Late Roman Villas in the Danube-Balkan Region 9781841714448, 9781407324548

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BAR S1064 2002 MULVIN: LATE ROMAN VILLAS IN THE DANUBE-BALKAN REGION

B A R

Late Roman Villas in the Danube-Balkan Region Lynda Mulvin

BAR International Series 1064 2002

Late Roman Villas in the Danube-Balkan Region Lynda Mulvin

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BAR International Series 1064 2002

Published in 2016 by BAR Publishing, Oxford BAR International Series 1064 Late Roman Villas in the Danube- Balkan Region

© L Mulvin and the Publisher 2002 The author's moral rights under the 1988 UK Copyright, Designs and Patents Act are hereby expressly asserted. All rights reserved. No part of this work may be copied, reproduced, stored, sold, distributed, scanned, saved in any form of digital format or transmitted in any form digitally, without the written permission of the Publisher.

ISBN 9781841714448 paperback ISBN 9781407324548 e-format DOI https://doi.org/10.30861/9781841714448 A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library BAR Publishing is the trading name of British Archaeological Reports (Oxford) Ltd. British Archaeological Reports was first incorporated in 1974 to publish the BAR Series, International and British. In 1992 Hadrian Books Ltd became part of the BAR group. This volume was originally published by Archaeopress in conjunction with British Archaeological Reports (Oxford) Ltd/ Hadrian Books Ltd, the Series principal publisher, in 2002. This present volume is published by BAR Publishing, 2016.

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TABLE OF CONTENTS

Abbreviations Listof Tables ListofMaps Listof Charts ListofFigures ListofPlates

pgi pg ii pg iii pg iv pg V pg xii

INTRODUCTION 1.0Outline 2.0 Definingthe RomanVilla 2.1Preliminary Considerations 2.2 The DepictionoftheVillain RomanLiterature 2.3 VillaOwnership 2.4 Definition of theRomanVillaforthe PurposeofthisStudy 3.0 Methodology 4.0 LiteratureReviewofRomanVillaStudiesofthe Danube-Balkan Region

pg 01 pg 01 pg 01 pg 02 pg 03 pg 03 pg 03 pg 04

CHAPTER ONE HistoricalGeographyof the Danube-Balkan Region

pg 07

1.0Introduction 1.1Geographical Scopeofthe Danube-Balkan Region 2.0 Pre-Roman Tribesin the Danube-Balkan Region

pg 07 pg 07 pg 08 pg 09 pg 10 pg 10 pg 11

3.0 RomanConquestofthe RegionandtheProvincial Divisions 4.0 The Development of theRegionunderthe Romans 4.1Fortifying the Danube 4.2 Maintenance of the Defences 5.0TheRomanRoadNetworkin the Danube-Balkan Region 6.0 The StructureofAdministration of the Danube-Balkan Region 6.1"Soldier-Emperors" ofthe Danube-Balkan Region 7.0 Conclusion

pg 12 pg 12 pg 13 pg 14

CHAPTER TWO TheRelationofTownandVillain the Danube-Balkan Region

pg 18

1.0Introduction 2.0 Settlement in the Danube-Balkan Region 2.1 The Sequenceof RomanUrbanDevelopment 2.2Provincial Capitalsin the Danube-Balkan Region 2.3 UrbanArchitectural Context 3.0RomanVillasin the Surrounding Countryside 3.1 Overview 3.2 EarlyRomanVillas 3.3The Locationof LateRomanVillas 4.0Movement fromTownto Villas 5.0 Conclusion

pg 18 pg 18 pg 19 pg 20 pg 21 pg 21 pg 21 pg 22 pg 23 pg 23 pg 24

CHAPTER THREE ATypologyofLate RomanVillasin the Danube-Balkan Region pg 26 1.0Introduction 2.0VillasandTopography 2.1 RegionalRangeof Sites 2.2 The Geographical Distribution of theLate RomanVillasin Pannonia 2.3 The Geographical Distribution of theLate RomanVillasin Dalmatia 2.4The Geographical Distribution ofthe Late RomanVillasin Moesia 2.5The Geographical Distribution ofthe Late RomanVillasinThracia 2.6The Geographical Distribution oftheLateRomanVillasin Dacia 3.0 Dateof Occupation of the LateRomanVillas 4.0 Discussion of PlanTypeandCategorisation ofPlans 4.1 Peristyle Plan 4.1.1Orientation of thePeristylePlans 4.2 EnclosedCourtyardPlan 4.2.1Orientation ofBuildings withan Enclosed CourtyardPlan 4.3 CompactPlan 4.3.1Orientation ofBuildings withCompactPlans 4.4ApsidalHallPlan 4.4.1Orientation of the Buildings withan ApsidalHallPlan 4.5WingedPlan 4.5.1Orientation of Buildings withWingedPlans 4.6The FortifiedPlan 4.6.1Orientation of theFortifiedVillas 4.7 BoundaryEnclosures 4.7.1 FortifiedPerimeter 4.7.2 Orientation ofVillaswitha FortifiedPerimeter 4.7.3PutativeFortifications 4.7.4 Orientation ofVillaswithPutativeFortifications 4.8 Outbuildings 4.9 Villa'Kitchen'Gardens 5.0 Size,ScaleandDimensions 5.1 SmallSizedVillas 5.2 MediumSizedVillas 5.3 LargeSizeVillas 5.4 GreatSizeVillas 5.5 Others 5.6 Observations on Pannonia 6.0VillaDimensions 6.1Areaof the Siteor Residential Building 6.2 Corridoror RoomWidths 6.3 GrainStores 6.4 Peristyle Width 6.5 Courtyard Widths 6.6TheApse 6.7The BathApse

pg 26 pg 26 pg 27 pg 27 pg 28 pg 28 pg 28 pg 28 pg 29 pg 29 pg 29 pg 30 pg 31 pg 31 pg 31 pg 32 pg 32 pg 32 pg 32 pg 32 pg 33 pg 33 pg 33 pg 34 pg 34 pg 34 pg 35 pg 35 pg 35 pg 36 pg 36 pg 36 pg 36 pg 36 pg 37 pg 37 pg 37 pg 37 pg 37 pg 37 pg 37 pg 37 pg 37 pg 37

TABLE OF CONTENTS Continued

7.0 Decorative Details 8.0 Analysis oftheLateRomanVillaPlanin theDanube-Balkan Region 8.1 The Development of theReception Areain the Danube-Balkan Villa 8.2TheTriconchDiningHall 9.0 Abandonment andContinuity ofVillas 10.0Conclusion

pg 38 pg 39

3.0 Christianity andSociety 3.1 TheArianHeresy 3.2 Christian Worship

pg 40 pg 42 pg 42 pg 42

4.0 Conclusion

LateRomanVillasin the Danube-BalkanRegion:Contextand Comparison

pg 47

1.0Introduction 2.0Comparative VillaPlansandthe Danube-Balkan VillaTypology 2.1 Peristyle Plan 2.2 EnclosedCourtyardPlan 2.3 CompactPlan 2.4ApsidalHallPlan 2.5WingedPlan 2.6 FortifiedPlan 2.7 FortifiedPerimeter 2.8 PutativeFortifications

pg 47 pg 47 pg 47 pg 48 pg 49 pg 49 pg 50 pg 50 pg 50 pg 51

3.0 UrbanPalaceArchitecture in the Danube-Balkan Region andComparative Examples 4.0 Conclusion

pg 51 pg 52

CHAPTER FIVE LateRomanVillaSocietyin the Danube-BalkanRegion 1.0Introduction 2.0 Profileof theLateRomanDanube-Balkan Elite 2.1 OwnersandOccupants 2.2Architecture andSociety 2.3Attribution of Ownership 2.4 CaseStudyPannonia 2.5 ImperialandRulingConnections in OtherProvinces

CHAPTER SIX Continuityof LaterRomanVillaFormsin the EarlyChristianPeriod

CHAPTER FOUR

pg 56 pg 56 pg 56 pg 56 pg 57 pg 57 pg 57 pg 58

pg 60 pg 60 pg 60 pg 61

pg 63

1.0 Introduction 2.0 EarlyChristianity in the Danube-Balkan Region 2.1 Developments in EarlyChristianArchitecture in the Danube-Balkan Region 2.2 Basilica withadjacentBaptistery andMausoleum 2.3 Basilica Planincorporating aTriconch 3.0TheTriconchin PaganandChristianMausolea 3.1 Useof theApseConfiguration forMausolea 4.0 Conclusion

pg 63 pg 63

CONCLUSION

pg 71

APPENDIX

pg 73

Gazetteerof LateRomanVillasin the Danube-BalkanRegion

pg 73

1.0 Introduction 2.0 Gazetteer

pg 73 pg 73

BIBLIOGRAPHY TABLES MAPs CHARTS FIGURES PLATES

pg 64 pg 65 pg 65 pg 66 pg 66 pg 67

pg 106 pg 116 pg 124 pg 129 pg 134 pg 240

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

I have been greatly helped and encouraged preparation

by numerous

colleagues and others in the

and writing of this study, which is based upon my Ph.D thesis awarded in 1999,

and I am most grateful to all of them.

I would like to record my very special thanks to Professor John Dillon, Professor R.J.A. Wilson, Dr. Hazel Dodge, Professor Kathleen Coleman, Professor Brian McGing, Dr Neil Christie, Professor Michael McCarthy, and my colleagues on the staff of the Department

of

the History of Art, University College Dublin.

I am most grateful to the Office of the Dean of Graduate Studies, Trinity College Dublin, and to the Trinity Trust Award for their generous financial support.

I would like to thank David and Rajka Davison of the British Archaeological

Reports for

their support and encouragement

during the final preparation

My greatest

must go to my family for their endless support

encouragement

debt of gratitude

of this publication.

and

in this project. I am very grateful for the generous and gracious manner in

which they each gave of their time, as well as for their good humour and unflagging patience. Two people were my constant companions me throughout

south-eastern

all along. Patrick Dillon-Malone

accompanied

Europe, paced many Roman villa sites and read many drafts.

My mother Dolores has been the keeper of my faith, and has encouraged me at every turn. This study is dedicated to her, and to my father Noel.

ABBREVIATIONS

LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS AA

Archaologischer Anzeiger.

AAA

Acta Antiqua Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae.

AAASH

Acta Archaeologica Academia Scientarum Hungaricae.

AEMO

Archaologisch Epigraphische Mitteilungen aus Osterreich (Ungarn).

AIEMA

L'Association pour L'Etude de la Mosaique Antique.

AJA

American Journal of Archaeology.

ANRW

Aufstieg und Niedergang der Ri:imischenWelt.

Ant.Afr.

Antiquites Africaines.

AC

Archaeologica Classica.

AR

Archaeological Reports.

ARH

Archeologici Hungariae.

Arch. Ert.

Archaeologiai Ertesiti:i.

Arch. lug.

Archaeologia lugoslavica.

Arch. Pregled

Arheoloski Pregled, Belgrade.

Arch. U!stnik

Arheoloski U!stnik, Lluby·ana.

BAF

Bulletin Societe National des Antiquaires de France.

BAR Int. Ser.

British Archaeological Reports, International Series.

BAR Supp. Ser.

British Archaeological Reports, Supplementary Series.

BH

Bulgarian Historical Review.

Bonne Jahrb. Supp.

Bonner Jahrbiicher Supplement.

BRGK

Bericht Ri:imischerder Germanischen Kommission.

Carn.Jb.

Carnuntum-Jahrbuch (Graz-Ki:iln).

GIL

Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum.

CNRS

Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique, Paris.

CMGR

Colloque sur les Mosaiques Grecques et Romaines.

CRAI

Comptes Rendus de l'Academie des Inscriptions et Belles Lettres.

Dacia n.s.

Dacia, New Series, Revue d'Archeologie et d'Histoire Ancienne.

Fol.Arch

Folia Archaeologia (Budapest).

GZMA

Glasnik Zemab"skogMuzeja,Arheolija (Sarajevo).

!BAI

lzvestija Balgarskija Arheologiceski Institut-Bulletin de l'Institut Archeologique Bulgare (Sofia).

ILS

H. Dessau, Inscriptiones Latinae Selectae i-iii (Berlin).

JAZU

Jugoslavenske Akademije Znanosti I Umjetnosti.

JOM

Jahrbuch Oberi:isterreichischerMusealverein.

JoAI

Jahreshefte des OsterreichischenArchaologischen Instituts.

JRA

Journal of Roman Archaeology.

JRA Supp. Ser.

Journal of Roman Archaeology, Supplementary Series.

JRS

Journal of Roman Studies.

JSAH

Journal of the Society of Architectural Historians.

Klio

Klio. Beitrage zur Alten Geschichte (Berlin).

Latomus

Latomus: Revue des Etudes Latines (Brussels).

LIMC

Lexicon Iconographicum Mythologiae Classicae 1981-

MEFRA

Melanges de l'ecoleFranr;aisede Rome,Antiquite.

Mel. Rom. Supp.

Melanges de Archeologie et Histoire de l'Ecole Franr;aisede l'Antiquite, Supplement.

Mitt.Arch. Inst.

Mitteilungen des Archaologischen Instituts der Ungarischen Akademie der Wissenschaften.

Mon.Ant.

Monumenti Antichi.

NHQ

New Hungarian Quarterly.

PIR

Prosopographia Imperii Romani. saec I.II.III.

RA

Revue Archeologique (Paris).

RLO

Ri:imischeLimes in Osterreich.

Starinar n.s

Starinar-Revue de ['Institute Archeologique Nouvelle Series (Belgrade).

WMBH

Wissenschaftliche Mitteilungen aus Bosnien und der Hercegowina, Vien, 1893-1913. Page i

LIST OF TABLES

1

Table 1

Villa Topography.

Table 2

Villa Location, Date, Size and Orientation.

Table 3

Villa Categories and Sub-Categories.

Table 4

Comparative Villa Categories and sub-categories.

Table 5

Villa Dimensions A.

Table 5a

Comparative Villa Dimensions.

Table 6

Villa Dimensions B.

Table 7

Villa Details.

1. All tables unless stated to be comparative relate to the late Roman villas of the Danube-Balkan region.

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Page ii

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map,

LIST OF MAPS

1

Map 1

Pre-Roman Settlement in the Danube-Balkan Region.

Map 2

Provincial Divisions of the Danube-Balkan Region from the First Century AD.

Map 3

Provincial Divisions of the Danube-Balkan Region in the reign of Diocletian.

Map4

Roman Forts and Towns in the Danube-Balkan Region from the First Century AD.

Map 5

Roman Road Network in the Danube-Balkan Region.

Map 6

Villa and Town Locations in the Danube-Balkan Region.

Map 7

Villa and Town Locations in the Danube-Balkan Region showing places mentioned in the text

Map 8

Villa and Town Locations in the Danube-Balkan Region showing places mentioned in the text

1. These maps were prepared by Stephen Hannan, Cartographer,

Geography Department, University

College Dublin to whom I am extremely grateful.

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LIST OF CHARTS Chart 1

Danube-Balkan Villa Distribution Location.

Chart 2

Danube-Balkan Villa Foundation Dates.

Chart 3a

Danube-Balkan

Villa First Century Foundation Dates.

Chart 3b

Danube-Balkan

Villa Second Century Foundation Dates.

Chart 3c

Danube-Balkan

Villa Third Century Foundation Dates.

Chart 3d

Danube-Balkan

Villa Fourth Century Foundation Dates.

Chart 4

Danube-Balkan Villa Plan Types.

Chart

Danube-Balkan

Villa Plan Types Sub-Categories.

Chart 6

Danube-Balkan

Villa Scale.

Chart 7a

Foundation Dates - Pannonia.

Chart 7b

Plan Types - Pannonia.

Chart 7c

Sub-Categories: Pannonia.

Chart 8a

Substantial Abandonment

Chart 8b

Survival of Danube-Balkan Villas with Fortifications.

Chart 8c

Evidence for Continued Occupation beyond the Sixth Century.

Chart 9

Danube-Balkan Villas and Christian Presence.

5

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Page iv

as Roman Villas.

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LIST OF FIGURES

Fig. 1

Als6hetenypuszta (Pannonia Superior; Hungary) (after E. T6th, "Die spatri:imische Festung von Iovia und ihr Graberfeld", Antike Welt, 1 (1989), Fig. 3, p. 32).

Fig. la

Als6hetenypuszta (Pannonia Superior; Hungary) (after E. T6th, "Die spatri:imische Festung von Iovia und ihr Graberfeld, Antike Welt, 1 (1989), Fig. 3, p. 32).

Fig. lb

Als6hetenypuszta (Pannonia Superior; Hungary) (after E. T6th, "Die spatri:imische Festung von Iovia und ihr Graberfeld", Antike Welt 1 (1989), Fig. 3, p. 32).

Fig. 2

Armira 1 (Thracia; Bulgaria) Q. Mladenova,"Die romische Villa bei Ivajlovgrad und ihre Architektur und Dekoration", Altertum, 27 (1981), Fig.1, p. 39).

Fig. 3

Armira 2 (Thracia; Bulgaria) (surveyed by Lynda Mulvin).

Fig. 4

Balaca (Pannonia Superior; Hungary) (after S. Palagyi, "Vorbericht uber die Erforschung und Wiederherstellung der ri:imischen Villa von Balaca", Carnuntum Jahrbuch, 1991 (1992), Fig. 5, p. 93).

Fig. 4a

Balaca (Pannonia Superior; Hungary) (after S. Palagyi, ''Vorbericht uber die Erforschung und Wiederherstellung der ri:imischen Villa von Balaca", Carnuntum Jahrbuch, 1991 (1992), Fig. 5, p. 93).

Fig. 5

Fig. 6

Fig. 7

Bistrica (Thracia; Bulgaria) (after N.S. Dodov, "Razvalina v Mestnostta K'osko Nad S. Bistrica", lzvestija Balgarskija Arch. Instit. 4 (1926), Fig.119, p. 300). Capljina-Visici (Dalmatia, Bosnia Herzegovina) (after I. Cremosnik, "Rimska Vila U Visicima", Glasnik Zemaljskog Muzeja U Sarajevu,ArheologiJa: Bulletin de la Musee de la Republique Socialiste de Bosnie-Herzegovine a Sarajevo Archeologie, XX ( 1965), p. 260). Csucshegy (Pannonia Superior; Budapest) (after E. B. Thomas, RomischeVillen in Pannonien. Beitrage zur pannonum Siedlungsgeschu:hte (Budapest 1964), Fig. 115, p. 225).

Fig. 8

Chatalka 1 (Thracia; Bulgaria) (after C. Dremsizova, ''La Villa Romaine en Bulgarie", Actes du premier Congres International des Etudes Balkaniques et Sud-Est Europeennes 2, Sofia, 26 Aug-1 Sept 1966 (Sofia 1969), Fig. 2, p. 515).

Fig. 8a

Chatalka 1, 2 and 3 site plan (Thracia; Bulgaria) (after D. Nikolov, "Landliche Neusiedlung und Landwirtschaft in den Rhein-Donau-Provinzen des ri:imischen Reiches" vortrage eines Internationalen Kolloquiums vom 16-21,April 1991 (Passau 1994), Fig. 21.22, p.174). Page v

Fig. 9

Chatalka 2 (Thracia; Bulgaria) (after D. Nikolov, "Landliche Neusiedlung und Landwirtschaftin den Rhein-DonauProvinzen des ri:imischen Reiches" vortrage eines Internationalen Kolloquiums vom 16-21, April 1991 (Passau 1994),Fig. 21.22,p.174).

Fig. 10

Chatalka 3 (Thracia; Bulgaria) (after D. Nikolov, "Landliche Neusiedlung und Landwirtschaftin den Rhein-DonauProvinzen des ri:imischen Reiches" vortrage eines Internationalen Kolloquiums vom 16-21, April 1991 (Passau 1994),Fig. 21.22,p.174).

Fig. 11

Deutschkreuz (Pannonia Superior; Austria) (after E. B. Thomas, Romische Villen in Pannonien, Beitrage zur pannonien Siedlungsgeschichte (Budapest 1964), Fig. 65, p. 129).

Fig. 1 la

Deutschkreuz (Pannonia Superior; Austria) (after E. B. Thomas, Romische Villen in Pannonien. Beitrage zur pannonien Siedlungsgeschichte (Budapest 1964), Fig. 65, p. 129).

Fig. 12

Donje Nerodimlje (Moesia superior; Macedonia) (after G. Kovaljev, ''Donje Nerodimlje", Arheoloski Pregled, (Belgrade 1985), Fig. 1, p.203).

Fig. 13

Donnerskirchen (Pannonia Superior; Austria) (after E. B. Thomas, Romische Villen in Pannonien. Beitrage zur pannonien Siedlungsgeschichte (Budapest 1964), Fig. 67, p. 130).

Fig. 13a

Donnerskirchen (Pannonia Superior; Austria) (after M. Bir6, "Roman Villas in Pannonia", AAASH, 26 (Budapest 1974), Fig. 25c, p. 49).

Fig. 14

Dracevica (Dalmatia; Croatia) (after J.J.Wilkes, Dalmatia (London 1969), Pig. 22, p. 397).

Fig. 15

Eisenstadt (Pannonia Superior; Austria) (after M. Bir6, "Roman Villas in Pannonia", AAASH, 26 (Budapest 1974), Fig.18, p. 41).

Fig. 16

Gamzigrad, (Moesia Superior; Serbia) (after D. Srejovic, (ed), Roman Imperial Towns and Palaces in Serbia, Sirmium, Romuliana and Naissus (Belgrade 1993), Fig 8, p. 44).

Fig. 16a

Gamzigrad (Moesia Superior; Serbia) (surveyed by Lynda Mulvin).

List of

Fig. 17

Gara Iskur (Thracia; Bulgaria) (after I. Velkov, "Gara Iskur", lzvestiya na Bulgarskiya Arheologicheski Institut, Bulletin de l'lnstitut Archeologique Bulgare, 12 ( 1938), Fig. 188, p. 408).

Fig. 18

Gorotsvet (Moesia Inferior; Bulgaria) (surveyed by Lynda Mulvin).

Fig. 19

Gyulafirat6t-Poganytelek (Pannonia Inferior; Hungary)(after E. B. Thomas, RomischeVillen in Pannonien. Beitrage zur pannonien Siedlungsgeschichte (Budapest 1964), Fig. 15, p. 36).

Fig. 20

Fig. 20a

Fig. 21

Gyulafirat6t-Poganytelek 2 (Pannonia Inferior; Hungary) (after E. B. Thomas, Romische Villen in Pannonien. Beitrage zur pannonien Siedlungsgeschichte (Budapest 1964), Fig. 19, p. 44). Gyulafirat6t-Poganytelek 2 (Pannonia Inferior; Hungary) (after E. B. Thomas, Romische Villen in Pannonien. Beitrage zur pannonien Siedlungsgeschichte (Budapest 1964), Fig. 13, p. 35). Horia (Dacia; Romania) (after V.H. Baumann, "Considerati istorice in lumina sapaturilor arheologie de la Horia (jud. Tulcea) 1971", Deuce, 4 (1973-1975), Fig. 4, p. 67).

Fig. 25

Kadin-Most (Thracia; Bulgaria) (after J. Ivanov, "Otcet za Razkopkite pri kaden most (Kjustendilsko )", lzvesti,_jaBalgarskoto Arch. Druzestvo 1 (1910), Fig. 1, p.202).

Fig. 25a

Kadin-Most 2 (Thracia; Bulgaria) (after J. Ivanov, "Otcet za Razkopkite pri kaden most (Kjustendilsko)", lzvestija BalgarskotoArch. Druzestvo 1 (1910), Fig. 2, p.202).

Fig. 26

Kekkut (Pannonia Inferior; Hungary) (after E. B. Thomas, Romische Villen in Pannonien. Beitrage zur pannonien Siedlungsgeschichte (Budapest 1964), Fig. 26, p. 55).

Fig. 26a

Kekkut (Pannonia Inferior; Hungary) (after E. B. Thomas, Romische Villen in Pannonien. Beitrage zur pannonien Siedlungsgeschichte (Budapest 1964), Fig. 24, p. 54).

Fig. 26b

Kekkut (Pannonia Inferior; Hungary) (after E. B. Thomas, Romische Villen in Pannonien. Beitrage zur pannonien Siedlungsgeschichte (Budapest 1964), Fig. 25, p. 54).

Fig. 27

Keszthely-Fenekpuszta (Pannonia Superior; Hungary) (after M. Bir6, "Roman Villas in Pannonia", AAASH, 26 (Budapest 1974), Fig. 24, p. 47).

Fig. 22

Hosszuheteny (Pannonia Inferior; Hungary) (after E. B. Thomas, Romische Villen in Pannonien. Beitrage zur pannonien Siedlungsgeschichte (Budapest 1964), Fig.144, p. 275).

Fig. 27a

Keszthely-Fenekpuszta (Pannonia Superior; Hungary) (after E. B. Thomas, Romische Villen in Pannonien. Beitrage zur pannonien Siedlungsgeschichte (Budapest 1964), Fig. 30, p. 62).

Fig. 23

Hvar (Dalmatia; Croatia) (after I. Lokosek, "Starigradsko polje ne o Hvaru, villa rustica", Arkeoloski Pregled (1985), Fig. 4, p. 131).

Fig. 28

Koml6-Mecsekjanosi (Pannonia Inferior; Hungary) (after M. Bir6, "Roman Villas in Pannonia", AAASH, 26 (Budapest 1974), Fig. 24, p. 47).

Fig. 24

Ilidza (Dalmatia; Sarajevo) (after D. Basler, R. Pillager, A. Pulz, and H. Vetters, "Spatantike und friihchristliche Architektur in Bosnien und der Herzegowina", Osterreichische Akademie der Wissenschaften (Vienna 1993), Fig. 8, p. 4).

Fig. 29

Ki:ivag6szi:ilos (Pannonia Inferior; Hungary) (after A.Burger, "The Roman villa and mausoleum at Kovag6szi:ili:isnear Pees (Sopianae), excavations 1977-1982)", A Janus Pannonius Muzeum Evkonyve, 30-31 (19851987) (Pees 1987), Fig. 155, p.166).

Fig. 24a

Ilidza (Dalmatia; Sarajevo) (after D.Basler, R.Pillager, A.Pulz, and H.Vetters, "Spatantike und friihchristliche Architektur in Bosnien und der Herzegowina", Osterreichische Akademie der Wissenschaften (Vienna 1993), Fig. 8, p. 4),

Fig. 30

Kralev-Dol (Thracia; Bulgaria) (after V. Najdenova, "Rimskata vila vs Kralev dol, Perniski Okrag", Razkopki 1, Proucvanija, 14 (1985), Fig. 1).

Fig. 31

Fig. 24b

Ilidza (Dalmatia; Sarajevo) (after D. Basler, R. Pillager, A. Pulz, and H. Vetters, "Spatantike und friihchristliche Architektur in Bosnien und der Herzegowina", Osterreichische Akademie der Wissenschaften (Vienna 1993), Fig. 7, p. 4).

Lisicici (Dalmatia; Bosnia) (after J.J.Wilkes, Dalmatia (London 1969), Fig. 23, p. 401).

Fig. 31 a

Lisicici (Dalmatia; Bosnia) (after J.J.Wilkes, Dalmatia (London 1969), Fig. 23, p. 401).

Fig. 31 b

Lisicici (Dalmatia; Bosnia) (after J.J. Wilkes, Dalmatia (London 1969), Fig. 23, p. 401).

Fig. 31 c

Lisicici (Dalmatia; Bosnia) (after J.J.Wilkes, Dalmatia (London 1969), Fig. 23, p. 401).

Fig. 24c

Ilidza (Dalmatia; Sarajevo) (after D. Basler, R. Pillager, A. Pulz, and H. Vetters, "Spatantike und friihchristliche Architektur in Bosnien und der Herzegowina", Osterreichische Akademie der Wissenschaften (Vienna 1993), Fig. 7, p. 4).

Page vi

Fig. 3 ld

Lisicici (Dalmatia; Bosnia) (after J.J. Wilkes, Dalmatia (London 1969), Fig. 23, p. 401).

Fig. 32

Livade (Dalmatia; Croatia) (after 0. Brukner, "Sremska Mitrovicea Livade, villa rustica", Arheoloski Pregled (Belgrade 1988), Fig. 1 & 2, p. 182).

Fig. 33

Ljusina (Dalmatia; Bosnia) (after D. Basler, R. Pillager, A. Pulz, and H. Vetters, "Spatantike und friihchristliche Architektur in Bosnien und der Herzegowina", OsterreichischenAkademie der Wissenschaften (Vienna 1993), Fig. 6, Plate 3).

Fig. 40a

Mediana 1 (Moesia Superior; Serbia) (after D. Srejovic (ed), Roman Imperial Towns and Palaces in Serbia, Sirmium, Romuliana and Naissus (Belgrade 1993), Fig. 22, p. 72).

Fig. 40b

Mediana 1 (Moesia Superior; Serbia) (after D. Srejovic (ed), Roman Imperial Towns and Palaces in Serbia, Sirmium, Romuliana and Naissus (Belgrade 1993),Fig. 95,p. 174).

Fig. 40c

Mediana 1 (Moesia Superior; Serbia) (after D. Srejovic (ed), Roman Imperial Towns and Palaces in Serbia, Sirmium, Romuliana and Naissus (Belgrade 1993), Fig. 96, p. 175).

Fig. 34

Loffelbach (Pannonia Superior; Austria) (after W Modrijan, "Romische Bauern und Gutbesitzer I Noricum", Gymnasium, 7 (1970), Fig. 46, p. 129).

Fig. 40d

Mediana 1 (Moesia Superior; Serbia) (after D. Srejovic, (ed), Roman Imperial Towns and Palaces in Serbia, Sirmium, Romuliana and Naissus (Belgrade 1993), Fig. 97, p. 176).

Fig. 35

Madara (Moesia Inferior; Bulgaria) (after C. Dremsizova,"La Villa Romaine en Bulgarie", Actes du Premier Congres International des Etudes Balkaniques et Sud-Est Europeennes 2, Sofia 26 Aug-1 Sept 1966 (Sofia 1969), Fig. 2, p. 113).

Fig. 41

Mediana 2 (Moesia Superior; Serbia) (after S. Drca, Mediana (Nis 1979), Fig. 18, p. 44).

Fig. 42

Miercurea Sibiului (Dacia; Romania) (after N. Branga, "Villa rustica de la Miercurea Sibiulu", Materiale si Cercetari Arheologice, 17A Sesiune Anuala Da Rapoarte Ploiesti 1983, 2a (Bucharest 1993),Fig. 2,p. 312).

Fig. 43

Mogilets (Moesia Inferior; Bulgaria) (after D. Ovcarov, "Villa Rustica dos Mogilec", Arheologija (Sofia), 2,1 (1969), Fig. 2, p. 27).

Fig. 44

Mogorjelo (Dalmatia; Bosnia/Hercegowina) (after N. Duval, "Mogorjelo, camp ou palais?" Starinar n.s. 40-41 1989-1990) (Belgrade 1991) Fig. 1, p. 256).

Fig. 45

Montana 1 (Moesia Inferior; Bulgaria) (after G. Aleksandrov, "Anticena vila no.1 kraj Michajlovgrad", Investija na Muzeum ot Severozapanda Balgarija, 8 ( 1983) Fig. 2, p.13, Fig. 4, p. 18, Fig 7, p. 22, Fig. 10, p. 26, Fig 12, p. 34).

Fig. 46

Montana 2 (Moesia Inferior; Bulgaria) (after G. Aleksandrov, "Anticena vila no.2 kraj Michajlovgrad", Investija na Muzeum ot Severozapanda Balgarija, 4 ( 1979) Fig. 2, p. 41).

Fig. 47

Montana 3 (Moesia Inferior; Bulgaria) (after G. Aleksandrov, "Anticena vila no.3 kraj Michajlovgrad", Investija na Muzeum ot Severozapanda Balgarija, 9 ( 1984) Fig. 1, p. 12).

Fig. 48

Niculitel (Dacia; Romania) (after V.H. Baumann, Penna Romana din Dobrogea (Tulcea 1983), Fig. 38, p. 99).

Fig. 49

Obelija (Thracia; Bulgaria) (after R. Katincarov, "Villa at Obelija", Arheologija, 6, 3 (1964), p. 83).

Fig. 50

Orlandovtsi (Thracia; Bulgaria) (after I. Velkov, "Gara Iskur" Izvestiya na Bulgarskiya Arheologicheski Institut, Bulletin de l'Institut Archeologique Bulgare, 12 (1938) Fig.191, p. 411).

Fig. 35a

Fig. 35b

Fig. 35c

Madara (Moesia Inferior; Bulgaria) (after C. Dremsizova,"La Villa Romaine en Bulgarie", Actes du Premier Congres International des Etudes Balkaniques et SudEstEuropeennes 2, Sofia 26Aug-1 Sept 1966 (Sofia 1969), Fig. 2, p. 113). Madara (Moesia Inferior; Bulgaria) (after C. Dremsizova,"La Villa Romaine en Bulgarie", Actes du Premier Congres International des Etudes Balkaniques et Sud-Est Europeennes 2, Sofia 26 Aug-1 Sept 1966 (Sofia 1969), Fig. 2, p. 113). Madara (Moesia Inferior; Bulgaria) (after C. Dremsizova,"La Villa Romaine en Bulgarie", Actes du Premier Congres International des Etudes Balkaniques et Sud-Est Europeennes 2, Sofia 26 Aug-1 Sept 1966 (Sofia 1969), Fig. 2, p. 113).

Fig. 36

Majdan (Dalmatia; Croatia/Serbia) (after J.J.Wilkes, Dalmatia (London 1969), Fig. 24, p.404).

Fig. 37

Makres (Moesia Superior; Bulgaria) (after G. Atanassova, "Vila rustika dos Makres Vidinsko", Izvestija Muzeum Severozapadna Balgarija 4 (1979), Fig. 2, p. 69).

Fig. 38

Mali Mosunj (Dalmatia; Croatia/Serbia) J.J. Wilkes, Dalmatia (London 1969), Fig. 24, p.404).

Fig. 39

Manerau (Dacia; Romania) (after V.H. Baumann, Ferma Romana din Dobrogea (Tulcea 1983),Fig. 23).

Fig. 40

Mediana 1 (Moesia Superior; Serbia) (after D. Srejovic, (ed), Roman Imperial Towns and Palaces in Serbia, Sirmium, Romuliana and Naissus (Belgrade 1993), Fig. 21, p. 71). Page vii

List of

Fig. 51

Ortic (Moesia Superior; Kosovo) (after M. Budimir and L.Radic, "Ortic, Kod Knina, Villa rustica", Arheoloski Pregled (Belgrade 1985), Fig 1, p. 115).

Fig. 52

Parndorf (Pannonia Superior; Austria) (after M. Biro, "Roman Villas in Pannonia", AAASH, 26 (Budapest 1974), Fig. 28, p. 50).

Fig. 52a

Parndorf (Pannonia Superior; Austria) (after M. Biro, "Roman Villas in Pannonia", AAASH, 26 (Budapest 1974), Fig. 27, p. 50).

Fig. 53

Fig. 54

Fig. 55

Fig. 56

Fig. 60a

Spalato (Dalmatia; Croatia) (after J.J. Wilkes, Diocletian's Palace at Split;Residence of a Retired Roman Emperor (Sheffield 1986, reprinted Oxford 1993), Fig. 9, p. 59).

Fig. 61

Strupnic (Dalmatia; Croatia/Serbia) (after J.J. Wilkes, Dalmatia (London 1969), Fig. 24, p. 404).

Fig. 62

Pernik (Thracia; Bulgaria) (after V. Lioubenova, "Objets de bronze de la villa basse antique situee pres de la mine 'Bela voda', Pernik", Arheologiya (Sofia) 3 ( 199 5), Fig. 1, p.6 ).

Sumeg (Pannonia Inferior; Hungary) (after E. B. Thomas, Romische Villen in Pannonien. Beitriige zur pannonien Siedlungsgeschichte (Budapest 1964), Fig. 51, p. 112).

Fig. 63

Pleven (Moesia Inferior; Bulgaria) (after I. Velkov, "Gara Iskur" Izvestiya na Bulgarskiya Arheologicheski Institut, Bulletin de l'Institut Archeologique Bulgare, 12 (1938), Fig. 378, p. 275).

Szentkiralyszabadja-Romkut (Pannonia Superior; Hungary) (after E. B. Thomas, Romische Villen in Pannonien. Beitriige zur pannonien Siedlungsgeschichte(Budapest 1964), Fig. 56, p. 119).

Fig. 64

Targoviste (Moesia Inferior; Bulgaria) (after G. Ginev, "Vila Rustike pri targo viste", Arheologi,_jaSofia, 1 (1986), Fig. 3, p. 31).

Polace (Dalmatia; Croatia) (after M. Vasic,''Romische Villen vom Typus der Villa rustica auf Jugoslavischem Boden", Archeoloski Iugoslavica,11 (Belgrade 1970), Plate 7). Prisovo (Moesia Inferior; Bulgaria) (after C. Dremsizova, ''La Villa Romaine en Bulgarie", Actes du Premier Congres International des Etudes Balkaniques et Sud-Est Europeennes 2, Sofia 26 Aug-1 Sept 1966 (Sofia 1969), Fig. 6, p. 508).

Figs. 65- 70 Examples of the Peristyle Plan Type (L. Mulvin). Figs. 71- 7 4 Examples of the Enclosed Courtyard Type (L. Mulvin). Figs. 75- 77 Examples of the Compact Plan Type (L. Mulvin). Figs. 78-80 Examples of the Apsidal Hall Plan Type (L. Mulvin). Fig. 81

Fig. 57

Fig. 57a

Sagvar-Tricciana (Pannonia Inferior; Hungary) (after E. Toth, "Die spatromische Festung von Iovia und ihr Graberfeld", Antike ~lt, 1 ( 1989), fig. 2, p. 32).

Examples of the Winged Plan Type (L. Mulvin).

Figs. 82-83 Examples of the Fortified Plan Type (L. Mulvin). Figs. 84-85 Examples of the Fortified Perimeter Type (L. Mulvin).

Sagvar-Tricciana (Pannonia Inferior; Hungary) (after E. Toth, "Die spatromische Festung von Iovia und ihr Graberfeld", Antike ~lt, 1 (1989), fig. 2, p. 32).

Fig. 86-87 Examples of the Putative Fortifications (L. Mulvin).

Fig. 58

Sijana-bei-Pula (Dalmatia; Croatia) (after A. Gnirs, "Forschungen im sudlichen Istrien, Sijana bei Pula", JOAI, 5, 9 (1906) , Fig. 28, p. 46).

Fig. 88

Tor Marancio (Rome), villa plan (after H. Mielsche, Die romische Villa, Architektur und Leben~form (Munich 1987), Fig. 58, p. 860).

Fig. 59

Smarje-Grobelce (Pannonia Superior; Hungary) (after E. B. Thomas, Romische Villen in Parmonien. Beitriige zur parmonien Siedlungsgeschichte (Budapest 1964), Fig.168, p. 34 7).

Fig. 89

Centocelle (Rome), villa plan (after H. Mielsche, Die romische Villa,Architektur und Lebensform (Munich 1987), Fig. 69, p. 92).

Fig. 90

Desenzano (Lake Garda; Italy), villa plan (after D. Scagliarini & F. Rossi, The Desenzano Roman Villa, Archaeological Itinerary, (Brescia 1991),Fig. 1,p. 1).

Fig. 91

Piazza Armerina (Casale district; Sicily) (after R.J.A. Wilson, PiazzaArmerina (London and Austin 1982) Plate 48, p. 73).

Fig. 92

Patti Marina (near Tindari; Sicily), villa plan (after RJA. Wilson, Piazza Armerina (London and Austin 1982) Plate 48, p. 73).

Fig. 59a

Fig. 60

Smarje-Grobelce (Pannonia Superior; Hungary) (after E. B. Thomas, Romische Villen in Pannonien. Beitriige zur pannonien Siedlungsgeschichte (Budapest 1964), Fig.167, p. 346). Spalato (Dalmatia; Croatia) (after I.M. Barton, "Palaces", in I. M. Barton, Roman Domestic Buildings (Exeter 1996), Fig. 41, p. 114). Page viii

Fig. 93

Tellaro (Caddeddi district; Sicily), villa plan (after R.JA. Wilson, PiazzaArmerina (London and Austin 1982) Plate 48, p. 73).

Fig. 107

Vila de Frates (Sao Cucufate; Lusitania), villa plan (after JG. Gorges, Les Villas HispanoRomaines, Inventaire et Problematique ArcheoloJ;iques (Paris 1979), Fig. 6, p. 111).

Fig. 94

Ecija (Ecija; Spain), villa plan (after I. Lavin, "The House of the Lord: aspects of the role of the palace triclinia in the architecture of late antiquity and the early middle ages", Art Bulletin 47 (1962), Fig. 21).

Fig. 108

Fig. 95

Almenara de Adaja (Spain), villa plan (after I. Lavin, "The House of the Lord: aspects of the role of the palace triclinia in the architecture of late antiquity and the early middle ages",Art Bulletin 47 (1962), Fig. 20).

Cercadilla (Cordoba; Spain), villa plan (after C. Marquez, R. Hidago, P. Marfil, "El complejo monumental tardoromano de Cercadilla en Colonia Patricia Corduba", in S.Sassari (ed.), L'Africa RomanoAtti de! 9 Convegno di Studio Nuovo (1992), Fig. 3, p. 1042).

Fig. 109

Teting (Metz; France), villa plan (after K.M. Swoboda, Romische und romanische Palaste Supplement to 3rd edition (Vienna Cologne and Graz 1964), Plate 26, p. 48).

Fig. 110

Nennig (Saarburg; Germany) (after A. McKay, Houses, Villas and Palaces in the Roman World (Southampton 1975), Fig. 57, p. 173).

Fig. 111

Echternach (Moselle Valley; Luxembourg), villa plan (after J Metzler and J Zimmer, "Echternach, une grande villa Romaine du Luxembourg", Archeologia (1982), Fig. 11, p. 45).

Fig. 112

Thalerhof (Steiermark; Austria), villa plan (after K.M. Swoboda, Romische und romanische Palaste Supplement to 3rd edition (Vienna Cologne and Graz 1964) Fig. 47, p. 133).

Fig. 113

Keynsham (Somerset; England), villa plan (after S. Ellis, "Classical reception rooms in Romano-British Houses", Britannia, 26 (1935) Fig. 8, p. 175).

Fig. 114

GreatWitcombe (England), villa plan (after S. Ellis, "Classical reception rooms in RomanoBritish Houses", Britannia, 26 (1935) Fig. 9, p. 170).

Fig. 115

Barbariga (Porte Colonne, Adriatic Coast; Italy), villa plan (after M. Verzar-Bass, ''Le transformazione agrarie tra Adriatico NordOrientale e Norico", in A. Giardina (ed), Le Merci, Gli Insediamenti, Societa Romana e Impero Tardo-Antico, 3 (Rome and Bari 1986) Fig. 10, p. 664).

Fig. 116

Pfalzel (Saarburg;Germany), villa plan (after E. Wightman, Roman Trier and the Treveri (London 1970) Fig. 20, p. 168).

Fig. 117

Savaria (Pannonia Superior; Hungary), fragmentary remains of the imperial palace (after E. Toth, "Late Antique Imperial Palace in Savaria (the Question of the so-called Quirinus Basilica", AAASH, 25 (Belgrade 1973), Fig. 1, p. 302).

Fig. 118

Djemila (Algeria), multi-apsed house (after S. Ellis, "The palace of the "Dux" at Apollonia and related houses", in G. Barker (ed), Cyrenaica in Antiquity, BAR Int. Ser 236 (1985),Fig. 7,p.174).

Fig. 96

Fig. 97

Fig. 98

Rioseco da Soria (Spain), villa plan (after R.JA. Wilson, Piazza Armerina (London and Austin 1982) Plate 50, p. 76). Valentine (near Carcassone; France), villa plan (after R.JA. Wilson, PiazzaArmerina (London and Austin 1982) Plate 51, p. 79). Montrnaurin (near Carcassone, France), villa plan (after R.JA. Wilson, Piazza Armerina (London and Austin 1982) Plate 51, p. 79).

Fig. 99

Woodchester (Gloucester; England), villa plan (after R.JA. Wilson, PiazzaArmerina (London and Austin 1982) Plate 51, p. 79).

Fig. 100

La Dehesa de la Cocosa (Badajoz; Spain), villa plan (after JG. Gorges, Les Villas Hispano-Romaines, Inventaire et Problematique Archeologiques (Paris 1979), Fig. 4, P. 108).

Fig. 101

Milreu (Algarve; Lusitania), villa plan (after R.JA. Wilson, Piazza Armerina (London and Austin 1982) Plate 51, p. 79).

Fig. 102

Torre de Palma (Monforte; Lusitania), villa plan (after JG. Gorges, Les Villas HispanoRomaines, Inventaire et Problematique Archeologiques (Paris 1979), Fig. 5, p. 110).

Fig. 103

Katsch (Steiermark; Austria), villa plan (after W Modrijan, "Romische Bauern und Gutbesitzer I Noricum", Gymnasium, 7 (1970 Heidleberg), Fig. 45, p. 127).

Fig. 104

Littlecote (Wiltshire, England), villa plan (after S. P. Ellis "Classical reception rooms in Romano-British Houses", Britannia, 26 (1995), p. 173.)

Fig. 105

Fleissem (Saarburg; Germany), villa plan (after K.M. Swoboda, Romische und romanische Palaste Supplement to 3rd edition (Vienna, Cologne and Graz 1964) Plate 66, p. 135).

Fig. 106

Konz (Saarburg; Germany), villa plan (after E. Gose, "Die kaiserliche Sommerresidenz in Kong, Ldkr, Saarburg", Germania, 35 (1961) Fig. 1, p. 205). Page ix

List of

Fig. 119

Gorsium (Pannonia Inferior; Hungary), the Governor's palace, (after J. Fitz, GorsiumHerculia-Tac (Budapest 1973), Fig. 2 p. 7).

Fig. 120

Butrint (Epirus; Albania), plan of the Bishop's Palace (surveyed by Lynda Mulvin).

Fig. 121

Stobi (Macedonia; FYROM), fourth century town house (after I. Mikulcic, "Der Untergang der Palaste im spatantike Stobi, Nordmakedonien", in D. Papenfuss and V.M. Strocka (eds), Palast und Hutte. Beitrage zum Bauern und Wohnen in Altertum van Archaologen, vbr-und Fruhgeschichtlern (Tagungsbeitrageeines Symposiums der Alexander van Humboldt-Stiftung Bonn-Bas GodesbergVeranstaltet vom Nov. 25-30 1979 in Berlin), Fig. 2, p. 540).

Fig. 122

Abritus (Moesia Inferior; Bulgaria), city plan and town house (after R. F. Hoddinott, Bulgaria in Antiquity (London and Tonbridge 1975), Fig. 29, p. 158).

Fig. 123

Apollonia (Cyrenaica; Libya), the Palace of the Dux (after S. Ellis, "The palace of the "Dux" at Apollonia and related houses", in G. Barker (ed), Cyrenaica in Antiquity, BAR Int. Ser236 (1985),Fig. 2.1, p. 16).

Fig. 124

Ravenna (Italy), the Palace ofTheodoric (after S. Ellis, "The palace of the "Dux" at Apollonia and related houses", in G. Barker (ed), Cyrenaica in Antiquity, BAR Int. Ser. 236 (1985),Fig. 7,p.174).

Fig. 125

Bosra (Syria), the Bishop's Palace (after H. C. Butler, Early Churches in Syria part 1 (Princeton 1929),Fig. 113).

Fig. 126

Aphrodisias (Asia Minor; Turkey), the Bishop's Palace (after S. Ellis, "The palace of the "Dux" at Apollonia and related houses", in G. Barker (ed), Cyrenaica in Antiquity, BAR Int. Ser 236 (1985), Fig. 2.2, p. 18).

Fig. 127

Ptolemais (Cyrenacia; Libya), the House with the triconch hall (after S. Ellis, "The palace of the "Dux" at Apollonia and related houses", in G. Barker (ed), Cyrenaica in Antiquity, BAR Int. Ser 236 (1985), Fig. 4.1, p. 44).

Fig. 128

Fig. 129

Als6hetenypuszta (Pannonia Superior; Hungary) compared to the mausoleum at Louin (Poitou; France) and (Als6hetenypuszta: after E. Toth, "Die spatri:imische Festung von Iovia und ihr Graberfeld", Antike Welt I (1989), fig. 11, p. 35; and Louin: after N. Duval, "Un curieux mausolee de Louin dans le Poitou", Bulletin Monumental (1990), Fig. 5, p. 207). San Lorenzo (Milan), with adjoining octagonal tomb of Maximian (after R. Krautheimer, Early Christian and Byzantine Architecture (London 1986, reprinted 1989), Fig. 35, p. 35). Page x

Fig. 130

Keszthely-Fenekpuszta (Pannonia Superior; Hungary), development of the basilica plan (after Z. Kadar, "Richerche sull'arte e archeologia cristiano-Romano in Ungaria dal 19 54-1962", Atti del 6th Congresso Internationale di Archeologia Cristiana, Ravenna, Sett. 23-30, 1962 (Vatican City 1965) Fig. 2, p. 41 7).

Fig. 131

Mogorjelo (Dalmatia; Bosnia), two apsidal basilica (after D. Nikolov, "Landliche Neusiedlung und Landwirtschatf in den Rhein-Donau-Provinzen des romischen Reiches", vbrtrage eines Internationalen Kolloquiums van 16-21, April (1991), Passau, Fig. 21.22, p. 174).

Fig. 132

Gamzigrad (Moesia Superior; Serbia), later basilica plan, (after M. Canak-Medic, ''Le palais de l'epoque de la Basse Antiquite pres de Gamzigracf~Actes du 14 Congres International des Etudes Byzantines, 3 (Bucarest 1976), Fig. 13, p. 557).

Fig 133

Golyamo Belova (Thracia; Bulgaria), plan of basilica and triconch baptistery (after R.F. Hoddinott, Bulgaria in Antiquity (London and Tonbridge 1975), Fig. 85, p. 298).

Fig. 134

Stobi (Macedonia; FYROM), basilica with quatreconch bapistery (after B. Aleksove, "The Early Christian period", in K. Bojadzievski (ed.), Macedonian National Treasures (Skopje 1989), p. 99).

Fig. 135

Tsarchin Grad (Kosovo; Serbia), basilica with quatreconch bapistery (after A. Graber, Martyrium, Recherches sur le Cult des Reliques et !'Art Chretien Antique, 2 vols (Paris 1946), Fig, 135).

Fig. 136

Zalozje (Bihac; Dalmatia), triconch basilica (after D. Basler, R. Pillager, A. Pulz, and H. Vetters, "Spatantike und frtihchristliche Architektur in Bosnien und der Herzegowina", OsterreichischeAkademie der Wissenschaften (Vienna 1993), Fig. 94, p. 32).

Fig. 137

Mostar-Cim (Bosnia), plan of the basilica (after D. Basler, R. Pillager, A. Pulz, and H. Vetters, "Spatantike und frtihchristliche Architektur in Bosnien und der Herzegowina", OsterreichischeAkademie der Wissenschaften (Vienna 1993), Fig. 37, p. 15).

Fig. 138

Topolica (Bosnia), plan of the basilica (after N. Cambi, "Triconch Churches on the Eastern Adriatic", Atti del 10e Congres Internationale d'Archeologie Chretienne, Thessalonike, Sept 28-Oct 4, 1980 (Vatican 1981), Fig. 2, p. 46).

Fig. 139

Doljani (Montenegro), plan of the basilica (after N. Cambi, "Triconch Churches on the Eastern Adriatic", Atti del 10e Congres Internationale d'Archeologie Chretienne, Thessalonike, Sept 28-Oct 4, 1980 (Vatican 1981),Fig. 1, p. 46).

Fig. 140

Mesambria (Thracia; Bulgaria), the Sea basilica (after R.F. Hoddinott, Bulgaria in Antiquity (London and Tonbridge 1975), Fig. 100, p. 321).

Fig. 141

Arapaj, Durres (Dyrrhachium; Albania), triconch basilica (after S. Hill, "Byzantium and the emergence of Albania", T. Winnifrith (ed.), Perspectives on Albania (Hampshire and London 1992), Fig. 3, p. 46).

Fig. 142

Peroushtitsa (Thracia; Bulgaria), plan of the Red Church (after R.F. Hoddinott, Bulgaria in Antiquity (London and Tonbridge 1975), Fig. 83, p. 294).

Fig. 143

Gamzigrad (Moesia Superior; Serbia), plan of the two mausolea (after D. Srejovic, (ed), Roman Imperial Towns and Palaces in Serbia, Sirmium, Romuliana and Naissus (Belgrade 1993), Fig.71, p.150 and Fig., 76, p. 154)).

Fig. 144

Brestovik (Moesia Superior), plan of the mausoleum (after D. Srejovic, (ed), Roman Imperial Towns and Palaces in Serbia, Sirmium, Romuliana and Naissus (Belgrade 1993), Fig. 101, p. 181).

Fig. 145

Kovag6szoli:is (Pannonia Inferior; Hungary), plan of the mausoleum (after A. Burger, "The Roman villa and mausoleum at Kovag6szoli:is near Pees (Sopianae), excavations 19771982)", A }anus Pannonius Muzeum Evkonyve 30-31 (1985-1987) (Pees 1987), Fig. 156, p.167).

Fig. 146

Sopianae (Pannonia Inferior; Hungary), plan of the mausoleum (after F. Fulep, "Ausgrabungen in der Cella Trichora von Pees Funfkirchen", AAASH, 30 (Budapest 1978), Fig. 1, p. 11).

Fig. 14 7

Sopianae (Pannonia Inferior; Hungary), multi-apsed mausoleum (after F. Fulep, "Ausgrabungen in der Cella Trichora von Pees Funfkirchen", AAASH, 30 (Budapest 1978), Fig. 1,p. 11).

Page xi

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of

LIST OF PLATES

PLATE

1

Peutingers Table: The River Danube and Pannonia (after V. Zsolt, A r6mai limes Magyarorszagon (Budapest 1989), plate 19).

(1989), Plate 36). PLATE 17

Armira 1 (Thracia; Bulgaria), view from north.

PLATE

2

The sharp bend in the upper river Danube at Esztergom, Hungary.

PLATE

18

Armira 1 (Thracia; Bulgaria), view from north-east towards the Arda river.

PLATE

3

View of the lower river Danube from the Bulgarian shore towards the Romanian shore, near Ratiaria.

PLATE

19

Armira 1 (Thracia; Bulgaria), the walled garden taken from the north.

PLATE

19a

PLATE

3a

Oescus (Moesia Superior; Bulgaria), unexcavated north facing walls of the town.

Armira 1 (Thracia; Bulgaria), view of walled garden facing east.

PLATE

4

Oescus (Moesia Superior; Bulgaria), southwest fortification of the town.

PLATE 20

Armira 1 (Thracia; Bulgaria), interior of the villa facing south-west.

PLATE 21

Armira 1 (Thracia; Bulgaria), interior of the villa facing north-west.

PLATE 4a

Aquileia (North Italy), Roman roads from the city towards the north and the south. PLATE 22

PLATE

Aquincum (Pannonia Superior; Hungary), peristyle of Collegium Juventatis and associated gladiatorial floor mosaic.

Armira 1 (Thracia; Bulgaria), view of the pool from the south-west.

PLATE 23

Armira 1 (Thracia; Bulgaria), south-west view of interior double wall.

Gorsium (Pannonia Superior; Hungary), Governor's palace and view across the forum.

PLATE 24

Armira 1 (Thracia; Bulgaria), the large reception room.

PLATE 25

Armira 1 (Thracia; Bulgaria), the hypocaust system.

5

PLATE Sa PLATE

6

Aquincum (Pannonia Superior; Hungary), view across the amphitheatre from the eastwest axis.

PLATE

7

Sarmizegethusa (Dacia; Romania), view of the amphitheatre.

PLATE 26

Armira 1 (Thracia; Bulgaria), detail of cutstone threshold.

PLATE

8

Novae (Moesia Superior; Bulgaria), detail of the forum.

PLATE 27

Armira 1 (Thracia; Bulgaria), geometric mosaic floor panel (not in situ).

PLATE

9

Ratiaria (Moesia Superior; Bulgaria), the baths viewed from the south-east.

PLATE 28

Armira 1 (Thracia; Bulgaria), detail of marble panel.

PLATE

10

Nicopolis-ad-Istrum (Moesia Inferior; Bulgaria), aerial view of the town (After R.F. Hoddinott, Bulgaria in Antiquity (London 197 5), Plate 94).

PLATE 29

Armira 2 (Thracia; Bulgaria), view from the north towards Armira 1.

PLATE

30

Armira 2 (Thracia; Bulgaria), terracing behind the villa.

PLATE

31

Balacapuszta (Pannonia Superior: Hungary), the villa with roofed cover, viewed from the south.

Nicopolis-ad-Istrum (Moesia Inferior; Bulgaria), cardo maximus facing south.

PLATE

32

Balacapuszta (Pannonia Superior; Hungary), the access corridor facing south.

Nicopolis-ad-Istrum (Moesia Inferior; Bulgaria), the theatre facing north.

PLATE 32a

Balacapuszta (Pannonia Superior; Hungary), detail of the apse viewed from the south-east.

PLATE

Gamzigrad (Moesia Superior; Serbia), porphyry head of an emperor found at Gamzigrad, possibly, Galerius (after V. Popovic, postcard, Serbia 1995).

PLATE

PLATE PLATE PLATE

10a

11 12 13

Nicopolis-ad-Istrum (Moesia Inferior; Bulgaria), view of the buried fortification walls.

Nicopolis-ad-Istrum (Moesia Inferior; Bulgaria), detail of carving on pediment, and buncrania detail.

PLATE

14

Philippopolis (Thracia; Bulgaria), the theatre.

PLATE

15

Als6hetenypuszta (Pannonia Superior; Hungary), view of the fortification (After E.T6th, "Die Spatri:imische Festung von Iovia und ihr Graberfeld", Antike u:elt, 1 (1989), Plate 33).

PLATE

16

Als6hetenypuszta (Pannonia Superior; Hungary), the apsidal mausoleum (After E.T6th. "Die Spatri:imische Festung von Iovia und ihr Graberfeld", Antike u:elt, 1

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33

PLATE 33a

Gamzigrad (Moesia Superior; Serbia), inscribed keystone from the facade of the east gate (after V. Popovic, postcard, Serbia 1995).

PLATE

34

Gamzigrad (Moesia Superior; Serbia), western gate to the villa.

PLATE

35

Gamzigrad (Moesia Superior; Serbia), detail of the inner west gate, and secondary fortifications.

Page xii

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PLATE 36

Gamzigrad (Moesia Superior; Serbia), view towards the west gate and surrounding hills and river. Secondary fortifications visible.

PLATE 37

Gamzigrad (Moesia Superior; Serbia), details of the external fortifications of the villa viewed from the east.

PLATE 38

Ga=igrad (Moesia Superior; Serbia), building 6 with view of the temple facing west.

PLATE 39

Gamzigrad (Moesia Superior; Serbia), building 8 looking south with view of the apsidal hall.

PLATE 39a

Gamzigrad (Moesia Superior; Serbia), building 8 in the north-west corner of the palace with view of the apsidal hall (after V. Popovic, postcard Serbia 199 5).

PLATE 39b

Gamzigrad (Moesia Superior; Serbia), view of the palace and the temples (after V. Popovic, postcard, Serbia 1995).

PLATE 40

Gamzigrad (Moesia Superior; Serbia), building 8 peristyle room facing south.

PLATE 41

Gamzigrad (Moesia Superior; Serbia), grey limestone 5th-6th century basilica in the foreground of building 8 viewed from the south-west.

PLATE 42

Gamzigrad (Moesia Superior; Serbia), peristyle courtyard with entrance to triconch halls on the east side.

PLATE 43

Gamzigrad (Moesia Superior; Serbia), apsidal hall facing north towards the apse.

PLATE 44

Gamzigrad (Moesia Superior; Serbia), quatreconch hall facing south east with view across to the triconch hall.

PLATE 45

Gamzigrad (Moesia Superior; Serbia), detail of marble inlay quatreconch hall facing east.

PLATE 46

Gamzigrad (Moesia Superior; Serbia), temple 9, with limestone altar.

PLATE 47

Gamzigrad (Moesia Superior; Serbia), view across store rooms 13 to temple 11 facing west. Gamzigrad (Moesia Superior; Serbia), distant view of temple 11 and building 8.

PLATE 47a PLATE 48

Gamzigrad (Moesia Superior; Serbia), building 13 with brick piers visible from the north-east.

PLATE 49

Gamzigrad (Moesia Superior; Serbia), baths building 14 and part of 13a facing south-west.

PLATE 49a

Gamzigrad (Moesia Superior, Serbia), floor mosaic, 'the lion hunters', from building 8 (afterV. Popovic, postcard, Serbia,1995).

PLATE

50

Gorotsvet (Moesia Inferior; Bulgaria), distant view of the site facing north-east.

PLATE

51

Gorotsvet (Moesia Inferior; Bulgaria), peristyle with fallen columns viewed from the north.

PLATE

52

Keszthely-Fenekpuszta (Pannonia Superior; Hungary), view of fortifications on south side of the perimeter wall 1.

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PLATE

53

Keszthely-Fenekpuszta (Pannonia Superior; Hungary), basilica building 18, facing east.

PLATE

54

Keszthely-Fenekpuszta (Pannonia Superior; Hungary), view across the grain store, building 19 facing north-west.

PLATE

55

Madara (Moesia Inferior; Bulgaria), villa site facing the cliffs to the east.

PLATE

56

Madara (Moesia Superior; Bulgaria), villa with peristyle facing east.

PLATE

57

Madara (Moesia Superior; Bulgaria), peristyle courtyard with pool, viewed from the north-east.

PLATE

58

Madara (Moesia Superior; Bulgaria), entrance B on south side of villa.

PLATE

59

Madara (Moesia Superior; Bulgaria), access corridor around peristyle, facing north-west.

PLATE 60

Madara (Moesia Superior; Bulgaria), fortification wall facing east towards tower F.

PLATE 61

Madara (Moesia Superior; Bulgaria), large rectangular building on the south side,adjacent to south east tower F, with brick piers visible in the long grass.

PLATE 62

Madara (Moesia Superior; Bulgaria), bath building 3, facing east, with apsidal building 4 visible.

PLATE 63

Madara (Moesia Superior; Bulgaria), separate bath building 5 to the north-east and outside the fortified building complex.

PLATE 63a

Madara (Moesia Superior; Bulgaria), detail of ventilation pipes in bath building 5.

PLATE 64

Madara (Moesia Superior; Bulgaria), apsidal building 4 facing north, built across and later than the fortification walls.

PLATE 65

Makres (Moesia Superior; Bulgaria), site of villa buried in long grass, on the north side of the river Budboz.

PLATE 66

Mediana 1 (Moesia Superior; Serbia), view across the villa with the apsidal hall visible, facing north-north-east.

PLATE 67

Mediana 1 (Moesia Superior; Serbia), view to west of the rooms adjacent to the peristyle, building 1.

PLATE 67a

Mediana 1 (Moesia Superior; Serbia), detail of floor mosaic in the access corridor on west side of peristyle, building 1.

PLATE 68

Mediana 1 (Moesia Superior; Serbia), the apsidal hall facing north east, building 1.

PLATE 69

Mediana 1 (Moesia Superior; Serbia), formal dining area adjacent to the apsidal hall building 2.

PLATE

70

Mediana 1 (Moesia Superior; Serbia), interior of the dining area, building 2.

PLATE

70a

Mediana 1 (Moesia Superior; Serbia), mosaic floor detail outlining the position of the stibadium on the west side of the dining area.

Page xiii ····················································································································

PLATE

71

Mediana 1 (Moesia Superior; Serbia), bath building facing north, building 3.

PLATE

80a

Hadrian's villa (Tivoli), detail of the stibadium foundation.

PLATE

72

Mediana 1 (Moesia Superior; Serbia), grain store facing north-west, building 4.

PLATE

81

PLATE

73

Mogilets (Moesia Inferior; Bulgaria), site facing south with possible crop marks visible.

Tomis (Moesia Inferior; Romania), fourth century tomb wall painting with Roman diners reclining on a stibadium (after A. Barbet, "Le tombeau de banquet de Constanta en Roumanie", Archeologie Nouvelle, 1 (1993), p. 42 & 43).

PLATE 73a

Mogorjelo (Dalmatia, Bosnia) view of courtyard.

PLATE

73b

Mogorjelo (Dalmatia, Bosnia) view of fortifications.

PLATE

74

Montana 1 (Moesia Inferior; Bulgaria), interior of grain store E facing south.

PLATE 75

Polace (Dalmatia; Croatia), view of north facing entrance to villa, with one tower visible.

PLATE

Polace (Dalmatia; Croatia), detail of masonry tower.

75a

PLATE 76

Prisovo (Moesia Inferior; Bulgaria), the buried remains of the villa from the south side.

PLATE

76a

Prisovo (Moesia Superior; Bulgaria), view across the landscape from the south-west.

PLATE

77

Diocletian's palace, Spalato (Dalmatia; Croatia), reconstruction (after E. Hebrard and J. Zeiller in J.J.Wilkes, Diocletian's Palace, Split: Residence of a Retired Roman Emperor (Sheffield 1986 and new ed. Oxford 1993), Plate 19).

PLATE

78

PLATE 81a

Carthage (North Africa) fourth century AD floor mosaic detail of markings for stibadium couch.

PLATE

82

Desenzano (Lake Garda; Italy), triconch dining area facing east.

PLATE

82a

Desenzano (Lake Garda; Italy), detail of mosaic floor in the triconch dining area.

PLATE

82b

Desenzano (Lake Garda; Italy), apsidal entrance to the dining hall.

PLATE

83

Piazza Armerina (Casale district; Sicily), the peristyle predating restoration, facing the entrance to the west (after G.V.Gentili, The Imperial Villa of Piazza Armerina (Rome 1970),Fig.1,p. 3).

PLATE

84

Piazza Armerina (Casale district; Sicily), the peristyle, after restoration, facing south-west

PLATE

85

Patti Marina (near Tindari; Sicily), detail of the floor mosaic, peristyle (after Consorzio per lo sviluppo turistico e socio-economico, villa romano di Patti (n.d.), p. 2).

Diocletian's palace, Spalato (Dalmatia; Croatia), south facade by Adam 1764 (after E. Hebrard and J. Zeiller in J.J.Wilkes, Diocletian's Palace. Split: Residence of a Retired Roman Emperor (Sheffield 1986 and new ed. Oxford 1993), Plate 6).

PLATE 86

Montrnaurin (near Carcasonne; France), model of the villa (after P. MacKendrick, Roman France (London 1971),Fig. 5.7,p. 139).

PLATE

87a

Montrnaurin (near Carcasonne; France), entrance to the villa facing north-east.

PLATE 78a

Diocletian's palace, Spalato (Dalmatia; Croatia), detail of west entrance to the palace.

PLATE

87b

Montrnaurin (near Carcasonne; France), villa bath house facing south- west.

PLATE

Diocletian's palace, Spalato (Dalmatia; Croatia), interior and exterior of the mausoleum.

PLATE

87c

Montrnaurin (near Carcasonne; France), view of the apsidal dining area.

PLATE

87d

Montrnaurin(near Carcasonne; France), the fountain facing north-west.

PLATE

88

Littlecote (Wiltshire; England), view of the triconch hall (after P. Johnson, RomanoBritish Mosaics (reprinted Buckinghamshire 1995, cover plate).

PLATE

88a

Littlecote (Wiltshire; England), detail of floor mosaic. Konz (Saarburg, Germany), view of southeast and south-west towers.

78b

PLATE 78c

Diocletian's palace, Spalato (Dalmatia; Croatia), details of entrance vestibule of the palace.

PLATE

Diocletian's palace, Spalato (Dalmatia; Croatia), construction detail of subterranean vault at the palace.

78d

PLATE 78e

Diocletian's palace, Spalato (Dalmatia; Croatia), details of walls and gate.

PLATE

79

Tokod (Pannonia Superior; Hungary), view across the fortification walls facing south.

PLATE

79a

Abritus (Moesia Inferior; Bulgaria), town walls photographed from the north.

PLATE

79b

PLATE

PLATE

PLATE88b PLATE 89

Vila de Frades (Sao Cucufate; Lusitania), view of the vaulted sub-structures for the first floor apsidal dining hall taken from the west.

Palace of Antiochus and Lausus (Constantinople), foundations of the circular apsed vestibule.

PLATE

89a

Vila de Frades (Sao Cucufate; Lusitania), view across the whole site photographed from the east.

79c

Palace of Antiochus and Lausus (Constantinople), foundation wing of multiapsed dining hall.

PLATE

89b

Vila de Frades (Sao Cucufate; Lusitania), view of the piscina taken from the south east, with view of sub-structure of apsidal dining hall.

80

Hadrian's villa (Tivoli), the scenic triclinium with foundations of the stibadium.

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PLATE 90

Page xiv

Cercadilla (Cordoba; Spain), site of the palace of Maximianus.

PLATE 91

Cercadilla (Cordoba; Spain), plan of the palace of Maximianus.

PLATE 91a PLATE 92 PLATE 93 PLATE 94 PLATE 95 PLATE 96

PLATE 97

PLATE 98

PLATE

106a Abritus (Moesia Inferior; Bulgarian), chiselled workmanship on paving stone of the peristyle.

Cercadilla (Cordoba; Spain), view of multiapsed hall.

PLATE

106b Apollonia (Cyrenaica, Libya) Palace of the Dux.

Nennig (Saarburg; Germany), model of the villa at Nennig.

PLATE

107

Bosra (Syria), inter view of the first floor apsidal dining hall in the Governor's palace.

Nennig (Saarburg; Germany), view across the conserved remains facing the east wing.

PLATE

108

Bosra (Syria), exterior view of the apsidal dining area, first floor.

Nennig (Saarburg; Germany), mosaic in the central reception hall.

PLATE

108a Ptolemais (Cyrenaica, Libya), townhouse, view of town house.

Echternach (the Moselle valley; Luxembourg), plan of the villa.

PLATE

109

Echternach (the Moselle valley; Luxembourg), the peristyle on the south-east side of the villa.

PLATE

109a San Lorenzo (Milan), detail of octagonal mausoleum to the south of San Lorenzo church.

Echternach (the Moselle valley; Luxembourg), detail of the reception hall from the south-east.

PLATE

109b San T,orenzo (Milan), interior Tonic pilaster detail octagonal mausoleum to the south of San Lorenzo church.

Echternach (the Moselle valley; Luxembourg), view of the long piscina facing south-west.

PLATE

110

San Lorenzo (Milan), octagonal mausoleum to the south of San Lorenzo church.

Serdica (Sofia, Bulgaria), fourth century rotunda of the church of St. George.

PLATE 98a

Pfalzel (Saarburg; Germany), site plan and medieval walls.

PLATE 111

Hissar (Thracia; Bulgaria), south gate to walled town, sixth century.

PLATE 98b

Mehring (the Moselle valley; Luxembourg), interior view of portico and putative towers (reconstructed example of putative fortifications).

PLATE

112

Hissar (Thracia; Bulgaria), apsidal church, fourth to sixth century.

PLATE

113

Hissar (Thracia; Bulgaria), entrance to fourth century tomb.

PLATE

114

Mesambria (Thracia; Bulgaria), the Sea basilica.

PLATE 98c

Carthage (North Africa) fifth century AD floor mosaic, the estate of Julius, detail of putative fortifications.

PLATE

99

Gorsium (Pannonia Inferior; Hungary), the Governor's palace viewed from the north-west.

PLATE

114a Mesambria (Thracia; Bulgaria), triconch aisle chapels of the Sea basilica.

PLATE

100

Buthrotum (Epirus; Albania), the triconch building viewed from the south.

PLATE

115

PLATE

100a Buthrotum (Epirus; Albania), detail of the the triconch building viewed from the southwest towards Butrint canal.

PLATE

115a Arpaj, Durres (Dyrrhachium; Albania), view of east end of triconch church.

PLATE

116

PLATE

101

Buthrotum (Epirus; Albania), the apsidal entrance to the triconch building.

Peroushtitsa (Thracia; Bulgaria), exterior of triconch church.

PLATE

117

PLATE

102

Buthrotum (Epirus; Albania), Roman theatre on the south-west corner of the site.

Thessalonike (Macedonia; Greece), fragmentary remains of the rotunda of Galerius' mausoleum.

PLATE

102a Buthrotum (Epirus; Albania), fifth to sixth century bapistry on the north-west corner of the site.

PLATE

118

Sopianae (Pannonia Inferior; Hungary), early Christian mausoleum, fourth to sixth century.

PLATE

103

Stobi (Macedonia; FYROM) view across the town to the Governor's palace (after V.Bitrakova-Grozdanova, "Ohrid", Bojadzievski (ed.), Macedonian National Treasures (Skopje 1989), p. 99).

PLATE

104

Abritus (Moesia Inferior; Bulgaria), view north towards apsidal hall, across the peristyle of Governor's palace.

PLATE

105

Abritus (Moesia Inferior; Bulgaria), the apsidal hall in the Governor's palace, viewed from the south-west.

PLATE

106

Abritus (Moesia Inferior; Bulgaria), detail of one of the Tonic columns in the apsidal hall.

PLATE 118a

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Page xv

Arpaj, Durres (Dyrrhachium; Albania), fourth to sixth century triconch church.

Sopianae (Pannonia Inferior; Hungary), detail of interior of triconch mausoleum.

Introduction

INTRODUCTION

1.0 Outline This study is concerned with the development and influence of the architectural plan of the late Roman villa in the DanubeBalkan region. It combines an archaeological and an architectural historical approach to the examination of the plans which form the primary focus of _the research. A! the same time, the functional and decorative elements of the buildings are considered in detail where appropriate. The research has been based on extensive fieldwork and draws together the existing literature to elucidate the architecture of the late Roman villa in the Danube-Balkan region and to establish its broader significance. A systematic study of this nature has not previously been carried out. With the greater freedom and transparency arising from the political changes affecting south eastern Europe since 1991, the opportunity presented itself to examine and appreciate existing late Roman villa sites in a geographical, historical and architectural context across the region as a whole. Regrettably, some of those political changes have resulted in conflicts which have thrown up new and more serious obstacles to the study. The task also presented certain unusual challenges, arising _notably from the_ often remote locations of sites and from the disparate nature of source materials in several languages, in some cases wanting in accuracy of detail and therefore requiring verification or clarification. During the first to the fifth centuries AD the Danube-Balkan region formed a buffer zone between the Latin speaking world of the west and the Greek speaking lands of the east. Bounded to the north by the river Danube, which was to become a significant Roman frontier, to the west by the Adriatic and to the east by the Black Sea, the region may be singled out for historical as well as geographical reasons. The Danube-Balkan provinces were subject to the same demographic and administrative changes over the same broad period of Roman rule and, in particular, were influenced by a notably strong military and imperial presence. It should be noted at the outset that this study does not set out to examine villa life in all its manifestations at this time, nor does it examine in detail early Roman villas except by way of illustration of the broader background and socio-economic environment for the establishment of the later villas in the region. The majority of the villas in the ~an1.1;be-Bal~an regi?n were founded in the second century, which 1s consistent with the main phase of Romanisation, and it is these Roman villa building plans which are the central focus. By drawing together the published information on the late Roman villa in this region, and in some cases by presenting here plans surveyed for the first time, it is hoped that the study sheds new light on the subject of these villas in their own regional context. In addition, by the analysis of t?e architectural plans and by comparison of these plans with similar structures in other provinces, the present study seeks to contribute to Roman villa studies generally. In order to facilitate primary classification and analysis, a working definition of the Roman villa is cons_idered an~ set _o~t in this Introduction at section 2 below. In this connection, It 1s recognised that there are difficulties in applying a general definition of the Roman villa when dealing with different areas of the Roman empire. For example, a significant proportion of the early research has focused on the Romano-British villa, with the result that much of the terminology had been developed in association with such villas. Nonetheless, it may be observed that other studies of Roman villas from the western provinces of Gaul, the Rhine and Spain do not greatly depart from this terminology. 1

In terms of overall structure, the study first locates the Danube-Balkan villa forms in their geographical, historical and topographical setting and establishes their rel_a~ons~ip with towns, trade routes and with broader admm1strat1ve and imperial structures (Chapters 1 and 2). A typology. for the villas and an analysis of the plans in a broader architectural context is presented (Chapter 3). The conclusions of that analysis are compared against, firstly, other Roman villas of the same period in other parts of the Empire and, secondly against parallel developments in urban architecture in the region (Chapter 4). The social framework which supported the development of these villas over time is described (Chapter 5). Finally, consideration is given to later buildings in the r~gi~n, both religious and secular, with a view to tracing the contlnmty of the late Roman villa plan (Chapter 6). A detailed gazetteer of the villas and their recorded plans, in some cases unpublished and drawn for this particular study for the first time, is then presented (Appendix 1).

2.0 Defining the Roman Villa 2.1 Preliminary

Considerations

The term 'Roman villa' is difficult to define accurately. In Latin the word villa can mean both a farm and a country hous;, and its primary association would indicate that the villa had an agricultural purpose and that the term referred to a complex of buildings located at the centre of a working farm. 2 Certainly, the Roman villa could be and frequently was a farm integrated into the economic and social organisation found in the Roman provinces. The complex of buildings was usually located on prime arable land linked to a road network, and the surrounding land could occupy an area from as little as ten acres to over one thousand acres. 3 Latin authors frequently attached another meaning to the term as a residence and/or recreational retreat in the country for the owner, his/her family and friends. Such villa ~mildings were usually owned by a city dweller or gentleman farmer or noblewomen (Vita Melaniae Junioris, 18-19), whose wealth was invested in the land, and the main dwelling would have included, in most cases, some notable architectural detailing in design or in decoration. 4 Therefore, it ap~ears _inad~quate t? assign to the villa the one specific farmmg fu~ctlon: ~~ It seemed to serve a wide range of economic and social act1v1t1es. Certain criteria for defining the Roman villa have been proposed by Wightman in her study of Roman Gaul. 5 The villa should have however humble, some expression of Roman architectural' elements and decoration. It should be a solid building constructed with stone and should be at the centre of an agricultural unit. In addition, Wightman points to the inclusion of functional elements in the plan which, in turn, can vary according to the social and geographical context. Depending on the size of the holding, in many cases outbuildings, baths and grain stores were arranged around the main dwelling. The produce from the land supplied the army and the towns, the surplus being either traded or kept in the villa grain stores or in town granaries. 6 Furthermore, according to Smith, the buildings at the centre of the complex should have some of the following features as an outward expression of Roman design: the layout of the complex in accordance with the landscape; a strong central axis; symmetry in terms of the plan of the main vil~a building; and a de~ree of planning in the relation of the villa to outbuildings. Whereas it is evidently important to distinguish the Roman villa which consciously used elements of Roman design, from pre-Roman buildings, the design of any :,cilla complex was to evolve over time and varied from one provmce to another. Thus, it was not unknown for a native settlement to develop to a Roman design, replacing a timber hut with solid masonry and Roman decorative elements. The evidence of

Page 1

pre- and early Roman settlement from the Danube-Balkan Region is therefore discussed in Chapter 1 and 2. Percival describes a villa as "a place in the country, normally (but not always) associated with farming, sometimes with connotations of luxury or relaxation, and in most cases a single house rather than a group of them." 8 The use of the word place in this instance carefully avoids the question of the purpose of the main building and, more generally, Percival's definition is sufficiently flexible to serve as the first foundation for a working definition for the purposes of the present study. As an additional element, it is proposed that the connotations of luxury and relaxation should be defined as having a distinctive Roman character, and more specifically to include decorative elements such as the architectural detailing of the classical orders, mosaics and wall painting. With these additions and other elements which suggest themselves from the discussion in the following two sections, a working definition of the Roman villa is then adopted at section 2.4 below.

2.2 The Depiction of the Villa in Roman Literature The task of villa definition is further clarified by examining the two broad functions or dual purposes described by Roman writers. Among the more detailed writings, the following authors are commonly cited when referring to the villa and its definition and activities: Cato (DeAgri Cultura, 3, 1-2 and 4, 12 ), dated to early second century BC; Varro (De Re Rustica, 3, 2, 6-10), written c. 37 BC; Columella (De Re Rustica, 1, 6, 1), first century AD; Vitruvius (DeArchitectura, 6, 8), first century AD; and Palladius (De Re Rustica), written in the early fifth century AD. It must be borne in mind when exammmg the Roman literature that it relates chiefly to the situation in Italy in the late Republic/Early Empire, with Palladius offering late modifications only. Thus we have little on the provinces and little on villas and agriculture from the second to the fourth centuries. However the villa developed as a part of the Romanisation of a region, and as with other aspects of Roman life the nature of the villa remained the same in the provinces, including the Danube-Balkan region. Columella (De Re Rustica, 1, 6, 1) states that the size of the villa and the number of its parts should be in proportion to the whole enclosure and that the property should be divided into three parts: pars urbana - a large residence for the owner, family and friends to reside in either as a retreat from the city or as a permanent dwelling separated from the working part of the villa; pars rustica - the farming and/or industrial part of the complex, including quarters for the overseer, slaves and livestock, being a profitable organisation supplying produce for the villa itself and then to the local markets and usually affording to pay taxes levied by Rome; and pars fructuria - the store house for winter supplies and surplus. Columella's description of the first century farm house provides an indication of how large estates of this type adapted to the social structure. Writing in the first century AD on the organisation and layout of the estate, he noted a clear division of functions between those devoted to leisure and entertainment and those allotted to farming and manual labour. 9 Thus, a proper definition of the Roman villa must be capable of embracing a range of possibilities from an unadorned country dwelling to a large residence and farm complete with space for labourers and outhouses for storing equipment, livestock and grain. As evidenced by a mid-fifth century AD agricultural manual of 15 books written by Palladius (De Re Rustica), who bases himself closely on Columella, the distinction between pars urbana and pars rustica remained essential to later conceptions of farming organisation. 10 Thus, it appears that this enduring vision of labour and pleasure was upheld at least as late as the fifth century. Beyond that, the villa's most distinguishing feature is that it has a Roman plan as distinct from an indigenous, i.e., wholly local building type. Furthermore, Roman villas are necessarily defined by their integration into the wider social and economic ···················································································································

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environment and cannot be understood in isolation from the Roman world of which they formed a part. Thus, they ceased effectively to be Roman villas upon the collapse of that system not because they no longer resembled villas, but because they became separated from the very world which had defined them. For example, the second century AD Roman relief representing the town versus the countryside from Avezzano, with the villa and the pastures located outside the walled town, illustrates the villa as a distinctive element of the Roman landscape intimately connected to the town and its environs. 11 Often producing a surplus, they were also connected to markets, craftsmen and a wider pattern of exchange with nearby towns. The depiction of the Roman villa in Roman literature depends in part on the intention of the Roman writer. In the agricultural treatise, it is the farming methods, the cultivation of the land, the ways of increasing yield and storing produce, and the stock-breeding of cattle, sheep and horses which are of primary importance (Varro De Re Rustica 2). As a result, references to villa buildings are somewhat secondary to the agricultural pursuits. Furthermore, Varro provides an example of the ambiguity that makes the definition of a Roman villa so difficult now: "And finally, what likeness has your villa to the countryhouse owned by your grandfather and your great grandfather? It has not seen as the latter saw, hay in the hay-loft, the vintage in the wine cellar, and the corn in the granary. For because a building is outside the city it does not follow that it is a villa. Anymore than is the building belonging to the people living outside the Porta Flumentana or the Aemilian suburb. A building which is for farm use only is as much a villa as one that served both purposes: as a farm house and as a city residence". 12 Evidently, for Varro, what was fundamental to the Roman villa was not simply that it was located outside the city walls but that it produced foodstuffs such as grain, wine and hay. The villa residence appears to be secondary to the central farming activity. Indeed it could be said on the evidence of Varro writing in the first century BC that the first villas were working farms. This perhaps is not surprising, as the acquisition and cultivation ofland was the particular basis of wealth at this time and indeed was the central objective of Roman colonisation. What can also be ascertained from the passage by Varro is that, in a manner similar to the flexible notion of a modern 'farm', the author is not overly concerned about the use of the term villa - it is loosely used to describe a dwelling in the country. In this connection, Percival points out that Varro distinguishes the Roman villa from native dwellings in describing the latter in more neutral terms as aedificia, or buildings. 13 The important distinction thus appears to be this, namely that only Roman citizens or Romanised natives could be said to own or live in Roman villas and therefore a villa has to include the facilities which allow for a Roman way of life. This is further supported by other Roman writers, such as Vitruvius (De Architectura, 6, 4) who describes the planning and layout of the villa within a general section on domestic houses and plans, and suggests that the building has to have certain Roman elements such as Corinthian columns decorating a peristyle to be considered a Roman villa. Vitruvius also makes a distinction between the villa residence and the farm. He describes how the warmest place must be assigned to the kitchen and how the bath should be next to the kitchen. 14 Cato (De Agri Cultura, 3, 1-4) speaks of the different buildings on a villa site according to their function. On the one hand, the villae urbanae pro copia aedificato were the luxurious, urban style buildings for living in; on the other, the villae rusticae uti aedificatam habeat were the industrial and farming buildings. 15 It is interesting to note the association in this description of luxury with buildings found in the city. This could indicate that, similarly in the country, the Roman would expect to find at least one building on the villa estate which imitated the urban style, its size differing from place to place in accordance with the level of prosperity. 16 This might include for example such common forms of domestic plan as a peristyle, possibly ····················································································································

Introduction

decorated with expensive materials such as marble and mosaic. This could then be referred to as the villa. Therefore, as in the case of the above authors, it is interesting to observe the careful separation of the site into two parts - one residential, the other for agricultural usage. The pastoral idea of the villa as a country retreat incorporating a bucolic existence was well developed by the first century AD, as documented by Martial (Epigrams 12, 57) and Juvenal (Satires 3, 160-180). There was a perception among city dwellers that life in the country was an idyllic pastime. 17 Varro (De Re Rustica, 13, 6- 7) laments how in past times the farm buildings were used mainly for the purpose of growing and storage whereas in the first century AD men built luxurious country villas where the orientation of the dining rooms was the main concern over and above farming. This practice had developed first in Italy, where the economic circumstances first allowed for an emphasis on leisure activities, but came in time to be a feature of villa in the provinces also. In more general works frequent references may be found to the practice of landowners retiring to the country and spending time with friends at their villas. More particular writings also survive such as the banquet with Trimalchio described in Petronius' fictional Satyricon (27-32), dated to the middle of the first century, where some of the pre-dinner activities for the guests included taking a stroll around the grounds of his estate followed by a bath. Descriptions of villas with the specific association of leisure and relaxation became a literary convention from the first century. For example the younger Pliny in his letters (Epistulae 5, 6) described in some detail the setting of his Laurentine villa against the Tuscan hills, the largest part of the villa being orientated south to catch the most sun. Other surviving later Roman depictions include that of Sidonius Apollinaris on his estate in Gaul (Epistulae, 2, 2, 11-12) with its description of the views across a lake from his villa at Avitacum, as well as the similar images and emphasis on the attractions of the countryside in the poetry of Ausonius (Domestica, De Herediolo, 3, 1, 20-33). 18 These provide further evidence that the later villas developed an important if not central function of providing for the rest and retreat of their owner occupants who may or may not have resided there continually.

2.3 Villa Ownership Despite different contemporary Roman interpretations, the construction of a villa on a tract of land signified the ownership (whether by title or lease) of property, usually by one person 9 with a view to cultivating that land for agricultural purposes. 1 For Varro (De Re Rustica, 3, 2), the owner was not as important to the running of the villa as the bailiff. 20 Be that as it may, whether it was intended as a dwelling for a family which itself supervised work on the land or whether the main dwelling was constructed as a country retreat for city dwellers with a bailiff overseeing the farming of the land, the villa can be singled out from any pre-Roman provincial settlements on the grounds that it was conceived as a centre of agriculture controlled usually by one owner. 21 In the Roman Empire, the owner could be from a Roman or a Romanised native background provided they had financial capital. 22 The most frequently quoted example of ownership was the wealthy freedman Trimalchio who was the central character in Petronius' Satyricon and who was in a position to entertain guests at his villa with the utmost opulence. 23 Apart from the emperors, there are many incidences of owners having vast estates in different parts of the empire. Certainly, the emperor had large tracts of land in each province, and as with those imperial estates the larger tracts of land may often have been worked by smaller tenant farmers. 24 The size of the estate owned and the amount of produce from the estate were an obvious measure of prestige: worthy of mention for example are the funerary inscriptions of the Safinii and the Papii families of the early first century BC indicating that they owned lands in the Narenta valley in Dalmatia. 25 An

indication of potential size and wealth in the later empire is given by Melania the Younger (Vita Melaniae}unioris 15-19), who describes her own vast estates around Rome and the provinces. One of the most wealthy was supposed to be the Valerii family, who sold their property on converting to Christianity. They had estates in Italy, Gaul, Spain, Africa, Numidia and Mauretania, and an annual income of 120,000 solidi. At one time, 400 slaves were recorded at work on one of their properties in Sicily. Other well recorded wealthy families were the Symmachi and the Ausonii who fre~uently and for long periods entertained at their villa retreats. 2 However, such records of villa estates and their owners are unusual, and more generally it is not known who specifically owned the villas. The identification of villa owners is a complex task which does not call for consideration in the present context. As in other parts of the empire, it may be noted that the specific owner of any particular villa in the Danube-Balkan region is rarely known. Where known it is usually an imperial villa, for example Diocletian's Palace at Spalato. Notwithstanding these difficulties, Chapter 5 of the present study considers the likely ownership pattern of villas in this region, having regard to what is known generally of the civilian and military elites who occupied and governed the region. For present purposes, it is enough to conclude that a villa owner was a Romanised individual who enjoyed a certain status, and that villa lands were used as a basis for wealth. This wealth found reflection both in villa design and in the decorative details of villas.

2.4 Definition of the Roman Villa for the Purpose of this Study Taking the above evidence into account the definition of a villa remains loosely described as a complex of buildings (with Roman characteristics) at the centre of an estate. The residence at the heart of the complex generally has a series of features with a Roman character i.e. rooms arranged for easy circulation; a set of baths; and in more luxurious examples a suite of reception rooms for receiving guests including, ideally, ample room for dining. This set of formal guest rooms might be decorated, and the dining area where guests gathered for dinner would then be the focus of social occasions. Each individual villa building, large or small, was an expression of the individual's taste as owner, bailiff or tenant. From the above discussion, the following definition of the Roman villa is adopted for the purposes of this study: A place in the country owned by a Roman or Romanised landowner normally (but not always) associated with farming, in most cases comprising a single residence with some expression of Roman elements and more often than not with connotations of luxury or relaxation, standing either on its own or at the heart of a complex of more functional buildings and integrated into the social and economic environment of the Roman world.

3.0 Methodology According to existing historical and archaeological evidence, full-scale Romanisation including the construction of villas took place throughout the Danube-Balkan region from the first century AD. It might be that the number of late Roman villas in these provinces was as extensive as, or at least approximated, the number of villas in other Roman provinces when due account is taken of geographical factors and of the amount of fieldwork carried out. In particular, the period of Romanisation and the degree of cultivation of the land was comparable for example to other Roman provinces. It must be acknowledged, however, that the number of known and recorded villas in the Danube-Balkan region is much less for example than Roman Britain or Roman Gaul, and that any attempt at an exhaustive survey of late Roman villas in the region would be necessarily speculative because the same amount of research has not been undertaken in this region compared with degree of research completed for other provinces.

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In particular, the plans of the known villas have been recovered in varying states of completeness. Some excavation reports are very detailed and show the site location and building phases, whereas others provide only the building outlines. In some plans, there are no indications of other farm buildings, outhouses or bath houses, whereas in others the site may have been only partially excavated. Furthermore, certain buildings have not been excavated at all or are in the process of limited excavation and await publication. Nonetheless, the Danube-Balkan region no doubt provided fertile soil for the location of villas in Roman times, and the region now presents an equally wealthy source of historical evidence for their study. In the present study, a total of 64 sites have been included for examination, in accordance with the criteria and considerations outlined below. 27 It is important to emphasise from the outset that this study is concerned with known villa sites, that is to say those which have already been identified and described in some detail in publications following partial or complete excavations. The central objective, therefore, is one of analysis. The sites, included in accordance with the criteria below, have been visited wherever possible with a view to verifying the descriptions and plans contained in the existing literature and, in some cases, drawing up detailed plans for the first time. It is not the purpose of the study to identify further villa sites, although in the course of field work certain new information was recorded and is presented in the gazetteer. The criteria employed for the inclusion of villa sites for this study are as follows: a)

Region - the Danube-Balkan region referred to in this study extends to the Roman provinces of Pannonia, Moesia, Dalmatia, Dacia and Thracia. Broadly speaking, it is confined by the Danube to the north and the Via Egnatia to the south.

b) Date - villa buildings with foundation dates after AD 150 and earlier than the fifth century. A small number of the villas have evidence of occupation from an earlier date, and where applicable reference is made to such evidence in the gazetteer. AD 150 is a start point on the grounds that, with few exceptions, before the midsecond century AD villas in this region were simple in plan. Furthermore, Romanisation was not sufficiently advanced before this date to significantly influence the development of the villa plan. c)

Size - a de minimis rule of thumb has been adopted such that buildings of very small standing comprising no more than four rooms arc excluded. This is because country residences of these dimensions almost invariably display little or no Roman features relevant to the development of the villa plan. On the other hand, by way of exception, a few villas of such dimensions from Dacia and upper Dalmatia, where larger villa sites are fewer than in Pannonia and Moesia, have been included on the grounds that they do display such Roman features.

Thus, some villa examples have been omitted on the grounds that they do not meet the date criteria outlined above. For example, it might have been tempting to include the recently published, evidently large complex of buildings of the villa from Veriga Bay, Dalmatia, but this must be omitted as the villa residence is too early, having evidence of occupation only from the first century BC to the first century AD. 28 The same applies to Konigshof-Oderkloster in Pannonia. These examples of early sophistication are unusual and may perhaps be attributable to the proximity of these sites to Italy. Similarly, several Pannonian villas such as those at Au-Am-Leithberg, Pomaz and Szakony-Gyaloka have been omitted on the grounds that their plan evidence is too incomplete to be useful to this study. 29 Such is also the case with the fragmentary plans of the structures at Filopovici, Pavlikeni and Sismanovo in Moesia 30 and of Hobita and Cincis in Dacia (and these too have therefore been omitted). 31

The range of buildings varies from modest sized dwellings to fortified villas to large landed estates. As many of the sites as has been physically possible to reach have been visited in the course of this research. In certain cases, despite extensive searches, sites were no longer visible on the surface. More seriously, the political turbulence affecting the former Yugoslavia hampered some, but happily not all, attempts to investigate sites there. An important aspect of the schematic approach adopted here is that the evidence is considered from a regional perspective and that it does not seek to compartmentalise the villas on a province by province basis. This approach is to be contrasted with the provincial studies which have been undertaken to date. The present study has deliberately chosen to build on that existing evidence with a view to identifying, if possible, a pattern of villa development across the wider region and, in addition, to considering whether regional differences exist between the villa plans of each province. This approach does not abandon regional considerations but, to the contrary, considers the historical and archaeological evidence particular to the local development of the villas surveyed in some detail where relevant. In addition, a particular survey of Pannonia is included in Chapter 5 with a view to counterbalancing the regional approach generally adopted. Finally, it may be signalled here that the conclusions arising from the present study encourage the view that this wider perspective is justified and forms part of a full consideration of Roman villa studies in the Danube-Balkan region.

4.0 Literature Review of Roman Villa Studies of the Danube-Balkan Region The difficulties in inspecting some of the villa sites have resulted in some instances on a reliance on secondary sources. All attempts have been made to obtain and understand the preliminary excavation reports prepared in the several languages of the region, as well as other published reports and articles in support of the findings on those sites. Although there remains a degree of hesitancy among some archaeologists, museum curators and officials in the region concerning provision of new information regarding active projects, many useful papers were obtained directly from such sources in the course of this work. Resources remain very stretched in the countries of southeastern Europe for the publication of existing research, so that certain journals now appear sporadically if at all. These journals have been of great assistance, together with the increasing number of articles appearing in the English language, in confirming the details of excavation reports and, in some cases, in providing further comparative material. For example, in 197 4 Mario Bir6 published the first English language article on the Roman villas of Pannonia. 32 Certain general studies were carried out during the 1960s and 1970s on the subject of Roman villas in the Danube-Balkan region. Among these, the pioneering study of Edit Thomas on Pannonian villas, published in German in 1964, remains highly influential. This is a comprehensive work which attempts to include all Roman villas in Pannonia divided into geographical areas. Thomas provides detailed site plans and a discussion of the chronology in each case. She also develops a typology of the villas with four groups: the peristyle type; the peristyle and portico type; the corner tower type; and the villa with a central corridor. Other areas are examined such as the decoration, wall-painting, mosaics and plaster work, together with a brief discussion of the late Roman villa more generally. Thomas's work therefore provides a first thorough study of the subject. 33 Biro's 197 4 article, referred to above, is a less substantial treatment of the subject, which classifies several villa categories including the peristyle and basilican plan types. As will be explained in later chapters, these specific typologies are not adopted in the present study on the grounds that they rely on

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Introduction

very detailed sub-classifications. Other important studies in other provinces of the region include those carried out by Mikicul Vasic, in the former Yugoslavia in 1970, in which he established several categories for the range of villas in the region including the peristyle and corner tower types. Attention should be drawn to the study of Diocletian's Palace at Split by Tomas Marasovic from 1968 and the later study carried out by John Wilkes in 1986, which included a complete study of the remains of the building and of the location of this structure in the broader late Roman architectural context. 34 Similarly, the studies of D. Mano-Zisi which date from 1956, on the villa at Gamzigrad, served as a point of departure for the subsequent excavations and publications of Dravoslav Srejovic in the 1980s, culminating in the edited work, Roman Imperial Towns and Palaces in Serbia ( 1993). This is a very detailed work, and provides much hitherto unpublished information about the architecture, sculpture and paintings found at the villas at Gamzigrad and Naissus and in the town of Sirmium. In relation to Moesia, a number of villas were grouped by C. Dremzisova in the late 1960s. Her brief article on the subject was useful in providing scale plans of certain villas. By contrast, Viktor Baumann's brief study (in Romanian) on Dacian villas, although it remains one of the few general sources for that region, suffers from the lack of villa plans to scale. 35 In a study of land ownership in Moesia and Thracia, Boris Gerov points out that there is no systematic, complete archaeological survey of the region and he relies on epigraphic material. Gerov is particularly concerned with changes in land ownership once Roman urbanisation and military control commences in the region. More recently, a detailed gazetteer of Roman land settlements in Moesia by Joachim Henning has provided new information confirming a chronology for Moesian villas which is based on a combination of datable material, epigraphy and coinage and in a new approach he groups separate elements of the plans, such as the grain stores, together for comparison. 36 This has been a particularly useful source for the present study. It should nonetheless be added that, at the time of going to press, the author had not yet had an opportunity to consult the recently published work by Dinchev on Roman villas in Bulgaria.

Reference should be made to the recent general study by JT. Smith, a meticulously documented comparative study of the Roman villa plan from a specifically sociological point of view. 38 Smith's study extends to early and late Roman villas alike, and covers the Roman empire as a whole, with a view to demonstrating that villas were often occupied by groups of varying composition rather than by a single owner. He also usefully has a section on the Roman villas of south-eastern Europe. 39 While this work was in some respects beneficial, Smith's use of terminology combines different language versions of the same plan type; his typology associates too many distinct and different categories to be specifically useful from an architectural standpoint; and his treatment ultimately diverges from the purpose of this study. Finally, reference should also be made to those relevant excavations which have continued to be carried out throughout the region since the 1980s. Activities in Dalmatia have been sporadic, although the various reports of archaeologists such as M. Budimir, L. Radie and I. Lokosek presented in Arheolski Pregled, taken together with the architectural study of Diocletian's palace at Split just completed by Sheila McNally, makes up a body of recently published work. More consistent excavation and fieldwork has been carried out in Pannonia by Endre T6th and Silvia Palagyi, among others, and their excavations for example at Alsohetenypuszta and Bah'tca respectively should be the subject of forthcoming publications. In Moesia, Andrew Poulter has recently published a full excavation report on the town of Nicopolis-ad-Istrum, building on his former work on town and country in Moesia with a brief description of the Roman villas in the region including the relation of villa to town. Poulter's work has set a standard and a new direction for future research in the region. 40

These specific works are also informed by the principal texts for Roman archaeology in the region. The first taken here is that of Andras M6csy, on Pannonia and Moesia Superior, in which the political, social and economic conditions are well documented (particularly in relation to Pannonia), but which does not contain or draw upon much detailed evidence for Roman villas in the region either in the earlier or later periods. Ralph Hoddinott, on Moesia and Thracia, provides an archaeological approach to the region which is extremely useful on detail. A brief historical and geographical outline precedes the description of each site, and most of the villas detailed are from the second and third century AD when Romanisation gripped this area. Paul MacKendrick's study on Dacia provides more information on the pre-Roman and early Greek settlements in Dacia than on the Roman period. He nonetheless includes a brief survey of some known small villas. John Wilkes, in his authoritative work on Dalmatia, refers in his preface to the meagre archaeological evidence for the types of rural settlement in that province, attributable perhaps in part to the landscape, and this is an observation which is returned to and confirmed in this study. Whereas work was carried out in Bosnia and Herzegovina by K. Patsch in 1906, and recently continued as a study begun by D. Basler and published posthumously by H. Vetters, R. Pillinger and A. Ptilz on late Roman and Early Christian architecture in Bosnia Herzegovina, work in other areas has been patchy. Like MacKendrick, Wilkes provides much information on the early settlements in the region and a clear outline of the Roman overlay with the military defences and trade patterns, but only presents certain information on the Roman villas in Dalmatia, without detailed analysis. 37

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1. J. Percival, The Roman Villa, A Historical Introduction (London 1976).This contribution contains an extensive discussion of the existing literature on the socio-economic definition of the Roman villa. M. Todd (ed.), Studies in the Romano-British Villa (Leicester 1978) and M. Todd, "Rural Settlement and Society in Britannia", in H. Bender und H. Wolff (eds.), Liindliche Besiedlung und Landwirtschafi in den Rhein-Donau Provinzen des romischen Reiches. Vortrage eines Internationalen Kolloquiums vom 1621 April 1991 in Passau (Leidorf, Espelkamp 1994), 101119. A more recent work which concentrates on the social aspect of the Roman villa and terminology is J.T. Smith, Roman Villas: A Study in Social Structure (1997), 3-12. An important study of Moesia was recently published by H. Bender und H. Wolff (eds.), Liindliche Besiedlung und Landwirtschaft in den Rhein-Donau Provinzen des romischen Reiches. vbrtrage eines Internationalen Kolloquiums vom 1621 April 1991 in Passau (Leidorf, Espelkamp 1994); for Gaul, R. Agache, "La villa gallo-Romaine dans les grandes plaines du nord de la France", Archeologia, 55, 1973, 3752; for the Rhineland, E. Wightman, Roman Trier and the Treveri (London 1970), 124-177, and for a more general villa study, H. Mielsch, Die romische Villa, Architektur und Leben~form (Munich 1987). 2. I. Richmond, ''The Plans of Roman Villas in Britain", A.L.F. Rivet (ed.), The Roman Villa in Britain (London 1970), 51; D. E. Johnston, Roman Villas (Princes Risborough, fourth ed. 1994), 6-8 and J. Percival, ''The villa economy: problems and perspectives", in K. Branigan and D. Miles (eds.), The Economies of Romano-British Villas (Sheffield n.d), 5-13. A.G. McKay, Houses, Villas and Palaces in the Roman World (London and New York 1975), 1-25. Throughout the Roman empire, wheat and barley were staple crops. In the Mediterranean olive trees and vineyards were staple crops. Cattle, goats, sheep and pigs were raised everywhere and both livestock and agricultural activities are associated with the villa throughout the empire. 3. A.L.F. Rivet, "Social and Economic Aspects", ibid., Rivet, 176-181. Also refer to the catalogue of sites/gazetteer, for examples of the Danube-Balkan villas. 4. For a wealthy female owner see: E. Clarke, The Life of Melania the Younger (Queenston, Ontario 1984), 98-99.

Smith, op. cit. n. 1, 5-12. For more detailed villa accounts see: R.JA. Wilson, Piazza Armerina (London, Austin 1983), 72 and 80. Also D. J. Smith, "Regional aspects of the winged corridor villa in Britain," in Todd (ed). op. cit. n. 1, 117-147,esp. 117. 5. E. Wightman, "The Pattern of Rural Settlement in Roman Gaul", in H. Temporin and W. Haase, ANRW, 2, 6 ( 197 5), 584 -657, esp. 624. 6. See details of the town and villa system in the upper Danube area: A. Mocsy, Pannonia and Upper Moesia (London and Boston 1974), 238-240. 7. J.T. Smith, "Villas as a key to social structure", in Branigan and Miles, op. cit. n. 2, 149-173. 8. Percival, op. cit. n. 1, 13. 9. Columella (De Re Rustica 6, 1-23). Also Ellis describes the writings of Columella in detail in interpreting the evidence in relation to Romano-British villas. Cf., S. Ellis, "Classical Reception Rooms in Romano-British Houses", Britannia, 26 (1995), 163-166, esp. 166. 10. Percival, op. cit. n. 1, 27. 11. Percival, ibid., 5-13. Also J. Ackerman, The Villa (London 1990), 8 and 35-61 and E. D'Ambra, Art and Identity in the Roman World (London 1998), 60. 12. Varro (De Re Rustica, 3. 2, 3-6 and 6-12): "... denique quid tua habet simile villae illius, quam tuus avos ac proavos habebat? Nee enim, ut illa faeniscia vidit arida tabulato nee vindeniam in cella neque in granario messim. Nam quod extra urbem est aedificium, nihilo magis ideo est villa, quam eorum aedificia, qui habitant extra protam Flumentanam aut in Aemilianis .... nihilo minus esse villam eam quae est simplex rustica, quam eam quae esset ultrumque et ea et urbana ... ' 13. Percival, op. cit. n. 1, 14. 14. Vitruvius (DeArchitectura, 6, 6, 1-3), on the farmyard; 6, 3 8-9 on triclinia and 6, 1, 1-10 on the influence of the climate. 15. Cato (DeAgri Cultura, l, 1-7), emphasises the importance of siting the villa on well-watered sloping ground. 16. Cato (De Agri Cultura, 3, 1-4) also stresses the importance of appointing the villa in accordance with one's means. This would suggest that the villa was designed to impress visitors. See Smith, op. cit. n. 7, 149-150. 17. K. D. White, Country Life in Classical Times (London 1977), 49. 18. Ibid., 25-30. 19. S. Alcock, "Roman Imperialism in the Greek landscape", in JRA, 2 (1989), 5-35. 20. Rivet, op cit. n. 3, 179. 21. Johnston, op. cit. n. 2, 6-8. He describes certain instances in Romano-British villas where there was more than one owner. 22. A.H.M. Jones, The Later Roman Empire (Oxford 1964), 767-76. The question of land ownership is examined in Chapter 5. 23. Rivet, op. cit. n. 3, 180. 24. J.Wacher, The Roman Empire (London 1987), 127-150. For a general discussion on the situation in the late empire see, J. Percival, "Seigneurial aspects of late Roman estate management", The English Historical Review, 332 ( 1969), 449-473. 25. J.J.Wilkes, Dalmatia (London 1969), 396. 26. J.J.Rossiter, "Convivium and Villa in Late Antiquity", in W.J. Slater (ed.), Dining in a Classical Context (Michigan 1991), 199-214, esp. 199. For the Ausonii: R. Etienne, Bordeaux Antique 1 (Bordeaux 1962), 351-61. 27. A comparison is drawn with a recent work on Roman Spain where only 28 recorded and accessible villas were listed for the region including Lusitania. Cf. S. Keay, Roman Spain (London 1988). 28. V. Begovic Dvorzak, "Rezidencicjalni Kompleks U Uvali Verige Na Brijunima Hramovi", VAMU (1994), 25-43 and idem, "Anticka vila na Brijunima", VAMZ (1990), 97-110. For fragmentary remains of a first century villa, Pogled, further south on the coast See M. Suic "Arheolska istrazivanj u Mulinama na otoku U glijanu, Ljetopis", JAZU, 64 (1960), 230-249. Page 6

29. A. Mocsy and J. Fitz, Pannonia regeszeti kezikiinyve (Budapest 1990), 222-236. Budakalasz is identified as a suburban villa within reaches of Aquincum. Cf. P. Zsidi, "Neuere villa am territoriam des Municipiums von Aquincum", Pannonia regeszeti kezikonyve (Budapest 1991), 159-182. 30. An excavation report refers to the presence of another Roman villa in the region. The plan reported is of too fragmentary a nature but it is a rectangular compact structure comprising four small rooms. T. Ovcarov, "Villa Rustica near Kran, Stara Zagara", Arheologija Sofia (1977), 47-52. For Pavlikeni, B. Soultov, "Proizvodstvo na relefna Keramika v. Daina Miziya", Iz. Veliko Turnovo, 5 (1972), 21-28, idem, Pavlikenskiyat krai prez antichnostta, Sbornik Pavlikeni I Pavlikenskiyat krai (Sofia 1977), 18. 31. I. Glodariu, "Die Landwirtschaft im romischen Dakien", ANRW, 2.6, (1977), 950-989, for plans of Girbou 962; Ciumafaia 963; Apahida 964; Aiud 965; Deva 966 and Hobita 969. Also, B. Gerov, Land Ownership in Roman Thracia and Moesia (Amsterdam 1988), 166, and P. MacKendrick, The Dacian Stones Speak (North Carolina 1975), 113. 32. M. Biro, "Roman Villas in Pannonia", AAASH, 26 (1974), 23-57. 33. E. B. Thomas, Riimische Villen in Pannonien, Beitriige zur pannonischen Siedlungsgeschichte (Budapest 1964). 34. M. Vasic, "Romische Villen vom Typus der Villa rustica auf jugoslawischem Boden", Arch. lug., 11 (Belgrade 1970), 45-82 and J.J.Wilkes, Diocletian's palace at Split: residence of a retired Roman Emperor (Sheffield 1986, reprinted 1993). 35. For Serbia: D. Mano-Zisi, "Le castrum de Gamzigrad et ses mosaiques", Arch. lug. 2, 67-84 and D. Srejovic, et (al.), Gamzigrad,An Imperial Palace of Late Classical Times (Belgrade 1983). For Moesia and Thracia: C. Dremsizova, ''La Villa Romaine en Bulgarie", Actes du Premier Congriis International des Etudes Balkaniques et Sud-Est Europeennes 2, Sofia, 26 Aug-1 Sept 1966 (Sofia 1969), 503-512. For Dacia, V. Baumann, Ferma Romana din Dobrogea (Tulcea 1983). 36. Gerov, op. cit. n. 31. Also J. Henning, "Die liindliche Besiedlung im Umland von Sadovec und die romische Agrarstrukturen im Europaischen Varland von Byzanz", in Bender und Wolff, op. cit. n. 1, 463-504. 37. For Pannonia and Upper Moesia, Mocsy, op. cit. n. 6; on Moesia and Thracia, R. F. Hoddinott, Bulgaria in Antiquity (London and Tonbridge 197 5); for Dacia, MacKendrick, op. cit. n. 31 and for Dalmatia, Wilkes, op. cit. n. 25 and D. Basler, R. Pillinger, A. Pi.ilz, H. Vetters, Spiitantike und fruhchristliche Architektur in Bosnien und Hercegowina (Wien 1993). For recent excavation reports in the former Yugoslavia, M. Budimir and L. Radie, "Ortic, Kod Knina, villa rustica", Arheoloski Pregled ( 1985), 115 and I. Lokosek, "Starigradsko polje na o Hvaru, villa rustica", idem., 131. For Diocletian's palace, cf., S. Mc Nally, The Architectural Ornament of Diocletian's Palace at Split, BAR. Int. Ser. 639 (Oxford 1996). 38. Smith, op. cit. n. 1, 199-216. 39.Ibid, 199-216. 40. E. Toth, "Die spatromische Festung von Iovia und ihr Graberfeld," Antike Welt, fasc. 1 (1989), 31-40; S. Palagyi, "Vorbericht uber die Erforschung und Wiederherstellung der romischen Villa von Balaca", Carnuntum Jahrbuch 1991 (1992), 89-114. A.G. Poulter, Nicopolis-ad-Istrum,A Roman, Late Roman and Eady Byzantine City (London 1995).

Chapter

One

HISTORICAL GEOGRAPHY OF THE DANUBE-BALKAN REGION

1.0 Introduction

1

A full consideration of the context in which the late Roman villa in the Danube-Balkan region developed requires an examination of the historical and geographical factors prior to the Roman conquest and during the period of Roman occupation. The Danube-Balkan lands are positioned geographically between Europe and Asia. During the late Roman empire they formed an intermediate zone between the Latin-speaking world to the west and the Greek-speaking lands of the east. The river Danube runs directly through the region, and before the arrival of the Romans the river provided a natural route of communication and trade for the indigenous tribes of the north and east. Pre-Roman trade routes also crossed the river from north to south. The movement of trade and peoples was altered along east-west lines when in the first century BC the Romans conquered the lands to the south of the Danube. 2 The resulting consolidation of the strategic defences of the river called for the fortification of its banks, so that the river would be more readily accessible, and for the construction of a series of associated roads and communication networks. The major routes which ran through these provinces represented the main lines of communication and trade ensuring contact from east to west. 3 The conquered area was then divided into provinces whose external borders were to change little during four subsequent centuries of Roman rule. These were the provinces of Pannonia, Dalmatia, Moesia, Dacia and Thracia. After some re-organisation by Diocletian and the foundation of Constantinople by Constantine, together they came to link the centres of power and administration of the late Roman empire in North Italy with Constantinople in Roman Asia (Map 1 and 2). The success of the villa depended ultimately on the control of the captured lands, and this Chapter therefore examines the pattern of settlement and administration in the region as a whole, and serves to complement the discussion which follows in Chapter 2 of how towns and villas subsequently developed throughout the region. For this purpose, the following sections describe the relevant territories and patterns of indigenous settlement at the time of the Roman campaigns from the late second century BC to the second century AD. In addition, the subsequent Romanisation of the region, as elsewhere, involved administrative changes including the organisation of the area into Roman provinces, the installation of military defences, and the establishment of a Roman road network. The systematic development of towns and villas took place within this structure. More particularly, the establishment of military frontiers, road networks and towns was followed by the division of the territory into property holdings vested in or purchased by nobles and veterans, some of whom, in accordance with the established process of Romanisation of the indigenous population, were from the region. Others, more usually, were from Italy or from other Roman regions and, frequently, were absentee landlords. 4 As the produce from these estates came to

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supply the neighbouring towns, it was natural that, for ease of distribution and security, the choice of location on the available land for the construction of Roman villas was concentrated close to the main supply routes in the hinterland of surrounding towns.

1.1 Geographical Scope of the Danube-Balkan region In this study, any references to the towns, buildings or lands of the Danube-Balkan region should be understood to refer to the geographical area confined on the north by the river Danube and including the Province of Dacia and confined on the south by the Via Egnatia which runs from Dyrrhachium across Macedonia to Thessalonike (Map 5). The land mass incorporates both the west coast of the Adriatic and the Black Sea coast. Within these confines are the Roman provinces of Pannonia (south Austria and west Hungary); Moesia and Thracia (Serbia and Bulgaria); Dacia (which occupied lands to the north of the river Danube in Romania); and Dalmatia (former Yugoslavia and northern Albania) (Map 2). It should be emphasised that although the lands of the Roman provinces of southern Macedonia and Epirus, corresponding to modern Greece and Albania, belong geographically to the Balkans, they are not included as part of the immediate focus of the study. Certain buildings from these regions will nonetheless be examined in a comparative context in Chapters 3 and 4. 5 The Danube-Balkan land mass is vast, stretching from the Adriatic in the west to the Black Sea in the east, and extending also on its western coasts to a significant number of off-shore islands. The landscape of the upper Danube region undulates, moving south-east away from the Alps and beyond the Danube to the Great Plain, which is punctuated notably by Lake Balaton, known in Roman times as Lacus Pelso, a huge inland shallow lake filled by an underground source from the Danube. The river Danube, over 1,700 hundred miles long from source to estuary, is one of the great rivers of the world. Its great size and its navigability for most of its length through the Balkan land mass ensured its prominence in ancient times as an important trading route. 6 The upper course was known to the Thracians as the Danuvius as far as the Iron Gates and the Greeks referred to the lower course as the Ister. 7 The river is depicted on the Peutinger Table as a substantial water source (PLATE 1). 8 The river flows eastwards from its source near Freiburg in lower Germany. 9 From southern Germany, it passes through northern Austria and turns to the south of the Slovak Republic. It deviates sharply to the south through Hungary (PLATE 2) and the former Yugoslavia to the so-called Iron Gates where the Danube cuts through the Carpathian basin and the Balkan land mass, creating a narrow gorge. The river then passes along the Bulgarian/Romanian border (PLATE 3) before making a sharp turn northwards into Romania and, finally, a 90° turn to the east to flow into the Black Sea. The Balkan peninsula is thus separated from the rest of Europe by the more mature waters of the River Danube.

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The tributaries of the Danube that flow through Pannonia are the Save and the Drave. 10 There are also some lesser known tributaries such as the Arrabo (Raba) which flows into the Danube at Arrabona (Gyi:ir) on the right bank and the Marus (Morava) on the left bank. 11 Several smaller rivers rise from mountainous areas further south and east, entering into the lower Danube system on one side and the Aegean river system on the other. The mountains across the Danube-Balkan region divide into several ranges: the Rhodope, in the south east direction, which in turn is divided by the Nestos river which flows into the Aegean in the Greek province of Macedonia; the Balkan chain, which stretches from west to east covering much of the Roman provinces of Moesia Superior and Thracia. These mountains have a gentle ascent on the Danube side and have a steep descent on the other and form a backbone through the region. The Carpathian mountains cover much of the area of Dacia, whereas the Dinaric Alps divide Dalmatia (Map 1).

2.0 Pre Roman Tribes in the Danube-Balkan Region (Map 1) The region from the Adriatic coast including Albania and the lands north east of Italy as far as the middle Danube was known in pre-Roman times as Illyria and was populated with tribes known as Illyrians and Delmatae. Prior to the Roman incursions, the pre-Roman settlement pattern reflected the natural geography of the region. Thus, rivers and valleys acted as conduits and mountains as natural obstructions, with the result that the indigenous tribes frequently lived along the river valleys and close to the pre-Roman trade routes such as the Amber route (which stretched from north Italy via northern Pannonia to the Baltic Sea). There is little evidence for the existence of settlements at this time along the Illyrian/Dalmatian coast or on the many small off-shore islands, and there were no major road-ways on that coast. With the exception of some Greek colonies along the coast at Corcyra Niger, and the Greek trading posts at Narona and Salona, the main type of indigenous settlement was the fortified hill top settlement which was the economic and administrative centre of the population, for example the hill fort at Delminium. 12 The Marcomanni tribe occupied the area ofNoricum, whereas the Cami inhabited the area east of the Alps and between Raetia and Istria. Before the Roman campaigns, the tribe of the Oseriates occupied the land along the Save river. The Lasi, an Illyrian tribe, were settled between the Drave and Save rivers north of the Oseriates. Along the Drave, in the area of Poetovio, lived the tribes of the Seraglio and the Secretes. 13 These indigenous Iron Age peoples together occupied the zone of lake Balaton and the region of the Drave and the Save river valleys, frequently on hill top settlements fortified with earthworks which formed the centres for trade and agriculture. Pannonia derives its name from the tribes of the Pennon. This was a collective term applied to Illyrian tribes from the Save valley. 14 The area of Pannonia was bordered on the north and east by the Danube, on the west by the Alps and south by the foothills of the Save. Lake Balaton was in the centre. The terrain is generally hilly. Strabo (7 .5, 3) identified the Pannonian peoples as the Breuci, the Andizetes, the Ditones, the Pirustae, the Maezaei, and the Daesitates. They inhabited hilltop settlements. 15 The Breuci populated the area beyond the Delmatae as far as the Danube (Map 1). From 400 BC there is evidence for the arrival of the Celts to the north-west Danube valley region, extending to the Carpathian basin. This is attested by finds dated to the La Terre period B and C. Coinage associated with this period is represented by copies of early Greek tetradrachms. The

Scordisci settled between the Save and the Drave rivers which was the main trade route to Italy. From the third century BC they spread into southern Pannonia and upper Moesia. 16 Segesta was the centre of the Segestani peoples. Located on the mouth of the Kulpa river, a tributary of the Save, it was strategically important for access to the trade routes in the east. Another fortified hill settlement in the region was at Gomolava near Sirmium. Aquileia, on the Italian Adriatic coast founded by Rome in 181 BC, became a vital market terminus for these trade routes. In the second century BC the Boii and the Taurisci, other tribes of Celtic origin, arrived in northern Pannonia and settled between the Danube and the Drave valley. Here too, the evidence is of hill top settlements surrounded by earthworks. These were centres of agriculture, trade and industry. Finds of bronze ware, jewellery, weapons and coins indicate a flourishing trade along the Save valley. Evidence for this kind of proto-urban system has been found at BudapestGellerthegy (Mount Gellert), one of the principal sites along the Danube bend, and at Leopoldsberg near Vindobona and Braunsberg near Carnuntum. 17 The east coast of the Balkan land mass from Istria southwards had been inhabited by Illyrian peoples since the eighth century BC. From the third century BC the Venetic peoples settled the northern plain between the Alps and the Po. The Histri peoples occupied the Istrian Peninsula from the third century BC. The centre stretching inland to the Dinaric Mountains was held by the Delmetae from the third century BC. The southern Illyrians, made up of the Osanici and the Daorsi tribes, were located to the south of the Delmetae, whereas the Dardanians inhabited the area close to the Macedonian border. 18 The Iapodes occupied the area inland beyond the lands of the Delmatae, to the east of Aquileia in the Lika valley. Their main fortress was at Metulum near Segesta, a hill top centre for the community (Map 1). Much of the Dalmatian coastline is bounded by high mountains with just two passes, one from the harbour of Senia providing the only crossing leading into Iapodes territory and onwards to Segesta in the Save valley, the other providing access to the Iadar plain. High mountains also largely dominate the inland areas. The province thus lacks the wide river plains found to the north and east, with the result, as noted by Pliny the Elder (Nat. His. 3.142-3), that the peoples of Dalmatia were largely grouped in three territories concentrated around the towns of Scardona, Salona and Narona. 19 The best preserved Illyrian stronghold was in the south-east at Lissus, a walled settlement at the mouth of the river Drin, which was the principal base of the Illyrian king Gentius in 181 BC. 20 Gentius and the Labeates subdued some of the southern Delmatae in the territory of the Narenta river. Gentius was defeated by the Roman army under L. Anicius Gallus in 168 BC. In 156 BC the Delmatae stronghold at Delminium was defeated by Scipio. Strabo (7.5,5) records more detailed information about the Delmetae tribes. They surrendered to Octavian in 34-33 BC and their name was maintained for the Roman province of Dalmatia. Dalmatia was used initially to refer to the area between the Adriatic and the Save valley, but gradually came to incorporate all of Illyria. 21 Thus, Dalmatia broadly corresponded to the former Yugoslavia and northern Albania. Nonetheless, in order to avoid confusion it is important to note that Illyricum (the Latin form of the name Illyria) was reintroduced as a geographical area during the middle of the first century. Diocletian then formally re-established it as a region at the end of the third century. 22

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The area of the lower Danube was occupied on the north bank of the river as far as the Carpathian mountains by the GetoDacian tribes, the Bastarnes and the Getics. 23 Strabo (7. 3, 12) pinpointed the Geto-Dacian tribes: "some of the people are called Daci, whereas others are called Getae. Getae are those who incline towards the Pontus and the east, and Daci, those who incline towards Germany and the sources of the Ister (Danube)". 24 The Getai were generally from the area of Moldavia and Muntenia. The oldest settlement associated with the Getai at Zimnicea had timber-framed rectangular structures with straw roof material. Another settlement dating from the third century BC with wattle and daub houses was found at Piscul Crasanilor, north-east of Bucharest on a tributary of the Danube, the Ialomita. 25 The Dacians were found further west (in modern Romania), whereas the coastal region to the north and east of the Carpathians towards the Crimea was populated by Sarmatians and Scythians who became known as Scytho-Sarmatian peoples. 26 The first century BC king Burebista, based at Popesti, united the tribes across the region between Pannonia, the Black Sea and south into Thrace. He transferred his capital west to Sarmizegethusa Regia which was fortified by great earthworks. It was later remodelled by Decebalus in AD 87. There is evidence of timber and stone huts and a large columned sanctuary on the site. The Dacians had a system of hill forts, located on steep cliffs or hilltops which covered the approaches to their capital at Sarmizegethusa Regia in the upper valley of the river Gradistei. The site was guarded in the south by a settlement at Banista, south-west by Piatra Rosie and in the north-east by Blidaru and Costesti. Each had a palisade and towers. Huts and animal pens were located within the settlement. However, in order to exert control over this welldefended area, the tribes were resettled by Trajan in AD 106 and Sarmizegethusa Regia was destroyed. 27 The remainder of the interior of Moesia to the Black Sea Coast was held by the Thracians including the Bessi, the Odrysai, and the Triballi tribes from the sixth century BC. The Getai occupied the area south of the Danube in Moesia, east of the river Vit. The Triballi were located west of the Getai and occupied the lands as far as the Save river valley. The Odrysai were located south of Stara Planina (Balkan mountains); the Bessi occupied the western end of the Thracian plain and the west and centre Rhodope mountains. 28 The settlements in the mountains were generally fortified and contained small rectangular huts. One example at Chertigrad on the Stara Planina had fortification walls of up to three metres in height and contained fifteen huts. 29 Settlements on the plains occupied low hills. The Thracians are better known by their burial practices and for the splendid gold and silver treasures, such as those found at Rogozen near Vratsa. The tombs found at Kazanluk were decorated with wall paintings indicating a high level of craft specialisation. 3 From the third century to the first century BC, the Thracians pursued relations with the Black Sea colonies and the hinterland, constantly battling with the Macedonians to the south and finally being subdued by the Romans, led by M. Licinius Crassus, in 29 BC.

°

The Black Sea coast was settled by Greeks from the seventh century BC. Both Histria and Tomis were colonies of Miletus which were well established towns in the fourth century. Histria had a good harbour with fertile hinterland stretching to the flat plain of Dobruga. Excavations in the north-east quarter of the town revealed houses in a grid plan. To the west of Histria were found some burials in the environs of the fourth century BC settlements of the Getic tribes at Tariverdi and Agighiol. Excavation has revealed native village settlements producing a local pottery, with mixed native and Greek burials containing silver and gold artefacts, an indication of wealthy tribesmen and a degree of integration with the Greeks. 31 Callatis, whose fourth century BC walls were re-used by the

Romans, was settled by Greeks from Megara. It too has evidence of a grid town with continuity into the Roman period. The Black Sea towns on the coast of Thracia were Apollonia Pontica and Odessos, which were founded by the Greek city of Miletus, and Mesambria, a Megaran settlement. There is evidence for Hellenistic town houses with peristyles, roof tiles, and coinage detailing periods from the fourth to the second centuries BC. These towns prospered as trading centres until the fourth century. During the third century BC the towns were in combat with the Macedonians and were subsequently taken by Romans during the early first century BC (Map 1).

3.0 Roman Conquest Provincial Divisions

of the Region and

During Roman rule of the region, Illyricum became the imperial provinces of Pannonia and Dalmatia (known at first as Illyricum Superius and Illyricum Inferius broadly corresponding to Slovenia and Hungary) (Map 2). 32 Between 33 BC and AD 9 the Roman army conquered the DanubeBalkan region by first advancing on the area between the rivers Save and Drave. For strategic reasons it was necessary to secure a route through Dalmatia and the territory of the Pannonian peoples, in particular to enable the Roman armies in the north to link the northern frontier with the east and onwards to Asia. The Scordisci united with the Dalmatians against the Roman threat in the late first century BC but were defeated. The campaign of Illyricum began under Octavian in 35-33 BC with the capture of Segesta, the stronghold of the Segestani tribe. 33 It was renamed Siscia, and a garrison was established there in order to pursue further campaigns. Under Tiberius, a tribal revolt throughout Pannonia and Dalmatia caused a campaign which lasted for four years from AD 6 to 9. This conflict was so severe that it prompted Cassius Dio (56.16) to record "after the loss of many men and immense wealth for ever, so many legions were maintained for this campaign but very little booty was taken". 34 Suetonius ( Tib. 9) records that the tribes of Pannonia and Dalmatia were conquered by AD 9. 35 After defeating these, the Roman forces advanced north of the Drave and incorporated first the region neighbouring Noricum and then the area extending to the Danube in the east. 36 The region was divided along the Save valley in the early first century, in order to facilitate the administration of this large area. The north became Pannonia, controlled from military bases along the Danube, and the south became Dalmatia, controlled from the Adriatic cities of Split and Iadar. Pannonia was then divided by Trajan into Upper and Lower (Superior et Inferior) and administered from Carnuntum, which became the capital of Pannonia Superior in c. AD 106, and from Aquincum, which was made the capital of Pannonia Inferior at this time. 37 The line of division between Pannonia and the more northern Roman province of Noricum ran from Carnuntum on the Danube to near Emona (Llubljana), while the course of the Aenus (Inn) formed the western boundary with Noricum and served also to separate Noricum from Raetia. 38 Pannonia was bounded to the south by the province of Dalmatia, which comprised the former lands of Illyria and northern Macedonia and extended eastwards to the edge of the Thracian plain. 39 The main line of communication east-west was through the Save valley. The successes of the Roman campaigns against the Thracians and Moesians were followed by the division of the lower Danube region of modern Bulgaria into the administrative districts of Moesia Superior and Inferior and, later, Thracia. The Roman province of Moesia was created in AD 6, whereas Thracia was established as a province in AD 46. Domitian divided Moesia in AD 86. 40 The Roman province of Moesia was at first limited to a zone bordering the Danube on the south side and extending to the Black Sea coast. 41 Its capital, Serdica (Sofia) was situated in

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the middle of the range of mountains which dominate the area. These mountains cover most of Moesia Superior and Thracia with much of Moesia Inferior occupying the flood plain of th~ Danube to the Black Sea. 42 During the Roman period, the Danube formed, almost exclusively, the north-central frontier of the Roman Empire, and the control of the river contributed in large part to the successful defence by the Romans. The river also played a significant role in the consolidation of Roman rule in the region during the first and early second centuries. 43 The Iron Gates were recognised to be a weak point in the defence against the constant pressure which was brought to bear on the Roman army by the Dacians led by Decebalus. The threat posed by Decebalus, who had many allies such as the Roxolani required strong counter-measures along the Danube. Traja~ built on the earlier work of Domitian to establish the limes during this period. The main Dacian defences were at the Iron Gates. 44 Despite the inaccessibility of the terrain at this point, the Roman legions under Trajan cut a narrow road along the river edge, enabling them to conquer the lands of Dacia. 45 Trajan crushed the opposing Dacians and subsequently founded the province of Dacia, settling the war veterans at the colonia of Sarmizegethusa from AD 109. A fleet of Roman ships (Classis Flavia Moesia) was stationed along the banks of the lower Danube at this time. From Drobeta to Halmyris in the estuary thirteen ports and docking sites have been identified along both banks. Further north, in Pannonia a series of other forts facilitated the patrol of the banks of ilie river. 46 The province of Dacia beyond the Iron Gates had been captured by Trajan in AD 106. From AD 109, roads constructed by cohorts of the Flavia Ulpia Hispanorum were established from the capital of the province Sarmizegethusa to Apulum to Porolissem. 47 The Scythian limes at this time stretched to the Carpathian mountains, and military lists that survive of the auxiliary units stationed in Moesia Superior prior to the invasion of Dacia c. AD 100 provide an indication of the strength of this campaign. 48 The legionaries and auxiliaries represented on Trajan's Column are estimated at 100,000-150,000 men. 49 However, when the Sarmatians and the Roxolani fought back and recaptured Dacia in AD 271, the Roman army under Aurelian (270-275) was forced to resettle civilians and veterans to the east of the Danube in what became known as New Dacia (Dacia Ripensis and Dacia Mediterranea). 50 In the years that followed, Moesia Inferior and New Dacia were to face the threat of attack from the Roxolani and the Sarmatians. 51 Under the Tetrarchy, the Danube provinces were divided into more coherent administrative territories (Map 3). 52 Primarily the area was grouped into three large territories which were: Illyricum which consisted of N oricum, Pannonia and Dalmatia; Dacia which consisted of Moesia I and New Dacia; and Thracia which consisted of Moesia II and Scythia. These large areas were then subdivided into a number of provinces. Illyricum comprised Noricum Ripensis, Noricum Mediterranea, Pannonia I, Valeria, Pannonia II, Savia and Dalmatia. It should be pointed out that except for a division of land around Lake Skhoder, forming the new province of Praevalitana, the province of Dalmatia remained as it was first created throughout the empire. Epirus became Epirus Nova and Epirus Vetus. New Dacia was divided to become Moesia I, Dacia Ripensis, Dacia Mediterranea and Dardania, whereas Thracia was _to consist of Moesia II, Haemimontus, Rhodope and Scythia. 03

4.0 The Development under the Romans

of the Region

This section seeks to describe the early Roman presence in the region, and is divided into three parts: the defences of the river Danube and the establishment of military presence in the area; the communication network; and the administrative structure of the region. These factors provide an important contextual background to the subsequent establishment of villa estates throughout the region, because the presence of the army had a direct and substantial effect on the demography of the area and was closely related to the development of towns and the consequent location of villas.

4.1 Fortifying

the Danube

(Map 4)

The river Danube was a natural boundary across the DanubeBalkan region. Prior to the Roman presence the Danube had acted as a route for merchants from the Greek settlements of the Black Sea coast to trade with the interior. 54 The river was a frontier against hostile tribes during the Roman period. In contrast to the pacification of the region south of the river during the period AD 6-9, the lands to the north, despite some initial attempts during the first century to counteract their turbulence were to continue in turmoil for the next four centuries of Roman occupation. Thus, as attested by the traces of forts, fortlets and military camps which have been found along the entire length of the frontier sections of the river, Romanisation of the Danube-Balkan region began with the river. Permanent Roman legionary forts were established along the Danube from Raetia, at Regensburg, to Pannonia, at Aquincum where the Lcgio II Adiutrix were stationed; as well as from Ratiaria, in Moesia, to Durostorum and the Danube estuary and outwards along the Black Sea coast. 55 Towns were to form around these military bases. Two of the earliest points of the river to be fortified were Aquincum and Brigetio in the early first century AD c 56 ' . 14/15. Another early development was the stationing of the Lcgio XV Apollinaris at Carnuntum in AD 19. 57 Arrabona, a pre-Flavian auxiliary fort, and Brigetio, where the Lcgio I Adiutrix was stationed, were among the more strategic sites situated between Carnuntum and Aquincum. 58 Other forts, including those at Odiavum, Intercisa and Lussonium, made up the Pannonian limes.59 Watch posts, dating from the first century, secured roads inland from the river and formed an interior line of defence of the Danube. An example of this secondary line is observed in Pannonia. At least 44 such towers have been identified behind the Pannonian section of the frontier. For example those found between Szentendre and Aquincum, between Brigetio and Azuarm, and between Intercisa and Amacio were stationed approximately 1.2 to 2 km apart. 60 A tower at Aquae protected the road between Savaria and Vindobona. Watch posts were also situated at Mursella and Siimeg, controlling the route from Savaria to Arrabona via Mursella to Valcum (KeszthelyFenekpuszta). 61 NearVeszprem, the cross-roads was patrolled in the mid-first century by mounted auxiliaries or horse troops, the ala I Scubulorum, stationed at Gorsium. Tombstones of soldiers from the ala I Hispanorum and ala I Pannoniorum have been found north of Scarbantia, indicating that these cavalry units were stationed along the road from Savaria to Carnuntum in the mid first century AD. 62 The interaction between the limes and the rear-guard settlements was a crucial factor in the successful fortification of the Danube. These settlements supplied food and other goods to the frontier, whereas the recruitment of auxiliaries from the rear-guard towns situated along the major inland roads had the complementary benefit of encouraging rural prosperity. 63

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Further down the Danube, Singidunum and Viminacium also began as forts and became major towns. 64 A river harbour dated to Trajan's campaign was located on the other side of the Iron Gates near the fort of Aquae, serving to guard this difficult part of the river. 65 Ratiaria was on a tributary of the Danube and was defensible on three sides. It has been identified as the site of the Legio VII Claudia. 66 Ratiaria's importance was based on the presence there of the headquarters of the lower Danube fleet, serving as a point for the shipment of goods without exposure to the dangers of the Iron Gates gorge. Under Trajan, it became Colonia Ulpia Traiana. Its central location meant that it played a significant role in the Romanisation of the region and became a large and wealthy city as the Aurelianic capital of the new province Dacia Ripensis, established after the collapse of Dacia. 67 As the river from Bononia and Ratiaria to Novae had higher river banks, the intervening settlements were strategically placed on this higher bank (PLATE 3). 68 Oescus and Novae shared the burden of defending the central region of the lower Danube. Oescus became strategically more important after the evacuation of Dacia in AD 271-275 (PLATE 3a), when the fort was enlarged to become a major fortress of the limes.69 Novae was firstly the station of the Legio VIII Augusta between AD 45 and AD 68. Recent excavations have unearthed the principium of the later Legio I Italica stationed there during the second century. 70 Iatrus was an intermediate station between Novae and Durostorum. During Trajan's campaigns against the Dacians, the fort was the base for the Legio XI Claudia. 71 The Danube estuary appears to have been fortified before the Romans with evidence for Getic forts at Tulcea, Mahmudia and Independenta. The Itinerarium Antonini identifies the first two as Aegyssus and Salsovia respectively. The third fort has been identified as Halmyris. 72 If the identification of these forts is correct, a combination of literary and archaeological sources provides evidence of a continuous phase of occupation at the Danube estuary extending over three phases from the fourth century BC to the seventh century AD. The first is the Getic phase from the fourth to first centuries BC; the second is the Roman period from the first to third centuries; and the third phase saw the development of the late Roman fort and of the adjoining town from the late third century to the seventh century. 73 In addition, a settlement described as a vicus classicorum grew up adjacent to the fort of Halmyris, and this has been identified as the base for the Danube fleet during the first to the third centuries. 74

4.2 Maintenance

of the Defences

From AD 160 there were twelve legions in the Danubian sector, and at the time of the Marcomanni wars in the latesecond century there were over 70,000 auxiliares on the Danube, or approximately one third of the total number of such troops in the empire. 75 The expenditure concentrated in the establishment and maintenance of this limes must have been a considerable drain on the revenue of the empire and it has been suggested that, in consequence, customs duties and rates of taxation were higher here than anywhere else in the empire. Nonetheless, in addition to the great effect which such a number of troops was bound to create for local trade and markets, the settling of an area generally attracted traders and stimulated prosperity in the local economy. As has already been noted, the province of Pannonia was well situated to control trade from North Italy to Asia. 76 To modify the expense of the maintenance of the frontiers, and also to provide a rapid response to trouble, the chain of defence also included mobile units. The establishment of mobile field units was conceived by Gallienus (259-268) and brought to fruition by Constantine. During the third century, the mobile field unit frequently participated in various campaigns in other parts of the Roman empire. 77 In addition, during the fourth

century casual mercenaries known as bucellarii were also recruited. 78 In Pannonia, the Roman response to the military crisis in the third century is measured by the reinforcement of existing fortifications and the construction of other camps. The fortress at Aquincum was reinforced. 79 Camps were established at Tokod and Kornye; this latter camp was constructed after the reign of Alexander Severus (225-235) as a part of the second interior line of defence. 8 Further down the Danube, associated with the construction of a dam at the Iron Gates, a chain of seven small square towers guarded the gorge between Kladovo and Prahovo. They are dated to the period of the Tetrarchy which provided fresh impetus and strength to the campaign which led to the reorganisation of the provinces as part of the consolidation process undertaken by Diocletian. 81 After the loss of the territory between the Danube and the Drave c. AD 400, the defence line of the Middle Danube was replaced by a string of fortifications along the middle and lower courses of the rivers Drave and Save. Some military bases were built in the area between the two rivers to serve as a line of defence at Bassaniae, Ulmus and Cibalae. 82

°

Incursions by the Goths during the third century and the abandonment of Dacia by Aurelian in the 270s led to the reinforcement of much of the area south of the Danube. Many of the forts along the Danube limes provide evidence of reinforcement during the third century. Oescus in the lower Danube, for example, underwent a great period of renewal when its fort was enlarged and part of the existing town was enclosed by fortifications. The fort at Novae was also reinforced during this period with the addition of external gate towers and the rebuilding of the curtain wall.83 On the Danube estuary, reconstruction and strengthening of the Halmyris fort, by the addition of enclosure walls 2.3m in width, took place probably (from coin evidence) in the third century during the reign of Caracalla (AD 211-21 7). After the mid-third century invasions, further reconstruction work was carried out in the early fourth century. This building phase is linked to the reorganisation of the provinces by Diocletian when this region became part of the province of Scythia. 84 The peace and prosperity established by Marcus Aurelius, aided by reinforcement of the Danube limes, did not prevent another Gothic invasion in AD 278. Further Visigoth invasions from AD 293-AD 311 brought renewed fortification work on the limes. Thracia was devastated by the Visigoths, and there followed a military crisis across the region during the late third century which lasted until peace was imposed along the Danube limes by Galerius. A long intervening period of sporadic conflict among the Goths from AD 317 led to efforts by Valens AD 364-378 to negotiate a new treaty and to stabilise the situation in the Danube-Balkan region. Large tracts of lands in Thracia and Moesia were given over to the Goths for settlement. This peace was broken in the middle of the fourth century when Valens was defeated and killed. When peace was restored in AD 382 many Visigoths settled in Moesia Secunda. 85 The Roman provinces were fighting for survival during this period as there was a constant threat of revolt which effected the stability of the limes.86 The turbulence which was to continue into the fifth century led to some parts of the provinces being settled by Ostrogoths, Huns and Alans until Attila the Hun conquered the east Roman possessions on the Danube as far as Naissus in AD 441. In this connection, Christie identifies the work of Eugippius on the fifth century life of St. Severin, the Apostle of Noricum, as providing an important insight into the turbulence affecting this region at this time. Eugippius states: "at the time when Attila, king of the Huns, had died, the two Pannonias and other districts bordering on the Danube were in a state of utter confusion." (Vita Severini, ch. 1). 87 The region nonetheless remained under the effective control of the Roman governors. Although certain towns were abandoned, notably in the east, the principal towns continued to function as centres of trade and culture. 88

···················································································································Pagel!················································································

5.0The Roman Road Network in the Danube-Balkan Region The network of interlocking principal and secondary roads which grew up in the Danube-Balkan region during the Roman period deserves particular attention in the context of the present study. A wide network of Roman roads was established throughout this region during the first century, and these are of significance for the location and prosperity of villas (Maps 5 and 6). Routes facilitating the movement of the military and of trade ran from the eastern part of the empire and the Mediterranean, through the Danube-Balkan region towards Italy and the north west. Along these roads, forts and watch towers were erected for security. The roads which originally had a military purpose became the basis for a network of towns, some of which developed from pre-Roman settlements (Map 5). As will be further described in Chapters 3 and 4, many villas were located for obvious trade purposes along or close to the main routes and close to the towns (Map 6). The main commercial roads in the Balkan area joined the Carpathian-Danubian territories to the northern shores of the Aegean, to the eastern coast of the Adriatic, and to north Italy. Roads from the Balkan Peninsula to Dacia invariably followed the principal rivers and therefore strengthened the links between the northern coasts of the Aegean and the Danube-Balkan Region. By AD 14, specific legions had been assembled to undertake the construction of bridges in the upper Save valley as well as the construction of several road networks. 89 Aquileia was the starting point for many roads leading from Italy to the north into Noricum, as well as south and east into Pannonia and the Balkans. 90 The main road from north Italy to the Danube, more precisely from Aquileia through Carnuntum to the Baltic Sea, was known as the Amber Road due to the transportation along its length of amber, the fossil resin highly prized for the making of ornaments. The Celtic tribes of Noricum and Pannonia engaged in the trade of amber, iron and other precious minerals along the Amber Road, and this trade flourished when imported Roman goods became available. A traders' quarter developed around the fort at Carnuntum where the Legio XV Apollinaris was stationed. 91 The route also provided adequate means to service the military and to counter attacks from the Dacians located in the southeast Carpathian mountains. The military significance of this road is indicated by the forts found along its length at Poetovio, Savaria and Carnuntum. In addition, it was along this road that the first colonia for veterans north of the Drave was established by Claudius at Savaria. This was the site where several roads met, notably those going north-eastwards to Arrabona and south-east to Sopianae. 92 Another main road was constructed from Emona, along the Save valley via Siscia to Sirmium and hence to Singidunum. 93 Singidunum was a major town in Moesia situated at the junction of the Save and the Danube on the strategically important 'diagonal' route to Byzantium. 94 The road ran along the right bank of the Danube turning south towards Naissus near Viminacium. It then continued south eastwards to Serdica, the chief town of the province ofThracia, through the mountain pass of Succi, before descending to Philippopolis and onwards to Hadrianopolis and to Byzantium. 95 The diagonal route was greatly improved by the opening of this road from Sirmium to Emona. In Moesia, several roads led along the lower Danube, two to Novae and one to Durostorum; two ran south over the Balkan mountains and another over the Shipka pass to Philippopolis. Another was directed more easterly to Augusta Traiana. From

here there was a road which was parallel with the Danube linking the coastal town of Odes sos with Marcianopolis and the west, joining the Oescus to Philippopolis road at Melta. and further west at Ratiaria. 96 The main direction of trade was from Italy towards the region of the Danube and further east and south towards Dalmatia. 97 The main coast road into Dalmatia led from Tergeste towards Iadar to Salona, Narona and southwards to Dyrrhachium. 98 During Drusus' administration of Illyricum in AD 4, roads were built connecting Salona in the south with the Save valley and Sirmium, and connecting Iadar with Siscia. 99 The coastal ports along the Adriatic at Iadar, Spalato, Epidarum and Dyrrhachium principally served the towns in their own hinterlands, and the roads were constructed accordingly-rno The Via Egnatia, one of the principal east-west routes across the Danube-Balkan region, was constructed in 146 BC by Egnatius, the governor of Macedonia, and impro".ed by Constantine c. AD 324 with the foundation of Constantmople. It connected Dyrrhachium and Apollonia, situated on the Adriatic, passing through Dalmatia, western Macedonia via Pella onto Thessalonike and via Amphipolis to Byzantium. Apollonia and Thessalonike were prosperous trading towns whose location on the Adriatic and the Aegean respectively was to ensure that the Via Egnatia quickly became one of the most important (trading) routes outside Italy. During the third and fourth centuries overland communication between Constantinople and Thessalonike with the ports of the Adriatic was generally along this route. 101 Two other partly parallel roads contributed to this network, one starting from Amphipolis running along the valley of Strymon, the other from Thessalonike running along the course of the Axios. The two roads met in the valley of the Margas and ran from there to the Danube. The road which ran up from Thessalonike to the Axios was identical for some part of its length with the Via Egnatia. 102 It may be observed, generally, that the Roman road networks in the Danube-Balkan region, although constructed unevenly over time according to the relevant first periods of occupation and consolidation, were largely complete by the first half of the third century. The evidence also demonstrates that although the technical construction of roads was not uniform, the road networks were effected by the (mainly military) Roman road engineers in a highly planned and centralised manner. 103 The itinerary and milestone evidence from the roads in all these provinces indicates that there was little construction after the third century. Whereas the larger military roads were repaired and maintained certainly as late as the fourth century, there is little if any evidence of the extent to which the interior routes were similarly maintained. This is not to say however that these lesser routes did not continue to be used and repaired: possibly these routes were unmarked or the markers were made of timber. According to the established pattern of road construction, the roads immediately linking villas to the main routes would for the most part have been dirt roads. This is confirmed in the present study, in that there is no evidence in any of the villas surveyed for stone paved roads leading directly to the villa complexes. 104

6.0 The Structure of Administration the Danube-Balkan region

of

The structure of administration of the provinces, in common with elsewhere in the Roman empire, comprised three main offices: 1) the governor who was responsible for the judiciary and the military; 2) the equestrian procurators who controlled all financial affairs including taxes on lands and customs taxes on imports and exports; 3) the local nobility who were charged with the administration of the existing tribal communities and with developing loyalties to Rome. 105

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The urbanisation of the provinces was accomplished by the establishment and development of coloniae, municipia and civitates. 106 The settlement of veterans served to create stability in the conquered region and was a necessary part of this policy. In some instances settlement of veterans took place on land adjacent to the legionary forts. For example, Claudius founded the colonia Claudia Savaria at Savaria for the veterans of the Legio XV Apollinaris and Trajan founded the colonia Ulpia Poetovio at Poetovio for the veterans of the Legio I and II Adiutrix. This resulted in the settlement of Roman citizens at these important strategic and commercial points on the Amber route. Under Hadrian veterans were discharged with nnsszones nummariae, supplying the means for them to choose a place to settle. The evidence of inscriptions indicates that in Pannonia the majority of veterans remained locally, some moved to other areas of Pannonia where they acquired property, and a small number returned to their original homes. 107 Furthermore, the granting of Roman citizenship to certain members of the civitates enhanced the status of existing preRoman settlements. 108 The principle of putting community affairs into the hands of the local nobility had been an important feature of Romanisation since the third century BC. 109 In particular, the municipia were pre-existing settlements of citizens to which a charter was granted retaining their autonomy. 110 Alternatively, tribes were organised into civitates with peregrine (non-Roman) rights. In return for cooperation and the safe return of taxes, Rome was prepared to support their position and power and grant Roman citizenship. For example, the Breuci tribe from Pannonia who put up a strong resistance to Tiberius were broken up into many civitates. 111 Under Hadrian, the names of the municipia Iasorum and Eraviscorum would indicate that these were originally civitates of the Iasi and of the Eravisci people. 112 The granting of municipal status to a local community also, importantly, removed much of the economic and administrative burden from Rome. 113 The civitates were under military supervision, with usually a centurion of a legion in the vicinity of the civitates or the praefectus of an auxiliary unit. The majority of the civitates were stipendiariae or "stipendiary", which meant that they came under the financial and judicial command of Rome. 114 From the first century, Dalmatia and Pannonia were governed by a Roman senator of consular rank who served as legatus Augusti pro praetore. The first legatus in Moesia is recorded as M. Poppaeus Sabinus AD 12-35 (Tac. Ann. 1. 80, 6.39). It has been suggested that the rank of the governor in the provinces varied according to the number of legions under their command. 115 The establishment of a Romanised ruling class in the DanubeBalkan region began in the first century AD. Inscriptions indicate the presence of a number of people bearing prominent Roman names in the region of Pannonia towards the end of the first century. 116 In Pannonia, it has been suggested that many of the nobles and merchants of the first century who established villas in the countryside were settled Italians. Tombstones and votive altars at Emona, Poetovio and Carnuntum record the names of Italian civilian settlers such as the Cassii, a wealthy and influential family in Emona. 117 The pattern and development of immigrants, and their connections with the indigenous population, are considered in greater detail in Chapter 5. The Colonia Julia Emona was founded by Tiberius for the veterans of the Legio XV Apollinaris as well as for itinerant traders. Funerary inscriptions excavated in the Emona town ···················································································································

cemeteries testify to the presence of both veteran and civilian settlers mostly from north Italy, especially from Aquileia ( Canii and Caesarii families) .118 Funerary inscriptions of first century AD Italian settlers were also found in Dalmatia, mainly confined to the coastal region at Pola, Iadar, Salona and N arona. 119 Whatever the precise mix of Italian and local nobles, however, it is quite clear that in a manner consistent with other regions the local governing class rapidly adopted Roman habits. The earliest eastern settlers in Pannonia were recorded during the reign of Septimius Severus (AD 193-211). A number of funerary inscriptions from Aquincum and Brigetio include eastern names, confirming the presence there of those legions from Pannonia and Moesia which brought eastern soldiers and others with them on their return after the Severan campaigns. 120 Marcus Aurelius established peace in Pannonia after the Marcomanni wars in the late second century, after which there was some increase in prosperity. 121 Some inscriptions from the city of Poetovio indicate that Italian settlers were granted citizenship after the Marcomanni wars. 122 Also several municipia were established along the Singidunum to Byzantium route as a part of the development of the mines in the Morava valley. 123 In AD 212, the emperor Caracalla granted Roman citizenship to all free inhabitants of the Roman empire. This meant that the old distinctions between the ruling classes of Romans and the subjects of the provinces were no longer in existence. Therefore men from any province, depending on their wealth and status, could join the legions and achieve equestrian and senatorial rank. The subsequent flexibility introduced into the system and the increase in social and geographical mobility was to have important implications for the Danube-Balkan region especially in relation to the soldier-emperors. 124

6.1 The "Soldier-Emperors" Danube-Balkan Region

of the

In the late Roman empire, a notable number of emperors rose through the ranks of the army from Pannonia, Dalmatia and Moesia. 125 Several of the more significant Roman emperors were of Illyrian ancestry. The Illyrians were a strong force in the Roman army, defending their own limes, and their military prowess brought them to the very centre of events during the late period when the army assumed greater significance and power. The most renowned emperor of this period, Diocletian (284305), was born near Salona. In AD 285, Diocletian made Maximinius, another Illyrian, his co-ruler and entrusted him with the rule of the Western part of the empire. Chief instigator of economic and administrative reforms, Diocletian abdicated in AD 305 and lived out his life in his palace at Spalato (Split). By dividing the provinces into more manageable sizes and by separating the civilian and military control he improved the administration generally in the region. 126 Galerius, commander of the Danube armies, was appointed by Diocletian as his subordinate in the east and became Caesar of Illyricum and Thracia between AD 293 and AD 311. He was reputedly from Romuliana near Naissus, where he constructed a large palace. 127 Galerius continued the economic policies of the emperor Probus, notably the drainage of the interior of Pannonia by canalising the outlet from Lake Balaton to the Danube. The third important emperor for the purposes of this study was Constantine I, who was born at Naissus c. AD 290 and whose paternal family hailed from Moesia Superior. 128 A large villa near Naissus has been identified as his visiting place of residence.

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This period and these men were responsible for and ruled over a revived Empire for most of the fourth century. 129 From the mid-third to the end of the fourth century Roman emperors who came from the Danube-Balkan region had a certain physical impact on the region. In terms of effect, such as when Valens visited Novae during the offensives against the Goths in AD 367, repairs were made to both the military camps and the towns. 130 Similarly, on the occasion of imperial visits the towns were adorned with imperial munificence, and villas in the hinterland of these towns were further adorned. For example Parndorf, near Carnuntum, had a large apsidal hall added as part of a refurbishment towards the end of the third century. Mosaics dating from this period adorn the larger rooms and it has been suggested that Parndorf may have been the scene of the conference of emperors at Carnutum in 308. Furthermore, the same villa was probably the site of the visit ofValentinian I in 375. 131 The emperors resided in governors' palaces which were located in the provincial capitals at Aquincum and at Sirmium. In addition, large imperial palaces were built in the hinterland of the towns as a retreat. For example, Galerius had a palace built at Romuliana (Gamzigrad); Constantine had a palace built at Mediana, Naissus; and Diocletian had a palace built at Spalato. These buildings represent late Roman architecture at the imperial level, and provide an important indication of the designs, materials and standards which would have influenced the construction of other important villas at this time.

7 .0 Conclusion The principal object of this Chapter has been to describe the historical and geographical context against which the development of Roman villas can be traced. Whereas this discussion is continued in the following Chapters, certain particular conclusions may be highlighted for present purposes. Initially, it would appear that the Roman expansion into the Danube-Balkan region was to protect Italy from tribal incursions from the north-east. In addition, the presence of great mineral wealth led to the exploitation of mining reserves. This required the development of military forts and communications networks, which created both a need and an opportunity for the growth of organised farming and trade. The opportunity presented by the vast military presence in the region acted as a strong stimulus for the settlement and cultivation of large tracts of cultivable, fertile land. Whether controlled by members of the newly Romanised indigenous population or by Italian settlers, there can be no doubt that the resulting change in the administration and organisation of the landscape had a very great impact on the architecture of the region from the first century AD. In particular, when regard is had to the largely defensive and often hill-top tribal settlements which dominated the region prior to the Roman conquest, and to what appears to have been a reliance on quite primitive timber, stone and wattle and daub structures confined within the walls of those settlements, the advent of the Roman villa, open in the landscape and connected by roads to towns, appears in a new light. These villas were part of a new administration and a new imperial presence which was to continue to fashion the developing town and countryside throughout the region for the following centuries. This imperial presence could well have stimulated villa growth as well as the emphasis on the display of wealth and power by the (:lite owners of villas within the imperial social structure. This question is returned to in Chapters 3 and 5 below. 1. All dates are AD unless otherwise stated. For the purposes of ···················································································································

style and clarity, a few references to AD are retained in the text. 2. J.J.Wilkes, Dalmatia (London 1969); A. Lengyel and G.T.B. Radan (eds.), The Archaeology o_f"RomanPannonia (Budapest 1980); R. F.Hoddinott, Bulgaria in Antiquity (London 1975); and P. MacKendrick, The Dacian Stones Speak (North Carolina 1975). 3. A. M6csy, Pannonia and Upper Moesia (London 1974), 31111 and M. Zahariade, ''The Structure and Functioning of the Lower Danube Limes in the first-third Centuries AD-a few problems", in J. Fitz (ed.), Limes. Akten des 11 Internationalen Limeskongresses (Szekesfehervar, 30/9/1976) (Budapest 1977), 385-398. 4. J.J.Wilkes, The Illyrians (London 1992), 160-218; B. Gerov, Landownership in Roman Thracia and Moesia (Amsterdam 1988), 1-31; M6csy, op. cit. n. 3, 112-182. 5. N.G.L. Hammond, Epirus (Oxford 1967), 3-45. Episcopal palace buildings at Butrint, southern Albania, and at Heraclea Lyncestis, FYROM, are referred to in chapter 5. 6. D. Gabler, ''The Structure of the Pannonian Frontier on the Danube and its Development in the Antonine Period", in W.S. Hanson, and L.J.F.Keppie (eds.), Roman Frontier Studies, 1979, BAR Int. Ser., 71 (I) (Oxford 1980), 637-654. Also A. M6csy, Gesellschaft und Romanisation in der romischen Provinz Moesia Superior (Budapest 1970) and R. L. Dise, "Cultural Change and Imperial Administration: the Middle Danube Provinces of the Roman Empire", American University Studies, 99 (New York, London 1991), 27-59. 7. M. Barbulescu, UMC 5. 1 (1990), 804-806: 'Istros'. 8. This section of Peutingers Table presents Pannonia topographically with a network of roads, rivers and mountains. S. Hornblower and A. Spawforth (eds.), The Oxford Classical Dictionary (third ed., Oxford 1996), 1151. 9. The precise location of the source is however disputed: it rises either at Donaueschingen or at Furtwangen, several kilometres away. C. Magris, Danube (London 1990), 19. 10. S. Soproni, "Geography of Pannonia", in Lengyel and Radan, op. cit. n. 2, 57-63. 11. Ibid., 58. 12. J.J.Wilkes, "The Ill:yTianProvinces External Threat and Internal Change", in A. King and M. Henig (eds.), The Roman Wbrld in the Third Century, BAR Int. Series, 109, 1981 (2), 515-524, and S. Soproni, Der spiitriimische Limes zwischen Esztergom und Szentendre (Budapest 1978), 14-28. Also for details of Pre- Roman Iron age along the Dalmatian Coast see, J. Alexander, Jugoslavia b~f"orethe Roman Conquest (London 1972), 107-11 7. 13. Wilkes, op. cit. n. 2, 153-191. 14. Polybius (Frg. 64. 122) in L. Bark6czi, "History of Pannonia", in Lengyel and Radan, op. cit. 2, 85. 15. J. Fitz, "La division de L'Illyricum", Latomus, 4 7 ( 1988), 1325, esp. 24. 16. The European Iron Age Celtic culture, La Tene, is named after the Swiss Celtic site La Tene. 0. Trogmayer, "Pannonia before the Roman Conquest," in Lengyel and Radan, op. cit. n. 2, 65-84, esp. 81 and 82 and G. Alfoldy "Des territoires occupes par les Scordisques", AAASH, 12 (1964), 107-127. 17. M6csy, op. cit. n. 3, 5, 18, 55 and 73. 18. M. Zaninovic, "The Economy of Roman Dalmatia", ANRW, II, 6 (1977), 772-774 and Dise, op. cit. n. 6, 27-30. 19. Wilkes, op. cit. n. 2, 200-238. 20. Ibid., 184. Coins were minted from here according to Livy (44, 30). 21. Wilkes, op. cit. n. 4, 190. 22. Ibid., 208-218. All taxes for the region of IilyTicum, Publicum portorii Illyrici, were controlled from Poetovio. Also, Fitz, op. cit. n. 15, 13-25. 23. G. Vulpe, Les Peuples de !'Europe du Sud-Est et Leur Role dans l'Histoire (Sofia 1966), 36-59. 24. R. F.Hoddinott, The Thracians (New York 1981), 145-149. 25. Mac Kendrick, op. cit. n. 2, 27-48. 26. Hoddinott, op. cit. n. 24, 145-157. 27. Mac Kendrick, op. cit. n. 2, 6-66, esp. 52. The Roman town

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28. 29. 30.

31.

32.

33.

34.

35.

36. 37. 38.

39.

40. 41.

42. 43. 44.

45.

46.

of Apulum was located approximately 15km north from here. The establishment of a Roman urban network over the pre-Roman settlement is described in Chapter 2. Hoddinott, op. cit. n. 2, 26-28 and Mac Kendrick, op. cit. n. 2, 24-32. Hoddinott, ibid., 27-28. B. Nikolov, The Thracian Treasures at Rogozen (Sofia 1987) and L. Zhivkova, The Kazanluk 1bmb (Recklinghausen 1975), 6-10. Also A. Fol and I. Marazov, Thrace and the Thracians (London 1977), 60-128. MacKendrick, op.cit. n. 2, 28. Among the silver and gold that was excavated at Agighiol a silver vase was inscribed "Cotys", the name of a Thracian Prince. D. Berciu, Romania b~foreBurebista (London 1967), 136-162. For details of the Pontic Cities see also B. Isaac, The Greek Settlement in Thrace until the Macedonian Conquest (Leiden 1986), 237278 and D.M. Pippidi, Epigraphische Beitriige zur Geschichte Histrias in hellenischer und riimischer Zeit (Berlin 1962), 123. Dise, op. cit. n. 6, 33. I. Savel, Arheoloska Topogra/ija Slovenije, TopograJskoPodrocje, 20 (Prekmurje) (Llubljana 1991), 30-31; V. Zsolt, A remai Limes Magyarorsz6gon (Budapest 1989), 24 and 31; and Wilkes, op. cit. n. 2, xxi. M6csy, op. cit. n. 3, 22. Also, R. Koscevic and R. Makjanic, Siscia, Pannonia Superior: Finds and Metal Work Production, BAR Int.Ser., 162 (1995), 1-6. Wilkes describes the campaigns, as a crisis similar to that when Hannibal threatened Rome. J.J.Wilkes, "The Population of Roman Dalmatia", ANRW, II, 6 (1977), 73337. J.J. Wilkes, "Augustan Limes in Illyricum", Studien zu den Militiirgrenzen Roms. v&rtriigedes 10 Internationalen Limes Kongresses in der Germania lnferim~ 1977, Koln (Ronn 1978), 246-246. E. Toth, "The Roman Roads of Pannonia", N HQ, 25 (1984), 175-180. Dise, op. cit. n. 6, 33 and 61. Large numbers of troops passed through these provinces in the direction of the Danube limes. Many veteran soldiers were also settled in Noricum because of its close proximity to northern Italy and because it was an attractive and wealthy region benefitting in particular from the rich iron ore mines at Lauricum and trading with Italy via Aquileia. G. Alfcildy,Noricum, History of the Provinces of the Roman Empire (London, Boston 1974), 370 and M. Verzar-Bass, "Le transformazione agrarie tra Adriatico Nord-Orientate e Norico", in A.Giardina (ed.), Le Merci, Gli Insediamenti, Societa Romana e Impero Tardo-Antico, 3 (Rome and Bari 1986), 662-669. Except for a small area around Skodra (Shkoder, Albania), Roman Dalmatia was contained within the rocky frontiers of former Yugoslavia between modern !stria, Belgrade and extending to Albania north of the river Drin at Lissus. Dise, op. cit. n. 6, 46 and Hoddinott, op. cit. n. 2, 339. J.B. Bury, History of the Later Roman Empire from the Death of Theodosius I to the Death of Justinian, I (Dover Edition, New York 1958), 265-271; Zsolt, op. cit. n. 32, 31; P. Petru, "Die provinzialromische Archaologie in Slowenien", ANRW, II. 7.1 (1977), 500-541; and Hoddinott, op. cit. n. 2,338. Hoddinott, ibid., 24. The defence of the Danube and the interior is described in section 4.1 below. Pliny (epist. 10, 74 (16)) makes an indirect reference to the might ofDecebalus and Dio (68, 9, 5). See also S.A. Cook, F.E. Adcock and M.P. Charlesworth (eds.), "The Imperial Peace AD 70-192," Cambridge Ancient History (Cambridge 1936), 223-236. For further analysis on Trajan's policy against the Dacians, see also F.A. Leppie, Trajan's Parthian War (London 1948), 106-11 7. Tiberius had a tow path cut through here, ILS 208 (Tib). More substantial remains are Trajan's rock cut road ILS 5863 (Traj). The monument at Adamklissi was most likely erected to commemorate this victory. 0. Bounegru and M. Zahariade, ''Les Forces Navales du Bas Danube et de la Mer Noire aux 1er_yf Siecles",

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47.

48.

49.

50. 51.

52.

53. 54. 55.

56. 57.

58.

5 9.

60. 61. 62.

63.

64. 65.

66. 67.

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Colloquia Pontica, 2 (Oxford 1996), 1-22 and Zsolt, op. cit. n. 32, 53-84. It should be noted that Thracian tribes were incorporated into Pannonian units when the latter marched through Thracia on their way to the east during the reign of the Severi. M6csy, op. cit. n. 3, 227-229. Refer to CIL III, 1627, for the road building and CIL III 1443, for Sarmizegethusa colonia capital. Mines were an important part of this conquest with Trajan establishing more than three mines in the region. S. Dusanic, "Aspects of Roman Mining in Noricum, Pannonia, Dalmatia and Moesia Superior",ANRW, 2. 6 (1977), 52-94. A. Ariescu, "Les veterans du Limes Scythique", in idem. op. cit. n. 35, 263-266 and J. Bogdan-Cataniciu, "Le Limes du Sud-est de la Dacie et les Relations des Romains avec la population de la Valachie (2-3 siecles)", idem. op. cit. n. 35, 267-275. Cf. also, N. Gudea, "Der Limes Dakiens und die Verteidigung der Obermoesischen Donaulinie von Trajan bis Aurelian", ANRW, 2.6. (1977), 849-887. J. Garbsch, "The Oldest Military Diploma for Dacia", in V.A. Maxfield and M.J. Dobson, Roman Frontier Studies. Proceedings cif the 15th International Congress on Roman Frontier Studies (Exeter 1989), 281-284 and MacKendrick, op. cit. n. 2, 71. M6csy, op. cit. n. 3, 209. J. Szilagyi, "Roman Garrisons Stationed at the Northern Pannonian-Quad Frontier Sectors of the Empire", AAASH (1952), 189-222. A. Poulter, "The use and abuse of urbanism in the Danubian provinces during the Later Roman Empire", in J. Rich (ed.), The City in Late Antiquity (London 1992), 99132. MacKendrick, op. cit. n. 2, 167. S. Soproni, Die Tetzten Jahrzehnte des Pannonischen l,imes (Mi.inchen 1985), 96-100. T. Nagy, ''Die Derzeit registrierbaren italische ritterliche Of1iziere der Legio II. Adiutrix Pia Fidelis'~ in Budapest Regisegei, 27 (1991), 23-24. M6csy, op. cit. n. 3, 43, 49-60. M6csy, ibid, 40. To establish a temporary buffer against the Dacians, the Marcomanni and the Quadi, the SarmatianJazygians were offered an alliance as socii along the eastern Pannonian Limes. Also, J. Fitz, "Neue Ergebnisse in der Limesforschung des Donaugebiets", in Maxfield and Dobson, op. cit. n. 49, 219-223. K Szirmai, "Archaelogische Beitrage zum legionslager in Aquincum aus dem 1 jh. sowie zur Retentur des Legionslagers vom 2-3. Jh",Budapest Regisegei, 27, (Budapest 1991), 112-139, and idem., ''Barrack-Blocks in the Legionary Fortress in Aquincum", in Maxfield and Dobson, op. cit. n. 49, 259-262. V. Zsolt, "Lussonium: Archaeological Excavations 19881989", in Studien zu den Militiirgrenzen, op. cit. n. 35, 263 and Zsolt, op. cit. n. 32, 31 and 56. Also Soproni, op. cit. n. 54, 96-100 and Sziltgyi, op. cit. n. 51, 189-222. S. Soproni, Das romische Limes in Ungarn (Budapest 1976), 225. M6csy, op. cit. n. 3, 107. Ibid., 48-50. The stationing of such cavalry units was regarded as a tactical principal of Julio-Claudian occupation. See chapter 2 for rural development and the recent discovery of a number of villas in the hinterland of the Limes of Germania Superior and Raetia, indicating the existence of a dual system with a secondary line of towns and villas behind the limes. D. Baatz, "Research on the Limes of Germania Superior and Raetia, 1983-1989", in Maxfield and Dobson, op. cit. n. 49, 175-182. M6csy, op. cit. n. 3, 134-147. This development from fort to town is discussed in Chapter 2. P. Petrovic, "Ein Donauhafen von Trajan bei dem Kastell Aquae (Moesia Superior)", in Maxfield and Dobson, op. cit. n. 49, 295-298. Dise, op. cit. n. 6, 62. Hoddinott, op. cit. n. 2, 111-112. For further details regarding the towns of the Danube-Balkan region refer to Chapter 2.

68. D. Giorgetti, "Ratiaria and its Territory", in A. G. Poulter (ed.), Ancient Bulgaria, Papers presented to the International Symposium on the Ancient History and Archaeology of Bulgaria, University of Nottingham 1981, 2 (Nottingham 1983), 19-39. Hoddinott, op. cit. n. 2, 116 and 128. 69. Hoddinott, ibid., 116. 70. There is evidence for many repairs and much reconstruction throughout the fourth century. It remained a necessary part of the Roman fortification system into the late fifth century. The principium building discovered at Novae was destroyed in AD 316/31 7 and the site was partially abandoned. Later, in the fifth and early sixth century, the masonry blocks were re-used for the construction of a basilica. T. Sarnowski, "The Headquarters Building of the Legionary Fortress at Novae (Lower Moesia)", in Maxfield and Dobson, op. cit. n. 49, 303-307. Also, Gerov, op. cit. n. 4, 22. 71. It was granted municipium status during the second century, Hoddinott, op. cit. n. 2, 133-135. The municipia towns are detailed in Chapter 2. 72. M. Zahariade, "An Early and Late Roman Fort on the Lower Danube Limes Halm:yTis (Independenta, Tulcea Country, Romania)", in Studien zu den Militiirgrenzen Rom, ibid, op. cit. n. 35, 311-317. 73. M. Zahariade, A. Suceveanu, A. Opait, C. Opait, F. Topoleanu, "Early and Late Roman Fortification at Independenta, Tulcea County", in Dacia n.s., 31, 1-2 (1987), 97-106. 74. Bounegru and Zahariade, op. cit. n. 46, 87-88. 75. A.R. Birley, ''The Economic Effects of Roman Frontier Policy", in A. King and M. Henig (eds.), The Roman West in the Third Century. Contributions from Archaeology and History, BAR International Series, 109.2 (i) (1981), 39-53. 76. M6csy, op. cit. n. 3, 119-126. 77. S.T. Parker, ''The Fourth Century Garrison of Arabia: Strategic Implications for the South Eastern Frontier", in H.I. Mac Adam (ed.), Studies in the History of the Roman Province rundFriihgeschichtlern. (Tcigungsbeitriige eines Symposiums derAlexander wn Humboldt-Stiftung Bonn-Bad Godesberg veranstaltet vomNov25-30.1979 inBerlin(Mainz am Rhein1982). PARKER, S.T."ThefourthcenturygarrisonofArabia: strategic implications forthesoutheasternfrontier", in Hl J\ilacAdam (ed.),Studies in lhehistory oflheRomanprovince of Arabia, tlwnorthsector, HAR.bu.Ser.295(Oxford1986),355373. PARKER, S. "TheRomanLimesinJordan", Studiesin the HistOl)' mu/Archaeology of}ordan, 3 (1989),151-164. PASALIC, E. "Rimsko naselije u llidzekodSarajeva (ein riimischer Wohnort in llidzabeiSarajevo)", Glasnik Zemalfskog Muzeja(1959),113-136. PATSCH, C. Hosnien undHerzegowina inderromischen Xeit (Sarajevo 1911). PATSCH, C. "Arch.-cpigr.Untcrsuchungcn zurGcschichtc dcrriimischcn ProvinzDalmaticn Vil'',\f/MBH,11(1909), 104-183. PATSCH, C. " ZurGeschichte vonSirmium", Sirena Huliciana (Split1924),229. PAVAN, M.''Laprovincia Romanadi PannoniaSuperior'', Aui dell'Accad£mia Nazionale deiUncei,252(Rome1955), 369-574. PERCIVAL, J. "Seigneurial aspectsoflatcRomanestate management'', TheEnglish Historical Revie1l\ 332Ouly,1969), 449-473. PERCIVAL, J. nu: RomanVilla,AHistorical Imroduclion (London1976). PERCIVAL, J. ''Thevillaeconomy: problems and perspectives", inK IlraniganandD.Miles(eds.),The JJconomies ofRomano-British Villas(Shct1icld n.d),5-11 PETROVIC, P.''EinDonauhafcn vonTrajanbcidcm Kastel! Aquae(MoesiaSuperior)", inVA J\ilaxfield andM.J. Dobson(eds.),RomanFronlier Sludies. Proceedings oftlw1Slh Interiuuional Congress ofRomanFrontier Sludies.(Exeter 1989),295-298. PETROVIC, P.NisuAntikedoba, istoria Nisa1 (Nis1983). PETROVIC, P.andVASIC, M.''!'he RomanFrontierin UpperMoesia: Archaeological Investigations in theIrongate Arca- J\fainResults", in E Petrovic(ed.),RomanLimesonthe Middleandf1Jwer Danube (Helgrade 1996),15-26. PETROVIC, P.(ed.),RomanUmesontlwMiddleandfower Danube (Ilclgradc 1996),15-26. PETROV, T."Tcrmcs ct rcparcsdanslachronologic du

CastelIatrus,dans!cslimesromainssurle coursinfcricur d'lstar",A11zeologia (1992),4 -12. PETRU,P.''Dieprovinzialriimischc Archaologic in Slowenien",ANR\.\7, 2, 7, 1 (1977),158and500-541. PIPPIDI,D.M.,Epigraphisclze Beitriige zurGeschichte Histrias in hellenischer undromischer Xeit(Herlin1962). PIPPIDI,D.M.,I Greci Ne/Hasso Danubio (J\ililan 1971). PIUSSI,S. ''Labasilichc cruciformc ncllareaAdriatica, Aquilcac Ravenna", Antichitci altoAdriatiche 13(Udirc 1975),471-473. PLESNICAR-GER, L. "Urbancharacteristics of Emona", Arch.lug.,13(Helgrade 1972),45-50. PLESNICAR-GER, L. ''Frescoes fromEmona", Arch.Jug., 17(Helgrade 1976),29-37. POCZY, K."J\ilunicipium undcanabaeinAquincum", in RomanFmntier Studies1967,Thepmceedings oftheSeventh International Congress Te/Aviv(TelAviv1967),152-155. POCZY, K."Pannonian Cities", inA I,engyel andGTH. Radan(eds.),1lieArchaeology ofRomanPannonia (Hudapest 1980),242-268. POHLSANDER, H.A. TheEmperor Constantine (London 1996). POPOVIC, V.AntickiGamzigrad, Limesu.'fugoslcwiji (Ilclgradc 1961). POPOVIC, V."Desintegration und Ruralisation derStadtim Ost-Illyricum, v-om5 bis7JhrsnachChr.",in D.Papenfuss andVJ\il.Strocka (eds.),PalaslundHiille, Heilriige zwnHauern und\fohnenimAltertum wn Archiiok!gen U>rund Friihgeschichtlen (Tagungsbeitriige einesSymposiums der Alexander wn Humboldt-Stiftung Bonn-Bad Godesberg veranslaltet vmn23-30Novembre 1979in Her/in) (Mainzam Rhein1982),535-566. POULTER, A.G.''RuralCommunities (viciandcomi)and theirRolein theOrganisation ofthelimesofJ\iloesia Inferior", inW.S.HansonandLJ.P Keppie(eds.),RomanFronlier Studies1979,Pan3 HARInt.Ser.71 (3),(Oxford1980), 729-744. POULTER, A.G.Moesia Inferior wultheLower Danube, unpublished Ph.D.thesis,University of I,rmdon(1982). POULTER, A.G.(ed.),"'lbwnandcountryinMoesia Inferior", Ancienl Hulgaria Papers presented tolheInteriuuional Symposium onlheAncienl History andArchaeology ofHulgaria, University ofNouingham 1981,2 (Nottingham 1983),74-118. POULTER, A.G.''Nicopolis-ad-Istnnn Ilulgaria: aninterim reportontheexcavations 1985-7",TheAntiquaries .'fournal, 68,part 1 (1988),69-86. POULTER, A.G."Theuseandabuseofurbanismin the Danubian Provinces duringthelateRomanEmpire", inJ. Rich(ed.),TheCityinLateAntiquity (London1992),99132. POULTER, A.G."Churches in Space:theearlyHyzantine cityofNicopolis", K Painter(ed.),C/nn,hes BuiltinAncient times: Recent StudiesinEar~•ChristianArchaeologJ\ Occasional Papers fromtheSociety ofAntiquaries ofLondon, 16(London 1994),249-268. POULTER, A.G.Nicopolis-ad-Ismnn,A Roman, foteRoman andEarlyByzantine City(London1995). RADIMISKY, J.''Dieriimischc Andsicdlung vonMajdan bciVarcar Vakuf',\f/MBH,3 (1895),248-256. RADNOTI, A. andBARKOCZI, L."I he distribution of troopsin Pannonia InferiorduringthesecondcenturyAD", AAASH,1 (1951),191-230. RADULESCU, A "EntreI1asteet Denuement'', Archiologie Nouvelle, l (1993),43-48. RAK,A.''Riimischc Grabstcinc ausPoctovio", }A, 3 (1909), 165-173. RAVEN, S. RomeinAfrica,3rdedition(I,rmdon1993). REBUFFAT, R. "J\ilaisons aperistyled'Afriquedu Nord: repertoire de planspublies", 1WRFRA, 81 (1969),659-724. RHE,GY."ARatotiasatasron (ontheexcavations at Ratot)", A1rh.Ert.,24 (1904),248-249. RICHARDSON, J. RomanProvincial Administration 227 IlC -AD117(Ilristol1977).

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RICH,JandWALLACE-HADRILL,A (eds.),Cityand count!)' in theancient world(London1991). RICH,J(ed.),TlzeCityinLateAntiquity (London1992). RICHMOND, I. "i'lwplansofRomanti/lasin Hrilain'; in ALF. Rivet(ed.),TheRomanVillain Ilritain(London 1970),173-216. RICKMAN, W.RomanGranaries andStoreHui/dings (Cambridge 1971). RICOTTI, E. SALZAPRINA.''Theimportance ofwater in Romangardentriclinia", inE.MacDougall(ed.),Ancient RomanVillaGardens, Dumbarton OaksColloquia ontheHistOl)' o(J,andscapeArchiWClure, 10(Washington DC 1987), 137184. RIVET, A.L.F.(ed.),TheRmnanVillain Rrilain(NewYork, Washington, London1969,1970). ROBERT, L. ''Dansuncmaisond'Ephcsc un Serpentctun Chiffrc", CRAI,(1982), 126-32. ROGO,M.''Lepalaisdanslaville", MEFRA,106-1(1994), 219-245. ROSSITER, J Romanfarmbuildings infla/y,HARlnl.Ser. 52 (Oxford1978). ROSSITER, J.J.''RomanvillasoftheGreekEastandthe villain GregoryofNissa",.'fRA, 2 (1989),101-109. ROSSITER, J. ''Villas vandalcs: lesuburbium de Carthage au debutdu 6csicclcdenotrcere",Carthage etsontirritoim dansl'antiquiui, histoire elarchiologie deI'Afrique duNord,Actes du4eCo/toque International, 5-9avril1988,Strasbourg (Paris 1990),221-227. ROSSITER, J. "Comivium andVillain LateAntiquity", in W.JS!atcr (ed.),Diningina Classical Context (AnnArbor 1991),199-214. ROUSSEVA-SLOKOSKA, L."Leprohlamc du systiimc defortification deNicopolis-ad-Istrum", inVA Ma,xficld and M.J.Dobson(eds.),RomanFrontier Studies. Proceedings oflhe 15thln1£rnational Congress ofRomanFrontier Studies, (Exeter 1989),299-304. SAGI,K.''LacolonicRomainedeFcnckpuszta ct lazone intcricurc desfortrcsscs",AAASH, 1 (1951),87-90. SAGI,K "Diespiitriimische Hevlilkerung derUmgebung vonKeszthely'', AAASH,12(1960),187-256. SAGI,K.''DieZwcitcaltchristlichc Basilica von Fenekpuszta",AAA, 9 (1961),397-459. SAGI,K "Dielangobardische Griiberfeld vonVtirs(Ktim Somogy),AAASH 16(1964),359-408. SAGI,K.''Dasriimischc Grabcrfcld vonKcszthclyDobogo",Fontes Arlwologici Hungariae (Hudapest 1981), 140. SARIA,B. "Riimische I1orschunginJugoslawien", HRGK, 16(1926),90. SARIA,B. ''Noricum undPannonicn", Historia, 1 (1950), 436. SARIA,B. Derromische Gutslwfwn lflinden amSee. Burgenlandische Forschungen, 13(Eisenstadt 1951). SARNOWSKI, T."!he headquarters building ofthe legionary fortressat Novae(I,owerMoesia)", inVA Maxfield andM.J.Dobson(eds.),RomanFrontier Sludies. Proceedings ofthe15thInternational Congress ofRomanFrontier Studies(Exeter1989),303-307. SARNOWSKI, T."I,esrepresentations devillassur!es mosai·ques africanes tardives",Archiwum Hlologiczne (Gdansk, 1978),37-44. SASELKOS,M. ilzeRomanInscriplions in lheNational Museum ofSlovenia (I,jubljana 1997). SAVEL, I. Arlzeok!ska Topografija Sk!venije, Topoqrafsko Podrocje 20 (Prckmurj) (Ljubljana 1991). SCAGLIARINI, D. andROSSI,F. TheDesenzano Roman Villa,Archaeological Itinerary (Hresda1991). SCHINDLER, R. lhe RomanMosaic atNennig,A Hrief Guide(Saarbruckcn 1962). SCHINDLER, R. "Diertimische VillavonNennig", Gymnasium, 7 (Heidelberg 1970).

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VILLA LOCATION, DATE, SIZE AND ORIENTATION

Romkut

Roman Provi»~ffl!M&dern

Date

Size

Orientation

Dalmatia, Bosnia Moesia Iruerior, Bnlgaria Moesia Imerior, Bulgaria Moesia Imerior, Bulgaria Dacia, Romania Thracia, Bulgaria Thracia, Bulgaria Moesia Superior, Kosovo Pannonia Suocrior, Austria Thracia, Bulgaria Moesia Iruerior, Bulgaria Dalmatia, Croatia Moesia Inferior, Bulgaria Dalmatia, Croatia Pannonia Imerior, Hungary Pannonia Superior, Hungary Dalmatia, Croatia Dalmatia, Croatia/Serbia Pannonia Imerior, Hungary Pannonia Suoerior, Hungarv Moesia Inferior, Bulgaria

AD 2-4 AD2-4 AD2-4 AD2-4 AD2-3 AD3-5 AD4-5 AD2-4 AD 1-4 AD 3-4 AD 4-6 AD4 AD 2-3 AD 2-3 AD4 AD2-3 AD 3-4 AD2-3 AD4 AD3 AD 2-3

large medinm medium medium medium medium medium medium medium medium medium medium medium small x-large medium large small small medium medium

NE-SW N-S N-S E-W N-S NE-SW N-S NE-SW NW-SE NW-SE NW-SE N-S NW-SE NE-SW NE-SW NW-SE NE-SW

------

N-S NE-SW N-S

-

Eiitian~ SE/NE/NW

s

s E

s

SE

-----SW SE SE/NE/NW SE N SE SW SW SE SE/NE/NW

-----s

SW

s

Orientation is based on the assumption that the entrance in on the south side of the building.

Horia Hvaru Ilidza Lisicici

Ilidza Kekkut Keszthel -Fenek. Koml6-Meesek·anosi Kova osz616s Loffelbach Madara Mediana 1 Montana 1 Odie Pleven Sa -Tricciana Pamdorf

Si"ana-bei-Pula Tar oviste Miercurea Sib

Manerau Mediana 2 Sma ·e-Grob. Szentkir.-Rom.

···················································································································

Parndorf Polace Montana 3 Polace Stru nic

Page 117 ····················································································································

SUB-CATEGORIES

Cercadilla Tetin

Desenzano PiazzaArmerina Patti Marina Tellaro Valentine Montmaurin Woodchester

K nsham Nenni

Thalerhof

Eci"a

Almenarade Ada·a Riosecode Soria Bada·oz Milreu

Torrede Palma

Place

TABLE

VILLA DIMENSIONS Size Area Of

Al so hte enypus zt a

x- arge

Armira 1 Armira 2 Bala.ca Bistrica Canl · ina- Visici Csticshe..-v Chatalka 1 Chatalka 2 Chatalka 3 Deutschkreuz Donie Nerodimlie

medium medium medium medium medium small mediu1n medimn medium small no scale medium lare:e

5

Donnerskirchen Dracevica Eisenstadt Gamzi2:rad Gara lskur Gorotsvet Gvulafir3t6t-Po2:Anvtelek Heraclea Lvncestis Boria HosSZUhetenv Hvaru

1

Isue 225625

IRe~i~llU !lace Mogorjelo

'lliiifs-sllfiin Architectqral '!:fates Ornament c

Mosaics&wall

AD2-4

painting , Corinthian

capitals, Wall painting in Basilica

TABLE 7

Montana t

AD2-4

Wall plaster

Montana 2

AD2-4

Wallplaster

Montana 3

AD2-4

Wall plaster

Niculitel

AD2-3

Wall plaster, columns

Obelija

AD3-5

Wall plaster

Orlic Orlandovtsi

AD2-4 AD4-5

Mosaic. olaster Wall plaster

Pemik

AD3-4

Pleven

AD4-6

Wan plaster, bronze ornaments Wall plaster

Polace

AD4

Wall plaster

Prisovo

AD2-3

S3gl'8.r -Tricciana

AD4

Stone/timber& mud brick walls, coloured rui.internlaster Wall plaster

Sijana-bei-Pula

AD2-4

Wall plaster

I

VILLA DETAILS

fflitce

Occupation Dates

I

C,(Z$

': = ' '

a''$'

'!,

,::

Fortified plan with square & one round, engaged towers; linear plan occupyingone side of the enclosure, access portico - corridor w. corner projections; industrial/farm bids align enclosure walls; olive nress· later Christian church x2. Partially excavated; 7 blds. around courtyard: Bid 1, peristyle plan, apsidal ha11,transverse corridor; scp. baths; grain store x2; outhousesx3. Partially excavated; 7 bids loose arrangement bld l apsidal hall plan and transverse corridor sen. bath· !!rain store· outbuildinl!sx4. Partially excavated 6 bids; bid 1 arranged around courtyard; apsidal hall nlan- industrial/outhousesx 4. Enclosed courtyard plan; rooms arranged around inside of enclosure walls"basilica tvne room alom!lemrth of enclosure wall· cistern Enclosed courtyard plan, rooms arranged around interior walls, farm buildings inc. a rooms for a loom, a mill, residence combined with farm bids. I Partially excavated· neristvle nlan ansidal room of bath visible. Fortified plan with square tower x 2 and round towers x 2; apsidal room at centre of courtyard; rooms arranged aronnd walls of conrtvard. Fortified plan w. four rectangular corner towers; rooms arranged aronnd enclosure walls. Partially excavated,peristyle plan; peristyle x 2; apsidal hall x 2; hexagonal tower. Partially excavated; apsidal hall plan with putative fortifications. dodecal!onaltowers Enclosed courtyard plan; rooms arranged aronnd enclosure wall. Partially excavated; peristyle plan, apsidal hall x2; grain stores x 3; outhouses x3 fortified nerimetcr with enl!al!edround towers· Enclosed courtyard plan, rooms ranged around interior walls, farm & residence combined

Plant:Jl~e

~troratiiu~

:l\rchitect:ural

Ornament Smarje-Grobeke

AD2-3

Cut stone column bases, mosaic frags, wall painting frags Marble columns, architectural ornament, statuary & revetments

Spalato

AD 3-4

Struonic Siimeg

AD2-3 AD4

Wall plaster Wall plaster

SzentkiralyszabadjaRomkut

AD3

Wall plaster

Targoviste

AD2-3

Wall plaster

···················································································································

Partially excavated; compact plan with enclosure, 4 bids, central access corridor; sep. bath house, outbuildings x 2. Fortified plan square & octagonal engaged towers, axial plan, apsidal hall -3, quatreconch dining area, four-chambered dining area rectangular hall, vestibule, temple, mausoleum, baths, stalls/outhouses administrative bids. Partially excavated· aosidal hall plan; bath Fortified plan w. four rectangular comer towers; additional apsidal room adjoining nw tower; rooms arranged around enclosure walls in two rows. Partially excavated; compact plan with enclosure wall; loose arrangement of 4 blds. bid. 1, rect. hall w. two corner towers, rectangular outbuildings x3 · putative fortifications. Enclosed courtyard plan; rectangular bid on n. side of enclosure; outhouses around enclosed walls with loom.

Page 122 ····················································································································

·1•. /~.

Leopo1dsberg11 ·

00.nube

JIii

Vindobon9r ~

/c

Callatis

Philippcpolis

0 0

•

50 miles Hera.clea Lynceslis

80km

11.Apollonia

Map 1: Pre-Roman Settlement in the Danube-Balkan Region

...- - .....

\

I

PANtJONIA SUPERIOR

'

\

'

PANN0N1A - -

,,

DACIA

I

1

\

'

I

~

I

...... ,__ JN!E~l~R- _,t,.-._,..,.,. 'I

. .., \.

I

I

'

\

I MOESIA

''

\

~'I

I

DALMATIA

~ _,"J',

l

._ r

- - ,..,.,.. -. i.. "'

-.,..- -

-z

':,:,;~•-_o• ~L-:-_-_-_~:;;:::·~: --

.

',,,L__ MACEDONIA

'

\

1-----t

50 miles

80 km

Map 2: Provincial Divisions of the Danube-Baikan Region from the First Century AD

···················································································································

Page 124 ····················································································································

I

/

I PANNONIA PRIMA

,...",...-_ I I

.----

50 mies 80 km

Map 3: Provincial Divisions of the Danube-Balkan Region in the reign of Diocletian

I ,_ I

l I

I

I I

e + !I

Legionary Fortress & Coionia Legionary Fortress & Municipium Fort & Municipium

-,j( Fort

t

*

Fort & Colonia

A Ccfonia Municipium

-

',

___

,_

50 miles 80 km

Map 4: Roman Falis and Towns in the Danube-Balkan Region from the First Century AD ···················································································································

Page 125 ····················································································································

~l(UtR-.,, Histria idava 1or-iis

lis Cailatis polis

sos

50 miles

/ktblrtJfm

80 km

.®Nl

Map 5: Roman Road Network in the Danube-Balkan Region

.S..:,Jr~t-r,1ti~, • 13~

.:-Ce!f,;3

.11

! /,.59

•1

PANNONi!!.

su.:::,r::~RKlfi

1. Als6hetenypuszta 2. }\rmira 1 3. Arn~ira 2 4. Balaca 5. Bistrica 6. Capljina 7. Cslichsegy 8. Chatalka 1 8. Chatalka 2 10. Chatalka 3 11. Deutschkreuz 12. Donje Nerodimije 13. Donnerskirchen 14. Dracevica 15. Eisenstadt 16. Gamzigrad 17. Gara lskur 18. Gorotsvet 18. Gyulafirat6t-Poganytelek 2C. Heraclea Lyncestis

33. 34. 35. 36. 37. 38. 39. 40.

2·1. Horia 22. HosszUheteny 2::3. Hvaru 24. llidza 26. Kadin-~,llost 26. KE:kkllt

53. 54. 55. 56. 57. 58.

27. Keszthely-FenE!kpustza

59. Smarje-Grobelce

28. 2R 3U. 3·1. 32.

60. Spalato 61. Strupnic 6:d. sumeg 63. Szentkiri!.l~szabadja-RomkUt 64. Targoviste

Komlo-Mecsekjanosi K6vi3.g6sz016s

Kra;ev-dol Llsicic Livade 1

Ljusira Loffelbach Madara Majdan Makres Mali Mosunj Manerau Med1ana 1

4·1. Mediana 2 42. Miercurea Sibiului

43. Mogilets 44. Mocorjelo 45. Montana 1 46. Montana 2 47. t,i1cntana3 48. Niculitel 49. Obelija 5Q. Orlandovtsi 51. Orlic 52. Parndolf

20 • ,\

Pernik Pleven Poiace Prisovo Sijana-bei-Pu!a Silg\/ar· focciana

t&~thrn>

,,

A~ SN

Map 6: Villa and Town Location in the Danube-Balkan Region

···················································································································

Page 126 ····················································································································

KEY 1111 Provincial capital

0

Legionary fortre:.s

Q Featured site

rn Colonia I Municipium

6

Fort er Carnp

□ OU1ersettlement Provincial boundary Roman road

rig Fig Fig Fig Fig Fig

1. Als~hetenypuszta 4. Balacapuszta 7. Csucnegy 11. Deutschkreuz 13. Donnerskirchen 15. Eisenstadt

Fig Fig Fig Fig Fig Fig

19120 GyulafirS.t6t-pog8rrytelek 22. HosszUhetE'ny 26 Kekkut 27 Keszthely-f=enekpuszta 28. Kom!o-Mecsekiariosi 29. Kovag6solos ·

Fig Fig Fig Fig Fig Flg

34. 52. 5B. 09. 62. 63.

LOtfeibach Parndorf sagvar-Tricciana SmarJe-Grobelce Sumeg Szentkir3iyszabadja-Romk1Jt

Map 7: Villa and Town Location in the Danube-Balkan Region showing places mentioned in the text

KEY 11 Provlncb.t capital

ru Colonia / Municipium ~

~ Fort or Camp □

other settlement

Provincial boundary

Fig Fig Fig Fig

5 Bistrlca 8. Chatalka 1 9. Chatalka 2 10. Chatalka 3

Fig Fig Fig Fig

12. 16. 17 18

Donje NerodimUe Gamz1grad Gara lskur Gorosvet

Fig Fig Fig Fig Fig Fig Fig Fig

21. Horia 25. Kadin Most 30. Kralev Doi 35. Madara 37. Makres 4CJ.Med1ana 1 41. Mediana 2 43. Mogllets

Fig Fig Fig Fig Fig

44. 45. 46. 49. 50. fig 53. Fig 56. Fig 64.

Montana 1 Montana 2 Montana 3 Obelija Oriandovisti Pernik Prisovo Targoviste

Map 8: Villa and Town Location in the Danube-Balkan Region showing places mentioned in the text ···················································································································

Page 127 ····················································································································

Page 128

Villa Location Distribution

Moesia 23%

Pannonia 32%

Dacia 4%

22% 19%

Danube-Balkan Villa Distribution Location.

Chart 1

Villa Foundation Dates

Fourth Century 17%

First Century 19%

Third Century 17% Second Century 47%

Chart 2

Chart 3a

Danube-Balkan Villa Foundation Dates.

Chart 3b

Danube-Balkan Villa First Century Foundation Dates.

Danube-Balkan Villa Second Century Foundation Dates., In Use toJnl Century

6% 3-3½

34%

1,UsetoSth( .... ·..

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~__. In Use to Sth Century 33%

Chart 3c

Danube-Balkan Villa Third Century Foundation Dates.

Chart 3d

Danube-Balkan Villa Fourth Century Foundation Dates. InlltetoMid-Sth Cent11.cy

r ;~~:::;--

lnUsetoSthf).. ..

18%

lnlli!eto4th Centwy 46%

Clintury 45%

tnUsetoS c~ntury

Jn Use to 6th

73•/4

Century 9%

···················································································································

Page 129 ····················································································································

Danube-Balkan Villa Plan Types

Fortified

J\psidal Hall 15%

Chart 4

Danube-Balkan Villa Plan Types.

Plan Type Sub-Categories

Fortified Perimeter 9%

Putative Fortifications 9%

Other 82%

Chart 5

Chart 6

Danube-Balkan Villa Plan Types Sub-Categories.

Danube-BalkanVilla Scale. Page 130

Foundation Dates - Pannonia

4

4

emFirst Century ■

2

2nd Century

0 3rd Century 0 4th Century

8

Chart 7a

Foundation Dates - Pannonia.

Plan Types - Pannonia 6%1

II Peristyle ■

Enclosed Courtyard

D Compact D Apsidal Hall 28% ■

Winged

II Fortified

Chart 7b

Plan Types - Pannonia.

Sub-Categories: Pannonia

Ill Fortified Perimeter ■

Putati-.e Fortifications

0 Other

Chart 7c

Sub-Categories: Pannonia.

···················································································································

Page 131 ····················································································································

Substantial Abandonment As Roman Villas

30

IIIIBy End 2nd Century

25

■ By End 3rd

Century

20

□ By

End 4th Century

15

10

□ By

End 5th Century

5

■ By

End 6th Century

0

Chart 8a

Substantial Abandonment as Roman Villas.

Survival of Villas with Fortifications 3

1111 Fortified Villas

2 ■

0

0 Putative Fortification

Mu us:-ul()u'° a5 j Chart 8b

Fortified Perimeter

Survival of Danube-Balkan Villas with Fortifications.

Evidence for Continued Occupation beyond the 6th Century

6

•

Yes 1111 ■ No

58

Chart 8c Evidence for Continued Occupation beyond the Sixth Century.

Villas and Christian Presence 1111 Chapels

(Medium Villa Sites)

Parish Centres 1111 (Large and Very Large Villa Sites)

o Monasteries □

Later Churches over1ayingVilla Sites

■

Christian Tombs

Type of Christian Presence Chart 9

···················································································································

Danube-Balkan Villas and Christian Presence

Page 132

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