Late Prehistoric Regional Interaction and Social Change in a Coastal Valley of Northern Chile 9781407314983, 9781407344508

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SANTORO LATE PREHISTORIC REGIONAL INTERACTION AND SOCIAL CHANGE

Calogero M. Santoro, PhD, is Full Professor of Archaeology at the Instituto de Alta Investigación, Universidad de Tarapacá, Chile. He is interested in human cultural adaptation and environmental changes in the Atacama Desert, between the late Pleistocene and Inka times. He has conducted interdisciplinary research, published and lectured in Australia, France, United States and South America.

2016

________

BAR S2823

This is an archaeological study of social organization and change in a late prehispanic population of northern Chile. The research involves contextual examination of the occurrence of highland ceramic styles and materials and drawing inferences concerning local socio-political structures. Excavation at four sites dating to the Late Intermediate and Late Periods (AD 1100–1500) revealed no evidence of highland colonists or colonial enclaves. Household artefact assemblages showed: (a) that despite the presence of highland trade goods, the cultural pattern resembles local coastal traditions; (b) no indications of pronounced social or wealth differences; (b) great continuity through time in domestic activities; and (c) significant shifts in ceramic style preferences, highland import assemblages, textile production and access to metal ornaments. An important suprahousehold change of the Late Period was the nucleation of population at Molle Pampa Este, a site containing architecture (an ushnu and plaza) associated with imperial Inka administration and public ceremony.

Late Prehistoric Regional Interaction and Social Change in a Coastal Valley of Northern Chile Calogero M. Santoro

BAR International Series 2823 B A R

2016

Late Prehistoric Regional Interaction and Social Change in a Coastal Valley of Northern Chile Calogero M. Santoro

BAR International Series 2823 2016

Published in 2016 by BAR Publishing, Oxford BAR International Series 2823 Late Prehistoric Regional Interaction and Social Change in a Coastal Valley of Northern Chile © Calogero M. Santoro 2016 Cover image Coastal section of the Lluta Valley showing archaeological sites discussed in the book. The Author’s moral rights under the 1988 UK Copyright, Designs and Patents Act are hereby expressly asserted. All rights reserved. No part of this work may be copied, reproduced, stored, sold, distributed, scanned, saved in any form of digital format or transmitted in  any form digitally, without the written permission of the Publisher.

ISBN 9781407314983 paperback ISBN 9781407344508 e-format DOI https://doi.org/10.30861/9781407314983 A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library

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BAR Publishing 122 Banbury Rd, Oxford, ox2 7bp, uk [email protected] +4 4 (0)1865 310431 +4 4 (0)1865 316916 www.barpublishing.com

Table of Contents List of Figures List of Tables Preface Acknowledgements Abstract - Resumen

vi x xiii xiv xv

Chapter 1. Introduction Verticality Case Study 1: The Chillón Valley Case Study 2: Junin Case Study 3: Architecture and Ethnicity in Moquegua Archaeological Limitations of Verticality Models Interregional Interaction: An Alternative Perspective on the Regional Distribution of Style in the Andes Elite Convergence Colonies, Ethnicity, and Archaeological Variability in Coastal Northern Chile Stylistic Variability in the Lluta Valley: A Contextual Approach Research Questions

1 2 3 4 4 6 6 7 7 9 10

Chapter 2. The Lluta Valley in Regional Perspective Environmental Setting Climate The Lluta Basin Soils of the Lluta Valley Plant and Animal Resources Ethnohistoric Accounts Previous Research in the Lluta Area Prehistoric Valley Settlement Molle Pampa Vila Vila Chronological Framework and Site Chronology Endnotes

11 11 12 13 13 14 14 15 17 18 19 19 19

Chapter 3. Excavations in the Lluta Valley Residential Sites House Mounds Mound Formation Mound Stratigraphy Fieldwork and Recording Techniques Mapping and Excavation Stratigraphic Excavations Data Analysis

21 21 21 22 23 23 23 24 25

Chapter 4. Molle Pampa Este Site Composition Site Chronology Residential Patterns Fieldwork at Molle Pampa Este Mounds and Platforms Structure 3 Structure 7 Structure 14 Structure 17 Structure 19 Structure 69

27 27 27 29 29 29 29 31 32 32 34 38

iii

Late Prehistoric Regional Interaction and Social Change in a Coastal Valley of Northern Chile Structure 74 Structure 88 Structure 107 Mortuary Patterns Cemetery A Cemetery B Cemetery C Mortuary Pattern Discussion Household Patterns Subsistence Activities Craft Activities Household Pottery External Ties Objects of Regional Exchange Objects of Long-Distance Exchange Summary of Molle Pampa Este Endnotes

38 38 38 40 40 40 40 41 41 42 43 44 50 50 50 50 51

Chapter 5. Molle Pampa Medio Site Composition Site Chronology Residential Patterns Fieldwork at Molle Pampa Medio Mounds Structure 8 Structure 13 Structure 34 Mortuary Patterns Household Patterns Subsistence Activities General Domestic and Craft Activities Household Pottery External Ties Objects of Regional Exchange Objects of Long-Distance Exchange Summary of Molle Pampa Medio Endnotes

53 53 53 53 53 54 54 54 55 58 59 59 61 62 62 62 63 65 65

Chapter 6. Vila Vila Norte Site Composition Site Chronology Residential Patterns Fieldwork at Vila Vila Norte Mounds Structure 4 Structure 10 Structure 19 Structure 22 Structure 32 Structure 37 Mortuary Patterns Household Patterns Subsistence Activities General Domestic and Craft Activities Household Pottery External Ties Objects of Regional Exchange Objects of Long-Distance Exchange Summary of Vila Vila Norte

67 67 67 67 67 68 68 69 70 71 71 72 76 78 79 79 80 81 81 81 81

iv

Table of Contents Chapter 7. Vila Vila Sur Site Composition Site Chronology Residential Patterns Fieldwork at Vila Vila Sur Mounds Structure 5 Structure 10 Structure 11 Structure 19 Structure 22 Structure 25 Mortuary Patterns Household Patterns Subsistence and Craft Activities Household Pottery External Ties Summary of Vila Vila Sur

83 83 83 83 83 83 83 84 85 85 86 86 86 87 87 89 89 89

Chapter 8. Cultural Change and Continuity from the Late Intermediate Period to the Late Period Ceramic Styles and Site Chronology Settlement Patterns Domestic Architecture Mound Size Changes in Household Patterns Subsistence Activities Craft Activities Household Pottery External Ties Summarizing Cultural Changes Endnotes

91 91 91 92 94 94 95 95 95 96 97 97

Chapter 9. Conclusions: Processes of Social Change and Continuity in the Lluta Valley Communities Interaction with the Highlands Articulation with the Inka Polity Social Changes in the Lluta Communities Cultural Convergence Ceramics and Style: A Lluta Perspective

99 99 100 101 102 102

Appendix A. Funerary Patterns Description of Tomb Types Type 1: Bell-Shaped Cist Pit Covered by Slabs Type 2: Rectangular Pit with Large Unworked Blocks Type 3: Sand Pit Marked with a Large Rock Type 4: Simple Sand Pit Type 5: Large Subterranean Rectangular Chamber Type 6: Rectangular Adobe Chamber Type 7: Collective Stone Mound Tomb Type 0: Undefined Molle Pampa Este Tomb Descriptions Cemetery A Tombs Molle Pampa Medio Tomb Descriptions Endnotes

105 105 105 105 105 105 105 106 106 106 106 106 111 112

Appendix B. Itemized List of Artifacts Endnotes

113 116

Bibliography

117

v

List of Figures 1.1. Study area within the Andean Region and the area of Inka domination 1.2. Geographic distribution of ethnic groups according to historical accounts (XVIth century) 2.1. General overview of the contrasting landscape at the lower section of the Lluta Valley around 20 km from the Pacific littoral. Archaeological sites are visible and preserved on the slopes and fluvial terraces of the valley (taken from Google Earth) 2.2. Coastal section of the Lluta Valley showing archaeological sites from the Late Intermediate and Late periods 2.3. General view of Molle Pampa archaeological sites on the left (northern) terrace of the Lluta Valley (taken from Google Earth) 3.1. Shallow brownish-dark color mounds resulted from the spread and rapid accretion of all sorts of domestic debris mixed with loose sand at Lluta Valley archaeological sites, which contrast with the cleaner and lighter color of the surrounding sandy surface, and an Earthwatch volunteer in the background (photo Calogero M. Santoro, July 1991) 3.2. Mapping the location of each domestic mound prior to excavations at each archaeological site; carried by Paola Siclari in 1991, former student of architecture at Pontificia Universidad Católica de Valparaiso, and helped by an Earthwatch volunteer (photo Calogero M. Santoro, June 1991). 3.3. Open excavation areas through 2x2 m units with some exception like R-19 (precinct mound) that was extended to 8 m2, at Molle Pampa Este, with the participation of Bolivian student from Universidad Mayor de San Andrés, La Paz, University of Pittsburgh, Earthwatch volunteers (photo Calogero M. Santoro, July 1993) 4.1. Site plan of Molle Pampa Este 4.2. Structure 3’s crude basalt masonry back wall of this earth platform (the largest feature at the site). It has atrapezoidal plan with a front and back stonewalls masonry measures 50 m long (east-west) by 20 - 25.5 m wide (1,049 m2). It could have functioned as an ushnu during the Inka Period. Red stick shows location of an in situ collected charcoal sample, dated at 340±80 BP; A.D. 1410 to 1664 cal yrs, 2 sigma, Calib 5.0.1 (Beta 101497; Santoro et al. 2009) (photo Calogero M. Santoro, 1994) 4.3. Structure 17, plan view and profile of excavated test pit 4.4. Structure 19, plan view and profile 4.5. Structure 19, fully excavated at Molle Pampa Este exposing south, west, and east reed wall foundations, which are still visible on the surface (photo Calogero M. Santoro, 2000) 4.6. Fragments of a quipu from Molle Pampa Este: (a and b) rolled and unrolled fragment of a quipu from Tomb 3 (inventory number 10304/1); (c and d) another rolled and unrolled fragment of a quipu from the same Tomb (inventory number 10290/1); and (e) level 2 of Structure 19, associated with other Inka prestige goods (inventory number 10356/2); (research collection at Museo Arqueológico Universidad de Tarapacá, Arica), (photos Calogero M. Santoro, June 1993) 4.7. Structure 107, plan view and profile of excavated test pit 4 4.8. Domestic tools, proportion of the total number of artifacts for lower and upper occupations, Late Intermediate Period and Late Period 4.9. Craft tools, proportion of the total number of artifacts for lower and upper occupations, Late Intermediate Period and Late Period 4.10. Weaving tools, proportion of the total number of artifacts for lower and upper occupations, Late Intermediate Period and Late Period 4.11. Spinning tools, proportion of the total number of artifacts for lower and upper occupations, Late Intermediate Period and Late Period 4.12. Total rim types, proportion of the total number of artifacts for lower and upper occupations, Late Intermediate Period and Late Period 4.13. Aryballus, proportion of the total number of artifacts for lower and upper occupations, Late Period 4.14. Escudilla, proportion of the total number of artifacts for lower and upper occupations, Late Period 4.15. Globular Jar, proportion of the total number of artifacts for lower and upper occupations, Late Intermediate Period and Late Period 4.16. Cooking vessels, proportion of the total number of artifacts for lower and upper occupations, Late Intermediate Period and Late Period 4.17. Pucos (deep bowls), proportion of the total number of artifacts for lower and upper occupations, Late Intermediate Period and Late Period

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2 5 12 17 18

22 23

24 28

31 33 34

36 39 41 43 43 44 44 45 46 46 46 47

List of Figures

4.18. Local pottery styles, proportion of the total number of artifacts for wower and upper occupations, Late Intermediate Period and Late Period 4.19. Fine orange plainware (Type 2), proportion of the total number of artifacts for lower and upper occupations, Late Intermediate Period and Late Period 4.20. Black/red style, proportion of the total number of artifacts for lower and upper occupations, Late Intermediate Period and Late Period 4.21. Inka style, proportion of the total number of artifacts for lower and upper occupations, Late Intermediate Period and Late Period 4.22. Saxamar pottery style, proportion of the total number of artifacts for lower and upper occupations, Late Intermediate Period and Late Period 4.23. Imported goods, including items of regional (15-100 km) and long distance (> 150 km) exchange, proportion of the total number of artifacts for lower and upper occupations, Late Intermediate Period and Late Period 4.24. Metal ornamental objects, proportion of the total number of artifacts for lower and upper occupations, Late Intermediate Period and Late Period 4.25. Tools, compiled from all occupational zones for Late Intermediate Period and Late Period 5.1. Molle Pampa Medio domestic area over the northern sandy slope of the Lluta Valley with an Earthwatch volunteer in the background. As in Molle Pampa Este, household mounds are scattered on the landscape (photo Calogero M. Santoro, July 1991) 5.2. Site plan of Molle Pampa Medio 5.3. Profile and plan view of the excavated test pits of Structure 8, at Molle Pampa Medio 5.4. Plan view of the excavated area and the exposed cane wall at Structure 34, Molle Pampa Medio 5.5. Profile of Structure 34 at Molle Pampa Medio with a projection of the cane wall 5.6. Farming tools from Structure 34, Molle Pampa Medio manufactured in: (a) camelid mandibles, (b) wood, and (c) stone (Photos Calogero M. Santoro, September 1993) 5.7. Domestic tools, proportion of the total number of artifacts for lower and upper occupations, Late Intermediate Period 5.8. Craft tools, proportion of the total number of artifacts for lower and upper occupations, Late Intermediate Period 5.9. Tools compiled from all occupational zones, Late Intermediate Period 5.10. Spinning tools, proportion of the total number of artifacts for lower and upper occupations, Late Intermediate Period 5.11. Weaving tools, proportion of the total number of artifacts for lower and upper occupations, Late Intermediate Period 5.12. Jars, proportion of the total number of artifacts for lower and upper occupations, Late Intermediate Period 5.13. Cooking pots, proportion of the total number of artifacts for lower and upper occupations, Late Intermediate Period 5.14. Pucos (deeps bowls), proportion of the total number of artifacts for lower and upper occupations, Late Intermediate Period 5.15. Cups, proportion of the total number of artifacts for lower and upper occupations, Late Intermediate Period 5.16. Vessel types, compiled from all occupational zones, Late Intermediate Period 5.17. Local pottery, proportion of the total number of artifacts for lower and upper occupations, Late Intermediate Period 5.18. Black/red pottery style, proportion of total number of artifacts for upper and lower occupations, Late Intermediate Period 5.19. Local pottery styles (San Miguel, Pocoma, and Gentilar) and Black/red styles, compiled from all occupational zones, Late Intermediate Period 5.20. Local ornamental goods, proportion of the total number of artifacts for lower and upper occupations, Late Intermediate Period 5.21. Imported goods, including items of regional (15. 100 km) and long distance exchange (> 100 km), proportion of the total number of artifacts at each household, Late Intermediate Period 5.22. Trade goods, compiled from all occupational zones, Late Intermediate Period 6.1. Vila Vila Norte and Vila Vila Sur 6.2. Vila Vila Norte, Structure 4, plan view and profile, upper and lower occupational zones 6.3. Vila Vila Norte, Structure 10, profile and plan view of the lower occupational zones 6.4. Vila Vila Norte, Structure 19, plan view and profile, upper and lower occupational zones 6.5. Shovels for farming at Vila Vila Norte: (a) stone shovel from surface at Structure 10; (b) worn and weathered wooden shovel from the surface of Structure 16, and (c) camelid mandible shovel from level 3 Structure 19 (photos Calogero M. Santoro, August 1993)

vii

47 47 48 48 48 49 49 49 54 55 56 58 58 59 61 61 61 61 61 62 62 64 64 64 64 64 64 64 64 65 68 69 69 72 73

Late Prehistoric Regional Interaction and Social Change in a Coastal Valley of Northern Chile

6.6. Weaving tools, proportion of the total number of artifacts for lower and upper occupations, Late Intermediate Period and Late Period 6.7. Tools compiled from all occupational zones for Late Intermediate Period and Late Period 6.8. Domestic tools, proportion of the total number of artifacts for lower and upper occupations, Late Intermediate Period and Late Period 6.9. Globular Jar, proportion of the total number of artifacts for lower and upper occupations, Late Intermediate Period and Late Period 6.10. Cooking vessels, proportion of the total number of artifacts for lower and upper occupations, Late Intermediate Period and Late Period 6.11. Pucos (deep bowls), proportion of the total number of artifacts for lower and upper occupations, Late Intermediate Period and Late Period 6.12. Plainware types compiled, proportion of the total number of artifacts for lower and upper occupations, Late Intermediate Period and Late Period 6.13. Local pottery, proportion of the total number of artifacts for lower and upper occupations, Late Intermediate Period and Late Period 6.14. Black/red pottery, proportion of the total number of artifacts for lower and upper occupations, Late Intermediate Period and Late Period 6.15. Saxamar pottery style, proportion of the total number of artifacts for lower and upper occupations, Late Intermediate Period and Late Period 6.16. Inka pottery, proportion of the total number of artifacts for lower and upper occupations, Late Intermediate Period and Late Period 6.17. Local ornamental goods, proportion of the total number of artifacts for lower and upper occupations, Late Intermediate Period and Late Period 6.18. Imported goods, proportion of the total number of artifacts for lower and upper occupations, Late Intermediate Period and Late Period 6.19. Weaving tools as a aproportion of all artifacts from Late Intermediate Period and Late Period 6.20. Local and imported goods, proportion of whole assemblage for Late Intermediate Period and Late Period 6.21. Local and imported pottery styles, proportion of whole assemblage for Late Intermediate Period and Late Period 7.1. Shovels for farming at Vila Vila Sur (a) stone shovel from level 3 at Structure 10; (b) worn out wooden shovel from a storage pit at Structure 10, and (c) camelid jaw shovel from Structure 11 (photo Calogero M. Santoro, August 1993) 7.2. Domestic tools, proportion of the total number of artifacts for lower and upper occupations, Late Intermediate Period 7.3. Weaving tools, proportion of the total number of artifacts for lower and upper occupations, Late Intermediate Period 7.4. Cooking vessels, proportion of the total number of artifacts for lower and upper occupations, Late Intermediate Period 7.5. Jars, proportion of the total number of artifacts for lower and upper occupations, Late Intermediate Period 7.6. Pucos (deep bowls), proportion of the total artifacts for lower and upper occupations, Late Intermediate Period 7.7. Local pottery styles, proportion of the total number of artifacts for lower and upper occupations, Late Intermediate Period 7.8. Black/red style, proportion of the total number of artifacts for lower and upper occupations, Late Intermediate Period 7.9. Imported goods, proportion of the total number of artifacts for lower and upper occupations, Late Intermediate Period 8.1. Stem and leaf diagrams of mound size, sites: Molle Pampa Este, Molle Pampa Medio, Vila Vila Norte, Vila Vila Sur 8.2. Tools compiled from all occupational zones for Late Intermediate Period and Late Period 8.3. Proportion of vessel types for all household assemblages, for Late Intermediate Period and Late Period 8.4. Local and imported pottery styles, proportion from all household assemblages, for Late Intermediate Period and Late Period 8.5. Imported goods, proportion from all household assemblages for Late Intermediate Period and Late Period

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73 75 75 75 76 76 77 77 78 78 78 79 79 79 80 80 85 86 87 87 87 87 88 88 89 92 93 93 94 95

List of Figures

A.1. A.2. A.3. A.4.

Tomb types 1 to 3 from Molle Pampa Este and Molle Pampa Medio Tomb types 4 to 6 from Molle Pampa Este and Molle Pampa Medio Tomb type 7 from Molle Pampa Este and Molle Pampa Medio Type 7 Collective stone shallow funerary mounds, formed by the aggregation of contiguous burial niches or chambers built with rectangular slabs and covered by stone blocks that appear today as stone tumuli (photo Calogero M. Santoro, July 1991)

ix

108 109 110 111

List of Tables 3.1. Relative artifact density: Density index (Ind) (N/m3, N = total household assemblage) for Molle Pampa Este 3.2. Relative artifact density: Density index (Ind) (N/m3, N = total household assemblage) for Molle Pampa Medio 3.3. Relative artifact density: Density index (Ind) (N/m3, N = total household assemblage) for Vila Vila Norte 3.4. Relative artifact density: Density index (Ind) (N/m3, N = total household assemblage) for Vila Vila Sur 4.1. Frequency and proportion of pottery Styles at Molle Pampa Este 4.2. Frequency and proportion of rim sherd at Molle Pampa Este 4.3. Frequency and proportion of domestic and craft tools at Molle Pampa Este 4.4. Frequency and proportion of prestige goods at Molle Pampa Este 4.5. Frequency and proportion of pottery styles from excavated tombs at Molle Pampa Este 4.6. Frequency and proportion of rim sherd types from excavated tombs at Molle Pampa Este 4.7. Frequency and proportion of prestige goods from excavated tombs at Molle Pampa Este 4.8. Frequency and proportion of domestic and craft tools from excavated tombs at Molle Pampa Este 4.9. Presence (x) and absence (-) of economic plants at Molle Pampa Este 4.10. Marine and riverine resources at Molle Pampa Este 4.11. Terrestrial subsistence resources at Molle Pampa Este 4.12. Frequency and proportion of type 2, Orange Fine, at Molle Pampa Este 5.1. Frequency and proportion of pottery styles at Molle Pampa Medio 5.2. Frequency and proportion of rim sherd types at Molle Pampa Medio 5.3. Frequency and proportion of domestic and craft tools at Molle Pampa Medio 5.4. Frequency and proportion of prestige goods at Molle Pampa Medio 5.5. Frequency and proportion of pottery styles from excavated tombs at Molle Pampa Medio 5.6. Frequency and proportion of pottery styles from excavated tombs at Molle Pampa Medio 5.7. Frequency and proportion of domestic and craft tools from excavated tombs at Molle Pampa Medio 5.8. Frequency and proportion of prestige goods from excavated tombs at Molle Pampa Medio 5.9. Presence (x) and absence (-) of economic plants at Molle Pampa Medio 5.10. Marine and riverine resources at Molle Pampa Medio 5.11. Terrestrial subsistence resources at Molle Pampa Medio 5.12. Craft, domestic, weaving, spinning tools compiled from all households at Molle Pampa Medio 5.13. Vessel types compiled from all households at Molle Pampa Medio 5.14. Pottery styles compiled from all households at Molle Pampa Medio 5.15. Prestige goods compiled from all households at Molle Pampa Medio 6.1. Frequency and proportion of pottery styles at Vila Vila Norte 6.2. Frequency and proportion sherd types at Vila Vila Norte 6.3. Frequency and proportion of domestic and craft goods at Vila Vila Norte 6.4. Frequency and proportion of prestige goods at Vila Vila Norte 6.5. Frequency and proportion of economic plants at Vila Vila Norte 6.6. Marine and riverine resources at Vila Vila Norte 6.7. Terrestrial subsistence resources at Vila Vila Norte 6.8. Frequency and proportion of all plainware types among household levels at Vila Vila Norte 6.9. Frequency and proportion of all plainware types among household levels at Vila Vila Norte 6.10. Frequency and proportion of local and imported goods of total assemblage at Vila Vila Norte 6.11. Frequency and proportion of pottery styles of total assemblage at Vila Vila Norte 7.1. Frequency and proportion of pottery styles at Vila Vila Sur 7.2. Frequency and proportion of rim sherd types at Vila Vila Sur 7.3. Frequency and proportion of domestic and craft tools at Vila Vila Sur 7.4. Frequency and proportion of prestige goods at Vila Vila Sur 7.5. Marine and riverine resources at Vila Vila Sur 7.6. Presence (x) and absence (-) of economic plants at Vila Vila Sur 7.7. Terrestrial subsistence resources at Vila Vila Sur 8.1. Classification of occupational zones into Late Intermediate Period and Late Period based on decorated pottery styles 8.2. Overall proportion of domestic tools for Late Intermediate Period (LIP) and Late Period (LP)

x

25 26 26 26 30 30 30 32 37 37 39 39 44 45 45 45 57 57 57 57 57 60 60 60 60 63 63 63 63 63 63 70 70 71 71 74 74 74 74 76 76 77 84 84 84 85 88 88 88 92 92

List of Tables 8.3. 8.4. 8.5. A.1. A.2. B.1. B.2. B.3. B.4.

Overall proportion of vessel shape for Late Intermediate Period (LIP) and Late Period (LP) Overall proportion of pottery styles for Late Intermediate Period (LIP) and Late Period (LP) Overall proportion of exchange goods, for Late Intermediate Period (LIP) and Late Period (LP) Classification of tombs by type Frequency (N) and proportion (%) of tomb types List of artifacts from Molle Pampa Este List of artifacts from Molle Pampa Medio List of artifacts from Vila Vila Norte List of artifacts from Vila Vila Sur

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92 92 93 106 107 113 114 115 116

Preface

This book was originally presented as my doctoral dissertation and defended at the University of Pittsburgh in 1995. Since then, there have been a number of significative improvements in our understanding of the history of the local polities that inhabited different ecosystems that constitute the Atacama Desert and their relationship with overarching polities centered in the Lake Titicaca basin and the coast and the highlands of the central Andes, including the Inka Empire. Until the 1990s, it was still largely thought that the Inka State did not considere the ecosystems of the Atacama Desert during its expansionist territorial program south of Cusco. It was assumed that the extreme arid conditions linked to low population densities, dissuaded Inka personnel to develop economic enterprises (apart from ore exploitation), and that this region was controlled by indirect government through the agency of the highland altiplano polities of the Lake Titicaca basin. This paradigm has changed as different scholars realized that the Inka’s expansion and intervention in the Atacama Desert was far more complex and dynamic than previously thought. For instance, the State’s needs for resources (especially cooper and maize) introduced important transformations in the political, economic, and ideological systems of the local polities in the Atacama Desert including visible investment in public architecture, and infrastructure which in some cases occurred at the expenses or by expanding previous installations that were completely obliterated. Architectural works however, do not show the classic hallmarks of Inka masonry. The increasing archaeological evidence and new analyses of the Spaniard written records suggests that there was a direct intervention of the State in northern Chile, and local and foreign political agents carried out this process. Before the Inka, local polities were socially organized as interdependent groups without highly centralized or hierarchized political structures. Local polities maintained social and economic networks of interchange, and a common iconographic style displayed in textiles, pottery, rock art and other media. This socioeconomic integration occurred from ca. 900 to 1400 cal A.D. The economy of these rather interdependent polities integrated resources from fishing and shellfish collecting at the coast, farming in the lower oases and highland valleys, and animal husbandry in the Andean puna. Inter-zonal movements and exchanges were facilitated by llama caravans. The advances in the Andean history of northern Chile have been the result of the expansion and introduction of new theoretical frameworks like substantivism in economic anthropology and historical materialism in political economy coupled with the application of a wide range of methodological approaches that include instrumental neutron activation analysis, petrography and XRD characterization of ceramic pastes, iconographic analyses, and improvement of chronological site frameworks by means of radiocarbon and thermoluminiscence dating. Conversely, for the preparation of this new version, it was necessary to consider certain provisions recommended by BAR editorial office, and peer revisions. Among the improvements made to this final version, I updated the literature review on highland-lowland interaction by incorporating in the introduction and other chapters, new references on rather still, controversial topics such as ethnic identity and pottery style, interregional interaction of the different polities that emerged, competed, and collaborated during the later phases of the Andean prehistory. Similarly as requested by BAR reviewers, questions that were introduced in the conclusions were explicitly presented in the Introduction chapter, along with the original research questions, and divided in two main groups of general and specific questions: (a) archaeological context and indicators of interregional interaction and (b) the role of interaction in the political and economic transformation of local polities. Last but not least, I would like to acknowledge Carolina Santoro who did the formatting of the text according to BAR editorial policies. I also thank José Capriles for the final editing and Paola Salgado for improving the quality of old color slides photographs that were incorporated in this new edition for the first time. I would like to recognize Daniela Valenzuela who for years encouraged me to publish this research. Further research on the main topic of this book has been founded by FONDECYT grants 1030312, 1000457, 1970597, 1950961 carried out between 1995 and 2003, and lead by myself at Universidad de Tarapacá in Arica, Chile. In this context I would like to thank Veronica Williams and Álvaro Romero who participated in these studies. The updating process of this book was started as I was a Dumbarton Oaks Fellow in Washington, D.C. from September 2009 to May 2010 and it has been finished in the context of Project ANILLO SOC-1405 granted by CONICYT Programa de Investigación Asociativa (PIA).

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Acknowledgements

This work combines the effort and support of many people and institutions both in the United States and Chile. I would like to express my sincerest appreciation to Dr. Jack Donahue, Dr. Robert D. Drennan, and Dr. James B. Richardson III, for their support and advice as members of my Dissertation Committee. I especially thank Dr. Marc P. Bermann, chair of the Committee, for his encouragement. His great patience and dedication in reviewing and making precise and useful criticisms through the many versions of my research proposal, and dissertation has made it possible to reach conclusion. In Chile I prize the official support of the University of Tarapacá. Dr. Jorge Urquhart, former president of the University, expedited my leave of absence from the Museum San Miguel de Azapa. Professor Luis Tapia Iturrieta, current president of the University, endorsed and extended this license to make possible the completion of my graduate studies. Further, I would like to thank Luis Briones, curator of the Museum, and all my colleagues for their support and encouragement. Various agencies provided financial assistance for my graduate studies and field work from 1991 to 1995. In the United States a Heinz fellowship supported the graduate studies. Earthwatch grants sustained fieldwork in the Lluta Valley for the 1991 to 1993 seasons. Graduate field research grants for the 1992 and 1993 seasons were awarded by the Center for Latin American Studies (CLAS), University of Pittsburgh. Dietary bone analysis was made possible through a cooperative program with Dr. Arthur Aufderheide of the Department of Medicine and Pathology of University of Minnesota, Duluth. My study in the Lluta Valley was originally part of Liliana Ulloa’s project, Estudio interdisciplinario de la textilería en el norte de Chile, período Intermedio Tardío y comunidades contemporáneas, funded by the Fondo Nacional de Desarrollo Científico y Tecnológico (FONDECYT, 91-0102). The Museo San Miguel de Azapa, of the Universidad de Tarapacá, Arica, Chile provided logistical support for field and lab work. Several individuals have helped me at different stages of this enterprise. In particular, I wish to recognize Betty J. Meggers†, Lautaro Núñez, Liliana Ulloa, Daniel Sandweiss, Tom Dillehay, Jorge Hidalgo, John Murra†, Marieta Ortega, Hector González, Oscar Espoueys† and my fellow students at the University of Pittsburgh. In the latter group, I would like to specially thank Maria Auxiliadora Cordero who helped me in different ways to finish the dissertation, Francis Allard for our long and thoughtful conversations comparing Chinese and Andean sociocultural processes and theoretical frameworks in the “wood lab”, as well as Karl Langebeck and Ana Maria Boada that were also excellent intellectual and personal companions. I would like to thank also those individuals who assisted my fieldwork in the Lluta Valley. Mariela Santos for pottery analysis, Paola Siclari, Andres Vilca, and Raul Rocha for mapping, and Teresa Cañipa, and Eugenia Rosello for their work in the laboratory. Maria Auxiliadora Cordero’s help was invaluable in editing the figures. Finally, students from the Carrera de Arqueología, Universidad Mayor de Andres, La Paz, from the Universidad de Tarapacá, Coral Wayland from University of Pittsburgh and also David Anderson for his worthwhile bullet graph program. Though unnamed, several Earthwatch volunteers provided invaluable help in the field and lab. I also owe special thanks to Fito Riquelme and his family for allowing us to use their cottage in the Lluta Valley. I will always be indebted to the late Nancy Miller and her husband Bob Miller whose great hospitality in Pittsburgh expedited and smoothed the way for my family and I to cope with the “first world” society of the United States. Last, but hardly least, all my grateful thanks to Maria Inés Arrieta and my daughters, Carolina and Antonella, who have endured a life of what seemed to be a never-ending dissertation.

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Abstract - Resumen

This is an archaeological study of social organization and change in a late prehispanic population in a northern Chilean valley. Significant quantities of pottery and other items from the highlands have been documented in the Lluta valley, supporting the ethnohistoric accounts that suggest the presence of highland colonists in this valley as part of a prehispanic system of “Andean complementarity.” This research addresses the potential role of highland interaction in the evolution of local communities from an “interregional interaction” perspective. This involves contextual examination of the occurrence of highland ceramic styles and materials and drawing inferences concerning local sociopolitical structure. Excavation of domestic mounds at four sites dating to the Late Intermediate and Late Periods (A.D. 1100 - 1500) revealed no evidence of highland colonists or colonial enclaves. Despite the presence of highland trade goods, the cultural pattern represented at the sites resembles those of coastal Chilean cultures. Comparison of household artifact assemblages gives no indications of pronounced social or wealth differences within or among communities. The excavations revealed great continuity through time in domestic activities, with significant shifts in: (a) ceramic style preferences; (b) the highland import assemblage; (c) household textile production; (d) access to metal ornaments. An important suprahousehold change of the Late Period was the nucleation of population at Molle Pampa Este, a site containing architecture (an ushnu and plaza) associated with imperial Inka administration and public ceremony. Este trabajo es un estudio arqueológico de la organización social y el cambio en una población prehispánica tardía en un valle del norte de Chile. Cantidades significativas de cerámica y otros artículos de las tierras altas se han documentado en el valle de Lluta apoyando los relatos etnohistóricos que sugieren la presencia de colonos de las tierras altas en este valle como parte de un sistema prehispánico de “complementariedad andina”. Esta investigación aborda el papel potencial de la interacción de las tierras altas en la evolución de las comunidades locales desde la perspectiva de la “interacción interregional”. Esto incluye el examen del contexto de la aparición de los estilos de las tierras altas de cerámica y materiales y hacer inferencias relativas a la estructura sociopolítica local. La excavación de los montículos domésticos en cuatro sitios que datan del Intermedio Tardío y Tardío (A.D. 1100-1500) no reveló ninguna evidencia de colonos de las tierras altas o enclaves coloniales. A pesar de la presencia de productos de intercambio de las tierras altas, el patrón cultural representado en los sitios se parece a los de las culturas chilenas costeras. Comparación de los conjuntos de artefactos de unidades domésticas da ninguna indicación de las diferencias sociales o de riqueza pronunciada dentro o entre las comunidades. Las excavaciones revelaron una gran continuidad a través del tiempo en las actividades domésticas, con cambios significativos en: (a) las preferencias de estilo de cerámica, (b) el conjunto de importaciones de las tierras altas, (c) la producción de textiles a nivel de unidad doméstica, (d) el acceso a los adornos de metal. Un cambio supra unidad doméstica importante ocurrido durante el Período Tardío fue la nucleación de la población en Molle Pampa Este, un sitio que contiene arquitectura (un ushnu y una plaza) asociada con ceremonias públicas y la administración imperial Inca.

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Chapter 1 Introduction

This is a study of variability in archaeological remains dating to the late prehistoric era in the Lluta Valley, northernmost Chile. Archaeologists everywhere study variability. Reconstruction of chronological sequences, social organization, political boundaries, and processes of societal evolution rely on interpretation of variability in ceramic-styles, in the composition of stone tool assemblages, in house contents, in grave goods, in settlements.

This indicates that the distribution of Cajamarca ceramics as the primary style is a reliable, perhaps conscious, marker of Cajamarca ethnicity (D. Julien 1993:248-249, emphasis added).

Nowhere are these assumptions about pottery styles more central, and lay barer, than in studies of the archaeological record of the western Andean sierra and coast (Figure 1.1). From southern Ecuador to central Chile, the presence of particular styles or iconography (generally in pottery) is cited as evidence of highland colonization or political control over lower, warmer, and lusher territories to the east and west of the Andes (see Sillar 2000; Ramón and Bell 2013 for new approaches to the cultural context of pottery production). But this no only recurrent in the Andes. For instance, Stein (1999), provides a similar case using evidence from the Mesopotamian Uruk Colony at Hacinebi, Turkey. More recently Rothman (2015) used pottery style and contextual evidence to show that people of the Kura-Araxes culture traditions, in the highland of South Caucasus, formed new ethnic groups in lowland territories where they migrated during the Bronze Age (3500 to 2450 B.C.). Later, these new entities became part of the local tradition. More importantly, Rothman (2015) emphasizes that the concept of ethnicity, which he takes from Barth should be applied in a dynamic analytical way. This was the spirit of our analysis in 1995.

How material variability -- particularly the type labeled “stylistic” -- is interpreted depends upon the underlying assumptions and overt goals of the investigator. In Andean archaeology, stylistic differences in material remains (where not representative of diachronic trends) have traditionally been treated as reflecting ethnic/social identity or political affiliation (Conkey and Hastorf 1990; Menzel 1976). Since Andean archaeology’s inception, the spread of particularly conspicuous styles (usually in pottery) have been assumed to represent the boundaries, emissaries, colonies or “influence” of overarching political systems. This perspective, developing out of Andean archaeology’s art historical roots over the course of a century, has its most obvious expression in the horizon chronological framework still in use. “The origin centercivilization horizon concept,” Moseley (1992:21) has written, “identif[ies] times of widespread interaction and movement of ideas and people,” represented by certain “corporate” styles dispersing from a center of distribution.

The spatial distribution or regional resemblances of pottery style (i.e., iconography, vessels shapes, and production technology) are insuficient indicators to define ethnic identigy, ethnicity and ethnic boundaries (Dietler and Herbich 1994; see also Binder and Courtin 1994). In an interesting case study, Dietler and Herbich (1994) describe that the Luo people of Kenya could recognize the origin of vessels even when they were transported several kilometers from their household of production. Similarly, the Aymara people of Isluga, in the Chilean Andes, show an analogous pattern regarding a common female dress (acsu) manufactured of alpaca black wool, which has no decoration or other obvious peculiarities. The Isluga people, however, could recognize the ayllu

Pottery styles are also frequently treated as key materials for discerning prehistoric ethnic identity. An excellent example of this view is D. Julien’s (1993) discussion of pottery in the Cajamarca region: Small, shallow bowls of white or very lightcolored paste with a high kaolin content (Ninomiya et al. 1982), decorated with polychrome painting, constitute the most distinctive feature of the Cajamarca ceramic tradition, etc. . . . , the distribution of these ceramics closely correspond to the political boundaries of Cajamarca at the time of the Spanish Conquest (Julien 1988).

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Late Prehistoric Regional Interaction and Social Change in a Coastal Valley of Northern Chile (sub-community subdivision) where a particular acsu was made, as they see certain details embedded in the weft and warp. In multiethnic region like the Andes or the Caucasus (Rothman 2015) people produce objects whith particular styles that are distributed and can be recognized over large territories, and hundred of kilometers from their original place of production. This makes them active elements of political and economic scenarios of the interregional interaction that occurred between different ethnic groups (Goldstein 2015). More recently, the application of INAA and other advanced methods to determine the origin of pottery, mining exploitation, and metallurgy are helping to improve these sort of issues (Alden et al. 2006; Vaughn and Tripcevich 2013; Williams et al. 2016; Zori et al. 2013a, 2013b). In addition, in the case of the Andes, such arguments have been, and are, made persuasive by two frameworks: the native socio-economic institution of “verticality” also known as “ecological complementarity”, and the well-documented imperial strategies carried out by the Inca state, which have been widely scrutinized in recent years (Berenguer et al. 2011; Capriles y Revilla 2006; D´Altroy et al. 2007; Núñez et al. 2005; Pärssinen and Siiriäinen 1997; Pärssinen et al. 2010; Tarragó and González 2005; Uribe and Urbina 2009).

Verticality Defined most simply, “verticality” refers to the variety of systems through which highland Andean populations maintained direct access to lands at lower elevations. Despite the existence of specialized merchants in the central and northern Andes, prehistoric Andean economies were characterized by the absence of markets (Earle 1994:444-445; D’Altroy 1992:152; Murra 1976:141). To acquire products from other ecological zones, Andean communities established dominion over land in these zones, or hereditary claims on production in those areas (Llagostera 2010; Platt 2010). Cases of verticality, of different scale and contexts, are documented for highland groups from northern Ecuador to Cajamarca in northwestern Argentina. “Verticality” or “ecological complementarity” was a system more likely to characterize highland populations than groups at lower elevations. Living in a grassland habitat of the high Andes that provided basic staple (animal protein and tubers) as well as a beast of burden for the mobilization of products, highland populations sought access to the wide variety of goods available in the lower valleys and the coast. As documented by ethnohistoric accounts and ethnographic observation, verticality can take place on a range of scales from the “compressed verticality” of a single village in which each household holds plots of land at different elevations, to the massive “vertical archipelagos,” in which altiplano-based polities maintained distant colonies many days travel from the highland center. Colonists in the archipelago systems maintained their affiliation with, and rights in, the highland polity. In the “archipelago” systems, territorial control was discontinuous; polities did not claim property or defend land between their enclaves. In addition, highland enclaves in the lowlands were apparently frequently multiethnic, shared by more than one ethnic group. Information is fragmentary, but there is some evidence that vertical archipelagos encompassed different forms of “direct control,” ranging from unstructured household enterprises and sharing arrangements to centrally controlled systems. The concept of “direct dominion” that implies absolute control over land and resources should be distinguished from “useful dominion,” a less coercive system that involved “share cropping” of resources, in a climate of social alliance and competition (Shimada 1985:xx). This distinction may be particularly crucial in addressing the archaeological record of altiplanic relationships with coastal valleys such as the Lluta Valley. Several case studies will serve to illustrate the traditional interpretations placed on stylistic variability. These cases are somewhat analogous to the situation I encountered in the Lluta Valley. Each involves the presence of “highland” and “local” ceramic styles at non-highland sites.

Figure 1.1. Study area within the Andean Region and the area of Inka domination.

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Introduction Case Study 1: The Chillón Valley What makes the Chillón case so important is the broad agreement between the distribution of ceramic styles observed archaeologically, and the ethnohistoric accounts describing landholding in the chaupiyunga by various highland groups. In addition, this was one of the first archaeological studies that examined lowland and highland relations as part of a social system, an important difference from previous studies that generally treated coastal and highland societies as separate universes (Dillehay 1976:30). Also of great interest are the political relationships implied in coresidentiality and sharing of the zone.

The Chillón Valley of central Peru is one of the most oftencited cases of archipelago verticality in the Andes. Murra (1975 [1967]) argued that the Chaupiyunga zone was shared by highland and coastal societies, citing as evidence the legal document Probanza de Canta 1556 - 1559, published by Rostworowski de Diez Canseco (1972). This document and the Justicia 413 document (Rostworowski de Diez Canseco 1988) describe inter-ethnic conflict over cocagrowing lands in the Chaupiyunga. The chronicler Cobo (1979) described the Chillón as occupied by two “nations” with different languages: the Carabayllo dominating the north side of the valley, and the Pachacamac the south.

Dillehay argued that instead of conquest or political domination, highland groups gained access to the zone by politically subordinating themselves to local inhabitants (Dillehay 1979:23). During the Late Intermediate Period, interethnic social organization was characterized by the “absence of a completely centralized or dominant pattern of control by one group” (Dillehay 1976:463). There was a “loose hierarchical political framework whereby a few paramount lords (probably Colli, Guancayo, and the Canta) ruled over their respective valley variants. Each group possessed some degree of autonomy” (Dillehay 1976:463). A glimpse of the interaction between members of different ethnic groups is provided by a passage in the Justicia 413 document in which a chaupiyunga local describes his relationship with the highland Canta as follows:

During archaeological investigations in the Chillón Valley, Dillehay (1979) identified in Early Intermediate Period (200 BC - AD 500) occupations at the site of Huancayo Alto: (1) “intrusive” highland-associated pottery styles (thin burnished redwares) and a local plainware (with “attributes in common” with Mantaro Valley pottery), (2) a new domestic architectural style (“highlandtype elliptical and rectangular structures”), and (3) an increase in camelid remains. These are evidence, Dillehay (1979:28) concluded, “that Huancayo Alto was inhabited by a mixture of chaupiyunga and highland ethnic groups.” Shared use of the chaupiyunga zone continued in later centuries. For the Late Intermediate Period (AD 10001476), there is ethnohistoric evidence for as many as six distinct ethnic groups in the Chillón Valley, including three highland groups (Canta, Socos and Chacalla) maintaining “archipelago islands” (Dillehay 1976:3; 1987:422, Rostworowski 1973). These highland enclaves were located in the middle section of the valley within the territory of the local Quivi ethnic group. Access to the lower or coastal section of the valley, was controlled by a powerful yunga ethnic group, the Colli.

(the local resident) no es pariente amygo ny henemygo yntima de los yndios de Chacalla ny de Canta mas de que con los yndios de Canta tyene gran amystad e son companeros porque trata con ellos este ten bendelles coca y los de Canta obejas y papas (Rostworowski 1988:175).

Thus, serrano expansion into the lowlands did not, automatically imply a process of imposing power and social superiority (Dillehay 1987:444), although this apparently occurred in several cases in the south central Andes where coastal yunga groups were politically subjugated.

In what has long been a traditional approach in Andean archaeology, Dillehay attempted to link the distribution of ceramic and architectural styles to places and territories described in the documents. For example, archaeological survey showed that ceramics on the north bank of the Chillón River resemble ceramics from the Chancay Valley to the north, with Chancay Black-on-White fairly abundant. Very little of this style was found on sites to the south of the river. Dillehay (1976) interpreted this pattern as confirming the ethnohistoric accounts that the Carabayllo were on the north side of the lower valley, while the Colli were on the south (Marcus and Silva 1988:20).

In the Late Horizon Period, the Chillón Valley was politically and economically unified under the rule of the Tawantinsuyu, as the Inka allied with Chacalla group-located in the most impoverished land of the sierra-who served as a local military force. However, the administrative state center, Huancayo Alto, was located in the intermediate valley, the Inka recognizing the higher economic and political position of the people of that section (Dillehay 1987:442).

Dillehay (1976) concludes that the site of Huancayo Alto was a coresidential multiethnic community where the different groups cooperated in storage and exchange. Huancayo Alto displays a variety of nonlocal ceramic and textile styles. Some buildings are of tapia construction, while other structures are made of stone. Dillehay interpreted tapia use as a coastal tradition, and the stone as a highland trait.

This would seem to accord with a popular hypothesis that, following conquest, the Inka generally ruled highland areas directly, “while the yunga lands were characterized by indirect rule” (Marcus 1988:25).

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Late Prehistoric Regional Interaction and Social Change in a Coastal Valley of Northern Chile Variability in architectural styles, however, presented a different pattern. Round, single-story houses were found throughout the San Blas ceramic region. Rectangular, multistory buildings (with one story given over to storage) and well-fortified sites were concentrated in the upper Tarma drainage, within Tarama territory (Hastings 1987:151, and Figure 4). The upper Tarma is qhishwa land, best suited for maize production and other crops, and thus subject to more competition than cooperation between groups (Hastings 1987:152). Ecological conditions of the puna zone, in contrast, did not demand fortification nor storage facilities as in the lower qhishwa zone. Given these ecological constrains, the differences in settlement were interpreted as functions of ecological adaptation and economic practices, rather than ethnic identity.

Recently, revisiting the Chillón case my colleagues and argued that although Collique and Quivi social groups controlled colonies in chaupiyunga just before the Inka, the whole archaeological patterns seem to reflect a wide mosaic of changeable intergroup strategies (Santoro et al. 2010a). This included co-residence, co-access to resources and verticality (complementarity). Furthermore, both archaeological and ethnohistorical studies agree that Quivi was a sort of a central place where different groups converged and negotiated their power relationship. Although, the local people of Quivi and other localities in chaupiyunga did not have an appropriate farming and demographic structure to govern over the whole valley, their geopolitical position allowed them to sustain certain rights and power that the coastal and highland groups did not possess (see also Knudson and Buikstra 2007).

Hastings (1987:155) concludes that ceramic and architectural variability might be useful as a rough measure of cultural similarity, but that interpretations of ethnicity using these lines of evidence are problematic in the absence of better information on the nature of ethnic organization itself. He also suggests that this model of socio-economic organization acted as a limiting factor for increasing social complexity as populations were dispersed in the landscape without solid control of the territory. In some respects, the Junin case is not a “classic” example of verticality as defined by Murra. For instance, “lower settlements represent a monoethnic expansion of vertical control into the [qhishwa] valleys and are not part of a multiethnic vertical archipelago” (Hastings 1987:154). Yet multiethnicity was a key element of Murra’s model: “peripheral settlements were always multiethnic” (Murra 1975:71; Platt 2010).

Case Study 2: Junin This study carried out by Hastings (1987) concerned both ethnohistoric and archaeological data from the Junin Plateau and contiguous valleys on the eastern slope of the Andes, in central Peru. Two Late Intermediate Period ethnic groups, Chinchacona and Tarama, are described in the written records as the occupants of the area of study. The former--primarily a herding population-were concentrated in the highland puna zone. Though “monoethnic expansion of vertical control” (Hastings 1987:154), they established colonies (at places identified in the ethnohistoric documents) in the lower qhishwa zone, and possibly the ceja de montaña zone (Hastings 1987:148-149). The Tarama, a farming group, occupied a lower zone in the upper branches of the Tarma Valley.

Case Study 3: Architecture and Ethnicity in Moquegua

Hastings’ program of regional survey and surface collection revealed that the distribution of decorated pottery styles did not conform to the internal ethnic divisions supposed to have existed during the Late Intermediate Period. San Blas Red-on-Buff pottery was equally distributed in the territories of the Chinchacona and Tarama (Hastings 1987:155), leading him to suggest that “pottery in this area simply does not function as a meaningful medium for differentiating ethnically separated groups” (Hastings 1987:152-153). He argues, however that this assertion “would be inconsistent with the obvious contrasts of the San Blas tradition with pottery of the surrounding Huanca, Yacha and Amazonian groups” (Hastings 1987:153). According to Hastings, the distribution of San Blas pottery style did roughly demarcate the geographical boundaries of the two groups combined together, in opposition to other ethnic groups to the east and south. Thus, the internal territorial division between Chinchacona and Tarama ethnic groups was not marked by the archaeological distribution of the San Blass. The sharing of the same pottery styles suggest that the two groups were not entirely separate entities “as the chroniclers lead us to believe”. Instead, the “two groups [had] more in common with each other than [with] their neighbors” (Hastings 1987:153).

Aldenderfer and Stanish (1993) argued that domestic architecture--a feature, rather than a portable artifact-should be treated as a stronger marker of ethnic identity than pottery styles. They suggest that a highland colony in a coastal valley would be likely to maintain the same organization of domestic space and house style as in the core area. Stanish (1989, 1992) pays particular attention to domestic architectural patterns in his study of verticality in the Moquegua (Osmore) Valley (Figure 1.2). As with the Lluta Valley, ethnohistoric documents describe various highland groups having enclaves and land claims in the Moquegua sierra and coastal areas. Working from historical records, Julien (1985) locates two major Colla (Figure 1.2) colonies in Moquegua. Other documents indicate land holdings by the Collas’ main rival, the Lupaca (Figure 1.2). The size of the Lupaca colony is difficult to determine. The Garci Diez Visita ([1567] 1964) lists 25 households in the settlement of Tarata, but other documents suggest a number as high as 300 households (Julien 1979; Stanish 1992). During the first several centuries following Spanish Conquest, Moquegua was viewed as an important Lupaca domain (Stanish 1992:103).

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Introduction

Figure 1.2. Geographic distribution of ethnic groups according to historical accounts (XVIth century). Stanish (1989:315) recognizes five phases in the late prehispanic Osmore-Moquegua Valley, each associated with a different structure of inter-regional economic and “political integration”. As Stanish (1989:317) notes, “a model of preInka Lupaqa colonization in the Moquegua drainage is not supported by the Otora Valley data,” although some scholars, such as Julien (1985), have extrapolated the early colonial situation to pre-Inka times. Instead, during the pre-Inka Otora phase, the most direct altiplanic influence “comes from the north side of the Lake Titicaca where the Colla polity was located” (Stanish 1989:318). Three archaeological correlates of Colla ethnic colonization of the valley are cited: (a) Colla-style decorated pottery found in domestic contexts, (b) “Collared” tombs architecturally resembling highland Colla tomb Type 3 in Tschopik’s (1946) classification, and (c) the circular plan of domestic structures.

Pease (1985) presents additional late 16th-century evidence for highland populations controlling land in Moquegua, including a 1587 observation that Moquegua fields, “have sustained… many Indians from this valley and from the province of Chuquito, Pacaxes, Collao” (quoted in Stanish 1992:101). The Garci Diez Visita recorded the following testimony from a native witness: this witness has seen that they have many chacaras on the coast in the towns of Moquegua and Sama with their subjects where they harvest much maize and wheat in the said towns all (of which) the principal towns of this province have charcaras which the said witness has seen and has visited and (states) that they have abundant chacaras (Diez de San Miguel [1567] quoted in Stanish 1992:100-101).

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Late Prehistoric Regional Interaction and Social Change in a Coastal Valley of Northern Chile The Estuquiña Phase (between the Otora phase and the Inka Period) saw a different system of interaction, as the previous Otora phase Colla colonies became an independent polity. In describing archaeological correlates for the interruption of the vertical political hegemony, Stanish notes that “the Estuquiña period is characterized by extreme site homogeneity across the upper sierra of the Osmore and southern Tambo drainage” (Stanish 1989:315).

record. Headdresses, garments and other kind of ornaments are widely mentioned in ethnohistoric accounts as visible ethnic symbols. As most or all of these items are likely to have vanished from many Andean archaeological sites, archaeologists have transferred these “emblemic” functions to pottery styles and treated ceramic styles as the actual symbols of ethnic identity. Accordingly, archaeologists have often endeavored to plot the distribution of conspicuous styles with the general assumption that it will make it possible to map ancient ethnic or political boundaries. But does the distribution of ceramic styles really represent ethnicity or political affiliation? We know that other mechanisms--such as trade and cultural borrowing--lead to the distribution of decorated pottery and that pottery-style preferences are structured by other factors than “emblemic” marking (Wobst 1977).

According to the archeological records, Lupaqa control over the Osmore region, “was correlated to the initial Inka geo-political control of the Osmore drainage” (Stanish 1989:319). Yet the archaeological record seems to indicate a larger economic exchange system operating between, “the Inka-dominated Titicaca Basin and the sierra,” of Moquegua during the Late Horizon (Stanish 1989:317). Interaction between these regions took several social and economic forms that operated simultaneously, as in the Chillón Valley.

Perhaps the greatest problem with the verticality model lies in its use, specifically, in the often uncritical projection of “verticality” into the past. Used to interpret the archaeological record, verticality constructs have hindered viewing stylistic variability as anything other than emblemic, and hindered viewing archaeological variability as anything other than the expression of colonies, multiethnicity, and ethnic archipelago polities. More grievously, verticality constructs distracted archaeologists from investigating prehispanic sociopolitical organization from alternative perspectives or with alternative constructs.

Not only highland groups expanded into the Moquegua sierra. The pre-Inka and Inka periods also saw the spread into the Moquegua mid-valley of a group “linked ceramically and architecturally to the coastal and lower Ilo Valley Chiribaya polity” (Stanish 1989:313). Coastal groups practicing verticality are the basis for Murra’s third and fourth cases of vertical economy. Archaeological Limitations of Verticality Models A critique of the verticality “model” and its frequent abuses is beyond the scope of this monograph. However, some discussion of the limitations of the verticality construct is relevant.

Interregional Interaction: An Alternative Perspective on the Regional Distribution of Style in the Andes Interaction between lowland and highland groups during the Late Intermediate and Late Periods can be approached from a different theoretical perspective-that of “interregional interaction” (Schortman and Urban 1987). This approach focuses not only on the mechanisms that put societies in contact (such as trade, colonies, or vertical economy), but also on how these mechanisms and related processes, “were integrated in the existing local cultural system and the dynamic role [they] played in cultural change” (Schortman and Urban 1987:49). In contrast, diffusionist approaches have failed to “offer any description in real social terms of the precise social context in which the relationships were played out” (Champion 1989:10).

First, the verticality model is based on ethnohistoric data. Despite archaeological efforts to test the age of this pattern, we still do not know its time-depth. Second, ethnohistoric documents generally shed light on an extremely short (by archaeological standards) period of time. Something that may appear of great antiquity to a non-literate informant, may be very brief from an archaeological perspective. Third, the ethnohistoric records, can be viewed almost as “palimpsests,” as expressions of a mythical past time, and a manifestation of desired territorial ambitions. The Spanish records are often explicit attempts to claim “lost” territorial control through appeals to tradition. While some scholars have enthusiastically treated the vertical economy as a pre-Inka system, Julien (1983) thinks that Lupaqa political organization was a consequence of the Inka provincial organization of the circum-Lake Titicaca region (see also Stanish 1989). Llagostera (1976, 2010) in contrast, has suggested that ecological complementary was exercised by polities before the Inka, whose domination interrupted this mechanism and who controlled access to far-away resources.

Change within a society may result from external pressures (political or economic) inherent in interaction with a larger polity, or through internal developments, as local leaders use interaction to bolster their power, or a combination of the two. Interregional interaction often entails the production and long-distance movement of highly valued items (referred to variously as prestige-goods, social valuables, exotic goods, or luxury goods) that serve to define and create political power, economic privilege, and wealth accumulation. Such objects are typically of

Even thornier problems arise in attempting to identify verticality, colonies, or ethnicity in the archaeological

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Introduction exotic or rare raw materials, require great effort or skill in manufacture, or are associated stylistically with powerful ideologies or an elite stratum.

of long-distance trade goods, and the adoption of “elite styles” from elsewhere are often intertwined with control over local production. The same segment of the population that controls resources or accumulates great wealth is likely to mark itself off stylistically from the rest of the population by identifying with a regional elite.

Access or traffic in these goods is generally in the hands of the elite (or those ambitious to be so). As wealth objects, long-distance trade goods can be used to gain followers, or stimulate local agricultural and craft production. Equally, domination of local resources and production can allow ambitious individuals to compete for status-enhancing long-distance ties.

An archaeological example of cultural convergence is the relationship that existed between small groups on the Iranian plateau and the Mesopotamian city-states (Lambert-Karlovsky 1975:361). In this case, elites in the Iranian population strove to maintain a trade network with the ruling stratum of the Mesopotamian city-states. The former produced exotic goods that were exchanged for luxury and status goods of the Mesopotamian elite, and adopted Mesopotamian styles and customs. The inflow of Mesopotamian goods reinforced and enhanced the Iranian elite’s local prestige and power, and stimulated a growth in political complexity. Therefore, the relationship was of, “mutual benefit to the rising elite in both areas” (LambertKarlovsky 1975:361).

Sustained domination of this interaction not only bestows economic advantage, but also elevates prestige or status. Those who engage in this interaction gain supralocal reputations and relationships, and acquire social stature for their dealings with the distant and esoteric (see Helms 1979). These individuals develop different mechanisms to control the access to, and flow of, exotic goods (both imported and local) with the purpose of supporting their status, wealth and power. In this way, as Steponaitis (1986:392) has commented, the exchange of prestige goods represents an elite’s ability to use them as an “instrument of political strategy”.

This pattern of cultural convergence may have been common during Inka times. Local elites typically gained prestige through their interaction with the Inka state by adopting symbolic and social Inka emblems (see Hyslop 1990:248-49). This included the adoption of Inka architectural style in domestic and burial compounds, the use of fine decorated pottery, textiles, and metal objects. In addition, the Inka rulers could grant honorary Inka status to the rulers of subject populations.

This perspective also recognizes style as a central aspect in societal change (Earle 1991:74). Iconography with wide regional scope (“regional integration” in Willey’s terms 1991:206-207) may reflect the spread of elite styles used to “legitimize or ‘naturalize’ the inherent inequality of [social] systems” (Earle 1991:75; see recent review in Eare 2010). The display of a particular style may be the expression of political and economic alliances between elites, or a process of “elite convergence” between societies of different social and economic scales (Higley 2010; Schortman and Urban 1987).

Colonies, Ethnicity, and Archaeological Variability in Coastal Northern Chile For the coastal region of northern Chile, both ethnohistoric accounts and archaeological remains point to persistent interaction between local (coastal and yunga) communities and populations in the highlands, going back perhaps as early as Formative times (ca. 1000 B.C.). The nature of this interaction, as one moves further back in time from the Conquest, is increasingly open to debate.

Elite Convergence In elite convergence, local elite adopts the decorative styles, sumptuary or consumption patterns, “membership symbols,” and display behavior of the elites of the dominant polity. The identification with a ruling stratum, and participation in an elite exchange network, may be critical factors in maintaining and enhancing local social privilege and economic dominance. Once these “coevolution relations” have developed “intersocietal contacts assume crucial roles in prompting and guiding processes of sociopolitical change” (Schortman and Urban 1992:240).

Taken at face value, ethnohistoric accounts are relatively straight-forward in indicating that in the centuries prior to the Spanish Conquest, highland (Aymara-speaking) groups exploited coastal zones in the archipelago fashion (Gallardo 2013; Hidalgo 1978, 1986; Llagostera 2010; Murra 1972, 1985). Sixteenth-century documents describe the existence of what Murra (1972) have labelled “multiethnicity”, further explored in the region of Arica, in particular in the valleys of Lluta and Azapa by Hidalgo (1978, 1986) and Hidalgo and Focacci (1986) (Figure 1.2). A significant component of this “multiethnicity” might be described as “horizontality”. People from lowland locations as Pica, Tacna, and Ilo held colonial enclaves on the coast of Arica; and from Tarapacá (Figure 1.2) also came colonies of both fishermen and farmers (Hidalgo and Focacci 1986:137-138). With respect to highland colonies

I would only suggest that the argument should be turned around: in cases of incipient inequality, processes of sociopolitical change make intersocietal contacts of great importance. In the factional competition that appears to often characterize the emergence of sociopolitical hierarchy, domination of long-distance contacts may be only one of a number of strategies for acquiring power. Furthermore, as many studies have affirmed, control

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Late Prehistoric Regional Interaction and Social Change in a Coastal Valley of Northern Chile through their Black/red pottery, circular stone domestic structures, chulpa (above-ground mortuary chambers) and cist tombs (see Lumbreras 1974; Niemeyer et al. 1972-73; Núñez and Dillehay 1978; Schiappacasse et al. 1989; Villanueva 2015). Despite this, the archaeological mapping of highland colonies and local settlements in coastal enclaves have not been as successful as in the Chillón Valley (see Hidalgo and Focacci 1986:145; Santoro et al. 2010a; Schiappacasse et al. 1989:200-201). In general, the ethnohistoric accounts seem to reveal a dynamic process of interaction between highland and lowland peoples. Because we do not know the time-depth of such patterns of interaction, the Lluta archaeological remains should not be interpreted in light of such historically-documented interaction (see Schiappacasse, Castro and Niemeyer 1989 for a general discussion). In particular, we should not assume that the distribution of pottery styles necessarily represents ethnic boundaries, even where particular styles can be associated with ethnohistorically-known populations or some of the ethnic groups mentioned in the colonial record. It is tempting to project the ethnohistorically-derived patterns of highland - sierra interaction into the past. However, archaeological exploration of interaction between highland and coastal populations must be based on analysis of a broad set of lines of evidence, including the context of ceramic-style preferences at the local and household level, as well as bioanthropological analyses (Santoro et al. 2010a, 2010b).

in the coast and valleys of Arica, the documents mentioned that Lupaqa, an ethnic group that inhabited the southwest region of the Titicaca Basin, were located in the Lluta Valley: don Pedro Cutimbo cacique principal que fue de esta probincia [Chuquito] . . . en el dicho Valle de Cama Moquegua y Yuta . . . le tenía dozientas anegas de trigo y maiz que avia coxido de una s chacaras que tenía en los dichos valles (quoted in Hidalgo and Focacci 1986:138).

The Pacaje, another Altiplano ethnic group located to the south of the Lake Titicaca (Figure 1.2), were able to establish enclaves in Arica as a consequence of Inka regional settlement reorganization, when new boundaries were defined for this ethnic group. Until the seventeenthcentury, Pacajes caciques tried to exert these rights over territories in the highland of Arica (Hidalgo and Focacci 1986:138). In the 16th-century, the Caranga with home territory located south of the Pacaje and contiguous to the highlands of Arica might have also controlled local population living in the coast and valleys of Lluta and Azapa. 16th-century written records mention that people were under the control of a principal named Cayoa (Cayoca or Cayuca) who resided in the Lluta Valley. It is suspected that he come from Caranga (Figure 1.2) as he was subordinated to Chuqui Chambe, “the chief of the upper moiety [or alasaya: aymara] of all the Carangas” (Murra 1979, quoted by Hidalgo and Focacci 1986:138). In the 16th-century, Chief Cayoa controlled a total of 80 Indians distributed in 5 hamlets located in the Lluta Valley and the nearby coast. Each hamlet had its own principal subordinated to Cayoa: (a) Chipaguanaco (15 Indians), (b) Chipaya or Chapixa (30 Indians, with two principals Tico or Trico and Maman Taco, (c) Estancia (10 Indians and principal Laco), (d) Aluchaca (26 Indians, located “en los yungas del mar”), and (e) Chilligua (10 households in estancia de pescadores) (Hidalgo and Focacci 1986:139, Table 1). Chuqui Chambe, the Caranga chief of the alasaya moiety, had other colonies in the region of Arica, but these were not controlled by Cayoa. It is possible that Cayoa was chief of the upper moiety-alasaya- while those hamlets not subject to his control may have belonged to a lower moiety--majasaya.

The spatial distribution of the highland ceramic and architectural styles is continuous in the upper section of the valleys of northern Chile, inconsistent with the expected discontinuous pattern that is a key feature of the archipelago model (Santoro et al. 2010a; Schiappacasse et al. 1989:200; Stanish 1992). In the lower section of the Camarones Valley (Figure 1.2), for instance, Late Intermediate Period settlements were characterized by simple rectangular household buildings, the use of local pottery designs, and settlements located on hilltops or in defensive positions. In contrast, sites in the upper section of the valley, while still located in defensive locations, displayed chulpa and cist tombs, and circular domestic structures, and the highland Black/red or Chilpe pottery style (Niemeyer et al. 1972-73). With the beginning of the Late Horizon or Inka period, the local pottery traditions were discontinued, or modified to incorporate Inka designs. At first, the most common Inkaassociated ceramic style was Saxamar (also called InkaPacajes after its center of distribution in the Pacajes region of altiplano Bolivia). Subsequently, and perhaps under more direct Inka control, the defensive locations were abandoned, the population was relocated in small villages scattered closer to the flood plain along the valley, and a local administrative center was placed in Saguara: a site in the upper section of the valley with a large platform interpreted as an ushnu, the Inka symbol of power (Niemeyer and Schiappacasse 1988; Schiappacasse and

How many of the population “under” Cayoa were fishermen, local farmers or “mitimaes” sent to the lowlands by Chuqui Chambe is unknown. Hidalgo and Focacci (1986:138-139) are inclined to think that Cayoa himself was an Aymara chief, accompanied by people from his own community--Caranga--settled in the Lluta Valley to control both local and highland residents. They cite as support for this argument that the name Cayoa is repeated for Caranga chiefs in documentation of the 17th century. The highland or Aymara enclaves can, according to some prehistorians, be recognized in northern coastal Chile

8

Introduction Niemeyer 1989:76). In this period, the use of the Saxamar pottery style declined, replaced by other Inka altiplanic styles known in the Titicaca basin (Tschopik 1946; Julien 1979; cited by Schiappacasse and Niemeyer 1989:71).

f)

The continuous distribution of highland-style materials in the upper sectors of the Camarones Valley seems to represent a migratory rather than a colonial pattern of demic diffusion. The discontinuous distribution of highland-style remains seen lower in the valley may indicate exchange and/or ethnic enclaves. This pattern is possibly applicable to other valleys such as Lluta (Santoro et al. 2009). g) Sixteenth-century documents portray a multiethnic population in the valleys of Arica and Lluta, consistent with one of the elements of the archipelago vertical model. It is possible, however, that, as in the Moquegua-Osmore case, interaction with highland groups had a more sequential character. Archaeological investigation in Moquegua suggested the arrival of the Colla, followed later by the Lupaqa, who were helped by Inka intervention (Goldstein and Owen 2001; Stanish 2001).

Overall, ethnohistoric accounts and archaeological investigations make it possible to present the following tentative picture of Late Intermediate Period organization in the Chilean northern coastal valleys: a) Three major groups were interacting in the coast and Pacific valleys: the “camanchacas”, “yunga”, and “aymara.” Although acquisition of coastal resources was the main economic rational for highland interest in coastal Chile, there is no indication that this gave the yunga groups controlling access to the coast the kind of political position that seems to have enjoyed the Colli, the yunga group in the Chillón Valley (Santoro et al. 2010a). b) In contrast to the larger and more complex highland populations, late prehispanic yunga and camanchaca populations were relatively small and organized with simple social structures. Lowland population was dispersed along the valleys and the coast, in small villages with little indication of supra-local political integration. c) Local communities may have been loosely integrated into one or more confederacies, marked or distinguished by the use of the “Arica” pottery styles: San Miguel, Pocoma, and Gentilar. D. Julien (1993) has posited a similar situation in the Cajamarca region of highland Peru during the Late pre-Inka Period. He suggests that 5 or 6 local, normally independently chiefdoms formed a larger “ethnic” confederation when faced with outside pressure. d) Three principal highland groups maintained strong ties or claims in the Azapa/Lluta zone: the Lupaqa, Pacaje and Caranga. There is no evidence that these or other Aymara groups independently instituted a centralized political structure to implement their control over lowland groups or lands. Instead, centralized political authority, when it appeared, was associated with Inka rule, even while governing through client highland polities. e) Verticality worked largely in one direction. The few Arica style sherds in the highlands can be explained by mechanisms of trade or exchange, rather than colonization or ethnic affiliation (Romero 2005; Santoro et al. 2001, 2004, 2009; Valenzuela et al. 2004). In this context, it is interesting to note that Lozada and Buikstra (2002) documented what they called a case of “reverse verticality” in the Osmore coastal valley in southern Peru, while for the Arica valleys, in northermost Chile, Muñoz and colleagues (1997) suggested that lowland people controlled territories in the precordillera (ca. 3.500-4.000 m).

Moreover, highland people coming down to the yungas under a loose kinship relation of exchange (Solomon) may been acquiring local “identity” (Platt 2010), along with an introduction of certain products and goods brought from other within the local yungas cultural style. Stylistic Variability in the Lluta Valley: A Contextual Approach Besides its citation in ethnohistoric documents as an area of highland mitmaq or coloners, the lower-coastal section of the Lluta Valley is an ideal setting to address issues of stylistic variability, local social processes, verticality, and colonization. First, sites in the valley display a range of ceramic styles, including several highland styles, some associated with ethnohistorically known altiplano polities. Second, a sequence of settlement allows us to distinguish “the local,” identify potential “intrusions” of colonists, and, most importantly, examine the diachronic processes associated with the appearance of highlandstyle materials. Instead of using the variability in the Lluta archaeological remains to “test” the construct of verticality, or to “document” the colonies or highland enclaves hinted at in the ethnohistoric documents, I took a different approach in my investigation. This involved focusing on the archaeological variability (in ceramic style preferences, in household assemblages, in residential organization) to examine: 1. The social integration and organization of local communities during the Late Intermediate period; and 2. The socio-cultural processes accompanying interaction with pre-Inka highland polities and, somewhat later, the Inka state.

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Late Prehistoric Regional Interaction and Social Change in a Coastal Valley of Northern Chile Research Questions b) The role of interaction in the political and economic transformation of local polities. 1. What does the use of highland style pottery suggest about the role of pottery styles in Lluta society in general? 2. What local processes or conditions accompanied interaction with the coast and highlands? 3. What internal socioeconomic or political processes might have stimulated trade or affiliation with highland populations? 4. Were some segments of the population more involved in highland ties than others? 5. What was the relationship between stylistic preferences and wealth or status? 6. Did use of highland styles (particularly in pottery) crosscut household wealth differences?

The approach of this investigation was informed by the recent state of “center-periphery” studies that underscore the importance of the relationships among external contacts and local sociopolitical and economic processes. These studies lead us to address questions traditionally ignored by Andean archaeologists in their interpretations of regional stylistic distributions. For instance, to begin to understand the stylistic variability in the Lluta Valley, we would want to know if changes in sociopolitical hierarchy accompanied the interaction of Lluta communities with highland polities and the Inka state. We would also want to know about the distribution of highland style materials within the Lluta communities and particularly if they were concentrated in certain households or distributed relatively evenly among households. Ultimately, we would want to know under what conditions stylistic preferences changed, and the factors that may have led stylistic marking of status, wealth, or social identity to become of greater importance in Lluta society.

I was interested in knowing under what conditions interaction with distant groups, and display of nonlocal styles, would be heightened. Factional models suggest that developing socioeconomic differentiation would be one condition, as elites or those ambitious to be so, used exotic goods and styles to mark and bolster prestige. In this case, we might expect to see significant shifts in economic pattern, status differentiation, or control of resources occurring concurrently with shifts in “interregional interaction.” Carried to an extreme with “cultural convergence,” the adoption of highland “styles” by an elite stratum might be so complete as to suggest the presence of a highland colony.

In approaching the above concerns, I designed my fieldwork to address several questions grouped in two main issues: a) Archaeological context as and indicator of interregional interaction. 1. What was the nature of interaction between Lluta residents and coastal and highland populations? 2. Is the archaeological variability at the Lluta sites consistent with highland colonization? 3. What were the local effects of articulation or incorporation into the Inka sphere? 4. In what contexts were particular styles, or stylistic displays in general, most important? 5. Were highland style preferences as strongly marked in mortuary as in domestic contexts? 6. Were changes in economic production, or sociopolitical organization associated with changes in interaction with highland polities?

Alternatively, new highland styles (again, particularly in pottery), may have only replaced earlier imported ceramics in a long-standing system of interzonal exchange. Perhaps Lluta Valley households always used a small amount of imported pottery, with the source and stylistic affiliation of this pottery of negligible sociopolitical importance (Bermann 1994). In this case, stylistic changes would not be accompanied by significant shifts in demography, economic patterns, or sociopolitical organization.

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Chapter 2 The Lluta Valley in Regional Perspective

The Lluta Valley1 is located near the border with Peru in northernmost Chile, roughly 10 km north of the city of Arica, and between approximately 18˚ - 19˚ south latitude and 70˚ - 71˚ west longitude. The valley is 350 km from the highland site of Hatunqolla, which at the time of European contact in the 16th century, was the destination of tribute to the Inka from Tarapacá’s valleys (Cieza [1553] 1986:Cap. LXXV:223). The valley is also 270 km from Acora, to the southwest of Lake Titicaca; one of the seven Lupaqa parcialidades that maintained colonies in the Lluta Valley (Murra 1986:20). The Lluta Valley consists of a deep and narrow coastal canyon cut by a river originating on the western slopes of the Andes (Figure 1.2). The description that follows deals with the lower section of the Lluta Valley where the archaeological sites under discussion are located (Figure 2.1) (Santoro 1995).

location of prehistoric settlement may also have prevented contamination2 of the water and maximized the availability of the valley’s rare fertile land. Since those locations have not been inhabited in historic times, the archaeological sites have not been obliterated by colonial and modern occupation. Older occupations were covered by sand dune deposition and may become visible when deep cuts are practiced on the slopes for road construction and other purposes. Prehistoric settlements have never been subject to farming, thus there is no severe post-occupational alteration of site stratigraphy. Tombs, however, because of their visibility, have been heavily looted. Despite this problem, it is still possible to generate useful mortuary data. Looters look for particular objects without using sifters or other devices, leaving behind broken and unnoted artifacts that are reburied by sand afterwards.

The valley’s current population of 1516 individuals, according to the 1982 census (González, Gundermann, and Rojas 1991:139) is dispersed along the valley floor. No real central places have arisen in the Lluta Valley since the Spanish Conquest, although Poconchile, about 30 km from the coast, functions as a political center where basic state services are provided (health care, border control police station, church, school).

Environmental Setting The deep transverse valleys of northern Chile dissect the desert pampas extending along the Pacific coast from Tumbes (5˚00’S), near the border with Ecuador, to La Serena (29˚55’ S) in northern Chile (Figure 1.1) (Bowman 1916:114). This coastal region encompasses “hot land” that “the Indians call yunca [yunga]” (Garcilaso de la Vega [1609] 1966:161, Bk. Three, Chap. XIII). The diversion of these rivers to water crops and orchards created “the only land inhabited on this coast” (Garcilaso de la Vega [1609] 1966:161, Bk. Three, Chap. XIII). The contrast between these “green snake like” canyons and the desert pampas impressed Spaniards when they first marched over these territories:

Modern settlement is concentrated on alluvial terraces at the margin of the flood plain where few pre-Colonial remains have been found, suggesting that the indigenous preference was for higher elevations. If these alluvial terrace areas were prehistorically occupied, archaeological remains have been destroyed by the intensive farming or obliterated by the modern house installations. In marshy areas, dense vegetation may mask prehistoric remains.

En esta provincia [Tarapacá] hay ríos que proceden de las sierras y cordillera nevada, . . . Todo el compás de tierra que está fuera de los valles es estéril y despoblado y de grandes arenales. En todo este compás de tierra que hay en estos valles no llueve. En las quince y dieciséis leguas que digo que hay de la cordillera nevada hasta la mar . . . no llueve. Es de Tumbes hasta

Most of the archaeological sites known are located on the slopes and terraces of the north and south walls of the valley. In general, prehistoric populations placed their residences and cemeteries 30-50 meters above the flood plain. This locational preference may reflect not only defensive concerns, but also a desire to avoid the warmth, dampness, and mosquitoes found on the flood plain. The

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Late Prehistoric Regional Interaction and Social Change in a Coastal Valley of Northern Chile The surface of the valley is covered by fine gravel as a result of the weathering of the volcanic bed rocks. The constant blowing of sand and dust creates shifting sand dunes that have affected the formation, deflation, and erosion of archaeological sites. Dune formation in the archaeological sites resulted from architectural remains--canes, reed and wooden posts--serving as traps for sand accumulation. These materials, mixed with other occupational remains preserved in the dry soil conditions--make up the bulk of the archaeological stratigraphy.

el valle de Guasco [Huasco] que serán setenta3 leguas (Bibar [1558] 1966:8-9, Cap. iiii).4

The contrast is so sharp that one may paraphrase a cliché long attached to the famous Nile: that here it is, literally, possible to stand with one foot on the green side of the valley and the other foot on the sand (Wenke 1990:373). Coastal rivers depend on precipitation and snow in the Andes to the east. Rainfall gradually decreases south of the Equator, reaching levels of about 350 mm per year at the highland where the Lluta Valley originates (4,000 6000 m asl). This makes desert aridity more severe in the lowlands. Further south (19° - 22° S), precipitation drops to 250 mm per year in the highlands, worsening hyper-arid conditions in the lowlands where no ravines or canyons reach the coast.

Climate The climate has been classified as a coastal semitropicaldesert (Koppen, quoted by Díaz et al. 1958:315). In a region where it never freezes, the average annual temperature is 18˚ C, and precipitation is nearly absent below 2,000 m asl. Between 1911 and 1945 annual mean precipitation was 0.8 mm (Díaz et al. 1958:315); but during this period a storm dropped 10 mm in Arica in 1918. Thus in these extreme arid conditions, availability of water, irrigation and fertilization of the soil were critical factors in the election of places for cultivation (Julien 1985:186).

The lower Lluta Valley is formed of liparitic or rhyolitic bedrock, the result of successive floods of volcanic magma during the Miocene. It is framed by two mountain chains of smooth topography. There are no visible rock outcroppings. Much of the lower valley is a narrow steepsided gully of 2 - 3 km wide and 1 - 1.5 km deep with a gently sloped (1,5-2% mean gradient; Keller 1946:122) flood plain. The valley is surrounded by arid flat plains or pampas that connect to the Caplina valley to the north and the Azapa valley to the south.

The lack of precipitation is mitigated by a dense marine fog, the garua, or camancha, which peaks during the winter. This fog penetrates the Lluta Valley to an altitude of 800 m asl, moisturizing the soil and helping plants to

Figure 2.1. General overview of the contrasting landscape at the lower section of the Lluta Valley, around 20 km from the Pacific littoral. Archaeological sites are visible and preserved on the slopes and fluvial terraces of the Valley (taken from Google Earth). 12

The Lluta Valley in Regional Perspective

The flow of water in the Lluta Valley increases during the summer (December to March) coinciding with the rainy season in the highlands. However, due to a notable annual variation in the hydrological system, it is classified as endorreic (De Martone s/f, quoted by Díaz et al. 1958:313). Every ten or more years, the valley is struck by devastating floods as a result of blizzards in the highlands linked to La Niña events, which affects the Humboldt Current. The same kind of phenomenon may have been caused by coastal storms, side effects of infrequent catastrophic El Niño events.

The highland tributaries of the Lluta Valley, the Azufre and Tacora Rivers, originate in a sulfur rich area partly from thermal springs. This gives the river its acidic nature (Ph 1.5 - 3; Leonardo Figueroa personal communication) and high borax concentration (Schull et al. 1990:34; see also Figueroa 1992). From its point of origin near the Mount Tacora all along its transect, Rio Azufre remains highly acidic, even when it reaches the Pacific. Analyses done in the coastal section have revealed high levels of chlorates, sulfates, and carbonate of sodium (Díaz et al. 1958:308). During the last century, sulfuric acid, sulfate of iron, and alum were said to make the water of the valley poisonous to animals (Paz Soldán 1877:94). Even earlier, during Colonial times, the Azufre River and the soils of the valley had gained a bad reputation (Vázquez de Espinosa [1620] 1942;1414:515, Chap. LV).

The Lluta Basin

Soils of the Lluta Valley

The Lluta Valley is 150 km long, with a total area of roughly 3,000 km2. It has the strongest water flow in the region when compared to the Azapa, Vitor, and Camarones valley systems of northern Chile. The valley’s permanent superficial stream--known as Rio Azufre (the Sulfur River)-reaches the ocean, year round, and is complemented by underground springs.

Minerals from bed rock mixed with the material brought by seasonal and unpredictable floods contribute to the heterogeneous nature of Lluta Valley soils. Keller (1946) distinguished three edaphic sectors in the more than 2,000 ha (Keller 1946:124) of cultivated land in the Lluta Valley in the 1940s: 1. A roughly 1000 ha strip 7 km from the mouth of the river to La Libanesa poor for agriculture5; 2. A section from El Carmen to Molinos encompassing 2,700 ha. of better farming land, although poor in comparison to that found in neighboring valleys (Keller 1946:122), and; 3. A section of poor soils from Churiña to Jarimalla.

conserve water by reducing evaporation (Cereceda el at. 2008; Latorre et al. 2011). The fog does not, however, create the lomas vegetation found in central and southern Peru (Dillon and Rundel 1990; Rostworowski 1981).

The Lluta Valley’s catchment area rises from the coast to the highland at about 6,000 m asl and encompasses a diversity of ecological formations (see the ecological description of a transect in Veloso and Kalin 1982). The upper 70 km of the main stream runs northeast to southwest, in the Chilean highlands, gaining the input of several tributaries. This section lies within the precordillera and puna ecological zones (Villagrán et al. 1982) that receive regular seasonal rain. Pastures for wild and domesticated animals (principally camelid) are available at both zones, while farming is restricted to the former (for further details see Santoro et al. 2009; Valenzuela et al. 2011).

Overall, the agricultural potential of the soils are limited by high water salinity and poor drainage, restricting productivity and largely limiting production to such salt resistant cultigens as onion, maize, and tomatoes in many places.

Nearer the coast, the river adopts an east - west direction in crosscutting the coastal arid plain. This lower zone encloses a fringe from shore to 30 - 40 km inland, reaching to 500 - 600 m asl; coinciding with the marine fog belt. Here, riverine and terrestrial resources can supplement agriculture production and the rich marine resources.

Besides these natural factors, intense cultivation and the lack of fertilizer have further affected productivity, particularly during the 1940’s (Keller 1946:128). Productivity was further lowered by pests during the 1950’s (Díaz et al. 1958:308). Today, maize covers 89% of the 1,840 ha6 under cultivation in the still deteriorated system of the Lluta Valley. Other crops include onions, tomatoes, garlic, and alfalfa.

As in much of northern Chile, human occupation in the Lluta Valley is largely dependent on the river for water, particularly for irrigation:

The use of fertilizers may have been an important factor in agricultural production during prehistoric times. Early ethnohistoric records show that marine guano from shore and island sites along the coast of Tarapacá was brought to these valleys (Julien 1985:189), and Vázquez de Espinosa noted that guano fertilizer “increased yields enormously” (Julien 1985:190).

en esta provincia [de Tarapacá] hay ríos que proceden de las sierras y cordillera nevada . . . y los naturales tienen abiertas muchas acequias de donde riegan sus sementeras (Bibar [1558] 1966:8-9, Cap. iiii).

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Late Prehistoric Regional Interaction and Social Change in a Coastal Valley of Northern Chile Plant and Animal Resources

Potosí . . . ; they have large flocks of llamas also, and they [are] all needed, for the traffic is great (Vázquez de Espinosa [1620] 1942,1415:516, Chap. LVI).

The Lluta Valley is characterized by xerophytic vegetation: the Coastal Desert Formation (Díaz et al. 1958:313). This formation includes few communities, restricted, almost exclusively, to the bottom of canyons and valleys. The exception are the sparse patches of cushion shrubs, supported by the marine fog, that grow on the arid pampas. As has been observed in Quebrada de Camarones (Belmonte, Rosello y Rojas 1988:51-52), the present patterns of wild vegetation in the Lluta Valley may have been shaped by human activity. Alfalfa for mule and horse fodder, introduced during Colonial times to compensate for the absence of lomas vegetation, added to the attractiveness of the southern Peruvian valleys:

In sum, the main economic characteristics of the Lluta Valley are semitropical climate, soils, and water. The latter, although salty, is still adequate for cultivation of some semitropical cultivars if irrigation and fertilization are provided. It was not, however, an attractive area for intensive or large-scale agriculture in prehistoric times. Ethnohistoric Accounts Unlike many other regions of the Andes, very few early accounts are available for the region of Arica. The first report with more than passing references to the Lluta Valley is by Vázquez de Espinosa, who visited the valley in 1618. He described the Inka Road that converged into the Lluta Valley, and its connection with the zone of Caranga, south of the Lake Titicaca:

the muleteers for the traffic from Arica to Potosí take their mules down here [Peru’s southern lomas] at the proper season (Vázquez de Espinosa [1620] 1942;1411:514, Chap LIV).

Consequently, even areas with marginal quality soils were farmed in the Lluta Valley, relegating natural flora to the places where it is found today: 1. Marshes along the river bank and/or sectors with a shallow water table; and 2. Dry and salty soils covered by a stiff grass.

the King’s Highway from Arica to Potosí passes through it [the Lluta Valley]; it is 6 leagues to Huanta; then it climbs the Cuesta Blanca (White Grade) and reaches Copataya, . . . , in the sierra, 20 leagues from Arica. From there one goes to . . . the Province of Los Carangas; (Vázquez de Espinosa [1620] 1942;1414:515, Chap. LV).

Natural resources of importance in prehistoric times included: 1. Trees, shrubs, cane, and reeds for fuel and material construction; 2. Fodder for camelids; 3. Molle fruits (Schinus molle) used to make a Medicinal and ceremonial beverage; 4. River shrimp and birds; 5. Marine fish, shellfish, algae, and guano.

He also related his impressions of the Lluta Valley as: very fertile, and for more than 16 leagues up the valley they sow and reap much wheat and corn; it yields abundant and prolific crops as described, when fertilized with guano. The best part of the valley is 7 leagues from the coast up [valley] to the tambo of Huanta, on the road to Potosi; here they have many farms operated by Spaniards with [many] Yanacona Indians and Negroes; they cultivate broad fields of wheat, corn, and other cereals. . . . In this valley they have no vineyards or olive groves except as mentioned, the water being full of sulfur and alum. The valley has plenty of water and groves of trees (Vázquez de Espinosa [1620] 1942: Chap. LV, 1414-515).

Some of these resources are still used by local farmers. In the Lluta Valley a particular variety of maize (Zea mays L. amylacea, var. lluteño) has been successfully used since prehistoric times. Until the 1950’s, fields were irrigated by the prehistoric caracol or contreo system (Díaz et al. 1958:312).7 Today, no signs of prehistoric cultivation are visible on the sandy slope of the valley. Prehistoric fields are only preserved in the narrower and deeper highland valleys (2500 - 3800 m asl), where the lack of open and flat farm land forced people to build terraces.

The 7 leagues from the coast are about 33 km, which coincides with the location of the Molle Pampa and Vila Vila site clusters I investigated. This seems, however, to be a miscalculation of the writer, since other comments suggest that he is referring to other sectors. The two Indian towns, “Lluta and Huanta”, that existed in 1618 in the Lluta Valley (Vázquez de Espinosa [1620] 1942: Chap. LV, 1414-515) cannot easily be identified. The latter community could be a reference to the village of Rosario, located at the bottom of the Cerro Blanco, mentioned by Vázquez de Espinosa as associated with the Inka road and the tambo of Huanta. Today Huanta is located more than 40 km from the coast and it has apparently no relation to a prehistoric road. No archaeological evidence of a town

Fodder for camelids in the form of corn stalks and natural grasses have been important from prehistoric times until recently, helping in the regional caravan traffic of goods. Camelid dung is an abundant component of the archaeological strata in the sites studied, indicating that camelids were common in the valley. Keeping camelids in coastal valleys was not an uncommon practice. Early in Colonial times these were partially replace by mules: the residents [of the Azapa Valley] keep over 1,000 mules for the transportation of goods to

14

The Lluta Valley in Regional Perspective has been found there. The location of “Lluta” has not been determined as the toponym has become the nomination of the whole valley.

expedition for the collection and observation of natural and cultural phenomena of the world. He was attracted by the well-known existence of a large number of, “tombs of ancient Indians and its notorious interest as ignored traces of a poorly known people” (D’Orbigny [1830] 1945:943. He also had, “the pleasure to discover, in an excavation, one of those tombs” (D’Orbigny [1830] 1945). D’Orbigny’s account may also represent the first written concern about the destruction of these archaeological remains: “I saw . . . a great number of corpses that were exposed by the search for occult treasures” (D’Orbigny [1830] 1945). The site he visited may correspond to Playa Miller 3 (PLM/3) of the archaeological inventory of the Museo Regional de Arica (Dauelsberg 1960a:7).8 Before D’Orbigny, Frezier ([1716] 1982) visited Arica but his written record, does not mention excavation in this port and that he did carried out in Ilo.

The agricultural activity described by Vázquez de Espinosa and other Spaniards (i.e. Bibar [1558] 1966:8-9, Cap. iiii) might have been made possible by the limited prehistoric capital investments in irrigation canals and land clearance. It is possible that at the time of European contact, some of the sites in or around Molle Pampa were still inhabited. Sixteenth and 18th-century ethnohistoric accounts refer to Chacalluta, Lluta and Huanta (Guanta) as communities in the coastal range of the Lluta Valley (Jimenes de la Espada 1965, Tomo II, p. 329; Vázquez de Espinosa [1620] 1942, 1414:515, Chap. LV; Gutierrez Flores 1970 [1572]:25). Sixteenth-century ethnohistoric accounts refer to the Lluta Valley as one of the locations where highland groups-Lupaqa, Pacaje, and Caranga--maintained colonists and trade relationships with yunga populations (Gallardo 2013; Hidalgo 1978, Julien 1985; Llagostera 2010; Murra 1985; Saignes 1985). The Lupaqa case has been highlighted by Murra (1972:438) in his model of Andean economic management of complementary resources scattered along both side of the Andes. More recently, Hidalgo (1986) has emphasized that the Caranga had more political and economic control over territories and peoples in the valleys of Arica (see also Pease 1981; Santoro, Hidalgo, and Osorio 1989:74). Early in the 17th-century, chief Cayoa of the Lluta Valley, was under the control of Chuqui Chambe, chief of the hanansaya moiety of the Caranga, centered in Turco (Murra 1979, quoted by Hidalgo 1987:290). By the 18th-century, there were people in the Arica Province speaking different languages, of both local and altiplanic origin. This situation may have resulted from earlier multi-ethnic interaction, adjusted and transformed by the Colonial system (Hidalgo 1987; Hidalgo and Focacci 1986). Lupaqa colonies in the coastal valleys of Lama, Moquegua, Inchura, and Lluta were still controlled by Chuquito kuraka into the first quarter of the 18th century (Pease 1982:113-115). This is made particularly clear for the Moquegua Valley by the Notarial Books of Moquegua (Pease 1982:117).

In the middle of the 18th-century, members of an U.S. Naval Astronomical expedition excavated an Inka tomb near Arica “to recover, as far as possible, the history of a people we have superseded” (Ewbank 1855:111-115).9 Also in the last century, Paz Soldán describing the city of Arica, remarked that: toward the coast there are a lot of huacas [sacred places] in which it have been found mummies with golden, silver, and clay vessels, and very fine textiles (Paz Soldán 1877:75).

It is likely that the repeated mentions of the existence of prehistoric remains motivated the interest of later scientists and naturalists to search in the region of Arica and nearby valleys. This subsequent work began with Max Uhle’s systematic studies, early in this century (Uhle 1917, 1919a, 1919b). Uhle, who lived in Arica from 1916 to 1919, carried out substantial excavations and extensive explorations around this community, as well as in Tacna (Santoro et al. 2010a). Certainly, Uhle visited and did some excavation in the Lluta Valley while living in Arica. He left, however, only vague references to these explorations in his publications about the Arica region.10 Information reported by Uhle about the Lluta Valley concerned: 1. Petroglyphs in the Hacienda Rosario, one with a cross design that he compared with Tiahuanaco designs (Uhle 1919b:43); 2. Petroglyphs in the (today known) locality of Tini or Intine further up in the Lluta Valley (Uhle 1919a:14); 3. Extended burials found, in undetermined locations, in the Azapa and Lluta Valleys that he compared to the “Aborígenes de Arica” or Chinchorro (Uhle 1919b:9); and 4. Funerary túmulos near Rosario whose pattern of construction he compares to túmulos he excavated near the town of Desaguadero in 1895 (Uhle 1919b:47-48).11

The Pacaje polity also controlled land in the valleys of Arica, according to the order given by Topa Yupanqui after he conquered them: “and also defined maize land in the valleys of Cochabamba y Cauari in the coast of Arica and in the coast of Arequipa” (Jimenes de la Espada 1965:Tomo II, p. 338). Moreover a meridional border of the Pacaje province reached the coast of Arica and Tacana [Tacna] (Jimenes de la Espada 1965:Tomo II, p. 334). Previous Research in the Lluta Area The first archaeological search in the region seems to have been done by D’Orbigny. The French naturalist spent several days in Arica in April of 1830 as part of an

15

Late Prehistoric Regional Interaction and Social Change in a Coastal Valley of Northern Chile Two aspects of Uhle’s account are significant. One, it represents the first time that altiplanic and coastal archaeological remains were compared and suggested to be related (although he did not further explore these similarities). Two, the túmulos near Rosario are obliterated by the expansion of farming, roads, and country houses.

347). The same form of hat--a tall brimless cone narrowing at the top--was the most distinctive item of Qolla mens’ dress (Julien 1983:43). The Qolla hat, however, had a different height (Julien 1983:44). The origin of these hats as ethnic markers is not clear. The practice may have been a pre-Inka costume, later encouraged by the Inka (see Julien C. 1983:44-45, Julien D. 1993:266; Martínez 1992).

Archaeological study in the region of Arica was continued by Junius Bird (Bird 1943), although he did not explore the Lluta Valley. The studies of Uhle and Bird resulted in the first chronological cultural sequences for an archaeological record in the Arica region, one that spanned almost 10,000 years (see Dauelsberg 1960b; Muñoz 1993; Munizaga 1957b; Rivera 1987, 1991, for regional and local reviews). These sequences have been refined since the 1950’s while recent archaeological research has concentrated on the Azapa Valley. The Lluta Valley, in contrast, has remained almost untouched.

A result of the 1953-54 expedition to the Lluta Valley was the recognition of significant stylistic variation in the archaeological record, particularly in terms of pottery decoration. This decorative variation was interpreted as reflecting chronological phases, and thus it was assumed that sites were sequentially occupied from late Tiwanaku to Inka periods. (Munizaga 1957b:121-122; Schaedel 1957a:74). An “Inka” occupation was defined for Peña BlancaRosario site, because of the presence of Inka polychrome, and Inka-Pacaje styles. Other sites of the valley were assigned to Arica I, Arica, II and Tiahuanaco cultural phases (Munizaga 1957a:45-51). Unfortunately, this ceramic sequence was not checked against the stratigraphy revealed in the 8 m2 excavated at the Peña-Blanca Rosario site (Schaedel 1957b:14). Underlaying these studies was the assumption that the cultural sequences of northern Chile should and must be related to the Bolivian altiplano, especially the southern basin of the Titicaca Lake (Pacaje territory). This contrasted with Uhle’s and Bird’s original suggestions of northern and southern coastal influences in the cultural evolution of the region (Schaedel 1957b:20).

In 1953 and 1954, as part of a national project organized by the Centro de Estudios Antropológicos of the Universidad de Chile, an area of roughly 15 km in the lower section of the valley was partially surveyed. As a result, six sites (two locations with geoglyphs, one cemetery, and three sites with cemetery and residential areas) were located (Schaedel 1957b; Munizaga 1957a). Three 2 x 2 m units were excavated in two of the residential sites (Peña BlancaRosario and Huaylacan), while one of the cemeteries was unsuccessfully explored for an intact tomb. The excavations demonstrated that archaeological deposits varied from 40 to 50 cm in depth (Schaedel 1957b:13-14). A detailed description of the pottery utilized Bird’s and Uhle’s typological phases, which were themselves enlarged and refined. Unfortunately, no frequencies of the collected pottery types are available for comparative calculations of proportions and indexes (Munizaga 1957a:45-52). Of particular interest, however, is the discussion of the style named by Munizaga, “Inka-Pacaje” (Munizaga 1957a:47). This alludes to a Titicaca Basin version of the Inka style described by Ryden (1947) as “severely stylized--a stroke or two--llama figures” (Ryden 1947:196, quoted by Munizaga 1957a:47) found in the region of the Pacaje ethnic group, south of the Titicaca Lake. This style seems to have evolved from less stylized llama designs during the Late Intermediate Period (Albarracin-Jordan 1996). This stylistic sequence has not previously been recognized in the coastal valleys of northern Chile. In our data from the Lluta Valley, both styles were observed, but the small size of the sample made it difficult to determine a sequential order.

Late in the 1950’s, a more extensive general survey, covering 80 km of the coastal section of the valley, was carried out by a group from the Museo Regional de Arica (Chacón 1959; Dauelsberg 1960a:1, 1960b:10, 1960c). They recorded 17 cemeteries and five villages designated from Lluta 1 to Lluta 21 (Llu 1 - Llu 21) (Figure 2.2). Sites were assigned to different “cultures” according to the stylistic patterns of the decorated pottery from surface collection using Dauelsberg’s (1972a, 1972b) cultural sequence; that shifted around the previous frameworks of Uhle, Bird and Munizaga (see Murra 1972:441, also Dauelsberg 1983; Rivera 1991; Santoro, Hidalgo and Osorio 1989; Schiappacasse and Niemeyer 1989, Trimborn et al. 1975). In 1967, Oscar Espoueys and Guillermo Focacci excavated 15 tombs in an Inka cemetery at Molle Pampa Este (Figure 4.1). These tombs were exposed, in part, when the international Arica - La Paz highway was under construction along the valley. The results of this excavation have not been published, but field notes and the archaeological material are available in the Museo Nacional de Historia Natural, Santiago, Chile.12 The construction of the road severely impacted many archaeological sites and no scientific collections were made; broken or unnoted artifacts were put back in the ground while fine objects (i.e. textiles, metal and pottery) were sold. Percy Dauelsberg

Textiles were also recovered in these excavations, including a fragment of a circular hat (Lindberg 1957:61, Foto 1) matching the characteristics of the hat used by the Pacaje population, called chucos. These were of conical form: “el cual estaba señalado con un color amarillo, para diferenciarse con los indios de la provincia que usan el mismo chuco” (Jimenes de la Espada 1965:339, 344, and

16

The Lluta Valley in Regional Perspective

Figure 2.2. Coastal section of the Lluta Valley showing archaeological sites from the Late Intermediate and Late periods. 2.

managed to obtain four quipus, originally thought to be simply parts of unraveled fabrics. These were studied by Asher and Asher (1981:67) who stated that one of them is the “largest in the world”. It is believed that these quipus came from one of the Molle Pampa Inka cemeteries, reinforcing suspicions that this site could had been an Inka local administrative center.13

3.

Biased surface collections, with an emphasis on decorated pottery used to date sites; and Excavations concentrating on cemeteries (cemeteries are easy to spot on the landscape, because of their monumental features).

My archaeological project in the Lluta Valley began in 1991. Stimulated by its ethnohistoric and archaeological background, my goal was to study relatively undamaged settlements that could provide insights into processes of local economic and political change in the context of potential regional interaction between local and highland groups. Between 1991 and 1993, I conducted fieldwork that revealed the existence of sites with striking differences in architectural layout, residential and funerary structures, food and food preparation, tools and productive activities, and pottery and textile styles. Equally striking was the variability I observed within sites, suggestive of communal economic, political or ethnic differentiation. This intersite and intrasite variability make the Lluta settlements an ideal setting in which to address issues of ethnic identity, stylistic preferences, and interregional interaction that have been basic to Andean archaeology (Goldstein and Owen 2001; Owen 2003; Van Buren 1996).

Geoglyphs are another well-known archaeological element displayed in the sandy slope of the valley. In the late 1970’s, Luis Briones and his colleagues studied and restored geoglyph panels located in an area 5 - 10 km from the coast (Dauelsberg and Briones 1975). The designs of the geoglyphs (of which more than 5,000 figures have been recorded in northern Chile), are of a particular style not observed elsewhere (Valenzuela et al. 2010). Some scholars have suggested that the geoglyphs served as ceremonial and ethnic symbols displayed along the routes of llama caravans, during Late Intermediate and Late Periods (see van Kessel 1976; Núñez 1976). A recent study in the road of the Lluta Valley has shown that ingrating associated with amert has not necessarily with ceramic armononous performance (Valenzuela 2013; Valenzuela et al. 2010). In 1986, Vivien Standen and Percy Dauelsberg conducted a salvage excavation at the funerary site in Huaylacan, 8 km from the coast. However, his report was not completed.14 It is known that the Huaylacan burials date to the Late Horizon Period, and were associated with Local-Inka and Saxamar-style vessels (of altiplanic origin). This site was visited by Schaedel’s expedition, but it did not record finding these styles of pottery. Instead they encountered Arica I, Arica I-II, and Black Atacameña (Munizaga 1957a:51). This illustrates the risks in dealing with biased surface collections of decorated pottery.

I hoped that my research, in addition to providing new perspectives on the causes and nature of the stylistic variability long-noted in the archaeological records of the Lluta and similar valleys, would also constitute a case study of the relationships between wealth, interregional interaction, material marking of social differentiation, and political power in the prehistoric societies of the Pacific valleys. Prehistoric Valley Settlement Since only limited survey and restricted excavations have been done in the area, it is possible to present only a tentative and fragmentary overview of prehistoric valley settlement.

In summary, previous research in the Lluta Valley has been limited to: 1. Incomplete survey of the immediate coastal area;

17

Late Prehistoric Regional Interaction and Social Change in a Coastal Valley of Northern Chile Virtually nothing is known about early settlement in the Lluta Valley. Besides Uhle’s mention of “Aborigenes de Arica [Archaic]” extended burials, one preceramic or preFormative Period site has been found in the Lluta Valley. This corresponds to Lluta 13. Human remains showing the typical Chinchorro pattern of head plastering have been reported from the Lluta valley. In exploring the upper slope of Vila Vila sites, we found flaked nodules of quartz, but no evidence to date this possible quarry site. In contrast to the Azapa Valley, no preceramic shell midden sites have been found at the mouth of the Lluta Valley or the Chacalluta (Dauelsberg 1960a:6; see Muñoz, Arriaza and Aufderheide 1993; Standen 1991).

along the valley slopes overlooking the flood plain, and can be visualized as site clusters. In fact, the prehistoric occupations reveal a greater degree of population nucleation than modern settlement. The following section describes in more detail the two population nucleations that are the focus of this research, the site clusters of Molle Pampa and Vila Vila. Molle Pampa Until this century, Molle Pampa was identified as an “aldea” (village) and hacienda (Paz Soldan 1877:594). Remains of the hacienda consist of a group of old adobe buildings, located closer to the valley floor than the zone’s prehistoric settlements. Modern dwellings are located even closer to the valley floor than the old hacienda. The flood plain contiguous to Molle Pampa is part of the El Carmen - Molino section. Roughly half of this 1 x 3 km area is currently under cultivation (Keller 1946:121, plano 1). The area exhibits relatively good soils, open flat terrain and permanent water. From the Lluta river, the corn today it carries permanente style. Besides Molle Pampa is bounded by spring that carried fresh water, which made this a good location for framing and agricultural intensification. However, water resource needs to be canalized to support intensive agriculture of corn and other kinds of crops, during prehistoric times, as is done today (Figure 2.3).

No early Formative Period sites have been located. The highly visible funerary túmulos that are a common marker of Early Formative Period settlement in the Azapa and Chaca valleys (see Romero et al. 2004) have not been reported from the Lluta Valley. The scarce evidence of Middle Horizon occupation in the Valley is also striking, as Tiwanaku-related occupations are common in the coastal valleys to the north and south of Lluta from 300 - 1000 A.D. Site XX is a valley site where fragments of Tiwanaku-like decorated pottery have been found. The Valley seems to have undergone a substantial expansion of settlement in the late periods (ca. 1000 - 1500 AD), but it is very likely that the Valley was populated before this time. Late prehistoric settlements are scattered

Figure 2.3. General view of Molle Pampa archaeological sites on the left (northern) terrace of the Lluta Valley (taken from Google Earth). 18

The Lluta Valley in Regional Perspective Vila Vila

The Lluta toponym instead referred to an “indian village . . . in the midst of the valley . . ., 4 leagues distant from Arica” (Vázquez de Espinosa [1629] 1942:1414-515, Chap. LV). The geographic scope of these toponymies have been reversed: Lluta stands for the entire basin, while Chacalluta refers to a sector close to the ocean.

Vila Vila is located on the southwest slope of the Lluta Valley, across the valley from Molle Pampa, and about 25 km from the coast. It was defined as an “aldea” in the Diccionario Geográfico of Paz Soldan (1877:976). Around Vila Vila a natural spring creates a small swamp covered by dense vegetation that has been little disturbed by modern farming.

2. Gastro-intestinal deceases were one of the primary causes of death among Indian farming population, according to studies in the Azapa Valley (Allison et al. 1981).

With the exception of this particular feature, Vila Vila shares the same ecological setting as Molle Pampa. Topographically however, Vila Vila differs from Molle Pampa in one respect; it is located so as to be hidden from view to anyone on the valley floor. The site cluster is at the bottom of the main slope of the valley where a small hill, roughly 100 m high and 800 m long, creates a hidden V-shaped basin, running southwest-northeast and opening to the northeast into the valley.

3. As noted by Hidalgo (1972:18), the geographical area mentioned by Bibar might correspond to 700 leagues, approximately 3,500 km. 4. See also Cieza [1553] 1986:118, Cap. XXVI; Garcilaso de la Vega ([1609] 1966:161-162, Cap. XIII). 5. Díaz et al. (1958:306-310) classified the valley in a different way.

The surface in Vila Vila is characterized by a hard subsoil that in some areas is exposed to the surface. The cultural stratigraphy at Vila Vila tends to be shallower than at Molle Pampa as the result of deflationary winds that reduce the rate of sand deposition.

6. According to 1989-1990’s national census (González, Gundermann, and Rojas 1991:157). 7. This method resembles, in a small scale, the camellones or raised field systems.

Chronological Framework and Site Chronology 8. Dauelsberg (1960a:7) emphasized that “es un cementerio demasiado removido . . . por lo que ha sido abandonado de trabajar por muchos científicos.”

The chronological framework for Late Intermediate and Late periods in the Lluta Valley. We now have a base on some radiocarbon dating obtained from Molle Pampa Este and Milluni. This helps to better understand whether the observed stylistic variability in pottery is the result of a diachronic shifts or synchronic ceramic-style preference differences. Besides, the examination of the stratigraphic relationships and cross-dating textile and pottery styles, provide a comfortable framework for treating particular components of each site cluster as contemporaneous, at least for comparative purposes. The basis for this assignation of contemporaneity is described in subsequent chapters. Furthermore, many of the ceramic styles observed in the Lluta Valley are known to have coexisted in other valleys such as the Caplina and Sama valleys in southern Peru (Trimborn et al. 1975), and Quebrada de Camarones south of Arica (Niemeyer, Schiappacasse, and Solimano 1972-73; Schiappacasse and Niemeyer 1989).

9. As noted by Dr. James Richardson, who brought this report to my attention, this may be one of the first attempts to use archaeological remains for prehistoric reconstructions. 10. With the exception of the “Chinchorro” remains, most of Uhle’s materials remain unpublished, and are stored in the Museo Nacional de Historia Natural of Santiago, Chile (i.e., Bittmann 1982; Bittmann and Munizaga 1976; Núñez 1969). 11. He probably did this excavation while studying the Uro community of Iruwitu “four or five leagues south of Desaguadero town” (Rowe 1954:6). 12. I would like to thank Oscar Espoueys for lending me a full copy of their field notes, which are summarized below.

Endnotes 13. Oscar Espoueys (personal communication) thought that these groups of quipus were obtained from a costal site, and from Molle Pampa.

1. Early in the 17th-century and more precisely in 1618, the valley was called Chacalluta: “From the village [of Tacna] to the city of Arica, it is 9 leagues; 1 league before reaching the city, one comes to the Chacalluta Valley” (Vázquez de Espinosa [1629] 1942:1414-515, Chap. LV).

14. A posthumous publication of this study is expected to be released.

19

Chapter 3 Excavations in the Lluta Valley

The most readily visible features at both the Molle Pampa and the Vila Vila residential sites are shallow, oval shaped mounds consisting of cultural remains embedded in an aeolian sandy matrix. Part of the debris were swept down the slope or just moved by the gravity slope shift. Each mound contains the remains of at least one prehistoric residential structure. The mounds result from the spread and rapid accretion of all sorts of domestic debris mixed with loose sand. Our excavations revealed that few stones were used to structure the domestic dwellings. Most of the mound examined exhibited traces of structure foundations in the form of wooden posts, cane and reed walls. These remnants were easy to spot because of their brownish-dark color and as some material such as shell, lithic, shine on the surface, which in turn contrast with the cleaner and lighter color surrounding the sandy surface (Figure 3.1). The cane or reed walls used in dwellings rapidly collapsed following house abandonment, when not burned. Burned in situ architectural materials were found in more than one of the excavated mounds and some of them were still visible on the surface out

placed vertically one next to the other, and tied with leather strands to transversal canes (Frezier 1982:140).

The use of reed, and transversal canes tied with reed strands, was characteristic of the Molle Pampa Este houses. At Molle Pampa Medio, leather strands were used to tie the canes rather than reed. Structures tended to be rectangular in plan, placed on leveled sand platforms. The first step in constructing a house was cutting back the slope to form a level surface. With only two exceptions (Molle Pampa Este, Structures 1 and 3), stone retaining walls were not used to prevent the slide of the sand. Maize stalks may have been placed as retaining devices on the outside, steeper edge of mounds. Substantial accumulations of two and three layers of corn stalks, laid in crosscutting positions, as observed in Structure 19 of Molle Pampa Este, indicate that these layers were not deposited by chance. House walls and posts were embedded shallowly in the surface (150 km) exchange, proportion of the total number of artifacts for lower and upper occupations, Late Intermediate Period and Late Period.

Figure 4.24. Metal ornamental objects, proportion of the total number of artifacts for lower and upper occupations, Late Intermediate Period and Late Period.

Figure 4.25. Tools compiled from all occupational zones for Late Intermediate Period and Late Period.

With respect to plainware pottery types, their distribution also reveals no significant differences in distribution. A mild exception is the case of Type 2, the fine orange plainware (Table 4.12; Figure 4.18).

assemblages. Three of these styles - - San Miguel Pocoma, and Gentilar - - are referred to as “local” or Arica styles, because of their distribution along the southern Peruvian and northern Chilean coast and lower sierra valleys. The other major styles are highland or altiplanic styles: Black/ red, Saxamar, and Inka.

Interhousehold variability in decorated pottery style preferences was examined by dividing the total number of artifacts by the number of decorated sherds of each style. The results are tabulated in Table 4.1. Six decorated pottery styles were recognized in the Molle Pampa Este

The three Late Intermediate Period occupational zones of Molle Pampa Este presented contrasting frequencies of the local styles, with Structure 88 having fragments of local

49

Late Prehistoric Regional Interaction and Social Change in a Coastal Valley of Northern Chile vessels making up 8.5% (n=6) of its total assemblage of artifacts. In Structures 107 and 7l, local style sherds made up 1.43% (n=2) and 1.17% (n=1) of their assemblages respectively (Table 4.1; Figure 4.19).

and Inka and Saxamar pottery possibly brought from the Lake Titicaca region. Eight of the 13 Late Period occupational zones yielded long-distance exchange items in proportions that varied from 0.45% to 0.84%. A cluster of four households had higher proportions (1.63% to 2.15%, Table 4.4; Figure 4.24).

Three of the Late Period households entirely lacked local style decorated pottery. Frequencies among the others ranged from 0.24% to 2.85%, with the exception of Structure 17 where a sherds from these styles made up 6.35% (n=17) of the artifact assemblage (Table 4.1; Figure 4.19). Late Period occupational zones presented a fairly homogeneous distribution of Black/red pottery ranging from 0.35% to 2.38%, (excluding Structures 14 and 69 (Table 4.1; Figure 4.17). It is evident that the use of both local decorated styles and Black/red declined from the Late Intermediate to Late Period.

As can be seen in Figure 4.25, Structures 19 and 88 stand out for having more metal artifacts than the other occupations. These differences are quite significant statistically, as their error ranges make it extremely unlikely that this was just due to the vagaries of sampling. These results could indicate some wealth differentiation, or that these households had greater participation in some long-distance trade networks.

Saxamar, an Inka-related altiplanic style, and Inka styles were exclusively associated with Late Period households. The absence of these styles was one of the primary criteria for the chronological division of the households at Molle Pampa Este. Saxamar style was present in 11 of the 13 occupational zones of the Late Period with a relatively homogeneous distribution in which eight zones displayed proportions varying from 0.30% to 2.12%. Three occupational zones showed higher concentration between 3.07% and 3.18% (Table 4.1; Figure 4.20). Structures with the highest proportion of Saxamar style had no local pottery styles (Structures 69 and 74). In contrast, Structure 17 had the highest concentration of local pottery, but no Saxamar fragments (Figures 4.21; Figure 4.22). Inka pottery was found in eight of the Late Period households, in proportions ranging from 0.91% to 2.3% (Table 4.1; Figure 4.22; Figure 4.23).

Summary of Molle Pampa Este

External Ties

Our excavations revealed no evidence of activity, wealth, long-distance trade, or stylistic differentiation in the Late Intermediate Period households, but our sample of households is too small to generalize (Figure 4.22; Figure 4.23). Households appear to have been self-sufficient and engaged in the same range of basic domestic tasks as seen at other Lluta sites. This accords with Polo’s statements that: “en la época de los inca todos los campesinos sabían hacer todo lo necesario para la vida umana” (Polo [1571] 1916:129 quoted by Murra 1978:216), or, as expressed in Relaciones Geográficas de India, “ellos se hacían sus casas sus vestidos calsados y tocados sin salir fuera de sus casa a buscar a quien lo haga” (Jimenez de la Espada Tomo 1965 [1881-97]:183-184; quoted by Murra 1978:217).

Molle Pampa Este was initially occupied during the Late Intermediate Period, and probably was a small village comparable in size to the other Late Intermediate Period sites (Molle Pampa Medio, and Vila Vila sites). During the Late Period the community may have doubled in size, as nearby sites were abandoned. Two different architectural forms can be seen in Molle Pampa Este: domestic mounds and partially stone-faced earth platforms. The single platform tested displayed no signs of having been used for domestic purposes, and may have been used for public social and ceremonial activities, and been a symbol of power (ushnu) and the omnipresence of the Inka state in a remote valley controlled by the state (see Horta 2011; Lynch et al. 2010; Santoro et al. 2004, 2010b; Williams et al. 2009).

Insights into the external ties of the Molle Pampa Este households are provided by materials of regional (15-100 km) and long-distance exchange (>100 km). Objects of Regional Exchange Regional exchange items included materials from the coast and the highlands such as turquoise beads, Ollivela and other marine shells, chuñ’u, red and yellow pigments, suri and flamingo feathers, obsidian flakes and nodules for utilitarian purposes, sulfur, and khoa. Table 4.4 presents the frequencies of this category of items in each household. Objects of Long-Distance Exchange

The larger sample size allows us to talk with more confidence about Late Period patterns. The Late Period saw: 1. Population nucleation at Molle Pampa Este coinciding with the abandonment of Molle Pampa Medio and Vila Vila Sur as evidenced by the absence of Late Period diagnostic artifacts;

Long-distance exchange objects and materials (>100 km) included a fragment of Spondylus from the coast of Ecuador, a bead of Mucuna elliptica brought from northern Peru’s coast, small red and orange feathers possibly from the eastern side of the Andes, and metal ornamental objects

50

Molle Pampa Este 2. 3.

Construction of two platforms for public/ ceremonial performances; Access to the Inka valued goods including fine pottery, metal luxury objects and state sacred offering material (e.g., mullu).

4. Adequate material, mostly charcoal and wood, was collected for future dating. 5. The study of the architectural layout of Molle Pampa Este has been carried out by Paola Siclari whose main ideas I summarized here.

It seems likely that if broad status or wealth differences had developed in the community, we would see some signs of this in our mound sample. Although households continued in the same domestic routines, there is evidence for differential wealth accumulation or differences in social status, as reflected in the distribution of metal objects. Metal items were generally highly valued by provincial and peripheral populations in the Inka orbit elsewhere (D’Altroy 1992). Overall, however, interaction with the Inka state, according to Murra’s (1968) model of Inka political organization, should not have triggered major changes in social status, nor should it have drastically affected the activities or possessions of household groups (see however Hastorf 1993 and others for a different perspective).

6. This identification is based on personal experience. 7. Khoa shrubs of the genus Muña that grows in the highlands and is still used today in ceremonial offerings (Platt 1987). It used also for medicinal purposes (Girault 1987:371-372, 375). 8. This is a small piece, tentatively identified by comparing it to a Spondylus (mullu, quechua) figurine at the Museo San Miguel de Azapa (see Murra 1975:256 and Reinhard 2002 for a discussion on the importance of the traffic of mullu in the Andes and in northern Chile). 9. This is a very uncommon vessel form in all of the excavated sites. Another example was found in the upper occupational zone of Structure 5 at Vila Vila Sur. The kero is a typical Tiwanaku vessel form that decline in popularity in Late Intermediate Period.

Seen broadly, and based on this database whatever sociopolitical transformations accompanied the expansion of the Inka polity into northern Chile in the Late Period, the domestic lifeways of the Lluta population were not significantly altered. One exception, however, was an increase in textile production between the Late Intermediate and Late Periods (Figure 4.25). Cloth tribute was a common feature of Inka political economy, thus this shift could be related to Inka demands. Moreover, recent paleoparasitologic and dietary coprolites analyses show that possibly as a consequence of larger concentration of people in Molle Pampa Este intestinal parasites radically increased compared with ratios of pre-Inka sites such as Molle Pampa Medio and others.

10. It is possible that the less formalized ones were used as condiments for potatoes and meat, which is known as upi, and it is still consumed today (Focacci 1990:78). Upi found in archaeological sites in the Azapa Valley consists of regular cylindrical pieces of a much whiter and finer powder than those found at Molle Pampa Este (brown and less finer) (Santoro 1981). 11. Sulfur, a common item among Lluta Valley sites was also found among households of Cchaucha del Kjula Marca, an Inka site in Pacaje territory (Ryden 1947:256). According to Cobo (quoted by Oblitas 1971:80) it was mixed with animal fat to treat mange that affects llama.

Endnotes 1. This might have been the road walked by Almagro and his army in his trip back to Cuzco from Chile in 1536 (Mellafe and Villalobos 1959, Santoro 1983; see also Niemeyer and Schiappacasse 1988:142).

12. See Cobo ([1653] 1979:27).

2. An exception is a piece of textile from a disturbed burial from Cemetery B (Liliana Ulloa, personal communication).

13. As has been observed at an Inka site in the Camarones Valley, river shrimp at Molle Pampa Este, and the other Lluta sites, were boiled before consuming, indicated by the red color of the shell (McAndrew n/d; quoted by Schiappacasse and Niemeyer 1989:70).

3. Very few tiny fragments of vitreous European pottery were collected in the lower section of Molle Pampa Este, as well as a coin minted early in the eighteenth century.

14. The spindle is an instrument formed by a “wooden rod, weighted on one end by a stone, a piece of wood, ceramic, or fish vertebrae . . . [and] it served to transform raw fiber materials into yarn” (Ulloa 1985:17).

51

Chapter 5 Molle Pampa Medio

Site Composition

Residential Patterns

Molle Pampa Medio is composed of a village with mound-type domestic features together with a single cemetery of mounded stone tombs. The cemetery is located above the slope of the northern side of the Lluta valley, and is separated from, the residential area. These sites probably correspond to Lluta 12 (Llu 12) and Lluta 13 (Llu 13), respectively, in Dauelsberg’s archaeological inventory of the Lluta valley (Dauelsberg 1960a:1). The site covers an area of 280 m x 170 m on a sandy slope. At between 450 and 500 m asl, Molle Pampa Medio is located roughly 50 m from the flood plain (Figure 5.1). Molle Pampa Medio is approximately 1,000 m northwest of Molle Pampa Este, sharing the same ecological and topographical setting, and also connected with the trail system described in Chapter 4. Molle Pampa Medio is exposed to a coastal wind blowing from the southwest that may have caused a faster rate of aeolian sand deposition than at Molle Pampa Este.

The plan of the houses at Molle Pampa Medio can be considered rectangular, but the site as a whole does not present an orthogonal architectural design (Hyslop 1990:192-193). Mound structures tend to follow contour levels, but are not arranged in rows separated by narrow open areas as they are at Molle Pampa Este. Construction materials also differ from those used at Molle Pampa Este; houses at Molle Pampa Medio uniformly display cane, rather than reed, walls. Fieldwork at Molle Pampa Medio Following the field procedures described in Chapter 3, residential mounds were mapped and divided into three sections for sampling purposes (Figure 5.2). One mound from each section was chosen for excavation, allowing us to open a total area of 41 m2. Structure 8 was selected from the 13 mounds in the upper section (480-495 m asl) and 18 m2 of this mound was excavated. A single 2 x 2 m test pit was placed in one (Structure 13) of the 16 mounds in the central section of the site (470-480 m asl). Roughly 19 m2 of Structure 34 was excavated from the 16 mounds in the lowest section (460-470 m asl).

The village of Molle Pampa Medio consists of: a. Roughly 45 domestic mounds with light material architectural remains; b. A superficial lens of guano accumulation; c. A superficial stain from accumulation of domestic refuse; d. The remains of two adobe chullpas.

Cultural levels averaged 64 cm in depth, with some domestic features penetrating deeper into the thick aeolian sand matrix. As at other sites, residential mounds consisted of sand, thick layers of maize stalks, and other cultural debris. As at other Lluta sites, it was not possible to distinguish actual living floors. However, we were able to distinguish “floor zones” making up the occupational stratigraphy of the mound. It was clear that two of the three excavated mounds displayed a continuous occupation that I subdivided chronologically on the basis of associated ceramic styles. The stratigraphic location of posts and other features also helped to separate particular occupations temporally.

Site Chronology No radiocarbon dates have been processed for Molle Pampa Medio. The lack of Inka and Saxamar style vessels in either domestic or funerary contexts strongly suggests that Molle Pampa Medio was occupied primarily during the Late Intermediate Period (AD 1250 - 1400). An alternative possibility, although somewhat less likely, is that Inka and Saxamar style vessels were not used by Late Horizon Period residents at the site.

53

Late Prehistoric Regional Interaction and Social Change in a Coastal Valley of Northern Chile Mounds

5.3). The latter is an instrument still used for pressing the weft of a loom (Ulloa 1985:17). A carved piece of wood of undetermined function was also recovered.

Structure 8 This 12 x 8.5 m mound was selected for investigation because of the several wooden posts visible in situ on the surface. A 6 x 6 m grid, with quadrangles of 1.5 x 1.5 m, was set up to cover the area containing the wooden posts. We ultimately excavated eight of these quadrangles. The depth of cultural deposits at Structure 8 varied from 25 to 86 cm. The vertical positions of 18 posts, postholes, and other features indicated at least two episodes of architectural building at the mound (Figure 5.3).

Exotic or trade goods included: a small fragment of metal; an orange feather; three chunks of mineral pigment; 17 pieces of obsidian; three sulfur chunks; and one millu.1 Objects made of locally available raw materials included four beads (one stone, two Ollivela and one shell; Table 5.4). The lower occupational zone (Levels 3 and 4) was 14.3 cm thick and ended at sterile soil. We were able to excavate 2.2 m3 of this zone. Associated diagnostic pottery styles included Pocoma, Gentilar, and Black/red (Table 5.1, Table 5.2). Weaving (or knitting) activities were represented by a single cactus spine. We also recovered a single polishing stone (Table 5.3). Exotic objects of nonlocal origin included: one pigment chunk; five pieces of obsidian, one chunk of sulfur, and 2 khoa. A single bead made from (locally available) Ollivela shell was also found (Table 5.4).

An upper occupational zone (Levels 1 - 3) was 14.1 cm thick. We excavated 2.5 m3 of this zone. The pottery styles represented (San Miguel, Pocoma, Gentilar, and Black/red) indicate that the occupation dates to the Late Intermediate Period (Table 5.1). Domestic pottery forms represented in this zone included fragments from cooking [olla], serving [puco], and liquid containers (globular jar, and cup vessels; Table 5.2). In addition, two farming tools [hoes] were found: one manufactured in wood and another one manufactured out of a camelid mandible. The zone also yielded a variety of textile tools including: four cactus spines; a copper needle; a pottery spindle whorl (the only example from Molle Pampa Medio; and a wichuña (Table

Structure 13 This 10 x 7 m mound was randomly selected for testing. It had two wooden posts in situ and visible from the surface. A single 2 x 2 m test pit was placed between these posts, keeping them embedded in the test pit baulks. No other

Figure 5.1. Molle Pampa Medio domestic area over the northern sandy slope of the Lluta Valley with an Earthwatch volunteer in the background. As in Molle Pampa Este, household mounds are scattered on the landscape (photo Calogero M. Santoro, July 1991).

54

Molle Pampa Medio

Figure 5.2. Site plan of Molle Pampa Medio. architectural features appeared in the excavated area (0.84 m3). The cultural deposits averaged 24 cm deep and represented a single Late Intermediate Period occupation probably contemporaneous with the upper occupational zone of Structure 8. Associated diagnostic styles included Pocoma and Black/red (Table 5.1).

needle; Table 5.3). Non-local contacts were signaled by a single wayruru2 seed brought from the tropical forest of the Andean eastern slopes and a micro-flake of volcanic glass from the highlands (Table 5.4).

A storage pit partially covered with a reed mat and framed by a wooden structure was found at the bottom of the cultural deposits. This pit appeared to be roughly 70 cm wide and 40 cm deep, but slumping of the pit’s sand walls made it difficult to define the edges of the feature.

This 18 x 9 m mound was randomly selected for excavation. No architectural features were visible on the surface, and although 4 posts appeared in the upper occupational zone during excavation, an architectural plan for the structure could not be determined. The discovery of a portion of a cane wall at the bottom of the first 2 x 2 m excavation unit led us to open four additional test pits to follow the wall (Figure 5.4).

Structure 34

Vessel forms represented in the pit and overlying cultural layers included fragments from cooking pots [olla], and liquid containers (globular jar, and cup; see Table 5.2). Other artifacts included: a fragment of a carved wooden box; a polishing stone; a bone awl; and three textile tools (one cactus spine, one copper needle, and a cactus spine

Midden and occupational debris ranged from a depth of 123 cm (146 cm below datum) in the higher eastern side of the mound, to 58 cm (179 cm below datum) on the lower

55

Late Prehistoric Regional Interaction and Social Change in a Coastal Valley of Northern Chile

Figure 5.3. Profile and plan view of the excavated test pits of Structure 8, at Molle Pampa Medio. were represented by five cactus spines and one cactus needle. We also recovered a bone awl, and a fragment of a polished, burned, pointed bone. Two stone shovels probably represent agricultural tools (Table 5.3).

western side. Occupational strata were composed of thick layers of maize stalks (ca. 20-25 cm), interleaved within the sandy midden matrix (Figure 5.5). The stratigraphy allowed us to divide Structure 34’s occupation into two occupational zones or episodes.

Exotic or non-local objects included: twelve pieces of volcanic glass; one khoa; and five brightly colored feathers (green and orange) probably of tropical origin in the eastern yunga. Artifacts of local materials included beads of Ollivela shell and stone; two small cane tubes with a hole in one end (possibly worn as pendants); a wooden comb; several fragments of carved wood; and a carved piece of bone. We also found an unfired clay cylinder with decorative vertical incisions and a small handle of narrow diameter (Table 5.4).

We excavated 8.3 m3 of the upper occupational zone (Levels 1 - 3). This zone had an average thickness of 43.7 cm. Assignation of this zone to the Late Intermediate Period was based on the presence of San Miguel, Pocoma, Gentilar, and Black/red ceramic styles (Table 5.1). Other domestic pottery included the usual range of cooking [olla], serving [puco], and liquid storage containers [globular jar] (Table 5.2). Weaving activities

56

Molle Pampa Medio

Table 5.1. Frequency and proportion of pottery styles at Molle Pampa Medio. Frequency [N] and proportion [%] calculated from all artifacts in upper [up] and lower [lo] occupational zones. Structure 8 up 13 up 34 up 8 lo 34 lo

San Miguel N % 2 0.22 0 0 10 0.51 0 0 22 1.44

Pocoma N % 26 2.89 2 1.35 74 3.8 2 1.1 81 5.3

Gentilar N % 1 0.11 0 0 17 0.87 2 1.1 19 1.24

Black N 13 1 29 1 26

/ Red % 1.44 0.67 1.48 0.55 1.7

Saxamar N % 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0

Inka N 0 0 0 0 0

% 0 0 0 0 0

T otal household assemblage 898 148 1947 181 1526

Table 5.2. Frequency and proportion of rim sherd types at Molle Pampa Medio. Frequency [N] and proportion [%] calculated from all artifacts in upper [up] and lower [lo] occupational zones. Structure 8 up 13 up 34 up 8 lo 34 lo

Aryballus N % 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0

Escudilla N % 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0

Globular jar N % 21 2.33 2 1.35 48 2.46 4 2.2 46 3.01

Cooking pots N % 38 4.23 9 6.08 41 2.1 4 2.2 44 2.88

Puco N 13 0 22 0 28

Cup

% 1.44 0 1.12 0 1.83

N 1 1 0 0 1

Plain N 717 119 1635 156 1188

% 0.11 0.67 0 0 0.06

ware % 79.8 80.4 84 86.2 77.9

T otal household assemblage 898 148 1947 181 1526

Table 5.3. Frequency and proportion of domestic and craft tools at Molle Pampa Medio. Frequency [N] and proportion [%] calculated from all artifacts in upper [up] and lower [lo] occupational zones. Craft tools N % 3 0.33 2 1.35 3 0.15 1 0.55 2 0.13

Structure 8 up 13 up 34 up 8 lo 34 lo

Domestic tools N % 18 2 6 4.05 30 1.54 1 0.55 38 2.49

Weaving tools N % 6 0.66 3 2.02 6 0.3 1 0.55 4 0.26

Spinning tools N % 1 0.11 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0

T otal household assemblage 898 148 1947 181 1526

Table 5.4. Frequency and proportion of prestige goods at Molle Pampa Medio. Frequency [N] and proportion [%] calculated from all artifacts in upper [up] and lower [lo] occupational zones. Structure 8 up 13 up 34 up 8 lo 34 lo

Imported N % 28 3.11 2 1.35 18 0.92 8 4.41 15 0.98

Metal N 0 0 0 0 0

Local % 0 0 0 0 0

N 10 1 14 1 12

% 1.11 0.67 0.71 0.55 0.78

T otal household assemblage 898 148 1947 181 1526

Table 5.5. Frequency and proportion of pottery styles from excavated tombs at Molle Pampa Medio. Frequency [N] and proportion [%] calculated from all artifacts at each tomb. T omb

Cemetery

T3 T9 T 16 T 17 T 25 T 32 T 34 T 49 T 51 T 55 T 59 T 66 T 70 T 73 T 68

A A A A A B B B B B B B B B B

Imported N % 13 19.11 0 0 3 17.64 3 21.42 0 0 0 0 0 0 3 14.28 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0

Metal N 4 0 1 0 1 0 0 3 0 0 0 0 0 0 0

A total of 6.2 m3 of the lower occupational zone (Layers 4 and 5) were excavated. At the bottom of this zone we found, in situ, a cane wall bent to the outside area of the dwelling. This wall measured 2.2 x 2.5 m. The foot of the wall was embedded 30 cm deep in sterile sediment. The wall was made with canes 2 - 3 cm in diameter, placed

% 5.88 0 5.88 0 14.28 0 0 14.28 0 0 0 0 0 0 0

Local N 18 0 4 3 2 2 0 4 0 1 1 3 0 0 0

% 26.47 0 23.52 21.42 28.57 25 0 19.04 0 100 33.33 16.66 0 0 0

T otal tomb assemblage 68 2 17 14 7 8 2 21 1 1 3 18 0 0 0

next to one another at 1 - 2 cm intervals. To strengthen the wall, a cane had been tied horizontally about 5 cm from the top, while two canes ran horizontally near the base of the wall. Between these traverse canes, three leather straps were woven at intervals. A metate dyed with red pigment had been placed on the angle where the wall was bent

57

Late Prehistoric Regional Interaction and Social Change in a Coastal Valley of Northern Chile red styles (Table 5.1) and fragments from forms used in cooking [olla], serving [puco], and liquid storage (globular jar, and cup; Table 5.2). Other containers included one miniature clay vessel and two rim fragments from gourd pots. Weaving activities were represented by three cactus spines, and a fragment of a wooden artifact with a barb at one end, probably used as a heading rod (naveta). Several hoes manufactured on stone, wood, and camelid mandibles were also found (Table 5.3; Figure 5.6). A range of non-local or exotic objects were recovered, including brightly colored feathers, volcanic glass (obsidian), and a piece of metal. Other household objects included a wooden comb and a fragment of pumice stone carved in the form of a cylinder (Table 5.4). Mortuary Patterns Of the 63 tombs we mapped, 11 were selected for excavation through a program of stratified random sampling. Tombs were excavated with test pits varying from 1.2 to 9.0 m2 in size. Most of the tombs were badly damaged by looters and yielded few artifacts. Excavation confirmed that the cemetery contained several different types of tombs (see Appendix A). The most common type was a shallow pit dug into the ground and ringed by three or four large, crudely shaped, stone blocks (Type 2, Figure A.1). Two examples of Type 3, and one example each of Types 4 and 7 were also encountered (see Appendix A, Figure A.2). Type 7 takes the form of a large mound consisting of the aggregation of numerous stone cist tombs, built with crudely shaped blocks (see Appendix A, Figure A.3). This variability in burial treatment cannot easily be correlated to clear differences in prestige or social status. Such variability may reflect competition in mortuary display among kin groups in a community with a rather egalitarian social structure. As noted earlier, the

Figure 5.4. Plan view of the excavated area and the exposed cane wall at Structure 34, Molle Pampa Medio. (that is the southwest corner). The bending of the wall and the placement of the metate suggest a deliberate house abandonment activity (Figure 5.4). The ceramic assemblage from the lower occupational zone included San Miguel, Pocoma, Gentilar, Black/

Figure 5.5. Profile of Structure 34 at Molle Pampa Medio with a projection of the cane wall.

58

Molle Pampa Medio

A

B

C

Figure 5.6. Farming tools from Structure 34, Molle Pampa Medio manufactured in: (a) camelid mandibles, (b) wood, and (c) stone (Photos Calogero M. Santoro, September 1993).

Molle Pampa Medio tombs contained vessels of local styles and Black/red highland style. Inka and Saxamar pottery were not present (Table 5.5). As in Molle Pampa Este tombs, the most common grave good vessels were utilitarian jars and cooking pots (Table 5.6). The only tools used as grave goods were spinning and weaving items, perhaps suggesting the social importance of these craft activities (Table 5.7). Non-ceramic items of local origin were found in more than 50% of the tombs, while non-local items were found in 36% of the tombs (Table 5.8). Overall, these patterns are comparable to those seen in Cemetery B of Molle Pampa Este (Late Intermediate Period).

Subsistence Activities The diet at Molle Pampa Medio included terrestrial, marine, and riverine resources. Analysis of many of the archaeobotanical and faunal remains is incomplete, so I can only discuss diet and dietary variability in general terms. Tables 5.9, 5.10, and 5.11 present the distribution of these resources by occupational level for each mound. As in Molle Pampa Este, remains of maize, shellfish (Choromytilus), fish, shrimp, and camelid were present in every household. Maize was likely the staple, as thick layers of corn stalk and husks were found throughout the strata of each mound. Other domestics (i.e. beans, squash) were less frequent, and probably of lesser importance in the diet (Table 5.9). This pattern is also seen at Vila Vila Norte and Vila Vila Sur, but is in contrast to both periods at Molle Pampa Este (Table 4.9).

Household Patterns The mound artifact assemblages reveal that a range of activities were conducted at the household-level at Molle Pampa Medio. Universal household activities at Molle Pampa Medio would have included preparation and consumption of food(maize, shellfish, fish, camelid); limited stone tool production; knitting and weaving; scraping, polishing, and grinding activities; and probably farming as well. Items pertaining to these activities were found in each occupation.

No remains of potatoes or other kinds of tubers were found at Molle Pampa Medio, with the exception of the chuñ’u recovered from three of the five occupational zones (Table 5.9). Molle fruits were relatively abundant, present in four occupational zones (Table 5.9). Again, this is in contrast to Molle Pampa Este, where Molle remains were found in only a single occupational zone of the 16 from both periods

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Late Prehistoric Regional Interaction and Social Change in a Coastal Valley of Northern Chile

Table 5.6. Frequency and proportion of pottery styles from excavated tombs at Molle Pampa Medio. Frequency and proportion [%] calculated from all artifacts at each tomb. Structure T3 T5 T7 T 18 T 27 T 30 T 33 T 36 T 42 T 47 T 49

Aryballus N % 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0

Escudilla N % 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0

Jar N 0 0 1 0 0 1 1 0 11 0 0

% 0 0 33 0 0 100 13 0 20 0 0

Cooking pots N % 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 50 0 0 0 0 2 25 1 25 6 11 0 0 0 0

Puco N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0

Cup % 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0

N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 0

% 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1.8 0 0

Coquito N % 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0

T otal household assemblage 0 0 3 2 2 1 8 4 56 7 1

Table 5.7. Frequency and proportion of domestic and craft tools from excavated tombs at Molle Pampa Medio. Frequency [N] and proportion [%] calculated from all artifacts at each tomb. T omb assemblage T3 T5 T7 T 18 T 27 T 30 T 33 T 36 T 42 T 47 T 49

Craft tools N % 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0

Domestic tools N % 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 3 0 1 0 0

Weaving tools N % 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 5.35 1 14.28 0 0 0

Spinning tools T otal tomb N % 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 3 3 0 2 2 0 2 2 0 1 1 12.5 8 8 0 4 4 1.78 56 56 0 7 7 0 1 1

Table 5.8. Frequency and proportion of prestige goods from excavated tombs at Molle Pampa Medio. Frequency [N] and proportion [%] calculated from all artifacts at each tomb. T omb assemblage T3 T5 T7 T 18 T 27 T 30 T 33 T 36 T 42 T 47 T 49

Imported N 0 0 0 0 1 0 1 1 1 0 0

Metal

% 0 0 0 0 50 0 12.5 25 1.78 0 0

N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0

Local % 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0

N 0 0 0 1 1 0 1 2 7 1 0

% 0 0 0 50 50 0 12.5 50 15.5 14.28 0

T otal tomb 0 0 3 2 2 1 8 4 56 7 1

Table 5.9. Presence (x) and absence (-) of economic plants at Molle Pampa Medio. From upper [up] and lower [lo] occupational zones; Maize: cob, ker = kernel, stk = stalk, brd = bread; Grains: ben = beans, pal = pallares, n/i = unidentified seeds; Tubers: pot = potato, chu = chun’u, n/i = unidentified tuber; Fruits: squ = squash, mol = molle, n/i = unidentified fruit; Miscellaneous: coc = coca leaves, grd = gourd, cot = cotton. Structure 8 up 13 up 34 up 8 lo 34 lo

cob x x x x x

Maize ker stk x x í x x x x x x x

brd í í í í í

ben í x í x x

Grains pal í í í í í

n/i í x í x x

pot í í í í í

(Table 4.9). Molle (Schinus molle) was represented in Molle Pampa Medio by fragments of the peduncles, fruit, and seeds. Ethnohistoric accounts discuss several uses for the bark and small branches of the tree, while from its fruit “they made wine or a very good beverage, and vinegar and honey quite good” (Cieza de Leon [1553] 1986:296). Molle fruit is still considered a medicinal plant today.

T ubers chu í í x x x

n/i

squ

Fruits mol

n/i

coc

í í í í í

í í í í x

í x x x x

í í x í x

í í í í í

Miscellaneous grd cot x x x í x x x í x x

Few farming tools were found at Molle Pampa Medio. Those recovered included: stone, wood, and camelid mandible hoes, representing 0.19% (n=9) of the whole assemblage of excavated artifacts. Although agricultural implements are not common in domestic contexts, it is more than likely that each household was involved in agricultural production.

60

Molle Pampa Medio Marine resources were also abundant at Molle Pampa Medio. Our impression during excavation and preliminary artifact sorting is that marine resources might be more common at this site than at Molle Pampa Este. The main marine items included Choromytilus sp. and other species of shellfish, and fish (including jurel). The remains of fresh water shrimp were present at every household (Table 5.10). Camelid bones were also present in each mound but in smaller quantities. As at Molle Pampa Este, the limited bone types represented, and the lack of bones from the feet, are not consistent with on-site butchering. It is conceivable that camelid meat arrived primarily in the form of ch’arqui from the highlands. No guinea pig bones were found. The few smaller rodent bones probably do not represent food items (Table 5.11).

used as burins. The latter were probably used as punches in leather and hide working. Pieces of hide and leather were found at several of the occupations. Cotton seeds and

Figure 5.8. Craft tools, proportion of the total number of artifacts for lower and upper occupations, Late Intermediate Period.

General Domestic and Craft Activities To examine differences among households in the intensity or range of craft activities, we compared occupations in terms of: farming tools (wooden, stone, and camelid mandibles hoes or shovels); grinding stones (manos and metates); lithic debris (flakes, scrapers); and bolas (see Appendix B for the complete itemized list). The percentages for each category (as measured against the total number of artifacts in each occupation) are presented in Table 5.3. The bullet graph with arrow ranges for 80, 95, and 99% confidence is a convenient way to visually display differences among occupations.

Figure 5.9. Tools compiled from all occupational zones, Late Intermediate Period.

As can be seen in Figure 5.7, there are no significant interhousehold differences in the proportions of the domestic tool in the categories listed above (Table 5.3). Potential household variability in textile/clothing production was assessed using the relative proportion of spinning, weaving, and knitting tools: spindle whorls; cactus and copper needles; cactus spines for knitting and/or sewing; and wichuñas and heading rods (navetas), part of looms. Bone awls consisted of a splintered narrow length of camelid bone with a pointed end, which may have been Figure 5.10. Spinning tools, proportion of the total number of artifacts for lower and upper occupations, Late Intermediate Period.

Figure 5.11. Weaving tools, proportion of the total number of artifacts for lower and upper occupations, Late Intermediate Period.

Figure 5.7. Domestic tools, proportion of the total number of artifacts for lower and upper occupations, Late Intermediate Period.

61

Late Prehistoric Regional Interaction and Social Change in a Coastal Valley of Northern Chile intensity of production in comparison to other Andean sites. The frequency index of weaving tools at Vila Vila Norte was 2.05 (n/total artifacts x 1000 sherds), and was 1.39 at Vila Vila Sur. As noted earlier, weaving tools were not found in any Late Intermediate Period occupations at Molle Pampa Este. Household Pottery Four of the six basic vessel shapes diagnosable by rim form were represented in Molle Pampa Medio household pottery assemblages. The two shapes absent from the site were the Late Period Aryballus and escudilla (flat bowl) forms. Fragments of the other vessel types (jars, cooking pots, pucos or deep bowls, and cups occurred in similar proportions in each occupational zone (Table 5.2; Figures 5.12 - 5.15), suggesting that the same types of domestic activities involving pottery (food preparation, serving, and storage) were performed by each household (Table 5.13; Figure 5.14). The greater proportions of certain forms displayed by Structure 13 are probably the result of the sample size differences (Table 5.2; Figure 5.16).

Figure 5.12. Jars, proportion of the total number of artifacts for lower and upper occupations, Late Intermediate Period.

As noted earlier, of the six most common pottery styles recognized in the Lluta Valley assemblages, only those of the Late Intermediate Period were present at Molle Pampa Medio: San Miguel, Pocoma, and Gentilar of local origin, and Black/red of altiplanic origin. The local styles, although presented separately in Table 5.1, were also pooled together in analysis to evaluate their distribution among each household and their relationship with the distribution of altiplanic pottery and other kind of artifacts. Structure 13 upper occupation, Structure 8 lower and upper occupations did not differ much, with local style decorated sherds making up between 1.35% and 3.22% of the artifact assemblage. Structure 34’s lower occupation, in contrast, presented a higher percentage of these styles - - 7.99% (n=122) - - and clearly stands out at the 99% confidence interval from the others (Table 5.1; Figure 5.17). Structure 34, however, did not differ in other ways from the other houses. The distribution of the highland style Black/red pottery was more uniform, ranging from 0.55% to 1.7% (Table 5.1, Figure 5.18). Overall local styles represent 5.48% (n=258) of the total artifact assemblage almost four times larger than the proportion of the Black/red’s style (n=70, 1.48%; Table 5.14; Figure 5.19).

Figure 5.13. Cooking pots, proportion of the total number of artifacts for lower and upper occupations, Late Intermediate Period. gourd fragments were also found. Cotton remains appeared to us to have been less common than in Molle Pampa Este (Tables 5.9, and 4.9 respectively). The proportion of awls and burins was very low in each household assemblage (Table 5.3; Figure 5.6), and they represented a small fraction of the whole artifact assemblage (n=11, 0.23%; Table 5.12; Figure 5.7). The relative proportions of the tool categories in each occupation are shown in Table 5.3. Bullet graphs with error ranges for 80, 95 and 99% are again useful in evaluating the statistical significance of the differences and similarities between households (Figures 5.8 - 5.11). Several interesting patterns emerge in this analysis. First, as with Late Intermediate Period households at Molle Pampa Este, households at Molle Pampa Medio seem to have had little involvement in spinning (n=1, 0.02%; Table 5.12; Figure 5.9). Only one spindle whorl was recovered (from Structure 8 [Table 5.12; Figure 5.10]) representing less than 0.1% of the total artifact assemblages (Table 5.12; Figure 5.9). From this we can infer that Molle Pampa Medio households had extremely limited access to wool or cotton yarn.

External Ties A range of artifacts provide insights into the external ties of the Molle Pampa Medio households. As at Molle Pampa Este, we divided these materials into objects of regional exchange (15 - 100 km) and long-distance exchange (>100 km).

Weaving and knitting were apparently more common than spinning in Molle Pampa Medio households, although the relatively low frequency (n=20; 0.42%, Table 5.12; Figure 5.9) of items relating to these tasks suggests a low

Objects of Regional Exchange Materials and or objects procured within a regional exchange network included marine items and those

62

Molle Pampa Medio

Table 5.10. Marine and riverine resources at Molle Pampa Medio. Presence (x) and absence (-) from upper [up] and lower [lo] occupational zones. Structure 8 up 13 up 34 up 8 lo 34 lo

cho x x x x x

she x x x x x

fis x x x x x

Marine jur x í x x x

alg í í í í í

egg í í í í í

River shr x x x x x

bir í x x í í

rxh í í í í í

Miscellaneous cor snl x í í í í í x í í í

Table 5.11 – Terrestrial subsistence resources at Molle Pampa Medio. Presence (x) and absence (-) from upper [up] and lower [lo] occupational zones. Camelid: foot, bone, stom = stomach content, fece = camelid feces; Other Mammals: cuye = guinea pig, rodt = rodent, dog [a mandibular fragment, and a mummified small dog]; n/i bone = unidentified bone. Structure

Camelid bone stom x í x í x í x í x í

foot x í í í x

8 up 8 lo 13 up 34 up 34 lo

Other mammals cuye rodt dog í x í í x í í í í í x x í x í

fece x x x x x

n/i bone í í í í í

Table 5.12. Craft, domestic, weaving, spinning tools compiled from all households at Molle Pampa Medio. Frequency [N] and proportion [%] calculated from the total site artifact assemblage. Craft tools N % 11 1.97

Domestic tools Weaving tools N % N % 93 1.97 20 0.42

Spinning tools N % 1 0.02

T otal site assemblage 4700

Table 5.13. Vessel types compiled from all households at Molle Pampa Medio. Frequency [N] and proportion [%] calculated from the total site artifact assemblage. Aryballus N % 0 0

Escudilla N % 0 0

Jar N % 121 2.57

Cooking pots N % 136 2.89

Puco N

Cup % 1.34

63

N 3

% 0.06

Plain ware T otal site assemblage N % 3815 81.17 4700

Table 5.14. Pottery styles compiled from all households at Molle Pampa Medio. Frequency [N] and proportion [%] calculated from all site artifact assemblage. San Miguel Pocoma Gentilar N % 258 5.48

Black / Red N 70

% 1.48

Saxamar N 0

Inka

% 0

N 0

% 0

T otal site assemblage 4700

Table 5.15. Prestige goods compiled from all households at Molle Pampa Medio. Frequency [N], proportion [%] calculated from all site artifact assemblage. Imported N % 71 1.51

Metal N 0

Local % 0

N 38

% 0.8

T otal site assemblage 4700

white soft mineral called millu. Regional and long-distance exchange items at Molle Pampa Medio represented 1.51% of all the recovered artifacts (Table 5.15), a percentage quite similar to the 1.88% of the Late Intermediate Period at Molle Pampa Este (Table 4.15), but nearly twice the 0.82% for Vila Vila Norte and 0.86% for Vila Vila Sur (Tables 6.11 and 7.11). The inter-household distribution of these imported goods among the mounds sampled was not as uniform as that of local goods. Structure 34 upper occupation, 34 lower occupation, and 13 upper occupation had relatively low percentages ranging between 0.92% and 1.35%. Structure 8’s lower occupation stood out (at the 99% error range) with 4.4% (n=8; Table 5.4; Figure 5.21). This structure contained several of the most exotic

brought from the highlands. Highland materials included: obsidian, chunks of red pigment, sulfur, and khoa. Also included in this category were a small crystal, a fragment of mica, some copper ore, and a chunk of an unidentified mineral ore. Table 5.4 and Figure 5.20 show equal access to goods procured within the regional exchange scope. Objects of Long-Distance Exchange Long-distance exchange objects and materials (>100 km) included elements such as a wayruru seed, and green, yellow, and orange tropical bird feathers brought from the tropical forest on the east side of the Andes. Another probably long-distance exchange item was a piece of the

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Late Prehistoric Regional Interaction and Social Change in a Coastal Valley of Northern Chile

Figure 5.14. Pucos (deeps bowls), proportion of the total number of artifacts for lower and upper occupations, Late Intermediate Period.

Figure 5.18. Black/red pottery style, proportion of total number of artifacts for upper and lower occupations, Late Intermediate Period.

Figure 5.15. Cups, proportion of the total number of artifacts for lower and upper occupations, Late Intermediate Period.

Figure 5.19. Local pottery styles (San Miguel, Pocoma, and Gentilar) and Black/red styles, compiled from all occupational zones, Late Intermediate Period.

Figure 5.16. Vessel types, compiled from all occupational zones, Late Intermediate Period.

Figure 5.20. Local ornamental goods, proportion of the total number of artifacts for lower and upper occupations, Late Intermediate Period.

Figure 5.17. Local pottery, proportion of the total number of artifacts for lower and upper occupations, Late Intermediate Period.

Figure 5.21. Imported goods, including items of regional (15 – 100 km) and long distance exchange (> 100 km), proportion of the total number of artifacts at each household, Late Intermediate Period.

64

Molle Pampa Medio access to coastal products. The artifact assemblages of the mounds excavated suggest that households were involved in the same range of domestic activities relating to agriculture, food preparation, weaving and knitting, and small scale stone tool production. Spinning was much less important than at other Lluta sites. We found no evidence indicating household specialization or significant economic differentiation. The population was tied into both regional and long-distance exchange networks that brought a variety of exotic materials into the community.

Figure 5.22. Trade goods, compiled from all occupational zones, Late Intermediate Period. elements (i.e. millu, crystal stone, mica, copper ore, and other mineral ore). Otherwise, however, it did not differ in other aspects from other houses (i.e. Structure 8 ranked at the lowest level in relation to Local and Black/red pottery styles). In contrast, Structure 34 that ranked the highest with respect to these possible “prestige styles” occupied the lowest position in the distribution of imported goods (Figures 5.17; Figure 5.21). In sum, our limited sample does not reveal a relationship between access to trade goods and use of decorated pottery. Overall, objects of long-distance exchange were more important than regional exchange goods (Table 5.15; Figure 5.22).

Endnotes

Summary of Molle Pampa Medio

2. Wayruru refers to the seeds of a spruce tree that grows in the Amazon (Ormosia coccinea). These beads are highly appreciated in the Andes because of their bright red color and black spots (DeLucca and Zalle 1992:49). The aesthetic and magical meanings associated with these seedds persist until today in Andean ideology (see Cereceda 1987:168).

1. Millu is a soft white rock still used today for medicinal purposes and in Aymara ritual or offering “table”. It is obtained from the yungas on the eastern side of the Andes (see Oblitas 1971:81). “Vn genero defalitre [nitrate] bueno para teñir colorado, o azul o de otros colores” (Bertonio [1612] 1984 Segunda Parte:222). According to the ethnographic compilation of Girault (1987:539), chunchu millu refers to a ferric sulfate powder, used nowadays by Kallawaya’s medicine man for malefic or black magic.

This site is a small hamlet (3.75 ha) composed of 39 mound structures dispersed on the slope of the Lluta Valley, several meters above the flood plain. It was occupied by an economically self-sufficient community engaged in farming and fishing that also had considerable

65

Chapter 6 Vila Vila Norte

Site Composition

Site Chronology

The Vila Vila Norte archaeological site is part of two site clusters --Vila Vila Norte and Vila Vila Sur-- each containing discrete residential and funerary areas. These clusters are located on the south slope of the Lluta Valley, enclosed within a large sandy hill roughly 200 m long that rises 50 m above the flood plain. The hill acts as a natural wall that partially hides the Vila Vila villages. They are themselves separated from one another by a smaller sandy hill. A large corral (4,402 m2), of unknown age, sits between the villages (Figure 6.1).

The site was occupied during the Late Intermediate and Late Periods. The early occupational zones in the house mounds excavated displayed the local pottery styles San Miguel, Pocoma, and Gentilar, as well as the altiplanic Black/red style. These occupations lacked Saxamar and Inka elements. Subsequent occupational zones included in their ceramic assemblages Saxamar and/or Inka pottery, and were thus classified as Late Period occupations. Overall, the site may have been occupied between AD 1200 and 1500, and based on the larger proportion of San Miguel style pottery, may be slightly older than the Molle Pampa sites.

In contrast to the residential areas, the cemeteries are situated in more visible locations. Three discrete cemeteries lie on top of the hill, contiguous to the village of Vila Vila Sur. A fourth cemetery is located at the lower flanks of the residential area of Vila Vila Norte (Figure 6.1).

Residential Patterns The village of Vila Vila Norte covers roughly 3.8 ha. It is composed of 37 mounds with some architectural remains on the surface, and a wide lens of camelid dung. No other distinctive features or structures are visible on the surface. Vila Vila Norte does not display a formal architectural plan. Domestic mounds were arranged in rough rows along the contours of the terrain.

The Vila Vila sites are also contiguous to the trails described in Chapter 4. One of these trails, coming from Molle Pampa, transects the villages before exiting the valley toward the southeast. If the corral is post-Hispanic, it is likely that the trail may be as well. Documents of the 16th and 17th centuries do not mention Vila Vila, and the villages may have been abandoned by the time of the Spanish contact. Paz Soldan’s Geographic Dictionary (1865:976) defined Vila Vila (an Aymara word that means “very bloody”) as a settlement in the Lluta Valley, but he probably was referring to a set of dispersed and abandoned dwellings visible today a short distance from the archaeological sites.

Structure 22, the largest mound in the village (at 242 m2), is located roughly at the center of the village. It differed from other mounds in lacking the surface remains typical of domestic occupation. As discussed below, test excavation revealed that the mound consisted of restricted pockets of cultural material, embedded in hard clay sediment of a type not observed in the other structures. Fieldwork at Vila Vila Norte

The Vila Vila Norte cluster occupies the area closest to the valley floor, at 510 - 550 m asl a lower elevation than the Vila Vila Sur cluster. The cluster is composed of a village and a small cemetery, together covering an area 245 m long (east-west axis) and 90 m wide. The cemetery lies on the slope (Figure 6.1).

Of the 37 mounds visible, six were sampled with excavation, revealing a total of 10 distinct occupational zones. Five of the six were chosen through a program of stratified random sampling after dividing the site into two sections. From the total of 15 mounds in the lower section

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Late Prehistoric Regional Interaction and Social Change in a Coastal Valley of Northern Chile

Figure 6.1. Vila Vila Norte and Vila Vila Sur. stable surface, exposed to salt accumulation longer than surfaces at sites with faster rates of aeolian sand deposition.

(contour lines 525 - 535 m asl), Structures 37 and 32 were randomly selected; while Structure 22 was judgmentally selected. From the upper section (contour lines 535 - 555 m asl), Structures 4, 10, 19 were randomly chosen. Test units of 2 x 2 m were placed in each structure of the upper section, totaling 12 m2. In the lower section, 15.5 m2 were excavated including a test unit covering 7.5 m2 in Structure 22 (Figure 6.1).

Mounds Structure 4 No architectural features were found on the surface of this 8 x 7 m mound, but two manos and a stain of ashes were mapped. The stratigraphic deposits varied between 17 and 42 cm deep, and were treated as a single occupation.

Stratigraphy averaged 21.6 cm deep (with a minimum of 9.25 and a maximum of 48.25 cm), figures that contrast with the deeper deposits of the other Lluta sites. This may indicate a slower rate of aeolian sand deposition because of the site’s protection from the prevailing wind. One consequence was that clear identification of superimposed dwellings or occupations was more difficult than at the previously described sites. Vila Vila also displayed a higher rate of salt accumulation (by percolation) toward the surface, making the archaeological sediments much harder to excavate, and affecting the conservation of organic material. It may be possible that the two phenomena were related: the slow rate of sand deposition resulted in a more

A portion of hearth was found in the north section of the test pit. The hearth had been constructed by digging several pits. One pit measured roughly 1.00 x 0.74 m, and was roughly 3 - 5 cm deep. This pit was filled with blackened ashes. In the center of this pit was a second, inner pit roughly 0.70 x 0.55 m in size, and 5 cm deep. This inner pit was filled by a hard and compact layer of ashes, covered with a softer layer of the same material. Each layer contained abundant remains of charred shell and fish bones (Figure 6.2).

68

Vila Vila Norte An area adjacent to the hearth, in the south section of the test unit, consisted of sediments of lighter color, much harder and more compact by salt percolation. These sediments may have formed the actual floor of the house. Separating the hearth and this hard surface was a line of posts and post molds, embedded into the sterile soil below the floor. This post line formed a clear division between the two functional areas (hearth and floor; Figure 6.2).

Structure 10 This is an 11 by 5 m mound. The only architectural feature visible on the surface was a fragment of reed matting on the northeast portion of the mound. Four grinding stones were also mapped on the surface. The cultural strata were 29 - 37 cm thick. The stratigraphy and associated pottery styles point to long-term or sequential occupations. These occupations can be subdivided into upper and lower occupational zones.

The stratigraphy of this portion of the mound suggested a single occupation, dating to the latter stages of the San Miguel phase (AD 1100 - 1250). Diagnostic pottery styles represented in this mound included Pocoma, Gentilar, and Black/red (Table 6.1).

The upper occupational zone included the first two strata, and had an average depth of 13.7 cm. We excavated 4 m2 (or 0.56 m3) of this zone. Diagnostic pottery styles represented included Saxamar, Gentilar, and Black/red (Table 6.1). A single fragment from an undecorated flat bowl (escudilla) was found along with a quartz scraper or knife (Tables 6.2 and 6.3). On the surface of this Structure a stone shovel was found (Figure 6.5a). No other kinds of tools or local or foreign prestige items were recorded in this level (Table 6.4).

Domestic activities were represented by a narrow variety of cooking [olla] and serving vessels [globular jar, and puco] (see Table 6.2). Other domestic items included a kit of 5 flakes of basalt and quartz, a grinding stone, and a wichuña for weaving (Table 6.3). The occupation also yielded a khoa and a marine shell bead (Table 6.4).

Figure 6.3. Vila Vila Norte, Structure 10, profile and plan view of the lower occupational zones.

Figure 6.2. Vila Vila Norte, Structure 4, plan view and profile, upper and lower occupational zones.

69

Late Prehistoric Regional Interaction and Social Change in a Coastal Valley of Northern Chile 6.4). Associated diagnostic ceramic styles included San Miguel, Pocoma, Gentilar, and Black/red pottery styles (Table 6.1). Few fragments of domestic vessels were encountered, only fragments from cooking [olla] vessels, serving vessels [puco] and liquid containers [globular jar] (Table 6.2). A craft tool consisted of a knife made from a micro-flake attached to a small twig (Table 6.3). Imported objects were represented by two fragments of obsidian, while among local craft items, three carved riverine shells were recovered (Table 6.4).

The lower occupational zone consisted of Layers 3 and 4, together about 34 cm thick. We excavated 3.24 m2 (1.10 m3) of this zone. It was separated from the upper occupational zone by a deposit of hard, compact sand at the bottom of Layer 2, suggesting an interruption in mound occupation. Diagnostic styles represented in the lower occupational zone included San Miguel, Pocoma, Gentilar, Black/red and Saxamar (Table 6.1), a modelled ceramic duck head, a common feature on highland Late Horizon flat bowls (escudilla), was also found. Fragments of cooking [olla] and serving [globular jar and puco] vessels were common (Table 6.2). Few tools were recovered other than flakes and a grinding stone (Table 6.3). Imported objects included: one volcanic glass flake; a khoa; and a single flamingo feather (Table 6.4). Three pits were found at the bottom of the lower occupational zone extending into sterile soil. No architectural remains were encountered (Figure 6.3).

The lower occupational zone consisted of Layers 3 and 4 (23 cm thick). A total of 3.4 m2 (or 0.78 m3) of this zone was excavated, revealing several architectural and domestic features. The remains of a reed mat in the northeast corner of the pit at the top of Layer 3 measured 52 x 100 cm. This mat had been plastered with a clay-like material, so that mat and stucco together were 20 cm thick. It is likely that this feature was part of a wall structure, although this type of construction was not observed at other sites (Figure 6.4).

Structure 19 This is a 12 by 7 m mound. A wooden post visible on the surface was used to define the northeast corner of the 2 x 2 m excavation unit (Figure 6.4). A large mano (23 x 16 x 7 cm) rested on the surface in the opposite corner of the unit. The mound’s cultural strata were 40 cm deep in this part of the mound and could be clearly divided stratigraphically into two occupational zones.

At the same elevation, and near the center of the north wall of the pit, was a deposit of ashes (1.0 m in diameter and 10 cm thick). Under the ashes, and attached to the south wall of the pit (opposite to the mat), was a group of long stiff twigs from an unidentified plant (Figure 6.4). Another layer of ashes covering 0.50 m was underneath. Sediments in the western portion of the test unit were softer, and may have been dug out to create a place for garbage disposal immediately outside of the actual dwelling.

The upper occupational zone consisted of Layers 1 and 2 (17 cm thick). A total of 4 m2 (0.68 m3) of this zone was excavated. No other features were found. The single post was embedded 20 cm into the mound, and was clearly related to a structure of the upper occupation (Figure

Table 6.1. Frequency and proportion of pottery styles at Vila Vila Norte. Proportion [%] calculated from all artifacts in upper [up] and lower [lo] occupational zones. Structure 10 up 32 up 37 up 32 lo 4 up 19 up 22 up 10 lo 19 lo 37 lo

San Miguel N % 0 0 0 0 1 0.29 0 0 0 0 1 0.92 1 0.3 1 0.78 2 2.38 2 1.01

Pocoma N % 0 0 4 2.27 10 2.95 12 5.47 2 0.95 3 2.77 6 1.82 1 0.78 2 2.38 7 3.55

Gentilar N % 2 4.76 1 0.54 1 0.29 4 1.82 4 1.9 3 2.77 2 0.6 2 1.56 0 0 1 0.5

Black N 1 0 2 2 4 1 8 2 1 6

/ Red % 2.38 0 0.59 0.91 1.9 0.92 2.43 1.56 1.19 3.04

Saxamar N % 1 2.38 0 0 1 0.29 1 0.45 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0

Inka N 0 1 0 2 0 0 0 0 0 0

% 0 0.54 0 0.91 0 0 0 0 0 0

T otal household assemblage 42 184 338 219 210 108 328 128 84 197

Table 6.2. Frequency and proportion of rim sherd types at Vila Vila Norte. Proportion [%] calculated from the total number of artifacts at each household level. Structure 10 up 32 up 37 up 32 lo 4 up 19 up 22 up 10 lo 19 lo 37 lo

Aryballus N % 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0

Escudilla N % 1 2.38 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0

Jar N 0 2 11 5 1 2 5 1 7 4

% 0 1.08 3.25 2.28 0.47 1.85 1.52 0.78 8.33 2.03

Cooking pot N % 0 0 1 0.54 5 1.47 2 0.91 7 3.33 1 0.92 4 1.21 2 1.56 1 1.19 9 4.56

70

Puco N 0 0 0 1 0 0 1 0 0 0

% 0 0 0 0.45 0 0 0.3 0 0 0

Cup N 0 0 0 1 0 0 1 0 0 0

% 0 0 0 0.45 0 0 0.3 0 0 0

Plain N 36 158 293 183 175 83 281 99 58 156

ware T otal household assemblage % 85.71 42 85.86 184 86.68 338 83.56 219 83.33 210 76.85 108 85.67 328 77.34 128 69.04 84 79.18 197

Vila Vila Norte

Table 6.3. Frequency and proportion of domestic and craft goods at Vila Vila Norte. Proportion [%] calculated from all artifacts in upper [up] and lower [lo] occupational zones. Structure 10 up 32 up 37 up 32 lo 4 up 19 up 22 up 10 lo 19 lo 37 lo

Craft tools N % 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 0.47 1 0.92 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0

Domestic tools N % 1 2.38 4 2.17 3 0.88 2 0.91 7 3.33 6 5.55 8 2.43 9 7.03 5 5.95 2 1.01

Weaving tools N % 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 0.47 3 2.77 0 0 0 0 1 1.19 3 1.52

Spinning tools N % 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0

T otal household assemblage 42 184 338 219 210 108 328 128 84 197

Table 6.4. Frequency and proportion of prestige goods at Vila Vila Norte. Proportion [%] calculated from all artifacts in upper [up] and lower [lo] occupational zones. Structure 10 up 32 up 37 up 32 lo 4 up 10 lo 19 up 19 lo 22 up 37 lo

Imported N % 0 0 1 0.54 0 0 0 0 2 0.95 3 2.34 2 1.85 3 3.57 0 0 1 0.5

Metal N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0

Local % 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0

N 0 1 0 0 1 1 3 2 4 5

% 0 0.54 0 0 0.47 0.78 2.77 2.38 1.21 2.53

T otal household assemblage 42 184 338 219 210 128 108 84 328 197

remains, were not represented in the same manner and quantity as in other mounds.

The lower occupational zone at Structure 19 was associated with San Miguel, Pocoma, Gentilar, and Black/red pottery styles (Table 6.1). Undecorated domestic vessels included cooking [olla], serving [puco] and liquid containers [globular jar] (Table 6.2). Domestic tools included three flakes, one mano, a camelid mandible shovel (Figure 6.5c) and a cactus needle (Table 6.3). Imported materials were represented by three volcanic obsidian flakes and an Ollivela shell (Table 6.4).

This mound was associated with San Miguel, Pocoma, Gentilar, and Black/red pottery styles (Table 6.1). Domestic remains included fragments from cooking [olla], serving [puco], and liquid containers [globular jar and cup] (Table 6.2). Other remains included basalt and quartz flakes and four beads of riverine shell (Table 6.3, Table 6.4). In addition, excavated remains included two items that may have been offerings: a placenta (camelid or human, in either case a traditional Andean offering) and, in another location, a small pot of Black/red style decoration, containing camelid hair dyed red. The cultural and organic materials of the mound were embedded in rather “clean” sediments, unlike the more “contaminated” domestic matrixes of the other mounds, as a consequence of permanent domestic activities. The domestic objects found in this platform might represent secondary deposition if fill material containing domestic remains were transported to create the platform.

Structure 22 This 25 x 10 m mound had a number of posts visible on the surface. A group of 5 posts, probably supports for a structure, were arranged in a circle, suggesting a circular structure. However, our excavation of three units, each 2.5 x 1.0 m, distributed over an area of 15 m2 and revealing additional posts, demonstrated that the posts defined rectangular architecture. The group of posts was part of more than one structure. The cultural strata were compact and very hard, composed of a clayey and sandy matrix containing few domestic remains. It averaged 35 cm deep. We excavated a total of 7.25 m2 (or 2.53 m3) of this mound.

Structure 32 No architectural features were visible on the surface of this 16 x 6 m mound other than a mano and two metates. The mound’s occupational layers reached a depth of 33 cm below the mound surface, and could be divided into two occupational levels.

There are several reasons, beside the central location of the mound, to suspect that Structure 22 was not a typical residential locus. As with Structure 3 in Molle Pampa Este, the mound lacked the characteristics of a domestic occupation. Patches of material, principally maize stalks and cobs, fish and camelid bones, shells, and other plant

The upper occupational zone consisted of Layers 1 and 2 (average thickness 18 cm). We excavated 4 m2 (or 0.72

71

Late Prehistoric Regional Interaction and Social Change in a Coastal Valley of Northern Chile

Figure 6.4. Vila Vila Norte, Structure 19, plan view and profile, upper and lower occupational zones. m3) of this zone. Fragments of decorated pottery included the Pocoma, Black/red and Inka styles, signaling a Late Period/Inka contemporary occupation (Table 6.1). Pottery forms represented included cooking [olla] serving [puco] and liquid containers [globular jar] (Table 6.2). Several flakes and a metate were also recovered (Table 6.3). A small flake of obsidian was the only imported object recovered from the upper zone (Table 6.4).

Structure 37 No architectural features were found on the surface of this 10 by 6 m mound other than a mortar. The stratigraphy was composed of hard and compact layers averaging 28.5 cm deep. We excavated 4 m2 in this mound, exposing two occupational levels. The upper occupational zone consisted of Layers 1 and 2, and was characterized by hard and compact sediments with an average depth of 9.25 cm. No architectural features were discovered. This occupation was associated with Saxamar, San Miguel, Pocoma, Gentilar, and Black/red pottery styles (Table 6.1) and the usual range of vessel forms (Table 6.2). Few artifacts other than pottery were found (Table 6.3; Table 6.4).

The lower occupational zone consisted of Layers 3 and 4 with an average thickness of 15 cm. We excavated 3.42 m2 (or 0.51 m3) of this zone. This zone yielded Inka, Black/red, and Saxamar pottery fragments; local styles were represented by Pocoma and Gentilar (Table 6.1). Fragments of cooking [olla] serving [puco] and liquid containers [globular jar and cup] were present as well (Table 6.2). Other artifacts included flakes and a stone hammer (Table 6.3; Table 6.4).

72

Vila Vila Norte

A

B

C

Figure 6.5. Shovels for farming at Vila Vila Norte: (a) stone shovel from surface at Structure 10; (b) worn and weathered wooden shovel from the surface of Structure 16, and (c) camelid mandible shovel from level 3 Structure 19 (photos Calogero M. Santoro, August 1993).

Figure 6.6. Weaving tools, proportion of the total number of artifacts for lower and upper occupations, Late Intermediate Period and Late Period.

73

Late Prehistoric Regional Interaction and Social Change in a Coastal Valley of Northern Chile The lower occupational zone contained a feature: a natural depression located in the northeast corner of the excavation unit. Next to this depression, in the center and western side of the unit, were two possible post holes. Cultural strata here averaged 19 cm thick. This lower occupation was also associated with San Miguel, Pocoma, Gentilar, and Black/red pottery styles (Table 6.1). The artifact assemblage reflected typical household activities relating to food preparation

and consumption, and textile production (Table 6.2, Table 6.3). Weaving, sewing, or knitting was represented by two cactus spines and one cactus needle (Table 6.3). An obsidian flake was the only exotic imported good. Objects made of local materials included a wrapped feather, a shell bead, fragments of a wooden box, and a ceramic whistle (Table 6.4). The latter resembles those described by Hidalgo, Chacama, and Focacci (1981:81, Figure 6a).

Table 6.5. Presence (x) and absence (-) of economic plants at Vila Vila Norte. From upper [up] and lower [lo] occupational zones; Maize: cob, ker = kernel, stk = stalk, brd = bread; Grains: ben = beans, pal = pallares, n/i = unidentified seeds; Tubers: pot = potato, chu = chun’u, n/i = unidentified tuber; Fruits: squ = squash, mol = molle, n/i = unidentified fruit; Miscellaneous: coc = coca leaves, grd = gourd, cot = cotton. Structure 10 up 32 up 37 up 32 lo 4 up 10 lo 19 up 19 lo 22 up 37 lo

cob x x x x x x x x x x

Maize ker stk í í í x í x í x x x x x í x x x x x í x

brd í í í í í í í í í í

ben x í í í í x í x í í

Grains pal í í í í í í í í í í

n/i í í í í í í í í í í

pot í í í í í í í í í í

T ubers chu í í í í í í í í í í

n/i í í í í x x í í í í

squ í í í í í í í í í í

Fruits mol í í í í x x x x í x

n/i x í í í x x í x í í

coc í í í í í í í í í í

Miscellaneous grd cot í x x x í í x í x í x í í x x í í í x í

Table 6.6. Marine and riverine resources at Vila Vila Norte. Presence (x) and absence (-) from upper [up] and lower [lo] occupational zones. Marine: cho = Choromytilus, she = shellfish, fis = fishbone, jur = jurel, alg = algae, egg = egg shell, bir = bird bone; Riverine: shr = fresh water shrimp; Miscellaneous: rxh = stone with marine huano, cor = coral, snl = fresh water snail. Structure 10 up 32 up 37 up 32 lo 4 up 10 lo 19 up 19 lo 22 up 34 lo

cho x x x x x x x x x x

she x x x x x x x x x x

fis x x x x x x x x x x

Marine jur í x í í í í x x í í

alg í í í í í x í í í í

egg í í í í í í í í í í

bir í í í í í í í í í í

Riverine shr í x x x x x x í í x

rxh í í í í í í í í í í

Miscellaneous cor snl í í í í í í í í í í í í í í í í í í í í

Table 6.7. Terrestrial subsistence resources at Vila Vila Norte. Presence (x) and absence (-) from upper [up] and lower [lo] occupational zones. Camelid: foot, bone, stom = stomach content, fece = camelid feces; Other Mammals: cuy = guinea pig, rodt = rodent dog [a mandibular fragment, and a mummified small dog]; n/i bone = unidentified bone. Structure 10 up 32 up 37 up 32 lo 4 up 10 lo 19 up 19 lo 22 up 10 lo

foot í í í í x í í í x í

Camelid bone stom x í x í x í x í x í x í x í x í x í x í

fece x x x í x x x x x x

Other mammals cuye rodt dog í í í í í í í í í í í í í x í í x í í í í í í í í í í í í í

n/i bone í í í í í í í í í í

Table 6.8. Frequency and proportion of all plainware types among household levels at Vila Vila Norte. LP = Late Period, LIP = Late Intermediate Period. Period assemblage Late Period Late Intermediate Period

Craft tools N % 0 0 2 0.2

Domestic tools N % 10 1.27 32 3.29

74

Weaving tools N % 0 0 7 0.72

Spinning tools N % 0 0 0 0

T otal household 971 783

Vila Vila Norte

Figure 6.7. Tools compiled from all occupational zones for Late Intermediate Period and Late Period.

Figure 6.8. Domestic tools, proportion of the total number of artifacts for lower and upper occupations, Late Intermediate Period and Late Period.

Figure 6.9. Globular Jar, proportion of the total number of artifacts for lower and upper occupations, Late Intermediate Period and Late Period.

75

Late Prehistoric Regional Interaction and Social Change in a Coastal Valley of Northern Chile Mortuary Patterns

Table 6.9. Frequency and proportion of all plainware types among household levels at Vila Vila Norte.

Associated with Vila Vila Norte was a discrete cemetery located on the lower flank of the residential area, 10 - 15 m above the flood plain. The cemetery occupied a strip of ground measuring 45 x 20 m within which it is possible to distinguish two sectors, one upslope and one downslope. Several tombs were scattered in between. A total of 37 disturbed tombs were mapped, all readily visible on the surface. Bleached human bones were spread throughout the area -- decayed by sun exposure, wind erosion, and salt precipitation -- along with some fragments of pottery, textiles, and other artifacts. The tombs consisted of small sub-rectangular niches about 1 m diameter, made of rock slabs joined with a blackish mortar. The slabs were embedded in the sandy ground that had been hardened by salt precipitation.

Structure 4 up 10 up 10 lo 19 up 19 lo 22 up 32 up 32 lo 37 up 37 lo

T otal plainware types (N) 175 36 99 83 58 281 158 183 293 156

% 83.33 83.71 77.34 76.85 69.04 85.67 85.86 83.56 86.68 79.18

T otal household assemblage 210 42 128 108 84 328 184 219 338 197

Table 6.10. Frequency and proportion of local and imported goods of total assemblage at Vila Vila Norte. Imported goods N % Late Period 1 0.12 Late Intermediate Period 8 0.82 Period

Local goods N % 1 0.12 14 1.44

T otal site assemblage 783 971

Figure 6.10. Cooking vessels, proportion of the total number of artifacts for lower and upper occupations, Late Intermediate Period and Late Period.

Figure 6.11. Pucos (deep bowls), proportion of the total number of artifacts for lower and upper occupations, Late Intermediate Period and Late Period. 76

Vila Vila Norte Individual tombs were grouped into small clusters. The lower section held 14 tombs, while the upper had 12, leaving 10 in the intervening space (Figure 6.1). If not

the result of chronological factors, it is possible that the spatial separation of the tombs reflects social segmentation or division within this community.

Table 6.11. Frequency and proportion of pottery styles of total assemblage at Vila Vila Norte. Period Late Period Late Intermediate Period

San Miguel Pocoma Gentilar N % 35 4.46 36 3.7

Black / Red N 5 21

% 0.63 2.16

Saxamar N 3 0

% 0.38 0

Inka N 3 0

% 0.38 0

T otal sites 783 971

Figure 6.12. Plainware types compiled, proportion of the total number of artifacts for lower and upper occupations, Late Intermediate Period and Late Period.

Figure 6.13. Local pottery, proportion of the total number of artifacts for lower and upper occupations, Late Intermediate Period and Late Period. 77

Late Prehistoric Regional Interaction and Social Change in a Coastal Valley of Northern Chile

Figure 6.14. Black/red pottery, proportion of the total number of artifacts for lower and upper occupations, Late Intermediate Period and Late Period.

Figure 6.15. Saxamar pottery style, proportion of the total number of artifacts for lower and upper occupations, Late Intermediate Period and Late Period.

Figure 6.16. Inka pottery, proportion of the total number of artifacts for lower and upper occupations, Late Intermediate Period and Late Period. Household Patterns

and farming (Figure 6.5b). Each of the occupational zones generated fragments of cooking and decorated pottery, maize and other domesticated and wild plants remains, shell and fish bones, camelid droppings, camelid bones, hide and wool, and charcoal. Universal household activities thus, have been broadly divided into (a) subsistence activities, and (b) general domestic and craft activities.

As in the other sites, artifact assemblages provide some indication of the range of activities carried out at the household level. Universal household activities would have included preparation and consumption of food, stone tool manufacture, scraping, polishing, and grinding activities,

78

Vila Vila Norte

Figure 6.17. Local ornamental goods, proportion of the total number of artifacts for lower and upper occupations, Late Intermediate Period and Late Period.

Figure 6.18. Imported goods, proportion of the total number of artifacts for lower and upper occupations, Late Intermediate Period and Late Period.

in some, but not all, mounds are beans, molle fruit, gourds, unidentified fruits and seeds; and fresh water shrimp. Potatoes, chuñ’u, and squash were extremely rare in the Vila Vila Norte sample, limited to a single potato specimen (Structure 19), and an unidentified tuber (in Structure 4). Present at Vila Vila Norte, but not found at other sites, were cotton tail and horse tail. The latter, a plant that grows naturally in marshy areas in the flood plain next to the site, was ubiquitous in the mounds. Isotope and trace element analysis has not yet been done for human skeletal remains from this site.

Figure 6.19. Weaving tools as a proportion of all artifacts from Late Intermediate Period and Late Period.

Only a single hoe (made from a camelid mandible) was found (representing 0.02% of all the artifacts excavated at this site). It is likely that these kinds of artifacts were discarded outside the house.

Subsistence Activities The range of dietary items in our sample from Vila Vila Norte is smaller than those seen at the previously described sites and at Vila Vila Sur. As shown in Tables 6.5, 6.6, and 6.7, only maize, shellfish (Choromytilus), fish, and camelid are represented in every household. Represented

General Domestic and Craft Activities Household textile production at Vila Vila Norte was evaluated with two categories of artifacts: weaving tools and spinning tools (Table 6.3). Weaving (knitting

79

Late Prehistoric Regional Interaction and Social Change in a Coastal Valley of Northern Chile To observe further differences among households in productive activities, I compared occupations in terms of farming tools, grinding stones (mano and metate), flakes, etc. (see Appendix B for complete itemized list). Percentages based on the total number of tool types in each occupational level are presented in Table 6.3. The statistical significance of the differences between households is presented in a bullet graph with 80%, 95%, and 99% confidence indicators (Figure 6.8). The data hint at some chronological differences in interhousehold variability. Occupations dating to the Late Intermediate Period divide into two clusters. The first cluster, composed of Structures 37’s lower occupation, Structure 22’s upper occupation, and Structure 4’s upper occupation, had significantly less tools (1.02% to 3.33%) than occupations forming the second cluster (5.56% to 7.03%, Table 6.3; Figure 6.8). During the Late Period, in contrast, there are no significant interhousehold differences in these activities, a pattern also repeated at Molle Pampa Este (Table 6.3; Figure 6.8). This pattern may indicate greater interhousehold variability in domestic patterns during the Late Intermediate Period.

Figure 6.20. Local and imported goods, proportion of whole assemblage for Late Intermediate Period and Late Period. or sewing) artifacts included cactus spines and cactus needles and the wichuñas used in looms. Four out 6 households yielded weaving tools, indicating that this was a generalized household activity, as observed at Molle Pampa Medio. This ubiquity is in contrast, however, to Molle Pampa Este’s Late Intermediate Period households. I observed no significant inter-household differences in the distribution of these tools (Table 6.3; Figure 6.5).

Household Pottery Four of the six basic vessel types diagnosable by rim form were present at Vila Vila Norte. Lacking were the aryballus and escudilla (flat bowl) forms; forms introduced during the Late Period. Late Intermediate Period occupations presented some variation in the relative proportion of vessel forms (Table 6.2; Figures 6.9 - 6.11). The ceramic assemblage of Structure 19’s lower occupation was made up of a significantly larger proportion of globular jars (8.33%, n=7; Figure 6.9). This household unit also

Weaving may have been the most common craft activity in the mounds as a whole, but in each case, weaving items were only associated with Late Intermediate Period occupations, suggesting a change through time in the importance of this activity in domestic patterns (n=7; Table 6.8, Figure 6.6). Spinning tools were not recovered from occupations of either period, which may indicate a lack of direct access to alpacas, and that households were obtaining yarn rather than wool.

Figure 6.21. Local and imported pottery styles, proportion of whole assemblage for Late Intermediate Period and Late Period.

80

Vila Vila Norte contained the highest proportion of imported good (3.57%, n=3), but, as can be seen in Figure 6.17, with less statistical significance. In the case of jars, the bullet graph suggests that there is less than a 5% chance that the higher proportion in the lower level of Structure 19 is due only to sampling vagaries. This difference would appear more meaningful if the sample size was larger, however.

single category with percentages based on all the artifacts at each household level (Figure 6.17; see Appendix B for an itemized list). Objects of Long-Distance Exchange No long-distance exchange objects or materials (>100 km) were recovered at Vila Vila Norte, with the possible exception of obsidian (see itemized list in Appendix B).

Plainware types showed some significant differences in their distribution among the household levels (Table 6.9, Figure 6.12). Our sample, in contrast, did not reveal any sharp variability in the distribution of local styles of pottery, but some occupations showed less of these styles than others (Figure 6.13).

Overall, our sample suggests relatively few non-local trade goods moving into the community. Most of the nonlocal goods found were from Late Intermediate Period contexts (0.50% to 3.57%; Table 6.4; Figure 6.17). Only one of the Late Period occupations yielded a non-local exchange item (other than pottery), suggesting even less participation in non-local exchange through time for Vila Vila Norte households (Table 6.4; Figure 6.18).

The proportion of decorated sherds per occupational zone is shown in Table 6.1. All of the six diagnostic styles recognized in the Lluta Valley assemblages were found in the Vila Vila Norte excavations. In Structure 22’s upper occupation, Structure 4’s upper occupation, and Structure 10’s lower occupation, proportions varied from 2.74% to 3.12%. In other occupations, the proportion ranged from 4.76% to 6.48% (Figure 6.133).

Summary of Vila Vila Norte Vila Vila Norte was a small hamlet composed of approximately 37 domestic mounds that all together, may have housed between 50 and 120 people. The site represents an economically self-sufficient community sustained by farming, fishing, and gathering of riverine and coastal resources. Our investigation suggests that households engaged in a common range of basic domestic tasks. Weaving appears to have been a universal household activity in the Late Intermediate Period, but not in the Late Period (Figure 6.19). We found no evidence for craft specialization or economic differentiation in our limited sample of house mounds. Nor did we observe a disproportionate accumulation of foreign goods or prestige goods in particular houses.

The Late Period assemblages, not surprisingly, show a decrease in the overall use of pottery decorated in the local styles as highland styles began to replace some of the local styles in household use. The inter-household distribution of both highland and local styles in the Late Period was essentially homogeneous (Table 6.1; Figures 6.13 - 6.16). Overall, the pottery assemblages suggest: (a) similar patterns of pottery use by each household; and (b) no significant differences in stylistic preferences or access to decorated pottery. External Ties

As described in the previous chapter, the proportion of local and imported goods in household use dropped from the Late Intermediate to Late Period at this and at the other sites (Table 6.10; Figure 6.20).

Non-local materials were divided into items of regional exchange (15 - 100 km) and long-distance exchange (>100 km). Objects of Regional Exchange

This may indicate that political and economic developments of the Late Period, particularly the expansion of the Inka Empire, affected the traditional network of exchange. In addition, new items, such as the fine Inka and Saxamar wares, may have become locally preferred as highly valued trade goods (Table 6.11; Figure 6.21).

This category included a rather short list of items of marine and highland origin such as shell, red pigment from the upper sierra valley (3000 - 3500 m asl), obsidian, and flamingo feathers. Table 6.4 presents all these artifacts as a

81

Chapter 7 Vila Vila Sur

Site Composition

were visible on or between the domestic mounds. The absence of architectural remains on the surface could have resulted from subsequent robbing of posts during the Late Period, after the site was abandoned.

The Vila Vila Sur cluster is composed of a village and three discrete funerary sectors. Together these cover an area of 165 m (north-south) by 105 m (east-west), roughly equivalent to 1.73 ha (Figure 6.1). Details of the topographic and geological context of the Vila Vila sites can be found in Chapters 2 and 6.

Fieldwork at Vila Vila Sur Five of 31 mounds were selected for excavation through a stratified random sampling procedure. From the 15 structures in the lower section, three were selected (Structures 5, 10, and 11), and a total of 6.9 m2 of these three mounds were excavated. From the upper section, another two structures were randomly chosen (Structures 22 and 25). Structure 19 was judgmentally selected for excavation because the post and reed mat fragment visible on the surface suggested that it would be possible to recover the plan of the structure. A total of 22.8 m2 (7.38 m3) were excavated at the site. As at Vila Vila Sur, mounds were fairly shallow, with an average depth of 29 cm, probably the result of a slow rate of aeolian sand deposition together with a short period of occupation. The deposits at Vila Vila Sur were composed of coarse sandy sediments (not hardened by salt accumulation as at Vila Vila Norte), plant remains, camelid dung, ashes, and charred materials.

Site Chronology A reasonable date for the occupation of the site is AD 1100 - 1350. Of the eight occupational zones excavated at Vila Vila Sur, three contained San Miguel, Pocoma and Black/red pottery styles. The other occupational zones were associated with Pocoma, Black/red, and Gentilar. No Saxamar or Inka fragments appeared in the excavated ceramic assemblages (a similar pattern to Molle Pampa Medio). Thus, it seems likely that the site was occupied primarily in the Late Intermediate Period. Residential Patterns The village of Vila Vila Sur is located in an angle formed by a sandy hill and the side of the Lluta Valley. The village is composed of 31 domestic mounds concentrated in 115 x 85 m, an area of roughly 1.05 ha. Approximately 65 m to the north of the residential site are clusters of tombs. Vila Vila Sur is approximately half the size of Vila Vila Norte, even though the two sites contain a similar number of domestic mounds (37 mounds covering 1.7 ha in Vila Vila Norte). In addition to being more concentrated, Vila Vila Sur mounds were somewhat smaller on the average than those at the other sites (Figure 6.1). The average area of the Vila Vila Sur mound was 47.12 m2; the lowest mean mound size of the four Lluta sites studied. The small mound size and greater density of the households may be the result of the constrained topographical location. The site does not exhibit a formal architectural plan. Mounds followed the contours of the terrain, forming rough, horizontal rows. In contrast to other Lluta sites, few architectural remains

Mounds Structure 5 This 8 by 4 m mound exhibited no surface architectural features, but several ash lens were noted on the mound’s surface. A single grinding stone was also mapped on the mound’s surface. Deposits averaged 37 cm deep, and were treated as a single occupation. The strata were formed by an accumulation of soil, ash, maize stalks, fish bones, shell, camelid dung, and camelid bones. At the bottom of the occupational zone were two storage pits, a batan (23 x 27 x 5 cm) and a large fragment of a cooking pot, possibly resting on the original floor. Pocoma and Black/red were the only diagnostic pottery styles present in the ceramic assemblage (Table 7.1).

83

Late Prehistoric Regional Interaction and Social Change in a Coastal Valley of Northern Chile Domestic pottery forms represented included cooking [olla], serving [puco], and liquid containers [globular jar, and kero], (Table 7.2). Tools included chipped stone flakes. The only craft tool was a cactus spine for weaving (Table 7.3). Exotic highland objects included volcanic glass and chunks of red pigment. Also found was a fragment of a wooden snuff tray. Snuffing paraphernalia is not common in the Late Intermediate Period, and rarely occurs in Inka contexts. We also recovered a fragment of a clay figurine, three maize rachis loosely wrapped with a wool string, and a miniature vessel (Table 7.4).

included fragments of Pocoma and Black/red vessels. The San Miguel and Gentilar styles were absent, as were Inka and Saxamar (Table 7.1). Plainware included fragments from cooking [olla], serving [puco]), and liquid container vessels [jar] (Table 7.2). Few artifacts were found in these strata, other than a piece of obsidian (Table 7.3, Table 7.4). The lower occupational zone encompassed Layer 3, together with two storage pits penetrating into sterile soil. One of the pits consisted of an unmodified hole containing the remains of maize (i.e. stalks, cobs), unidentified wild plants, and several artifacts. The other pit was a more elaborate construction of stone and black mortar. The stone covering of the pit would have been, originally, above floor level, and roofed with a false vault that would have left a small opening. Part of this superstructure was visible but destroyed. The second pit measured 1.10 m in diameter and 0.92 m deep. Pocoma and Black/red were the only diagnostic pottery styles in the lower occupational zone assemblage (Table 7.1). Plainware included fragments of cooking [olla], serving [puco]), and liquid container vessels [jar] (Table 7.2). Layer 3 also yielded great quantities of corn (stalks and cobs) and marine

Structure 10 This 9 x 5.5 m mound had no architectural remains or features visible on the surface. A 2 x 2 m unit exposed cultural deposits that reached a depth of 29 cm. These were separated into post-occupational deposits and a single occupational zone. The upper strata (Layers 1 and 2) represented postoccupational deposition. Decorated sherds from this fill

Table 7.1. Frequency and proportion of pottery styles at Vila Vila Sur. Proportion [%] calculated from all artifacts in upper [up] and lower [lo] occupational zones. Structure

San Miguel

5 up 10 up 11 up 19 up 22 up 25 up 10 lo 22 lo

Pocoma

Gentilar

Black / Red

Saxamar

Inka

N

%

N

%

N

%

N

%

N

%

N

%

T otal household assemblage

0 0 1 2 0 0 0 1

0 0 0.39 1.21 0 0 0 0.54

8 6 5 3 3 1 13 7

2.28 4.02 1.99 1.81 2.52 2.17 7.51 3.84

2 0 0 0 2 0 0 0

0.57 0 0 0 1.68 0 0 0

6 5 11 3 3 1 10 7

1.71 3.35 4.38 1.81 2.52 2.17 5.78 3.84

0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0

0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0

0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0

0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0

350 149 251 165 119 46 173 182

Table 7.2. Frequency and proportion of rim sherd types at Vila Vila Sur. Proportion [%] calculated from the total number of artifacts at each household level. Structure 5 up 10 up 11 up 19 up 22 up 25 up 10 lo 22 lo

Aryballus N % 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0

Escudilla N % 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0

Jar N 13 5 1 0 1 1 2 5

% 3.71 3.35 0.39 0 0.84 2.17 1.15 2.74

Cooking pots N % 9 2.57 6 4.02 6 2.39 9 5.45 2 1.68 2 4.34 1 0.57 5 2.74

Puco N 10 12 10 4 4 0 3 6

% 2.85 8.05 3.98 2.42 3.36 0 1.73 3.29

Cup N 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0

% 0.28 0 0 0 0 0 0 0

Plain N 287 114 212 130 90 37 134 142

ware T otal household assemblage % 82 350 76.51 149 84.46 251 78.78 165 75.63 119 80.43 46 77.45 173 78.02 182

Table 7.3. Frequency and proportion of domestic and craft tools at Vila Vila Sur. Proportion [%] calculated from all artifacts in upper [up] and lower [lo] occupational zones. Rec 10 up 32 up 37 up 32 lo 4 up 19 up 22 up 10 lo 19 lo 37 lo

3

m 0.56 0.72 0.4 0.51 0.8 0.68 2.53 1.1 0.78 0.8

Local N Ind 2 3.57 5 6.94 12 30 16 31.37 6 7.5 7 10.29 9 3.55 4 3.63 4 5.12 10 12.5

Vila Vila Norte Black/red Inka Goods N Ind N Ind N Ind 1 1.78 1 1.78 2 3.57 0 0 1 1.38 6 8.33 2 5 1 2.5 12 30 2 3.92 3 5.88 16 31.37 4 5 0 0 8 10 1 1.47 0 0 9 13.23 8 3.16 0 0 9 3.55 2 1.81 0 0 7 6.36 1 1.28 0 0 7 8.97 6 7.5 0 0 11 13.75

84

N 1 4 3 2 9 7 8 9 6 5

T ools Vessel types Ind N Ind 1.78 1 1.78 5.55 14 19.44 7.5 27 67.5 3.92 13 25.49 11.25 13 16.25 10.29 5 7.35 3.16 18 7.11 8.18 10 9.09 7.69 10 12.82 6.25 14 17.5

Plain N 36 158 293 183 175 83 281 99 58 156

ware Ind 64.28 219.4 732.5 358.8 218.8 122.1 111.1 90 74.35 195

T otal 42 184 338 219 210 108 328 128 84 197

Vila Vila Sur

A

remains. Other artifacts recovered included: manos; a stone shovel (Figure 7.1a); a wooden shovel with a tumi-like shape (Figure 7.1b); corn cobs; and a camelid bone wrapped with camelid yarn (Table 7.4). Structure 11 This 13 x 7 m mound displayed no architectural features on the surface. Cultural deposits were shallow, averaging 29.5 cm deep. A total of 1.16 m3 of the mound was excavated. We treated this as a single occupation, associated with San Miguel, Pocoma and Black/red styles (Table 7.1). Domestic pottery forms in the ceramic assemblage included cooking [olla], serving [puco] and liquid container vessels [jar] (Table 7.2). Domestic tools included a camelid mandible shovel (Figure 7.1c), two manos, and one scraper. No craft tools were recovered (Table 7.3). The only imported item was a fragment of khoa (Table 7.4). Structure 19

B

This 8 x 7 m mound had one post, a fragment of a reed mat, and a mano visible on the surface. The shallow stratigraphy reached an average depth of 19.75 cm, and was treated as a single occupation. Excavation revealed the remains of a second post, lying between 8 and 26 cm below datum. This second post was 3 m from the post visible on the surface. It is possible that these posts and the reed mat fragment were part of the same wall. This dwelling contained San Miguel, Pocoma, and Black/red pottery styles, and lacked Gentilar, Saxamar, and Inka (Table 7.1). Fragments of cooking [olla] and serving [puco] vessels were also recovered (Table 7.2). Domestic tools included a single scraper, several flakes and three weaving artifacts (cactus spines, wichuña; Table 7.3). Highland products consisted of a piece of khoa and mineral pigment. Also found were four fragments of modified shell, perhaps preforms for ornaments. A woolen bag containing a pulverized, unknown, black mineral substance was recovered as well (Table 7.4).

C

Table 7.4. Frequency and proportion of prestige goods at Vila Vila Sur. Proportion [%] calculated from all artifacts in upper [up] and lower [lo] occupational zones. Structure 5 up 10 up 11 up 19 up 22 up 25 up 10 lo 22 lo

Figure 7.1. Shovels for farming at Vila Vila Sur (a) stone shovel from level 3 at Structure 10; (b) worn out wooden shovel from a storage pit at Structure 10, and (c) camelid jaw shovel from Structure 11 (photo Calogero M. Santoro, August 1993).

85

Imported N % 3 0.85 1 0.67 1 0.39 2 1.21 3 2.52 1 2.17 0 0 1 0.54

Metal N 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0

Local % 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0

N 4 0 0 5 1 1 2 3

% 1.14 0 0 3.03 0.84 2.17 1.15 1.64

T otal household assemblage 350 149 251 165 119 46 173 182

Late Prehistoric Regional Interaction and Social Change in a Coastal Valley of Northern Chile

Figure 7.2. Domestic tools, proportion of the total number of artifacts for lower and upper occupations, Late Intermediate Period. Structure 22

Structure 25

This 11 x 6 m mound had no architectural features visible on the surface. A 2 x 2 m test pit revealed cultural strata 55 cm deep. These were divided into two occupational zones.

This 6 x 4.5 m mound had no architectural features visible on the surface. A 2 x 2 m test pit was placed in an area of shallow cultural deposits consisting of three strata, each with an average thickness of 20 cm. These strata were treated as resulting from a single continuous occupation. At the bottom of the cultural strata were five pits, probably used for refuse (depths of 8-32 cm, and diameters of 25-100 cm).

The upper occupational zone consisted of Layers 1 - 3, and averaged 19 cm thick. At the bottom of Layer 3 was a hard gray sandy layer incorporating maize stalks, camelid dung, and other plant remains. This level was associated only with Pocoma and Black/red diagnostic styles (Table 7.1). Pottery forms in the assemblage consisted of cooking [olla], serving [puco], and liquid container [globular jar] vessel (Table 7.2). Other artifacts from this zone included stone tools (flakes and a scraper), a bone awl, obsidian, and a shell bead (Table 7.3; Table 7.4).

This ceramic assemblage contained Pocoma and Black/ red diagnostic styles (Table 7.1), and fragments of cooking [olla], and liquid container vessels [jar] (Table 7.2). Other artifacts included a single flake, a cactus spine, a yellow feather (possibly from a tropical bird), and a starfish (used in ceremonial and ritual contexts as well as for medicinal purposes in the Andes until today; see Tables 7.3 - 7.4).

The lower occupational zone consisted of Layers 4 - 6, and averaged 36 cm thick (66 cm maximum depth below datum). At the bottom of these layers, in the southwest corner of the test pit, a shallow depression (4 cm deep) mostly filled with ashes was identified. To the north of this feature was an area of compacted soil covered with a thin layer of ash. It is possible that these features were part of a hearth. Near the northeast corner of the area of excavation a storage pit was found (35 by 25 wide and 40 cm deep). This pit was not associated with the ash pit described above. In the southeast corner were three, small, shallow holes that may have be post holes. Dietary remains from these layers included fish, shrimp, and a great quantity of plant remains, especially maize.

Mortuary Patterns Three discrete cemeteries (Sectors A, B, and C) were located on top of the sandy hill that flanks the site (Figure 6.1). Tombs in these cemeteries were made with crude slabs held together with a black mortar. There were differences among cemeteries, however, in tombs orientation, shape and size. Sector A is located toward the southernmost margin of the sandy hill. It consisted of four well-built masonry rectangular tombs, aligned in a row 8.5 m long (northsouth) and 2.5 m wide. The width of the tomb chambers varied from 2 to 2.5 m.

The lower occupational zone contained San Miguel, Pocoma, and Black/red pottery styles (Table 7.1). Fragments of cooking [olla], serving [puco], and liquid container vessels [globular, jar] were found (Table 7.2). Domestic tools included three basalt flakes, and two spindle whorls (Table 7.3). More exotic items included a flamingo feather wrapped with a leather string, a turquoise bead, and a worked shell fragment (Table 7.4).

Sector B was located 24 m to the north of Sector A. It was composed of eight tombs aligned in a row 9.5 m (northeast-southwest) long. This alignment was roughly perpendicular to the row of Sector A tombs. The tombs of Sector B were also rectangular in form, and slightly narrower, averaging 1.5 m in diameter.

86

Vila Vila Sur

Figure 7.3. Weaving tools, proportion of the total number of artifacts for lower and upper occupations, Late Intermediate Period.

Figure 7.6. Pucos (deep bowls), proportion of the total artifacts for lower and upper occupations, Late Intermediate Period.

north of the funerary area, separated by 12 m from the main cluster of Sector C graves. These isolated tombs were larger than the others (roughly 2-2.5 m in diameter) and circular in plan. No excavations were made in any of these funerary sectors. However, the variability in tomb form and the spatial separation of the tombs hints at social hierarchical differentiation. This funerary diversity contrasts with the much more homogeneous patterns seen in the residential areas, suggesting that social differentiation and status marking activities found greater expression in the funerary realm.

Figure 7.4. Cooking vessels, proportion of the total number of artifacts for lower and upper occupations, Late Intermediate Period.

Household Patterns As in the previously described sites, artifact assemblages indicate that households were involved in a similar range of domestic tasks. Universal household activities included food preparation and consumption, limited stone tool working, farming, and scraping and grinding activities. Percentages of artifacts types from each household unit are presented in Table 7.1 (decorated pottery), Table 7.2 (vessel form/rim sherds), Table 7.3 (tools), and Table 7.4 (exotic/prestige goods). Subsistence and Craft Activities

Figure 7.5. Jars, proportion of the total number of artifacts for lower and upper occupations, Late Intermediate Period.

Analysis of the domestic assemblages did not suggest significant differences in the range or intensity of production activities, although some structures displayed higher proportions of production markers than others. In most of the excavated occupational zones, tools and tool fragments made up from 1.6% (n 5) to 2.42% (n 4) of the total artifact assemblage. Structure 10’s lower occupation and Structure 22’s upper occupation displayed higher proportions at 4.05% (n=7) and 6.72% (n=8) respectively (Table 7.3; Figure 7.2), but these differences are not statistically significant.

Sector C was located 33 m to the north of Sector B, and consisted of several components, including a cluster of 20 tombs covering a 15 x 10 m area. The tombs varied from sub-rectangular to circular in plan. A second group of four tombs, 5 m to the north, were also circular in plan, but displayed larger chambers (2 m in diameter). Two additional isolated tombs were located at the extreme

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Late Prehistoric Regional Interaction and Social Change in a Coastal Valley of Northern Chile

Table 7.5. Marine and riverine resources at Vila Vila Sur. Presence (x) and absence (-) from upper [up] and lower [lo] occupational zones. Marine: cho = Choromytilus, she = shellfish, fis = fishbone, jur = jurel, alg = algae, egg = egg shell, bir = bird bone; Riverine: shr = fresh water shrimp; Miscellaneous: rxh = stone with marine huano, cor = coral, snl = fresh water snail. Structure

cho x x x x x x x í

5 up 10 up 11 up 19 up 22 up 25 up 10 lo 22 lo

she x x x x x x x x

fis x x x x x x x x

Marine jur í í í x x í í í

alg í í í í í í í í

egg í í í í í í í í

bir í í í í í í í x

Riverine shr x x x x x x x x

rxh í í í í í í í í

Miscellaneous cor snl í í í í í í í x í í í í í í í x

Table 7.6. Presence (x) and absence (-) of economic plants at Vila Vila Sur. From upper [up] and lower [lo] occupational zones; Maize: cob, ker = kernel, stk = stalk, brd = bread; Grains: ben = beans, pal = pallares, n/i = unidentified seeds; Tubers: pot = potato, chu = chun’u, n/i = unidentified tuber; Fruits: squ = squash, mol = molle, n/i = unidentified fruit; Miscellaneous: coc = coca leaves, grd = gourd, cot = cotton. Structure 5 up 10 up 11 up 19 up 22 up 25 up 10 lo 22 lo

cob x x x x x x x x

Maize ker stk x x í x x x í x x x í x x x x x

brd í í í x í í í x?

ben x í í x x í í í

Grains pal í í í í í í í í

n/i í í í x í x í x

pot í í í í í í í í

T ubers chu í í x í í í í í

n/i í í í í í í í í

squ í í í í í í í í

Fruits mol í í x í x x x x

n/i í í í í í í x x

coc í í í í í í í í

Miscellaneous grd cot x x x í x í í í í í í í x x x x

Table 7.7. Terrestial subsistence resources at Vila Vila Sur. Presence (x) and absence (-) from upper [up] and lower [lo] occupational zones; Camelid: foot, bone, stom = stomach content, fece = camelid feces; Other Mammals: cuy = guinea pig, rodt = rodent, dog [a mandibular fragment, and a mummified small dog]; n/i bone = unidentified bone. Structure 5 up 10 up 11 up 19 up 22 up 25 up 10 lo 22 lo

foot í í í x í í í í

Camelid bone stom x í x í x í x í x í x í x í x í

fece x x x x x x x x

Figure 7.7. Local pottery styles, proportion of the total number of artifacts for lower and upper occupations, Late Intermediate Period.

Other mammals cuy rodt dog í x í í í í í x í x x í í x í í x í í í í x x í

n/i bone í í í í í í í í

Figure 7.8. Black/red style, proportion of the total number of artifacts for lower and upper occupations, Late Intermediate Period.

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Vila Vila Sur Subsistence at Vila Vila Vila Sur was based on a combination of plant foods, fish, and shellfish (especially Choromytilus sp. and fresh water shrimp). Remains of marine resources were abundant in each occupational zone, as were fresh water shrimp (Table 7.5). Maize was probably a staple, and was represented at each structure. Beans and unidentified grains were less common. With the exception of a single example of chuñ’u, highland tubers were not recovered at Vila Vila Sur (Table 7.6). The representation of tubers at Vila Vila Norte and Molle Pampa Medio was also very low, in comparison to Molle Pampa Este. This difference in botanical remains may indicate a dietary shift from the Late Intermediate Period to the Late Period, with altiplano products becoming more common in the latter.

Figure 7.9. Imported goods, proportion of the total number of artifacts for lower and upper occupations, Late Intermediate Period.

Squash remains, common at other sites, particularly Molle Pampa Este, was not found at Vila Vila Sur. In contrast, chili pepper, not recognized at the other sites, was present at Vila Vila Sur (in Structure 19). Molle seeds were abundant, as at Vila Vila Norte, but not as plentiful as at Molle Pampa Medio. The recovery of fragments of gourd and cotton seeds, indicate that these plants were also cultivated and utilized. Other plants used included wild reeds and horse tail.

and consumption, grinding, cutting and scraping tasks, storage, and expedient stone-tool making were very similar for each household. The breakdown of diagnostic pottery styles by occupational zone is presented in Table 7.1. The local styles, although presented separately in Table 7.1, were pooled together to evaluate their distribution among households and potential co-variation with the altiplano styles and other artifacts. Like Vila Vila Norte, the distribution of local pottery was homogeneous at Vila Vila Sur households. Proportions ranged from 2.17% to 4.4% generally, with Structure 10’s lower occupation separated from this cluster with a proportion of 7.51% (n=13; Table 7.1; Figure 7.7).

Until the bone isotope studies of human remains are complete, we can hypothesize that the main source of protein came from marine resources. Camelid bones were rare, although present in each household. Camelid feces, in contrast, were a common stratigraphic component. This may indicate that: (a) camelids were not a rare sight in the valley, but were valued as a means of transportation rather than as meat; and/or (b) camelid feces was brought into houses to use as fuel.

Similarly, Black/red pottery showed no indication of differential distribution (Figure 7.8). The proportion of this style in each context varied from 1.71% to 4.38%, with the exception of Structure 10’s lower occupation with 5.8% (n=10; Table 7.1).

The most common craft activities evidenced in the household assemblages were weaving and knitting. Half of the occupational contexts excavated yielded wichuñas or cactus spines. Weaving/knitting tools made up from 0.28% to 2.17% of the total artifact assemblage (Table 7.3). There were no differences among structures to suggest that some households were engaged in more weaving/knitting than others (Figure 7.3).

External Ties The very homogeneous inter-household distribution of imported objects suggests that each household had similar external contacts or participation in exchange networks. Among the non-local objects represented (see Table 7.4) were shell and turquoise beads, parrot feathers, mineral pigment, obsidian, and a starfish (Table 7.4; Figure 7.9).

Household Pottery The two readily diagnostic Late Period forms, aryballus and escudilla (flat bowl), were not represented in our sample from Vila Vila Sur. Analysis of the distribution of major vessel shapes revealed no significant interhousehold differentiation. Cooking vessels showed the most uniform distribution, ranging from 1.68% to 5.45% in contexts with reasonable sample sizes (Table 7.3; Figures 7.4 - 7.6). The weaving tools illustrated in Figure 7.2 show a uniform distribution of major vessel shapes suggests few significant differences among households in domestic activities. This is consistent with other lines of evidence, indicating that patterns of food preparation

Summary of Vila Vila Sur Vila Vila Sur is a Late Intermediate Period village composed of 31 mounds covering an area of 1.05 ha. The site may have housed 90 - 155 residents. The topographic location provided a more protected and camouflaged setting than Vila Vila Norte. No evidence for public buildings was found. Domestic architecture at Vila Vila Sur does not appear to have included reed walls, although reed was a common architectural material at the other Lluta sites, particularly Molle Pampa Este.

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Late Prehistoric Regional Interaction and Social Change in a Coastal Valley of Northern Chile Vila Vila Sur and Vila Vila Norte represent two very similar hamlets, with almost the same number of structures. Each hamlet possessed separate burial areas, and distinctive mortuary patterns. The artifact assemblages suggest that Vila Vila Sur was occupied by

an economically self-sufficient community sustained by farming, and gathering of riverine and coastal resources. Our sample provided no indications of household differentiation in pottery style preferences, economic activities, “wealth,” or access to imported goods.

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Chapter 8 Cultural Change and Continuity from the Late Intermediate Period to the Late Period

Local Late Intermediate ceramic styles did not disappear entirely during the Late Period. San Miguel pottery, for instance, appeared together with Inka vessels at several households of the Late Period. In contrast, some households, even some entire communities, may not have had access to Inka-style pottery. Our ability to completely distinguish between synchronic and diachronic differences at the Lluta Valley sites is somewhat hampered by the lack of a fine-scale ceramic chronology. Nonetheless, stratigraphic evidence within mounds, and ceramic associations between mounds and sites, allowed us to distinguish broad chronological periods, sufficient for assessing temporal evolution at and among the Lluta sites.

In this chapter I now examine household activities, pottery styles preferences, and external ties changed from the Late Intermediate Period to the Late Period. Inter-site comparisons will also be made to assess the range of variability within sites. A total of 24 mounds and 26 tombs were tested, yielding 39 distinct occupational zones. As noted in Chapters 4 - 7, households of all sites and time periods shared a basic range of domestic activities. Our sample of mounds from each site revealed no marked differences in terms of prestige and wealth. Wealthy or elite households may have existed, but it is unlikely that Lluta society as a whole was stratified in the Late Intermediate and Late Periods.

Settlement Patterns Two sites -- Molle Pampa Medio and Vila Vila Sur -- were occupied primarily during the Late Intermediate Period, as Saxamar or Inka-style fragments were not found on the surface or in the excavations. It is possible that the population from Molle Pampa Medio and Vila Vila Sur relocated at Molle Pampa Este during the Late Period. The abandonment of these sites and the growth of the largest community at Molle Pampa Este would represent a significant process of population nucleation. Less likely is that occupation continued at the villages during the Late Horizon but, for social reasons, Inka and Saxamar pottery did not circulate to those sites. As I will discuss later, the first explanation seems the more reasonable.

Ceramic Styles and Site Chronology Occupational zones were classified into the Late Intermediate (or pre-Inka) Period (A.D. 1250-1400)1 and the Late (or Inka) Period (A.D. 1400-1540)2 based on the presence/absence of decorated pottery styles and on relative stratigraphic position. Each of these periods can be further divided into two phases, although such subdivisions are not useful for the purposes of this study. For the Late Intermediate Period, an early phase (San Miguel) distinguished by San Miguel style, and the absence of Inka and Saxamar styles vessels. The later phase (Pocoma) is marked by Pocoma, but no San Miguel, Inka or Saxamar vessels. For the Late Period, an early phase (Saxamar) is distinguished by Saxamar style pottery, without Inka style vessels. And the later phase (Inka) is characterized by Inka pottery together with other styles.

During the time period under study, the Lluta population was dispersed among small settlements above the flood plain on the slopes of the valley. Sites were not fortified or in defensive locations, suggesting that protection was not an important concern, in contrast to the nearby Valley of Camarones, as well as elsewhere in the Andes.

The Late Intermediate Period in our sample represented of 59% of the occupational zones (n=23) of which, 31% (n=12) were associated with the San Miguel phase, and 28% (n=11) with the Pocoma Phase. The Late Period is represented by 41% of the occupational zones (n=16), of which 15% (n=6) date to Saxamar Phase, and 26% (n=10) to the Inka Phase (Table 8.1).

During the Late Intermediate Period, each settlement consisted of a small and simple hamlet formed by a group of houses and one or more discrete cemeteries, with residential areas no larger than 4 ha. These settlements lacked discernable public architecture.

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Late Prehistoric Regional Interaction and Social Change in a Coastal Valley of Northern Chile

During the Late Period population aggregated into larger settlements, particularly Molle Pampa Este, a more complex village with a residential area of 11 ha, several times larger than the other settlements. Molle Pampa Este is composed of multiple cemeteries, non-domestic platforms, and two residential sectors. The central platforms at Molle Pampa Este were probably built during the Saxamar phase of the Late Period (Structures 1 and 3). Platforms are a common form of public architecture in complex societies, generally serving either as house platforms (supporting elite or relatively high status residences), or as forums for display of public ceremony and activities. Structure 3 may be an ushnu, a special Inka construction raised in newly conquered regions outside of Cuzco (D’Altroy 1992:107-109; Hyslop 1990), or a local imitation. Domestic Architecture Domestic structures were built over simple prepared surfaces cut into the slope of the valley. Wooden posts were used to support a light structure made of cane and reed. Stone or adobe bricks were not used. The combination of these construction materials differed, however, among sites.

Figure 8.1. Stem and leaf diagrams of mound size, sites: Molle Pampa Este, Molle Pampa Medio, Vila Vila Norte, Vila Vila Sur.

Table 8.1. Classification of occupational zones based on decorated pottery styles. Molle Pampa Este [MPE], Molle Pampa Medio [MPM], Vila Vila Norte [VVN], and Vila Vila Sur [VVS]; n = number of households. MPE

Phase

N 8 4 3 1 16

Inka Saxamar Pocoma San Miguel T otal

MPM % 50 25 19 6 41

N í í 2 3 5

VVN % í í 40 60 13

N 20 2 1 5 10

VVS % 20 20 10 50 26

N í í 5 3 8

T otal % í í 62 38 20

N 10 6 11 12 39

% 26 15 28 31 100

T ime A.D. 1540 1400 1250

Table 8.2. Overall proportion of domestic tools for Late Intermediate Period and Late Period. Domestic tools N % Late Period 102 1.51 Late Intermediate Period 173 2.3

Craft tools N % 8 0.11 17 0.22

Assemblage

Weaving tools N % 22 0.32 34 0.45

Spinning tools N % 26 0.38 4 0.05

T otal sites 6723 7509

Table 8.3. Overall proportion of vessel shape for Late Intermediate Period and Late Period. Period Late Period Late Intermediate Period

Aryballus N % 0 0 7 0.1

Escudilla N % 0 0 28 0.41

Cooking vessel N % 173 2.3 80 1.18

Puco N % 142 1.89 125 1.85

Cup N 6 5

% 0.07 0.07

Plain ware N % 6079 80.95 5679 84.47

Table 8.4. Overall proportion of pottery styles for Late Intermediate Period and Late Period. Period Late Period Late Intermediate Period

San Miguel Pocoma Gentilar N % 145 2.15 364 4.84

Black / Red N 90 143

% 1.33 1.9

92

Saxamar N 85 0

% 1.26 0

Inka N 27 0

% 0.4 0

T otal site assemblages 6723 7509

T otal sites assemblage 7509 6723

Cultural Change and Continuity At Molle Pampa Medio, in contrast, domestic structures were made of cane instead of reed, framed with larger canes, and tied with leather straps. Walls were more than 2 m tall as shown by Structure 34 (see Figure 5.3).

At Molle Pampa Este, houses were made with bunches of reed tied with reed straps, and framed with vertical and horizontal canes. Roofs were reed mats. Remains of reed straps and mats displayed a greasy blackish patina characteristic of exposure to smoke. This indicates that hearths were located inside of the dwellings.3 Interior pits were not as common in Molle Pampa Este as at the Vila Vila sites.

For the Vila Vila sites, only fragmentary information is available regarding domestic architectural techniques. Interior pits were common at both Vila Vila sites. Storage

Table 8.5. Overall proportion of exchange goods, for Late Intermediate Period and Late Period. Proportion [%] and frequency [N]. Period Late Period Late Intermediate Period

Long distance goods N 71 100

% 1.05 1.33

Metal goods N 17 0

% 0.25 0

Regional goods N 13 72

% 0.19 0.95

T otal site assemblages 6723 7509

Figure 8.2. Tools compiled from all occupational zones for Late Intermediate Period and Late Period.

Figure 8.3. Proportion of vessel types from all household assemblages for Late Intermediate Period and Late Period.

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Late Prehistoric Regional Interaction and Social Change in a Coastal Valley of Northern Chile inside of the households seemed to have been more common in these sites than in Molle Pampa Este and Molle Pampa Medio.

domestic mounds) the size of the mounds ranged from 19 m2 to 94 m2, with a mean of 47 m2. Fourteen of these units (45%) cluster between 40 and 50 m2. Figure 8.1 displays steam-and-leaf diagrams of mound sizes at each site.

Mound Size As can be seen in Figure 8.1, the average mound size at Molle Pampa Este was significantly larger than other sites. Vila Vila Norte and Vila Vila Sur have the lowest averages.

Comparative analysis of the size of the domestic mounds of Molle Pampa Este, Molle Pampa Medio, Vila Vila Norte, and Vila Vila Sur revealed some interesting patterns. The calculated domestic area corresponds to the occupational and post-occupational dispersion of archaeological remains, and not to the actual size of the house. It seems reasonable to assume that, all circumstances being equal, larger mounds should reflect longer occupations and/ or larger activity areas and houses. At the moment, we have no simple way to distinguish between these two contributing factors in mound size.

These size differences may be related simply to the length of occupation of the sites. Structures at Molle Pampa Este were possibly occupied for longer periods of time, causing greater material dispersion and mound accretion. Alternatively, the differences in mound size could reflect variability in household organization. However, we did not find significant variability in the range of household activities, or in the intensity accorded particular activities. Comparison of household assemblages at each site demonstrated that rather similar domestic routines were carried out by the inhabitants. This observation favors the first explanation for the variation in mound size.

Mound size at Molle Pampa Este (n=112) varied widely, from 26 m2 to 1,049 m2, largely because of the two major units located at the center of the village, measuring 608 m2 and 1,049 m2 (Structures 1 and 3 respectively; see Figure 4.1). Excluding these two larger mounds, Molle Pampa Este presents a maximum mound size of 302 m2, with a mean of 110 m2. Of the 47 domestic units at Molle Pampa Medio (see Figure 5.1), the smallest mound was 21 m2, the largest 257 m2, and the mean was 88 m2. At Vila Vila Norte (n=38), mound size varied from 18 m2 to a maximum of 242 m2 with a mean of 69 m2 (see Figure 6.1). At Vila Vila Sur (31

Changes in Household Patterns As stated, we found no evidence for significant intrasite or inter-site variability in household assemblages of the same time period (Figures 4.5, 5.5, 6.7, and 7.1). Some differences, however, appear when comparing Late Intermediate with Late Period occupations.

Figure 8.4. Local and imported pottery styles, proportion from all household assemblages, for Late Intermediate Period and Late Period.

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Cultural Change and Continuity Subsistence Activities Lluta subsistence patterns were based on farming and collection of riverine and marine resources. Molle Pampa Este presented evidence for consumption of a wider range of plant foods than other sites. Imported farming products like chuñ’u potatoes and other unidentified tubers were also more common at Molle Pampa Este. Chuñ’u, a dehydrated and frozen potato, cannot be processed in the lowlands as it requires the frigid climate of the high Andes. Crops other than maize were rare or completely absent in several of the other sites, including squash (absent in Vila Vila Norte and Vila Sur), potatoes (absent in Late Period household at Vila Vila Norte and Molle Pampa Medio), and chuñ’u (absent in Vila Vila Norte and Vila Vila Sur). Beans, although represented in all these sites, were found in few households (Tables 4.9, 5.9, 6.5, 7.6).

Figure 8.5. Imported goods, proportion from all household assemblages for Late Intermediate Period and Late Period.

Although no quantitative analyses were done, tables of presence and absence suggest some differences in diet between the two periods. Molle fruit (for chicha [“beer”] and other purposes) was more common among Late Intermediate Period occupations, especially at Molle Pampa Medio, than Late Period ones (Tables 4.9, 5.9, 6.5, and 7.6). Chemical analyses of a sample of human bones from Late Period Molle Pampa Este and Late Intermediate Molle Pampa Medio indicated no major differences in the diet of the two populations. Roughly 30% of the diet was based on C-4 plant resources. Protein was derived mostly from marine resources at both sites. These results contradict the excavation data suggesting that Late Period households at Molle Pampa Este relayed less on marine resources than did Molle Pampa Medio inhabitants.

at Vila Vila Sur (n=6, 0.42%), Molle Pampa Medio (n=20, 0.42%), or Molle Pampa Este (where no weaving tools were found). Spinning, in contrast, dramatically increased from the Late Intermediate Period (0.05%, n=4) to the Late Period (0.39%, n=26; Table 8.2; Figure 8.2). During the Late Period more households may have been involved in spinning. Spinning was one of the common tasks demanded by the Inka state, and this may have been one of the activities connecting these communities with the Inka political economy. There are no indications (such as the disproportionate accumulation of craft tools in any particular household) for specialization, or indications that any segment of households was dominating these productive activities. Nor is there evidence that managerial control of the production sustained differential access to Inka prestige objects. As discussed below, the distribution of Inka materials does not parallel wealth differences or interhousehold variability in spinning.

Craft Activities As shown in Figure 8.2 (Table 8.2), the overall proportion of domestic tools significantly decreased from the Late Intermediate Period to the Late Period. This may indicate: a) That domestic tools were used for a longer period of time resulting in a slower rate of discard; b) That some household tasks shifted to areas away from habitations; or c) A shift in the intensity of household tasks, such as a new focus on spinning, whose importance dramatically increased in the Late Period.

Inka craft items may have been highly valued goods, but they were apparently not limited to local elite. Household Pottery

The bullet graph of Figure 8.2 (Table 8.2) shows that craft tools slightly decreased from the Late Intermediate to the Late Periods, perhaps a consequence of the shift to spinning as a main craft activity. The overall range of craft activities did not significantly change from the Late Intermediate Period to the Late Period, nor did we find any indication of community craft specialization.

Pattern of food preparation and serving did not change from one period to another, as proportions of cooking vessels and pucos (deep bowls) did not significantly change through time (Table 8.3; Figure 8.3). Cups and keros were rare in both periods, and probably were display vessels or used in ceremonial activities (i.e. offering tables composed of several items including a cup for libation and “sanctification”).

Weaving dropped slightly from the Late Intermediate Period (Table 8.2; Figure 8.2). During the former period, this activity was more intensively practiced at Vila Vila Norte (n=8, 0.75% of all the artifacts for that period), than

A marked change in the household vessel shape inventory was in the proportion of jars. Jars decline sharply from the Late Intermediate Period (2.3%, n=173) to the Late Period (1.18%, n=80; Table 8.3; Figure 8.3). I see this decline as

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Late Prehistoric Regional Interaction and Social Change in a Coastal Valley of Northern Chile Distribution of the ceramic styles suggests that their circulation was not dependent on differences in prestige, and were not used to mark internal social divisions. D’Altroy (1992:203) has stressed that in the Mantaro Valley “the locally produced decorated styles ceased to distinguish elite status” once the Inka ruled the valley. Instead, Mantaro elites materially differentiated themselves from non-elite population by acquiring items closely associated with the Inka polity, such as the standardized Cuzco-style vessels, “manufactured by state workshops and most probably distributed by the state, perhaps at special feasting ceremonies periodically held at the administrative center” (D’Altroy 1992:203; see also Hastorf 1990:281).

a stylistic shift rather than a functional change in domestic activities. Other vessels forms could have come to replace jars as liquid or grain containers. I distinguished six major pottery styles in the Lluta ceramic assemblage. Three of these (San Miguel, Pocoma, and Gentilar) are referred to as Arica styles because of their distribution along the northern Chilean coast and lower sierra. I labelled these “local” styles to differentiate them from other pottery (Black/red, Saxamar and Inka) that were imported to the Lluta Valley form the highlands. It has been suggested that the distribution of the “local” ceramic styles roughly matches the limits of a political confederation or polity whose existence is suggested political by ethnohistoric accounts (see Hidalgo 1986, Hidalgo and Focacci 1986). The highland or “altiplanic” styles, Black/red (Chilpe), Saxamar (Pacaje), and Inka, each has the altiplano as the center of its distribution. Examples of the Inka B style (Cuzco-Inka) in Rowe’s classification were identified in the Lluta ceramic assemblage.4 The centers of production of Black/red and Saxamar have not yet been determined. It is suggested that Black/red was produced in the Collao region to the north west of Lake Titicaca. The “Collao Black/red” is characterized by designs, “crudely and rapidly drawn, so poorly executed as to be indescribable” (Tschopik 1946:21; see also Munizaga 1957a; Schiappacasse, Castro and Niemeyer 1989; Trimborn et al. 1975). Saxamar is concentrated in an area of the highlands just south of Lake Titicaca, and may have been manufactured by Pacaje population (Dauelsberg 1960; Munizaga 1957a; Schaedel 1957b; Ryden 1947; Schiappacasse, Castro and Niemeyer 1989).

The social conditions in the Lluta Valley and the indirect control of the area by the Inka seem to have led to a very different trajectory. First, local styles did not distinguish pre-Inka local elite. Second, the Inka and Saxamar ceramics, a high status marker in more directly controlled Inka provinces, did not serve these purposes at the Lluta sites. If the contact with the Inka state triggered a process of social change and an increase in social hierarchization, these processes were still in an embryonic stage in the Lluta communities at the time of the European conquest. External Ties The fact that the Lluta sites are traversed by ancient roads indicates that traffic in and out of the valley was a constant and common practice until a few decades ago. As described by Vázquez de Espinosa, the Inka road passed near Molle Pampa from southern Peru and extended to southwest Lake Titicaca, the region of Caranga. Traffic was not limited to wealth goods. Maize and marine guano were among the bulky goods transported to the highlands by llama caravans.

Inka and Saxamar are clearly Late Period styles connected with the Inka expansion into the Bolivian altiplano, and the expansion’s ripple effects on peripheral areas like the Lluta Valley. Overall, use of the local diagnostic styles significantly decreased from the Late Intermediate Period (n=364, 4.85%) to the Late Period (n=145, 2.16%; Table 8.4; Figure 8.4). The stratigraphic data from the Lluta Valley indicated that local styles never completely disappeared in the Late Period. Styles like San Miguel and Gentilar occurred at very low proportions in household assemblages. A decrease was also noted in the use of Black/red pottery from 1.90% in the Late Intermediate Period (n=143) to 1.34% in the Late Period (n=90; Table 8.4; Figure 8.4).

Household comparisons revealed no indications that the distribution of imported goods demarcated social differences during the Late Intermediate Period. Exchange items were widely and homogeneously distributed among households. Shifts in external ties should have led to changes in the types and proportions of long-distance and regional trade objects found in Lluta households. During the Late Period, we might expect that, as a consequence of their contact with the Inka state, Lluta communities would have had greater participation in a larger exchange network, resulting in: (1) an increase in the volume of long-distance exchange, and (2) exchange ties with new regions (introducing new objects). Archaeologically, we would expect to see an increase in the relative proportion of long-distance trade goods and new types of trade items.

Distribution among households of these different styles of pottery tended to be uniform in both periods. There are no indications of a marked accumulation of any of these styles in any particular household or group of households. Black/red was recovered in almost every household of both periods. Inka and Saxamar were also very common, found in 10 of 17 and 14 of 17 Late Period household contexts respectively. Late Period households appear to have had roughly equal access to these highland wares.

Overall, the proportion of imported objects entering the Lluta Valley slightly increased from the Late Intermediate

96

Cultural Change and Continuity state. Textile production was the second most important labor obligation imposed by the state after the duty of farming the “mit’a campesina” (Murra 1975:146). Textile production was often controlled by local leaders (Murra 1975:154), but the state provided yarn to be turned into cloth. The kuraka, according to ethnohistoric records (see Murra 1975) typically had: (a) access to communal wool and cotton resources; and/or (b) the labor of commoners weaving on his behalf.

Period (3.23%, n=243) to the Late Period (4.3%, n=290; Table 8.5). Figure 8.5 shows that the increase was not statistically significant, however. A real change seems to have been the incorporation of a wider variety of long distance objects. A quite diverse list of regional and long-distance trade goods were brought into the valley during the Late Intermediate Period. From the highlands came pottery, flamingo feathers, pigments, volcanic glass, sulfur, mica5, chuñ’u, and twigs of khoa, which were typically conveyed from the highland. From the tropical forest to the east of the Andes came wayruru seeds, parrot feathers6, and millu, a white mineral. The same items entered Lluta households during the Late Period. However, the Late Period saw, in addition, importation of rhea feathers, metal ornaments, fine Saxamar and Inka pottery, a quipu, Mucuna elliptica from the central coast of Peru, and Spondylous shell from the coast of Ecuador.

The appearance of two public platforms, the quipu, and the Late Period population nucleation represent changes in the valley at the supra-household level. The features and artifacts associated with the Inka state are evidence for inclusion in the Inka sphere, even if indirectly or loosely. Articulation with the Inka polity, as in other marginal areas of the Andes, may have been maintained through the seasonally visitation of a quipu kamayok. Endnotes

These were the kind of items (shell, metal, and fine Cuzcostyle pottery) generally controlled by the Inka state, and they probably entered the Lluta Valley through altiplano Inka centers.

1. Two Thermoluminiscence (TL) dates for Saxamar-style sherds from Camarones ranged from A.D. 1320 to 1400 (Schiappacasse and Niemeyer 1989:75).

There are no indications that external contact or the movement of Inka goods was in the hands of a local elite. The distribution of these items is consistent with a nonstratified social structure. Interaction with the Inka polity may have been very indirect, perhaps through a series of middlemen or trade partners.

2. In January of 1540, an encomienda given to Lucas Martinez Vegazo, including an Indian population from Lluta, triggered intense mining exploitation as well as farming (Trelles 1982:35). TL dates of altiplano Inka sherds from Camarones ranged from 1420 to 1560 A.D. (Schiappacasse and Niemeyer 1989:75).

Summarizing Cultural Changes

3. See Piazza (1980:184, Figure 5) for inside hearth at the Inka settlement of AZ-15 in the Azapa Valley.

The changes at the sub-regional, community, and household levels between the Late Intermediate and Late Periods can be briefly summarized. At the household level, the Late Period saw indirect or non-intensive interaction with the Inka state, an overall decrease in the proportion of domestic tools, and a widening of the subsistence base to include higher proportions of local and highland dietary items (i.e. beans, squash, potatoes, and other tubers). Some of the long-distance trade items imported earlier ceased to appear, but were replaced by different ones, possibly obtained through Inka dominated exchange networks. Throughout both periods, the inter-household distribution of these items suggests equal household access to these products.

4. Sherd fragments from Structures 19 and 69 are comparable with Tschopik 1946:Fig. 23b, c, and e, defined as “Cusco Polychrome B sherds” from Chucuito’s surface. There is greater similarity to Inka pottery described for Cchaucha del Kjula Marca by Rydén (1947:261, Fig. g, z). This latter design is repeated in three pottery fragment from Molle Pampa Este’s, Structure 19, and Tomb 17. It was also used in wool conic hat from Iscara, Carangas (Rydén 1947:431, Fig b). 5. Mica or llinpi has magic virtues, and serves as an amulet for goodwill. It has mostly been used in “ritual mesa” (Girault 1987:534).

One of most important changes at the domestic level occurred in household craft production: a significant increase in spinning. As cloth was a customary Inka tax item, this shift may indicate production for the Inka

6. Special textiles (i.e. cumbi) should be added to this list, which served both as political currency and status markers (Murra 1975:169-170). The ongoing analysis of these items is not included in this discussion.

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Chapter 9 Conclusions: Processes of Social Change and Continuity in the Lluta Valley Communities

In interpreting highland - lowland interaction, Andean archaeologists have often worked from an “origin center” perspective that treats the sierra and lowland populations as passive recipients of external cultural forces. This perspective has been bolstered by the ethnohistorical model of “ecological complementarity” (verticality) and the historically documented imperial strategies of the Inka state. Such an approach dovetails neatly with the traditional Andean archaeological view of pottery style as a marker of ethnic identity or cultural affiliation. Consequently, the presence of highland pottery styles or other cultural traits in lowland and sierra zones is inevitably seen as the result of some form of highland colonization or control. Identifying the precise highland mechanism involved (conquest, archipelago, joint resource use) becomes the main investigative goal of the archaeologist.

remains rare in Chilean archaeology, which has generally lacked a contextual concern with pottery style preferences. To reiterate the goals proposed in Chapter 1, my research aimed to address several broad questions: 1. What was the nature of interaction between Lluta residents and coastal and highland populations? Is the archaeological variability at the Lluta sites consistent with highland colonization? What were the local effects of articulation or incorporation into the Inka sphere?

My central objective, in contrast, was to use a cluster of archaeological sites in the coastal section of the Lluta Valley to approach the “problem” of the highland stylistic “presence” in the context of local socioeconomic and political developments. Chilean coastal and sierra valleys are ideal settings to address the role of social interaction with highland regions in Lluta Valley societies. First, sites in these valleys display significant quantities of “intrusive” highland-style pottery in the midst of well-defined styles with local centers of distribution. Second, the expansion of late prehispanic highland political formations into these valleys is discussed in ethnohistoric accounts.

2.

What local processes or conditions accompanied interaction with the coast and highlands? What internal socioeconomic or political processes might have stimulated trade or affiliation with highland populations? Were some segments of the population more involved in highland ties than others?

3.

What does the use of highland style pottery suggest about the role of pottery styles in Lluta society in general?

Were highly visible pottery styles being used to mark ethnic affiliation or high social status? Were such pottery styles displayed in domestic, public, or mortuary contexts? If we do not assume that pottery styles are emblemic markers signaling ethnic or social identity, ceramic style preferences can provide insights into a range of social and economic processes.

Instead of using the distribution of pottery styles to reconstruct political processes and Lluta’s culture history, I attempted to turn the problem around. I wanted to explore how Lluta sociopolitical processes may have shaped longdistance interaction, pottery-style preferences, and stylistic variability. A critical part of my research was to look at the distribution of pottery styles in the context of other lines of evidence (domestic patterns, wealth differences, spatial divisions). This seems like an obvious approach, but the “local perspective” (Bermann 1994; Dillehay 1976, 1987)

Interaction with the Highlands As I noted in Chapter 1, there is substantial, if somewhat vague, ethnohistoric documentation for the existence in the northern Chilean valleys of colonists and enclaves from several highland groups --the Lupaqa, Pacaje, and Caranga. Whether these groups simultaneously or sequentially controlled in the Lluta Valley cannot be determined from the written record, nor can the time-depth of the enterprise.

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Late Prehistoric Regional Interaction and Social Change in a Coastal Valley of Northern Chile If different ethnic groups, from the highlands and the lowlands, lived side by side in the lower section of the Lluta Valley, sites with contrasting cultural components should be found. Altiplano sites should be characterized by a broad range of altiplano cultural attributes representing a truly foreign settlement. If such colonies took the form seen in other Andean cases, these attributes should also present a discrete spatial distribution (among or within sites), reflecting the highland enclaves.

The Inka designs found in Lluta are comparable to Cuzco “Type B”, according to Rowe’s classification. This type is also widely distributed in the Andean highlands. The wide distribution, however, both in the highlands as a whole and throughout Lluta households confirm that these fine vessels were not a commodity restricted to high status social segments. In sum, the studied sites at the Lluta Valley did not reveal the type of discrete spatial patterning in domestic architecture and pottery styles that has been cited as evidence of colonies or multiethnic communities in the Chillón, Moquegua, and Camarones Valleys (Dillehay 1976, 1987; Stanish 1992; Niemeyer, Schiappacasse, and Solimano 1972-73). The pattern observed, instead, can be better seen as that of local population that developed long-term ties with highland groups within a decentralized system of interaction.

No evidence for such colonial enclaves was found in the sites studied. The sites, although different from one another in some aspects (for instance in domestic construction materials), do not present strong differences in residential patterns, domestic activities, and stylistic preferences that can be attributed to different ethnic origins. Further, the distribution of highland ceramic styles does not present a discrete pattern suggestive of the presence of “intrusive” enclaves of highlanders amidst a local population, quite the opposite. Virtually every occupational zone at each site yielded pottery fragments of several different styles. Nor is there evidence for cultural discontinuity from the Late Intermediate to Late Period indicating the introduction of populations with different cultural backgrounds. As a whole the archaeological evidence revealed few highland traces, and these were mostly in the form of portable objects that could easily move through trade networks. In other lines of evidence, the sites I studied displayed far greater similarities to coastal Chilean cultures than to highland societies.

Such interaction could have taken place through household ties or various exchange mechanisms. One form of household-level ties, documented ethnohistorically in northern Ecuador developed when: highland cacicazgos sometimes sent or allowed groups of highlanders to reside permanently in such [lower] regions, becoming subjects to local authority and assimilated to local cultures; these people then remained in contact with highlanders of their original ethnicity through traffic (Salomon 1986:111, emphasis added).

There seems no archaeological need, however, to suppose the existence of highlanders in the Lluta Valley at all. Almost every household at the Lluta Valley possessed a small quantity of imported objects (coastal and highland), which appear to have been entering the communities as exotic, potentially even luxury, goods. The partial replacement of “local-style” decorated vessels with highland styles in household display and mortuary contexts reflects the assimilation of these imported materials into the local cultural context.

One of the highland ceramic styles found at Late Intermediate Period occupations consisted was Black/ red or Chilpe. Black/red has been roughly associated with the Colla polity, centered in the northwest Titicaca Basin. Its wide distribution throughout the Lake Titicaca Basin largely invalidates it as a useful diagnostic marker for the Colla ethnic group, however. The more restricted Late Intermediate style most clearly associated with the Colla pottery is Sillustani (M. Tschopik 1946:27). This style was not recovered in the Lluta occupations, although Sillustani has been found in other areas in the southern Andes where ethnohistoric documents suggest the presence of Colla colonies, including the Moquegua Valley. Similarly, although Chucuito-style pottery is generally treated as a marker of the Lupaqa, no Chucuito was found at the Lluta sites, despite the Lupaqa claim of having maintained colonies in the valley.

The ample array of imported artifacts found in the excavated households of Lluta Valley sites for the Late Intermediate Period can be explained as the result of trade. The Lluta evidence suggests that such trade was relatively simple, perhaps carried on at the household level. Trade involved exotic craft items and materials, as well as bulk products (such as potatoes). There is no indication in the archaeological record of a managerial control of the imports moving into the Lluta households.

The Saxamar style displays standardized decorative designs and bowl forms, usually painted with the characteristic “llamitas”, indicates highly centralized craft production. It cannot be considered a reliable archaeological indicator of the Pacaje, as its center of distribution encompassed a wide area in the altiplano south of Lake Titicaca, contiguous to the highland and coast of Arica. This Inka or Inka-Pacaje style, as named by Rydén, was widely distributed in the southern Andes reaching areas of northern Chile and northwestern Argentina.

Articulation with the Inka Polity Discussion of the external contacts of the Lluta residents must also consider the nature and degree of interaction with the Inka polity. As I suggested in the previous chapter, the Late Period occupations display several changes consistent with incorporation into the Inka politico-economic

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Conclusions Much of my investigation aimed at distinguishing potential household differences in wealth, craft-production, diet, prestige or status. My sample of mounds did not reveal such variability. No household or group of households in the sample displayed a disproportionate concentration of any items or materials that would reflect some sort of control of the means of production, craft specialization, wealth accumulation, or control of traffic of exotic goods coupled with prestige and/or status differences. Thus, there is no archaeological evidence for social differentiation or political centralization at Lluta sites during the Late Intermediate and Late Periods. A chiefly or elite stratum may have existed at each site, but it is unlikely that marked wealth or economic differences characterized Lluta society.

sphere: the construction of the platforms at Molle Pampa Este; the appearance of quipu; and the increase in textile production. I also predicted that articulation with Inkadominated exchange regional exchange systems should lead to changes in the assemblage of imported items entering Lluta households. This expectation was met with the changes of the Late Period: the appearance of statemanufactured Inka finewares; and a wider variety longdistance trade goods from the highlands and the eastern Andean warm lands. We do not know how closely the Lluta residents were articulated with the Inka state, or if they were directly “administered” by Inka state officials. The Lluta and other neighboring valleys did not have the ecological potential to become a high yield maize productive centers as did the Valley of Cochabamba, a peripheral but rich yunga eastern basin that become a center of maize production, directly controlled by the Inka state under Huayna Capac:

Models that we might loosely group as “prestige-good” models have generally linked increases in external ties and the movement of long-distance trade goods to the development of a local elite stratum. Local elites or those aspiring to be so dominate external ties, procuring exotic materials that symbolize their supra-local connections and can be used to reward followers.

hizo alli cabezera de provincia de mitimas de todas partes, porque los naturales eran poco y habia aparejo para todo, en que la tierra es fertil (Wachtel 1982:200).

It is likely that highland goods (including decorated pottery) were valued items whose distribution broadly reflects wealth and status organization. The relatively homogeneous distribution of highland pottery in the Lluta domestic contexts, then, simply reflects the undifferentiated local status order and the lack of marked wealth differences in the population.

Nor did Lluta have mineral resources for wealth production as did, for instance, the Valley of Calchaqui, in northwestern Argentina, where state installations were placed to manage the metallurgical process of bronze production (Earle 1994). I argue that Lluta communities seem to have been indirectly connected with the macro-operation of the Inka state. Indirect control was a typical form of Inka government, deployed in the Chillón Valley of northern Peru, and suggested for the oasis of San Pedro de Atacama--Puna de Atacama-in northern Chile. In the San Pedro case, as in Lluta, Inka remains (principally pottery) appeared “imbedded” in a local cultural context (Lynch 1993; Schiappacasse and Niemeyer 1989). Peripheral areas like the Lluta Valley may have been controlled through client polities such as the Pacaje and Lupaqa. Sixteenth-century historical records indicate that the western border of the Pacaje polity was established by the Inka and reached the “the coast of Arica and Tacana [Tacna]” (Jimenes de la Espada 1965:334). This was certainly not the border of a continuous politically controlled Pacaje territory from the Titicaca region to the coast. Acora leaders, one of the seven parcialidades of the Lupaqa kingdom, claimed having had lands in the Lluta Valley (Rómulo Cuneo Vidal, quoted by Murra 1985:20). More compelling historic evidence indicates that early in the 16th-century the Caranga polity, south of the Titicaca basin, appointed Calloa, a subordinate cacique in the Lluta Valley, to control small hamlets along the valley and the nearby coast (Hidalgo and Focacci 1986).

Temporal changes in settlement, domestic activities, and community organization are discussed in Chapter 8. Seen broadly, our investigation revealed a great deal of continuity at the household level but some significant changes at the supra-household level. Significant changes at the household level from the Late Intermediate to the Late Period included: a) Access to a new set of local and imported goods; b) An increase in textile production (particularly spinning); and c) Development of differential household access to metal ornamental objects (Figures 8.2 to 8.5).

Social Changes in the Lluta Communities

The latter, important items in Inka political economy and closely associated with prestige, were concentrated in two households at Molle Pampa Este (Structures 88 and 19, Figure 4.21). This is not sufficient evidence, however, to argue for emergent or growing social differentiation at Molle Pampa Este during the Late Period. We cannot rule out the development or existence of a prestige-good system, but we found no evidence that the distribution of highland goods was concentrated in, or restricted to, a segment of the population.

Viewing the issue of highland interaction from the “local perspective,” we want to know the conditions or processes that structured contacts with external groups and that would have shaped the importation of non-local materials.

The most significant supra-household shift was the nucleation of population at one site in each site cluster: Molle Pampa Este and Vila Vila Norte, with other sites (Molle Pampa Medio and Vila Vila Sur) abandoned. In

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Late Prehistoric Regional Interaction and Social Change in a Coastal Valley of Northern Chile this process, Molle Pampa Este emerged as a demographic center almost 10 times larger than Vila Vila Sur. The political importance of Molle Pampa Este is also reflected in the display of two Inka symbol of power: the two central large platforms that may have served as ushnu or plazas for public ceremonial and social activities.

This study, by providing a contextual examination of the distribution of various highly distinctive pottery styles, provides general insights into the role of pottery decorative style and stylistic preferences in the Lluta population. It is difficult to view ceramic vessels decorated in highland styles, and presumably coming from the highlands, as emblemic objects, used to mark social or ethnic affiliation. As was amply demonstrated by our excavations, every occupation displayed a variety of styles. In the Lluta sites, each household possessed a small proportion of decorated vessels (in both local and highland styles). These tended to be vessels that would be highly visible in household activities: serving vessels and storage vessels. Doubtless, as craft-goods and as imports, these imported pots were “wealth” objects. The stylistic reference to larger political systems such as the Inka Empire may have added to their value for Lluta residents. Thus, the Lluta sites failed to demonstrate a strong connection between the use of highland pottery styles and ethnic identity, throwing into doubt the utility of studying regional ceramic distributions as a means of reconstructing systems of verticality.

It is possible that Molle Pampa Este functioned as a relatively independent, local administrative center where production for Inka state activities (i.e. maintenance of roads, tambos) was organized and administered. Several quipu have been found at this Lluta site. Such a role might create the conditions for transformation of the social structure, by giving a local household or lineage an opportunity to acquire higher prestige and status by acting as a middleman for the Inka state. Aside from pottery, a visible “altiplanic” element in the Lluta sites were the two funerary towers (adobe chulpa) located at Molle Pampa Este and Molle Pampa Medio. Chulpa are essentially a highland mortuary tradition, where they served as crypts for elite and ranking lineages (Hyslop 1977:54). They also functioned as ceremonial centers and land markers: “indicative of land controlled by individual family units” (Hyslop 1977:5). Chulpa were common in the southern altiplano during the Late Intermediate and Late Periods, but are exceptional in coastal valleys (Hyslop 1977; Ryden 1947; Tschopik 1946; Dauelsberg 1960b). Other adobe chulpa, also destroyed, were located in Zapahuira, a Late Intermediate Period site located 50 km east of the Lluta Valley. This site becomes an Inka tampu during the Late Period. The existing evidence suggests that Zapahuira was a settlement controlled more directly by an altiplanic polity (either Pacaje or the Inka state). From this location, these polities may have indirectly maintained interaction with enclaves closer to the coast, including the Molle Pampa and Vila Vila sites.

Since the 1960’s, there has been a boom in the publication of lively descriptions, usually drawn from archival records, of an Andean social landscape divided into rather precise ethnic boundaries and marked by distinctive ethnic symbols. Invariably, the ethnic emblems described in these accounts are items of clothing (headdresses, hats, and textiles) and styles of cranial deformation. Unfortunately, the former are not likely to preserve at highland Andean sites, and the latter have received little comparative study, leaving only pottery styles to be treated as the “conscious symbol(s) of ethnic identity” (Hastings 1987:52). The role of textile designs as emblemic markers in differentiating people from different nation and provinces has long been recognized (Murra 1975:46). Cobo emphasized that “the indians of each province were distinguished” by their headdresses made out of different material, size, and colors:

Cultural Convergence One hypothesis presented in Chapter 1 was that the appearance of highland styles at Lluta sites could reflect, beyond simple trade, a process of cultural convergence as defined by Schortman and Urban (1987). According to this model, conspicuous highland styles should be closely attached to local social hierarchy, with highland pottery largely restricted to elite households. In contrast, if pottery fulfilled an emblemic role, we would expect to see every household in the enclave using a single highland style, so that its distribution would crosscut household social or economic differences. No evidence for cultural convergence as defined by Schortman and Urban (1987) was found at the Lluta Valley sites because we found no evidence of social hierarchy.

They were so well known by these insignia that on seeing any Indian come before him, the Inka would notice what nation and province the Indian was from (Cobo [1653] 1979:97).

Such stylistic signaling continues today. Combinations of colored feathers and hat styles are still prominent in differentiating Bolivian Aymara communities. The aksus, a female tunic, takes different color combinations among Machas, Jalq’as, and Charazani, communicating messages of social identity, place of precedence, and gender (Martínez 1992:27-30). The most systematic archaeological attempt to look at textile variability, instead of pottery, as it relates to cultural identity is the recent study by Amy Oakland Rodman (1992). Her study of Tiwanaku textiles from San Pedro de Atacama and Arica, in northern Chile, indicates that color

Ceramics and Style: A Lluta Perspective Andean archaeologists have paid great attention to pottery styles, but what do pottery styles really mean to households?

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Conclusions and design styles clearly differentiate Tiwanaku colonists from locals and clearly distinguish social ranks. Ironically, the textile evidence for Tiwanaku colonists in San Pedro is at odds with the ceramic evidence. Because of the minimal Tiwanaku ceramic “presence” at the San Pedro sites, archaeologists have been content to see San Pedro as one place without Tiwanaku colonists, the local residents articulated to the Tiwanaku polity through trade.

prehispanic times. Before I began this work, the Lluta archaeological record could be (and often was) readily interpreted in terms of a traditional paradigm that saw the presence of highland styles in the Chilean valleys as indicators of highland “vertical” colonization. This paradigm is often associated with a less overt view, common among prehistorians working in these zones, that coastal and sierra populations were essentially static or passive, cultural and political developments resulting from highland contacts. This view naturally flowed from an archaeology well suited to looking for highland cultural traits. By taking a diachronic and contextual approach, I have tried to develop a new and more sophisticated view of the “highland presence” in the Lluta Valley.

Our understanding of the Lluta population and its evolution is admittedly fragmentary. The work presented here provides only the most general picture of nonstratified communities, long-term interaction with the highlands and coast, and population nucleation in late

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Appendix A Funerary Patterns

Based on differences in form, construction, and size, we distinguished seven tomb types in the Lluta cemeteries. Table A.1 presents a list of all the excavated tombs at each site arranged by type. Table A.2 presents the frequency and proportion of tomb types at Molle Pampa Este and Molle Pampa Medio.

specimen of this type of tomb was seen at Molle Pampa Este (Tomb 32a; see Tables A.1, A.2; Figure A.1). Type 2: Rectangular Pit with Large Unworked Blocks This tomb was used for one or several individuals. Tombs of this type seemed to be located near large boulders that may have served as tomb markers. Three of four large rocks (normally basalt) were used to form a rectangular enclosure in a shallow pit. These tombs were probably stone-capped as well. They did not make use of caliche slabs or mortar as did the Type 1 tombs. Intact tombs of this type may have appeared from the surface as small stone mounds. This kind of tomb resembles Hyslop’s (1977) Type 1, a pre-Inka form in the highlands (Hyslop 1977). Four Type 2 tombs were found, limited to Molle Pampa Medio (Tombs 7, 18, 33, and 36; see Tables A.1, A.2; Figure A.1).

At Molle Pampa Este, Type 3 is the most common, but it is also relatively important at Molle Pampa Medio. Uncommon types, Types 1, 5 and 6, are limited to Molle Pampa Este, while Type 7 is limited to Molle Pampa Medio. In the later site Type 2 is the second most common type. These figures suggest that there are some differences between the sites with some overlapping of the more common types (Types 3 and 4). For example, the subterranean stone chamber (Type 5) and the adobe chullpa (Type 6) are not represented at Molle Pampa Medio (Tables A.1, A.2). In both cases, significant amount of energy was invested not only in the construction of the tombs but also in the amount of offerings that accompanied the several individuals buried. This kind of tomb may have housed elite residents of local or altiplano origin.

Type 3: Sand Pit Marked with a Large Rock This type of tomb displays two or three small blocks used to line a pit, but they do not form a rectangle as in the Type 2 tombs. Ten tombs of this kind were found in Molle Pampa Este and two in Molle Pampa Medio (see Tables A.1, A.2; Figure A.1).

The stone mound tombs Type 7, in contrast, was limited to Molle Pampa Medio. This kind of tombs also housed several individuals that may have belonged to a particular linage, or a whole community, as the case of Tomb 42, the largest in Molle Pampa Medio, and selected to be sampled (see description below; and Figure A.3).

Type 4: Simple Sand Pit These shallow tombs were dug into compact sand, and were covered by a shallow (5-10 cm) layer of sand. The pits averaged 50 cm in diameter and 60 cm deep (T-17/a). They were partially sealed by a few slabs of basalt. This type was recorded mostly at Molle Pampa Este (Tables A.1, A.2; Figure A.2).

Description of Tomb Types Type 1: Bell-Shaped Cist Pit Covered by Slabs This is an uncommon cist form consisted of a shallow pit with a bell shape (30 cm depth, 55 cm wide on top, and 65 cm at the bottom) containing a single individual. Slabs of rocks and/or caliche cut in situ were used to surround and/or cover the pit. The slabs and rocks were joined and partially covered by a mortar made with ashes. Only one

Type 5: Large Subterranean Rectangular Chamber These tombs were fully encased by flat slabs used for the walls and tomb cover. The floor of the tomb consisted of a blackish, ashy hard sediment. The slabs were probably cut from the caliche formation, without further

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Late Prehistoric Regional Interaction and Social Change in a Coastal Valley of Northern Chile modification. The slabs were joined with an ashy mortar. The subterranean part of the chamber averaged 115 cm long x 100 cm wide x 90 cm deep. There were indications that a shallow false arch was used to close the chamber. This kind of tomb was used for multiple interments and was observed only at Molle Pampa Este (Tables A.1, A.2; Figure A.2). The same kind of tomb was excavated by Espoueys and Focacci in Cemetery C of that site.

Type 7: Collective Stone Mound Tomb These mounds were formed by the aggregation of rectangular slabs and stone blocks, forming a mound with contiguous burial niches or chambers (Figure A.3). This was particularly visible in Tomb 42 at Molle Pampa Medio. Rectangular chambers were built over the surface, one next to the other, so that tombs shared common walls. The chambers were shallow (ca. 2550 cm deep), made with caliche slabs and flat basaltic rocks. These tombs appear today as large stone tumuli 18 x 15 m in area and up to 1.5 m high (see Tables A.1 - A.2; Figure A.4).

Type 6: Rectangular Adobe Chamber The foundations of a very poorly preserved adobe chamber were found at Molle Pampa Este (Tomb 49a; Figure A.2). A similar adobe chamber is also located at Molle Pampa Medio; this was mapped but not excavated (see also Dauelsberg 1960a:1). It is probable that these are above-ground tombs of the kind known as chullpas. The foundations were embedded 20 cm in the ground. Walls were 25 - 40 cm wide and enclosed an area of 50 x 140 cm. The walls were made with large adobe-type blocks. The chamber was completely destroyed in the Molle Pampa Este specimen and remains of the tombs and the adobe blocks were scattered around it. Fragments of bleached human bones, textiles (i.e. a sling) and maize (cobs) were visible in the adobes that had been used to build the tomb wall (see Tables A.1, A.2; Figure A.2).

Type 0: Undefined These were those tombs that did not fit into the other categories. Tomb 32b from Molle Pampa Este, and tombs 5, 7, and 18 from Molle Pampa Medio belong to this category. Molle Pampa Este Tomb Descriptions Cemetery A Tombs Tomb 3: Type 5, disturbed subterranean chamber of 115 by 100 and 125 cm deep containing the remains of six individuals (four skulls). Bones of the pelvic region and feet, part of the textile wrapping (bundle), and two individuals were found in situ at the bottom of the chamber.1 According to the position of the bones, the individuals may have been seated in fetal postures, facing east. The remains of the other individuals were scattered in the sandy fill of the chamber.

Table A.1. Classification of tombs by type. Site mpe mpm mpm mpm

T omb # 32b 3 5 17

T ype 0 0 0 0

mpe

32a

1

mpm mpm mpm mpm

7 18 33 36

2 2 2 2

mpe mpe mpe mpe mpe mpe mpe mpe mpe mpe mpm mpm

25 34 43 49b 55 59 66 68 70 73 27 30

3 3 3 3 3 3 3 3 3 3 3 3

mpe mpe mpe mpe mpm

9 16 17a 17b 47

4 4 4 4 4

mpe

3

5

mpe

49a

6

mpm

42

7

The individual located on the northwestern side of the chamber was accompanied by several offerings, piled up next to the feet. The upper layer of grave goods was composed of two llama feet, corn cobs (4), fish remains, corn bread2 (3), chuñ’u, coca leaves, and a net bag. The objects may have originally been contained in this bag. Under these items was a second assembly of goods: corn bread (2) and a wooden comb. These lay over another llama foot and nine corn breads piled next to it. At the bottom of the offering pile were nine additional corn breads, and two corn cobs. This individual had been buried wearing a pair of hairy leather sandals. In disturbed fill around this individual were chuñ’u, camel and rodent (n/i) bones, a spindle, and a stone whorl. The second individual was also accompanied by grave goods. This individual was seated in the southwestern area of the chamber, with a pile of offerings located near its left side. The grave goods consisted of two guinea pigs, chuñ’u, and corn cobs. A copper tupu (pin) located in close proximity may have been part of the offering. This individual was also accompanied by a pair of leather sandals. Each of the individuals was wrapped in camelid fiber textiles, tied with reed rope. They were placed over

106

Funerary Patterns a corn cob, a pot, a thin piece of leather, and one guinea pig were found. Underneath of the two latter items were more corn cobs, corn bread and potato chuñ’u, and a gourd pot covered with a corn cob. Shells (n/i), fish bones, camelid bones and feces, carbonized wood and basket fiber was also found inside the undisturbed infant pit. These last goods were part of the material that filled the pit, and not deliberate offerings.

a plaster-like floor partially covered with a soft layer of ashes 2 to 3 cm (Figure A.2). Other materials found in the sand and corn stalk fill of the chamber included: corn cobs, kernels; and bread (15); gourd fragments; potato chuñ’u; tubers (n/i); reeds; mussels (Choromytilus sp.); shells (n/i); fish; shrimp; camelid wool; a wooden comb; a cactus needle with a thread; leather sandals (one pair, one incomplete pair). Items such as coca leaves (?), three twigs wrapped on the distal extreme with human hair, a carved wooden stick, a cross made with two twigs wrapped in the center with a thread, defining a rhomboidal figure,3 fragments of unfired clay, camelid feet, feathers, copper tupu (3), leather bags (5) containing green and red pigments, from the fill represent ritual materials.

Tomb 17: Type 4, two burial pits. These were both within the 8 m2 excavated. Tomb 17/a (near the surface) contained remains of the thoracic region of a mummified individual, lacking the head (cut off by looting), this individual was originally buried in a fetal position. The following items were obtained in the excavation: corn cob; Choromytilus sp.; shells (n/i); fish bones; camelid: bones, hair, and feces; rodent bones (n/i); feathers; and a fragment of camelid jaw used as a shovel.

Tomb 9: Type 4, disturbed, contained an infant, wrapped in wool cloth. The pit of the tomb intruded into a previous occupational layer, composed of ashes and refuse, including molle seeds. Material recovered from the 4 m2 excavated area of the tomb included: corn cobs, molle seeds, Choromytilus sp., shell (n/i), camelid bones and feces.

Tomb 17/b: Included two disturbed mummified infants, each headless. Fragments of newspaper indicate recent looting of the tomb. The deep and narrow pit (115 depth, and 75 to 50 cm wide) contained the following items: corn cob and bread (four intact and one fragment; gourd fragments; khoa (n/i); a copper needle; a leather strap; a leather bag; oxide of copper, a bone necklace and Mucuna elliptica seeds. All these should be considered deliberate offerings. Post-depositional or fill included: leaves (n/i); cactus; plants remains n/i; shells n/i; fish bones; jurel (Trachurus murphy); shrimp; fresh water snail; camelid: foot, bones, and feces; rodent bones; feathers; and possible horse hair.

Tomb 16: Type 4, within the 4 m2 area excavated, two inhumations were found. The first one (near the surface) consisted of a few scattered and bleached bones of an adult. The superficial layer that covered this feature represented a previous occupational layer, and was screened and sorted separately (see below). The following items were associated with the disturbed adult: corn cob, kernel, and stalks; cotton seeds; Choromytilus sp., shell (n/i), fish; camelid bone, hair, and feces; and plant remains (n/i). These items, however, were probably not grave goods. This tomb is located within the residential area, and it is likely that remains of domestic activities were mixed with the actual offerings in the tomb and tomb fill. Clear grave goods consisted of a copper tupu, a bone bead, and an unfired clay figurine with a stylized camelid head.

Tomb 25: Type 3, disturbed with a well-defined circular pit. Human remains consisted of an incomplete and dispersed set of bleached bones of one individual, lacking the skull. The following items were found in the 5 m2 excavated: corn cob, cotton seed; plant remains (n/i), Choromytilus sp.; shells (n/i); fish bone; marine bird bones; marine guano (?); fresh water snail; camelid bones, hair, hide, and feces; and rodent bones. These materials were not grave goods. Grave goods consisted of a reed mat fragment, a cactus spine, a wrapped feather, copper bells (2), turquoise beads (2, one preform), wrapped vegetal fiber, and braided human hair.

The second inhumation of Tomb 16 was in an undisturbed Type 4 pit. This narrow and deep pit (27 by 60 cm respectively) contained a mummified infant. The pit was sealed with a round grinding stone surrounded by one mano and two small rocks. The child seems to have been in a flexed, fetal position, facing to the southeast, and wrapped in a wool fabric. A small fragment of pottery was on top of the head. A potato chuñ’u was located on the back of the head. In front of the bundle, and 20 cm below the top, nine corn breads were found. Five cm below these,

Tomb 32: Two pits were found within the excavated area (8 m2). Material obtained on the surface and in the excavation included corn cobs, kernels, and stalks, fruit (n/i), plant remains (n/i), shells (n/i), fish bones, shrimp, camelid feces, rodent bone (n/i), and feathers. A carved

Table A.2. Frequency (N) and proportion (%) of tomb types. T omb type Site Molle Pampa Este Molle Pampa Medio

0 N 1 3

1 % 5.5 27

N 1 0

2 % 5.5 0

N 0 4

3 % 0 37

N 10 2

4 % 56 18

107

N 4 1

5 % 22 9

N 1 0

6 % 5.5 0

N 1 0

7 % 5.5 0

N 0 1

% 0 9

T otal 18 11

Late Prehistoric Regional Interaction and Social Change in a Coastal Valley of Northern Chile

Figure A.1. Tomb types 1 to 3 from Molle Pampa Este and Molle Pampa Medio. piece of wood and a wooden stick were probably textile tools (parts of a heading rod or naveta). Tomb 32/a (Type 1) was disturbed and held the remains of two individuals (one adult and one sub-adult). The following material was found inside of this pit: corn cobs, and stalks (no evidence that was part of a mat); cane (n/i), and plant remains (n/i), Choromytilus sp.; shells (n/i); rodent bones (n/i); feathers; a wrapped feather; and human hair. Tomb 32/b (Type 0) was also disturbed and may have contained two individuals in a shallow chamber made of slabs, and joined with an ashy mortar. Materials in this tomb included corn cobs and stalks, camelid bones and hairs, and feathers. Next to

Tomb 32 was a thick lens of domestic refuse. It is possible that this material was brought to be burned in making a mortar during construction. Tomb 34: Type 3, disturbed. This tomb held a single individual, represented by a few bones in the 4 m2 excavated. Not many objects were found in excavation: corn cobs; camelid feces; rodent bones (n/i); and a cactus spine. Tomb 43: Type 3, completely disturbed. Scattered bleached bones of more than one adult individual were found within

108

Funerary Patterns

Figure A.2. Tomb types 4 to 6 from Molle Pampa Este and Molle Pampa Medio. the superficial sandy layer (20 cm deep) excavated in this 5 m2 pit. Two major blocks mark the location of the tomb. Materials in this layer included: corn cobs; a squash seed; and fruit (n/i). A pit 40 cm deep and 40 cm wide was found next to the rocks. This pit contained the remains of a second individual. Materials in the pit were a mixture of grave goods and post occupational debris, including corn cob, fish bones, shrimp, camelid hair, rodent bone (n/i), possible fox feces, and feathers.

layer was a mixture of both grave goods and postoccupational debris - - corn cobs and stalks, potatoes, khoa (2, one wrapped with a thread), Choromytilus sp., shells (n/i), fish bones, camelid teeth, hair, and feces, rodent bones, a reed cord, one wichuña (weaving tool), turquoise beads (3), leather, twigs wrapped in yarn, a Ollivela sp. bead, a copper needle, and a bell. Tomb 49a: Type 6, a completely destroyed adobe chullpa. Hyslop (1977:155) placed the kind of adobe chullpa described here in the Early Altiplano phase (ca. 1100-1450 A.D.) of the Lake Titicaca basin region.

Tomb 49: This tomb included two types of tombs within the 9 m2 excavated. Material found within the superficial

109

Late Prehistoric Regional Interaction and Social Change in a Coastal Valley of Northern Chile

Figure A.3. Tomb Type 7 from Molle Pampa Este and Molle Pampa Medio. The mud used in making the bricks of this tomb contained bleached human bones. Human bones were also located under the walls. The cultural disconnection expressed in this practice of reutilization and destruction of other tombs could be an expression of the cleavages within and between communities. This phenomenon has been observed in the Tiwanaku cemetery in the Azapa Valley, where Tiwanaku elite tombs were destroyed, their space occupied by newcomers, and the broken pieces of the graves goods used as part of the fill (including the actual human remains).

Tomb 49b: Type 3, disturbed and made of blocks and slabs joined by the ashy mortar. Bone remains of more than one individual were found inside the pit. Tomb 55: Type 3, disturbed, and the partially articulated individual lacked a skull. The individual was flexed in a fetal position facing downward. Legs and arms were not articulated, suggesting that the whole body was relocated there following a looting. The associated material obtained in the 5 m2 included corn stalks, reed, fresh water snails, camelid bones and feces, and rodent bones (n/i). Offering goods may have included a reed cord and a wooden handle.

110

Funerary Patterns

Figure A.4. Type 7 collective stone shallow funerary mounds, formed by the aggregation of contiguous burial niches or chambers built with rectangular slabs and covered by stone blocks that appear today as stone tumuli (photo Calogero M. Santoro, July 1991). Tomb 70: Type 3, disturbed. This burial was of a single individual, located inside the enclosure defined by three large rocks. Two m2 were excavated, yielding the following goods: fresh water snail; camelid bones and feces; and rodent bones (n/i).

Tomb 59: Type 3, partially disturbed. This tomb contained the pelvis and lumbar bones of a single individual, probably sitting in fetal position, and facing southeast. Remains of the burial bundle consisted of two pieces of llama wool shirts (one of them with side strips) and a cactus spine that may have served to fasten the textiles wrapping the body. Excavation of 4 m2 yielded corn cob, Choromytilus, fish bones, fresh water snails, camelid bones and feces, feathers, and fox feces (?). Actual offerings included a wooden comb, a cactus needle, and a stone flake.

Tomb 73: Type 3, disturbed. This individual was represented by the upper thoracic bones (spine and ribs) and skull. The individual had probably been originally flexed in a fetal position, facing downward, and wrapped in fabrics. It may be possible, however, that this posture was also the consequence of looting, as in Tomb 55. Among the materials recovered in the 4 m2 excavated were reed, camelid feces, and reed cord, possible used to bind the body.

Tomb 66: Type 3, disturbed. Three separate pits were recognized within the 4 m2 excavated. These contained the scattered bleached bones of two adults and one subadult. Materials found in these pits included corn cobs, bread, and stalks, squash seeds, cactus fragments (n/i), plant remains (n/i), Choromytilus sp., shell (n/i), fish bones, shrimp bones, fresh water snails, camelid feces, rodent bones, and feather. Clear offerings included a cactus needle, a wooden stick (possible textile tool), a basket, llukhta,4 Ollivela sp. shell, and a tubular bone bead.

Molle Pampa Medio Tomb Descriptions Tomb 3: Type 0. In the 1.68 m2 excavated, no traces of a funerary pit or chamber were found. The only artifact recovered was a single undecorated sherd. Tomb 5: Type 0. In the 3 m2 excavated no signs of a pit or chamber were found. Few items (a piece of textile, corn cobs) were scattered on the sandy sediments.

Tomb 68: Type 3, disturbed. This tomb held the bleached bones of a single individual. It was not possible to estimate the original position and orientation. Items found in the 6.25 m2 excavated included corn cobs, plant remains (n/i), and rodent bone (n/i).

Tomb 7: Type 2, disturbed, contained the remains of three adults (skulls). No excavations were carried out in this

111

Late Prehistoric Regional Interaction and Social Change in a Coastal Valley of Northern Chile rusted copper, and two carbonized corn cobs.

tomb. On the surface were fragments of Gentilar style decorated pottery that may have been part of the grave goods.

Tomb 42: Type 7, completely destroyed. This large stone mound (18 by 15 m and 1.5 m height) was composed of several Type 3 stone chambers. Each rectangular chamber was covered with slabs and basalt blocks. Bleached bones of approximately 40 individuals were collected. Surface artifacts in association included corn cobs, reeds, and bones of rodents, camelids, and reptiles. A gourd pot, fragments of a wooden kero, a comb, a bell, a pendant, reed cord, one wichuña, a wooden whorl, a cactus spine, pieces of leather, a bone tube, an unfired pot, a wrapped feather, and a braid of human hair were found. A small pit (1 m2) was excavated, where the following elements were recovered: corn cobs and stalks; reed; khoa (n/i); fresh water snails; rodent bones (n/i); feathers; and a the fragment of a wooden box.

Tomb 17: Type 0. This was an accumulation of rocks with no cultural elements associated. It might represent a more recent feature. Tomb 18: Type 2, disturbed. The remains of several individuals were collected within the superficial sandy layer. These individuals probably were buried in a pit defined by basalt blocks. Corn cobs, camelid feces, feathers (n/i), unidentified plant remains, fresh water snail, fox feces, and a fragment of leather sandal were found in the 3.4 m2 excavated. Tomb 27: Type 3, disturbed, included the remains of an adult and a neonate. Nine m2 were excavated obtaining corn cobs and stalks, camelid foot bones, feces, and hair, feather (n/i), rodent bones (n/i), unidentified plant remains, and fresh water snails. Two shell beads were also found.

Tomb 47: Type 4, disturbed. This tomb containing the remains of several individuals was found in the sandy superficial deposit. These individuals might originally have been placed in pits covered by rocks. Four m 2 were excavated, yielding corn cobs, shell (n/i), fresh water snails, camelid foot bones, rodent bones (n/i), human hair, feathers, reed cords, a cactus spine, leather, wrapped human hair, and printed paper.

Tomb 30: Type 3, disturbed, included the remains of a male adult. An area of 6.25 m2 was excavated, but few objects were recovered - - Choromytilus sp., shrimp, fresh water snail, camel feces, n/i rodent bone, and feather. Tomb 33: Type 5, disturbed. The remains of two adults, one sub-adult and one infant were found in a hard sandy superficial deposit. The bodies had been pulled out of two pits located in the excavated area (4 m2) by looters, and become a jumble of bones and other remains, solidified by salt accumulation. Materials associated included corn cobs and kernels, squash seeds, gourd, olive seeds, Choromytilus sp., shell (n/i), fish, marine, rodent, and bird bones, shrimp, rodent bones (n/i), camelid bones; two volcanic glass flakes, one wooden whorl, a bell made of unidentified metal, and an Ollivela sp. shell bead.

Endnotes 1. Incomplete excavations and the attempt to pull the bundle out, normally resulting in the disarticulation of the bundle, with the lower part remaining in situ as it was normally cemented to the bottom of the burial by bodily decay. 2. As described above, corn bread was a common meal prepared with maize flour. 3. This kind of symbol has been observed in Anocariri, a cave with rock art situated in the highlands of Arica (3,800 m asl) (Santoro and Santos 1992).

Tomb 36: Type 5, disturbed. This tomb may represent a communal burial chamber. Bones from two adult individuals and one infant were found in the 9 m2 excavated. The associated materials included corn cobs and kernels, Choromytilus sp., shell, fish bones, camel feces, rodent bones (n/i), reeds, a wooden comb, reed cord, one wichuña, leather, pieces of unfired clay (adobe?),

4. Ashes from quinoa or other kinds of plants, agglutinated with other substances and used to chew coca leaves (Bertonio [1612] 1984:207).

112

Appendix B Itemized List of Artifacts

An itemized list of the archaeological artifact assemblages associated to the major categories of artifacts is presented

for each of the studied sites: 1. Molle Pampa Este (Table B.1).

Table B.1. List of artifacts from Molle Pampa Este. Molle Pampa Este Tools Dome stic Tools Farming camelid jaw shovel wooden shovel stone shovel Stone kit flakes, nodules scrappers, choppers axe, hammers bola leather strapped bola copper hook Grinding stone mano & metate Subtotal Spe cializ e d Tools Craft tools micro-knife1 polished stone2 bone paddle bone arrow head bone awl wood awl Te xtile Tools We aving Tools wichuña copper needle bone needle cactus needle cactus spine naveta (heading rod) Spinning Tools spindle (wood) whorl (stone) whorl (pottery) whorl (fish vertebrae) whorl preform Subtotal

Total Assamblage

L.I.P.

L.P.

N

%

N

%

1 0 0

0.31 0 0

1 0 0

0.02 0 0

0 4 0 2 0 0

0 1.25 0 0.62 0 0

0 51 5 20 1 1

0 0.85 0.08 0.33 0.02 0.02

2 9

0.62 2.8

15 94

0.25 1.57

0 2 0 0 0 0

0 0.61 0 0 0 0

2 1 0 1 0 0

0.03 0.02 0 0.02 0 0

0 0 0 0 0 0

0 0 0 0 0 0

0 1 1 3 17 0

0 0.02 0.02 0.05 0.28 0

0 0 0 1 0 3

0 0 0 0.31 0 0.92

1 3 9 1 12 52

0.02 0.05 0.15 0.02 0.2 0.88

319

100

5940

100

L.I.P. N % Re gional e xchange ite ms (15-100 km) shell bead 0 0 worked shell 0 0 Ollivela bead 0 0 stone bead 0 0 turquoise bead 0 0 necklace 0 0 cane pendant 0 0 bone tube 0 0 worked bone 0 0 carved wood 1 0.31 wooden box (fragment) 0 0 wooden tray 0 0 wrapped maize 0 0 wrapped feather 0 0 whistle (ceramic) 0 0 basket 0 0 gourd pot 0 0 3 clay figurine 1 0.31 pumice top 0 0 coral 0 0 starfish 0 0 bag with black mineral 0 0 Subtotal 2 0.62 Long distance ite ms (> 100 km) suri feather 0 0 flamengo feather 0 0 red feather 0 0 yellow feather 0 0 green feather 0 0 red pigment 1 0.31 yellow pigment 0 0 mucuna elliptica 0 0 volcanic glass 4 1.25 sulfur 0 0 mica 0 0 crystal rock 0 0 copper ore 0 0 millu 0 0 unidentified metal item 0 0 unidentified mineral ore 0 0 unknown white mineral 0 0 chun'u 0 0 khoa 0 0 Spondylus bead 0 0 metal objects4 0 0 Exchange Ite ms

Subtotal

113

5

1.56

L.P. N

%

0 1 1 0 0 0 1 1 0 4 1 0 0 1 0 0 0 2 1 0 0 0 13

0 0.02 0.02 0 0 0 0.02 0.02 0 0.07 0.02 0 0 0.02 0 0 0 0.04 0.02 0 0 0 0.25

1 1 2 0 0 4 2 1 43 3 1 0 3 0 0 0 1 8 4 1 13

0.02 0.02 0.03 0 0 0.06 0.03 0.02 0.72 0.05 0.02 0 0.05 0 0 0 0.02 0.13 0.06 0.02 0.23

88

1.48

Late Prehistoric Regional Interaction and Social Change in a Coastal Valley of Northern Chile 2. Molle Pampa Medio (Table B.2). The percentages were computed from the total number of artifacts at each household and for Late Intermediate Period (L.I.P.) and late Period (L.P.) occupations at each site.

3. Vila Vila Norte (Table B.3). 4. Vila Vila Sur (Table B.4). Table B.2. List of artifacts from Molle Pampa Medio. Molle Pampa Me dio Tools

L.I.P. N

Exchange Ite ms

%

Dome stic Tools

L.I.P. N

%

0.06

Re gional e xchange ite ms (15-100 km)

Farming

shell bead

3

camelid jaw shovel

4

0.09

worked shell

0

0

wooden shovel

1

0.02

Ollivela bead

7

0.14

stone shovel

4

0.09

0.04

Stone kit flakes, nodules scrappers, choppers

36

0.76

axe, hammers

0

0

bola

11

0.23

leather strapped bola

1

0.02

copper hook

0

0

40

0.85

97

2.06

Grinding Stone mano & metate Subtotal Spe cializ e d Tools Craft tools

stone bead

2

turquoise bead

0

0

necklace

1

0.02

cane pendant

2

0.04

bone tube

0

0

worked bone

1

0.02

carved wood

5

0.1

wooden box (fragment)

1

0.02

wooden tray

0

0

wrapped maize

3

0.06

wrapped feather

0

0

whistle (ceramic)

1

0.02

basket

1

0.02

gourd pot

3

0.06

clay figurine3

2

0.04

micro-knife1

0

0

polished stone2

2

0.04

bone paddle

0

0

pumice top

1

0.02

bone arrow head

0

0

coral

1

0.02 0

bone awl

8

0.17

starfish

0

wood awl

1

0.02

bag with black mineral

0

0

34

0.68 0

Te xtile Tools

Subtotal

We aving Tools

Long-distance ite ms (> 100 km)

wichuña

1

0.02

suri feather

0

copper needle

2

0.04

flamengo feather

0

0

bone needle

0

0

red feather

4

0.08

cactus needle

2

0.04

yellow feather

1

0.02

cactus spine

14

0.29

green feather

7

0.14

naveta (heading rod)

1

0.02

red pigment

4

0.08

yellow pigment

0

0

mucuna elliptica

0

0

volcanic glass

39

0.83 0.08

Spinning Tools spindle (wood)

0

0

whorl (stone)

1

0.02

whorl (pottery)

0

0

sulfur

4

whorl (fish vertebrae)

0

0

mica

1

0.02

whorl preform

0

0

crystal rock

1

0.02

32

0.66

copper ore

1

0.02

millu

1

0.02

unidentified metal item

4

0.08

unidentified mineral ore

0

0

unknown white mineral

0

0

chun'u

0

0

khoa

4

0.08

Spondylus bead

0

0

metal objects

0

0

71

1.47

Subtotal

Total Assamblage

4700

100

Subtotal

114

Itemized List of Artifacts

Table B.3. List of artifacts from Vila Vila Norte. Vila Vila Norte Tools

L.I.P. N

L.P. %

N

Exchange Ite ms

%

L.I.P. N

L.P. %

N

% 0

Re gional e xchange ite ms (15-100 km)

Dome stic Tools Farming

shell bead

7

0.66

0

camelid jaw shovel

1

0.08

0

0

worked shell

4

0.38

0

0

wooden shovel

0

0

0

0

Ollivela bead

1

0.09

0

0

stone shovel

1

0.08

0

0

stone bead

0

0

0

0

turquoise bead

0

0

0

0

necklace

0

0

0

0

Stone kit flakes, nodules

23

2.18

13

1.66

scrappers, choppers

0

0

0

0

cane pendant

0

0

0

0

axe, hammers

0

0

0

0

bone tube

0

0

0

0

bola

0

0

0

0

worked bone

0

0

0

0

leather strapped bola

0

0

0

0

carved wood

1

0.09

1

0.12

copper hook

0

0

0

0

wooden box (fragment)

1

0.09

0

0

wooden tray

0

0

0

0

Grinding Stone mano & metate Subtotal

8

0.75

1

0.12

wrapped maize

0

0

0

0

33

3.09

14

1.78

wrapped feather

1

0.09

0

0

whistle (ceramic)

1

0.09

0

0

basket

0

0

0

0

Spe cializ ed Tools craft tools micro-knife

1

0.09

0

0

gourd pot

0

0

0

0

polished stone

1

0.09

0

0

clay figurine

0

0

0

0

bone paddle

0

0

0

0

pumice top

0

0

0

0

bone arrow head

0

0

0

0

coral

0

0

0

0

bone awl

0

0

0

0

starfish

0

0

0

0

wood awl

0

0

0

0

bag with black mineral

0

0

0

0

16

1.49

1

0.12

Te xtile Tools

Subtotal

We aving Tools

Long-distance ite ms (> 100 km)

wichuña

1

0.09

0

0

suri feather

0

0

0

0

copper needle

0

0

0

0

flamengo feather

1

0.09

0

0

bone needle

0

0

0

0

red feather

0

0

0

0

cactus needle

2

0.18

0

0

yellow feather

0

0

0

0

cactus spine

2

0.18

0

0

green feather

0

0

0

0

naveta (heading rod)

0

0

0

0

red pigment

1

0.09

0

0

yellow pigment

0

0

0

0

Spinning Tools spindle (wood)

0

0

0

0

mucuna elliptica

0

0

0

0

whorl (stone)

0

0

0

0

volcanic glass

7

0.66

1

0.12

whorl (pottery)

0

0

0

0

sulfur

0

0

0

0

whorl (fish vertebrae)

0

0

0

0

mica

0

0

0

0

whorl preform

0

0

0

0

crystal rock

0

0

0

0

7

0.63

0

0

copper ore

0

0

0

0

millu

0

0

0

0

unidentified metal item

0

0

0

0

unidentified mineral ore

0

0

0

0

unknown white mineral

0

0

0

0

chun'u

0

0

0

0

2 0 0 11

0.18 0 0 1.02

0 0 0 1

0 0 0 0.12

Subtotal

Total Assamblage

1055

100

783

100

khoa Spondylus bead metal objects Subtotal

115

Late Prehistoric Regional Interaction and Social Change in a Coastal Valley of Northern Chile

Table B.4. List of artifacts from Vila Vila Sur. Vila Vila Sur Tools Dome stic Tools Farming camelid jaw shovel wooden shovel stone shovel Stone kit flakes, nodules scrappers, choppers axe, hammers bola leather strapped bola copper hook Grinding Stone mano & metate Subtotal Spe cializ e d Tools Craft tools micro-knife polished stone bone paddle5 bone arrow head bone awl wood awl Te xtile Tools We aving Tools wichuña copper needle bone needle cactus needle cactus spine naveta (heading rod) Spinning Tools spindle (wood) whorl (stone) whorl (pottery) whorl (fish vertebrae) whorl preform Subtotal

Total Assamblage

L.I.P. N

Exchange Ite ms

%

1 1 1

0.07 0.07 0.07

23 0 0 0 0 0

1.6 0 0 0 0 0

7 33

0.48 2.29

0 1 1 0 1 0

0 0.07 0.07 0 0.07 0

2 0 0 0 4 0

0.14 0 0 0 0.27 0

1 1 0 0 0 11

0.07 0.07 0 0 0 0.76

4700

100

Re gional e xchange ite ms (15-100 km) shell bead worked shell Ollivela bead stone bead turquoise bead necklace cane pendant bone tube worked bone carved wood wooden box (fragment) wooden tray wrapped maize wrapped feather whistle (ceramic) basket gourd pot clay figurine pumice top coral starfish bag with black mineral Subtotal Long-distance ite ms (> 100 km) suri feather flamengo feather red feather yellow feather green feather red pigment yellow pigment mucuna elliptica volcanic glass sulfur mica crystal rock copper ore millu unidentified metal item unidentified mineral ore unknown white mineral chun'u khoa Spondylus bead metal objects Subtotal

L.I.P. N

%

1 5 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 2 1 0 0 0 2 0 0 1 1 15

0.07 0.35 0 0 0.07 0 0 0 0 0 0 0.07 0.14 0.07 0 0 0 0.07 0 0 0.14 0.14 1.12

0 1 0 0 1 2 0 0 6 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 2 0 0 12

0 0.07 0 0 0.07 0.14 0 0 0.41 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0.14 0 0 0.83

Endnotes 1. Micro flake of volcanic glass mounted in small twig, unknown use. 2. Possibly used to polish pottery vessels.

4. This category included the following copper items: dicks (2), tumi (2), tweezers (1), tupo (2), bell (1) small piece (1), ore (3) as well as a silver ring and two pieces of unidentified metal.

3. Clay figurines with no clear depiction of lama or other animals and humans.

5. Possibly used as a paddle to shape pottery vessels (Mariela Santos, personal communication).

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