Bib. Com. Palermo.

In nomine patris et filii et spiritus sancti. Anno ab incarnatione domini millesimo centesimo quinto indictione tertia decima mense februario simone sicilie et calabrie consule existente, roberto autem messane tragineque presule. Ego hugo credonensis domino anbrosio (sic) lipparis primo abbati .x. uillanos cum omnibus sibi pertinentibus in casale quod uocatur sichro pro totidem quos habebat supradictus abbas in uilla geratii cum omnibus hereditatibus eorum et uineam meam quam habebam ad casale pro uineis suis de geratio quas habebat in dominio suo cambsi, et de terra mea et nemoribus meis dedi concessi libere et absolute supradicto abbati elusque successoribus in perpetuum. Pro anima rogerll comitis et mei meeque uxoris filiorumque meorum et omnium parentum meorum pascua terre communia erunt excepto quod si glans in terra mea uel in terra abbatis fuerit quisque iusta uelle suum de porcis alterius in nemore suo habebit. ‘Tamen edificabunt ecclesiam cum mansionibus in terra quam dedi, hoc pacto quod si ibi fortitudo fuerit, salua fidelitate ecclesie, homines illius loci

que iuste iuranda sunt mihi iurabunt. Daiuisio uero terre quam dedi hec est. Grandis caua que ascendit de flumine geratii sursum iusta montem cauisti et uallem girando per pedem ipsius montis et aliorum montium, ascenditque sursum ad collem inter duos altiores montes, uaditque per cauulam que inde

descendit ad riuulum iusum, inde transit recte monticulum inter duos riuulos ad caput riuuli qui descendit desursum sub casali nostro, sequiturque ipsum riuulum usque ad piros sursum contra monticulum qui est in capite

, sepulturarum, inde descendit ad duos lapides grandes et transit riuulum in uia sancti (sic) cosme et damiani, tenetque ipsam uiam usque ad primum montem, transitque ipsum montem recte ad cauam de firteia usque pedem magni montis, inde descendit per diuisionem terre domini hugonis et Wmi graterie ad flumen asini caditque ultro in ula fracica usque ad cauam que diuidit nostram terram usque ad flumen pole. -+ Huius rei testes ipse dominus Hugo qui dedit terram. -+- Matheus frater eius. ++ Ambrosius abbas. -+ Serlo prior catanie. -+ Blancardus monachus. -+ Ascelinus monachus. -+ Hugo monachus. -+ Ricardus

monachus. -+Iohannes monachus. -+ Hamo canonicus qui scripsit hane cartam. -+ Ranulfus canonicus. -+ Ricardus paganellus. ++ Ranulfus de baocis. Hoc donum quod continetur in ista carta concessit Adelaidis comitissa.

Nicholao teste camerario. Hugone de puteolis. Ricardo de monte cenio. Rafredo de nasa.

, VI

Appendix of Inedited Documents 249

6614 (1105), 21 November, ind. 14, and 1130, 14 December, ind. 9. Achi of Vizzini gives Abbot Ambrose of Lipari-Patti lands at Vizzini called Licodia. The Patti Archive, Fond., 1, no. ant. 33, mod. 72, contains what may be the original of 1130. Ni. ant. 31 and 32, mod. 70 and 71, are 17th-century copies.

-+-In nomine Christi Amen. uigesimo et uno die nouembris, indictione quarta decima donaui ego Achinus de bizino omni mea bona uoluntate et meo placito sine ulla calumpnia et malo ingenio de mea terra nominatiue de bizino pro anima comitis Rogierii qui michi hanc terram donauit, et pro anima Iordani atque pro animabus omnium fidelium defunctorum et pro mea anima donaui istam terram, meis filiis consencientibus Charluuri, et Galduino. Taliter quod ista terra sit

omni tempore de sancto bartholomeo lipariensi, et sancto saluatore patensi, quod nullus homo sit qui eam disturbet. Et sic donaui eam domino Ambrosio abbati et aliis fratribus qui erant cum eo. Hec terra est nominatiue de licodia, que sic manet. a capite caue uadit in uiam francigenam uiam Fabariam, et postea uadit ad cristam incisam ficus saluatice, quam cristam pergit deorsum usque ad uallonem et usque ad terram albam, deinde usque ultra flumen. Et postea capit aliam cristam, et sic cristam uadit usque ad licudiam (sic) et usque ad superiorem fontem de fierio. Et omne istud donaui ego Achi de bizino pro animabus omnis Christianitatis et pro mea anima. Atque otridaui (sic, blank un copies) istud sigillum per monachos ac laicos. Per testes qui ibi fuerunt. In primo, Asmundus testis, Moruanus testis, Alam testis, Raul buturn testis, Picot testis, Roglerius frater domine et Roglerus nepos domine. Sex milia sex centum et quatuordecim, Indictione quarta decima, fuit scripta et odradita (sic) in mense et indictione suprascripta. Et ips[e] condonaui sex

uillanos. Hec sunt nomina istorum. Inprimo maaluf, bulcasem, soliman, azez, ali . . . sten et heorum heredes. ACHI DE BIZINO Et sciendum est hanc cartam primum grece scriptam postea uero latine. Inde

testes dominus Enricus de tirron, Arnerius de terron, dominus Albericus de cauals, Golferius, Presbiter aluerius, Sergius, dominus Rogerius burdon, Oddo de manso morin, bartholomeo filius adlam spiniac, arui baale, notarius leo. _ Factum est hoc ab incarnatione domini nostri Iesu Christi milleximo centesimo tricesimo, Indicione nona, Nono decimo kalendas ienuarii (sic). Et ego gregorius qui hoc sigillum et dictum manu superscripti achini condonaui scribens.

250 Appendix of Inedited Documents VII 1108 (1107), ind. 15.

The Countess Adelaide gives Abbot Ambrose of St Bartholomew’s the tithes of the Jews of Termini. , Original loose in Patti Archive, no. ant. 37, mod. 76. Copies of 17th century in Fond., 1, no. ant. 36, mod. 75, and in Pretensioni varie, fol. 8.

Anno ab Incarnatione Domini Nostri Ieus Christi Millesimo centesimo octauo, indictione .xv. Domino abbate Ambrosio ecclesiam sancti bartholomei feliciter gubernante. Ego Adelaidis comitissa sicilie et calabrie dedi ecclesie sancti bartholomei cum filio meo Rogerio decimas iudeorum qui sunt ad termas, pro redemtione anime mee et domini mei comitis Rogeriil, omniumque parentum

meorum. Huius rei sunt testes ++ Christophorus amiratus. -+ Philippus flamiger. -+ Robertus auenellus. -+ Radulphus beluacensis. -- Ego Ioannes tuscanus comitisse capellanus precepto domine comitisse et ortatu scripsi hanc cartam, et dedi illam in manu fratris Roberti arpionis coram domina comitissa. +- Signum eiusdem Adelaidis.

VIll 1108, 17 March. The boundaries of St Peter’s (near Castronuovo). Original loose in the Patti Archive. The Fego di San Pvetro la Fiumara, 1, foll. 3 and 6 of the same archive contain 17th-century copies.

In nomine patris et filil et spiritus sancti, amen. Anno ab incarnatione domini nostri Jesu Christi M°. C*. octauo x°. septimo die martii, uenerunt iohannes stratigotus castrinoui, Hubertus de micia, Guido de finulleria, Rogerius canonicus sancte Marie, Nicolaus presbiter, Hugo filius arnulfi, Landrinus, Gaytus bula mele, ad diuidendas terras sancti petri, et hoc precepto domini

Rogerii comitis. principium diuisarum sancti petri est castellonem (sic) et descendunt diuise per uallonem usque flumen castrinoui, et transeunt flumen et ferunt ad molendinum et inde ascendunt ad ficum fatuam que est super turonem et uadunt cristam cristam et ferunt ad alium turonem et descendunt et uadunt usque ad ultimum turonem de spina, et inde descendunt ad ecclesiam et descendunt ad flumen marineo, et ascendunt per flumen usque ad petram arenosam et inde ascendunt usque ad petram de oleastro et uadunt per cristam cristam usque ad petram edere et inde uadunt per cristam cristam et descendunt ad uallonem et uadunt per uallonem uallonem usque ad rubeam terram et inde descendunt ad magnam uallonem ad petram lamberti et descendunt per uallonem uallonem et uadunt ad uetus molendinum et ferunt ad flumen et transeunt flumen et ascendunt per cristam cristam usque ad magnum turonem qui respicit aperte sanctum petrum et inde descendunt usque ad uallonem handicritam transitum canerate (sic) et inde ascendunt per cristam cristam usque ad 1am predictum castellonem in quo clauduntur diuise sancti petri. 1 Qn the date, cf. supra, p. 87, n. 3.

| Appendix of Inedited Documents 251 IX 1121, ind. 12 (sic). Robert of Milia gives Abbot Ambrose of Lipari the obedience of St Sophia near Vicari, with its serfs, lands, and other endowment. Original loose in Patti Archive, no. ant. 53, mod. 92. Copies of 17th century in Fond., 1, no. ant. 52, mod. 91, and Pretension? varie, foll. 11 and 12.

+- In nomine sancte et individue trinitatis Anno ab incarnatione domini millesimo centesimo uicesimo i°, indictione xii*, presidente in sicilia rogerio consule filio rogerii magni consulis. Ego robertus milliensis pro remedio anime rogerii magni consulis et uxoris eius adelayde, simulque rogerii secundi consulis, omnisque parentele eius, nec non etiam pro remedio anime mee, et uxoris mee florentie, cunctorumque affinium nostrorum dedi in panormitana diecesi in ter-

ritorio bicarensi apud uicum, qui uocatur mezelchal, aecclesie (sic) sancti bartholomei apostoli liparensis in manu abbatis ambrosii obedientiam sancte sophie

cum uillanis xxii’, et terris quorum ista est diuisio. quemadmodum uia descendit inter amigdalas, et collem lapideum, et inde ducit ad uiam castelli cognomento chephalas usque ad fluuium et usque ad cauam, et sicut ego robertus milliensis perambulaui diuisiones terre simul cum testibus infrascriptis. Vineam etiam meam concessi eidem aecclesie post decessum meum, ea scilicet racione, ut quicumque de istis donacionibus aliquid aecclesie tulerit uel deminuerit (sic) quacumque occasione, coram deo et sanctis elus perpetuo anathemato feriatur. Signum roberti milliensis --. Signum florentie uxoris eius -+. Lucas filius annoni milliensis -+-. Guimundus diaconus canonicus bicarensis -+-. Lando sacerdos --. Willelmus de buxeria ++. Iohannes bone case -+--. Randulfus de

seminara -+. Gaufridus presbiter -+. Randulfus de noueuilla ++. Ego uero robertus milliensis dedi etiam munere perpetuo per unumquemque annum tarenos .C., et filiis meis impero, et commoneo, ut hanc et reliquas donationes, quas dedi huic aecclesie custodiant et conseruent lure perpetuo decimam

tributi rusticorum meorum. de data Mensis Augusti. Presidente in sede apostolica domino domno papa celestino (sic!) secundo.

| (a later hand has corrected: Calisto.)

X 1123, ind. 1. Rainald, son of Arnald, gives to Abbot John of Lipari and to St Mary’s (of

Tusa) certain lands near Tusa. Original loose in Patti Archive, no. ant. 57, mod. 96, 97. Copies of 17th century in Fond., 1, ni. ant. 55 and 56, mod. 94 and 95.

—- In Nomine Domini Anno ab incarnatione domini millestmo centesimo

ulcesimo tertio. Indictione prima. Regnante in sicilia et calabria Rogerio

Q52 Appendix of Inedited Documents comite, filio Rogerii magni comitis terre huius conquisitoris. Ego Raynaldus Arnaldi filius pro anima Rogerii magni comitis, ipsiusque heredum, et pro anima patris et matris mee, et pro anima fratris mei Hugonis aliorumque parentorum meorum, et pro salute anime et corporis mei dono et concedo Ecclesie Sancti Bartholomei apostoli liparie, et Ecclesie Sancte Marie obedientie ipsius terram

que uocatur manescalchia, et adiacet ad radicem montis, In quo antiqua tusie ciuitas sita fuit, 1uxta flumen. In presencia domini Iohannis Secundi Abbatis.

Cuius terre diuise he sunt. Incipit a capite sicut fluuius disiungitur a pede ipsius montanee, et facit summitatem ipsius terre gracilem, deinde fluit per planiciem, et circumdat ex uno latere totam eamdem terram, et uadit iusum ad pedem eiusdem terre, et ferit ad radicem predicti montis. Deinde incipit ex alio latere, et uadit per ipsius montis radicem, et ascendit sursum et ferit ad caput eiusdem terre, hoc est ad predictam fluminis disiunctionem.

Huius donationis testes idonei sunt. Ipsemet dominus Iohannes Abbas, Hengibertus Cellerarius, Goffridus Cantor, Iohannes Arcabitusa, W. Camerarius

qui hance cartulam scripsit. De militibus, Raynaldus ipsius terre donator et concessor, Iordanus bonellus, Walcolinus, Gotofredus, Matheus creonensis, ‘Herueus Sacerdos, Aimericus de rochia, Robertus de sancto iuliano, Robertus de auerl.

XI 1125, 30 March, ind. 3. Richard Bubly gives the church of St Nicholas of Comitini to St Mary’s of Butera, an obedience of Lipari. Girbaldus and Richard add to its endowment. Original in Patti Archive, Fond., 1, no. ant. 61, mod. 101; copies of 17th century in zbid., no. ant. 60, mod. 100, and Pretensioni varie, fol. 122.

+ Ab inearnatione domini nostri Jesu Christi millesimo centesimo uicesimo

quinto. Indictione tercia. Tercio Kalendas Aprelis (sic) concessit dominus Riccardus bublii simul cum nepote suo Henrico et coniuge fratris sui Guillelmi, Ecclesiam sancti Nicolai que est in territorio commecini, Ecclesie sancte Marie obediencie sancti Bartholomei que est Butherie, et insimul dedit uineam que est iuxta ulineam Ugonis: ex una parte ula mazarini, ex altera pomerium tuxta fon-

tem usque in pantanum. et terram que est ante Ecclesiam: ex una parte est terra Alberti, ex altera diuisio domini Girbaldi, usque in montecello qui est iuxta terram Lizar, ex alia uia butherie. Iterum dedit aliam terram que est iuxta montem terre zilloni usque in montem fornini per cristam que pendet usque ad petram que est supra uadum fluminis mazarini usque ad diuisionem domini

Girbaldi, sicut uia decurrit mazarini ex sinistro latere. Dominus Girbaldus et Gimarca eius coniux dederunt terram ab ipso monte in dextera parte ule mazarini, sicut diuisio est donni Riccardi usque in flumen et sicut aqua conuallium decurrit a ula mazarini usque ad flumen, et dedit donnus Riccardus due boues, et quinque scrufas, et unum uerrum, et decem oues, et unum multunum, et decimas panis et carnis et casel que comenduntur in elus mensa, et tres ulllanos

Appendix of Inedited Documents 253 abdelagit, mocatel et zeytone cum omnibus filiis et filiabus et omni eorum hereditate, pro mercede animarum suarum et omnium suorum parentum. Hec sunt signa que dominus Henricus fecit propter hoc beneficium re-

-sacerdos. |

tinendum, Marchio et filius suus Roclerius. Isti sunt testes Riccardi, Girbaldus, Allo, Albertus eius frater, Albertus clericus, et Albertus sacerdos. Testes Girbaldi, Riccardus, Guilelmus eius filius, Henricus de Rodino, Reynaldus

+- Signum Domini Henrici de Bublo, qui hoc constituit et confirmautit. + Aliud similiter signum Domini Gualterii de Garissio. -+- Signum donni Iohannis Abbatis qui hoc beneficium recepit. -- Signum donni Anselmi monachi. + Signum donni Angeli monachi. +- Signum Lamberti monachi. --+ Gandulfi domini monachi signum.

XII 1131, ind. 9, epact 20.

Robert of Milia sells some land to Abbot John of Lipari and Robert of Venosa Prior of St Sophia’s (of Vicari). Original in Patti Archive, Fond., 1, no. ant. 72, mod. 112; copies of 17th century in no. ant. %1, mod. 111, and Pretensioni varie, foll. 20 and 194; a transcript of 1948 is in no. ant. 73, mod. 113.

In nomine sancte et indiuidue trinitatis. Anno ab incarnatione domini nostri Iesu Christi millestmo centesimo tricesimo primo, indictione villi, epacta xx. Regnante in sicilia et in calabria, atque in epulia (sic) rogerio primo rege. Ego robertus miliacensis uendidi ecclesie sancte sophie quam ego edificaul terram que est ante eam, concedente uxore meo florentia, et filiis meis filippo et willelmo, atque roberto, pro unam mulam et unum equum et .C. tarenos, in tempore iohannis secundi abbatis, et roberti monachi et sacerdotis, cognatione uenusinus, qui tunc tempore prior predicte ecclesie erat, et bartholomeus (sic) monachus et leuita, qui mulam et equum tarenosque mihi tradiderunt. Ista est diuisio terre.

In primis incipit hee diuisio terre a torrente qui primitiuo finis terre ecclesie erat, per quem ula publica pergit que uadit panormo, et deinde ascendit per predictam uiam que uadit contra calata anneht iuxta lapidem magnum qui est iuxta prefatam uiam. Relicta uero hac uia ascendit quoddam pectus in quo acerui petrum (sic) sunt usque ad aliam uiam superiorem que uadit mesalchar uico, ac deinde transit per caput predicti torrentis ad lapidem qui est in medietate ule et exinde descendit per hanc uiam ad montis pendini pedem, descenditque per torrentum istius montis et transit uiam que ad ecclesiam uadit usque ad aliam uiam inferiorem et de intus diuisione terre est cemeterium saracenorum. Huius rei testes sunt +- Ego robertus dominus terre sum testis huius rei, et precipio filiis meis ut hance elemosinam custodiant in perpetuum.

Q54 Appendix of Inedited Documents -++ Signum filippi heredis terre. -+- Signum Wmi fratris eius. -++ Signum roberti filii erus. -+- Signum amelini sacerdotis. -+ Signum fulconis sacerdotis. -++- Signum gofridi de uico balloli.

XITI 1135, ind. 11 (sic), Jerusalem.

Abbot S(oibrand) of St. Mary’s of the Latins at Jerusalem assents to the settlement made before the King in Palermo, in the dispute between Bishop John of Lipari-Patti and Prior Falco of St Philip’s in Agira, that the latter monastery is to belong exclusively to the abbey of St Mary in Jerusalem, and that Patti is to possess the church of St Venera near Tusa. Original loose in Patti Archive, formerly bound in Fond., 1, no. ant. 79, mod. 119. The original of a confirmation of the 12 May 1271 is in Fego di S. Maria delli Palazzt, fol. 6.

- + In nomine patris et filil et spiritus sancti Amen. Notum sit omnibus tam presentibus quam futuris quod I[ohannes] pactensis et lipariensis episcopus et falco prior sancti philippi ante regem R[ogerium] sicilie et italie in palatio suo panormi deo auctore residentem conuenerunt, calumpniam de ecclesia sancti philippi inter se habentes. Sed annuente deo qui discordes ad concordiam reuocat, ante ipsum et per ipsum excellentissimum regem statutum et confirmatum libera concessione fuit. quatinus predicta ecclesia sancti philippi cum pertinentiis suis ecclesie sancte Marie latine ciuitatis sancte hierusalem libere et absolute et sine aliqua retratactione iure perpetuo in eternam remaneret et pactensis ecclesia sanctam ueneram que est in territorio tose cum suis pertinentiis possideret. Ego autem S[oibrandus] sancte supradicte ecclesie latine humilis abbas, ut diffinitum et confirmatum ante supradictum dominum Regem est, huic diffinitioni et concordie bona uoluntate assentio et ex auctoritate dei elusdemque genetricis sancte Marie et ecclesie nostre presenti priuilegio et sigillo confirmo. Quicumque autem hanc concordiam in aliquo uiolare presumpserit, perpetue matledictioni subiaceat, si non resipuerit et conuenienti satisfactione penitentiam egerit. Factum est hoc priuilegium communi assensu totius conuentus ecclesie

sancte Marie latine. Anno ab incarnatione domini nostri Iesu Christi Millesimo. Centesimo. Tricesimo quinto. Indictione undecima. domino WI[illelmo] patriarcha presidente in hierusalem. regnante rege fulcone feliciter.

XIV 1135 (1136) January, ind. 14. King Roger compensates Abbot David of the Holy Trinity of Mileto with Calabrian properties for the cession of the churches of St Cosmas near Cefald and St John of Rocella. Exists in a copy of the late 12th or early 13th century in the archive of the Greek College in

Rome, B.x. See supra, p.191,n.3.

Appendix of Inedited Documents 255 In nomine domini dei eterni ac saluatoris nostri Iesu Christi. Anno Incar-

nationis eiusdem M. C. XXXV. Mense Ianuarii. Indictione XIIII. Ego Rogerius dei gratia sicilie et italie rex, Christianorum adiutor, et... .[Rogerii mag]|ni comitis heres et filius. Sincere caritatis postulatio effectu debet prose-

quente compleri, ut et dilectionis exhibitio laudabiliter enitescat.......... postul........... Ideoque dauid monasterii sancte Trinitatis de Mileto uenerabilis abbas, cognitis tuis tuorum fratrum petitionibus, et eisdem iustis compro-

batis, assensum preb.......... petistis enim sicut ex facto cognouimus et memoria retinemus ut quedam loca tui monasterii iuri supposita quia longe sita erant, et ideo quasi inutilia, a te tuisque fratribus reciperemus et pro eis ulce permutationis uiciniora iterem[us]. Quod considerantes esse legitimum et statutis

canonum non inprobatum, pro tuo tuorumque fratrum honore et monasteril commoditate, recepimus a uobis ecclesiam sancti Cosme que sita est in territorio Cephaludis, cum omnibus sibi iure pertinentibus, terris cultis et incultis, uineis, siluis, pascuis, et decimatione Cephaludis et ecclesiam sancti Iohannis de rochella, cum omnibus terris, cultis et incultis, et triginta nouem uillanis, ad predictas ecclesias pertinentibus, pro quibus omnibus uiciniora loca et dicto monasterio tuo magis utilia permutauimus, et permutando concessimus, uidelicet tinturiam Bibone, sicut unquam uno die et una nocte melius (sic) habuimus, et Leonem rudeum cum tota familia sua, et heredibus et rebus eorum, et palatium Bibone. Et in pertinentiis Mileti uineam que fuit malgerii ad sanctum Heliam iuxta flumen de cemasto, et unam culturam quam ibi habebamus, et molendinum de da-

fana. Et in pertinentia de Umbriatico unam culturam que est ex illa parte fluminis de teriuter. Et pro iardino terram que fuit uinea de fuicerreis (?) cum canneto. Et in pertinentia Metiti uillanos quatuor, Calochurum de tirio (?), Nicolaum carnificem, Leo rochisanii, Filius theodori tauerniti. Et in pertinentia de Miliano uillanos quinque, Arcudium de pichinna, Filios Anne de drongar, Comita de azuno, Nicolaum de escalit, Comita de cartalla. Et in pertinentia de finbriatico, uillanos quatuordecim, Nichitam lombardum, Leo (sic) quicqua (?), Iohannem rodino, Leo filium tomarci, Vidua philippi pachi cum filiis, Filias calichuri pardea, Theophilactum filium de costa rodine, Calochurum de calogero. Filios Iohannis zappaturm, Filios petri longobardi, Nicolaum filium de costa,

Filios helene, Costa de......, Filios petri (?) pachi. Et in pertinentia sancti Martini uillanos sedecem (?), Filios pape eustachii, Filios Nicolay caloma, Filios Gregorii puturo, Filios politi, Filios furti, Filios marenzarii, Filios feraci, Niccolaum conterati, Filios cassir, Filios pedoracti, Filios theofanii, Filios carini, Filios aciti, Filios calixte monache, Filios Basilii calidonii. Hos prenominatos uillanos cum omnibus heredibus et filiis et rebus eorum, et terras predictas et uineas, uice permutationis sicut dictum est concedimus et donamus prenominato Monasterio, et tibi tuisque canonice succedentibus, tenendum, habendum, et perpetuo possedendum, et quicquid placuerit legitime faciendum, omni nostra nostrorumque heredum aut successorum uel baiulorum, seu alicuius humane persone contrarietate aut contradictione remota. Si quis uero, quod absit, magna humilisue persona huius nostre permutationis paginam uiolare uel interrumpere presumpserit,

sciat se composituram auri libras decem, medietatem palatio nostro, et aliam

256 Appendix of Inedited Documents medietatem predicto monasterio, presensque deceterum pristinum robur obtineat. Ad huius autem nostre concessionis et permutacionis memoriam, per

manus Guidonis nostri Notaru scribi atque tiparii bulla plumbea insigillari precepimus.

XV 1137, ind. 15.

William Bonell gives a vineyard to the church of St Mary of Caccamo, an obedience of Lipari-Patti, in the person of Bishop John. Patti Archive, Fond., 1, no ant. 113, mod. 151, may be a contemporary copy; no. ant. 112, mod. 150, is a copy of the 17th century.

+. In nomine sancte et indiuidue trinitatis. Anno ab incarnatione domini M.C.XXX.VII, indictione XV*, epacta (blank). Ego guillelmus bonellus. Si ecclesiis dei per totum orbem difusis locisque uenerabilibus studio debent beneficia prosequenti impendi, illis precipue qui pro peccatis nostris assidue uigiliis et

orationibus dei misericordiam inuocant, beneficia pie iugiter impendere. Eapropter uenerabilis pactensis et lippariensis Episcope Ioannes tuis et fratrum utriusque monasterii orationibus confidens, pro salute anime nostre, patrisque mei et matris mee, meorumque parentum, concedo ecclesie sancte marie caccauiensis obedientie sancti bartholomei lipparensis consensu uxoris mee sibilie et tranchredi fili1 mei uineam, que est in territorio caccauiensi perpetuali iure omni

remota calumnia. Cuius fines terminantur hoc modo. A platea magna, per quam pergitur ad casale riccardi capuensis, et pergitur ad finem qui est inter uineam predicte ecclesie sancte marie et uineam osberni et uadit ad chaos (sic),

et ascenditur ad summa montis, postea uero uaditur per summa montium et descenditur in fine qui est in territorio presbyteri greci, et pergitur circum uineam, et uaditur ad ficulneam magnam que est subtus uineam caloioannis presbyteri, et descenditur per sepem uinee et pergitur in uiam publicam. -+ Signum manus dominus (sic) W. bonello. -+ Signum manus tranchridus filium (sic!) suum. -+ Signum manus domina sibilia. Robertus filius raul subscripsit. Robertus de sperlingo testes (sic). Matheus filius aimo (sic) ducis

testes. Arnum baroni caccabo testes. Andrea montironem testes. Arnuns magistro (sic) testes. Walterius faber testes. Johannes indignus cappellanus firmiter testes.

XVI 1141, May, ind. 4. Lucy of Cammarata, at the request of Archbishop John of Bari, and with the consent of Roger II, gives the church of St Mary of Cammarata, with its posses-

sions, to Jocelmus Elect of Cefali. Forged.! 1 Cf. supra, pp. 193-4.

Appendix of Inedited Documents 257 Original in the Archive of Cefali, No. 10. MS Qq D 8, fol. 67, of the Bib. Com. Palermo has a copy omitting the description of properties.

Approbate consuetudinis apud fideles, et pie deuotionis est opus ecclesias et monasteria edificare, in quibus dignum deo seruire est. In ecclesiis enim benedicere dominum necesse est. Quia melior est dies una in atriis domini super

| milia. Legimus quidem dudum sanctos et beatos patres cenobia et monasteria edificasse in quibus pie uiuentes sedula oratione in celestibus habitationibus sedes preparauerunt. In terris quidem oratoria in celo autem lucidissimas mansiones edificauerunt. Quorum pia uestigia pro modulo mee quantitatis pia consideratione cupiens imitari, Ego Lucia de camerata dono dei, concessu et uoluntate domini mei gloriosi Regis Rogerii in territorio, quod est super camaratam, ecclesiam edificaui ad laudem et gloriam nominis dei et beate Marie semper uirginis, Cuius est ecclesie ipsius uocabulum, et omnium sanctorum dei, quinetiam ad honorem et laudem domini mei inuictissimi Regis Rogerii cuius ope, et uoluntate, constructa est ecclesia; hanc quidem cum pro remedio animarum uidelicet Roberti Guiscardi nobilissimi Ducis Apulie, et Rogerii strenuissimi Comitis Sicilie, nec non domini mei Regis Rogerii, et successorum suorum, et pro redemptione anime mee, et filiorum, et parentum meorum, ecclesiam edificatam, et ornamentis ornatam, amplicare uolui possessionibus postmodum cum uoluntate, et habita licentia a domino meo Rege Rogerio, concessu tamen ade dilectissimi filii mei, suadente et petente domino Johanne ueuerabili barensi Archiepiscopo, qui

ecclesiam ipsam consecrauit, de terris et possessionibus, quas eidem ecclesie donaueram in eius consecratione concessiones nostras presenti priuilegio confirmaul. Quidquid enim iuris et potestatis habui in subscriptis terris, et casali, et possessionibus quas ecclesie ipsi donaui, totum iuri et perpetuo dominio ipsius

| ecclesie resignaul, ut tanto prestantius ad profectum salutis nostre hoc nostrum | charitatis opus existeret, quantum ad maiorem profectum ipsius ecclesie proueniret pariter, et honorem. Diuisiones autem terrarum hee sunt, quas ei circum cameratam donaui. primus terminus: Rupis magna Iorfelcorumb dicta, de qua rupe ascensum dirigitur terminum (sic) ad terram motam que respicit ad casale ortusum. Deinde descendit terminus per collem usque ad uiam casalis gallinice, qua scilicet uia itur ad cameratam. Ab ipsa uero perducitur terminum

ad uallonem mancusum. Ab ipso autem uallone per descensum dirigitur ad margium Iohannis bugadir. Deinde ascendit terminus ad terram motam. Inde autem ascenditur ad rupem rubeam. Ab ipsa itaque rupe per ascensum ducitur terminum per collem ad planiciem in qua est fons et dicitur terra lanzalupi. Inde deducitur ad lapidem magnum. De lapide magno in altum perducitur terminum usque ad promontorium quod dicitur hasene. De hunc descenditur per collem usque ad uallonem. De uallone ipso transit terminum ad alium promontorium. A quo ascendit in altum ad sumum eiusdem promontorii. Ab ipso autem loco descendit per collem usque ad uineam ecclesie. De ipsa uero uinea deducitur termin[um] ad uineam Johannis de rosa, que coniugitur ule magne, que ducit ad casale ipsum ecclesie per quam uenitur ad uineam calichuri, super quam coniun-

guntur uallones concurrentes. Et deinde non longe adiungitur terminus (sic!)

258 Appendix of Inedited Documents cum clausamine uinee mee usque ad quercus, et inde usque ad uetus torcular ubi

est ficus. Ab ipso autem loco deducitur terminus ad duas salices, que sunt in uinea quam ego iamdicta Lucia ecclesie donaui. Ex quibus salicibus peruenitur ad alteras salices que sunt iuxta conductum aque deconcurrentis per chunzurram ad castellum camerate. Deinde itur ad uiam que ducit ad casalem rahaltauil, et

per ipsam uiam peruenitur ad fontem qui oritur in media uia. Hic itaque fons appellatur fons iudicis. Per ipsam uero uiam que ducit ad rahaltauillam deducitur terminus usque ad ylices et terram motam. De qua terra ascendit in altum terminus donec peruenitur ad ecclesiam Sancte Venere. Que est sita inter medium magnorum moncium (sic). Ecclesie terminus descendit adima (sic) ad fontem, de fonte descenditur ad pomeria. Descendit itaque terminus ab ipsis pomeriis usque dum coniungitur ad predictam rupem Jarfelcurumb. In qua universa concluditur diuisio terrarum quas prenotate ecclesie dono omni remota calumpnia. Preter hec auctoritate et concessu domini mei potentissimi Regis Rogerii concessi eidem ecclesie ut quecumque habuerit animalia de cetero in perpetuum simul cum meis animalibus, siue subcessorum (sic) meorum commu-

nem habeant pastum (sic) simul et usum tam in aquis quam in cuntis (sic) terris et pertinenciis iamdicte camerate, sine requisitione aliqua uel contradictione ipsius pasture. In toto autem nemore quod de camerata pertinet ligna incidere pro ope suo ad uistam sibi sufficiendam, liberam tam per me quam per meos successores, habeat potestatem, ita tamen ut nemus quod est in terris quas eidem ecclesie donaui pro ipsa lauda (sic) uinea ecclesie reseruetur, uidelicet nemus quod

est in rupe que est in conspectu ecclesie, quod speciali usui ecclesie deputaui. His itaque concessionibus firmiter constitutis, Ego prenotata Lucia predicte ecclesie perpetua consuetudine tenendum dedi et concessi in meo molendino absque omni molestia pro suo uictu per singulos menses decem modios frumenti molere. Igitur memoratam ecclesiam cum suis, ut dictum est, pertinentiis, et omni lure suo ecclesie sancti Salvatoris per manus domini Iocellmi eiusdem ecclesie uenerabilis electi assignaui, et tradidi eius capitulo et potestati perpetue subditam. Ad cuius donationis nostre et concessionis memoriam, et perpetuum firmitatem presens priuilegium eidem ecclesie fieri feci plumbeo sigillo nostro firmatum, et testimonio predicti uenerabilis barensis episcopi, et aliorum testium roboratum. Si quis autem in his, seu in aliis ecclesie collatis beneficiis infestationem aliquam aut contrauersiam commouere tentauerit, eterne maleditioni, et Regie pene subiaceat. Regnum dei non habiturus nisi ad condignam peruenerit satisfactionem. Cunctis autem hec et cetera ecclesie bona augentibus atque seruentibus sit pax a deo unico et uero in secula seculorum. Amen. +- Ego Lucia de camerata signo manus mee confirmaui. -+- Ego Adam de camerata filius eius uolui. -+ Ego Galgana concessi. + Ego Sibilia uolui. -+- Ego Iohannes dei gratia barensis Archiepiscopus predictam, deo dante, eccle-

, siam consecraui, et his concessionibus, et confirmationibus domine Lucie de camerata presens interful. -+-+ Ego Bartholomeus de moloc interfui.

Appendix of Inedited Documents 259 -+ Ego Johannes de rosa testis. -+- Ego Iordanus. +- Ego Arnulfus testis. -+- Ego Asquitinus testis. -+ Ego W. canonicus Aggrigenti testis. -+- Ego Brigundius testis. -++ Ego Iohanis filius Roberti testis. -+- Ego Leonardus testis. -+- Ego Rogerius presbiter testis. -++ Ego Petracca camerarius domini Archiepiscopi barensis interfui. Factum feliciter Anno Dominice Incarnationis M° C? XLI. Mense Madii. Inditione .iiii. Regnante Domino Rege Rogerio Sicilie, ducatus Apulie, principatus Capue. XVIT 1142, February, ind. 3 (sic). Martin Curator gives some land near Oliveri to the hospital of St Bartholomew’s of Lipari. Patti Archive, Fond., 1, no. ant. 117, mod. 155, may be a contemporary copy; no. ant. 116,

mod. 154, is a copy of the 17th century. :

+- In nomine sancte et indiuidue trinitatis, sit notum omnibus tam presentibus quam futuris, quod ego martinus curator pro redemptione mee anime parentumque meorum mea spontanea uoluntate et assensu nicholai mei filii in presentia domini landolfi prioris ac guillelmi thesaurarii dedi et concessi per manum domini ansgotti monachi, unam peciam terre, cum toto nemore eidem terre pertinente, hospitali ecclesie beati bartholomei, libere et absolute, sine in-

quietatione, ut monachi habeant ipsam in perpetuum. Est autem predicta terra huiusmodi conterminata finibus. Primus a parte orientali finis est crista ubi est diuisio oliuerii et pergit recto gradu per eandem cristam, usque ad finem montis arboris cruciati. Secundus finis est a meridie, ab eadem arbore, terra nicholai filii prefati martini et pergit per mediam ipsam terram huc atque illuc minime uacillando usque ad aliam arborem cruciatam. Tercius ab occidente

finis est ab ipsa arbore.......... et pergit recto itinere usque ad uallonem ............ipsum uallonem, et pergit sursum usque ad prefatam cristam oliuerli............totam et integram terram prenominatam cum omnibus suis pertinentiis iure perpetuo concessi, donaui et scripto presenti tradidi fratri ansgotto, quatinus ad opus hospitalis uenerabilis I. episcopo (sic) aliisque fratribus (sic!) eam habeant, teneant, ac possideant, atque in ea et de ea quidquid

uoluerint sine mea meorumque parentum calumpnia libera sit illis faciendi facultas. Ad huius uero donationis ac mee oblationis monimentum (sic) et firmitatem sunt idonei testes nomina quorum sunt hec. Martinus alacris, Robertus decimator, Robertus dapifer, Bruno portuarius, Leo minueus,.... .

260 Appendix of Inedited Documents guinu (?), Urletta cellarius, Iohannellus scuterius. Actum est hoc anno ab in-

carnatione domini nostri iesu christi millesimo.c.xli. Indictione iu. Regnante rege rogerio per totam siciliam atque ytaliam feliciter. Presidente in pactensi ecclesia domino I. uenerabile episcopo. Scriptum a iohanne misero peccatore, indigno monacho memorati pontificis, mense februario.

XVIII 1144, June, ind. 6 (sic).! Bishop Ivanus of Catania records a dispute with the abbey of St Savior in

Messina over the building of a mill near the mill belonging to the church of Catania at Mascali. He permits St Savior’s to build the mill, provided Catania’s interests do not suffer thereby. Copy, from the vanished original in the archive of St Savior’s, in Codex vaticanus 8201, fol. 50.

Dissensio fuit inter Ecclesiam nostram Cathaniensem, et Ecclesiam Sancti

Saluatoris Messane de quodam molendino quod ipsi uolebant facere iuxta

molendinum nostrum de Mascalo quod est apud Pliero in pertinentia Sancti Iohannis, quod ab illis fieri non permittebamus. Unde domino magnifico Regi R. conquesti sunt adeo quod ex ipsius precepto et nos et ipsi in curia domini Regis Messane conuenimus ut ibi presente curia de prefata calumpnia discuteretur et rationis examine unicuique nostrum quod suum esset conferretur. Venimus igitur et nos et ipsi in curiam. Quod uidentes quidam sapientes, et discreti uiri uidelicet Dominus Symeon domini Georgii Admiratorum Admirati filius, et magister Thomas? et Rogerius filius Boni, et Nicholaus Amirati Eugenii filius et Aschetinus Cathaniensis Archidiaconus, et Riccardus de Broglio, et Petrus de Lentina, et Heruetus de Terona qui nequaquam uolentes discordiam esse inter Ecclesiam nostram, et Ecclesiam Sancti Saluatoris Messane prefatam dissensionem in pacem conuerti studuerunt. Ex precepto igitur Domini Regis mediatores effecti quod super hoc in mente habuerunt Deo uolente peregerunt. Sic autem inter nos et illos pax firmata fuit, quod Ecclesia nostra concessit eis ut molendinum aque fecerent quoquo uoluerint iuxta prefatum molendinum nostrum uel superius uel inferius ita tamen ut si superius fecerint molendina non perdat

molendinum nostrum aquam unde non possit molere pro defectu aque. Sin autem inferius ut non reuertatur aqua refluendo unde rota molendini nostri habeat impedimentum uel perdat suum molere. Preterea concessimus eis medietatem terre nostre quam iuxta molendinum nostrum habebamus pro descensu asinorum, et alia medietas terre ipsius remansit nobis, et ut habeant 1 De Grossis, Catana Sacra, 89, probably by typographical error, gives the indiction of the parallel document preserved at Catania as the ninth. Pirri, 529, agrees with our text in giving ind. 6.

Can this be a notary’s error, or is it the stilus pisanus for 1143? The unusual form of the subscriptions inclines me to believe that the charter was not drafted by an expert, and that 1144 is the more probable date. 2 The famous Master Thomas Brown, on whom cf. Haskins in the English historical review, xxv1 (1911), 438-43.

| Appendix of Inedited Documents 261 licentiam irrigare terram suam ab aqua desuper molendinum nostrum ita tamen ut molendinum nostrum non perdat suum molere, magis quam solet preterito tempore ante hance concordiam. Hec omnia fuerunt facta inter nos, et illos tali conditione ut Ecclesia eorum de prefato molendino nostro nequaquam faciat nobis molestiam uel impedimentum. Si quidem Ecclesia eorum inuenietur proclamationem faciens, et molestiam contra nostram Ecclesiam de prefato molendino nostro .cc. Bisancios donet nostre Ecclesie, et curie regali .ccc. Et similiter si nostra Ecclesia uoluerit infringere prefatam concordiam inter nos et eos factam donet Ecclesie eorum .cc. Bisancios et curie regali .ccc. et has prefatas

-conuentiones concessi Ego Iuanus Cathaniensis Electus consilio et assensu fratrum meorum de quibus aliqui subscripserunt. Et ut presens priuilegium inuiolatum et firmum maneat ecclesie nostre sigillo plumbeo illud sigillari feci-

mus, et Ecclesie Sancti Saluatoris Messane dedimus. Anno de Incarnatione , Domini M°C°XL*IIT’, Indictione VI. Mense Iunii. Hee Crux -+ quam fecit Iuanus predictus Electus, et hance -++ Hugo prior. hanc quoque -+ Fulcherius. et hance ++ Girardus magister. hance uero -+ Robertus Iaciis Magister. et hane + Lucas. hanc quoque -++- Nicolaus cantor.

XIX Undated, but of 1123-1131 or 1139-1155?, because of John’s title Abbas.

A sale of land at Scala near Patti to Abbot John. Original in Patti Archive, Fego delli Cuturi Scala, Tindaro, etc., No. 164.

In nomine patris et filii et spiritus sancti amen. Notum sit omnibus presens scriptum uidentibus quod nos filii Martinus (sic) Sergenus, Nicefore, Iohannes, Guilgelmus, Alexander spontanea nostra uoluntate et concessione Marie

nostre matris uendimus nostram terram que est in loco qui uocatur scala p....

]...t..., et est 1uxta terram sancti saluatoris pactensis. Ex alia parte uersus contra meridiem manet terra philippi falardi, et per eandem terram descendit ad uallum oliuerii atque pactii. A capite uero terre predicti philippi scandit ipsum uallum sursum usque ad diuisionem nostre terre, et completum est. Istam terram uendimus domino iohanni abbati suisque monachis, ut teneant, et possideant illam libere et sine calumpnia, coram idoneis testibus.

-+- Signum Nichifori. -+- Signum Iohannis. + Signum Willelmi. -+- Signum Alexandri. -++ Signum Marie matris uirorum istorum. -+- Signum iohannis militis scalie.

+ Signum Goffredi potentie. -+- Signum Roberti mundi. -+- Signum Iohannis Anastasii. -+- Signum Iordani potentie. -+- Signum Roberti uicecomiti.

262 Appendix of Inedited Documents XX 1158, 28 February. Anna Basadonna associates herself with St Leo’s on the ridge, and gives it certain property near Paterno. Ardizzone: Diplomi ai Benedettini (Catania, 1927), No. 16, asserts that the Greek original is extant in the Catanian Communal Library, signed 1.60. D.2. It is not published by Cusa, who

gives the other Greek documents of Catania, nor did I find it. This Latin translation is in the

_ book of copies in the same library. ,

+ Signum manus Anne cognomine de Basadonna. Quandoquidem uigesima octaua die Febrarii Ego Anna mater presbiteri Henrici cognomine Basadonna appareo, hoc signum reuerende et salutifere Crucis, propria mea manu subscripsi, sine deceptione et sine ignorantia et sine dolo, sed meo proprio consilio et sponte propria, confitens coram infrascriptis hominibus bonis, quibus dedico meipsam, in Ecclesia S$. Leonis, posita in apice montis, in sororem et monialem per totum tempus uite mee, et iuro in societatem domus et templi, cuius quidem custos est nomine Henricus monachus, et esse possit

constans in hoe templo tam per uitam quam per mortem. propterea mea sponte meoque consilio diuidens ab omnibus propinquis et heredibus dono in fraternitatem et in domum pro anima et salute mea et mariti mei, et meorum consanguineorum et heredum ut Deus dignos faciat eos audire: uenite benedictr patris mei, possidete uobis paratum regnum ab origine mundi; propterea, inquam,

do partem mihi contingentem diuisam in oris terre paternionis in contrata de Eremitis preter aliam partem diuisam domus et ipsius Ecclesie, quoniam pars fraterna est diuisa, quam partem ipsa fraternitas possit uendere, dare, alienare, et facere ut sibi uisum fuerit cum cepisset proprietatem meam, et si quando aliquis meorum consanguineorum aut heredum aliquid conari sub pena bizantiorum

centum et dictum donum dicatum erit in secula seculorum, et hoc factum fuit coram infrascriptis testibus. Ego notarius thomas testis sum subscripsi. Ego Opius presbiter Sancte Marine. Scripta anno a principio mundi Anno 6666. ab incarnatione Domini 1158. Traducta Messane anno Domini 1550, 15 Februarii, cura D. Theophili de Catania, monasterii S. Placidi monachi ex mutatione Sancti Nicolai.

XXI 1160 (?), 11 September, regni 10. Adelicia, daughter of Count Radulf Maccabeus of Montescaglioso, gives to

the Church of the Holy Sepulchre, with the permission of Bernard, electus of Catania, the church of St Elias outside Aderno. Copy of 18th century in MS Qq E 133, No. 9, of Bib. Com. Palermo.

Appendix of Inedited Documents 263 , In nomine Patris et Fill et Spiritus Sancti Amen. Ego Adelitia neptis Regis (sic) domini Rogerii et filia comitis Rodulphi Machabei de Monte Caueoso dono [ecclesie Sancti Sepulchri domini nostri Iesu Christi, una cum consensu?] Bernardi Cathaniensis electi quandam ecclesiam in honorem Beati Helie Prophete extra Adernionem constructam amore Jesu Christi libere et quiete possi-

dendam. Hoc autem facio pro anima incliti comitis Rogerii aul mei, et pro anima serenissimi, et incolumitate gloriosissimi, Regis Gulielmi domini mei et filiorum elus, nec non pro remissione peccatorum meorum uinculo predicte ecclesie Sancti Helie quamdam petiam de terra cum aquis liberis que est sub scala de

busigufe..........uersus occidentem habet uiam que ducit Silfium.....a meridie finit ipsam cauea per quam descendit pluuialis.........quod est inter utram- queuiam. ‘Trado etiam terram pro ordeo in loco qui dicitur Sarre petrosa, que iacet subtus terram Sancte Marie siue caueas que deorsum simul conueniunt. Hanc donationem feci predicte ecclesie Sancti Sepulchri sicut scriptum est supra ls eeceee....Canonicorum elusdem ecclesie Sancti Sepulchri, ut prenotata eccle-

sia hoc donum meum sine omnia mea, uel successorum meorum............ tempore possideat. In super dedi liberam facultatem uendendi, et emendi sine

omni iure platee, et............sigilli mel impressione et congr[{uJentium testium annotatione firmari. Anno Incarnationis Dominice 1136 (sic), mense Septempris, die x1, anno uero Regis domini nostri Gloriosissimi et Victoriosissimi Regis Gulielmi X°. Dominus Gulielmus Cappellus

et Mattheus Notarius. Philippus Notarius ......... cCartam feci et ipse testis sum.

XXII 1160, 12 September, ind. 9.

Robert of Cremona, with the consent of Adelicia of Adernd, gives to the Holy Sepulchre a vineyard next to its obedience, the church of St Elias. Copy in MS Qq E 133, No. 10, of Bib. Com. Palermo.

In nomine Patris et Filii et Spiritus Sancti Amen. Anno ab Incarnatione Domini Nostri Iesu Christi millesimo centesimo sexagesimo, Indictionis none, Mensis Septembris die xii. Ego Robertus de Cremuna una cum consensu dominorum domine Adelicie neptis [.........?] domini et inuictissimi Regis, dono, et concedo ecclesie Sancti Sepulchri domini nostri Jesu Christi quaamdam uineam meam que est iuxta ecclesiam Sancti Helie [Prophete] que ecclesia est obedientia

Sancti Sepulchri [esu Christi. Ad huius autem concessionis et donationis mee omne nobile iuramentum hoc scriptum scribere (sic) feci per manus magistri Goffredi scriptoris et testimonio bonorum hominum subscriptorum confirmarti. -}« Signum manus domine Adelicie neptis Regis. ++ Ego Ioannes Clericus testis sum.

+ Ego Grimaldus testis sum.

7 264 Appendix of Inedited Documents | -+- Signum manus Nicolai comestabili. -+- Ego Thomas Riccardi Notarii filius testis sum. -+- Ego Gauinus confirmo.

, ++ Signum manus Gulielmi Caniserii. , -+- Ego Rannellus Malfitano consensio. -+- Signum manus Aldobrandi presbyteri.

XXIII No date, but after September 1160, when Robert of Cremona appears alive. Maalda, widow of Robert of Cremona, gives a piece of land near Adernd to the church of St Elias, an obedience of the Holy Sepulchre. Copy in MS Qq E 133, No. 7, of Bib. Com. Palermo.

In nomine Patris et Fill et Spiritus Sancti Amen. Notum sit omnibus hominibus tam presentibus, quam futuris, quod Ego Maalda et filia mea Aldearda pro anima patris mei, et matris mee quam pro anima uirl mei domini Roberti de Cremone et omnium parentum meorum coram

probis hominibus donamus, atque concedimus quamdam petiam de terra ad ecclesiam Sanctissimi Sepulchri, que appellatur Sancti Helie Prophete, que est foras Adernionis, cuius fines hec sunt: ab una parte est uia publica que diuidit istam terram et terram cuiusdam domus; ab alia parte est terra Ioannis Grisinis, quam a duabus partibus tenet eadem domus. Hane donationem facio predicte ecclesie Sancti Sepulchri in manu fratris Ioannis preceptoris et fratris Dauid quam soror nostra Agnes [....?] et donum hoc meum sine omni actione firmiter teneat perpetuo lure omni tempore possideat. +4 Signum domine Maalde. -+- Signum filie sue Aldearde. -++ Signum heberat castellani. +- Signum Araldus de Modeta. -+- Signum Gerao generi Domine Villanz.

-+- Signum Gaufrini.

+} Ego Ioannes filius Aldebrandi testis sum.

XXIV 1160, ind. 9. (Sept.-Dec.) At the request of Matthew Bonell, Bishop Gentile of Agrigento gives the church of St Christopher of Prizzi to the monastery of St Stephan del Bosco, receiving in return a census of two pounds of incense, and the right to approve the prior of St Christopher’s. , Copies in Privilegia ecclesiae agrigentinae, 111, 24, in the archive of the Cathedral at Agrigento, and in MS Qq F 69, fol. 253, of Bib. Com. Palermo.

| Appendix of Inedited Documents 265 In nomine dei eterni et saluatoris nostri Iesu Christi. Anno incarnationis eius MCL[X] (marginal note: 1160) indictione ix. G[entilis] misericordia dei agrigentine ecclesie indignus minister. Ad nostram pertinet sollicitudinem

ecclesiarum, que in nostra parrochia sunt, curam incessanter habere et in eis , uiros religiosos, ac domini timentes, tales ordinare, quorum exemplo, et beneficio

populus dei non solum corporaliter, sed etiam spiritualiter recreari, et refici pos- , sit, et eedem ecclesie ad diuinum cultum et statum religionis de bono in melius . peruebantur. Quam ob rem precibus et petitionibus carissimi filii nostri Matthei Bonelli tibi domine N. uenerabilis prior sancti Stephani de bosco de turri, tuisque successoribus eiusdemque ecclesie conuentui ecclesiam sancti Christofori, que est in territorio pirisii cum his que hodie habet, et imposterum adquisitura est, saluo in omnibus, et per omnia, iure et auctoritate et reuerentia sancte matris ecclesie agrigentine, concedimus, ea tamen constitutione, et pacto, ut singulis annis eadem sancti Christofori ecclesia eidem ecclesie agrigentine libras .li. incensi persoluat, et si aliquem parrochianorum uiuum uel mortuum recipere uoluerit, saluo predicto iure, cum consensu, 1ussu, et ordinatione episcopi recipiet, et prior qui ad illam ecclesiam regendam a uobis, uel uestris successoribus missus fuerit, prius ad agrigentinum episcopum ueniet, et sic cum eius beneuolentia ad predictam ecclesiam regendam eat, et se uocatus fuerit ad synodum, nisi prepeditus fuerit 1usta occasione ad eum tamquam patrem et dominum et defensorem,

ut decet, ibit.

XXV 1164, October, ind. 13, regni 13 (sic.) Gilbert, elect of Lipari-Patti, sells to Malgerius a house in Palermo for three hundred taris. — Original in Patti Archive, loose, unnumbered, and torn down the center.

In Nomine Dei Eterni Patris et Filii et Spiritus Sancti Amen. Anno domi-

nice incarnationis M°C°LXIIII. Indictione xiii, mense octobris. Regnante domino nostro inuictissimo et gloriosissimo Rege W° anno xiii. Ego Gillibertus dei gratia humilis lipparensis et pactensis ecclesie electus, una cum uniuerso nostrorum fratrum conuentu habentes domum quandam in felice urbe panormi elusdem pactensis ecclesie, cuius uicinia monachis per multum erat indecens et inhonesta, communi consilio et fauore conuentus, ipsam domum uendimus Mal-

gerio burgensi predicti domini nostri........gloriosissimi, pro .ccc. tarenis. Istius siquidem domus hii sunt termini. A parte orientis est domus........ saracene. Ab occidente autem domus marie de calatafime. A meridiana uero parte murus ciuitatis uicinus porte sancte agathe. A septemtrione uia publica.

Hanc..........domum cum tota terra uacua quam coram se habet et cum omnibus terminis et introitibus atque exitibus suis prescripto Malgerio suisque heredibus pro iamdicta moneta libere et sine omni querela siue occasione uendidimus, liberam potestatem e1 damus de dom[o] uendendi, possidendi, donandi,

266 Appendix of Inedited Documents seu per uelle suo alienandi. Ad huius itaque uenditionis et emptionis inuiolabile

firmamentum, presens scriptum per manum iohannis de pacto clerici mei ..........sigilli nostri impressione corroborari fecimus.

-+- Signum proprii............ -+- Ego petrus................magister concessi. -+- Ego iohannes....................cellerarius concessi. -++ Ego iohannes francigenna.......... -++ Ego bonus concessi.

+ Ego iohannes............ +- Ego nicholaus concessi.

-+ Ego Radulfus............panormitane ecclesie. -+ Ego Riccardus................eeclesie precentor. -+- Ego Matheus domine Beatricis cappellanus testis sum. -+ Ego Robertus cocus testis sum. -+ Ego nicholaus marescalcus testis sum.

XX VI

1167, November, ind. 1, regni 2. , | Chancellor Stephan of Perche, in the name of William II and Queen Margaret, confirms to Abbot Donatus of St John’s of the Hermits the clauses of Roger II’s foundation charter of 1148 dealing with periodic perquisites of the monastery. Exists in a confirmation of the 10 April 1267, ind. 10, regni 2; copy in MS Qq H 9, foll. 94-97,

of Bib. Com. Palermo. MS Qq F 231, $16, No. 1, contains another very bad copy.

In nomine domini Dei eterni et Saluatoris nostri Iesu Christi Amen. Guillelmus fauente Diuina clementia rex Sicilie ducatus Apulie et principatus Capue,

una cum domina Margarita gloriosa regina matre sua. Cum ad regendas au-

gendasque uniuersas regni nostri ecclesias, cuius........................per quem regimur et regnamus, communis nos regiminis nostri cura compellat, earum

tamen indigentiam specialiore benignitate cogimur intueri, quas a parentibus nostris diue memorie pro animarum eorum, nostrique, et heredum nostrorum salutem nouimus esse constructas. Quapropter monasterio S. Iohannis Euangeliste Heremitarum Panormi a patribus nostris felicis recordationis pie, et religiose constructo interuentu tuo Donate uenerabilis eiusdem monasterii abbas, omnia que dominus rex Rogerius quondam auus noster, et dominus rex Guil-

lelmus pater noster beate memorie, ac nos ipsi monasterio concessimus, ne aliqua de eis in posterum aduersus illud controuersia, uel molestatio moueatur presenti scripto confirmamus. Hec itaque sunt que a dohana sacri palatii nostri ex donatione predictorum parentum nostrorum, et nostra singulis annis monasterium ipsum habere debet absque dilatione uel diminutione aliqua, _ uidelicet unaquoque die panes de simula sexaginta et duo et sex de farina,

Appendix of Inedited Documents 267 unoquoque mense tres tumulos de simula, et tres de farina, unoquoque anno cungia uini mille minus duobus, quorum quarta pars erit de pede; de tumnina

barrilia uigenti unum, et quartum ad magnum barrile; pro uestimentis et quibuscumque necessariis tarenos duomillia ducentos quinquaginta et duo, quos debet accipere per quatuor terminos et incepto mense Augusti; quocies ecclesia, capitulum, refectorium, dormitorium, et cetere domus predicti monasterii, que

intra ipsum sunt, preparande fuerint, eos curia preparabit; casulas, cappas, camisos, amictus, stolas, manipulos, zonas, quocies necessarie fuerint curia ipsi tribuet; medicum et flobatamatarem quocies eis indigebit a curia recipient; pro aquandis uiridariis et ortis eorum debet accipere aquam de flumine quod dicitur Mataylhadid omni ebdomada una uice per integrum diem ac noctem a summo mane unius diel usque ad mane alterius diel. Ut autem hec concessio et con-

firmatio perpetuum robor obtineat, hanc cartam per manus Iohannis nostri notarii scribi et bulla plumbea nostro regio typario impressa sigillari iussimus, et insignari. Anno, mense et indictione subscriptis. Data in urbe felici Panormi per manus Stephani panormitane ecclesie electi, et regii consiliarii. Anno dominice incarnationis millesimo centesimo sexagesimo septimo, mense Novembris, indictionis prime, regni uero domini Guillelmi dei gratia gloriosissimi et magnificentissimi Regis Sicilie, Ducatus Apulie, et Principatus Capue, Anno secundo feliciter. Amen. XXVIT

1171, ind. 4. ,

Anfusus of Luci gives to Bishop Peter of Patti the church of St Michael of Petrano. Copies of the 17th century in Patti Archive, Fond., 1, no. ant. 149, mod. 187, and in Pretensioni varie, fol. 219; partial copy of 18th century in MS Qq G 19, fol. 46 of Bib. Com. Palermo.

-- In Nomine Sancte et Indiuidue Trinitatis, Amen. -+- Ego Anfusus de lucci filius Philippi de lucci. Dei gratia Domini Regis Baronus et Consanguineus sciens aliquatenus bona nostra temporalia omnino fluxa et caduca tune uero perpetuari, tunc uero certius ac plenius possideri, cum salubri festinatione Sanctarum Ecclesiarum siue Dei cultus usibus erogantur, pro beatis animabus dominorum nostrorum, scilicet, magni Comitis Rogerii et filii e1us gloriosissimi Regis Rogerii nec non et sanctissimi Regis Willelmi diue memorie, maxime autem pro continua conseruatione et incolumi statu inuictissimi maiestatis preexcellentissimi Regis Willelmi Secundi, quorum quidem insuperabili fortitudine, potentissimo brachio, immarcescibili sapientia Sicilie Regnum a seuissima Saracenorum tyrannide cum magna proprii sanguinis effusione diuinitus est liberatum, omnibus pax reddita, Ecclesie quoque prius a nefanda barbarie dirute, in

integrum restaurate, muneribus ditate, possessionibus ampliate, et ab omni seruitute, 1uxta quod dignum est, erepte, omnia tandem cum summa lustitia in

, 268 Appendix of Inedited Documents integra pace, et tranquilitate conseruata. Predecessoribus etiam nostris humilibus consanguineis, et fidelibus ipsorum ea, quibus uiuimus, beneficia in meritum fidelitatis impertita, pro redemptione quoque anime et omnium meorum communi consensu et uoluntate tam uxoris mee domine Aluyse, quam Gualterii filii mei et Willelmi fratris mei, Sancte Pactensi Ecclesie, quam prememoratus Magnus Comes Rogerius beate memorie precipua quadam et speciale intentione in honorem Sancti Saluatoris construi fecit, constructam tam uillanorum, quam prediorum, aliarumque possessionibus facultatibusque donauit, Ecclesiam quandam Sancti Michelis, quam in territorio terre mee Petterrani in dominio meo habebam, per manus Domni Petri elusdem Sancte Pactensis Ecclesie uenerabilis episcopi deuote obtuli, libere concessi, absolute deliberaui, ac per anulum quemdam, sicut in Villa Thermarum feceram, ita et apud Pactas ipsum super altare ponendo adstante uniuerso Conuentu donum hoc confirmaui. Eo scilicet tenore, ut, saluo censu Sancte Panormitane Ecclesie, scilicet, omni anno rotulo uno cere, ipsa Pactensis Mater Ecclesia de cetero predictam ecclesiam possideat cum uillanis, uineis, terris atque nemoribus, et ceteris omnibus que ad ipsam pertinent, sicut in Priuilegio, quod inde Auia mea bone memorie fecit, expresius continetur, exceptis terris quas ego eidem ecclesie cambiui, unde et ipsi priuilegium feci. Nullam tamen habeat potestatem preponendi in [ea] laicalem personam, nisi solum quem uoluerit de filiis et fratribus suis, qui ibidem existens pro salute omnium Dei fidelium sciat omnipotentem Dominum exorare. Et ne aliquis successorum meorum consanguineorum uel extraneorum hoc donum a | me, et predicta coniuge mea, et filio factum et confirmatum quoquo modo possit corrumpere uel aliquatenus immutare, presens inde Sancte Pactensis Ecclesie Priuilegium fieri feci, et subscriptorum testium nominibus roborari. Hoc etiam adiiciendum censeo, ut si contingerit uel ui, uel occasione alicuius iuris predictam ecclesiam, et omnes elus possessiones, ac iurisdictiones me, aut meos successores

non posse uendicare ad opus predicte Pactensis Ecclesie, tam ego, quam mei successores debitores existamus ut uel ipsam ecclesiam cum suis possessionibus,

uel ualens possessionum eius, predicte Pactensi Ecclesie et eius Conuentui quorumque modo, uel quolibet labore aut expensa uendicemus, et sic tam ego,

quam uxor mea, et filii nec non et omnes heredes mei, et heredes heredum meorum omnes semper sub nomine fraternitatis participes simus sanctarum orationum prememorati Domini Petri Venerabilis Lipparensis et Pactensis Episcopi, et totius Sancte Lipparensis, et Sancte Pactensis Ecclesie tam in uita, quam in morte. Actum anno Incarnationis Dominice millesimo centesimo septuagesimo primo, indictione quarta. -+- Ego Aluisa prenominati Domini Anfusi uxor hoc confirmo. -++- Ego Galterius de luci filius Anfusi de luci hoc confirmo. -+- Ego Bartholomeus sacerdos testis sum.

+- Ego Willelmus capellanus Domini Anfusi eiusdem temporis testis sum. -++ Ego Ioannes miles prememorati Domini Anfusi testis sum.

-++ Ego Rogerius miles testis sum. | , -+- Ego Gislibertus Peterrani castellanus testis sum. _

-+- Ego Hugo Thermarum miles testis sum. |

Appendix of Inedited Documents 269 XXVIII 1172 (1171), December, ind. 5, regni 6, Palermo.

William IT gives to the church of Agrigento the church of St Mary of Refesio, with three casalia. Forged.! Partially published by Pirri (ed. 1733), 699-700, from the original ‘quod extat autogr. in tab. Eccl. Agrig.’ I did not find this original, nor did K. A. Kehr (cf. Urkunden, 305) or Garufi (cf. ASS, xxv [1903], 126). There exists however in the Cathedral Tabulary the original of an official transumpt of the 13 October 1252, whence the copies in Privilegia agrigentinae ecclesiae, 1, 24, and 111, 97, and Bib. Com. Palermo, MS Qq H 6, No. 32, and probably that in ibid., No. 14.

Guillelmus diuina fauente clementia Rex Sicilie, Ducatus Apulie, et Prin-

cipatus Capue. Inter cetera Regie laudis preconia, hoc potissimum irradiat uelut sit dies. Cum sue conditionis commemores, altissimo creatori (per quem regnant, et a cuius dextere munificentia liberali ea, que habent, omnia perceperunt), perceptum muneris premium, quasi mutua recordatione compensant, cum locis religiosis uenerabilibus, ad ipsius honorem et gloriam dedicatis, sic competenti prouisione subueniunt, et succurrunt quod uita ipsis religionibus deditorum ab omni egestate, et grauamine subleuetur, ipsarumque religionum prepositi, et ministri ab earum amplitudinem, et obseruantiam quasi prouocantibus meritis tam spiritualibus quam etiam temporalibus accersiti, in sui habitu, ordinis perseuerent, et in fidei catholice exaltatione, tam ipsam fidem spiritualiter, quam etiam bona ecclesiastica temporaliter multipliciter peraugendo. Sic enim Regie celsitudinis fama usque ad posteros protenditur, orthodoxa deuotione suffulta, et sanctitatis titulo insignita, propter qua spes est nostra, et firma credulitas, deficientium animas post eorum exitum summo Regum opifici presentari, et ceteris subsequentibus exemplum tribuitur ad similia faciendum. Hinc est itaque quod nos, diuina moti clementia, per quam omne bonum esse noscitur, et recensetur, perpetuo et irrovacabiliter concedimus, et donamus de nostro gremio largitatis libere et absolute Agrigentine ecclesie ecclesiam ad honorem genetricis dei Marie constructam in nemore, quod dicitur Refesi una cum omnibus iuribus, rationibus, casalibus, tenimentis, et pertinentiis suis, uidelicet cum quodam casali, quod dicitur Billuchia, et cum quodam alio casali, quod dicitur Gardalisi, et cum alio casali, quod dicitur Sebi cum toto predicto nemore, in quo ipsa ecclesia est fundata, quam etiam cum omnibus aliis nemoribus que sunt in montibus, et in giris, et omni tenimento, quod est in pede montis Calatabillocte ex utraque parte fluminis, in quo tenimento est saltus unius molendini, quem saltum deputamus, et concedimus ad opus ecclesie

supradicte, quarum omnium fines inferius describuntur. Fines uero dicte ecclesie sunt huiusmodi: Dicta enim ecclesia que uocatur sancta Maria de Refesi

sita est, et constructa in predicto nemore de Refesi, et est sibi coniunctus ex parte occidentali mons, qui dicitur Rauinusa, in quo monte est fons, qui dicitur Ayn Iorg; ex meridionali uero sibi sunt coniuncti colles, seu serre contigui cum 1 Cf. supra, pp. 174-5.

270 Appendix of Inedited Documents dicto monte Rauinuse, et tendunt usque ad montem de Rosis, qui arabice dicitur Geneleugrad, et est appositus ipsi ecclesie ex parte orientali, et ex septentrionali est appositus eidem ecclesie casale quod dicitur Rahal Nicola, et si qui alii sunt confines. Fines uero supradicti casalis quod dicitur Billuchia sunt hu: dictum casale situm est in territorio Xacce, et sunt sibi coniuncta ex parte orientali tenimenta casalis quod dicitur Rahalnichola, ac ex meridionali predicta nemora, et montes; ex occidentali uero est sibi coniunctum tenimentum casalis quod dicitur Villanoua, ex septentrionali autem est coniuncta uia publica, per quam tenditur apud Xaccam usque ad fluuium, quod dicitur Mahaxulum, et usque ad pedem montis qui dicitur Alafrid, et ascendit per uallonem siccum usque ad montem qui dicitur Malayar, in quo est Fons Georgii, et si qui alii sunt confines. Fines uero dicti casalis quod dicitur Gardalisi sunt hi: supra-

dictum enim casale situm est in territorio Xacce, et est sibi coniunctum ex parte occidentali tantummodo casale quod dicitur Biuone. Tenimentum eius casalis Gardalisi descendit a predicto monte Geneleugrad usque ad Fontem Salicis, et exinde usque ad uallonem Piragrinorum, et protenditur ad uiam publicam, et descendit inferius, ubi iunguntur duo uallones et iuxta quos sunt coniuncta duo saxa magna erecta, seu yrta; ex meridionali parte sunt sibi coniuncti supradicti colles, seu terre contigue cum prenominato monte Rauenuse;

occidentali uero est sibi coniunctum casale, quod dicitur Rahalnicola, ex qua parte occidentali tenimentum predicti casalis Gardalisii incipit a stagno, seu gurgite aque, que est iuxta predictos montes Rauenuse, et descendit exinde per rupes, in quibus sunt lapides yarte usque ad uallonem siccum et usque ad alium uallonem de eodem loco Gardalisii profluentem; ex septentrionali autem sibi coniunctum est tenimentum dicti casalis Biuone, et si qui alii sunt confines.

Fines uero dicti casalis quod dicitur Sebi sunt hi: Dictum enim casale Sebi situm est in territorio Xacce, et est sibi coniunctum ex parte orientali tenimentum casalis, quod dicitur Rahalnicola; tenimentum enim casalis Sebi incipit a predicto stagno, seu gurgite, et descendit exinde per uallonem ficus usque ad pede montis Billuchie, et exinde usque ad feudum, quod dicitur Mahagale, ex occidentali uero parte sibi coniunctum est tenimentum casalis, quod dicitur Villanoua, ex qua parte occidentali tenimentum dicti casalis Sebi sibi protenditur usque ad supradictum montem Mahagali, et coniungitur cum predictis montibus Rauenuse; ex septentrionali uero sunt sibi coniuncta tenimenta duorum casalium

Biuone et Rahalnicole, et si qui alii sunt confines. Ad huius autem munificentie donationis et concessionis nostre memoriam, et perpetuum fundamentum, presens priuilegium nostrum per manus Roberti nostri notarii scribi, et nostro sigillo decoratum, bulla plumbea typario impressa iussimus roborari. Anno, mense, et indictione subscriptis. ‘Datum in urbe felici Panormi per manus Gualterii uenerabilis Panormitani Archiepiscopi, Matthei Vicecancellarii, et Bartholomei Agrigentini Electi regalium familiarium. Anno dominice incarnationis M° C° Ltxx11°, mense Decembris, Indictione .v. Regni uero domini nostri Guillelmi dei gratia munificentissimi et gloriosissimi Regis Sicilie, Ducatus Apulie, et Principatus Capue,

, anno .vi. feliciter Amen. |

Appendix of Inedited Documents 271 XXIX 1172, November, ind. 6, Comitini.

Sibil, widow of Bartholomew of Garres, gives to Bishop Peter of LipariPatti a mill for his obedience of St Nicholas of Comitini. Original not extant; copy of 17th century in Patti Archive, Pretensionz varie, fol. 123; partial copy of 18th century in MS Qq F 69, fol. 164” of Bib. Com. Palermo.

In nomine Sancte et Indiuidue Trinitatis, Patris et Filii et Spiritus Sancti Amen.

+- Ego Sybilia quondam uxor domini Bartholomei Garresii cuius memoria in benedictioni est, post ipsius obitum una cum fillis suis Alexandero et Riccardo gratia Domini et Regia existens domina Commicini, pro anima Comitis Rogerii bone memorie et gloriosi Regis Rogerii, nec non et gloriosissimi Regis Gulielmi

diue memorie, pro conseruatione etiam uite, salutis, et prosperitatis gloriose maiestatis Regis Gulielmi secundi, pro anima quoque domini et coniugis mei prememorati Bartholomei bone memorie, et communi consensu filiorum meorum

prememoratorum libera uoluntate dedi et concessi domino Petro lipariensi uenerabili episcopo elusque successoribus canonice sustituendis, et ecclesie Sancti

Nicolai de Cumecino assaltum molendini intus territorium et fines ecclesie elusdem, et ut nullus siue filiorum meorum Siue successorum suorum consanguineus uel extraneus rem hanc confingere ualeat uel mutare, presens idem priuilegium predicto domino episcopo et suis successoribus nihilominus etiam predicte ecclesie Beati Nicolai fieri duxi, et subscriptorum testium nominibus : roborari quorum primus est Dominus -+ Lando de capua frater meus, et Dom1: nus -+ Iohannes frater meus, et dominus -- Rogerius de usuilla, et dominus -+- Alluisus, et dominus -+ Calterius perne, et -+ Lordandus cappellanus, et -+- Robertus claricie, et -- Vitalis uicecomes meus, et -+ Henricus sacerdos qui hanc scripsit cautionem, et facta apud cumetinum Anno Dominice Incarnationis M° c° L° xx11, Mense Nouembris, vi Indictionis. Ego Alexander filius domini Bartholomei Garresii et uxoris sue Sybilie hoc donum concessi et signo manus mee firmaui -+. Et ego Rechardus similiter --.

Ex originale conseruato in Arca existente intus Sacristiam Matricis et Cathedralis Ecclesie Pactensis extracta est presens copia.

Joseph Barbarus M*. Not® |

XXX 1172, December, ind. 6.

Roger of Tirone gives some land at Buccheri and a mill to the church of

the Holy Cross, an obedience of Lipari-Patti. The original is in the Patti Archive, Fond., 1, no. ant. 152, mod. 190; copy of 13th century, ant. 153, mod. 191; copy of 17th century, ant. 151, mod. 189.

—— Q7Q Appendix of Inedited Documents +- Ego Rogerius de Tirone Regius iustitiarius subscripta confirmo. -+- Ego Constancia uxor eius libera uoluntate eadem confirmo. -+- Ego tafura filia eorum eadem confirmo. Quoniam cuncta bona temporalia fluxa sunt, et fragilia, mortalibus omnibus dubia, et dubitantur modicum stabilia: Idcirco ego Rogerius de tirone regis lusticlarius una cum domina Constancia uxore mea, et tafura filia nostra, spiritus sancti compuncti gratia, eadem considerantes, et optantes sancte matris ecclesie lipparitane diuinis officiis fieri participes, ac domini petri uenerabilis eiusdem ecclesie presulis dignis orationibus commendari, primo pro domini Comitis Rogeri, et felicissimorum regum domini Regis Rogerii, ac domini Regis W diue memorie beatis animabus, pro conseruacione eciam, et augmentacione uite, salutis, et prosperitatis gloriosissimi regis W secundi, nec non et pro animabus predecessorum nostrorum bone memorie, que ad uitam eternam spectat, in perpetuum aliquam de nostris possessionibus elemosinam prememorate sancte lippariensi ecclesie dignum duximus impertire. Per manus siquidem predicti domini petri uenerabilis lippariensis episcopi eidem lippariensi ecclesie, et obedientie eius sancte crucis obtulimus, dedimus, et concessimus gratanter quamdam peciam terre in territorio terre nostri baccarati, que est subtus monte de runcis, et talibus undique finibus continetur: incipit enim a loco ubi coniungitur ula qua itur a baccarato ad calatagironem ualloni qui descendit a monte de runcis, et descendit per eumdem uallonem usque ad coniuncionem alius uallonis de fraxino, per quem ascendit uersus occidentem usque ad fontem uallonis ipsius, et ex eo ascendit per confinia sancte crucis ad primum finem. Dedimus eclam supradicte matri ecclesie molendinum nostrum quoddam quod dicitur de Iohanne francigene, et est in decursu fluminis molendinorum nostrorum, cum quadam petia terre quam dedimus pro uineis plantandis supra idem molendinum, finis cuius incipit a piro quadam siluestri que est 1uxta aquarium inter ipsum molendinum et molendinum nostrum, quod dicitur de ferrario, et ascendit usque orientem ad collectionem lapidum in quibus est ex superiori parte magnus quidem lapis perforatus, et exinde ascendit ad alios lapides, ubi est area, et ab eisdem ad murum anticum a quo porrigitur plane ad turonem lapideum, qui

est subtus fontem, et ab eodem turone directe ad uiam publicam qua itur a sancta cruce ad placiam, et uadit per eandem uiam usque ad predictum flumen, et per flumen ascendens primo fine concluditur. Et ne ab aliquo successorum consanguineo, uel extraneo hec nostra gratuyta dona, et concessiones confringi possint, uel aliquatenus mutari, eadem confirmauimus per presens priuilegium scriptum, manibus nostris presignatum, et subscriptorum testium nomuinibus roboratum, quod scribi fecimus per manus W. Notarii nostri, Anno dominice incarnationis Millesimo Centesimo septuagesimo secundo, Mense decembris, sexte indictionis. -+ Ego Rogerius de uilla domini Regis solidarius testis sum. -+- Ego Bruccardus tanensis miles testis sum. -+- Ego Enricus alii testis sum. +. xay@ metpOg TOD RamNTPLOU(?) PapTUPa.

-+- Ego Ioan de sanctigerio testis sum.

Appendix of Inedited Documents Q73 -++- Ego Ioannes de melfia testis sum. -+ Ego guarinus cauensi testis sum.

XX XI :

1170-1176.!

List of census due to the church of Agrigento. Copy in MS Qq F 69, fol. 51, in Bib. Com. Palermo.

In census per Agrigentinam Diecesim: Paganus filius Maynerii cere libram i. pro domo. Ecclesia S. Marie de fluminaria, que est in parrochia Agrigentina in territorio Corrileonis per singulos annos pro censu unciam i. auri. Ecclesia S. Michelis, que est in territorio Castronoui, in loco qui dicitur trium fontium incensi libram 1. et cere rotulum 1.

Monasterium S. Trinitatis, et ecclesia S. Georgii que sunt in tenimento Villenoue cere libras ii. et incensi libram i. Vinea que est in territorio Sacce iuxta uineam ueterem Agrigentine ecclesie, quam Nicolaus Grecus olim tenebat cere rotul. iv. Ecclesia S. Catherine, que est in territorio melesendini iuxta flumen Bellisii, quam tenet hospitale ecclesie S. Lazari de Hierusalem incensi libras i. Ecclesia S. Marie de Campogrosso pro ecclesia S. Marie de Revenosa quam

tenet incensi libros..........

Ecclesia S. Theodori que est in territorio Sacce cere libram i. vel libras

incensi..........

Ecclesia 8. Stephani de Bosco pro ecclesia S. Christophori, quam tenet,

que est in territorio Pirisii, incensi libram i. et cere rotul. i. | Ecclesia S. Benedicti que est in territorio Adulani cere rotul. 1. Ecclesia S. Marie de Adriano cere rotul. ili. Ecclesia 5. Stephani incensi libram i.

Ecclesia S. Ioannis, que sita est iuxta uillam que uocatur Calatanisset incensi libram i.

Ecclesia S. Margarite Virginis incensi libras il. Ecclesia S. Iacobi de Comiz incensi rot. iil. Ecclesia S. Marie Virginis, que est in Casali Rahalbiath incensi libram 1. Ecclesia S. Nicolai que est in territorio S. Stephani incensi libram 1}. Ecclesia S. Leonis de Caltanixetta incensi libram i. et cere libram 1. Ecclesia 5. Antonii de Licata cere libras iv. Ecclesia S. Marie de Licata cere rotul. ii. Ecclesia S. Nicolai de Insula cere rotul. i. (A marginal note says that the last four items ‘erano aggionte con diverse carattere’ .)

Ecclesia S. Marie de Balnearia apud Castrum novum incensi libram 1. Ecclesia S. Iacobi de Licata de hospitali cere rotul. 1. 1 For the date, cf. supra, p. 173, n. @.

Q74 Appendix of Inedited Documents Ecclesia S. Leonardi de hospitali cere rotul. 1. Ecclesia S. Hyppoliti extra Calatabillotta rotul. 1.

XXXIT , 1176, August, ind. 9. Bartholomew, a Genoese priest, gives himself and his possessions to Bishop Dalferius and the church of Patti. The original exists in the Archive of Patti, Fond., 1, no. ant. 156, mod. 194; also a copy of the 17th century, no. ant. 155, mod. 193.

+ In nomine sancte et indiuidue trinitatis, patris et filii et spiritus sancti, Amen. Quamdiu in hoc seculo uiuimus a domino peregrinamur non habentes - manentem domum nec stabilem mansionem in rebus fluxis et transitoriis que aucte accidunt et orte senescunt. Proinde Ego Bartholomeus indignus presbiter lanuensis dignum ducens conuersationem mutare in melius et rerum mearum quas mihi dominus lucrari dedit ipsum statuere heredem, eorum imitando aliquatenus uestigia, qui omnia que habebant uendentes pretium eorum afferebant ante pedes apostolorum, obtuli me sancte pattensi (sic) ecclesie et tibi domino Dalferio uenerabili eiusdem ecclesie episcopo cum omnibus rebus meis; scilicet cum uinea quam emi in territorio caccabi a iohanne clerico filio trotte, et cum duobus bobus, et ceteris omnibus rebus quas habeo, aut in antea domino adiuuante acquisiturus sum; quatenus amodo usque in perpetuum ego uobis omnimodo fidelis subiectus et obediens atque ecclesie uestre existere debeam, tamquam quibus me ut ita dicam et vivum et mortuum omnino reddidi, res quoque mee que prememorate sunt, in potestate uestra, et ipsius ecclesie uestre, sint lure perpetuo. Quod si dominus futuro tempore lucrari dederit mihi alia, sicut supradictum est, similiter in uestra sint potestate. Ut autem hec mea oblatio firmissima maneat, nullaque possit ratione uiolari presens priuilegium exinde uobis et ecclesie feci legitimorum testium subscriptionibus roboratum. Actum anno domini .M°. c°. LXXVI, mense augusti, indictionis viiil® feliciter. Amen. -+- Ego bartholomeus confirmo. -+- Ego Bartholomeus sancti gidii termarum magister cappellanus testis sum. -+- Ego Iohannes sancti petri castrinoui capellanus testis sum. —L ey tepevs gthimmog grA . . . . BapTUP® UNEP TOV oTaUPOY.

-+- Ego nodaseius testis sum. -+- Ego Anfusus de luce regius Iusticiarius testis sum. -+ Ego Iohannes capuanus testis sum. ++ Ego Raboanus caccabi testis sum.

Appendix of Inedited Documents Q75 XXXII 1182.

John of Melfi receives the habit from Prior Alfanus of the Holy Cross of Buccheri and gives some land to that church. Original in Patti Archive, Fond., 1, no. ant. 162, mod. 200; copy of 17th century, no. ant.

161, mod. 199. |

+- In nomine patris et filii et spiritus sancti Amen. Anno ab incarnatione domini nostri Jesu Christi M. C. octogesimo 11°. Regnante domino nostro gloriosissimo rege.W. secundo. Et domino stefano uenerabili episcopo in lippariensi et pactensi ecclesia presidente. Ego Iohannes melfie uidens gloriam huius seculi caducam esse, ammonitione domini alfani tune temporis ecclesie sancte crucis prioris, et propter bonum fauorem domini episcopi et sanctissimi conuentus petii fraternitatem et elemosinarum et beneficiorum illius sanctissimi conuentus

participationem. Dominus itaque alfanus prefatus prior petitionem meam benignus exaudiens super altare sancte crucis in fratrem me recepit. Hine igitur ego Iohannes melfie in tanta fraternitate receptus pro anima dominl rogerii tironis et domine constantie uxoris sue felicis memorie qui mihi hance terram contulerunt, et pro remedio anime mee, et pro anima domine leonora (sic) uxoris mee bone memorie, Assensu et uoluntate boamundi filii mei, et marsella (sic) filie mee, dono et concedo terram de la laseria ecclesie sancte crucis in perpetuum libere et quiete possidendam. terra itaque quam dedi sic diuiditur: a terra quam dominus rogerius tironis felicis memorie dedit ecclesie sancte crucis iuxta conductus molendinorum, et transit coram molendino ecclesie

montis [syon ?] .................... uadit usque ad furcas duarum ularum et deinde ad montem petre que est iuxta ulam et deinde ad aliam petram que inclinat ad occidentem et est in medio perforatam, et deinde descendit uiam uiam usque ad petram que est infra molendinum ecclesie sancte marie montis syon, et molendinum ferrarie, et deinde uadit senterium ad montem ad montem

| usque ad policaras, et de crista policare uadit ad montem ad montem usque ad petram que est sisca per medium, et de petra sisca uadit la crista la crista ad duas peczas (sic) terre sarraceni, et deinde la ualle la ualle usque ad fontem | la laserie, et de fontana uadit ad terram quam dedit nobis dominus .R. de tirone bone memorie.

-+- Signum manus domini Johannis melfie. -+ Signum manus bamontis

eius filii. Signum petri prioris sancte andree Cos Et de oe (sic) sunt testes hii qui ic nominantur -- Genatos militi (sic) testes (sic). -+ R. de osmundo uice comiti baccarati testes -+ Girardus uice comiti sancte crucis testis. -+ Bonus filius testis. -+ Osbertus de balsama testis ++ W. de manffe testis. -+ Rogerius presbiter testis. -+ frater Araldus sepulcri testis. - sacerdos francus testis. -+ Dominus R. militi et tancredus monachi filius testis sum.

Ego A. presbiter filius leti sancte crucis qui hance cartam scripsi ex oc testis

sum. +

276 Appendix of Inedited Documents XXXIV

118(4?), ind. 2 (?). , William II confirms to Bagnara all the gifts of Count Roger I, and adds to them. Exists in a transumpt of the 8 July 1274. P. Kehr saw the badly damaged original in the Barbarini Archive before it was transported to the Vatican (cf. Géttingische Nachrichten [1901],

244, and [1903], 296). I have not found this. A copy ‘ex orig. pergamena magnam partem corrosa, que est in Bib. Barb.,’ carefully collated by Gaetano Marini (d. 1815), Prefect of the Vatican

Archive, exists in that archive in the Miscellanea Garampi, No. 375.

~ Guillelmus Dei gratia Rex Sicilie Ducatus Apulie et Principatus Capue .......... Necessarium est illis qui nobis temporaliter secundum corpus deseruiunt benefacere..........magis necessarium nobis est illis benefacere qui nostris deseruiunt animabus. Quod nostre Ecclesie et Ecclesiasticis facimus

Deve eeeceecesscesese....- est inde laudabile quoniam..................... Et propterea nos Guillelmus Rex Sicilie........................gloriose Dei Genitricis Marie in cuius nomine Monasterium Balnearie dedicatum est pro

remissione etiam peccatorum....................Monasterio confirmamus priuilegia possessiones et omnia que quondam Dominus Rogerius Comes Sicilie dedit uidelicet diuisionem Balnearie sicut........ Bonus Frater scilicet quondam

ann 5)

possessionibus suis. Item quinquaginta uillanos in territorio Agrigentino.

Item Monasterium........................Jtem Monasterium Sancti Stefani de Castro nouo cum omnibus possessionibus suis et molendino quod Aymo de

Milacio ei dedit et Sanctam Mariam de Castro nouo...................-2+5+

veceeeeeeeees es spamet] Petri dew... i. cee ee eee

Ecclesiam Sancti Petri de Palermo et omnia alia que in predicto priuilegio Comitis Rogerii continetur. De habundanciori etiam gratia munificentia nostre

montes alios per mare de una terra ad aliam et specialiter...................

et extrahere absque pl......i passagio et aliquo iure quod et dicta doana uel .........-pereipere deberet. Concedimus etiam eidem sub libera passagio

eorumdem oulum..........pro............OUIDUS. 22... eee ee glandlaticum] pro................ducentis sexaginta...............Insuper

concedimus et in perpetuum confirmamus eidem Ecclesie Balnearie consuetu-

dines......................et honores quos a tempore.................... ende consueuit habere. Ad cuius rei memoriam et predicti scripti robur presens priuilegium fieri iussimus sigillo nostre celsitudinis roboratum. Datum apud

Panormi Anno ab Incarnatione............Millesimo centesimo octuagesimo

| [quarto ?]......................Indictionis secunde (?). ,

Appendix of Inedited Documents QT7 XXXV 1185, April, ind. 3. The priest Guido, being gravely ill, makes his will, and offers himself as a brother of St Leo’s, giving it certain properties near Paterno. — A copy of the 13th century exists in the Catanian Communal Library, numbered 1.60.D.4; another of 1678 in the book of copies in the same library.

+- Signum meum Presbiteri Guidonis Rogerio Zoppo. Anno Domenice Incarnationis Millestmo Centesimo octagesimo quinto mense Aprili Tertie Indictionis. Ego suprascriptus Presbiter Guido qui signum sancte Crucis propria manu impressi fateor me per hoc presens scriptum quod cum essem graui infirmitate oppressus cum in bona et plena existens memoria presens condidi testamentum et ut infra exprimitur sponte dispono rebus meis ut in sequentibus distinte (sic) notatur, in primis ab hodie in anthea offero me et trado in confratrem Monasterio Sancti Leonis de Paternione, cui Monasterio pro peccatorum meorum remissione et remedio animarum parentum meorum adiudico offero do et dono et corporaliter traddo a predicta die in anthea quam-

dam pectiam mearum terrarum que est salmarum triginta pertinentem mihi lure paterno que terra est in territorio Paternionis in contrata que dicetur de Oliuastro, confinia cuius sunt hee. incipit ab oriente et ascendit per predictum oliuastrum et uadit inde per cristam cristam usque ad mandram domini Martini Militis et deinde reuertit per uiam publicam que uadit in contrata gerbinorum, et inde reuertit a parte occidentali usque ad terram Iosaphat et ab eadem parte occidentali reuertit per mediem [usta (sic) Limitum ipsius terre Iosaphat usque

ad uiam publicam et deinde reuertit usque ad predictum oliuastrum et sic concluditur. Dans confratribus ipsius Monasterii et eorum successoribus a pre-

dicto die in antea liberam potestatem et authoritatem predictam pectiam terrarum in perpetuum tenendi, prouentus omnes inde ad opus ipsius Monasterti et eorum recipiendi, pleno iure ipsam tamquam rem propriam ipsius ecclesie si necessi fuerit uendendi, commutandi, et ad alium quorumque alienationis titulo

transferendi. Item adiudico maiori duorum filiorum meorum eo quod mihi deuote seruiunt (sic) et 1psius duobus filiis meis (sic) quasdam terras meas que

sunt in ula qua uadit apud Sanctam Anastasiam iuxta terras Bisatuoii (?) que sunt due pectie de modiis decem una quarum pectia ipsarum terrarum est

super ulam ipsam, et altera pectia est inferius ipsius ule iuxta ualloni quod dicitur Macrozonir. Similiter adiudico eis domum meam que est in terra Paternionis et ortum quod (sic) est in contrata Bruzuse iuxta Cerami da Viam post decessum ipsius mulieris predicti filli mei possint possidere bona predicta; et si aliquis ipsorum filiorum meorum decesserit sine heredibus alter ipsorum

possidere debeat bona predicta, et si ambo sine heredibus decesserint bona . predicta omnia deuoluantur ad ius et proprietatem Monasterii supradicti; similiter adiudico dictis filiis meis duos domunculas meas que sunt iusta domum domine Peregrine quas uolo ut ipsi similiter possidiant in uita eorum cum predictis aliis bonis adiudicatis et post modum uero predicta bona omnia deuo-

Q78 Appendix of Inedited Documents luuntur ad ius et proprietatem predicte ecclesie ut superius expressum est; ut

autem predictum testamentum memoriam seruet in posterum et perpetua gaudeat firmitate per manus Presbiteri Alexandri ipsum fieri rogaui testimonio subscriptorum proborum hominum roboratum. Scriptum in Paternioni anno, mense et inditione premissis. -+- Ego Presbiter Guglielmus de Vetrona testis sum. -+- Ego Presbiter Ierimias testis sum. -+- Ego Presbiter Guglielmus Cappellanus Sancti Marci testis sum. -+- Ego Presbiter Siluester testis sum. -+- Ego Presbiter Gualterius de Ruggiero Teruina testis sum. -+- Ego Cristoforus de Castello testis sum. -+- Ego Guarnus Conater (?)! testis sum. -+- Ego Andrea de Carmina testis sum.

XXXVI 1186, January, ind. 4, regni 20. Bishop Stephan of Lipari-Patti gives to Kaid Richard, Royal Chamberlain,

a life tenure of the priory of St Sophia of Vicari on condition that he set in order its decayed and scattered properties. Patti Archive, Fond., 1, no. ant. 168, mod. 206, may be the original; copies of the 17th century in no. ant. 167, mod. 205, and Pretensioni varie, fol. 196.

+- In nomine dei eterni et saluatoris nostri Iesu Christi. Anno eiusdem incarnationis M° C° octagesimo sexto, Mense Ianuarii, Indictionis quarte, Regni uero domini nostri W dei gratia gloriosissimi Regis Sicilie ducatus Apulie et principatus Capue anno xx° feliciter, Amen. Ego Stephanus dei gratia lipparensis et pactensis ecclesie humilis episcopus per hoc presens scriptum declaro quod cum obedientia nostra sancte sophie cum casali suo myzalhir remota sit ab ecclesia nostra pactensi propter quod et pro incuria et negligentia prelatorum

et priorum qui fuere hactenus in obedientia ipsa.............. 0000s de nemoribus et diuisis eilusdem casalis amissa sint et a quibusdam occupata necnon et de hominibus et uillanis ipsius casalis plures fugiunt, congruum duxi super his omnibus informando pastorali cura et sollecitudine prouidere. Quia igitur dominus Gaytus Riccardus domini Regis camerarius et magister regie doane de secretis frater est nostre ecclesie et in omnibus necessitatibus ipsius ecclesie patrocinium eius specialiter sectamur, rogatu nostro et precibus totius conuentus pactensis ecclesie predictam obedientiam sancte sophie cum predicto casali Myzalhar et cum fratre Girardo priore ipsius ecclesie sub protectione et patrocinio suo recepit. Ita scilicet quod ipse dominus Gaytus Riccardus debeat percipere omnes redditus et prouentus eiusdem casalis et hominum et uillanorum

tam in uictualibus quam in moneta in uita sua. Et debeat reducere pro posse suo in demanium eiusdem obedientie omnes terras et omnia que occupata sunt 1 A certain Guarinus Camhiator is mentioned on the 23 April 1189, ind. 7. Cf. Ardizzone, No. 21.

Appendix of Inedited Documents Q79 et usurpata de eodem casali, et reuocare ad propria uillanos fugitiuos quotquot

potuerit qui sunt de casali ipso et platea eius, et meliorare casale ipsum et possessiones ipsius ecclesie sancte sophie. Post obitum uero ipsius domini Gayti Riccardi quidquid ab eo edificatum, plantatum, insertum et melioratum fuerit in terris ipsius ecclesie totum remanebit integre in demanio Ipsius ecclesie. Cum autem ego iluero in requirendam ipsam obedientiam sancte sophie, ipse dabit

rationabiliter mihi et omnibus qui comitatu meo aderint indui necessaria, et cum uenero in regiam urbem panormi subueniet nobis de palea et lignis pro quoquina. Unde bona et gratuita uoluntate mea cum consensu et bona et gratuita uoluntate utriusque capituli nostri pepigi et promisi eidem domino Gayto Riccardo ut ipse in uita sua teneat predictam obedientiam cum predicto casali et habeat omnes redditus et prouentus ipsius sicut supra dictum est sine nostra nostrorumque successorum contrarietate, molestia et requisitione. Si quis uero contraire tentauerit, nisi resipuerit, Anathema sit. Conseruator autem celesti benedictione donetur. Ad huius autem concessionis robur presens scriptum scribi fecimus per manus clerici nostri Guillelmi notharil, quod roboratum est subscriptionibus [fratrum ?] nostrorum. -+- Ego Stephanus ecclesie lipparensis et pactensis episcopus suprascripta. . +- Ego Willelmus tunc temporis prior confirmo. -+- Ego frater Girardus prior sancte sophie concedo. -+- Ego frater Alfanus prior sancte crucis et sancti Iohannis concedo. -+- Ego frater Stephanus cappellanus domini episcopi concedo.

XXXVIT 1186, ind. 5 (Sept.-Dec.)

Baldwin of Noto grants to Prior Daniel of Bagnara and to the church of St Lucy de Montaneis certain lands and serfs. Copy of the 12th century in the Lateran Archive, Q. 7. C. 11; copy of the 18th century in Codex vaticanus 8034, foll. 397 and 40°.

Quoniam mortalium pacciones (sic) eorum mentibus multis cogitationibus implicitis elabuntur, idcirco ut cictus ad memoriam reuocari possent -scriptis tradere consueuerunt. Anno igitur dominice incarnacionis M°. c°.Octuagesimo sexto. indic. v. Ego balduinus olim runini de nota filius spontanea mea uoluntate

una cum uxore mea domina clemencia ac filiis meis parisio, et goffrido, et rainaldo, et filiabus meis seracena, et francia concedo tibi Danieli priori balnearie et uniuerso conuentui et ecclesie sancte lucie de montaneis, quandam peciam terre de pantano pro quibusdam uillanis quorum nomina inferius scripta sunt,

que terra tali cingitur fine. A parte montis est ula puplica, que tenditur a puteo buali usque ad rahalbalat, et ab aliis partibus circundatur terra notarii guilielmi, concedoque pro eisdem aliam peciam terre que est supra eandem ulam, capax duarum salmarum ut habeatis potestatem ex ea quidlibet faciend1. supradictorum uillanorum nomina quos a ubere cepi hi sunt: primus machadet

280 Appendix of Inedited Documents et omnes filil sororis elus scilicet queffure, et abdille, qui manet in casali domini riccardi de marturana. Et ut res firmior permaneat hoc instrumentum manibus proborum uirorum corroboratum fieri precepimus. _ -+-+ Ego qui supra balduinus concedo. -+- Ego clemencia hoc concedo. -++ Ego gofridus hoc concedo. + Ego rainaldus hoc concedo. -++- Ego seracena hoc concedo. -++ Ego francia hoc concedo.

-+- Signum manus philippi taurini et hoc concedo et testor. -++ Signum manuum mearum raonis de theodoro. -++ Ego brancaleonis hoc testor. -+- Ego carulus bouis testis sum. +- Ego alesius testor. -++ Ego iohannes bonafilia testor. -++ Ego loerius miles testor. -+- Ego guerrasius bonafilia testor. -+- Ego roggerius miles testis sum. -+- Ego matheus sadutti testor. -+- Ego obertus petri pilati testis sum.

XXXVITI 1188, December, ind. 7, regni 23.

Geoffrey of Marturano, a royal justiciar, and Jordan of Calatahaly, settle a dispute concerning the limits of the casale of Harsa, on the basis of Roger II’s donation of the casale to Cefald in 1132. What is probably a contemporary copy exists in the Archivio di Stato, Palermo, Tab. di Cefali, No. 26; 18th-century copies are in MSS Qq H 7, foll. 133-136, and Qq G 12, fol. 93, of

Bib. Com. Palermo. | |

In nomine Dei eterni et Saluatoris nostri Iesu Christi. Anno ab Incarnacione elus Millesimo Centesimo octuagesimo octauo, Mense Decembris, Indictionis septime, Regni uero domini nostri W. Dei gratia gloriosissimi et excellentissimi Regis Sicilie, ducatus Apulie, et principatus Capue, Anno uicesimo tercio feliciter Amen. Nos Gosfridus de marturano magne Regie curie magister iusticiarius, et Iordanus de calatahaly per hoc presens scriptum declaramus, quod dum nos ex mandato domini nostri serenissimi Regis missi fuissemus ad inuestigandas diuisas generales biccari, et ad specificandas distincte diuisas ecclesiarum, baronum, et militum, qui infra ipsas generales diuisas biccari tenere uidentur, contigit quod iuxta tenorem eiusdem quaterni duane Regie, qui factus fuerat olim per manus protonotarii curie transactis annis sexaginta et quinque, quem quaternum ex precepto Regio nobiscum pro ipsis diuisis ferebamus, diuisa ipsa biccari comprehendebat medietatem Casalis Arshe, quod est ecclesie cephaludensis, et ascendebat per quemdam collem, et descendebat per uallonem

Appendix of Inedited Documents 281 strictum usque dum perueniebatur ad quemdam locum ubi dicebatur fuisse casale Sankegi, et inde usque ad magnum uallonem, per quem itur ad diuisas michiken. Dum autem nos pro indagandis ipsis certis diuisis, et regiis iussionibus adimplendis, et apud biccarum moraremur, recepimus quasdam litteras ex

parte sacre Regie maiestatis, quas detulit nobis frater Donatus uenerabilis cellararius ecclesie cephaludensis, in quibus continebatur quod dominus Guido uenerabilis episcopus ecclesie cephaludi conquestus fuerat Regie maiestati nos cepisse ecclesie sue maximam partem de terris suis, dum nos predictas diuisas biceari faceremus, quas terras idem uenerabilis episcopus asserebat ecclesiam suam ex dono domini gloriosi Regis Rogerii beate memorie tenuisse, sicut continebatur in priuilegio eiusdem domini Regis Rogerii, quod ecclesia habebat, et quod ostensum fuerat predicto domino nostro serenissimo Regi, et propter hoc in eis litteris iniunctum fuit nobis ex parte Regie celsitudinis ut priuilegium

ipsum uideremus, et iuxta eiusdem priuilegii tenorem prefatum Episcopum terras ipsas tenere permitteremus. Quod utique mandatum Regium nos quantum potuimus et prout debuimus fideliter attendentes, uidimus, et relegimus priuilegium ipsum domini gloriosi Regis Rogerii diue memorie, quod ecclesia cephaludi habebat, et perreximus ad locum, qui de diuisa biccari fuisse uidebatur, et qui continebatur in priuilegio ipso, Ibique multis astentibus fecimus legi et intelligi litteras regias, et mandatum, quod pro parte cephaludensis ecclesie recepimus de diuisis ipsis, et inuenimus quod quaternus predicti protonotarii factus fuerat transactis iam annis sexaginta et quinque, sicut predictum est. Priuilegium uero ecclesie cephaludi factum, et indultum eidem ecclesie fuerat a predicto domino glorioso rege Rogerio inclite recordationis transactis

annis quinquaginta et sex, et inde auctoritatem sumentes ex precepto regio, quod inde recepimus iuxta tenorem prefati priuilegii, quod distincte tenebat omnes diuisas ipsius Casalis. Incepimus a loco illo, ubi est confinium Haiar Mingel, uidelicet a loco qui dicitur Aiar Lifac, et uidimus pro certo, et cognouimus, quod diuisa ipsa terrarum ecclesie cephaludi protenditur ab eodem loco aiar lifac usque ad flumen tortum, et inde ascenditur uersus orientem per flumen flumen usque ad quoddam pantanum, ubi est quidam locus spaciosus, et planus, cuius loci, et pantani medietas est casalis Mustaste, et reliqua medietas est casalis Cassari, et mandra est in tenimento cassari, et scripta est in sigillo Harshe, et debent habere iacinam, et ab ipso pantano ascenditur per uallonem per uiam uiam usque orientem, usque ad locum ubi est quadruuium, inde procedit uia, que ducit biccarum, et conducit panormum, et conducit petraliam, et

conducit castrum nouum, et a predicto quadruuio itur ad orientem recta ula usque ad locum non longe existentem, qui dicitur beb ramel, et inde uersus meridiem declinatur per uallonem uallonem, et preteritur uallo ille ubi primas diuisas feceramus iuxta tenorem prefati quaterni, usque dum peruenitur ad diuisas Michiken, et inde itur per predictum uallonem beb ramel usque ad montem super mandram Zumac, et ubi sunt relique diuise, que continentur in predicta priuilegio ecclesie cephaludensis. Hec predicta sicut aperte, et distincte continebantur certis terminis et diuisis in prefato priuilegio ecclesie cephaludi,

et sicut ex dono domini gloriosi Regis Rogerii beate memorie ea possiderat

282 Appendix of Inedited Documents ecclesia cephaludi transactis 1am quinquaginta et sex annis, ita ex mandato domini nostri gloriosissim1 Regis, quod inde recepimus, permisimus ea tenere prefatam ecclesiam cephaludi, et ea sibi ex parte Regia, et nostra de mandato

Regio confirmauimus. Ad huius itaque rei, et confirmacionis memoriam, et inuiolabile firmamentum, pro maiori securitate ecclesie predicte cephaludi hoe

presens scriptum per manus Philippi Regie curie notarii inde fieri iussimus supradicte ecclesie cephaludi. In quo propriis manibus nos signauimus, Anno, Mense, et Indictione Supradictis. -+- Ego Gosfridus de marturano magne Regie curie magister Iusticiarius. -+- Ego Iordanus de Calatahaly, qui supra.

(Note in hand of 14th (2) century) Presentatum est hoc penes Acta Magne Regie Curie xxiii. Nouembris xiv. Indictionis pro Episcopo Cephaludensi in questione quam habet cum filiis, et heredibus quondam Domini Francisci de Aragona.

XXXIX 1189, 3 March, ind. 7.

Roger Hamut, royal justiciar, settles a dispute concerning the limits of Harsa and Huedmarram. Copy of 13th century in Archivio di Stato, Palermo, Tab. di Cefalu, No. 27; copy of 18th century in MS Qq H 7, fol. 137-9, of Bib. Com. Palermo.

Quoniam ea que racionali geruntur prouidencia perpetua debent soliditate uigere, ne uel protractu temporis labentis (?) in fuga, uel sub repenti detractorum inuidia ualeant adnulari, litteris rerum indicibus alligare curaui. Quod cum Ego Rogerius Hamutus regius Iusticiarius ex precepto regie curie pro altercacione quadam, et contrauersia diuisionum Harse, et Huedmarram, apud Harsiam uenytur in ipso casali consistens, Inueni dominum cellararium cephaludi cum aliis canonicis fratribus suis, Qui quoddam priuilegium quod Sehet Butahib Magister regie duane illis fecerat hostenderunt. Cui quidem priuilegio non consenciens ego priuilegium domini regis Rogerii felicis memorie, quod de ipsis diuisionibus se dicebant habere, petii, quod mihi prefati canonici hostenderunt. Quo autem diligenter super ipsas diuisiones perlecto, astantibus quampluribus probis hominibus Christianis, uidelicet, et Sarracenis, et de loco ad locum, prout in ipso priuilegio locorum nomina scripta continebantur perueniens, inueni ipsas diuisiones factas ex regio priuilegio sicuti in priuilegio Sehet Butahib continebatur. Interrogans uero homines, qui mecum adherant, tam Christianos,

quam Sarracenos, utrum ipse diuisiones legitime fuissent, et ut ipsa locorum nomina, que in regio priuilegio scripta erant, ita nominarentur prout ipsum priuilegium regium asserebat, equaliter responderunt, quod ea nomina taliter uocarl semper audierant. De terra autem quam Sarraceni Huedmarram seminauerant, pro qua fuit altercacio facta, et Sarraceni similiter Harse, super

illam semper aliud addiderunt. Vidi eam esse intra diuisiones Harse

Appendix of Inedited Documents 283 prout in priuilegio regio continebatur. Hoc autem actum est Anno ab incarnacione domini M° C° octuagesimo nono, tercio die mensis madii, vii.me indictionis. Ut autem firmius maneat, et tenacius persistet, predictis fratribus hane cartam fieri fecimus, et nostro signo signauimus, Anno et indictione prescriptis, coram subscriptis testibus qui interfuerunt. fs Signum proprie manus Rogerii Hamuti regii Iusticiarii. -+ Ego bonus homo interfui. -+ Ego Roggerius burdo interfui. -{+- Ego Philippus de rocca interfui. -+ Ego Guido de Giffene interfui. -+ Ego Guillelmus Golias testis sum -+ Ego Samson de panormo interfui. -+ Ego Benedictus de sancta lucia interfui. -+ Ego Goffredus de casale met interfui. -+ Ego Iohannes de sansa interfui. -+ Ego Iohannes de Gulisano interfui. -+ Ego Pascalis de sancta lucia interfui. -+ Ego Fidelis de sancta lucia interfui. -+Ego Amelinus de castro nouo interfui. -+ Ego Iohannes filius Georgii de michiquen interfui. -+- Ego Sebaldus de capicio interfui. -+ Ego Guido domini sumatani interfui. + Ego Tancredo de petra perfecta interfui. -+ Ego Leo filius marie crasse de michiquen interfui. -+ Ego Lucas filius alferii testis sum. -+ Ego Petrus Clericus interfui. -+ Ego Guillelmus Notarius domini adonis de cormario regii Tusticiarii hance cartam scripsi precepto domini Rogerii Hamuti regii Iusticiari et subscripsi. (Note of 14th (?) century). Presentatum est hoc penes Acta Magne Regie Curie xxiii Novembris xiv Indictionis pro Episcopo Cephaludensi in questione quam habet cum filiis et heredibus quondam Domini Francisci de Aragona.

XL 6698 (1189), 16 December, ind. 8. ~ Basilissa, widow of Nicholas Mantell,! is received as a nun into St Mary’s de Scalis of Messina by Abbess Mabela. MS Qq H 237, foll. 21% and 22", of Bib. Com. Palermo, a Latin translation made by Joseph Vinci, Protopope of the Greeks of Messina, on the 12 April 1763, from the Greek text of ibzd., fol. 21*v, ‘Ex originali membranaceo asservato in Collegiata D. Mariae de Grapheo.’

-- Signum manus Basilissae uxoris quondam Nicolai Mantelli. _ Mense Decembrio Ind. 8, die 16, anno 6698. Veni [ego Basilissa] uxor quondam Nicolai Mantelli ad te Abbatissam Domnam Mabelam immaculatae Deiparae Messanae, et ad coenobium. Signum venerandae et vivificae Crucis propria manu describens, proprio meo consilio et voluntate cum magna deprecatione erga te tuumque conventum, ut me faceretis vestram spiritualem sororem sicuti et meus vir fuit vobiscum, tu vero examinans me et conventum, accipiens me per manum introduxisti in Sanctam Ecclesiam simul et in Monasterium, et fecistis me spiritualem vestram sororem, et professa sum de more. Conveni autem et contenta ful Sanctam Ecclesiam habere post nostram mortem res - 1trangely Cusa, 376, mentions a ‘Nixé\aos 6 pavdddos’ at Messina in September 6750 (1196) ind. 5 (sic.).

284 Appendix of Inedited Documents nostras omnes ex mobilibus et stabilibus, et quae possideo hodie ex mobilibus. Oves septuaginta quinque, capellas 40, boves indomitos novem, domitos duos, porcorum capita 38, et mulam, asinos duos; in futurum vero per singulos annos per usufructum habere agnos 20, pariter ex capellis haedos 20, ex bebus vero ovibus atque aliis animalibus supradictis non habere me facultatem vendendi nec donandi praeter agnos et haedos absque tuo consensu. Similiter me habere caseum, lanam, et butyrum in meum peculium, haec omnia habebo per omnem vitam meam, post meam vero mortem habebit omnia Sanctum Monasterium. Post meum obitum sepelietis me sicuti mos est fieri cum sororibus. Ita convenit inter me et vos in anno et indictione suprascriptis. -+- Theodorus filius quondam Leonis ceramedarii precibus supradictae Basilissae testis subscripsi. +- Quondam Gregorii et Rhamadae filius Arcadius testor.

-+- Constanstinus........................ et gener Sacerdotis. -+ Theodorus quondam Nicolai Mantelli testor. -+- Leopard testor. -+- Petrus nepos supradictae Dominae Basilissae testor. -+- Theodorus frater quondam Nicolai Mantelli testor. -++ Leo filius quondam Nicolai Mantelli praedictis consensi et me subscripsi. +- Ego Ricardus Presbyter secundum quod continetur in carta testimonium

perhibeo. ,

+- Ego H[ar]naudus Presbyter similiter huic carte testimonium perhibeo. -+- Robertus Hospital. testis. + Magister Gulielmus Rhegenus testis.

XLI 1190, March, ind. 8. Bishop Stephan of Lipari-Patti gives judgement at Lipari in a case involving the theft of falcons and rabbits. A carta dwisa. The original, badly damaged, is in the Patti Archiv, Fond., 1, no. ant. 173, mod. 211. A copy of the 18th century is in MS Qq G 12, fol. 47, of Bib. Com. Palermo.

S[tephanus] diuina gratia lippariensis et pactensis episcopus cunctis legentibus. Anno incarnationis dominice M°. c°. lxxxx. mense martil, viii indictionis. Residente me in proloquutorio lipparitane ecclesie in quo exercende iusticie

gratia solet resideri, facta est conquestio ab uniuerso populo assistenti pro falconibus qui ab [alJr[ci]s suis furtiue a quibusdam rapiebantur, inde sepe diffamati in ca[rcerem] a nobis trahebantur et penam cum labore subibant. Item et tumultus factus .................... dicentibus ................. Deen eeeeeeeeeaeee.. atque cabellam cuniculorum a .....................

ne nn nee eee een eee eee eee eee eee eee potant

uolnearis (?) exsoluebitur, quidam furtum..............0..0.00000 00 cece eens te eeeeeeeeeeeess... ante tempus deuastabant .........0 0.000. cee ee

voce e cece eeeeeeeeceeee. ad quod maleficium per .................. 00005.

Appendix of Inedited Documents 285 Lecce eee eee eee ee eee eee se MOSSE POStU 2... Lc cece eee een e nes

eee cece eee eee sents eee eee eeeeeveseveeeeeseeesese+» Ulllam et expellatur

SD: cuniculorum uastando ........................ fuerit 20.0... eee eee eee

......+..... Ego Thomas lippariensis tunc stratigotus testis et constitul et firmaui. Ego Paulus statui ibidem. Ego Augustus laudaui et statui. Ego Philippus laudaui et statui. Ego Iohannes marisco (?) laudaui et statu. Ego

Robertus de portu statui. Ego Theodorus .............. XLII 1190 ?

John the Greek and his wife Beatrix sell to the church of (St Elias) of Aderno their vineyard, receiving 534 taris. Copy in MS Qq E 133, No. 6, of Bib. Com. Palermo.

-+- Signum manus Ioannis greco (sic) quidam (?). -+- Signum manus Beatricis uxoris.

Ego Ioannes, qui in superiori presenti scripto [signum salutifere crucis feci ?], de spontanea uoluntate et consensu uxoris mee [uendo ecclesie Sancti Helie Prophete ?] que sita est in Adernione et est subdita ecclesie Dominici Sepulchri, uineam meam, que est et se tenet insimul cum ea, quam uineam extruxit et alienauit pater soceri Mel ..........0.0. 0.0000. e eee eee

...ee....... habuerit ad plantandum eam a quodam qui nominabatur de Carbone sicuti extruxit. Instrumentum .................0... 000 cece eee ee

Lecce eeeeeeeeeeeses. @t est seriptum greca littera, et eidem ecclesie tradimus

ego et uxor mea. Diuiditur enim ipsa uinea ........................ est per circuitum a vinea et tenimentum prenominate ecclesie ..................05: Lecce ee eeeeeeeeseeaees. Ulnee est modica terra uacua que similiter est uendita cum uinea. Hac uero uenditione ecclesie prenominate ego Ioannes et uxor mea uineam iam dictam uendimus pro tarenis quingentis triginta quatuor. Recepimus per manus ipsius Gulielmi de rinis, et fratris Ugonis de Messana uisitatoris domus dicte ecclesie, qui persoluit ipsos predictos tarenos pro preceptore nomine fratris Araldi preceptoris. Quod si forte in posterum aliquis,

uel aliqua de predicta uinea calumniam inferre tentauerit defensores inde erimus. Quod si facere noluerimus uel aliquam dissimulauerimus fraudem Lecce cece ee eceseeeevscecesesess... lurare nos obligamus totidem in curia

et prius (sic) comprobationem ea que perleguntur firma, et stabilia permanere

in perpetuum. Hanc .................... uenditionis firma manente quam rogatus a nobis scripsit Rinaldus presbyter habitator Adernionis et filius Gulielmi.

286 Appendix of Inedited Documents Actum est hoc coram subscriptis testibus anno salutifere Incarnationis anno 1190. +}+ Ego Nicholaus comestabelus testis sum. -+- Ego Baronias filius Philippi sineschalchi testis sum. -+- Ego Ugo Lucensis testis sum.

+- Uguishius. ,

-+- Ego Maurus de Alexandro testis sum. -+- Ego Joannes Salo testis sum. -+- Ego Ioannes Butone ecclesie Sancti Helie testis sum. -+- Ego Ioannes filius Aldobrandi testis sum.

XLII 6702 (1193-94).

The priest Baleaes Nicipho and his brothers exchange lands with Abbess — Mabela of St Euplus’s (in Calabria). MS Qq H 237, fol. 6", of Bib. Com. Palermo, a Latin translation made by Joseph Vinci, Protopope of the Greeks in Messina, the 10 April 1763, from the Greek text of ibid., fol. 5*¥.

-+ Signum manus Presbyteri Balcaes Nicipho cognomento Sicleri. -+- Signum manus Nicolai fratris eius. -+- Signum manus Galapa alius fratris eius.

-+- Signum manus Andreae alius fratris eius. , +- Signum manus Roberti alius fratris eius. Nos qui supra scripsimus signa pretiosae et vivificae crucis propria manu facientes hane permutationis chartam ponimus et facimus spontanea nostra

voluntate ac placito cum Sancta Ecclesia S. Eupli et tecum nobilissima et Reverendissima Abbatissa Domina Mabela, quoniam ambobus convenientibus permutavimus cum Sancta Ecclesia, et tecum nobilissima et Reverendissima Abbatissa nostrum agrum, quem habemus in Petrizi prope culturam Sanctae Ecclesiae, concluditur vero sic: ab Oriente est confine culturae Sanctae Ecclesiae

Petritzi (sic), et sunt vineae Tempureorum (teyrovpéwv), ab Occidente est ager filiorum Constantini Cricelli, a Septentrione similiter est ager filiorum Cricelli, et filiorum Leonis Cordari, a Meridie pariter est ager filiorum Constantini Cricelli, et Presbyteri Joannis Macri, et Leonis Rapti et concluduntur. Gyrus vero agri est mensuratus Schenia vigenti octo, unumquodque autem Scheniam habet orgias sex, et angulum unum, et concluditur quantum et quale est. Hunc vero agrum dedimus nos Sanctae Ecclesiae tibique nobilissimae et Reverendissimae Abbatissae quantum et quale est. Tu vero Reverendissima Abbatissa dedisti nobis permutationis titulo agrum Sanctae Ecclesiae dictum

Sacerdotis Philippi, ita vero circumscribitur; ab Oriente est cannetum mei Presbyteri Bal[caes] et meorum fratrum, ab Occidente similiter est vinea nostra, a Septentrione similiter est vinea nostra, a Meridie vero est cannetum Notarii Joannis, quod habuit a Sancta Ecclesia. Est autem similiter mensuratus gyrus elus Schenia vigenti octo sicuti noster et unumquodque Schenion continet orgias

Appendix of Inedited Documents 287 sex et angulum, et sic concluditur quantum et quale est. Nos vero praedicti contenti sumus Sanctam Ecclesiam facere ex nostro agro quidquid voluerit quasi Domina et potestatem a nobis sumens, non impedietur Ecclesia neque a nobis neque a nostris propinquis et haeredibus nulla vice quaestionem vel molestiam inferemus contra Sanctam Ecclesiam neque contra nostrum agrum, obligantes nos, et vindicabimus agrum ipsum ab omni persona etsi quavis de causa contrafecerimus obligamur ad poenam dupli valoris agri, et ad fiscum obligamur ad numismata 36; et nihilominus contentamur quod praesens permutatio permaneat usque ad finem saeculorum, quae scripta fuit manu mea Joannis eo tempore Camerarii Domini Leonis Vicecomitis ipsius Monasterii precibus Presbyteri Bal[caes] et fratrorum eius in anno 6702 in praesentia fidedignorum testium.

+ Theocharitos testis. -+- Sergius Cortisces testis subscripsi. -+- Presbyter Kalcem testis subscripsi propria manu. -+- Leos Biscomes.

XLIV 1194, May, ind. 12.

John of Monte Marano sells a vineyard to Brother Peter, Hospitaler of the Hospital of St Bartholomew’s of Lipari. The original, now loose in the Patti Archive, was formerly in the volume Alcunz stabilt, la doana, etc., fol. 1.

+ In nomine patris et filii et spiritus sancti amen. Anno incarnationis eiusdem M° Co? lxxxxiiii® mense madii indictione xii. —-+ Signum manus iohannis

de monte marano uendentis. -+ Signum manus Alexandrie uxoris elus concedentis. + Signum manus [Simonis (from margin)] filii etusdem concedentis. Notum sit tam presentibus quam futuris hoc scriptum legentibus uel legi audientibus quod ego predictus ighannes de monte marano, una cum uxore mea et filio meo nulla ui uel monitis coactus sed spontanea uoluntate mea pro sola utilitate mea facienda uendidi fratri Petro hospitalario ad opus hospitalis quandam peciam uinee, que mihi ex parte prefate uxoris mee cedebat(ur], ipsa concedente pro tarenis xxviii quibus ab ipso fratre susceptis uineam iam dicto fratri assignaui, ut sit detenta de dumanio (sic) ecclesie sancti bartholomet libere et quiete mea meorumque omniumque remota calumnia. Vinee uero ipsius fines isti sunt: a superiori parte uinea filiorum pandonis, ab utroque latere uinea hospitalis, ab inferiore parte uinea Perrete de bernasunt, et sic concluditur. Ad huius igitur uenditionis memoriam et stabilitatem hoc presensscriptum feci eidem hospitali per Willelmum de traina domini uenerabilis pactensis episcopi clericum subscriptorum testium manibus signatum. Anno mense indictione prescriptis.

288 Appendix of Inedited Documents -+- Ego Balduinus Iudex testis sum. -+- Ego Viuianus de bertramo testis sum. -+- Ego Sergius de pandone testis sum.

-+- Ego Faynonus de acc .................... testis sum. -+- Ego Symon de balduino testis sum. ,

-+- Ego Harmannus de ferrara testis sum. : XLV

1194, May, ind. 12, regni 1. Admiral Eugene! receives from Bishop Stephan of Patti a house in Termini built by Anfusus of Petrano (or Luci) for a census of an ounce of gold annually. Original loose in the Patti Archive.

In Nomine Dei Eterni et Saluatoris Nostri Ihesus Christi Amen. Anno dominice Incarnationis Millesimo Centesimo Nonagesimo quarto, Regni uero domini nostri Wi. dei gratia serenissimi Regis Sicilie ducatus Apulie et principatus Capue, Anno primo feliciter, Amen, Mense Madii, Indictionis duodecime. Quoniam uos domine Stephane dei gratia uenerabilis pactensis episcope karissime in Christo pater noster con[sensu et] uoluntate [fratrum] uestrorum

concessistis nobis Eugenio regio Amirato et heredibus nostris .............. veeeeeeeees... Gomum quam Anfusus de petrrano construxit in thermas et

ab ecclesia pactensi .............................. etiam annuatim debebat soluere eidem ecclesie pro censu unam unciam [auri] ....................... amodo prenominate pactensi ecclesie similiter pro ipsa domo an|[nualiter] Dee eeeeveeeeeeesesesse.. UNCIAM [auri] In pasca quam si quomodo adueniente {tempore nos aut ?| heredes nostri memorate pactensi ecclesie non soluerimus,

et exinde requisiti, Ips] ........................ lmus et liceat eidem ecclesie domum ipsam sagire (sic) et tenere donec ei de predicto censu .............. teeeeeeeeesss.... Gomus ipsa ad dominium nostrum uel heredum nostrorum

reuertatur. Si uero, quod deus [auertat] .....:....................... sine herede decesimus, liceat prenominate ecclesie domum ipsam ad suum dominium Liv ceeeeeseeseeesss. SS1ONIS Nostre Memoriam et inuiolabile firmamentum presens priuilegium .................... per manus Nicolai ..............

+++

notaril scribi fecimus, propria manu nostro subsignatum. Anno Mense et

Indictione suprascriptis.

+ obyevng (P) edyeving otnste yetol UmOYpaoM nat xupo@ —1 This may be the famous poet and translator of uncertain date, on whom see Haskins, Mediaeval science, 2nd edn. (Harvard, 1927), 171-76. However there was an earlier Admiral Eugene, whose son was mature in 1144; supra, p. 259.

Appendix of Inedited Documents 289 XLVI

1194, August, ind. 12, regni 1. William ITI and his mother Queen Sibil grant a house in Palermo formerly belonging to Adelicia of Golisano to Aloysa, wife of Geoffrey of Marturano, in which to found a nunnery. Two copies in MS Qq F 69, foll. 317 and 318, of Bib. Com. Palermo, the second apparently made from the first.

In Nomine Dei Aterni et Saluatoris nostri Iesu Christi Amen. W. diuina fauente clementia Rex Sicilie, Ducatus Apulie, et Principatus Capue una cum Domina Sibila Illustri Regina matre sua. Et si uotorum preces de consuetudine nostre mansuetudinis admittamus, que iam propositi sanctitate nituntur in adiutorio nostre clementie maioris gratie inueniunt, et fauorabiliorem assensum impetrant pietatis. Inde est quod cum tu Aloysa uxor Goffridi de Marturano fidelis nostri serenitati nostre cum deuotionis instantia supplicares ut in ciuitate nostra Panormi concederemus tibi domus curie nostre, que fuit Adelitie de Golisano, ut in ea constitueres monasterium in quo uirginalis dedicata religio (sic) Christo sponso suis prudentes occurrant lampadibus, et sequantur, Nos propositum tuum pia honestate subnixum merito commendante illud oculis nostre benignitatis intuendum decreuimus, et supplicationes tuas in hac parte pronices admictentes concedimus tibi predicte Aloyse fideli nostre supradictam domum curie nostre, que fuit dudum Adelitie de Golisano per cuius obitum extitit ad manus nostras per excadentiam rationabiliter deuoluta, cum omnibus lustis tenimentis et pertinentiis suis ad tuum uotum iuxta tue intentionis arbitrium prosequendum. Cuius domus fines sic distingunter: Ab oriente et meridie sunt menia Cassari ciuitatis nostre Panormi. Ab occidente est tenimentum ecclesie Sancte Marie de Admirato, et darbus unde habet introitum et exitum dicta domus; et a septemtrione est uia publica unde similiter dicta domus habet introitum et exitum suum, et si qui alii sunt confines. Ad huius autem concessionis, et terminationis memoriam, et inuiolabile firmamentum presens priuilegium nostrum per manus Maximiani de Brundusio notarii et fidelis nostri scribi, et bulla plumbea typario nostro impressa iussimus roborari. Anno, mense et indictione subscriptis. Datum in urbi felici Panormi per manus Bartholomei uenerabilis Panormitani archiepiscopi, et Romualdi! uenerabilis Salernitani archiepiscopi domini Regis familiarium. Anno Dominice Incarnationis M°. c°. xc°rv®. mense Augusti, xii Indictionis. Regni uero Domini nostri W. Dei gratia serenissimi Regis Sicilie, Ducatus Apulie, et Principatus Capue anno primo feliciter. Amen.

1 Cf. supra, p. 162, n. 2. ,

290 Appendix of Inedited Documents XLVII 1271, April, ind. 14, regni 6, Palermo.

of Refesio, of ,

An official transcript given to Brother Walter, Cantor of the Cistercian house of Belmont in Syria, and preceptor of the monastery of the Holy Trinity

1198, 3 November, ind. 2, pontif. 1, Lateran. A bull of Innocent III to Abbot William and the brethren of the Cistercian house of the Holy Trinity of Refesio. Copy in Bib. Com. Palermo, MS Qq H 9, foll. 98-104, ‘Ex Tabulario Canonicorum S. Joannis Eremitarum.’ Ibid., foll. 106-110, contains an independent, but less complete, copy. The archive of San Giovanni degli Eremite, now in the cathedral of Palermo, no longer contains this document; cf. Vincenzo Mortillaro, Catalogo ragionato dei diplomi esistenti nel tabulario della cattedrale di Palermo

(Palermo, 1842). Mongitore, in MS Qq E 5 (foll. unnumbered), affirms that in his day (early 18th century) this transumpt was in the cathedral archive. Cf. supra, p. 177, n. 3.

In Nomine Domini Amen. Anno Dominice Incarnationis Millesimo Ducentesimo Septuagesimo primo, die .......... mensis Aprilis, quarte decime Indictionis, Regnante Serenissimo Domino Nostro Excellentissimo Rege Karolo

Dei Gratia Inclito Rege Sicilie, Ducatus Apulie, et Principatus Capue, Alme Urbis Senatore, Antegavie, Provincie, ac Folkalkerie Illustrissimo Comite, et Romani Imperatoris in Tuscia per Sanctam Romanam Ecclesiam Vicario generale, Regni uero eius Sicilie Anno sexto feliciter. Amen. Nos Iohannes de Lamfredo Iudex Panormi, Notarius Benedictus publicus Tabellio Ciuitatis eiusdem, et subscripti literati testes ad hoc uocati specialiter, et rogati, presenti scripto publico notum facimus, et testimus quod Frater Gualterius Cantor Monasterii Belli Montis in Syria Tripolitane Diecesis Cisterciensis ordinis et Preceptor Monasterii Sancte Trinitatis de Refesio filie Bellimontis Diecesis Ecclesie Agrigentine, et Frater Thomas Monacus predicti Monasterii Bellimontis socius dicti Preceptoris in nostra presentia constituti ostenderunt nobis quoddam priuilegium quondam Reuerendissimi Domini Innocentii Pape tertii felicis memorie cum bulla plumbea pendente in eo cum filo sete rubee, et ialino (sic) indultum ab eodem Domino Papa Venerabili Monasterio Sancte Trinitatis de Refesio continentie infrascripte, petentes pre, dictum priuilegium a nobis auctoritate 1udiciaria per manus mei dicti Tabellionis ad eorum cauthelam in formam publicam redigi, et transcribi pro eo quod ipsi Fratres asserebant predictum priuilegium papale uelle conseruare et presens sumptum inde transumptum ostendere ubi necesse fuerit ad cauthelam Monasterii predicti. Quorum petitionem utpote iustam, et iuri consentaneam admittentes, dictum priuilegium papale uidimus, legimus, relegimus seriatim, et inspeximus diligenter, et uidentes ipsum priuilegium non abolitum, non abrasum,

non cancellatum, non relineatum, neque in aliqua parte sui et bulla predicta uicium aliquod imminere, sed prima figura sua illesum existere, et omni uicio

Appendix of Inedited Documents 291 et suspicione carere, illud de uerbo ad uerbum, nullo addito, uel mutato, seu etiam diminuto in hanc presentem formam publicam per manus mei dicti Tabellionis ad eorum cauthelam et fidem apud alios exinde faciendam fideliter duximus transcribendum, cuius priuilegii tenor per omnia talis est. Innocentius Episcopus Seruus Seruorum Dei Dilectis filiis Guillelmo Abbati

Monasterii Sancte Trinitatis de Refesio, e1usque Fratribus tam presentibus quam futuris regularem uitam professis In perpetuum. Religiosam uitam eligentibus Apostolicum conuenit adesse patrocinium ne forte cuiuslibet temeritatis

incursus aut eos a proposito reuocet, aut robur, quod absit, Sancte Religionis infringat; ea propter dilecti in Domino filii uestris iustis postulationibus clementer annuimus, et prefatum Monasterium Sancte Trinitatis, in quo mancupati estis obsequio, sub Beati Petri et nostra protectione suscipimus, et presenti nostro priuilegio communimus. In primis siquidem statuentes ut ordo monasticus, qui secundum Deum, et Beati Benedicti regulam, atque institutiones Cisterciensium Fratrum in eodem loco constitutum esse dignoscitur perpetuis ibidem temporibus inuiolabiliter conseruetur. Preterea quascumque possessiones, quecumque bona idem monasterium possidet, aut in futurum concessione Pontificum, largitione Regum uel Principum, oblatione fidelium, seu aliis iustis modis prestante Domino poterit adipisci firma uobis, uestrisque successoribus, et illibata permaneant, in quibus hec propriis duximus exprimenda uocabulis. Locum predictum in quo prefatum monasterium situm est, cum pratis, uineis, terris, nemoribus, usuagiis, pasquis, et omnibus tenimentis et pertinentiis suis; Casale Buligie cum molendino, et aliis tenimentis et pertinentiis suis; Granciam que est iuxta Calatabellot cum terris, molendinis, et omnibus pertinentiis suis.

Quidquid habetis in territorio Villenove nemus; et usuagium quod habetis in territorio..............3; domos, et possessiones quas habetis apud Panormum. Terras, uineas et domos quas habetis cum Casale Sibeti; sane laborum uestrorum, quos propriis manibus, aut sumptibus colitis, tam in terris cultis, quam incultis siue de ortis, et uirgultis, et piscationibus uestris, uel de nutrimentis animalium

uestrorum nullus a uobis decimas exigere, uel extorquere presumat. Liceat quoque uobis clericos uel laicos liberos et absolutos a seculo fugientes ad conuer-

sionem recipere, et eos absque contradictione aliqua retinere. Prohibemus insuper ut nulli Fratrum uestrorum post factam in Monasterio uestro professionem fas sit absque Abbatis sui licentia de eodem Monasterio habesse; discedentem uero absque communium litterarum cautione nullus audeat retinere quod si quis forte retinere presumpserit, licitum sit uobis in ipsos monachos, siue conuersos sententiam regularem proferre; Illud destrictius inhibentes ne terras, seu quodlibet beneficium Ecclesie uestre collatum liceat alicui personaliter dari, aut alio modo alicui absque consensu totius capituli, uel maioris et sanioris partis ipsius. Si que uero donationes uel alienationes aliter quam dictum est facte fuerint, eas irritas esse censemus. Licitum preterea sit uobis in causis propriis, siue ciuilem, siue criminalem contineat questionem, Fratrum uestrorum testimoniis uti, ne pro defectu testium ius uestrum in aliquod ualeat deperire. Insuper auctoritate Apostolica inhibemus ne nullus Archiepiscopus, Episcopus, uel quelibet alia persona ad Synodos uel conuentus forenses uos ire, uel iudicio

292 Appendix of Inedited Documents seculari de uestra propria substancia, uel possessionibus uestris subiacere compellat, nec ad domos uestras, tam ordines celebrandi, causas tractandi, uel aliquos publicos conuentus detinendi uenire presumat; Nec regularem electionem Abbatis uestri1 impediat, aut de instituendo, uel remouendo ipsum pro tempore

existentem contra statuta Cisterciensis ordinis se aliquatenus intromitat. Si uero Episcopus in cuius Parochia domus uestra fundata est cum humilitate, ac

deuotione qua conuenit rei istius substanciam ................ 0.00. cece ee uobis conferre renuerit, licitum sit eidem Abbati, siue Priori ipsos Nouicios

benedicere, et alia que ad officium........................pertinent exercere,

et uobis omnia ab alio Episcopo............. 0.00... e eee ees fuerit indebite denegata. Pro consecrationibus uero altarium ac Ecclesiarum

vec eee cece ee eeenceeees .& UObDIS Obtentu..... eee ee eee

uel alio modo... 0... cc cece eee ete eee eee sees AiO Episcopo Diecesano impendat, alioque liceat uobis quemcumque malueritis Catholicum adire antistem gratiam, et communionem Sacrosancte Romane Sedis habentem, qui nostra aucthoritate quod postulatis impendat. Quod si Sedes Diecesani Episcopi forte uacauerit, interim omnia Ecclesiastica Sacramenta ab aliis Episcopis libere accipere, et absque contradictione possitis. Sic tamen ut ex hoc in posterum propriis Episcopis nullum preiudicium generetur.

Preterea illud adiicimus, ut in recipiendis professionibus que a .............. ...eee.....- Denedicendis Abbatibus exhibentur ea sint Episcopi forma, et expressione contenti, que ab origine ordinis noscitur instituta, et similiter Abbates

ipsi saluo ordine suo profiteri debeant, et contra statuta ordinis sui nullam professionem facere compellantur. Porro si Episcopi, uel alii Ecclesiarum Rectores in Monasterium uestrum uel per se, uel per quascumque personas suspensionis, excommunicationis, uel interdicti sententiam promulgauerit, siue etiam In mercenarios uestros pro eo quod de decimis non solutis, uel alia occasione eorum que Apostolica benignitate uobis indulta sunt, seu benefactores __ uestros pro eo quod aliqua uobis beneficia, uel obsequia ex charitate prestiterint,

uel ad Jaborandum adiuuerint in illis diebus in quibus .................... et alii feriantur, eandem sententiam pertulerint, ipsam tamquam contra Sedis Apostolice indulta prolatam duximus irritandam, nec littere ille firmitatem habeant, quas tanto nomine Cisterciensis ordinis, et contra tenorem Apostolico-

rum priuilegiorum constiterit impetrari; paci quoque, et tranquilitati uestre paterna in posterum sollicitudine opportune prouidere uolentes Aucthoritate Apostolica prohibemus ut infra clausuras laicorum seu Grancias uestras, nullus rapinam, seu furtum facere, ignem opponere, sanguinem fundere, hominem temere capere, uel interficere seu ulolentiam audeat exercere. Preterea omnes libertates et immunitates a predecessoribus nostris Romanis Pontificibus ordini uestro concessas, nec non libertates et exemptiones secularium exactionum a Regibus, et Principibus, uel aliis fidelibus rationabiliter uobis indultas Aucthoritate Apostolica confirmamus, et presenti scripto priuilegio communimus. Decernimus quoque, ut nulli omnino hominum liceat prefatum Monasterium temere

Appendix of Inedited Documents 293 perturbare, aut etiam possessiones auferre, uel ablatos retinere, minuere uel quibuslibet uexationibus fatigare, sed omnia integra conseruentur eorum pro quorum gubernatione ac sustentatione concessa sunt, usibus commodis pro futura, Salua Sedis Apostolice Aucthoritate. Si qua igitur in futurum Ecclesiastica, secularisue persona huius nostre constitutionis paginam scienter contra eam temere uenire temptauerit, secundo tertioue commonita, nisi factum suum congrua satisfactione correxerit, potestatis, honorisue sui careat dignitate, reamque se Diuino iudicio existere de perpetrata iniquitate cognoscat, et a Sanctissimo Corpore, ac Sanguine Dei, et Domini Redemptoris nostri Iesu Christi aliena fiat, atque in extremo examine districte ultioni subiaceat. Cunctis autem eidem loco sua iura preseruantibus sit pax Domini nostri Iesu Christi, quatenus et hic fructum bone actionis percipiant, et apud districtum Iudicem

premia eterne pacis inueniant. Amen. Amen. Amen. (The rota of Innocent IIT is reproduced.) -+- Ego Innocentius Catholice Ecclesie Episcopus subscripsi. -++ Ego Octauianus Ostiensis, et Velletrensis Episcopus subscripsi. -++ Ego Petrus Portuensis, et S. Rufine Episcopus subscripsi. -+- Ego Iordanus S. Prudentiane titulo Pastoris Presbiter Cardinalis subscripsi.

-+ Ego Iohannes titulo S. Clementis Cardinalis Utrobiensis et Tuscanus Episcopus subscripsi.

-++ Ego Iohannes tituli S. [Stephani] in Celiomonte Presbiter Cardinalis subscripsi.

-+-+- Ego Guido S. Marie transtiberim titulo............ -+- Ego Ugo Presbiter Cardinalis Sancti [Martini et S. Egidii] titulo.......... -++- Ego Cinthius tituli S. Laurentii in Lucina Presbiter Cardinalis subscripsi. -++ Ego Gerardus S. Adriani Diaconus Cardinalis subscripsi. -+ Ego Gregorius S. Maria in Porticu Diaconus Card. subscripsi. -++ Ego Gregorius S. Georgii ad Velum aureum Diaconus Cardinalis subscripsi. -++ Ego Nicolaus S. Marie in Cosmedin Diaconus Card. subscripsi. -+ Ego Gregorius S. Angeli Diaconus Cardinalis subscripsi. -+ Ego Bobo S. Theodori Diaconus Cardinalis subscripsi.

-- Ego Centius S. Lucie in Orta Diaconus Cardinalis subscripsi. Datum Lateran. per manum Raynaldi Domini Pape Notarii, Vicem Agentis Cancellarii. iii nonis Novembris. Indictione ii. Incarnationis Dominice

Anno mexcvi. Pontificatus uero Domini Innocentii Pape iii. Anno primo.

Ad huius autem sumpti, ex dicto originali de uerbo ad uerbum transumpti, fidem apud alios faciendam presens publicum instrumentum predicti Fratres sibi fieri rogauerunt per manus mei predicti Tabellionis,

meoque signo signatum, et subscriptione mei dicti Iudicis, et subscriptorum meoque signo signatum, et subscriptione mei dicti Iudicis, et subscriptorum testium testimonio roboratum. Scriptum Panormo, Anno, Die, Mense, et Indictione premissis. (The names of 13 witnesses follow.)

294 Appendix of Inedited Documents XLVITI 1199, February, ind. 2, regni 1. Bartholomew of Amalfi, Lord of Mazzarino, gives lands near that city to St Mary’s of Mazzarino, an obedience of the church of Patti. Copies of the 17th and 18th centuries in MSS Qq F 69, fol. 164, G 12, fol. 100, and H 5, fol. 66, of Bib. Com. Palermo.

In nomine domini dei uiui et saluatoris nostri Jesu Christi. Anno ab incarnatione eiusdem mcxcrx, mense Februarii, indictione ii, anno primo regni domini nostri Friderici dei gratia serenissimi Regis Sicilie, ducatus Apulie, principatus Capue. Nos Bartholomeus de Amalfia dominus Masarini per hoc presens scriptum tam presentibus quam futuris notum fieri uolumus, quod spontanea et gratuita uoluntate nostra, et domine Kunezay uxoris mee et Matthei nostri filii benedicti, diuini amoris intuitu, et nostrarum animarum remedio concessimus, atque donauimus quamdam terram tenimenti predicti casalis nostri Masarini, ecclesie sancte Marie que constructa est in monte Masa-

rini, que est de obedientia ecclesie pactensis sine omni nostri uel nostrorum successorum contrarietate, uel molestia, absolute et libere imperpetuum possidendam. Cuius fines inferius iussimus adnotari. Incipit autem a ula qua itur ad buliatum, et dimissa uia uadit ad cristam montis uultorum, indeque uadit per cristam usque ad magnam petram que est infra petram longam, et inde uadit per cristam usque ad fontanam buliati, et sic uadit per cristam usque ad arcam iuncorum, et ibi coniungitur cum alia terra predicti ecclesie sancte Marie.

Ut autem hec nostra donatio imperpetuum firma stabilisque permaneat, hoc presens scriptum inde fieri fecimus nostris propriis [manibus] roboratum coram presentiam testium subscriptorum. -++ Signum proprie manus domine Cunezay. -+- Signum Mathei filius eius. -+- Ego Guilelmus clericus testis sum. -+- Ego Allerius testis sum. -+- Ego Guido auriclam testis sum. -+- Ego Alaymus baiulus Masarini. +- Ego Traxallus testis sum. -+- Ego Petrus filius quondam Donatei testis sum.

-+- Ego Paganus clericus testis sum.

-+- Ego Iacobus...................... testis sum. X LIX

An account, written probably in the middle of the 13th century, of the settlement of monks from Syria at St Mary’s of Refesio, and of certain nuns in white habits, also from the East, at St Michael’s of Prizzi.

Appendix of Inedited Documents 295 In an untitled parchment book in the cathedral archive of Agrigento, foll. 21¥ and 22; copies in Privilegia ecclesiae agrigentinae, 111, 2, in the same archive, and in MS Qq H 6, fol. 2, of Bib. Com. Palermo from ‘Item eodem tempore. .. .’

Antiquo tempore propter metum sarracenorum quidam monachi de partibus ultramarinis uenerunt. quibus episcopus agrigentinus concessit ecclesiam sancte Marie de Rephesio cum omnibus iuribus et pertinenclis suis, secundum quod continetur in scripto quod est in thesauro ecclesie agrigentine. Item eodem tempore uenerunt quedam moniales albis indumentis indute de ultramarinis partibus, quibus episcopus agrigentinus concessit ecclesiam sancti Michaelis de Pericio cum toto casali uassalis et uillanis suis. Ibi enim habitabant sarraceni plures qui erant uillani ecclesie, et christiani quam plures, qui erant uassali, et burgenses Ecclesie, tam spiritualia quam temporalia dicte ecclesie contulit dictis monialibus dominus episcopus. Fines tenimenti casalis ecclesie sancti Michaelis sunt: subter pericium per pedem de balatis pericii, usque ad portam de botaca, et descendit usque ad casale de agera moneta, et descendit per flumen flumen agere monete usque ad coniunctionem fluminis magni, et deinde ascendit per uallonem uallonem usque ad portam sancti petri, et deinde uadit ad pedem montis indrice, usque ad flumen magnum, et uadit ad

pedem montis ypane, et ascendit per uiam ueterem, usque ad petras sancti philipi, et ascendit postea ad duos toronos, et deinde per serram serram ad serronem de trankedo, et per serram serram usque ad serronem de furcis. Huius diuisionis memoria facta fuit tempore domini Matthei Bonelle, qui fuit dominus Pericii et Sperlinge, et fuit pater patris domini Riccardi (Ricci ?) de Sperlinga, dominus Riccardus (Riccius ?) furt pater comitisse Venecie, comitissa

Venecia fuit mater domine Ysabelle, Ysabella fuit uxor domini Manfredi. Malettus Camerarius.

BLANK PAGE

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298 Inst of Printed Works Cited art bulletin of the College Art Association of America, vir (1925), 131-49. Baccetius, Nicolaus, Septumanae historiae libri VII (Rome, 1724). al-Bakri, ‘Description de |’Afrique septentrionale,’ tr. W. MacGuckin, Baron of Slane, Journal asiatique, 5me série, x1I-xu1 (1858). al-Baladhuri, The origins of the Islamic state, tr. P. K. Hitti, in Columbia University studies in history, economics and public law, txvut (New York, 1916).

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storia di Sicilia, prima serie, xvi (Palermo, 1895). | Beda Venerabilis, Historia ecclesiastica gentis anglorum, ed. J. Stevenson (London, 1838). Behring, Wilhelm, ‘Sicilianische Studien: 1, Die Anfang des KGnigreichs; 11, Regesten des normannischen K6nigshauses (1130-1197),’ Progr. des kgl. Gymnasiums zu Elbing (1882, 1887). Berger, Elie, Les registres d’Innocent IV, in the Bibliothéque des écoles frangaises d’Athénes et de Rome, 2me série, 3 (Paris, 1884-90).

Berliére, Ursmer, ‘Die alten Benedictinerkliéster im Heiligen Land,’ Studien und Mittheilungen aus dem Benedictiner- und Cistercienser-Orden, 1x (1888), 113-30, 260-72, 473-92; reprinted in slightly abbreviated form in the Revue bénédictine, v (1888), 437-46, 502-12, 546-62. —— ‘Le culte de S. Placide,’ Revue bénédictine, xxx1t (1921), 19-45. ——— ‘L’exercise du ministére paroissial par les moines dans le haut moyenAge,’ tbid., XXxXIx (1927), 227-50.

— ‘L’exercise du ministére paroissial par les moines du XII° au XVIII" siécle,’ tbid., 340-64.

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Bohmer, Johann Friedrich, Die Regesten des Katserreichs, 1198-1272, ed. J. Ficker, 3 vols. (Innsbruck, 1881-1901). Bonadies, Michael Angelus, Collecteanea nonullorum privilegiorum et aliorum spectantium ad ecclesiam catanensem (Catania, 1682). Boré, Eugéne, Question des I1eux Saints (Paris, 1850). Borenius, Tancred, St Thomas Becket in art (London, 1932). Borgia, Stefano, Memorie di Benevento (Rome, 1764). Bottari, Stefano, ‘La genesi dell’architettura siciliana del periodo normanno,’ ASSO, xxvitr (1932), 320-37. ——— ‘Nota sul tempio normanno dei SS. Pietro e Paolo d’Agré,’ Archivio storico messinese, XXVI-XXVII (1925-26), 281-90.

Brandileone, Francesco, ‘II diritto greco-romano nell’Italia meridionale sotto la dominazione normanna,’ Archivio giuridico, xxxvi (1886), 62-101, 238-91. Emphasizes the Byzantine element in Norman-Sicilian culture. ——— Il diritto romano nelle leggi normanne e sveve (Turin, 1884). Bréhier, Louis, “Les colonies d’orientaux en occident au commencement du moyen-age, Byzantinische Zeitschrift, x11 (1903), 1-39. —— Les orrgines du crucifix dans Dart religieux, 3rd edn. (Paris, 1908). Bruel, Alexandre, Recueil des chartes de Vabbaye de Cluny, 6 vols. (Paris, 18761903).

Buonaiuti, Ernesto, Gioachino da Fiore (Rome, 1931). Bury, John Bagnell, History of the late Roman empire, 2 vols. (London, 1889). Butler, Alfred Joshua, The Arab conquest of Egypt and the last thirty years of the Roman dominion (London, 1902). Caetani, Leone, Annali dell’ Islam, 7 vols. (Milan, 1905-26). Caietanus, Octavius, Vitae sanctorum siculorum, 2 vols. (Palermo, 1657). Camera, Matteo, Annali delle Due Sicilie, 2 vols. (Naples, 1841-60). Capasso, Bartolommeo, Le fonti della storia delle provincie napolitane dal 568 al 1500 (Naples, 1902).

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300 List of Printed Works Cited Caruso, Carlo, ‘L’arte e la fede in Val di Crati nel secolo xu,’ in Saint Bernard et son temps: Congrés de 1927 de l Association Bourguignonne des Sociétés Savantes (Dijon, 1928), 1, 41-60. Caruso, Giovanni Battista, Bibliotheca historica regni Siciliae, 2 vols. (Palermo, ——- 1798). Caspar, Erich, Die Griindungsurkunden der sicilischen Bistiimer und die Kirchen-

politik Graf Rogers I (1082-98), (Innsbruck, 1902). Reprinted in

15-137. Caspar’s Roger IT, 583-634.

———— ‘Die Lateransynode von 649,’ Zeitschrift fiir Kirchengeschichte, u1 (1932),

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, hundert,’ Quellen und Forschungen aus italienischen Archiven und Bibliotheken, vir (1904), 189-219. ——— Petrus Diaconus und die Monte Cassineser Fdlschungen (Berlin, 1909).

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Crudo, Giuseppe, La SS. Trinita di Venosa (Trani, 1899). Cusa, Salvatore, I diplomi greci ed arabi di Sicilia (Palermo, 1868-81). Unfortunately the second part of this very valuable collection, which was to have contained the editor’s notes, never appeared. - D’Albon, The Marquis, Cartulaire général de l Ordre du Temple, 1119?-1150 (Paris, 1913). Darras, Joseph Epiphane, Histoire générale de l’église, 94 vols. (Paris, 1875-89). D’Auria, Vincenzo, Istoria del crocifisso del duomo, 2nd edn. (Palermo, 1690).

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De Grossis, Giovanni Battista, Catana sacra (Catania, 1654). Publishes a large part of the tabulary of St Agatha’s. Delaborde, Henri Francois, Chartes de Terre Sainte provenant de l’abbaye de

N. D. de Josaphat (Paris, 1880).

Delarc, Odon, Les normands en Italie (Paris, 1883).

——-ed., Ystoire de lt normant par Aimé évéque et moine au Mont-Cassin

(Rouen, 1892).

De Laude (or De Lauro), Gregorio, Magni divinique beati Joachim abbatis flo-

: rensis mirabilium veritas defensa (Naples, 1660). Delaville le Roulx, Joseph, Cartulaire général de Ordre des Hospitaliers de S. Jean de Jérusalem, 1 (Paris, 1894). ——_—— Les hosyrtalvers en Terre Sainte (Paris, 1904).

Delehaye, Hippolyte, ‘Catalogus codicum hagiographicorum monasterii S. Salvatoris nune Bibliothecae Universitatis Messanensis,’ Analecta bollandi-

ana, xxuI (1904), 19-75. _

———— ‘Une vie inédite de saint Jean |’Auménier,’ tbid., xtv (1927), 5-74. De Lezana, Joannis Baptista, Annales sacri prophetici et eliant Ordinis beatissimae virginis Mariae de Monte Carmeli, 3 vols. (Rome, 1645-53).

302 Last of Printed Works Cited Del Giudice, Michele, see G. L. Lello.

Delisle, Léopold, ‘Un livre de choeur normanno-sicilien conservé en Espagne,’ Journal des savants, v1 (1908), 42-49. Del Re, Giuseppe, Cronisti e scrittort sincroni della dominazione normanna nel regno dt Puglia e Sicilia (Naples, 1845). The chief narrative sources for the Norman period, with Italian translation. De Palma, Eugenio, ‘Intorno alla leggenda De vita et obitu S. Guilielmi con-

fessoris et heremite,’ [rpinia, Iv (1932), 51-75, 131-52, 341-64, 494523. An excellent hagiographical study by the archivist of Montevergine; comparable to the best work of the northern Benedictines. De Roziére, T. L. M. Eugéne, Cartulaire de Véglise du Saint Sépulchre de Jérusalem (Paris, 1849). Reprinted in PL, civ, 1105-1262.

, De Mas Latrie, Louis, Histoire de Vile de Chypre sous le régne des princes de la maison de Lusignan, 3 vols. (Paris, 1865). De Torres, Ludovico, see G. L. Lello. De Vipera, Marius, Chronologia episcoporum ecclesiae beneventanae (Naples,

| 1636).

De Vogiié, Charles Jean Melchoir, Les églises de la Terre Sainte (Paris, 1860). Diehl, Charles, L’ Afrique byzantine (533-709) (Paris, 1896). ——— Etudes sur Vadministration de V’exarchat de Ravenne (568-751) (Paris, 1888).

Di Giovanni, Giovanni, Codex diplomaticus Siciliae (Palermo, 1743). Goes only to the year 1000. ——— De dwinis siculorum officiis (Palermo, 1736).

Di Giovanni, Vincenzo, ‘I casali esistenti nel secolo XII nel territorio della chiesa di Monreale,’ ASS, xvir (1892), 438-96. ———— ‘Le constituzioni benedettine in antico volgare siciliano esistenti nella biblioteca di S. Nicola Arena di Catania,’ ASS, m1 (1876), 535-43. ——— ‘Tl monastero di S. Maria la Gadera poi Santa Maria la Latina esistente nel secolo XII presso Polizzi,’ ASS, v (1880), 15-50. —— La topografia antica di Palermo, 2 vols. (Palermo, 1889-90). Di Meo, Alessandro, Annali critico-diplomatici del regno di Napoli della mezzana

ela (568-1202), 12 vols. (Naples, 1795-1819). | Dubois, ’abbé, Histoire de Pabbaye de Morimond (Paris, 1851). Du Cange, Charles Dufresne, Les familles d’Outre-Mer, ed. E. G. Rey (Paris,

1869). |

Duchesne, Louis, ‘Les évéchés de Calabre,’ Mélanges Paul Fabre (Paris, 1902), 1-16.

Eadmerus, Historia novorum in Anglia, ed. M. Rule in Rolls Series, No. 81

(London, 1884).

Enciclopedia universal ilustrada (Barcelona 1905 ff.). Enlart, Camille, Origines frangaises de Varchitecture gothique en Italie (Paris, 1894). Emphasizes the Cistercian influence. Epifanio, Vincenzo, ‘Ruggiero II e Filippo di ’Al Mahdiah,’ ASS, xxx (1905), 471-501.

List of Printed Works Cited 303 Epiphanius, De ponderibus et mensuris, in PG, xi11, 294-304. Ewald, Paul, ‘Reise nach Spanien im Winter von 1878 auf 1879,’ Neues Archiv, vi (1881), 219-398. ——— ‘Studien zur Ausgaben des Registers Gregors I,’ abid., 111 (1877), 433-625. Faleandus, Hugo, La Historia o Liber de regno Sicilie e la Epistola ad Petrum panormitane ecclesie thesaurarium, ed. G. B. Siragusa (Rome, 1897). Fazello, Thomas, De rebus siculis decades duae (Palermo, 1558). Fazello’s use

of vanished monuments, documents, and traditions makes his work almost a primary source for Sicilian history. Ferrandus, Vie de Saint Fulgence de Ruspe, ed. G. G. Lapeyre (Paris, 1929). Finocchiaro-Sartorio, Andrea, ‘Gizyah e kharag: Note sulla condizione dei vinti in Sicilia durante la dominazione musulmana con speciale riguardo alla proprieta fondiaria,’ Archivio giuridico, 3a serie, x (1908), 177-268. Fiore, Giovanni, Della Calabria illustrata (Naples, 1691). Freeman, Edward Augustus, Historical essays, third serves (London, 1879). Gallo, Agostino, Di un sacro codice membranaceo esistente presso le monache basiliane del SS. Salvatore in Palermo che credesi essere appartenuto alla regina Costanza normanna (Palermo, 1823). Gally-Knight, Henry, “Relation d’une excursion monumentale en Sicile et en Calabre,’ Bulletin monumental, v (1839), 1-222. Gams, Pius Bonifacius, Series episcoporum ecclesiae catholicae (Ratisbon, 1873). [Garofalo, Aloysio], Tabularium Regiae ac Imperialis Capellae collegiatae divi Petri in regio panormitano palatio (Palermo, 1835).

Garufi, Carlo Alberto, ‘Adelaide nipote di Bonifazio del Vasto e Goffredo figliuolo del gran conte Ruggiero,’ Rendiconti e memorie della R. Accademia

— dt Scienze, Lettere ed Arti det Zelanti di Acireale, classe di lettere, 3a serie, IV (1905), 185-216.

— ‘Di alcuni codici conservati nel tabulario di Monreale,’ ASS, xxv (1900), 183-93.

—— ‘Gli aleramici e i normanni in Sicilia e nelle Puglie,’ Centenario della nascita di Michele Amari (Palermo, 1910), 1, 47-83. ——— ‘L’Archivio Capitolare di Girgenti: I documenti del tempo normannosvevo e il “Cartularium”’ del sec. x1,’ ASS, xxvirt (1903), 123-56.

unit. , ,

—— ‘Le benedettine in Sicilia da San Gregorio al tempo svevo,’ Bullettino dell’ Istituto Storico Italiano, xuvi1 (1932), 255-82. The only attempt in the last two centuries to study any group of Norman monasteries as a —— ‘Carte e firme in versi nella diplomatica dell’Italia meridionale nei secoli x11 e xu,’ Studi medtevalr, 1 (1905), 107-17. —— Catalogo illustrato del tabulario di S. Maria Nuova in Monreale, in Documenti per servire alla storia di Sicilia, prima serie, x1x (Palermo, 1902). A valuable register marred by errors in detail. —— ‘Censimento e catasto della popolazione servile. Nuovi studi e ricerche sull’ordinamento amministrativo dei normanni in Sicilia nei secoli XI e

— 804 Inst of Printed Works Cited xu,’ ASS, xurx (1928), 1-100. Very important for the social organization of the island. —— ‘La contea di Paterno e 1 de Luci,’ ASSO, x (1913), 160-80. ——— ‘Tl conte Enrico di Paterno e le sue donazioni al monastero di S. Maria di Valle Giosafat,’ Revue de l orient latin, (1902), 206-29. —— ‘I conti di Montescaglioso: 1. Goffredo di Lecce signor di Noto, Sclafani e Caltanisetta; 11. Adelicia di Aderno,’ ASSO, rx (1912), 324-66.

— ‘Un contratto agrario in Sicilia nel secolo x11,’ ASSO, v (1908), 11-22. — ‘T de Parisio e 1 de Ocra nei contadi di Paternd e di Butera,’ ASSO, x (1913), 346-73.

— “‘Documenti dell’epoca sveva,’ Quellen und Forschungen, vir (1905), 196-205.

— TI documents inediti dell’epoca normanna in Sicilia, in Documents per servire alla storia dt Sicilia, prima serie, xvii (Palermo, 1899). The most important publication of Norman Latin documents since Pirri. ——— ‘Le Isole Eolie a proposito del ‘‘Constitutum”’ dell’abate Ambrogio del 1095,’ ASSO, rx (1912), 159-97. ——— ‘Memoratoria, chartae et instrumenta divisa in Sicilia nei secoli x1 a xv,’ Bulletiino dell’ Istituto Storico Italiano, xxx11 (1912), 67-127. ———— ‘Monete e conii nella storia del diritto siculo dagli arabi ai Martini,’

ASS, xxi (1898), 1-171. ———- ‘Tl tabulario di S. Maria di Valle Giosafat nel tempo normanno e la data delle sue falsificazioni,’ ASSO, v (1908), 161-83, 315-49. ———— ‘Tre nuove pergamene greche del monastero di S$. Michele di Mazara,’ ASS, Lit (1933), 219-24. Gattola, Erasmo, Ad historiam abbatiae cassinensis accesstones, 2 vols. (Venice, 1734).

Gaudioso, Matteo, ‘L’abbazia di San Nicolé l’Arena di Catania,’ ASSO, xxv (1929), 199-243. ——— ‘Ricerche sul trasferimento dei beni immobili in Sicilia nei secoli x11-xIv,’ ASSO, xxx (1934), 29-79.

Gay, Jules, L’Jtalie méridionale et ’empire byzantin (867-1071) (Paris, 1904). This fundamental work on Byzantinism in Southern Italy naturally contains little on Norman Sicily because of its chronological limits. —— ‘Jusqu’ ot s’étend, a l’époque normande, la zone hellénisée de |’Italie méridionale?,’ Mélanges Bertaux (Paris, 1924), 110-28.

—— ‘Notes sur la crise du monde chrétien aprés les conquétes arabes,’ Mélanges d’archéologie et @histoire, xLv (1928), 1-7.

—— ‘Notes sur l’hellénisme sicilien de loccupation arabe a4 la conquéte normande,’ Byzantion, 1 (1924), 215-28.

—— ‘Quelques remarques sur les papes grecs et syriens avant la querelle des

1924), 40-54.

~ ieonoclastes (678-715),’ Mélanges offerts a M. Gustave Schlumberger (Paris,

Georgius Cyprius, Descriptio orbis romani, ed. H. Gelzer (Leipzig, 1890).

List of Printed Works Cited 305 Gesta francorum Iherusalem expugnantium, in Recueil des historiens des crovsades, occid., 111, 487-543.

Giambruno, Salvatore, Il tabulario del monastero di S. Margherita di Polizzi, in Documenti per servire alla storia di Sicilia, prima serie, xx (Palermo, 1909). Giordano, Giovanni Giacomo, Croniche di Monte Vergine (Naples, 1648). Giustiniani, Lorenzo, Dizionario geografico ragionato del regno di Napoli, 10 vols. (Naples, 1797-1805). Godard, Léon, ‘Observations critiques sur quelques points de |’histoire du chris-

tianisme en Afrique: 1, Quels sont les Africains que le pape Grégoire II défendit en 723 d’élever au sacerdoce?,’ Revue africaine, v (1861), 48-53. Goldschmidt, Adolf, Die byzantinischen Elfenbeinskulpturen, with Kurt Weitzmann, 2 vols. (Berlin, 1930-34). Gordillo, Maurizio, Damascenica: 1, Vita marciana, in Orientalia christiana, VIII, fase. 2 (1926). Graf, Georg, ‘Das arabische Original der Vita des hl. Johannes von Damaskus,’ Der Katholvk, xcrt (1913), 11, 164-90, 320-31. Gravina, Domenico Benedetto, Il duomo dt Monreale (Palermo, 1858).

Grégoire, Henri, “‘Chartes de Mazara en Sicile, Annuaire de I Institut de Philologie de d’ Histoire Orientales de ? Université Libre de Bruxelles (1932),

79-107. ,

Gregorio, Rosario, Considerazioni sopra la storia di Sicilia dati tempi normannt sino av presenti, 2nd edn., 4 vols. (Palermo, 1831-39). Gregorius Agrigentinus, Explanationes Ecclestastae, ed. S. A. Morcelli (Venice,

1791). Reprinted in PG, xcvi, 742-1181. Gregorius Magnus, Dialogi, ed. U. Moricca (Rome, 1924).

— Registrum epistolarum, ed. P. Ewald and L. M. Hartmann, in Monumenta germaniae historica, epistolae, 1 and 11 (Berlin, 1887-99).

Gregorovius, Ferdinand, Geschichte der Stadt Rom im Mittelalter, 5th edn., 8 vols. (Stuttgart, 1903-08). Guillaume, Paul, Essai historique sur Pabbaye de Cava (Cava, 1877). —— Le navi cavensi nel Mediterraneo durante il medio evo (Cava, 1876). Guillelmus Tyrius, Belli sacri historia, in Recewil des historiens des croisades, occid., I.

Haddan, Arthur West, Councils and ecclesiastical documents relating to Great Britain and Ireland, with William Stubbs, 3 vols. (Oxford, 1869-71). Hartwig, Otto, ‘Su la data degli sponsali di Arrigo VI con la Costanza,’ Memorie della R. Accademia dei Lincet, 3a serie, 11 (1878), 409-38.

Haskins, Charles Homer, ‘England and Sicily in the twelfth century,’ English historical review, xxvi (1911), 433-47, 643-65.

— Norman institutions (Harvard, 1918). , — Studies in the history of mediaeval science, 2nd edn. (Harvard, 1927). Heimbucher, Max, Die Orden und Kongregationen der katholischen Kirche, 2nd

edn., 3 vols. (Paderborn, 1907-08). — , ,

Hélyot, Pierre, Dictionnaire des ordres religieux, 4 vols. (Paris, 1849-60).

306 List of Printed Works Cited Heyd, Wilhelm, Geschichte des Levantehandels im Mittelalter, 2 vols. (Stuttgart,

1879). Rev. by Heyd and tr. into French by M. Fircy Renaud, 2 vols. (Leipzig, 1885-86).

History of the patriarchs of the Coptic church of Egypt, ed. and tr. by B. T. A. Evetts (Paris, 1907). Holm, Adolf, Geschichte Siciliens im Alterthum, 3 vols. (Leipzig, 1870-98). Hommey, L., Histoire générale du diocese de Séez, 5 vols. (Alencon, 1899). Hubbard, George, ‘Notes on the cathedral church of Cefald, Sicily,’ Archaeologia, Lv1 (1898), 57-70. Huillard-Bréholles, Jean Louis Alphonse, Historia diplomatica Friderici Secundi, 6 vols. and introduction, (Paris, 1852-61). Il regno normanno. Conferenze tenute in Palermo per VV III centenario dell’incoronazione di Ruggero a re di Sicilia (Messina, 1932). Inveges, Agostino, Palermo nobile (Palermo, 1651).

Italia benedettina, ed. P. Lugano (Rome, 1929). A collection of brief histories of the orders and congregations in Italy following the Benedictine rule. The standard of erudition is lamentable. Jacobus Vitriacensis, Historia hierosolymitana, in Bongar’s Gesta der per francos (Hanover, 1611), 1, 1047-1145. Jaffé, Philip, Bibliotheca rerum germanicarum, 6 vols. (Berlin, 1864-73). —— Regesta pontificum romanorum ab condita ecclesiae ad annum post Christum natum Mcxcvill, 2nd edn. by 8S. Loewenfeld, F. Kaltenbrunner, and P.

Ewald, 2 vols. (Leipzig, 1885-88).

Jamison, Evelyn, ‘I conti di Molise e di Marsia nel dodicesimo e tredicesimo secolo,’ Attt del Convegno Storico Abruzzese-Molisano tenuto a Roma nel marzo del 1931 (Casalbordino, 1932).

—— ‘Note e documenti per la storia dei conti normanni di Catanzaro,’ Archivio storico per la Calabria e la Lucania, 1 (1931). Janauschek, Leopold, Originwm cisterciensium tomus 1 (Vienna, 1877). An annotated list of the Cistercian abbeys of the middle ages, arranged chronologically in order of foundation, with a full bibliography for each church. Probably the most useful contribution to monastic history since Mabillon.

- Jannotta, Domenico, Notizie storiche della chiesa e spedale di San Lazzaro di Capua (Naples, 1762). —

John of Nikiu, Chronique, Ethiopian text, ed. and tr. by H. Zotenberg (Paris, 1883). Also in Notices et extraits des manuscrits, xxtv (1883), 1, 125-608. Engl. tr. by R. H. Charles from Zotenberg’s Ethiopian text, The chronicle of John, bishop of Nikiu (London, 1916). Jongelinus, Gaspar, Notitia abbatiarum Ordinis Cisterciensis (Cologne, 1640).

Jordan, Edouard, ‘La politique ecclésiastique de Roger I et les origines de la “‘légation sicilienne’’,’ Moyen dge, xxx (1922), 237-73; xxxiv (1923), 32-65.

Kantorowicz, Ernst, Friedrich der Zweite, Ergdinzungsband (Berlin, 1931). Kehr, Karl Andreas, ‘Staufische Diplome im Domarchiv zu Patti,’ Quellen und Forschungen, vir (1904), 171-81.

List of Printed Works Cited 307 ——— Die Urkunden der normannisch-sicilischen Kénige (Innsbruck, 1902). The definitive work on the Sicilian royal chancery. See Chalandon’s review in Moyen dge, xv1 (1903), 303-07.

Kehr, Paul, ‘Die Belehnung der siiditalienischen Normannenfiirsten durch die Papste (1059-1192),’ Abhandlungen der preussische Akademie der Wissenschaften, phil.-hist. K1., (1934), No. 1.

—— ‘Das Briefbuch des Thomas von Gaeta, Justitiars Friedrichs II,’ Quellen und Forschungen, vit (1905), 1-76. ——— Italia pontificia: m1, Etruria (Berlin, 1908). ——— ‘Nachtrage zu den Papsturkunden Italiens, 1,’ Géttiingische Nachrichten, phil.-hist. K1., (1905), 321-80. ——— ‘Nachtriige zu den rémischen Berichten,’ 2bid. (1903), 505-91. ——— ‘Otia diplomatica,’ zbzd. (1903), 255-99.

—— ‘Papsturkunden fiir S. Maria de Valle Josaphat,’ zbid. (1899), 338-68. ———— ‘Papsturkunden in Rom,’ zhid. (1900), 111-97, 360-436; (1901), 240-71; (1903), 1-161. ———— ‘Papsturkunden in Salerno, La Cava und Neapel,’ zbid. (1900), 198-269.

—— ‘Papsturkunden in Sizilien,’ zbid. (1899), 283-337. Publication of the long-awaited Sicilian volume of the Italia pontificia is expected shortly.

Klewitz, Hans Walter, ‘Studien iiber die Wiederherstellung der rémischen Kirche in Siiditalien durch das Reformpapsttum,’ Quellen und Forschungen, Xxv (1933-34), 105-57.

Klinkenborg, M., ‘Papsturkunden im Principato, in der Basilicata und in Calabrien,’ Géttengische Nachrichten (1898), 335-48.

Kohler, Charles, ‘Chartes de l’abbaye de Notre-Dame de la Vallée de Josaphat en Terre Sainte,’ Revue de l’orient latin, vit (1899), 108-222. Korolevski, Cirillo, ‘Athos,’ Dictionnaire d’histoire et de géographie ecclésvastiques, v (1931), 54-124. ———— ‘Basiliens italo-grecs et espagnols,’ zbid., v1 (1932), 1180-1236.

Krumbacher, Karl, Geschichte der byzantinischen Interatur (527-1453), 2nd edn. (Munich, 1897).

La Corte, Giorgio, ‘Appunti di toponomastica sul territorio della chiesa di Monreale nel secolo x11,’ ASS, xxvir (1902), 336-45. —— ‘Jato e latina: Ricerche di topografia storica,’ ASS, xxtv (1899), 310-29. Lajolo, P., ‘L’editto di Bisanzio del 725. Trattamento della Sicilia durante la persecuzione iconolasta,’ ASSO, x1x (1922-23), 155-66. ——— ‘Sul passagio delle chiese sicule sotto il dominio della patriarca bizantino,’ ASSO, x1 (1914), 364-70. Lake, Kirsopp, The early days of monasticism on Mount Athos (Oxford, 1909). ——— “The Greek monasteries in South Italy,’ Journal of theological studies, 1v (1903), 345-68, 517-42; v (1904), 22-41, 189-202.

La Mantia, Vito, Cenni storici su le fonti del diritto greco-romano e le assise e

leggi der re di Sicilia (Turin, 1887). ,

Lancia di Brolo, Domenico Gaspare, Storia della chiesa in Sicilia nei diect prima secoli del cristianesimo, 2 vols. (Palermo, 1880-84).

308 Inst of Printed Works Cited Lanzoni, Francesco, Le origini delle diocesi antiche d’Italia, in Studi e testi, No. 35 (Rome, 1923). ——_—— ‘La prima introduzione del cristianesimo e dell’episcopato nella Sicilia e nelle isole adiacenti,’ ASSO, xiv (1917), 55-84. Lasareff, Victor, “Ihe mosaics of Cefalu,’ The art bulletin, xvii (1935), 184-232. La Via, M., ‘Le cosidette ‘“‘colonie lombarde’”’ di Sicilia: Studi storici e filologici,’

ASS, xxv (1899), 1-35. |

Le Coulteulx, Charles, Annales Ordinis Carthusiensis ab anno 1084 ad annum

1429, 8 vols. (Montreuil, 1887-91). , ,

Lenormant, Francois, La Grande-Gréce, 3 vols. (Paris, 1881-84). Lello, Giovanni Luigi, Historia della chiesa di Monreale; descrittione del real tempo e monastero di Santa Maria Nuova di Monreale; vite degli arcivescovl; sommario der privilegi dell’ arcwescovato, (Rome, 1596). Reprinted, con le osservazioni sopra le fabriche e mosaici della chiesa, la continuazione delle nite degli arcivescovm, una tavola cronologica della medesima ‘storia, e la

notizia dello stato presente dell’arcwescovado, by Michele del Giudice

(Palermo, 1702). Written by Archbishop Ludovico de Torres of Monreale to uphold his authority over the rebellious Benedictines of the

abbey, but published under the name of his secretary, Lello. Del Giudice’s new edition is greatly expanded by the inclusion of many docu-

ments from the tabulary of Monreale. ~

Leontius Neopolitanus, Leben des heiligen Johannes des Baumherzigen, Erzbischofs

von Alexandrien, ed. H. Gelzer (Freiburg i. B., 1893). , Lettres des rois, reines et autres personnages des cours de France et d’ Angleterre

_ depuis Louis VIT jusqwa Henri IV, ed. J. J. Champollion-Figeac, in Collection de documents inédits sur histoire de France, série 1, No. 1,

2 vols. (Paris, 1839-47). - ,

Liber censuum de Véglise romaine, ed. P. Fabre and L. Duchesne, (Paris, 1910). Liber pontificalis, ed. L. Duchesne, 2 vols. (Paris, 1886-92). Libertini, Guido, “Catania nell’eta bizantina,’ ASSO, xxvii (1932), 242-66. —— ‘Miscellanea epigrafica,’ ASSO, xxvir (1931), 39-53. —— ‘Un nuovo frammento del portale catanese del S. Carcere,’ ASSO, xxiv

(1928), 233-40. | Oo

Liebermann, Felix, Die Gesetze der Angelsachsen, 3 vols. (Halle, 1903-16). Lobbel, Hermann, Der Stifter des Carthduser-Ordens, der heilige Bruno aus Koln, in Kirchengeschichtliche Studien, v, 1 (Miinster, 1899). Lo Parco, Francesco, ‘Scolario-Saba, bibliofilo italiota, vissuto tra l’x1 e il xm secolo, e la biblioteca del monastero basiliano del SS. Salvatore di Bordonaro, presso Messina,’ Att: della R. Accademia di Archeologia, Lettere e

, Belle Arti dt Napoli, new series, 1 (1910), 207-86. Lowe (Loew), Elias Avery, The Beneventan script (Oxford, 1914). Lubin, Augustinus, Abbatiarum Italiae brevis notitia, (Rome, 1693). Based on

Pirri and Ughelli. |

Luchaire, Achille, ‘Les registres d’Innocent III et les Registra de Potthast,’

1-83.

nist of Printed Works Cited 309

. Bibliotheque de la Faculté des Lettres, Université de Paris, fasc. 18 (1904), Liinig, Johann Christian, Codex Italiae diplomaticus, 4 vols. (Frankfort, 1725-35).

1915). | :

Mabillon, Johannes, Acta sanctorum Ordinis S. Benedict, 9 vols. (Paris, 16681702).

—— Annales Ordinis S. Benedicti, 6 vols. (Lucea, 1739-45). Maccarrone, Nunzio, La wta del latino in Sicilia fino all eta normanna (Florence, Magonuco, Enzo, ‘Linamenti e motivi di storia dell’arte siciliana,’ ASSO, xxv

- 1625). | |

(1982), 267-88.

al-Makin, George, Historia saracenica, ed. and tr. by Thomas Erpenius (Leiden,

Malaterra, Gaufridus, De rebus gestis Rogerit Calabriae et Siciliae comitis et Roberti Guiscardi ducis fratris evus, ed. E. Pontieri, in Rerum italicarum seriptores, v (Bologna, 1927). Manrique, Angelo, Cistercienstum annales, 3 vols. (Lyons, 1642-59). Mansi, Joannes Domenicus, Sacrorum conciliorum nova et amplissima collectio,

|Marafioti, 54 Girolamo, vols.Croniche (Florence, 1759 ff.). et antichita di Calabria (Padua, 1601).

Marini, Gaetano, I papirt diplomatici (Rome, 1805). Marténe, Edmond, Thesaurus novus anecdotorum, with Ursin Durand, 5 vols. (Paris, 1717). Martin, Edward James, History of the Iconoclastic controversy (London, 1930). Marzo, Salvatore, Descrizione di Palermo antico, 2nd edn. (Palermo, 1827). Maurolico, Francesco, Sicanarum rerum compendium (Messina, 1562). Mercurio, Celestino, ‘Una leggenda medioevale di San Guglielmo da Vercelli,’

Rivista storica benedettina (1907). ——— Vita di S. Guglielmo da Vercelli (Rome, 1907). Michael Syrus, Chronique, ed. and tr. by J. B. Chabot, 4 vols. (Paris, 1899-1910).

Millunzi, Gaetano, ‘II tesoro, la biblioteca ed il tabulario della chiesa di Santa Maria Nuova in Monreale,’ ASS, xxvii (1903), 1-72, 249-459. Minasi, Giovanni, L’abbazia normanna in Bagnara Calabra alla fine dell’ undecimo

_ gecolo (Naples, 1905). a

——— Le chiese di Calabria (Naples, 1896). ——— ‘Innocenzo III e l’abbazia di Bagnara Calabra,’ Rivista storica calabrese (1897), 257-65. Minutolo, Andrea, Memorie del Gran Priorato di Messina, (Messina, 1699).

Misset, E., “Troparium abbatiae Sancti Ebrulfi in Normannia, xu saec.,’ with W. H. I. Weale, in Analecta liturgica (Lille, 1892), 11, 213-22. Monceaux, Paul, ‘Enquéte sur l’épigraphie chrétienne d’Afrique,’ Revue archéologique, 4me série, 11 (1903), 59-90. Mongitore, Antonio, Bullae, privilegia et instrumenta panormitanae ecclesiae

(Palermo, 1734). ,

310 Lust of Printed Works Cited —— Monumenta hstorica sacrae Domus Mansionis SS. Trinitatis Militaris Ordinis Theutonicorum urbis Panormi (Palermo, 1721). ——— Siciliae sacrae celeberrimi abbatis netint D. Rocchi Pirri additiones et correctiones, editio secunda correctior (Palermo, 1735).

—— see R. Pirri.

Morcaldi, Michele, Codex diplomaticus cavensis, 8 vols. (Naples, 1873-93). The rich archive of La Cava remains largely unpublished after about 1050. Mortillaro, Vincenzo, Catalogo ragionato dei diplomi esistenti nel tabulario della cattedrale di Palermo (Palermo, 1842). ——— Elencho cronologico delle antiche pergamene pertinenti alla real chiesa della Magione (Palermo, 1859). Muratori, Luigi Antonio, Antiquitates italicae medii aevi, 6 vols. (Milan, 1738-42). —— Rerum italicarum scriptores, 25 vols. (Milan, 1723-51). Nakielski, Samuel, De antiquitate Ordinis Canonici SS. Sepulchri (Cracow, 1625). Napoli, Filippo, I diplomi del monastero di S. Michele di Mazara (Mazara, 1934). Naselli, Carmelina, ‘Letteratura e scienza nel convento benedettino di S. Nicold Arena di Catania,’ ASSO, xxv (1929), 245-349.

—— ‘Una redazione volgare dell’epistola del vescovo Maurizio sulla traslazione delle reliquie di S. Agatha da Costantinopoli a Catania,’ ASSO, XIX (1922-23), 1-28. Niese, Hans, ‘Das Bistum Catania und die sizilischen Hohenstaufen,’ Gottingische

, Nachrichten (1913), 42-71; Italian tr. in ASSO, xir (1915), 74-104. —— Die Gesetzgebung der normannischen Dynastie im Regnum Siciliae (Halle, 1910).

Nitto de Rossi, G. B., Codice diplomatico barese: 1, Le pergamene del duomo dt Bar, 952-1264, with Francesco Nitti di Vito (Bari, 1897).

Orlando, Vittorio Emanuele, ‘Contributo alla storia di Partinico,’ ASS, xLiv (1922), 1-35.

Orsi, Paolo, ‘Byzantina Siciliae,’ Byzantinische Zeitschrift, x1x (1910), 63-90, 462-75; xxi (1912), 187-209. —— Le chiese basiliane della Calabria, with historical appendix by Andrea Caffi (Florence, 1929). ———— ‘Chiese bizantine del territorio di Siracusa,’ Byzantinische Zeitschrift, vit (1898), 1-28. ——— ‘Giojelli bizantini della Sicilia,’ Mélanges offerts d M. Gustave Schlumberger (Paris, 1924), 391-98.

——— ‘Nuove chiese bizantine nel territorio di Siracusa,’ Byzantinische Zeitschrift, vit (1899), 613-42. Otto Frisingensis, Ottonis et Rahewini gesta Friderict I umperatoris, ed. G. Waitz (Hanover, 1884). ‘K. P.,’ Réponse a la brochure de M. Eugéne Boré (Constantinople: Imp. Ant. Coromila et Platon Paspalli, 1851). Pace, Biagio, ‘I barbari ed i bizantini in Sicilia,’ ASS, xxxv (1910), 33-80, 293324: xxxvr (1911), 1-76. Paladius, Histoire laustaque, ed. A. Lucot (Paris, 1912).

List of Printed Works Cited 311 Palmarocchi, Roberto, L’abbazia di Montecassino e la conquista normanna (Rome, 1913).

Pardi, G., ‘La popolazione della Sicilia attraverso 1 secoli: Periodo normanno

| (1060-1198),’ ASS, xirx (1928), 160-78. Parisius, Mattheus, Chronica major, ed. H. R. Luard, 7 vols. (London, 1872-83). Pasea, Cesare, ‘Documenti di Lucia di Cammarata,’ Giornale di scienze, lettere ed arti per la Sicilia, LX (1837), 41-44. Patricolo, Giuseppe, ‘La chiesa della Trinita di Delia,’ ASS, v (1880), 51-66.

— ‘La chiesa di S. Maria dell’Ammiraglio e le sue antiche adiacenze,’ ASS, new series, 1 (1877), 137-71; 11 (1878), 397-406.

—— ‘II monumento arabo scoverto in febbraro 1882 e la contigua chiesa di S. Giovanni degli Eremiti in Palermo,’ ASS, vir (1883), 170-83. Peccheneda, Francesco, Dimostrazione dell’ individuo regal diritto di nomina ed elezione che st appartiene al nostro sovrano sulla regal chiesa di Bagnara (Naples, 1755). Pecorella, Giuseppina, J templari net manoscritti di Antonino Amico: Contributo di document inediti sui templari di Sicilia (Palermo, 1921). Pennisi, R., ‘La cattedrale e l’annessovi convento benedettino dalle origini alla fine del xvui secolo,’ ASSO, xxiv (1928), 249-60. Deals with St Agatha’s of Catania. Pétiet, René, Contribution a Vhistoire de V Ordre de St.-Lazare de Jérusalem en France (Paris, 1914). Petronio Russo, S., ‘Sul sito del Casale Antanosteri in territorio di Adern6d,’ ASSO, x11 (1915), 209-14. Petrus Blesensis, Opera omnia, ed. J. A. Giles, 4 vols. (Oxford, 1847). Petrus Venerabilis, E'pistolae, in PL, cLxxxt1x, 61-486. Pflugk-Harttung, Julius, Acta pontificum romanorum inedita, 3 vols. (Stuttgart, 1881-83).

——— ‘Gefilschte Bullen in Monte Cassino, La Cava und Nonantola,’ Neues Archiv, 1x (1884), 473-93.

——— [ter rtalicum (Stuttgart, 1883). Piazza, Filippo, Le colonie e 1 dialettt lombardo-sicult (Catania, 1921). Picone, Giuseppe, Memorie storiche agrigentine, 6 vols. (Agrigento, 1866-70). Pirenne, Henri, ‘Un contraste économique: Mérovingiens et Carolingiens,’ Revue belge de philologie et d histoire, 11 (1923), 223-35.

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our introduction, p. 4. The form Pirri rather than Pirro is used by most Sicilian scholars. | Pitra, Joannes Baptista, Juris ecclesiastict graecorum historia et monumenta, 2 vols. (Rome, 1864-68). Plummer, Charles, Irish litanies, Henry Bradshaw Society, txt (London, 1925). Pometti, Francesco, ‘Carte delle abbazie di S. Maria del Corazzo e di S. Giuliano

312 List of Printed Works Cited di Rocca Fallucea in Calabria,’ Studi e documenti di storia e diritto, xxiI (1901), 241-306.

Pontieri, Ernesto, ‘L’abbazia benedettina di Sant’ Eufemia in Calabria e l’abate Roberto di Grantmesnil,’ ASSO, xxi (1926), 92-115. —— ‘I primordi della feudalita calabrese,’ Nuova revista storica, 1v (1920), 566-82; v (1921), 278-99, 626-45.

Potthast, August, Regesta pontificum romanorum, 1198-1304, 2 vols. (Berlin, 1874-75).

Prutz, Hans, Die geistlichen Ritterorden (Berlin, 1908). Pulci, Canon, ‘Giovanni V archivescovo di Bari ed un periodo di storia siculopugliese,’ ASS, xxx1x (1914), 396-429. Punturno, Biagio, L’antica Nisa o Nissa e lodierna Caltanissetta (Caltanissetta, 1901).

Raccuglia, S., “Jachium,’ Rendicontt e memorie della R. Accademia di Screnze, Lettere ed Arti degli Zelanti di Acireale, tv (1905), 57 ff.

Radice, Benedetto, ‘Il casale e ’abbazia di S. Maria di Maniace,’ ASS, xxx (1909), 1-104.

Rampolla del Tindaro, Mariano, Santa Melania giuniore (Rome, 1905). Rey, Emmanuel Guillaume, Les colonies franques de Syrie (Paris, 1883). Riant, Paul, ‘La donation de Hugues, marquis de Toscane, au Saint-Sépulcre e les établissements latins de Jérusalem au Xe siécle,’ Mémoires de l Académie des Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres, xxx1 (1884), ii, 151-95. ——— Etudes sur Vhistotre de Véglise de Bethléem: 1, S. Ambroise de Varazze, dépendence de Véglise de Bethléem en Ligurve (Genoa, 1889). This appears

to be the only existing study of the occidental dependencies of a Palestinian church. ———— ‘Inventaire critique des lettres historiques des croisades,’ Archives de

orient latin, 1 (1881), 1-224. ,

Riccardus de 8S. Germano, Chronica regni Siciliae, in Rerum italicarum scriptores, vit (1725), 967-1052. Ries, Robert, “Regesten der Kaiserin Constanze, K6nigin von Sizilien, Gemahlin Heinrichs VI,’ Quellen und Forschungen, xvi (1926), 30-100.

Robinson, Gertrude, History and cartulary of the Greek monastery of St Elias and St Anastasius of Carbone, in Orientalia christiana, Nos. 44, 53, and

62 (1928-30). | |

Rodota, Pietro Pompilio, Dell’origine, progresso e stato presente del rito greco in

Italia, 3 vols. (Rome, 1758-63). . ,

Rohlfs, Gerhard, Scavi linguistici nella Magna Grecia (Rome, 1933). Romano, G., Intorno all’origine del denominazione ‘Due Sicilie’ (‘Trani, 1899). Romualdus Salernitanus, Annales, ed. W. Arndt, in Monumenta germaniae histo-

1926). | |

rica, scriptores, XIX, 387-461.

Ropes, James Hardy, The teat of Acts, in The beginnings of Christianity: 1, the Acts of the Apostles, ed. by F. J. Foakes Jackson and K. Lake (London, Rossi, Salvatore, ‘Spoglio e catalogo di codice greci del SS. Salvatore esistenti

Lust of Printed Works Cited 313

(1901-05), passim. :

nella Biblioteca Universitaria di Messina,’ Archivio storico messinese, U1-v

Riihl, Franz, ‘Bemerkungen iiber einige Bibliotheken von Sicilien,’ Philologus,

XLVII (1889), 577-88. Saewulfus, Ad Hierosolymam et Terram Sanctam, ed. A. d’Arezac (Paris, 1839). Salinas, Antonio, ‘Escursioni archeologiche in Sicilia: 11, Mussomeli e Sutera,’ ASS, vir (1883), 129-37. ———— ‘Il monastero di S. Filippo di Fragala,’ ASS, x11 (1887), 385-93. Sarnelli, Pompeo, Memorie cronologiche det vescovi di Benevento (Naples, 1691). Scalia, Giuseppe, ‘La Traslazione del corpo di 8. Agatha e il suo valore storico,’

, ASSO, xxiv (1928), 38-157. Seaturro, Ignazio, ‘La contessa normanna Giulietta di Sciacca,’ ASS, xi (1921), 205-50.

—— ‘Del vescovado triocalitano e croniense,’ ASS, xxi (1916), 532-47. Scheffer-Boichorst, Paul, ‘Das Gesetz Kaiser Friedrichs II “‘De resignandis privilegiis’’,’ Sitzungsberichte der kgl. preussische Akademie der Wissenschaften zu Berlin (1900), 132-62. ————— ‘Urkunden und Forschungen zu den Regesten der staufischen Periode,’

, Neues Archi, xxiv (1899), 123-229; xxvir (1901), 71-124. Schlumberger, Gustave, L’épopée byzantine a la fin du dixiéme siécle, 3 vols.

(Paris, 1896-1905). , Schroeter, Jens Fredrik Wilhelm, Spezieller Kanon der zentralen Sonnen- und Mond-Finsternisse welche innerhalb des Zeitraums von 600 bis 1800 nach Chr. in Europa sichtbar waren (Oslo, 1928). Sciacca, Giovanni Crisostomo, Patt? e ’amministrazione del comune nel medio evo, in Documenti per servire alla storia di Sicilia, 2a serie, v1 (Palermo, 1907).

seston, William, ‘Le monastére d’Ain-Tamda et les origines de |’architecture monastique en Afrique du Nord,’ Mélanges d’archéologie et d’histoire, LI (1934).

Silvagius, Mattheus, De tribus peregrinis (Venice, 1542).

, Silvestri, Giuseppe, Tabulario di S. Filippo di Fragala e di Santa Maria di Maniace: I, Pergamene latine, in Documenti per servire alla storta di Sicilra,

prima serie, x1 (Palermo, 1887-89). The Greek and Arabic charters were published by Cusa. Sinopoli, Pietro, La badia regia di S. Maria Latina in Agira (Acireale, 1911). ——— “Tabulario di S. Maria Latina di Agira,’ ASSO, xxi (1926), 135-90. An incredibly bad register. Dr. G. Greco of Agira plans to publish this archive shortly. Siragusa, Giovanni Battista, I] regno di Guglielmo I in Sicilia, 2nd edn. (Palermo, 1929).

Smith, William, Dictionary of Christian biography, with Henry Wace, 4 vols.

(Boston, 1877-87).

Sola, G., ‘Codici bizantini di Sicilia,’ ASSO, xxv (1929), 407-12. Sommarto di documenti delle ragioni della Sede Axpostolica sulla chiesa e priorato

314 Last of Printed Works Cited della Bma. Vergine Maria e Santi XII Apostoli della terra di Bagnara (Typis Bernabo, 1759).

Spata, Giuseppe, ‘Diplomi greci inediti ricavati da aleuni manoscritti della Biblioteca Comunale di Palermo,’ Miscellanea di storia italiana, rx (1870),

387-512. Also printed separately at Turin. ——— ‘Diplomi greci siciliani,’ ibid., x11 (1871), 7-112. Reprinted at Turin with slightly different pagination. ——— Le pergamene greche esistentt nel Grande Archivio di Palermo (Palermo, 1862). Spata’s publications of Greek charters have been replaced by Cusa’s, but are still useful because of his translations and notes. —— I siciliant in Salonicco nell’anno McLXxxv, ovvero Tespugnazione di Tessalonica narrata dallo arcivescovo Eustazio (Palermo, 1891).

— Sul cimelio diplomatico del duomo di Monreale (Palermo, 1865). Starrabba, Raffaele, [ diplomi della cattedrale di Messina raccoltt da Antonino Amico, publicati da un codice della Biblioteca Communale di Palermo, in Documents per servire alla storia di Sicilia, prima serie, 1 (Palermo, 1876-

90). An uncritical edition of very valuable documents. ——— ‘Di un codice vaticano contenente i privilegi dell’archimandritato di Messina,’ ASS, x1r (1887), 465-69. ——— Seritt. inediti o rari di Antonino Amico e documenti relativi al medesvmo, in Document per servire alla storia di Sicilia, 4a serie, 1 (Palermo, 1891). Stokes, Whitley, The martyrology of Oengus the Culdee, Henry Bradshaw Society, xx1x (London, 1905).

Strazzulla, Vincenzo, Museum epigraphicum seu inscriptionum christianarum quae in syracusanis catacumbis repertae sunt corpusculum, in Documentt per servire alla storia di Sicilia, 3a serie, 111 (Palermo, 1897). Stumpf-Brentano, Karl Friedrich, Die Reichskanzler vornehmlich des x, x1 und x11 Jahrhunderts, 3 vols. (Innsbruck, 1865-83). Taccone-Gallucci, Domenico, Regestt det romani pontefici per le chiese della Calabria (Rome, 1902). Incomplete and carelessly annotated. Thatcher, Oliver Joseph, Studies concerning Adrian IV, in Decennial publications of the Unwersity of Chicago, 1v (Chicago, 1903). Theophanes, Chronographia, ed. K. de Boor, 2 vols. (Leipzig, 1883-85). Thieling, Walter, Der Hellenismus in Kleinafrika (Leipzig, 1911). Thompson, James Westfall, Feudal Germany (Chicago, 1928). al-Tidjani, ‘Voyage du scheikh Et-Tidjani dans la régence de Tunis,’ tr. by A. Rousseau, Journal asiatique, 5me série, I (1853), 102-168, 354-425. Toeche, Theodor, Kaiser Heinrich VI (Leipzig, 1867). Still the only scholarly study of the conqueror of the Normans. Tornamira, Pietro Antonio, Idea congietturale della vita di S. Rosalia vergine, monaca e romita dell’ordine del patriarca S. Benedetto (Palermo, 1668). An historical romance often mistaken for history. Trinchera, Francesco, Syllabus graecarum membranarum (Naples, 1865). Does for Southern Italy what Cusa does for the Greek charters of Sicily.

Lust of Printed Works Cited 315 Tritton, A. S., The caliphs and their non-Muslim subjects, a critical study of the Covenant of ‘Umar (London, 1930). Tromby, Benedetto, Storza critico-cronologica diplomatica del patriarca S. Brunone e del suo Ordine Cartusiano, 10 vols. (Naples, 1773-79).

Ughelli, Ferdinando, Italia sacra, 2nd edn. by N. Coletti, 9 vols. (Venice, 171722),

Vacandard, Elphége, Vie de Saint Bernard, 2 vols. (Paris, 1927). Vaccari, Alberto, La Grecia nell’ Italia meridionale: studi letterari e bibhiografict, in Orventalia christiana, No. 13 (1925). Vargas-Macciuca, Francesco, Esame delle vantate carte e diplomi della certosa di S. Stefano del Bosco in Calabria (Naples, 1765). Tromby’s adversary. Vasiliev, Alexander A., Byzance et les arabes: 1, La dynastie d Amorium (820-867),

revised and tr. by H. Grégoire, etc. (Brussels, 1935). Vitalis, Ordericus, Ecclesiastica historia, ed. A. LePrévost, 5 vols. (Paris, 183855).

Von Heinemann, Lothar, Geschichte der Normannen in Unteritalien und Sicilien (Leipzig, 1894). A general account to 1085. Waern, Cecilia, Mediaeval Sicily (London, 1910). Largely architectural. Walsingham, Thomas, Gesta abbatum monasteriit S. Albani, ed. H. T. Riley, in Rolls serves, No. 28, pt. 4, 3 vols. (London, 1867-69). White, Lynn Townsend, Jr, ‘The Byzantinization of Sicily,’ American historical review, XLII (1936), 1-21. ——— “The charters of St Michael’s in Mazzara,’ Revue bénédictine, xiv (1933), 234-41.

———— ‘A forged letter concerning the existence of Latin monks at St Mary’s Jehosaphat before the first crusade,’ Speculum, rx (1934), 404-07. ——— ‘For the biography of William of Blois,’ English historical review, L (1935), 487-90.

Willard, Henry M., ‘A project for the graphic reconstruction of the romanesque abbey at Monte Cassino,’ with drawings by K. J. Conant, Speculum, x

(1935), 144-46. |

Winkelmann, Eduard, Acta imperti inedita, saec. x11 et x1v (Innsbruck, 1880-85).

Zimmerman, Benedict, Monumenta historica carmelitana: 1, Antiquas ordinis constitutiones (Lérins, 1907).

Zuretti, Carlo Oreste, ‘La espugnazione di Siracusa nell’ 880. Testo greco della lettera del monaco Teodosio,’ in Centenario della nascita di Michele Amari - (Palermo, 1910), 1, 165-73.

ERRATUM | All references in the Indices to pp. 244 ff. should be read as of the page following. E.g.: p.e 270 =p. e271.

| INDEX OF ABBEYS, PRIORIES, CHURCHES, AND HOSPITALS S Agatha (Catania), 43, 48, 53-55, 59-61, 63, 65- S Benedict (Militello), 104n. 67, 69-71, 79, 89, 105-17, 142, 143; obediences,

117-22. S Caloger (Sciacca), 31

S Agatha (chapel given to H Sepulchre of Jeru- Cappella Palatina, see Royal Chapel (Palermo).

salem), 230. S Cataldus (obedience of S Mary of Bagnara),

S Agatha de Faro (Messina), 148, 240. 187.

S Agnes (Corleone), 140. S Cataldus (Palermo), 139.

Ain-Tamda (North Africa), 20n. S Cataldus (Partinico), 206.

S Alban (England), 51n. S Catherine of Alexandria (Catania), 110n. All Saints (Palermo), 239. S Catherine (obedience of S Mary of Maniace),

S Anastasia (Gratteri), 191n. 147.

S Anastasia (Mistretta), 41. S Catherine (Melesendini), 239-40, 272.

S Andrew (Lentini), 230n. Chartreuse, Grande, 49.

S Andrew (Mascali), 13. Chiaravalle, 164n. S Andrew of Bebene (Palermo), 41 Chienti, 164n.

S Andrew (Piazza Armerina), 230, 274. S Christopher (Catania?), 199. S Andrew on the Coelian (Rome), 11, 13, 24n. S Christopher (Prizzi), 49, 167, 263, 272.

S Angel (Brolo) 35, 39n., 40, 41, 88. S Christopher (Taormina), 11. S Angel de Campis (Calabria), 139. Clairvaux, 50, 164.

S Angel (Gedesceri), 94. S Clement (Messina), 137.

S Angel Juniperiti, 243. Cluny, 55, 70, 79n., 107, 135, 136, 150, 151, 195.

S Angel (Malveto), 178. S Constantine (Malet), 41.

S Angel (Prizzi), 55n., 166, 176, 177, 293. S Constantine (Militello), 147.

: S Angel (Val Demone), 41, 191n. S Conus (obedience of S Mary of Licodia), 121.

S Anne Fesime, 232. S Cosmas (Gonata), 41.

5 Anne (Galath), 209-10, 212n., 232. SS Cosmas and Damian (Cefald), 191, 253.

S Anne (Messina), 41. SS Cosmas and Damian (Focer6d), 247.

5 Anne (Monteforte), 41. H Cross (Buccheri), 94, 96, 98, 101, 270, 274.

S Antony (Licata), 272. H Cross (Camerina), 101n. | 5 Arnulf (Crépy-en-Valois), 50n. — H Cross (Messina), 229. S Auxentius (Taormina), 32. , H Cross (Rasacambri), 219, 221, 223, 226.

S Barbara (Caltavuturo), 191n. _. i.

S Barbarus (Demena), 35, 45n. S Dominica (Polizzi), 196. , S Barbarus (San Marco), 41. =

S Bartholomew (San Filadelfo), 148. S Edmund (England), 51n. S Bartholomew (Lipari) and S Savior (Patti), S Elias the Prophet (Adernd), 114, 230-31, 26154, 55, 59, 60, 63, 64n., 65, ‘77-100, 189n., 195, 63, 284.

216, 219; obediences, 100-04. S Elias (in Calabria), subject to S Mary’s Latina,

S Basil Girathelli, 233. 7 223,

- § Basil (Naso), 41, 187n., 191n. S Elias (Carbone, Lucania), 139, 145.

S Basil (Troina), 41. S Elias (Embula), 4, 41. Bee (Normandy), 51n. S Elias (Gratteri), 94. Bellus Mons (Syria), 176, 177, 289. S Elias (Oliveri), 41. S Benedict (Adulani), 272. | S Eunufrius (Calatabiano), 187. 317

318 Latin Monasticism S Euphemia (in Calabria), Cluniac influence at, S John of the Hermits (Palermo), 12n., 46, 54, 79n., 107; colonists and ecclesiastics from, 48, 56, 64-66n., 67, 69, 71, 72, 116, 123-30, 131, 55-57, 79, 80, 105, 117; dispute with S Mary’s 173-75; obediences, 130-31, 265.

of Bagnara, 114, 184; founded by Robert S John of the Lepers (Palermo), 240.

Guiscard, 48. S John dei Napolitani (Palermo), 170n.

S Euplus (Calabria), 57, 153, 203, 244, 285. S John (Reggio), 139.

S Eustachius (Palermo), 160. S John (Rocella), 191, 199, 253.

S Evroul-en-Ouche (Normandy), 47-48, 107,109. |S John (Sichro), 42. S John the Evangelist (Syracuse), 187n.

S Felix (San Marco), 41. S John (obedience of H Trinity of Mileto), 191n.

Fossanova, 56, 165, 166. S John (Vizzini), 94, 101. } S Frideswide (Oxford), 50. S Julian (Rocca Fallucca, Calabria), 187.

| S Julian (Rocella), 147.

S George (Agrigento), 41, 71n.

S George (Butera), 230. S Kiriaca (obedience of S Mary Nuova of MonS George (Gratteri), 199, 201, 205-06. reale), 137, 142.

S George (Hares), 187. al-Kusair (Egypt), 34n. 5S George of the Kemonia (Palermo), 41.

S George (Lentini), 187. S Lawrence (Aversa), 243.

S George in massa Maratodis, 13. S Lawrence (Carini), 82, 94.

S George (Moac), 191n. S Lawrence (Sciacca), 243.

S George ad Sedem (Palermo), 71n., 123, 124. S Lawrence (Scicli), 219, 223. 5 George, oratory of the Parisio family, 218. S Lawrence (Vermula, Apulia), 223.

S George (Refesio), see H Trinity (Refesio) S Lazarus (Enna), 240.

| S George (Triocala), 41, 46n., 59, 71n. S Lazarus (Jerusalem), possessions in Sicily,

S Giles (Termini), 90, 94, 273. 239-40, 272. S Gregory (Gypso), 41. , S Lazarus (Lentini), 240.

S Leo (Caltanissetta), 272.

S Hermas (Palermo), 12, 13, 123, 124. S Leo (obedience of S Mary of Maniace), 147.

S Honufrius (Calatabiet), 41, 187n. S Leo (Messina), 42, 119n.

S Hippolytus (Butera), 122. S Leo (Pannachio), 63, 116-121, 261, 276. S Hippolytus (Caltabellotta), 273. S Leo (Sciara), 147. S Leonard (Agrigento), 273.

S Iconius (Gratteri), 199. S Leonard (Asinello), 206.

H Innocents (Mistretta), 191n. S Lucy (Aderno), 114, 157-58. S Lucy (Mendola), 203n.

S James (Cald), 42. S Lucy (Milazzo), 61, 82, 84, 86, 94, 98, 99. S James (Comiz), 272. S Lucy (Mistretta), 198, 199n. S James (Licata), 272. S Lucy (Noto), 49, 56, 183-186, 278. S James (hospital belonging to S Mary of Ma- § Lucy (Rahalabiato), 187.

niace), 148. S Lucy (Syracuse), 11, 15n., 24, 25n., 154, 192,

S James (Partinico), 186. 198-206. S John (Adernd), 238.

S John the Baptist (Agira), 218. Mafra (Portugal), 118n. S John (Caltanissetta), 191n., 272. Magione, see H Trinity of the Chancellor

S John (Fiumefreddo), 110. (Palermo). S John (Focerd), 42. S Margaret the Virgin (Agrigento), 272. S John (Maniace), 147. S Marina (Paternd), 261. | S John (obedience of S Mary of Maniace), 147. S Mark (Paternd?), 277. S John the Baptist (Messina), 235-39. S Martin (Palermo), 13. S John of the Greeks (Messina), 42. S Martin (built by Peter Indulfus), 139.

S John (Militello), 147. S Martin delle Scale, 139n. S John (Oliveri), 147. S Mary of Carmel (Aci), 241n.

S John at the Castello Mare (Palermo), 170. S Mary (Adriano), 129-132, 272.

Index of Abbeys, Priories, Churches, and Hospitals 319 S Mary (Aidone), 112n. | 64, 66, 71, 72, 87n., 115-17, 132-45, 158, 173n.,

S Mary (Altoplano), 170. 197; obediences, 145-48.

S Mary (Ambuto), 42, 45, 155, 156. S Mary (Monte Maggiore), 151, 195. S Mary (Bagnara, Calabria), 49, 56, 66n., 67, S Mary de Murra, 191n. 72, 114, 184-86, 189, 194-95, 201, 275, 2'78. S Mary (Novara), 164, 182, 183.

S Mary (Baratathe), 232, 274. S Mary (oratory patronized by Pope Gregory S Mary (Bordonaro), 42, 71n. _ the Great), 11, 12, 124. S Mary (Buffiniana), 124n. S Mary de Palatio, seeS Mary (Tusa). S Mary (Butera), 88, 94, 101, 103, 251. S Mary (Palermo?), 170.

S Mary (Cabria, Calabria), 164. S Mary of the Admiral (Palermo), 42, 161, 288. S Mary (Caccamo), 95, 100, 245, 255. S Mary of the Chancellor (Palermo), see S Mary

S Mary (Calatahameth), 213-14. of the Latins (Palermo).

S Mary of Montevergine (Caltabellotta), 131. S Mary de Crypta (Palermo), 42.

S Mary (Cammarata), 193, 199, 255. S Mary of the Latins (Palermo), 65, 159-61. S Mary of Cacciapensieri (Cammarata), 193n. S Mary Marturana (Palermo), 127n., 157n., 161-

S Mary (Campogrosso), 42, 272. 62, 288.

S Mary de Cardia (Abruzzi), 164. S Mary of Mount Carmel (Palermo), 241.

S Mary (Caronia), 148. S Mary della Speranza (Palermo), 124.

S Mary (Castronuovo), 186, 187n., 249, 275. S Mary of Jehosaphat (Palestine), 68-69, 207-14,

S Mary of Bagnara (Castronuovo), 272. 233. S Mary de Fluminaria (Corleone), 272. S Mary of Jehosaphat (Paternd), 110, 209-11,

S Mary (Curatio, Calabria), 170. 276. S Mary de Zibel Magno [Etna], 199. | S Mary (Patrisanto), 112. S Mary (Gala), 42, 209n. S Mary (Pedali), 192n.

S Mary of the Latins (Jerusalem), 68, 92, 214- S Mary of the Latins (Polizzi), 219, 223-25.

28, 233, 253. S Mary (Ragusa), 110n.

S Mary (Licata), 187n., 272. S Mary (Rahalbiath), 272. S Mary (Licodia), 65, 101n., 116, 118n., 120-22. S Mary (Refesio), see H Trinity (Refesio).

S Mary (Ligno, Calabria), 46n., 170, 178-79. S Mary (Revenosa), 272.

S Mary (Macla, Calabria), 137, 140. S Mary (Robore Grosso), 112, 118n., 120-21, 262.

S Mary (Mallimachi), 42. S Mary of Roc-Amadour (Quercy, France), 183. S Mary (Mandanici), 42, 145n. S Mary (Roccadia), 18@n. S Mary (Maniace), 46, 54, 55, 133, 145-48, 196. S Mary Antiqua (Rome), 20n., 24n., 25n.

S Mary (San Marco), 147. S Mary (Sabuchi), 131.

S Mary de Grotta (Marsala), 42, 45, 60. S Mary (Sagittario, Basilicata), 165. S Mary in vinets (obedience of S Mary of Ma- 5S Mary (Scala), 42.

niace), 147. S Mary de Jummariis (Sciacca), 54, 149-51, 195. S Mary (Massa), 42. S Mary of Carmel (Scicli), 241n. S Mary of Jehosaphat (San Mauro, Calabria), S Mary by the Wadi Musa (Simeto), 157.

212n. S Mary of Carmel (Sutera), 241-42.

S Mary de Alto or de Jummartis (Mazara), 42. S Mary de Monialibus (Syracuse), 157.

S Mary (Mazzarino), 94, 103-04, 293. S Mary (La Torre, Calabria), 49, 110. S Mary of Bethlehem (Messina), 233. S Mary of Roccamadore (Tremestieri), 119n., S Mary of the Latins (Messina), 223, 227-28. 182, 183.

S Mary of Massa (Messina), 42. S Mary (Tusa), 94, 102-03, 250, 253. S Mary of Mount Sion (Messina), 232. S Mary (Ustica), 54, 152. S Mary de Scalis or de Alto (Messina), 43, 45, S Mary (Valverde), 241.

57, 71, 153-57, 203, 282. S Mary (Vicari), 35, 39n., 42.

S Mary (Mezzoiuso), 127n. S Mary Magdalene (Corleone), 138, 144n., 158-

S Mary (Milazzo), 93. 59.

S Mary of Glory (Mileto, Calabria), 187, 188. S Mary Magdalene of Jehosaphat (Messina),

S Mary (Mili), 39n., 42, 71n., 236n. 209-13. S Mary (Militello), 147. S Mary Magdalene (Tripoli, Syria), 166, 177. S Mary Nuova (Monreale), 37, 54, 55, 57, 59,62, Matina (Calabria), 146.

320 Latin Monasticism S Matthew (Messina), 187. S Nicholas (Salter), 81, 94. S Maurus (Rossano, Calabria), 137. S Nicholas (Sciacca), 149, 220, 223. SS Maximus and Agatha, 12, 13, 123n. S Nicholas (Sciara), 147.

S Mercury (Troina), 42. S Nicholas de Alafico (Tortorici), 147. S Michael (Castronuovo), 272. S Nicholas (Valle, Calabria), 81, 94.

| S Michael (Ctisma), 32, 33n., 36. S Nicholas (Ysa), 43. S Michael (Ficarra), 42.

S Michael (obedience of S Mary of Maniace), S Pancras (San Fratello), 43, 45.

147. S Pantaleon (Galli Rebalsuat), 170.

S Michael (Mazara), 42, 59. S Pantaleon or S Savior (of the Presbyter Scho-

S Michael (Messina), 238. larios), 43, '70.

S Michael Archangel (Petralia), 54, 57, 135, 186. S Parasceve (Calabria), 80, 94.

S Michael (Petrano), 97, 266. S Parasceve (San Marco), 147. S Michael (Prizzi), see S Angel (Prizzi). S Parasceve or S Venera (Sciara?), 147.

S Michael (Troina), 42. Patirion (Rossano, Calabria), 52n., 70, 71. Monte Cassino: forgeries of Peter the Deacon, 5S Paul (Palermo), 160. 10, 25; monks excluded from Sicily, 10, 57,72; S Paul (Sciara), 147.

Sicilian donation of Tertullus, 8-10, 57. S Peter (Baias), 11, 13, 23.

Morimond, 176. S Peter (Castronuovo), 81, 94, 249, 273. Montevergine: Benedictine rule at, 127; colon- S Peter (Collesano), 65n., 192, 197, 199. izes S John of the Hermits, 56, 72, 116, 123-26, S Peter (Deca), 43.

130; monks in Refesio, 175. S Peter (Ficarra), 93, 98.

Mount Athos, 70. S Peter de Impero, 170. Mount Sion, Our Lady of (Jerusalem), 231-33. S Peter de Largo Flumine, 43. S Peter (Messuriachia), 147.

S Nicander (Messina), 42. S Peter (Milazzo), 187, 191n. S Nicander (San Nicone), 42, 46n. S Peter (Palermo), 186, 275.

S Nicholas (Agrigento), 272. S Peter (Petralia), 135. S Nicholas (Arena), 118, 120. | S Peter (Prate Gangi), 206. S Nicholas (Bari, Apulia), 127-28. S Peter (Rasacamara), 220. S Nicholas de Campo (Bisignano, Calabria), 140. 5 Peter (Tacina, Calabria), 217, 223.

S Nicholas (Butana), 41, 42, 191n. S Peter (Tavis), 217, 221-23. : S Nicholas de Caca, 191n. S Peter (Vaccaria), 219, 220, 223. S Nicholas (Canneto), 42, 122. SS Peter and Paul (Agrd), 43, 44, 72.

S Nicholas (Canrata), 199. SS Peter and Paul (Itala), 43.

S Nicholas (Caronia), 148. : S Philip, 6n.

S Nicholas de Castanea, 147. S Philip (Adernd), 112, 120.

S Nicholas (Comitini), 94, 98, 103, 251, 270. S Philip (Agira), 32, 33, 46n., 81, 82, 92, 94,

S Nicholas (Corleone), 187. 110, 115, 214-24.

S Nicholas (Fico), 43. S Philip (Capizzi), 219, 220, 223, 225-26.

S Nicholas (Filocastro), 50. S Philip (Fragala), 28, 35, 36, 43, 145n., 148,

S Nicholas (Geraci), 84. | 214n., 215.

S Nicholas (Grati), 178. S Philip the Great (Messina), 43, 214n. S Nicholas (Gratteri), 206. S Philip (Mistretta), 191n. S Nicholas (Gurguro), 43, 140, 164-65. S Philip of Pantano (Paterno), 41, 122.

S Nicholas de Insula, 272. S Philip (Polizzi), 197.

S Nicholas (Lampadia, Calabria), 217, 222, 223. S Philip (Santa Lucia del Melo), 43, 45, 98, 99,

S Nicholas (Malvicino), 192, 193, 199. 214n., 246. S Nicholas de Regali (Mazara), 41, 43. Praetorianum, 12. S Nicholas (Militello), 147.

S Nicholas (Misilmeri), 170. Royal Chapel (Palermo), 45, 60, 61, 113, 127, S Nicholas de Lombardis (Paterno), 43, 60, 115, 139n., 243. 135, 136.

S Nicholas (Pellera), 43, 46n. S Saba (Palestine), 17.

Index of Abbeys, Priories, Churches, and Hospitals 321 Sambucina (Calabria), 56, 169, 182. S Stephan (Mistretta), 191n. S Savior (Calanna, Calabria), 114n. Studion (Constantinople), refugees in Italy from,

S Savior (Capizzi), 197, 199. 27-28. S Savior (Cerami), 41, 122.

S Savior in Lingua Phari (Messina), 33n., 40, Tamwaih (Egypt), 34n. 43, 45-46, 70-71, 112, 113, 139n., 187. 259. § ‘Theodore (Messina), 11.

5S Savior, nunnery (Messina), 43. S Theodore (Milazzo), 43. S Savior (Mortello, Calabria), 139. S Theodore (Militell 0), 148.

S Savior (Nicosia), 218n. S Theodore (Mirto), 43.

S Savior (Palermo), 41, 43, 125. S Theodore (Palerm 0), 11. 5 Savior (Patti), see S Bartholomew (Lipari) and S Theodore (Sciacca), 272.

Savior (Patti). S Thomas Becket of Canterbury (Catania), 59, SS Savior (Placo), 43. ib.

larios), 43, 70. ran , :

201. os .

S ne) or S Pantaleon (of the Presbyter Scho- Todi. 205 S Savior and SS Peter and Paul (Cefalid), 37, i Tyinity Wha Can nee Sclemne) 40. 57. 60 49, 54, 55, 56, 58, 65, 71, 72, 89, 96, 157, 189- "gy 7g gin, 115n., 135-36, 149n., 144, 216.

H Sepulchre (Jerusalem), 66n., 114, 175, 229-31, H Tani, Pane) he *8-

261-62. . H Trinity (Geraci), 81, 95.

H Sepulchre (Messina), 139, 229n. H Trinity (Ligno, Calabria), 167, 179. S Silv ester (Monreale), 137, 138. H Trinity of the Chancellor, or, the Magione

aN ae 293.

Sinai, 31, 35n. _ | (Palermo), 71, 72, 188, 180-81.

S Sophia (Vicari), 88, 90, 94, 101-02, 250, 252, 47 Trinity (Refesio), 55n., 172-77, 268, 272, 289,

sis Spirit (Brindisi) » 139. H Trinity (Venosa, Apulia), 48.

181, 196, 197. :

H Spirit (Buscemi), 54, 152. H Trinity and S Michael Archangel (Mileto,

H Spirit (Caltanissetta), 71, 193, 231-32. Calabria), 48, 106n., 187n., 191, 194, 253

H Spirit (Palermo), 66, 67n., '71, 72, 168-71, 180, oa ° eee S Stephan (Agrigento), 13, 272. Vallombrosa, 243.

S Stephan del Bosco (Calabria), 49, 56, 167, 179, | S Venera (Cammarata), 257.

263, 272. . S Venera (Tusa), 92, 219, 253. |

S Stephan (Castronuovo), 41, 186, 275. S Venera (Vanella), 43.

S Stephan (Messina), 43. S Vitus (Etna), 11.

INDEX OF PERSONS AND PLACES Abdeluchate, 87, 94. Agatho, pope, 22, 23n.

Abi Salih, the Armenian, 34n. Agira, 81, 82, 244; see also S John the Baptist,

Achi of Vizzini, 87, 95n., 101, 248. S Philip.

Aci, 65, 106, 107, 113-14, 117; see alsoS Mary Agrigento: bishopric, 87n., 89, 105n., 129, 152,

of Carmel. 173n., 246, 268, 272, 275, 294; Greeks in, 15;

Adam, donor, 218. Saracens in, 59n.; see also S George, S Leonard, Adam of Anjou, 245. S Margaret the Virgin, S Nicholas, S Stephan. Adam of Cammarata, 257. Agro, see SS Peter and Paul. Adelaide, countess-regent of Sicily and queen of Aidone, 113; see also S Mary.

| Jerusalem, 154n., 244; buried in S Savior’s of | Aimeric of Rochia, 251. Patti, 88; donations to: S Anne’s of Galath, Alberic of Cavals, 248. 209, 210, Lipari-Patti, 87, 95n., 98n., 249, Albert, prior of S Mary (Robore Grosso), 121. S Mary’s of Ambuto, 155, S Mary’s of Ma- Albold, abbot of S Edmund (England), 51n. niace, 145, S Mary’s of Mount Carmel Alcher, archbishop of Palermo, 39n., 78. (Palermo), 241, S Mary’s de Scalis, 153, H Alcusa, 190.

Spirit’s of Caltanissetta, 231; patronage of Alexander of Garres, 270. | Basilian abbeys, 42-45. Alexander, abbot of S Mary (Ligno), 178.

Adelasia, countess of Molise, 154n. Alexander ITI, pope, 97, 114, 115, 133-135, 138, Adelicia, countess of Aderné, donations to: S 142, 146, 158-160, 190n., 191n., 193, 196, 198, Agatha’s of Catania, 66n., 112, 120-21, S 205, 220n., 225, 227, 229n., 231, 232, 238, 239. Elias’s of Adernd, 230, 261, Hospital of SJohn Alexander IV, pope, 188n. of Jerusalem, 239, S Lucy’s of Adernd, 114, Alexander VI, pope, 148. 157-58, S Lucy’s of Syracuse, 203, S Savior’s Alexander, abbot of H Spirit (Palermo), 170, of Cefalu, 65n., 157, 192-93, 198-99, 201, H 178n. Sepulchre at Jerusalem, 66n., 114, 261, S Alexandria (Egypt), 14n., 17, 19, 20, 27, 31. Stephan’s del Bosco, 167%n.; house in Palermo, Alfanus, emissary of Roger II to S Bernard of 161n., 288; wife of Rainald Avenell, 87n., 154, Clairvaux, 163.

155. Alfanus, prior of H Cross (Buccheri) and S John

Adelicia, abbess of S Mary Magdalene (Cor- (Vizzini), 101, 274, 278.

leone), 158. S Alferius of Salerno, 135.

Adeodata of Lilybaeum, 13. Aloysa of Martirano, 161, 288. Aderno, 107; see also S Elias the Prophet, S John, Alphana, countess of Marsico, 152.

S Lucy, S Philip. Altoplano, see S Mary.

Adoald of Calascibetta, 82. Amatus, abbot of S Mary Jehosaphat, 61, 90, 91. Adonis of Cormorio, royal justiciar, 282. Amballut, 206.

Adragnum, 144. Ambrose, abbot of Lipari-Patti, 60, 63, 78-80, Adriano, see S Mary. 83-88, 100, 106n., 244, 246-50. Adulani, see S Benedict. Ambuto, see S Mary. Africa: architectural influence on Sicily, 36-37; | Amelinus of Castronuovo, 282.

Moslem immigration from, 30; Norman foot- Amelius, abbot of S Mary of the Latins (Jeruhold in, 44; refugees from, 7, 8, 20-21; refugees salem), 217, 220, 222n.

in, 7, 8. : Amellinus Gastellinus, 82.

S Agatha, relics, 111. Anacletus II, antipope, 59, 89, 100, 111, 117, S Agatha’s gate, Palermo, 264. 163, 189, 201. Agatho, monk of S Hermas, 14n., 124n. Anastasius IV, pope, 238.

Agatho, bishop of Lipari, 79n. Andrew of Carmina, 277. 822

Index of Persons and Places 323 Anfusus of Luci (or Petrano), 97, 266, 273. Bartholomew, chaplain of S Giles (Termini), 273.

Angelus, archbishop of Bari, 194. S Bartholomew of Grottaferrata, 35.

Anna Basadonna, 119, 261. Bartholomew of Luci, count of Paterno, 119, Ansaldus, royal castellan, 129, 172-75, 229. 182, 183.

S Anselm, archbishop of Canterbury, 50, 58. Bartholomew, abbot of S Savior (Messina), 70. Anselm, abbot-bishop of Lipari-Patti, 98. Bartholomew of Moloe, 258. Anselm, prior of S Mary (Butera), 103. Basil, son of Michael the Admiral, 115.

Anselm, bishop of Mileto, 227. Basilissa, widow of Nicholas Mantellus, 156, 282. Ansger, abbot-bishop of Catania, 48, 79, 80, Battalario, 139, 140. 105-109, 113; donor, 110, 115, 117, 208-211, Benedict, royal chaplain, 45, 99.

218. Benedict, bishop of Cefalu, 201.

Antioch, 17, 20n., 27, 31. Benedict of Santa Lucia, 282. Antiochia, abbess of S Mary de Scalis (Messina), S Benedict of Nursia, 8, 9.

156. Benedict XI, pope, 214n., 220n., 224n.

Antiochus, refugee Syrian monk, 17. Benedict, prior of S Stephan del Bosco, 167n. Antony, abbot of S Mary (Mili), 71n. Benincasa, abbot of H Trinity (La Cava), 135,

Antony, Sicilian ascetic in Calabria, 32n. 136, 148. Apulia, 51, 70; see also S Lawrence (Vermula), Berard or Bernard, prior of S Mary of the

H Trinity (Venosa). Latins (Polizzi), 225.

Araldus of Modeta, 263. Berengar, abbot of Venosa, 48. Araldus, monk of the H Sepulchre (Jerusalem), Bergamo, 88n.

230, 274, 284. Bernard, abbot-bishop of Catania, 114, 230, 261.

Arcudius Steletanus, 245. S Bernard of Clairvaux, 50, 56, 89, 150, 163, 164.

201. S Berthold, 242.

Arduin of Bagnara, bishop of Cefali, 194, 195, Bernard of Ocra, count of Butera, 119.

Argentios, martyr, 31. Billuchia, 129, 173, 175, 177, 268. Arnald, bishop of Messina, 92, 93, 96, 99, 238. Bisacquino, 143.

Arnerius of Terron, 248. Bisignano (Calabria), see S Nicholas de Campo.

Arnulf, donor, 186. Bitetto (Apulia), 137, 145. Arnulf, patriarch of Jerusalem, 207, 229. Bivona (Calabria), 254. Aschetillus, archdeacon of Catania, 113, 259. Bivona (Sicily), 269.

Asinello, see S Leonard. Blandinus, 111, 113.

S Athanasius of Catania, 7, 28n. Blasius, prior of Caltavuturo, 198n.

Attardus Caputasini, 185. Blasius, prior of S Lucy (Syracuse), 204. Aubert of Martirano, 161. Blasius the Venerable, abbot of the Patirion Augustus, bishop of Lipari, 79n. (Rossano), 52n. Aversa, see S Lawrence. Boamund, son of John of Melfi, 274. Avinellus, royal justiciar, 219. Bona, mother of Walter Offamil, 151.

Aychard, donor, 195. Bonus, builder of an abbey, 12.

Aymerius, alleged bishop of Squillace, 227. Bonus, ‘prior Palatie,’ 103, 115n.

Aymo of Milazzo, 186, 275. Bonus-Johannes, prior of S Mary (Robore Grosso), 121.

Bagnara (Calabria), see S Mary. Bordini, 129.

Baida, 138. Bordonaro, see S Mary.

Baldwin of Noto, 186, 278. Boso, abbot-bishop of Cefali, 96, 97, 151, 189n.,

Baratathe, see S Mary. 195-98, 201.

Bari (Apulia), see S Nicholas, H Trinity. Boso of Gorram, canon of S Savior (Cefald), Bartholomew, son of Adlam Spiniac, 248. 195n. Bartholomew, bishop of Agrigento, later arch- _Briencius, dapifer (?), 246. bishop of Palermo, 138, 141, 144, 151, 161n., — Brindisi, see H Spirit.

166, 173-77, 269, 288. Brolo, see S Angel.

Bartholomew of Amalfi, 293. Bruccardus tanensis miles, 271. Bartholomew of Garres, 98, 103, 270. Bruccato, 82, 138. Bartholomew of Genoa, priest, 98, 273. Bruno of Clairvaux, 164n.

324 Latin Monasticism — S Bruno of Cologne, 49, 52n. Capile, widow of John Alif, 130. Buccheri, 270; see also H Cross Capitulina, 11, 12.

Bula Mele, kaid, 249. | Capizzi, see S Philip, S Savior.

Bulchar, 137. Carbone (Lucania), see S Elias. Bulichel, 157. Cardia (Abruzzi), see S Mary. Busakemi, 139n. Carini, see S Lawrence.

Buscemi, see H Spirit. Caronia, see S Mary, S Nicholas.

Butana, see S Nicholas. Carruba, 119.

Butera, 96, 251; see also S George, S Hippolytus, Carrabula, 159, 160.

S Mary. 7 | Carthage, 17n., 20.

Carus, abbot-archbishop of Monreale, 144, 145.

Cabria (Calabria), see S Mary. Cassari, 280.

Caccamo, 82, 273; see alsoS Mary. | Castanea, see S Nicholas.

Cadema, 100. Castrogiovanni (Enna), 107, 108, 113; see also Caesarius, abbot of S Peter (Baias), 13, 23. S Lazarus (Enna). Calabria: Basilian monks in, 25, 29-34, '70; hold- | Castronuovo, 32, 244, 249; see also S Mary, S

ings of S Bartholomew (Lipari) in, 78, 80-81; Mary of Bagnara, S Michael, S Peter, S holdings of S Mary Nuova (Monreale), 137, Stephan. 139-40, 145; linguistic divisions, 52n.; Norman Catania: abbatial jurisdiction over, 48, 65, 106, policy in, 51-52, 57, 60; northern monastic 117; archdiaconate, 113; bishopric, 54, 55, 59, immigrants, 47-52; see alsoS Angel de Campis, 79, 89, 105n., 107-08, 111-12, 115-17, 142, 143;

S Angel (Mileto), S Elias, S Euphemia, S charter to citizens, 115; Greeks in, 14; Pope Euplus, S John (Reggio), S Julian (Rocca Gregory I and cloister in, 11, 12; Saracen re-

Fallucca), S Mary (Bagnara), S Mary volt, 105; see also S Agatha, S Catherine of (Cabria), S Mary (Curatio), S Mary (Ligno), Alexandria, S Christopher, S Thomas of CanS Mary (Macla), S Mary of Jehosaphat (San terbury. Mauro), S Mary of Glory (Mileto), S Mary Catherine, Sicilian ascetic in Calabria, 32n. (La Torre), Matina, S Maurus (Rossano), S La Cava, see H Trinity. Nicholas de Campo (Bisignano), S Nicholas Cefali, 65, 190, 197; see also SS Cosmas and (Lampadia), S Nicholas (Valle), S Parasceve, Damian, S Savior and SS Peter and Paul. Patirion (Rossano), S Peter (Tacina), Sam- Celestine III, pope, 54n., 125n., 178n., 179, bucina, S Savior (Calanna), S Savior (Mor- 184n., 187, 188. tello), S Stephan del Bosco, H Trinity and S Centuripe, 107.

Michael Archangel (Mileto). Ceprano, 235. Calanna (Calabria), see S Savior. Cerami, see S Savior. _ |

, Calatabiano, see S Eunufrius. Chandak Alkastani, 225.

Calatabiet, see S Honufrius. Charluurus, son of Achi of Vizzini, 248. Calatahameth, 213, 252; see also S Mary. Christodoulos, admiral, 42, 45.

Calatrasi, 187, 138, 140-41, 145. Christopher, admiral, 249. }

Calces, 138. Christopher of Castello, 277.

Cali, founder of nunnery, 32, 36. S Christopher of Collesano, 32, 33n.

Calixtus II, pope, 191n. Christopher, confessor of William I, 135.

Calo, see S James. Chusun, 181.

Caltabellotta, 268, 290; see also S Hippolytus,S Cicero, fugitive monk, 12n.

Mary of Montevergine. Clement III, pope, 133n., 142-44, 146, 148, 185,

Caltagirone, 221, 271. 187, 198.

Caltanissetta, see S John, S Leo, H Spirit. Clement V, pope, 152n. Caltavuturo, 190, 199; see also S Barbara. Collesano, 32, 190, 197, 199; see also S Peter.

Calterius Perne, 270. : Columbanus, abbot of Catania, 228. Cammarata, 201; see also S Mary, S Mary de Comicchi, 144.

Cacciapensieri, S Venera. Comitini, see S Nicholas.

Campogrosso, see S Mary. Comiz, see S James. |

Canneto, see S Nicholas. Condo Petrus, 244. Canrata, see S Nicholas. | Conon, pope, 22.

Index of Persons and Places 325 Constance, wife of Roger of Tirone, 271. Enna (Castrogiovanni), 107, 108, 113; see also Constance, queen-regent of Sicily, empress, 45, S Lazarus. 54n., 115, 119, 121, 125, 156, 171, 183n., 223, Eolian Islands, 77, 91, 94; see also Lipari.

235, 239. Erasmus, alleged abbot of S Philip (Agira), 215.

Constans II, emperor, 24. Eremburga, countess, second wife of Roger I, Constantine, deacon, rector of papal properties, Q44., a

26n. Ermelina, alleged abbess of S Mary de Scalis

Constantine, knight, 99. (Messina), 154, 155. Constantinople, 33n., 35, 111. Eruscus, see Hervias.

Constantinople, patriarch of, and churches in Eugene, admiral, 97n., 259, 287n. Sicily and Calabria, 26; relations with RogerI, Eugene of Parisio, 221.

43-44; and stauropegic abbeys, 70. Eugene ITI, pope, 96, 135, 191n., 211n.

Corain, abbot of Adrianople, 246. Eulalius, bishop of Syracuse, 8. Corleone, 137, 138, 140, 145, 173n.; see also S Euphemius, militia commander, 29. Agnes, S Mary de Fluminaria, S Mary Mag- Eusebius of Syracuse, abbot, 25n.

dalene, S Nicholas. Eutropius, cantor, 172n.

Cosenza, archbishop of, 106.

Cosmas, Syrian merchant, 14n. Facundinus, abbot of S Mary of the Latins Cosmas, tutor of S John of Damascus, 23n. (Jerusalem), 220n.-222, 224, 228.

Curatio (Calabria), see S Mary. Facundus, abbot of S Mary of the Latins (JeruCyprian, abbot of S Savior (Calabria), 141. salem), 221-228. Facundus, prior of S Mary of the Latins (Jeru-

Dalmatia, 113n. Po eat151, chaplain 82n Daniel, bishop of Cefalt, 195. pune : ee

Daniel, companion of S flies ot Eana, 32. Falco, prior of S Philip (Agira), 219, 220, 224, Daniel, prior of S Mary (Bagnara), 186, 278. 258. _. Dauferus, or Dalferius, abbot-bishop of Lipari- Fantasini, 144n.

Patti, 98, 100, 273. Fausomeli, 130.

David, preceptor of S Elias (Aderns), 230. Faustus, abbot of S Lucy (Syracuse), 24. David, abbot of H Trinity (Mileto), 191, 253. Ficarra, see S Michael, 5 Peter.

Deca, see S Peter. Fico, see S Nicholas. Delia, see H Trinity. | Fidelis of Santa Lucia, 282. | Demena, 32; see also S Barbarus. Filiberta, donor, 160, 161. Donatus, abbot of S John of the Hermits, 129-31, Filoca stro, see S Nicholas.

265. Fitalia, 82, 84, 92, 94, 95, 244.

Donus I, pope, 18n. | Fiumefreddo, see S John.

Drogo, bishop of Squillace, 192. Flandrina, countess of Paternd, 118, 119, 237. Florence, wife of Robert of Milia, 250, 252.

| Foceré (Sichro), 87, 88, 247; see also SS Cosmas

Egypt, 17-20, 34n. | and Damian, S John, H Trinity.

Eleazar, knight, 209, 210. Fragala, 40n.; see also S Philip.

Elias, Sicilian ascetic in Calabria, 33n. France, see S Arnulf (Crépy-en-Valois), Bec,

S Elias Speleota, 32. Chartreuse, Clairvaux, Cluny, S Evroul-enElias, bishop of Syracuse, 24. Ouche, S Mary of Roc-Amadour, Morimond.

Elias of Tiron, 213. San Fratello, see S Pancras.

S Elias the Younger, of Enna, 31-32. Frederick II, emperor, 42n., 62, 64, 73, 82n., Eligius, abbot of S Mary (Novara), 182. 92n., 98, 121, 125n., 153n., 156, 161n., 166, Elizabeth of Champagne, duchess of Apulia, 163. 167n., 174, 181, 240.

Elpidius, bishop of Catania, 11n. Fredesenda, first wife of Rainard Avenell, 87.

Elrylbium, 129. Fredesenda, mother of Robert Guiscard, 48.

Embula, see S Elias. Fundeca, 201. Emma, Countess of Montescaglioso, 120, 154. Futtasini, 158. England: Greek refugees in, 21n.; see also S , Alban, S Edmund, S Frideswide (Oxford). Gala, see S Mary.

326 Latin Monasticism Galath, see S Anne. Gerard, bishop of Messina, 219n. Galduin, son of Achi of Vizzini, 248. Gerard, prior of S Sophia (Vicari), 102, 277. Galgana, widow of William of Altavilla, 155. S Gerland of Agrigento, 105n.

Galli Rebalsuat, see S Pantaleon. Gidel, son of Kaprioulos, 87.

Gallinita, 230, 256(?). Gilbert, castellan of Petrano, 267.

Gandulf, royal justiciar, 220n. Gilduin, abbot of S Mary of Jehosaphat, 207.

Gardalisi, 1'75, 268. Gilbert, abbot-bishop of Lipari-Patti, 96, 97,

Gascelmus, 111. 100, 195, 264.

Gebilinus, prior of the Hospital of Messina, 238. Girbaldus, donor, 103.

Gedesceri, see S Angel. Gonata, see S Cosmas.

S Gelasius I, pope, 8. Grati, see S Nicholas.

Gentile, bishop of Agrigento, 131, 167, 172, 263. Gratteri, 190, 194; see also S Elias, S George,

Geoffrey of Andevilla, prior of the Hospital of S Iconius, S Nicholas.

Messina, 238. S Gregory, bishop of Agrigento, 15.

Geoffrey of Battalario, 139. Gregory Decapolita, hermit, 29.

Geoffrey of Bouillon, 207, 229, 231. Gregory Gannadu, protospatharius, 245. Geoffrey Burrel, 63n., 82, 84, 86, 98, 246. Gregory, abbot of S Philip (Fragala), 28n., 36,

Geoffrey of Campiniaco, Templar, 235. 145. Geoffrey of Casale Met, 282. S Gregory I, the Great, pope, 9, 10, 11, 12, 13, Geoffrey Francigeni, Francus or Franze, 218n., 15, 17, 23, 123, 124, 202, 216.

219n., 221. S Gregory II, pope, 21n.

Geoffrey of Lecce, count of Montescaglioso, 232. S Gregory III, pope, 23n.

Geoffrey Malaterra, 48, 70, 105, 109, 116. S Gregory VII, pope, 78.

Geoffrey, son of Malechosa, 245. Gregory IX, pope, 232n.

Geoffrey of Malet, 246. Guarneria, countess of Gerace, 170. Geoffrey of Martirano, 161, 279, 288. Guerneric of Avenell, 87. Geoffrey, prior of S Mary’s of Bagnara, 185. Guido, bishop of Agrigento, 152n.

Geoffrey, prior of S Mary (Sciacca), 150. Guido, bishop of Cefali, 198, 199, 200, 201,

Geoffrey I, bishop of Messina, 210, 212. 203n. Geoffrey, bishop of Mileto, 108n., 154. Guido of Finulleria, 249.

Geoffrey of Moac, 190n. Guido of Giffene, 282. Geoffrey Oliveri, 235. Guido, notary of Roger IT, 255. Geoffrey of Poitou, abbot of S Mary (Bagnara), Guido, priest, donor, 120, 276.

49, Guimund, deacon, canon of Vicari, 250.

Geoffrey, count of Ragusa, 110. Gunther, prior of Mount Sion, 231n.

Geoffrey Ridell, 185, 246. Gurguro, see S Nicholas.

Geoffrey of Sageio, 82. Gypso, see S Gregory.

Geoffrey Secretus, 43, 45, 115.

George of Antioch, admiral, 42, 161, 190, 259. Hadrian, African abbot, 21n.

George, ‘archon of archons,’ donor, 95. Hadrian IV, pope, 54n., 114, 208, 211n., 220,

George, bishop of Catania, 25n. 226, 235.

George, viscount of Jato, 87. al-Hakim, kalif, 31n., 207, 216.

George Mabric, 245. Hares, see S George.

George Maniakes, 34n., 35n., 111, 145. Harold, preceptor of S Elias (Adernd), 231.

George of Michiquen, 282. Harsa, Arsa, Arsha or Charsa, 190, 279, 281. George, bishop of Syracuse, 24. Heberat, castellan, 263.

Trinity. 113n.

Geraci, 81, 82, 84, 87, 247; see S Nicholas, H Henry Aristippus, archdeacon of Catania, 50,

Gerald of Lentini, 153-54, 202. Henry of Bubly or Bugli, 103, 234, 235, 251. Gerald, prior of the Hospital at Messina, 239. Henry, prince of Capua, 144. Gerard, vicecomes of H Cross (Buccheri), 274. Henry VI, Emperor: capture of Messina, 183, of

Gerard the Frank, architect, 72. Naso, 92n., of Palermo, 99; charters and conGerard, founder of the Knights Hospitaler, 217, firmations, 57, 68, 116, 119, 157, 180, 181, 183,

236. 212n., 217n., 223, 225, 226, 228, 235; marriage

Index of Persons and Places 327 to Constance, 125n.; troops burn Catania James, abbot of S Mary (Roccamadore), 183.

cathedral, 108n. James, patriarch of Jerusalem, 237n.

Henry, custos of S Leo (Pannachio), 120, 261. James, bishop of Taormina(?), 109, 110.

Henry, count of Montegargano, 214. Jato, 137, 138, 140, 145. Henry, bishop of Nicastro, 154. Jeremiah, abbot of S Mary (Licodia), 116, 121. Henry, count of Paterno, 60, 63n., 88, 96, 101, Jerome, bishop of Otranto, 104.

103, 118, 135, 209, 211, 230, 237. Jerusalem, 207, 215, 222; see also S Lazarus, S

Henry of Rodino, 252. Mary of the Latins, Mount Sion, H Sepulchre.

Henry of Tirron, 248. Joachim of Flora, 170, 171.

Heraclius, emperor, religious persecutions, 18-19, Joanna of England, queen of Sicily, 115, 141.

20. Jobert of Gagliano, 221.

Herman of Ferrara, 287. Jocelmus, abbot-bishop of Cefali, 89, 186, 189,

Hervetus of Terona, 259. 191-195, 201, 255.

Hervias, or Erucus, prior of S Leo(Pannachio),120. John of Agello, abbot-bishop of Catania, 51, 54,

S Hilarion of Egypt, abbot, 7, 8. 114, 115, 117.

S Hilary of ‘Galasso,’ 32n. S John the Almoner, patriarch of Alexandria, 17.

Honorius I, pope, 23n. John of Amalfi, abbot of S Leo’s of Pannachio, Hubert, abbot of S Euphemia (Calabria), 154. 116-121.

Hubert of Micia, 249. John Arcabitusa, 251.

Huedmarram, 281. John IV, archbishop of Bari, 193, 194. Hugo, prior of S Agatha (Catania), 110. John V, archbishop of Bari, 114, 158, 193, 194,

Hugo of Creun, 87, 247. 232, 255.

Hugo Falcandus, 60, 114, 155, 166, 167, 172n. John of Bitalba, 225.

Hugo of Lucca, 285. John Bonacasa, 250.

Hugo, abbot of S Mary of Jehosaphat, 207, 209. John of Brucato, 192, 193.

S Hugo, abbot of S Mary (Novara), 182. John Butone, 285. Hugo, archbishop of Messina, 89, 112, 155n., John of Capua, 273.

189n., 190. John, strategos of Castronuovo, 249.

Hugo of Messina, of S Elias (Adernd), 231, 284. John, bishop of Cefali, 198n., 201.

Hugo, archbishop of Palermo, 131. John of Collesano, 282.

Hugo of Payns, 234. S John of Damascus, 21, 23n. Hugo, prior of S Philip (Agira), 220, 224. John Dapifer, 211n.

Hugo of Pozzuoli, 247. John, preceptor of S Elias (AdernS), 230. John Gaidorophagan, 245.

Ibn Abi Asim al-Misri, 34n. S John ‘of Galasso,’ 32n.

Ibn al-Athir, 73. John, prior of S George (Gratteri), 205, 206.

Ibn Djubair, 62. John the German, prior of S Mary (Robore Ibn Hamdis, 34. Grosso), 51, 121. Ibn ath-Thumnah, 106. John Italus, 35. Tbn Tialin, 34n. John, Jacobite physician of Khusrau JI, 18.

(Mileto), 228. 131.

Imbert, abbot of H Trinity and S Michael John, abbot of S John of the Hermits, 126, 129Innocent II, pope, confirmations, 205, 208, 210- John Kalomenus, royal chamberlain, 139. 213, 238; and Roger II, 56, 57, 89, 111, 112, John of Lamac, prior of S John of the Hermits,

150, 163, 191, 194, 204. 129, 131.

Innocent IIT, pope, 148, 150n., 289. John of Lentini, abbot of S Mary (Roccadia),

Innocent IV, pope, 237. 182n.

Ireland, Egyptian refugees in, 21n. John, abbot-bishop of Lipari-Patti, 84n., 88-93, Isaac, alleged bishop of Syracuse, 23n. 96, 99-102, 154, 219, 250, 252, 253, 255, 260.

Isola (Calabria), 40n. John, abbot of S Lucy (Syracuse), 24n., 202n. Isola delle Femmine, 137. John, bishop of Malta, 236n. Itala, see SS Peter and Paul. John of Melfi, 101, 272, 274.

259. John Moschus, 17.

Ivan, abbot-bishop of Catania, 51, 112-18, 117, John of Messina, 115.

328 Latin Monasticism John of Monte Marano, 286. Lipari: bishopric, 55, 59, 65, 79, 80, 89, 96; colJohn, abbot of Mount Sion, 231n. onization, 84-85, 91; early hermits, 8, 28; see

John, bishop of Nikiu, 19n. also S Bartholomew. S Jobn of Nusco, 126. ‘Lombardia,’ community, 60-61. John, chaplain of S Peter (Castronuovo), 273. Lothair, emperor, 57.

John of Pici, 225. Louis VII, king of France, 50. John IV, pope, 23n. Lucius II, pope, 127n., 205.

John VII, pope, 25n. | Lucius ITI, pope, 99, 115-117, 125n., 133n., 138,

John of Roccaforte, 218. 142-44, 146, 158, 206, 239. John of Sanctigerio, 271. Lucy of Cammarata, 193, 255. John of Sansa, 282. Ludovicus, abbot of H Trinity of the Chancellor John, prior of S Savior (Patti), 83. (Palermo), 181. John, abbot of Telese, 51n. | Luke, son of Hanno of Milia, 250.

S John Terista, 33n. S Luke of Armento, 32, 33.

John the Tuscan, chaplain of Countess Adelaide, Luke, ‘bishop of the immunities,’ Fragala, 40n.

249, S Luke Casalius of Nicosia, abbot of S Philip

Jordan, bastard of Roger I, 78, 248(?). (Agira), 215.

Jordan Bonell, 251. Luke, abbot of Sambucina, 171, 182n.

Jordan of Calatahaly, 279. Luke, archimandrite of S Savior in Lingua Jordan Lupinus, lord of Tavis, 221. Phari, 155, 156. S Joseph the Hymnographer, 28n. S Luke of Taormina, 33n. Jucundus, abbot of S John of the Hermits, 174. Judith of Grantmesnil, wife of Roger I, 154.

Juliana, casale, 144. Maalda, widow of Robert of Cremona, 230, 263. Julianus of Catania, 12-13, 14n. _ Mabela, abbess of S Euplus (Calabria) and of S

Juliet, countess of Sciacca, 149. Mary de Scalis (Messina), 156, 282, 285.

Lachabuca, 144. S Macarius, 32.

Lampadia (Calabria), see S Nicholas. Macheldis, abbess of S Euplus (Calabria), 153,

Lando of Capua, 270. 202.

Lanvinus, prior of the Grande Chartreuse, 49. Macla (Calabria), see S Mary.

Laseria, 101. ae Madius, alleged bishop of Strongoli (Calabria),

S Lawrence of Frazzano, 215. 227. -

Lawrence, bishop of Syracuse, 152, 202. Maio of Bari, admiral, 166, 167, 195.

Lentini, 13, 110, 187n.; see also S Andrew, S_ al-Makin, 18. :

_ George, S Lazarus (hospital). Malet, see S Constantine.

Leo of Anastasius, 225. Malgerius, castellan, 172n., 264(?).

Leo V, the Armenian, emperor, 28n. Mallimachi, see S Mary. | - Leo Caietanus, prior of S Mary’s of Mazzarino, Malveto, 179; see also S Angel. |

104. Malvicino, see S Nicholas.

Leo II, bishop of Catania, 25n. | Mandanice, see S Mary.

Leo Ceramedarius, 283. | Manescalchia, 102, 251.

Leo III, the Isaurian, emperor, 26, 28. : Manfred, count of Paterno, 96, 103, 104.

S Leo Luke of Corleone, 33. Manfred, king of Sicily, 98n., 173.

S Leo II, pope, 22. | Manfred of Sicla, 185. tania, 116. Maniakes, see George Maniakes.

Leo of Ravenna, alleged abbot-bishop of Ca- Maniace, see S John, S Mary. Leo I Thaumaturge of Ravenna, bishop of Ca- Marcellus, monk, 12n.

tania, 116n. Margaret of Navarre, queen-regent of Sicily, 54,

Librizzi, 86, 95. 55, 114, 125n., 1383, 139n., 144-148, 156, 159n., Licata, seeS Antony, S James, S Mary. 170, 265.

Licodia, see S Mary. , Margaritus, admiral, 177.

Licodia Eubea, 87, 101, 248. Marinianus (Martinianus), abbot of S George

Ligno (Calabria), 178; see also S Mary, H Trin- ad Sedem (Palermo), 12n., 123, 124.

ity. Mark, abbot of S Mary (Novara), 182.

Index of Persons and Places 329 Marocta, abbess of S Mary of the Chancellor Mezzoiuso, 127n.; see also S Mary.

(Palermo), 160. Michael, prior of S Leo (Pannachio) 120.

Marsala (Lilybaeum), 13; see also S Mary de Michael, abbot of S Mary (Ligno), 178.

Grotta. | Michael the Syrian, 18, 19n.

Martin of Bisignano, 196. Michael, strategos of Thracesia, 27. Martin Curator, donor, 95, 258. Michael Vemuel, 226. Martin (Marcius), monk at S John of the Her- Michiken, 280.

mits, 131. Milazzo, 86, 92; see also S Lucy, S Peter, S

S Martin I, pope, 25n. Theodore.

Mascali, 13, 67, 110, 112, 113, 259; see also S Mileto (Calabria), 51, 52n., 78, 80, 81, 254; see

Andrew. | alsoS Angel, S Mary of Glory, H Trinity and

244. Mili, see S Mary.

Matilda, countess, wife of Robert of Aucetum, S Michael Archangel. ,

Matthew of Agello, royal chancellor, 54, 114, Militello, see S Benedict, S Constantine, S John,

132, 159, 160, 180, 181, 239, 269. S Mary, S Nicholas, S Theodore.

Matthew of Aversa, notary, 200. Minzelalbulkair, 42n.

Matthew Bonell, 49, 155, 166, 167, 172n., 176n., Mirto, 87, 88, 94; see also S Theodore.

263, 294. 2 Misilmeri, 78n.; see also S Nicholas.

Matthew of Creun, 247, 251. Mistretta, '78, 190, 199; see also S Anastasia, H Maithew, bishop of Mazara, 138n. Innocents, S Lucy, S Philip, S Stephan. Mauger, son of Count Roger I, 246. Moace, see S George.

117, 209. vester.

Mauritius, abbot-bishop of Catania, 70, 110-112, | Monreale, 64n.; see also S Mary Nuova, S Sil-

S Maurus, 9. Monte Cacumina, 246.

Maurus Blancabarba, 197. Monteforte, see S Anne. Maurus, monk of S John of the Hermits, 131. Monte Maggiore, 199; see also S Mary.

Maximian of Brindisi, 288. Monte Mensidusto, 87.

Maximian, bishop of Syracuse, 13, 24. Monte Pellegrino, 125n. S Maximus Confessor, 17n., 20, 21n., 23. Moriella, abbess of S Mary’s de Scalis, 155, 156. Mazara, 29, 82, 87n., 89, 105n., 138n.; see also Muriel, countess of Syracuse, 109, 185. S Mary de Alto or de Jummariis, S Michael, Muscatus of Acri, 138n.

S Nicholas de Regali. Mustasta, 280.

Mazzarino, 251, 293; see also S Mary. Myzalhar, 277. S Melania the Younger, 7.

Melesendini, see S Catherine. Naso, 82, 84, 92, 94, 95, 244; see also S Basil.

Melvisum, 86, 94, 96. Neophytus Munnera, 245. Mendola, see S Lucy. Nicephorus I, emperor, 28.

Meralme Meslaime, 180. : S Nicephorus of Mileto, 33n.

Meseph, 61. 5 Nicephorus, abbot of S Philip (Agira), 32. Messina, 8, 14, 29, 33n., 46, 77, 78, 95, 108, 175, | Nicephorus, alleged bishop of Troina, 215.

182, 209, 211; archbishopric, 55, 59, 83, 89, Nichita, viscount of Milazzo, 246. 96, 97, 111, 112; see also S Agatha de Faro,S Nicholas, son of Admiral Eugene, 259. Anne, S$ Clement, H Cross, S John the Bap- Nicholas Fersi, 130. tist, S John of the Greeks, S Leo, S-Mary of Nicholas Gantecaelle, 245.

Bethlehem, S Mary of the Latins, S Mary Nicholas Grafeos, 42. Magdalene of Jehosaphat, S Mary of Massa, Nicholas Mantellus, 156, 282n. --$ Mary of Mount Sion, S Mary de Scalis, S Nicholas (Nicodemus), administrator of S Mary Matthew, S Michael, S Nicander, S Philip the de Scalis, 156. Great, S Savior (nunnery), S Savior in Lingua Nicholas, archbishop of Messina, 97, 98, 133, Phari, H Sepulchre, S Stephan, S Theodore. 146, 147, 196, 221, 228, 238.

Messuriachia, see S Peter. a : Nicholas, prior of S Philip (Agira), 221. S Methodius, patriarch of Constantinople, 28n. Nicholas II, pope, 47.

Metrophanes, ascetic, 29. Nicodemus, archbishop of Palermo, 38, 39, 110n.

Mezelchal, 250, 252. Nicosia, 215; see also S Savior.

330 Latin Monasticism S Nilus, 34. Paschal of Santa Lucia, 282.

Nilus Doxopatrius, 44. Paterno, 107, 261, 276; see also S Marina, S Normandy, 35n.; growth of monastic life in, 47; Mark, S Mary of Jehosaphat, S Nicholas de monastic migrations to Southern Italy and Lombardis, S Philip of Pantano.

Sicily from, 47-51. Patrisanto, see S Mary.

Noto, see S Lucy. Patti: colonists and villains 60, 80n., 82, 84-85, Novara, see S Mary. 90, 91; see also S Bartholomew (Lipari). Paul, abbot of S Mary (Novara), 182.

Oddo of Morin, 248. S Paul I, pope, 25n.

Odo Scarpa, 238. Paulinus, bishop of Taurianum, 11. Odro de Sancto Polo, 246. Pedali, see S Mary. Ola Grafeos, 41, 42. Pelagius, heretic, 7, 8. Oliveri, 86, 92, 93, 258; see also S Elias, S John. _‘Pelagius I, pope, 11n. Olympia, donor, 100. Pelagius II, pope, 11n. ‘Omar, edict of, 36n. Pellera, see S Nicholas. Ordericus Vitalis, 47, 50, 109. Pentargium, 235.

Orestes, patriarch of Jerusalem, 31n. Peregrinus, bishop of Lipari, 79n.

Ortusum, 256. Peregrinus, prior of S Mary (Adriano), 15@n. Osbern, abbot of S Evroul-en-Ouche, 47. Peregrinus, bishop of Messina, 79n.

Osbert of Sagona, 238. Petelmon, 121.

Osbert of Sorevera, viscount, 246. Peter, prior of S Andrew (Piazza Armerina), 230, 274.

Paganus, priest, donor, 199. Peter, prior of S Bartholomew (Lipari), 83. Paganus, prior of S Mary Jehosaphat, 210. Peter of Blois, 114, 145.

Paganus, son of Mayner, 272. Peter, archbishop of Brindisi, 139. Palermo, 29, 31, 38, 51, 62, 77, 78n.; archbish- Peter of Caltavuturo, prior of S Savior (Cefald),

opric, 87, 89, 105n., 152n.; church architec- 198. ture, 36, 37; possessions of abbey of Monreale Peter the Deacon, 10, 25, 57n. in, 137, 139, 143; see also All Saints, S Andrew ‘Peter the German, abbot of Bellus Mons, 176n.

of Bebene, S Cataldus, S Eustachius (chapel), Peter Gudel, 225. S George of the Kemonia, S George ad Sedem, Peter, Hospitaler, 95, 286.

S Hermas, S John at the Castello Mare, S Peter Indulfus, 139. John of the Hermits, S John of the Lepers, Peter of Lentini, 259. S John dei Napolitani, S Martin, S Mary, S___ Peter, abbot of S Leo (Pannachio), S Mary Mary of the Admiral, S Mary de Crypta, S (Licodia), and S Nicholas (Arena), 119, 120. Mary of the Latins (or of the Chancellor), S | Peter, abbot-bishop of Lipari Patti, 97-103, 266,

Mary Marturana, S Mary of Mount Carmel, 270, 271. S Mary of Mount Sion, S Mary della Speranza, _ Peter, cellarer of S Mary (Bagnara), 195n.

S Paul (chapel), S Peter, Royal Chapel, S Peter, abbot of S Mary of the Latins (JeruSavior, H Spirit, S Theodore, H Trinity of salem), 219, 220, 222n., 224.

the Chancellor. Peter, abbot of S Mary (Ligno), 179.

Palestine: Arab conquest, 19; monastic relations Peter, prior of S Mary (Ustica), 152n. with Sicily and Italy, 20, 31, 50n., 51, 68-69, Peter, archbishop of Palermo, 82, 90, 111. 78, 205, 222-23, 229-40; Sassanid invasion, 17; Peter, papal rector, 12n.

see also S Lazarus (Jerusalem), S Mary of Peter, prior of H Sepulchre (Jerusalem), 229. Jehosaphat, S Mary of the Latins (Jerusalem), Peter of Tolosa, 197. Mount Sion (Jerusalem), S Saba, H Sepulchre Peter the Venerable, abbot of Cluny, 56, 107,

(Jerusalem), Sinai. 150.

Panagia, 82, 94, 95. Petralia, see S Michael Archangel, S Peter.

Pannachio, see S Leo. Petrano, see S Michael.

Pantellaria, 21n. Phax Emeri, 130.

Partinico, see S Cataldus, S James. Philadelphus, abbot of S Mary (Mandanici),

Paschal II, pope, 191n., 202, 208, 212n., 213, 145n.

217, 231, 235, 236. S Philaret, 34n., 35.

Index of Persons and Places 331 Philaret, monk of Palermo, 31. Ranulf of Baocis, 247. S Philip of Agira, casale, 219. Rapaldus, notary, donor, 197.

Philip, flamiger, 249. Rasacamara, see S Peter. Philip of Rocca, 282. Rasacambri, see H Cross.

Philip, strategos of the Val Demone, 88n. Raul Bunturn, 248. Philippa, widow of Robert of Vizzini, 143. Ravenna, 17, 22. Photius, patriarch of Constantinople, 29. Refesio, 129, 166, 268; see also H Trinity.

Piazza Armerina, see S Andrew. Reggio, 8, 32; see also S John.

Pinianus, 7, 8n. Reginald, chaplain of Roger I, 246. Placa, see S Savior. Rendicella, 144. S Placidus, 8-10. Revenosa, 269, 272; see alsoS Mary. Pliero, 259. Ribaldus, abbot of S Mary of the Latins (JeruPolizzi, 167n., 190, 199, 239; see also S Dominica, salem), 220n.

S Mary of the Latins, S Philip. Richard, count of Agello, 181.

Polla, 190n., 198. Richard Bonell, 82. Pollina, 97, 190. Richard of Broglio, 259.

Prate Gangi, see S Peter. Richard of Bubly, 103, 251. Privatus, abbot, 12n. Richard of Capua, donor, 100, 255.

Prizzi, see S Angel, S Christopher. Richard of Garres, 270.

Prosinakios, hermit, 33n. Richard, kaid, royal chamberlain, 102, 277. Richard of Martirano, 279.

Quercia, 66n., 131. Richard, abbot of S Mary of the Latins (Jerusalem), 217n., 290n., 222n.

Rablis, 94. Richard of Mont Cenis, 247.

Raboan of Caccabo, 273. Richard Paganellus, 247. Rachalbuto, 219n. Richard Palmer, bishop of Syracuse, archbishop Radulf of Beauvais, 249. of Messina, 99, 131, 183, 228. Radulf Maccabeus of Montescaglioso, 154, 261. Richard of Sperling, 294.

Radulf of Novevilla, 250. Richilda (Rachilda), abbess of S Mary de Scalis,

Radulf of Seminara, 250. 153, 155.

Rafred of Naso, 247. Robert Arpion, 249.

Ragusa, 110; see alsoS Mary. Robert of Aucetum, 82, 244.

Rahalbarois, 185. Robert Avenell, 249. Rahalbiato, see S Lucy, S Mary, Robert of Averi, 251.

Rahalhammut, 225. Robert of Belléme, 114n. Rahalnichola, 269. Robert of Bruccato, 82.

Rahaltavil, 257. Robert III, abbot-bishop of Catania, 103, 115Rahalzuchar, 88, 94n, 95. 117, 218, 221. Raimund, prior of S Mary (Bagnara), 188. Robert Claricie, 270.

Rainald, bishop of Agrigento, 174. Robert of Collesano, donor, 200. Rainald, son of Arnald, donor, 250. Robert of Cremona, donor, 230, 262, 263. Rainald Avenell, count, 87, 112, 155. Robert of Cricklade, prior of S Frideswide (Ox-

Rainald, archbishop of Bari, 227. ford), 50.

Rainald, bishop of Bisignano, 139, 142n. Robert of San Giovanni, manager of churches Rainald of Moac, count of Ariano, 156, 181. of Collesano and Polizzi, 197, 199. Rainald, abbot of Mount Sion (Jerusalem), Robert of Grantmesnil, abbot of S Evroul-en-

23in. Ouche, 47, 48, 107, 109.

Rainald of Tiron, 213. Robert Guiscard, duke of Apulia, 38, 44, 105, Rainald of Tusa, royal justiciar, 88, 96, 102, 151, 113n.; donor, 41, 42, 48, '77, 78, 217.

195. Robert of Malcovenant, 143n.

Ramelia, 42n. Robert Mandaguerra, 99, 244n., 245. Rametta, 29, 34. Robert, bishop of Messina-Troina, 40n., 81-84, Randazzo, 85. 86, 92, 93, 105n., 153, 154, 244, 247. Rannell of Melfi, 263. Robert ITI, archbishop of Messina, 96, 195.

332 Latin Monasticism Robert of Milia, 88, 94n., 102, 250, 252. of Clairvaux, 163, 164; Cistercians, 50, 56, Robert, abbot of Montevergine, 127. 164-65; confirmations, 86n., 186, 216, 217, 218,

Robert of San Giuliano, 251. 219, 224 (to Lipari-Patti, 1134), 61, 63n., 77, Robert, son of Schiso, donor, 225n. 85n., 93-95, 101-03, 216; and Eugene III, 97;

Robert of Sperling, 255. exemptions and reliefs, 67, 68, 211, 212, 213;

Robert, son of Tancred, count of Syracuse, 185. foundations and. donations, (Cefalu) 54, 65, Robert, bishop of Troina, see Robert, bishop of 67, 186, 189, 190, 194, 200, 201, 253, (S John

Messina-Troina. of the Hermits), 56, 67, 123, 126-28, 130, 136,

Robert of Venosa, prior of S Sophia (Vicari), 102, (Knights Hospitaler), 68, 236-37, (S Mary

252. Magdalene of Jehosaphat of Messina), 208,

Robert of Vizzini, 143. 211-13, (others), 6n., 45, 50, 67, 88, 110, 113,

Roboan, bishop. of Anglona, 139. 156, 158, 164-65, 182n., 253; and Innocent II, Robore Grosso, see S Mary. os 89, 112, 150, 163, 191, 194, 204; judicial de-

Rocca Asini, 190. cisions, 89, 90, 92, 93, 253; Marturana mosaic

Rocca of Barnavilla, 81n. of, 127n.; monastic policy and patronage, 43, Rocca Fallucca (Calabria), see S Julian. 44, 53, 62, 64, 159; and Monte Cassino, 10, 57;

Roceadia, see S Mary. Nilus Doxopatrius, 44; Peter the Venerable, Roccis, mandra, 118. 150; Saracens, 73; S William of Vercelli, 124-

Rocella, see S John, S Julian. _ 26.

Roger, duke of Apulia, son of Roger II, 114n., Roger, bishop of Syracuse, 105n., 185, 202.

163, 205. | Roger of Tirone, royal justiciar, 101, 270, 274.

Roger, duke of Apulia, son of William I, 144. Roger of Usvilla, 270. Roger of Aquila, count of Avellino, 154, 155, Rome, 7, 14n., 17, 18n., 20, 21, 27, 28, 32, 33;

238, 239. | see also S Andrew on the Coelian, S Mary

Roger of Barnavilla, 81, 95. Antiqua.

Roger, son of Bonus, 259. : Romuald Guarna, archbishop of Salerno, 78n Roger Borsa, duke of Apulia, 78n., 81n., 106n. 162n.

Roger Burdon, 248, 282. | S Rosalia of Palermo, 125.

921. Rospila, wood, 99.

Roger Busnalla (Buxellus), royal justiciar, 200, | Rosemannus, archbishop of Benevento, 203, 204

Roger, abbot-bishop of Catania, 116, 117, 122n. | Rossano (Calabria), see S Maurus, Patirion

Roger, archdeacon of Catania, 114. Rudolf of Belbaco, 135. Roger Hamut or Achmet, royal justiciar, 201, Rufinianus, hermit, 8.

233, 281, 282. Rufinus of Aquileia, 8.

Roger, prior of S Lucy (Syracuse), 204. Rusticus, royal justiciar, 181.

Roger Marchisus, 82. | 7 Ruveto, 119, 120, 183n.

Roger of Pappavilla, 88. | ~ ‘Roger of Sardaville, 82. | S Saba, 32. : | , Roger I, count of Sicily: assumption of spiritual Sabba, abbot, 115. | authority, 39-40; conquests, 35, 38, 77, 105; Sabrantha, 21. | foundations and endowments, (S Agatha of Sabuchi, 66n., 131; see also S Mary. Catania), 48, 63, 65, 80, 105-06, 109, 110,113, Sagittario (Basilicata), see S Mary.

117, (H Cross of Caltanissetta), 231, 232, Salatiel, prior of S George (Gratteri), 206. | (Lipari-Patti), 63, 73-83, 86, 92, 95n., 96, Salomon, son of Guigo, 245. Q44n., 245, (others), 49, 145, 153, 155, 184, Salter, see S Nicholas. 185, 191n., 213, 216; founds Nicosia, 215; Samson of Palermo, 282. grant to Achi of Vizzini, 87; and patriarch of | Sankegi, 280.

Constantinople, 43-44; patronage of Greek San Calogero, 220.

monasteries (policy), 39n., 43-44; patronage of San Felice (Calabria), 161, 162. Latin monasteries (policy), 41-45, 52,53, 56, San Filadelfo, see S Bartholomew.

59; and Urban II (apostolic legation), 43, 44, San Leonardo, 243.

59n., 107, 109... San Marco, 78; see also S Barbarus,.S Felix,

Roger II, king of Sicily: and Anacletus II, 89, S Mary, S Parasceve. 163, 189; Benedictines of Cluny, 56;S Bernard San Mauro (Calabria), seeS Mary of Jehosaphat.

Index of Persons and Places 333 San Nicone, see S Nicander. Squillace, 52n.

San Pantaleone (Calabria), 178. S Stephan, of Constantinople, 27.

San Salvatore, 82, 94. Stephan, hermit, 42, 45.

Sanson of Avenell, 87. ee Stephan, abbot-bishop of Lipari-Patti, 92n., 97-

Sanson, prior of Catania, 115n. 102, 277, 283. Sant’ Anastasia, 107, 276. Stephan Malcovenant, 245.

Santa Lucia, casale, 85, 246. | Stephan, prior of S Mary of Jehosaphat (PaSanta Lucia del Melo, see S Philip. ternd), 208-09, 236n. Saytaymon of Castrogiovanni, donor, 233. Stephan of Perche, archbishop of Palermo, royal

Scala, 88n., 260; see alsoS Mary. chancellor, 60, 114, 129, 159n., 172n., 265.

Scarpello, 219n., 220, 221, 223. Stephen IV (III), pope, 23n. Scholarios, presbyter, 43. Stephan of Rouen, bishop of Mazara, 105n., 210, Sciacca, 31, 158, 213, 269, 272; see also S Caloger, 213. , S Lawrence, S Mary de Jummariis, S Nicho- Stilo (Calabria), 81.

las, S Theodore. Sutera, see S Mary of Carmel. Sciara, see S Leo, S Nicholas, S Paul (hospital). Syracuse, 8, 11, 12, 14, 29, 31n., 34, 105n., 144,

Scicli, see S Lawrence, 5 Mary of Carmel. 152; see also S John the Evangelist, S Lucy,

Scillutani, 178. S Mary de Monialibus.

Sclafami, 190. Syria: Arab invasion, 19; Cistercian refugees Scordia, 235. from, 55n., 166, 176, 289, 293; Monophysites, Sebald of Capizzi, 282. 17-18; Nestorians in Rome from, 14n.; PerSebi (Sibeti), 129, 173, 175, 177, 268, 290. sian invasions, 17-18; Saladin in, 166, 176, 177,

Sehet Butahib, 281. 222; see also Bellus Mons, S Mary Magdalene

Senure, 144. | (Tripoli). S Sergius I, pope, 22, 23. —

Serlo, prior of Catania, 247. Tacina (Calabria), see S Peter.

Sibeti, see Sebi. Tafura, daughter of Roger of Tirone, 271. Sibil of Acerra, queen of Sicily, 161, 162, 288. Tancred of Hauteville, 48.

Sibil of Garres, 98, 103, 270. Tancred of Petra Perfecta, 282. Sibil, wife of William Bonell, 255. Tancred, king of Sicily, 53, 99, 144, 201, 202, Sichro (Focerd), 87, 88, 247; see also SS Cosmas 205, 206.

and Damian, S John, H Trinity. Tancred, count of Syracuse, 66n., 109, 185, 202. Silveria, abbess of S Mary Marturana (Palermo), Tancred, prince of Taranto, 124n.

161, 162. Tancred, son of William Bonell, 255.

Silvester, count of Marsico, 226. Taormina, 11, 29, 30, 32, 108; see also S Auxen-

Simeto, see S Mary by the Wadi Musa. tius, S Christopher.

Simon, abbot-bishop of Catania, 116, 117. Taranto, archbishop of, 106. Simon, count, nephew of Roger II, 214. Tavis, see S Peter. Simon, ‘filius ducis,’ donor, 213, 214. Termini Imerese, 82, 87, 90, 97n., 249, 267; see

Simon of Garres, royal justiciar, 98. also S Giles. Simon, son of George the Admiral, 259. Terrusium, 143n. Simon, abbot of S John of the Hermits, 130. Tertullus, patrician, 8-10, 57.

Simon, count of Montegargano, 214. Theobald, prior of Crépy-en-Valois, 50. Simon, count of Paternd, Butera and Policastro, Theobald, abbot of S Mary Nuova (Monreale), 65, 96, 101, 103, 112, 118, 119, 121, 122, 229n., 136, 138, 140, 141, 145, 146, 158.

230, 237. : Theocritus Mairosini of Chioggia, 161.

Sumon, royal seneschal, donor, 211n., 242. Theodora, countess of Gravina, 138n. Simon, count of Sicily and Calabria, 247. Theodore of Antioch, 43.

S Simon of Trier, 34-35. Theodore, bishop of Catania, 25n. Sixtus V, pope, 9. ce Theodore of Cilicia, monk, 21n.

Soibrand, abbot of S Mary of the Latins (Jeru- Theodore, son of Leo Ceramedarius, 283.

salem), 219, 253. a Theodore I, pope, 23n., 24. Solaria, 92. | Theodore, Sicilian ascetic in Calabria, 32n. Sophronius, patriarch of Jerusalem, 19. S Theodore the Studite, 28. |

334 Latin Monasticism Theodosius of Syracuse, monk, 29, 31n. Walter of Bellus Mons, preceptor of H Trinity

Theodotus, nephew of Drungarus, 245. (Refesio), 177, 289.

Theophanes, monk, 28. Walter Forestal, 158n. Theophanes, abbot of S Peter (Baias), patriarch Walter of Garres, 92, 252. of Antioch, 23. Walter, abbot of S Lawrence (Aversa), 243. Theosterictos, abbot of SS Peter and Paul Walter of Luci, 267.

(Agro), 72. | Walter of Moac, 171.

Thomas, archbishop of Reggio, 139. Walter I, archbishop of Palermo, 186. S Thomas Becket, archbishop of Canterbury, Walter [I Offamil, archbishop of Palermo, 132,

115n. 134, 138, 141, 144, 151, 158-160, 168, 169, 178,

Thomas Brown, 259n. 181, 186, 196, 218n., 269.

Thomas, strategos of Lipari, 284. Warin, monk of S Alban (England), 51n. Thomasia, countess of Paterno, 121. Warin Cambiator, 277n.

Thuringia, 21n. Warin of Cava, 272.

Timothy, abbot of S Mary (Maniace), 146-148. | Warin, son of Count Robert of Aucetum, 244.

Tindaris, ancient see of, 80. William of Altavilla, 155.

Torma, 82. William Archinus, 246.

La Torre (Calabria), see S Mary. William of Aucetum, 244.

Torretta, 121. William, duke of Apulia, 78n. Tortorice, see S Nicholas de Alafico. William of Blois, abbot of Matina, 50, 54, 109n., Tremestieri, see S Mary of Roccamadore. 114, 117, 145, 146.

Triocala, 31n.; see also S George. William Bonell, 100, 255. :

Tripoli (Syria), 20n. William of Bubly, 103, 251. Troina, 38, 107, 244; see also S Basil,S Mercury, William of Buxeria, 250.

S Michael. William of Cammarata, 196.

Tusa, 88, 190, 250, 253; see also S Mary, S William Caniserius, 263.

Venera. William of Creun, 81n.

Tustan, bishop of Mazara, 138, 141, 160. William, abbot of S Euphemia (Calabria), 50, 106.

Ugutio of Caltagirone, 101. William Golias, 282. Ula, abbess of S Lucy (Adernd), 158. William fitz Ingram, abbot of H Trinity and S

Ullic, spring, 42n. Michael (Mileto), 48, 50n.

Urban IT, pope, 39, 40, 43, 44, 49, 59n., 79, 81, William, patriarch of Jerusalem, 221n., 253. 83, 105n., 106, 107, 111, 142n., 191n., 231. William, abbot of S John of the Hermits, 130. Urbicus, abbot of S Hermas, 12n., 13, 123, 124. William Malet, 245. Urso, bishop of Agrigento, 139n., 150n., 152n., William Maloseporarius, 81.

174. William, chaplain of S Mark, 277.

Ustica, seeS Mary. William, count of Marsico, 152, 221, 226. William, bishop of Messina-Troina, 154, 155n.,

Vaccaria, see S Peter. 210, 211n.

Val Demone, 29, 30, 36-38, 77, 95. William, abbot-archbishop of Monreale, 137n.,

Val di Mazara, 29, 30, 36-38. 140-145.

Val di Noto, 29, 30, 38. William II, duke of Normandy, 47. Valle (Calabria), see S Nicholas. William of S Paul, Templar, 235.

Valverde, see S Mary. William Plaxati, 228.

Vanella, see S Venera. William, son of Raon, donor, 220.

Venosa (Apulia), see H Trinity. William, archbishop of Reggio, 155n. Vermula (Apulia), see S Lawrence. William Rhegenus, 283. Vicari, 279; see also S Mary, S Sophia. William, de Rinis, of S Elias (Aderno), 231, 284. Villanova (Refesio), 172, 173, 177, 269, 290. William I, king of Sicily, 45, 54n., 114n., 133,

S Vitalian, pope, 21n., 25. 196; burial place, 97; confirmations, 96, 101, S Vitalis of Castronuovo, 32-33. 166; and conspiracy of 1161, 155, 172n.; donaVitalis, vicecomes of Sibil of Garres, 270. tions and foundations, 53, 119, 129-131, 205,

Vizzini, 248; see also S John. 208, 225.

! Index of Persons and Places 335 William II, king of Sicily, 50, 99, 148, 171, 177, | William, prince of Taranto, 124n. 178; burial, 144; confirmations, 114n., 118, William, abbot of H Trinity (Refesio), 177, 289. 119, 167n., 179, 186, 208, 211, 212, 226n., 237, William of Tropea, 226, 228n.

275; and S John of the Hermits, 66n., 129, William Turcus, 185. 173-175, 265; and Monreale, 57, 59, 66, 67, William Valerius, royal justiciar, 219. 87n., 126, 132-44, 158, 159, 173n., 229n.; and S William of Vercelli, abbot of Montevergine, H Spirit of Palermo, 66, 168-170; other dona- 56, 109n., 124-126, 175n. tions, 53, 139n., 151, 156, 197, 198, 268; ex- William of Vetrona, 277. emptions and reliefs, 63, 68, 98, 221, 222, 227;

marriage, 115, 141. Ysa, see S Nicholas.

William IIT, king of Sicily, 53, 65, 161, 162, 288.

William, bishop of Syracuse, 154, 185, 203. S Zosimus, bishop of Syracuse, 15n., 23n., 24.

INDEX OF SUBJECTS Architecture: Basilian church architecture, 36- pond, 121; shops, 181; vineyards, 87, 100, 101, 37; Desiderian basilica of Monte Cassino, 72; 102, 103, 108, 110, 118, 119, 130, 137, 139, 153, Norman church architecture: origins and in- 181, 195, 211, 213, 223, 231, 235n.; warehouse,

fluences, 71-72, remains, 71-72, (S Agatha of 196; wine-cellar, 182; wood, 213; see also Catania), 71, 108-09, 116, 117, (S Bartholo- Revenues and charges, Rights and privileges, mew of Lipari), 99, (cathedral of Cefalu), 201, Serfs and villains, Tenants and colonists. (S Mary of the Chancellor, Palermo), 161, (S © Exemptions, from military service for lands, 63,

Mary Nuova of Monreale), 37, 71, 72, 132-33, 64, 65, 85, 98, 99, 112n., 113, 118, 119, 128, (H Trinity of the Chancellor, the Magione, 137, 161, 162, 194, 210, 230; from sales taxes Palermo), 71, 72, 133, 180; Norman domestic and tolls on monastic produce, 66-69, 93, 111, architecture: remains in Palermo, 161n.; South 119, 121, 128, 137, 140, 170, 185, 187, 190, 195,

Syrian church architecture in West, 20n. 223, 22'7, 228; see also Feudal obligations and Art: Alexandrian artists in Rome, 20n.; frescoes services, Revenues and charges, Rights and in S Mary Antiqua (Rome), 20n., 24n.; Mo- privileges. saics in S Mary Nuova (Monreale), 115n., in Feudal obligations and services: military, 63, S Mary of the Admiral, the Marturana (Pa- 64n., 85, 98, 119, 128, 137; Norman policy lermo), 127n., 161n., in S Savior and SS Peter toward monastic lands, 62-65; recognizances,

and Paul (Cefalu), 189n., 201. 63, 64, 106, 128, 137, 147, 148, 159, 183; see Augustinian canons in Calabria and Sicily, 46, also Exemptions, Revenues and _ charges, 54, 184-206, 229-33, (Palestinian houses) 229- Rights and privileges, Tenants and colonists.

33; see also S Mary (Bagnara). Forgeries, pertaining to: Bari icon, 16; Knights Basilian monasteries: ‘Benedictinization’ of, Hospitaler, 67-68, 236-37; S Mary (Cam52n., 69-70; in Calabria and Apulia, 51-52, 70; marata), 193-94, 255-58; S Mary of the Latins

| cultural contributions, 70-71; in Sicily in early (Messina), 227-28; S Mary de Scalis (MesByzantine period, 16-26, in late Byzantine sina), 154-55; S Mary Nuova (Monreale), 143period, 27-29, under Moslems, 29-37, 70, un- 44, 159; S Mary Magdalene of Jehosaphat

der Normans, 30, 38-46, 51, 53. (Paternd), 110n., 208-09, 210n., 221, 227; 8

Benedictines, in Calabria, 49; in Sicily, 18, 24, Mary (Refesio), 174-75, 268; S Mary (Rocca25, 43, 46, 54, 77-162, 207-28, 243, (nunneries), dia), 182n.; S Mary (Sciacea), 149-50; S

153-62, (Palestinian houses), 207-28. Michael (Mazara), 42n.; Monte Cassino, 10, Carmelites, alleged possessions in Sicily, 241-42. 25; Montevergine, 124n.; S Nicholas (PaCarthusians, in Calabria, 49; see also S Ste- ternd), 135n.; S Savior and SS Peter and Paul

phan del Bosco. (Cefali), 196n.; S Stephan del Bosco, 167n.;

Cistercians, in Calabria, 46n., 49, 50, 163-65, H Trinity (La Cava), 23n., 135n., 142n. 178-79; in Sicily, 55, 163-77, 180-83. Hospitalers, 67, 68, 155, 180, 217, 235-39. Donations and possessions: altar vessels, 228; Hospitals, 95, 140, 148, 180, 197, 233, 235, 236,

cistern, 118; hospices, 182, 195; houses, 95, 239, 240, 258, 286. | 96, 97, 103, 128, 175, 181, 182, 192; land, Immigration and emigration: Cistercian refugees

(Byzantine policy), 62, 69-70, (Norman pol- from Syria and Palestine, 55n., 166, 176; icy), 62-65, (Saracen policy), 35-36, see par- Greek element, (Norman policy toward), 38ticular abbeys for holdings; leavings of the 40, 43-46, 51-53, 57-60, (refugees from invatable, 213; livestock, 103, 156, 161, 193; mills, sions of Syria and Africa), 7, 8, 16-21, (refugees 69, 87, 98, 99, 101, 103, 110, 112-13, 118, 119, from religious persecutions in the East), 18120, 121, 129, 137, 175, 177, 183n., 186, 196, 19, 27-28, (under Saracen rule), 31-36; Latin 201, 206, 211, 213, 220n., 230, 232, 239, 259, element, (colonization in Norman period), 22, (sugar mill), 137; orchard, 235; oven, 192; 46, 52, 53, 55, 58-61, 85, 215, (Monastic emi336

Index of Subjects 337 gration from Northern Europe), 47-52, (refu- Rights and privileges: ecclesiastical, 39, 40, 55, gees from barbarians), 7-8, 11-13, 15, (runa- 65, 127-28, 133, 134, 186, 139, 142, 143, 146, way monks from mainland), 11-12; Saracen 153-54, 159-60, 167, 177-78, 182, 210, 212, 218, immigration, 29-30, 36-37; Sicilian refugees 921, 228, 233, 238; fishing and fishery tithes,

from Saracens, 30-34. 69, 86, 92, 93, 111, 128, 137, 170, 190; glan-

Inquests, to determine boundaries, 35, 88, 185, dage, 69, 85, 90-91, 92, 112, 118-19, 121, 170; 190, 194, 195, 197, 203, 219, 224, 225, 226, hunting, 200; justice and court fees, 65-66, 84, 245, 249, 250, 279, 281; to determine control 91, 99, 129, 137, 170, 178, 192, 194; milling, over S Mary (Refesio), 173-75, 176; to deter- 69, 170; pasturage, 6n., 69, 90, 91, 109, 112,

mine privileges, 68, 219-13. 118, 121, 128, 137, 170, 182, 192, 193, 200, 228, Jews, monastic serfs, 82, 88, 113, 244; Syracuse na eee 7 85, ars hore Ty of court cemetery, 204; in Termini, 87, 249; in Tripoli pay sician, I > tar manutacture, 111; water

(Syria), 20n and irrigation, 69, 109, 112, 118, 119, 121, 128,

S Lazarus (Jerusalem), Order of, 239-40, 272. on a . n ae yoo cutting, oe Legatine rights of Sicilian king, 39-40, 43, 44, oe Mi, ; a ; re i a » BES, 54-55, 59n., 107, 109, 131, 134. 30; see also xemptions, Feudal obligations

; ; . . andand services, Revenues and «as charges. Libraries scriptoria, 70, 71, 109n. . Lj Geoffrey Mal Librari q Saracens, and Christian subjects, 30-35, 110n., iterature, see Leolirey Naaterra, Libraries an 214-15; conquests, 18n., 19-21, 26, 29; immi-

scriptoria, Mauritius, abbot of Catania. . . . .

Lj 1 x Al de afl gration and influence, 29-30; as monastic serfs,

‘Sonn Teal oon oh Tei vais ig, Si 58, 61, 87, 88, 95, 106, 140, 141, 155, 192, 200,

outh Itahan, 20n.; cantus Uticensis in Sicily, — 913. 946, 248, 25%, 294; Norman policy toward,

48n. 58-61, 73; raids, 9, 23n., 24n., 25; rebellion of

Negro slaves, 113. 1220. 174

Papacy: Donation of Constantine and Lipari, — Serfs and villains: Jewish, 82, 88, 113, 244; labor

i saurian, estates 26; mee‘Greek’ confiscated by Leo the service, 86, 141; of monasteries, 58, 61, 80n., popes, 22-23, 28; Sicilian 81. 82. 86. 87. 88. 95. 100. 102. 106. 110. 112 popes, 22-23: see also Legatine rights of Sicilian 113-14, 135, 140-41, 155, 157, 158, 161, 1'78, king, and names of individual abbeys, kings, 185, 186, 189, 190, 192, 193, 194, 199, 200, 210,

and popes. 211, 213, 230; plateae, 95, 113-14, 140, 158,

Premonstratensians, 205-06. 190, 194; of royal domain (edict of William

Revenues and charges: of archdiaconate of Ca- II), 141; Saracen, 58, 61, 87, 88, 95, 106, 140, tania, 113; census and rents, 55, 81, 83, 97n., 141, 155, 246, 248, 252, 294; see also Negro 99, 122n., 131, 134, 143, 151, 159, 173, 178, slaves, Tenants and colonists. 186, 187, 195, 196, 197, 211, 238, 239-40; food Templars, 234-35.

and clothing provision, 119, 128, 129, 170; ‘Tenants and colonists: constituta for settlers, 60, tithes, (ecclesiastical) see particular abbeys, 84-85, 90-91, 115, 197; labor service, 141; mili-

(fishery), 86, 92, 93, 137, 190, (Jews), 87, tary service, 64n., 85; monasteries and colon(town and port), 60-61, 84, 92, 98-99, 113, ization, 52, 60-61, 85; right of preémption, 85, 190; see also Exemptions, Feudal obligations 194n.; see also Immigration, Serfs and villains.

and services, Rights and privileges. Teutonic Knights, 181, 240.

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