Landscape Archaeology in the Near East: Approaches, Methods and Case Studies 9781803273563, 9781803273570, 1803273569

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Landscape Archaeology in the Near East Approaches, Methods and Case Studies

Edited by

Bülent Arıkan and Linda Olsvig-Whittaker

Landscape Archaeology in the Near East Approaches, Methods and Case Studies

Edited by Bülent Arıkan and Linda Olsvig-Whittaker

Archaeopress Archaeology

Archaeopress Publishing Ltd Summertown Pavilion 18-24 Middle Way Summertown Oxford OX2 7LG www.archaeopress.com

ISBN 978-1-80327-356-3 ISBN 978-1-80327-357-0 (e-Pdf) © Archaeopress and the individual authors 2023

Cover: Sloped agrarian lands on the southwestern slopes of Larisa East (Külekçi, Kolay and Mater). Larisa Survey Archive – Sinan Kolay.

All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying or otherwise, without the prior written permission of the copyright owners. This book is available direct from Archaeopress or from our website www.archaeopress.com

Contents Introduction: Landscape Archaeology in the Near East����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 1 Bülent Arıkan Chapter 1 Ancient Roads in the Southern Golan Heights: Recent Surveys and Landscape Approach���������������������������������� 3 Adam Pažout Chapter 2 Satellite Image and GIS Analysis in Managing and Modelling Risks to Naqsh-e Rostam, Iran �������������������������� 12 Mohammadamin Emami and Azadeh Ghobadi Chapter 3 The Role of the River Pyramos in East Plain Cilicia in Shaping the Settlement Pattern������������������������������������ 21 Füsun Tülek and Tuba Ökse Chapter 4 Cooperation and Political Relations in the Deep Past: A Reframing�������������������������������������������������������������������� 47 Gary M. Feinman and Linda M. Nicholas Chapter 5 Urban and Agrarian Landscapes of Larisa (Buruncuk) ���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 57 Ilgın Külekçi, Sinan Kolay, and Gizem Mater Chapter 6 Landscape Archaeology of Wādī al- ̒Arab�������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 73 Linda Olsvig-Whittaker, Patrick Leiverkus, and Katja Soennecken Chapter 7 The Archaeological Landscape of the Erzurum and Pasinler Plains. Evaluation of the 2001-2002 Surveys������ 84 Mehmet Işikli and Buket Beşi ̇kçi ̇ Chapter 8 Cultural Heritage in Landscape: Planning for Development in Turkey��������������������������������������������������������������� 96 Sam Turner, Engin Nurlu, Ebru Ersoy Tonyaloğlu, Nurdan Erdoğan, Mark Jackson, Günder Varinlioğlu, Tevfik Emre Şerifoğlu, Francesco Carrer, Betül Çavdar, Kübra Kurtşan, and Safiye Pınar Tunalı Chapter 9 Patterns of Social Complexity in Evaluation of Gender���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������110 Selin Gür Chapter 10 The Paleoclimate of the Amuq Plain and the Archaeological Settlement Index: The Assessment of the Long-term Settlement Dynamics Throughout the Holocene������������������������������������������������������������������������������114 Bülent Arıkan

i

I dedicate this volume to my spouse Gonca Dardeniz Arıkan, whose love and support has been the ultimate source of joy in my life. Bülent Arıkan

We also wish to acknowledge the support which SNELA has received from Istanbul Technical University, the German Archaeological Institute, the DEIAHL and the Thyssen Foundation for our conferences in Turkey and in Israel. We thank these organizations for their help. The Editors

Introduction: Landscape Archaeology in the Near East Bülent Arıkan Landscape Archaeology has become one of the most prolific subdisciplines of archaeology. The field started as a trend in assessing the spatial associations at local, regional, and supra-regional scales in 1970s (Vita-Finzi, 1970; Hodder, 1976; Clarke, 1977). The first examples of landscape research in archaeology focused on the concept of site catchment; how a particular site interacted with its immediate environment. While underlying assumptions and the overall approach was similar to human geography, this was also the first time that nature-culture interactions were analyzed at a deeper level. In time, direct borrowing of concepts from neighboring fields brought criticisms among archaeologists however intensifying research in this sub-field gradually led to the emergence of various theoretical approaches. Throughout 1990s and early 2000s, Landscape Archaeology has become the embodiment of the study of cultural landscapes; how natural environment was transformed in time and which changes took place on the natural environment as well as the consequences of such anthropogenically induced transformations (Hood, 1996; Spencer-Wood and Baugher, 2010). The diversification in research brought assessment of material, social, and cognitive aspects of past landscapes. Such different approaches under Landscape Archaeology also brought diverse theoretical constructs such as the concept of social space (Delle, 1998). The diversification of research and the development of various theoretical perspectives in Landscape Archaeology benefited significantly from the integration of new field and analytical methods in archaeology. From the use of past environmental proxy records such as isotopes and pollens to the introduction of geographical information systems and unmanned aerial vehicles to gather and analyze large sets of data to answer archaeology-driven research questions, Landscape Archaeology has come to represent a welldefined approach within the discipline with her unique sets of methods and theoretical perspectives. In the Near East, arguably the most prominent figure in Landscape Archaeology is Tony J. Wilkinson (1948– 2014). His research on reconstructing how various parts of the Near East evolved geomorphologically and to what extent these past landscapes contributed to the socio-cultural and economic evolution of cultures

(see Wilkinson, 2003) opened numerous venues for researchers with similar interests in the region. Today, his impact on the Landscape Archaeology of the Near East is very much alive and shaping our research agendas. Partially through his attempts to reconstruct past ecosystems around archaeological sites and to reconstruct nature-culture interactions, we have developed socio-ecological systems research that specifically focuses on the long-term intended and unintended consequences of anthropogenic land use and land cover changes in the Near East. This volume is largely shaped by the discussions during the Second International Symposium of the Society for Near Eastern Landscape Archaeology (SNELA), which was held at Istanbul (Turkey) between March 13th and 16th 2019. The meeting had themes of: i. long-distance trade patterns and resource use, ii. the Holocene environmental change and human adaptations, iii. patterns of social complexity and human impacts on ancient environments. The meeting that lasted for two and a half days brought together researchers from Germany, Iran, Israel, Switzerland, and Turkey. Each theme was discussed in designated sessions where a total of 20 papers were delivered. This volume contains 10 chapters each of which represents unique approaches in Landscape Archaeology as of the beginning of 2020. Pazout (Ch.1) discusses the significance of roads in understanding past communication among archaeological sites in southern Golan Heights. Emami (Ch.2) used the most advanced tools to identify the risks related to the preservation af Naqsh-e Rostam in Iran. Tülek (Ch.3) offers and extensive assessment of how natural landscape and past settlement systems in east Cilicia Plain evolved. Feinman and Nicholas (Ch.4) discuss the results of collective action and cooperation in terms of the evolution of social complexity in Prehispanic Mesoamerica, which provides an important comparison for the Near East. Külekçi and others (Ch.5) provide a detailed assessment of the sandscape around ancient Larissa and how it is possible to identify different

landscape archaeology in the near east (Archaeopress 2023): 1–2

Bülent Arıkan segments of the landscape. Olsvig-Whittaker et al. (Ch.6) discuss the ecological particulars of Wadi al-Arab and within the scope of a regional project authors provide the long-term evolution of settlement patterns. Işıklı and Beşikçi (Ch.7) provide an assessment of the humanenvironment interaction in northeast highlands of Anatolia, which is a relatively less known region that has significant ties with the Caucasus. Turner and others (Ch.8) emphasize the role of landscape research in preserving and maintaining cultural heritage, which may be at risk due to modern land development projects. Gür (Ch.9) offers a detailed assessment of social complexity and the role of gender in the Cilician Plain, especially from the perspective of households. Finally, Arıkan (Ch.10) provides the long-term changes in the settlement patterns of the Amuq Plain.

References Clarke, D.1977. Spatial Archaeology. Boston: Academic Press. Delle, J.A.1998. An Archaeology of Social Space: Analyzing Coffee Plantations in Jamaica’s Blue Mountains. New York: Plenum Press. Hood, E.J. 1996. Social relations and the cultural landscape, in Y. Rebecca and K. Bescherer Metheny (eds) Landscape Archaeology: Reading and Interpreting the American Historical Landscape: 121–135. Knoxville, The University of Tennessee Press. Orton, C. and I. Hodder. 1976. Spatial Analysis in Archaeology. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Spencer-Wood, S.M. and S. Baugher. 2010. Introduction to the historical archaeology of powered cultural landscapes. International Journal of Historical Archaeology 14: 463–474. Vita-Finzi, C., E.S. Higgs, D. Sturdy, J. Harriss, A.J. Legge and H. Tippett, 1970. Prehistoric economy in the Mount Carmel area of Palestine: Site catchment analysis. Proceedings of the Prehistoric Society 36: 1–37. Wilkinson, T.J. 2003. Archaeological Landscapes of the Near East. Tucson: University of Arizona Press.

This volume is intended to provide a general guide to researchers with wide range of interests. For specialists, this volume will be a valuable reference to follow the most recent developments in the field. For non-specialists, contributions here will provide them with detailed glimpse into persistent themes in the Landscape Archaeology of the Near East. Bülent Arıkan Istanbul, June 2022

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Ancient Roads in the Southern Golan Heights: Recent Surveys and Landscape Approach Adam Pažout Introduction Due to its particular historical development, the past landscapes are probably better preserved on the Golan Heights (Figure 1) than anywhere else in the Near East, with vast remains of field systems, settlements, and ancient roads untouched by modern agriculture and urbanization. The first description of the contemporary (19th century) and ancient road system was provided by Gottlieb Schumacher (1888; 1920), who first identified remains of the Roman Imperial Highways and mapped their courses. Since then, most of the research was done on the Roman-period road system and Roman milestones. Thomsen (1917) provided a first summary on the Roman milestones and roads in the Levant. The Roman roads in the Golan were studied most importantly by Urman (1985), and in the context of the regional road system by Roll (1983; 2009). Further data on the Roman milestones and watchtowers in the southern Golan were provided during the Golan Survey (Hartal and Ben Efraim 2012a; 2012b: site no. 104 and 114). One of the Roman watchtowers was excavated by Z. U. Maʿoz (1982). Reconstruction of the Romanperiod road system, including secondary routes and paths, was proposed by Pažout (2017) based on GIS analyses, historical cartography, and the development of settlement structure. Several Arabic milestones from the reign of ʿAbd al-Malik were found along a segment of a road between Afik (Fiq) and the Sea of Galilee, passing through Khan el-ʿAqabeh pass which was levelled according to the milestone inscriptions (Elad 1999; Sharon 2004: 219–224). Medieval khans were studied by Cytryn-Silverman (2010). However, the medieval road construction in the Levant is inadequately studied and its methods are less known compared to the preceding Roman-Byzantine period. This paper will focus on remains of two segments of old roads identified in the southern Golan Heights, recently (re-)discovered (marked A and B on Figure 1). The primary question was the dating of these roads, and how they relate to the known Roman-period road system in the region. The goal was to understand the development of the road system in the southern Golan in the historical periods. It is suggested that the Roman road was disused in the Umayyad period, after construction of a new road linking Damascus

with Jerusalem in the Umayyad period and it is further claimed that remains of this Umayyad road were surveyed in the research area (road B). Other roadbuilding development in the region is dated to the late 19th/20th century (road A). Further inquiry will be made into the issue of continuity of road systems from past to the present. The method of inquiry includes: a.

b.

c.

Field survey of the visible remains of the Roman and other old roads in the study region (Figure 1), focusing on the physical description of the roads, construction methods and materials. The course of the road segments is traced in the field and on the modern orthophotos of the region1 and compared to the historical evidence for the road system in the area, based on the study of 19th and 20th century maps and Schumacher’s testimony. The road segments were studied in their landscape context, focusing on their relation to the visible landscape features (mainly systems of field walls) and to the ancient and modern settlements.

All road segments were surveyed on foot and documented using digital SLR camera. Measurements were taken with a tape and all the survey data were stored in a mobile GIS application. The historical maps consulted include G. Schumacher’s Map of the Jaulan (Schumacher 1888; 1:152:000) and Karte des Ostjordanlandes (Schumacher 1920; 1:63,360, sheet A3), a 1961 Syrian reproduction of the 1943 French map from the Southern Levant series (sheet 36 Boutmiye, 1:50,000) and unprovenanced and an undated (probably from the 1960s) Israeli map (Khisfin sheet; 1:20,000).2 This research was conducted in the context of author’s PhD research which focused on the rural fortifications, road system and the inner development of the territory of the city of Hippos-Sussita from the Hellenistic to the Byzantine period. The research was carried out in close cooperation with the Hippos Regional Project headed by M. Eisenberg and M. Osband. 1  The orthophotos with 0.25 m resolution taken in 2018 are available on the web portal of the Survey of Israel agency (www.govmap.gov.il). 2  The maps were supplied by the W.F. Albright Institute of Archaeological Research in Jerusalem, The National Library of Israel, Sonia and Yunes Nazarian Library of the University of Haifa and Tel Hai Academic College.

landscape archaeology in the near east (Archaeopress 2023): 3–11

Adam Pažout

Figure 1. Map of the study region, showing principal sites mentioned in the text. The Roman road network in white. A and B mark the surveyed road segments.

A and B (Figure 1). Since both roads A and B will be compared to the Roman road, to examine their possible connection, the Roman road will be described first. The details of the physical description of the roads are summarized in Table 1.

Description of the roads In total, three old roads were surveyed in the southern Golan Heights: the remains of the Roman Imperial Highway and shorter segments of two roads, marked 4

Ancient Roads in the Southern Golan Heights: Recent Surveys and Landscape Approach

Width

Course

Spina

Construction

E segment: 4.4–4.6/4.6–4.8 m W and N segment: 4.8–5/5–5.2 m

Straight, angular turns

Always; single line of unworked basalt fieldstones, roughly rectangular ca. 0.3–0.4×0.2–0.4 m

Curb stones on both sides, straight face on the outside, ca. 0.3–0.4×0.4–0.6 m Pavement of small fieldstones (patchy preservation) 0.1–0.3 m on average

Road A

2.7/2.9/3.6/4.2– Straight, 4.4/5.2 m; probable narrowing from south continuation to to north the south curved

Perhaps one segment ca. 0.5–0.6 m wide elevated above pavement, built like a pavement of small basalt fieldstones

Curb stones on both sides, ca. 0.3–0.5×0.2–0.3 m Pavement: thick and dense cover of small fieldstones 0.1–0.3 m on average

Road B

S segment: 4.8–5/5.8–6.1 m N segment: 6.1–6.3 m up to 7 (14?) m

One segment surviving? Single line of unworked basalt fieldstones, ca. 0.3×0.4–0.5 m

Curb-wall on both sides? 1.1–1.2 m wide, bifacial, from basalt fieldstones (ca. 0.5 m on average) S segment: perhaps some segments of curbstones (0.4–0.6×0.3–0.4 m), often protruding above pavement level Pavement of small fieldstones (patchy preservation) 0.1–0.3 m on average

Roman Road

Winding

Table 1. Description of the surveyed roads.

The Roman Imperial Highway crossing the southern Golan runs roughly east west and is composed of two branches. The exact western terminus is not known. The road apparently branches on the north-eastern shore of the Sea of Galilee from the road going along the eastern shore of the lake below the Lawiye ridge, probably north of Moshav Ramot. Two milestones on a terrace on the north-western slope of the Lawiye ascent indicate the course of the road but no remains of the pavement were found between the lake and the upper part of the Lawiye spur (Staab, Pažout and Eisenberg 2020). Faint remains of the pavement can be visible on the Lawiye between two modern orchards for about 1400 m. The road reappears on the Golan plateau east of the orchard. From there it can be followed in a straight line for ca. 1450 m, where it takes an angular turn due south, continues for another ca. 400 m, takes another angular turn due north, and goes again in a straight line for ca. 2000 m, where the road branches. The northern branch continues in east-north-easterly direction for ca. 4.8 km to the former Bedouin village of Jurniyye. East of the village the road corrects its course several times, but it is generally still due east-northeast. According to the topographical maps and satellite images it is possible to trace the northern branch for ca. 13 km in the direction of Nawa in southern Syria.

roughly square fieldstones (up to 0.4×0.6 m) whereas pavement is made of smaller fieldstones (0.1–0.3 m). The construction method is typical of other Roman Imperial Highways in the Eastern provinces (Bauzou 1985: 145–149; Bauzou 1998: 109–129). The two branches differ slightly in their width. The northern branch and the road segment west of the branching is in general wider between 4.8–5.2 m, whereas the southern branch is slightly narrower between 4.4–4.8 m. The road A was re-discovered immediately south of the branching of the Roman road in winter of 2017, after its remains resurfaced when the water level of the Revayah reservoir significantly dropped (Figure 2 A). The road segment is composed of a ca. 270 m long paved section in a north-east to south-east direction (Figure 2 B). The probable continuation of the road was noted in the field and on the recent orthophotos of the area for ca. 1.7 km to the south. Its northern continuation across the upper Samakh Stream is unclear. However, its continuation is marked only by a clearance of stones which are lined on both sides of its course and does not seem to be paved. The remaining paved segment is straight, but the putative southern continuation is curving. The paved segment is built of basalt fieldstones with a curb of larger stones on both sides and dense layer of small fieldstones as a pavement (Figure 2 A). No spina was observed; only a central part of the road seems to be slightly elevated above the sides. The road greatly varies in width along its short course. The central damaged section is only ca. 2.7 m wide. It is the widest in the south (up to 5.2 m) and narrows to the north (northern end varies between ca. 2.9–3.6 m).

The southern branch continues in a straight line due south-east for ca. 5.2 km, where it slightly turns north and continues towards for ca. 5.4 km to the Roman bridge above the Ruqqad River (Jisr e-Ruqqad, Schumacher 1888: 165–167). Along its whole length, as surveyed in the southern Golan, both branches are built with a curb on both sides of the pavement, a central line of stones (spina) dividing pavement into two halves and a pavement of small stones (Figure 2 C). Curb and spina are built of larger basalt fieldstones, preference was given to

The road B is composed of two paved segments (Figure 1). The first one is ca. 150 m long found south of the ancient village of Khisfin (modern Moshav Ramat 5

Adam Pažout

Figure 2. A. Road A seen from the air; its construction is clearly visible (photo by M. Eisenberg). B: Visible remains of the road A, clearly showing its relation to the system of field walls.

Magshimim). The second segment, ca. 1300 m long crosses the southern branch of the Roman road close to the old Bedouin settlement at ʿUyun Hadid and continues south towards Khisfin. There is a possible continuation to the north and to the south, bypassing Khisfin and connecting to the southern segment, which can be traced on modern orthophotos and old topographical maps (see further) for a combined length of at least 5.7 km. The course of the road is clearly winding, not keeping a straight course.

walls are still visible, made of larger basalt fieldstones, but generally the curbs of the road are obscured either by field walls or by heaps of stones, which probably indicate clearance of its surface. The southern segment is between 4.8–5 up to 6 m wide, but since sections of its sides are obscured as mentioned before, its width could be safely measured only at few places. No spina was observed. The northern segment appears to be between 6.1–6.3 m wide on average with a widest section in its southern part at around 7 m (Figure 3 A). The preservation of the pavement made of small fieldstones is patchier. Along its course it is mostly defined as a cleared space

The southern segment is slightly elevated above its surroundings with remains of pavement made of smallsize basalt fieldstones. Perhaps some sections of curb6

Ancient Roads in the Southern Golan Heights: Recent Surveys and Landscape Approach

Figure 3. A. Plan of a section of the northern segment of the road B. B: The tentative western curb wall of the road B (northern segment).

6–7 m wide between flanking field walls. The field walls occasionally recede revealing possible remains of curbs. In the southern part of this segment two parallel walls built bifacially from medium-sized basalt fieldstones (ca. 0.3–0.6 m) and ca. 1–1.2 m wide are thought to be remains of a curb, as they leave ca. 7 m wide space between them (Figure 3 B). In this part almost no pavement is visible. A low depression extends along the western curb, perhaps indicating a ditch dividing the road from the system of the field walls.

during the medieval period as the permanent settlement in the Golan declines from the Late Byzantine to the Abbasid period (Ben David 2005: 194–195; Hartal and Ben Efraim 2012a) and the main trans-regional routes moves (see further below). Bedouin graves of the 19th and 20th century were observed to be constructed over parts of the Roman road in several places (personal observation). Also, we may note that Schumacher does not include the Roman road among the roads currently in use at his time (Schumacher 1888: 63–65). On the 1888 map of the Golan (Figure 4 A), the Roman road is not included and on the later 1920 map the road is referred to only as “alte Strasse” (“an old road”).

The roads in their landscape setting As said above, the Roman road runs in long straight segments with angular turns (i.e., not curved). Along most of its segments the field walls respect the alignment of the road. However, in many instances, especially along the northern branch in the vicinity of Jurniyye, the field walls encroach on the curbs and are visibly overlaying the sides of the road. The road mostly avoids ancient settlements. Only Jurniyye on the northern branch stands immediately next to the road as well as two smaller sites on the southern branch. Nevertheless, we must realize that the Roman Imperial Highways were built mainly due to military-strategic considerations and the connectivity of the rural sites was not the main priority for the Roman planners. The Roman Road apparently went out of use sometime

The most striking feature of the road A is its relation to the system of field walls. As is apparent from Figure 2, the road freely cuts through the field walls, disrespecting any boundaries. Since its visible course is short it is hard to ascertain its relation to the settlements. Due to its course, it probably constitutes a connection between Khisfin in the south and Mazraʿat Quneitra in the north through Bjuriyye. Most importantly, the road does not appear on the Schumacher’s maps (Figure 4 A; B), where there is no road or path connecting Khisfin and Mazraʿat Quneitra. The road B on the other hand appears along most of its course to respect various field boundaries (Figure 5). 7

Adam Pažout

Figure 4. A. Detail of Schumacher’s 1888 Map of Jaulan. B: Detail of Schumacher’s 1920 Karte des Ostjordanlandes sheet A3. C: Detail of 1961 reproduction of 1943 Southern Levant map, sheet Boutmiyeh. D: Detail of later Israeli map showing the courses of roads A and B.

Although in some places it is possible that it cuts through some fields, but in such case, it seems that the field walls were rebuilt to enclose new field parcels – unlike in the case of road A. This may be visible in the case of fields in the lower part of Figure 5 (by the lower arrow), where a rectangular field is cut by the road and new field wall is constructed to enclose the remaining western half of the field. Nevertheless, the winding course of the road rather suggests that along most of its course it did not encroach on the fields. The visible segment crosses southern branch of the Roman road seemingly damaging or overlaying the pavement of the Roman road. Major issue with respect to the road B is

that in many places it is covered by later construction, typically oval animal pens or small dividing walls, probably built by Bedouins in later time (e.g., Figure 3 A and Figure 5 next to the central arrow). Evidence from historical and modern topographical maps Before continuing we need to review the evidence of the historical topographical maps of the area. As mentioned above, road A does not appear on the Schumacher’s maps. The Bedouin village of Bjuriyye was not settled at his time and Mazraʿat Quneitra contained only few 8

Ancient Roads in the Southern Golan Heights: Recent Surveys and Landscape Approach

winter Bedouin huts and Roman ruins (Schumacher 1888: 207). Bjuriyye and a “track” (“chemin de terre” using the terminology of the original map) appears on the French map from the Second World War (Figure 4 C). “Track” however does not indicate a road suitable for motor vehicles but at the same time it is not only a mere “path for pedestrians” (“sentier pour piétons”). On the later Israeli map the road is already indicated as suitable for motor vehicles (Figure 4 D). In this light, the road A appears to be a modern road of the “soling” type built between the Second World War and 1967, due to the needs of newly settled Bedouin population. Such stone paved roads were commonly built in the Levant up to the Second World War. The way how it cuts the system of field walls, indicate that this system is older and was no longer used in the 19th/20th century. Perhaps only the surviving short segment of the road was paved, as it crosses the upper Samakh Stream and the stone pavement facilitated movement over muddy area in the winter months when the stream was filled with water.

connect his capital Damascus with Jerusalem, where he initiated his novel religious program.3 Two milestones from Afik were dated to year 85 AH (704 AD). It would be tempting to connect the surviving remains of the road with ʿAbd al-Malik’s building activity, however we are presented with several problems: 1.

2.

3.

The course of the road B can be most probably identified on the Schumacher’s maps with a major road coming from the north-east through Khan Jukhadar to Khisfin, Afik and Khan el-ʿAqabeh (Figures 1 and 4 A and B). In Schumacher’s time this was main caravan route connecting Damascus with Tiberias and Haifa, socalled “Sultaneh el-ʿAqabeh” i.e., “state” (sultaneh) road named after Khan el-ʿAqabeh at the pass where the road leaves the Golan Heights. The road bypasses Khisfin from the west and is winding along its course as is apparent on Figure 4 A and B. In the words of G. Schumacher: “…it is the best road of the Jaulan, and in its later half, especially through ez-Zawiyeh [i.e., the southern Golan, west of the Ruqqad River], is broad, smooth and tolerably stoneless. Many traces of the old pavement may be found there at this day” (Schumacher 1888: 64). Although Schumacher does not give more detailed description of the road, the remains surveyed during present research most likely represent the old road that Schumacher used: it is broad (up to 7 m), with long stretches cleared of stones and patchy remains of original stone pavement. The winding course of the road is still visible on the later French and Israeli maps (Figure 4 C and D), but radical change is apparent. A new road for motor vehicles was paved to the east of Khisfin (i.e., avoiding old route of the Sultaneh altogether, modern highway no. 98) around the Second World War and the old road was relegated to a “track” south of Khisfin and a “path for pedestrians” between Khisfin and Jurniyye. The quick deterioration of the old road is probably reflected in numerous pens built over its course by local Bedouins when the Sultaneh was no longer in use.

4.

The milestones do not mention actual roadbuilding, the series of 73 AH commemorates only levelling of the pass, and the series of 85 AH only records distances from Damascus. While the course of the Sultaneh was never built as a Roman Imperial Highway (no milestones of actual road remains dated to the Roman period are known), it follows a natural corridor through the southern Golan (Pažout 2017) and therefore it apparently follows an older communication. This would be also suggested by its relation to the system of field walls. This communication was apparently used over long periods of time and especially from the Medieval period to the early 20th century it was principal connection between Damascus, Galilee, and Jerusalem. Ayyubids and Mamelukes build khans along the road (Sharon 2004: 215– 216; 233–241; Cytryn-Silverman 2010: 121–124), and both might have been engaged in the road maintenance. Very little is known about Medieval road building in the Levant. Darb al-Hajj from Damascus to Mecca was apparently unpaved along most of its course in Syria and Transjordan, with only river crossings adjusted (Petersen 2012: 32–34). Some presumably Mameluke period roads were surveyed in the northern and eastern Jordan (el-Majali and Masʿad 1987). These are in many cases unpaved tracks; some are built with curb stones and in general their width is cleared from stones, but it is impossible to say whether these roads were originally paved or not.

It can be safely assumed that Medieval Sultaneh follows an ancient route that was winding between the field systems in the southern Golan Heights and in the time of caliph ʿAbd al-Malik it was equipped with milestones. I propose that the caliph ordered the road to be paved, too. I would suggest that this built road was ca. 6–7 m wide with bifacial curb walls on both sides and a pavement of small fieldstones, in many ways like the Roman roads. This new road apparently damaged the southern branch of the Roman road. This most likely shows re-alignment of a new Umayyad communication network in Transjordan and southern Syria as the Roman road through the Golan is apparently disused from this period on. Its construction probably further necessitated alteration to some field walls along its

Discussion The Khan el-ʿAqabeh pass was levelled in 73 AH (692/3 AD) on the orders of ʿAbd al-Malik who intended to

3 

9

See Elad 2008 with overview of the discussion relating to the topic.

Adam Pažout

Figure 5. Part of a northern segment of the road B, showing its relation to the field system. The course is indicated by the white arrows.

course. The road maintenance was inadequate and decaying state of the pavement was probably fixed by clearance of the stone layer over time (hence the “tolerably stoneless” in Schumacher’s time). Further encroachment on the integrity of the road was done during the 20th century after a new paved road was built to its east and it ceased to function altogether. Further fieldwork targeting to survey plausible continuation of the road northwards towards Khan Jukhadar (CytrynSilverman 2010: 121–123) and beyond is desirable in order to test the hypothesis.

Conclusions The remains of two old roads in the southern Golan Heights were surveyed and tracked using historical topographical maps and modern orthophotos. The scrutiny of their physical remains and building methods showed that these roads were not likely built in the Roman period. The study of their landscape setting, especially about the system of field walls and settlements, further supported by historical evidence from the 19th and first half of the 20th century led to

10

Ancient Roads in the Southern Golan Heights: Recent Surveys and Landscape Approach

the conclusions regarding their origin and purpose. The road A is apparently a modern road connecting Bedouin villages newly settled during the 20th century. Only a section of the road was apparently paved to facilitate movement across flooded area of upper Samakh Stream in the winter months. The road B represents remains of the ancient corridor through the southern Golan starting at Khan el-ʿAqabeh pass and continuing northeast to Syria. The road was apparently incorporated and paved only in the time of ʿAbd al-Malik between 73–85 AH (692/3–704 AD). Due to inadequate maintenance, it decayed but was in use until new, modern road was built in the 20th century to the east of it.

Elad, A. 1999. The Southern Golan in the Early Muslim Period: The Significance of Two Newly Discovered Milestones of ʻAbd al-Malik. Der Islam 76: 33–88. Elad, A. 2008. ʿAbd al-Malik and the Dome of the Rock: a further examination of the Muslim sources. Jerusalem Studies in Arabic and Islam 35: 167–226. Hartal, M. and Y. Ben Efraim 2012a: Introduction to the Golan Survey, Israel Antiquities Authority, Jerusalem, viewed 1 May 2020, . Hartal, M. and Y. Ben Efraim 2012b: Map of Rujm elHiri (36/2), Israel Antiquities Authority, Jerusalem, viewed 1 May 2020, . el-Majali, R. and A. Masʿad 1987. Trade and Trade Routes in the Jordan in the Mamluke Era (AD 1250– 1516). Studies in the History and Archaeology of Jordan 3: 311–316. Maʿoz, Z.U. 1982. Golan Watchtower. Excavations and Surveys in Israel 1: 32–33. Pažout, A. 2017. The Roman Road System in the Golan: Highways, Paths and Tracks in Quotidian Life. Journal of Landscape Ecology 10(3): 11–24. Petersen, A. 2012. The Medieval and Ottoman Hajj Route in Jordan: An Archaeological and Historical Study. Oxford and Oakville: Oxbow Books. Roll, I. 1983. The Roman Road System in Judaea. Jerusalem Cathedra 3: 136–161. Roll, I. 2009. Between Damascus and Megiddo: Roads and Transportation in Antiquity across the Northeastern Approaches to the Holy Land, in L. Di Segni, Y. Hirschfeld, J. Patrich and R. Talgam (eds) Man Near Roman Arch: Studies presented to Prof. Yoram Tsafrir: 1*–20*. Jerusalem: Israel Exploration Society. Schumacher, G. 1888. The Jaulan. London: Richard Bentley and Son. Schumacher, G. 1920. Karte des Ostjordanlandes. Leipzig: Deutsches Verein für Erforschung Palästinas. Sharon, M. 2004. Corpus Inscriptionum Arabicarum Palaestinae (CIAP), Volume 3 D-F. Leiden and Boston: Brill. Staab, G., A. Pažout and M. Eisenberg 2020. Two Roman Milestones from the Southern Golan Heights. Zeitschrift für Papyrologie und Epigraphik 214: 215–220. Thomsen, P. 1917. Die römischen Meilensteine der Provinz Syria, Arabia und Palaestina. Zeitschirft des Deutschen-Palaestina Vereins 40(1): 1–107. Urman, D. 1985. The Golan: Profile of a Region during the Roman and Byzantine Periods (BAR International Series 269). Oxford: British Archaeological Reports.

The combination of several methods: survey, physical description, and comparison of the extant remains, study of the landscape setting of the roads and historical evidence for travel and road development might provide useful data for relative dating and identification of the ancient, old and new roads and the development of the road system in the long durée. The tentative identification of remains of an Umayyad period-built road is to my knowledge unprecedented and it stresses the need to promote study of the actual Medieval roads in the Near East and focus on the methodological and theoretical approaches to the subject, since this field is still mostly confined to the study of khans, milestones and the mail system. Notes Adam Pažout Zinman Institute of Archaeology, University of Haifa References Bauzou, T. 1985. Les voies de communication dans le Hauran à l’époque romaine, in J.-M. Dentzer (ed.) Hauran I: Recherches archéologiques sur la Syrie du sud à l’époque hellénistique et romaine: 137–166. Paris: Librairie Orientaliste Paul Geuthner. Bauzou, T. 1998. La Via Nova en Arabie. Le secteur nord, de Bostra à Philadelphie, in T. Bauzou, A. Desreumaux, P.-L. Gatier, J.-B. Humbert, F. Zayadine (eds) Fouilles de Khirbet es-Samra en Jordanie I: La voie romaine, le cimetière, les documents épigraphique: 105– 258. Turnhout: Brepols. Ben David, C. 2005. The Jewish Settlement on the Golan in the Roman and Byzantine Period. Qatzrin: Archaeostyle. Cytryn-Silverman, K. 2010. The Road Inns (Khāns) in Bilād al-Shām (BAR International Series 2130). Oxford: Archaeopress.

11

2

Satellite Image and GIS Analysis in Managing and Modelling Risks to Naqsh-e Rostam, Iran Mohammadamin Emami and Azadeh Ghobadi Introduction A large number of significant cultural heritage sites around the world are susceptible to damage from a variety of damages including natural disasters, tourism, pollution, inappropriate site management, looting and conflict. The risks to these heritage sites are dependent on the nature, specific characteristics, inherent vulnerability, and geographical environment of the site (Paolini et al. 2012; Wang 2015). Natural risks can be divided into two categories: catastrophic and sudden occurrences, such as a flood or an earthquake, which have an immediate impact on heritage sites, or continuous threats with cumulative and slow effects, such as erosion and material decay. Anthropogenic risks result from a number of different human activities, including general development and tourism, alongside inappropriate management, lack of maintenance and neglect. The vulnerability of each site is dependent on the environmental, economic, social, and political context of where it is based (Jokilehto 2000; Raineri et al. 2013). Cultural heritage researchers search for innovative and cost-effective tools to monitor cultural sites to protect them from further damage. Gathering data and information for vast areas can be very important for clustering the data, requiring significant investment in both geological as well as archaeological information. As such, remote sensing technologies have great potential in supporting the conservation of cultural sites (Spreafico et al. 2015; Agapiou et al. 2015; Cigna 2014). The integration of satellite data has become common in a number of different fields to investigate and forecast environmental change. The development of GIS-based models and decision support systems has further improved and influenced decision-making strategies (Ayad 2005; Hadjimitsis et al. 2011). By combining satellite data techniques with GIS, cultural heritage sites can be efficiently monitored in a continuous, noninvasive, rapid and cost-effective way (Alexakis et al. 2011). However, satellite imagery can provide a quick and relatively low-cost approach for monitoring natural and anthropogenic hazards over large and inaccessible areas (Youssef 2015; Kaiser et al. 2014; Pradhab 2010).

The aim of this paper is to present a methodological framework based solely on data layers and GIS analysis to extract valuable information regarding natural and anthropogenic hazards as well as to assess the overall risk for monuments located in the Naqsh-e Rostam area. Naqsh-e Rostam is one of the most spectacular and awe-inspiring ancient sites of the Achaemenid Empire, consisting of the colossal tombs of Persian kings dating back to the first millennium BC.  It stands as a lasting memory of a once powerful empire that ruled over a significant portion of the ancient world. Naqsh-e Rostam (meaning Throne of Rostam) is located approximately 5 km (3 miles) to the northwest of Persepolis, the capital of the former Achaemenid (Persian) Empire in present day Iran. Engraved on the façade of a mountain range, which was considered to be sacred during the Elamite periods, are the rockcut tombs of Achaemenid rulers and their families dating to the 4th and 5th centuries BC, as well as richly decorated reliefs carved by the Sasanians in the 3rd century AD.  In addition to being a royal necropolis, Naqsh-e Rostam became a major ceremonial center for the Sasanians until the 7th century AD (Shahbazi 1978). Naqsh-e Rostam is located at geographical coordinates of 29°59′20″N  52°52′29″E, in the rocky foothills of Hussein Kouh (Figure 1). Owing to the climate and geological conditions, it has endured many damages such as erosion and debris, which are a serious threat to this historic site (Shirvani 2005). Monuments that are located outdoors can acquire damage through a variety of causes, some which can be attributed to the local climactic conditions and some which are unknown (Kaiser et al. 2014). To accurately examine these damages, accurate documentation is necessary to record factors that are otherwise not responsive to traditional documentary techniques such as surveying or geological description. Recent advances in technology have brought us new tools and techniques which have enabled such documentation to be amassed. Computer sciences are some of the most important research tools, which can provide the best conditions for research and offer modern data processing and advanced technology In modern archaeology, the role of computer sciences cannot be underestimated,

landscape archaeology in the near east (Archaeopress 2023): 12–20

Satellite Image and GIS Analysis in Managing and Modelling Risks to Naqsh-e Rostam, Iran

Figure 1. Map and location of the case study area (Naqsh-e Rostam, Shiraz, Iran).

providing access to data processing. However, to date, there is an absence of software has been devised for archaeological studies.

Risk profiling

Methodology and resources

For each hazard defined in previous section above, satellite images and digital maps were obtained from GSI (geological survey and mineral exploration of Iran) and NCCI National Cartographic Center of Iran, which are summarized in Table 1. The data were initially geo-referenced into a common geodetic system (UTMWGS84-Zone 39N).

Risk identification

Risk analysis

The potential hazards to Naqsh-e Rostam were defined. These hazards were subdivided into two main categories: (a) natural (Geology, Slope, Landslides, Drainage Basin, Erosion, Temperature, Precipitation, Pasture, and Forest) and (b) anthropogenic (Urban Area, Rural Area, Road Network, Railway, Agriculture, Gardens, Wells, Qanats, Factories).

Once risks had been identified, the necessary data were obtained and further analyzed with spatial tools in a GIS environment. Analytic hierarchical processing (AHP) methodology was used to compare the different factors and their relative importance (Pourghasemi et al. 2012).

In recent years, damage, including the formation of several fissures on the stone works of the Naqsh-e Rostam complex has caused concern among cultural heritage experts.

13

Mohammadamin Emami and Azadeh Ghobadi Data layer

scale

Data source

Spatial Resolution

Pasture Forest Gardens Urban Area Rural Area Railway Factories Road network Temperature Precipitation Drainage Basin

1:50000 1:50000 1:50000 1:25000 1:25000 1:25000 1:25000 1:25000 1:100000 1:100000 1:25000

Landsat 7 ETM+ Landsat 7 ETM+ Landsat 7 ETM+ Topographic map of NCC Topographic map of NCC Topographic map of NCC Topographic map of NCC Topographic map of NCC Meteorological Station Meteorological Station Topographic Map of NCC

15 m/pixel 15 m/pixel 15 m/pixel 10 m/pixel 10 m/pixel 10 m/pixel 10 m/pixel 10 m/pixel 30 m/pixel 30 m/pixel 30 m/pixel

Agriculture

Well Qanats Geological map

Erosion Slope Landside (Fault)

1:50000

Landsat 7 ETM+

1:25000 Topographic Map of NCC 1:25000 Topographic Map of NCC 1:100000 GSI 1:250000 GSI 1:25000 DEM(Aster) 1:100000 GSI

15 m/pixel

30 m/pixel 30 m/pixel 30 m/pixel 50 m/pixel 30 m/pixel 30 m/pixel

* In digital mapping processes generally will be weighted to the following subdivision of satellite images (based on the information from “Earth Observing System. NASA. Retrieved 13 August 2019”. Low resolution: over 60m/pixel. Medium resolution: 10 ‒ 30m/pixel. High to very high resolution: 30cm ‒ 5m/pixel.

AHP is a structured technique for organizing and analyzing complex decisions, based on mathematics and psychology. It was developed by Thomas L. Saaty in the 1970s and has been extensively studied and refined since then (Saaty 2010). Rather than prescribing a “correct” decision, AHP helps decision makers find one that best suits their goal and their understanding of the problem. It provides a comprehensive and rational framework for structuring a decision problem, for representing and quantifying its elements, for relating those elements to overall goals, and for evaluating alternative solutions (Madurika and Hemakumara 2015).

Table 1. Satellite data and digital map used for each hazard based on GSI (geological survey and mineral exploration of Iran) and NCC National Cartographic Center of Iran, Landsat 7 ETM+, Meteorological Station and DEM.

was based on in situ observations to archaeological sites. For the purposes of this study a multidisciplinary science approach was applied. Data from different sources were processed, in order to evaluate each risk. Table 1 show the digital map and satellite data sources used in this study as well as some specifications. Results and discussion In the current study, 18 factors (Table 2) that may contribute to damage observed on the historical works at Naqsh-e Rostam were inserted in the final GIS model. The suitable data set for each hazard as shown in Table 1 was used. A short explanation of the analysis for each factor is mentioned below.

AHP converts these evaluations to numerical values that can be processed and compared over the entire range of the problem. A numerical weight or priority is derived for each element of the hierarchy, allowing diverse and often incommensurable elements to be compared to one another in a rational and consistent way and distinguishes it from other decision making techniques. In the final step of the process, numerical priorities are calculated for each of the decision alternatives. These numbers represent the relative ability of each alternative to achieve the decision goal, allowing a straightforward consideration of the various courses of action (Saaty 2010).

– Geological formations are the fundamental unit of lithostratigraphy. A formation consists of a certain amount of rock strata that has a comparable lithology, facies or other geological, mineralogical similar properties and also defined by the thickness of their rock strata (Figure 2a). High risk locations are the formations around. The calcareous character of the mountain has more potential as the flat areas. – Slope stability encompasses static and dynamic stability of slopes of earth. It classified as rockfill dams, excavated slopes, and natural slopes in soil and soft rock (Chugh 2002). The slope of the earth and its movement direction can be an enormous factor for changing the landscape

Assessment of risk The final step involved an overall evaluation of all the risks regarding the selected monuments. The evaluation 14

Satellite Image and GIS Analysis in Managing and Modelling Risks to Naqsh-e Rostam, Iran

Factors 1

2 3

4 5

6

7 8 9 10

Agriculture

Pasture Forest

16 Erosion 17 Slope 18 Landside (Fault)

More than 7000 m

2000–7000 m

Less than 2000 m

More than 5000 m 1000- 5000 m

11 Precipitation(mm)

12 Drainage Basin

High Hazard

More than 7000 m 2000- 7000 m More than 5000 m 1000- 5000 m

Rural Area

13 Well 14 Qanats 15 Geological map

Medium Hazard

More than 2000 m Less than 2000 m More than 2000 m Less than 2000 m

Gardens Urban Area

Railway Factories Road network Temperature ( °C)

Low Hazard

More than 1000 m More than 4000 m More than 500 m 10–30 (°C)

Less than 250 mm

More than 2000 m

More than 7000 m More than 7000 m Irrigated Land

Less than 1000 m Less than20% -

500–1000 m 400–500 m 100–500 m More than 30(°C)

-

Less than 2000 m Less than 1000 m

Less than 1000 m

500 m Less than 500 m Less than 100 m Less than 10(°C)

250–350 m

More than 350 mm

5000–7000 m 5000–7000 m 1000–3000 m

Less than 500m m Less than 5000 m More than 800 m

500–2000 m

Less than 500 m

800–1000 m 20–30% -

M meter, °C= degree centigrade, mm = millimeter

around a cultural heritage site. Owing to the complex nature of mass movement, the exact configuration of the movement and its volume is very difficult to predict. However, depending on the ground condition and with some analytical assumptions, suitable theoretical models could be generated for the analysis (Ghobadi et al. 2014). A 7 km zone surrounding Naqsh-e Rostam was divided into three separate classes (low, medium and high slope). This classification is given based on their stability using a Digital Elevation Model (Li et al. 2010). The stability of the landscape in this area is changed by using uncontrolled underground water from around the region for agricultural activities (Figure 2b). The high solubility characteristics of the earth around the area produced secondary holes, and chambers under the surface which tended to move the earth toward to the unstable parts. – Landslides are considered one of the most important natural risks worldwide; the causes of landslides in this region are usually related to instabilities in slopes. It is usually possible to identify one or more landslide causes and one landslide trigger. The difference between these two concepts is subtle but important (Hunger et al. 2001). For estimating the potential risk of landslides, several known historic landslide phenomena were used such as active faults by earthquake, and displacements due to the faulting activities. – The drainage basin includes all the surface water from rain runoff, snowmelt, and nearby streams

More than 3000 m More than 60% -

Table 2. The value of natural and anthropogenic hazards.

that run downslope towards the shared outlet, as well as the groundwater underneath the earth’s surface. The rock contains the historical monuments of Naqsh-e Rostam, located on the mountain basin where the rain runoff is gathered in the area and the Drainage Basin Network flows to this point (Figure 2c). – Soil erosion is a naturally occurring process that affects all landforms and landscape. In agricultural literature, soil erosion refers to the wearing away of a field’s topsoil by the natural physical forces (e.g., water and wind) associated with farming activities such as digging. Erosion, whether it is by water, wind or tillage, involves three distinct actions – soil detachment, movement and deposition (Toy et al. 2002). Surface soil erosion map is one of the basic maps in erosion and sediment studies based on apparent soil surface evidence. – Temperature data were extracted from the climatic database of the Fars Weather Organization Institute (Fars, Iran). This database contains observations from both the temperature and the synoptic/complete observatory. Investigations are based on the average of thirty yearly temperature of each station interpolated. To map the annual maximum (19oC) and minimum (14oC) temperature between 2012 and 2014 the values obtained by the Marvdasht distribution must not be interpolated directly owing to the possible dependence of temperature on altitude. – Precipitation is one of the most variable meteorological parameters in time and space. 15

Mohammadamin Emami and Azadeh Ghobadi

Figure 2. a) Map of risk potential due to the erosion. b) Map of risk factors for slopping earth. c) Risk map based on drainage factor. d) Map of risk factors due to precipitation factors. e) Risk map of anthropogenic and technical activities. f) Risk map based on the effect of road connection. g) Risk map based on the location of agricultural activities. h) Risk maps based on human activities and underground water usage.

The standard surface measurement network provides much localized information about the precipitation. Precipitation data were extracted from the historical climatic database of the Fars Weather Organization Institute. The data can be used for mapping and spatial modeling in GIS or with other computer programs. The precipitation map of the Naqsh-e Rostam area was interpolated with the annual maximum (362mm) and minimum (294mm) between 2012 and 2014. The analysis of satellite images is a fundamental method to assess land use mapping. Attempts to make a precipitation map from satellite data often have limited success despite widespread development (Ghobadi et al. 2014).

Figure 2d was extracted from Landsat satellite imagery that was categorized as precipitation areas. – Anthropogenic effects also are an important factor for change of the landscape. They are considered as Urban and Rural area, Road network, Railway, Agriculture, Gardens, Wells, Qanats and Factories. Urbanization occurs because of population growth, migration and infrastructure initiatives and has a direct impact on cultural heritage sites. Urban and rural expansion are considered to be major threats for monuments in this area (Li et al. 2010). Extensive construction and building development have taken place, and several areas of archaeological 16

Satellite Image and GIS Analysis in Managing and Modelling Risks to Naqsh-e Rostam, Iran

interest suffered from the widespread urban growth. The building boom in Marvdasht was unexpected. For monitoring the urban expansion in the Naqsh-e Rostam area, Landsat TM/ETM+ images and the Topography map set were used (Figure 2e). – The vicinity of historical sites to the local road network was another anthropogenic hazard considered. Air pollution and noise nearby highways or railway often exceeds the regular limits and therefore can slowly deteriorate cultural heritage monuments. The accessibility of an archaeological area by the existing road network can promote future urban expansion towards the heritage site with unintended negative consequences. Maps of road and rail networks were extracted from topographical maps from the NCCI (Figure 2f). – Naqsh-e Rostam area, is connected to agricultural lands and gardens, cultural heritage monuments influenced by agricultural activity, as well as irrigation and drainage, pollution as the result of pesticide spraying, also the impact of changes in agricultural land use and different methods of irrigation, are studied in the distraction. Agriculture and gardens areas surrounding Naqsh-e Rostam area were extracted from NCCI topographical maps and shows the high-risk factor around Naqsh-e Rostam based on the movement of water (deposited or evaporated) (Figure 2g). – Common causes of land subsidence from human activity are pumping water from underground reservoirs, dissolution of limestone aquifers, drainage of soils, and initial wetting of dry soils (hydrocompaction). Due to the number of wells and qanats surrounding Naqsh-e Rostam site and effect of groundwater pumping in the area, study of this factor is very important (Ghobadi, et al. 2014). Groundwater-related subsidence is a growing problem in the developing world as cities increase in population and water usage (Figure 2h).

Figure 3. Sum of all calculation risk parameters as the indicator for monitoring the risk areas around Nagsh-e Rostam. Drainage of water and the slop sliding of the earth can be of high-risk factors around the area.

been rated accordingly for its subcategories, in the GIS environment. The consistency index (CI) was calculated according to Eq 1.

Overall risk assessment: AHP approach Analytical Hierarchical Processing (AHP) method was applied to the 18 different factors detailed above to produce a final hazard assessment map. The results (see Table 2 and Figure 3) revealed a significant threat to Naqsh-e Rostam as the result of potential landslides activity and soil erosion.

= CI

λ − n 3.128 − 3 = n −1 3 −1

(1)

Where λ max is the largest eigenvector and n is the number of criteria used in the study. The final consistency ratio (CR) was estimated through Eq. (2):

After the calculation of the normalized weights, the consistency of the responses was checked by calculating the consistency ratio (CR). The overall map was constructed by summing up (through Boolean operators) the product of each category, which has

CR =

17

CI 0.064 = = 0.11 RI 0.58

(2)

Mohammadamin Emami and Azadeh Ghobadi

3

5

0.33 5 3 3

0.2 3 0.33 0.33

0.33 3 3 0.33

0.33 5 3 0.33

0.33 5 5 3

0.33 3 0.33 0.33

0.33 3 3 1

0.33 3 1 0.33

0.33 1 0.33 0.33

1 3 3 3

0.33 0.2 0.33 0.33 0.33 0.33 0.33 0.33 0.33 3

0.33 1 1 3

3 5

5 5

3 5

3 5

5 1 5 5 3 7

3 7

0.33 3

3

3

1 0.2 3 0.33 0.2 3

3 0.33 3 3 3 5

5 0.33 5 0.2 3 7

0.33 0.33 0.33 1 0.33 3 1 3 0.2 1 0.33 3

3 7

5 0.33 5 5 3 5

3 7

5 7

3 7

1

3

3

0.33 3

3 0.33 3 3 3 3

3 0.33 3 3 3 3

3 0.33 3 3 3 5

0.33 0.2 3 0.33 0.2 3

0.33 0.33 0.33 0.2 7 0.33 3 0.33 0.2 3 0.33 3 0.33 0.33 3

3 3

3 5

3 3

5 3 5 5 5 7

0.33 5 3 5

3

1

0.33 3 3 3

3

7 3 3

5 3 5 5 5 7

5 5

Factor Weight

3

SUM

5

Agriculture

3

Pasture

Slope Landslides

Forest

5

0.14 0.14 0.2 0.2 0.2 0.2

0.33 0.2 1 0.33 0.2 3

Gardens

5

Drainage Urban Wells Qanats Geology Erosion

5 0.2 3 1 0.33 5

Rural

3

0.33 0.33 0.33 0.33 0.33 0.33 3

5 0.33 5 3 1 5

Railway

3

Factories

0.33 0.14 0.33 0.2 0.2 1

Factories

5

Road 0.4 0.66 0.33 0.33 7 0.2 7 Temperature 0.14 0.2 0.2 0.33 0.33 0.33 3 Precipitation 0.14 0.33 0.2 0.33 0.2 0.2 3 0.33 0.33 0.33 0.33 0.2 0.33

Road

0.2

0.2 0.33 0.33 0.33

Temperature

0.2

0.2 3 0.33 0.33

Precipitation

0.2 5 0.33 0.33

0.14 0.2

3

Drainage

0.14 0.33 0.2 0.33

3

Urban

5

Wells

0.2

0.2 3 0.33 0.33

3

Qanats

0.2

0.2 0.33 0.33 0.2

Geology

0.33 3

Erosion

Pasture

Forest Gardens Rural Railway

Slope

Landslides Agriculture

1

61.33 0.11 0.33 8.31 0.01

0.2 0.33 0.33 0.2

5.51 49.32 27.17 17.03

0.01 0.08 0.04

0.02

0.33 27.97 0.04 0.4 33.5 0.04 0.2 21.92 0.03 0.33 19.25 0.02 0.33 47.79 0.06 0.2 10.92 0.02 0.33 53.19 0.08 0.33 38.25 0.05 0.2 33.73 0.04 0.33 69.86 0.10

0.33 51.99 0.08 3 86 0.17

Table 3. Extraction of weights for each factor according to AHP methodology.

If the ratio exceeds 0.1, the set of judgments may be too inconsistent to be reliable. However, in practice, CRs of little more than 0.1 are accepted and the extracted weight values are considered as reliable (Alexakis et al. 2013). The digital GIS layer was reclassified, in GIS environment according to natural breaks method, into five major classes: very high hazard, high hazard, moderate hazard, low hazard and extremely low hazard.

on the maps, indeed, the results approved that the erosion based on drainage, wells and qanats being more destructive than earthquakes. Cultural heritage is a record of humanity’s relationship to the world, past achievements, and discoveries. Much of this heritage in developing countries is now under threat, partly because of modernization and development, and the rate of loss is increasing (Ghobadi et al. 2014). At the same time organizations and agencies that work to protect cultural heritage studies need creative approaches and cost-effective tools to conserve and restore these sites. The overall hazard map, as shown in this study, can be used by such stakeholders to understand the overall risk index and take appropriate actions. The overall hazard map of Naqsh-e Rostam site has been observed of the area through in situ inspection. The subsidence of the land located along the area is clear and visible with the naked eye.

Following the construction of the final map, the results The Naqsh-e Rostam site was shown to be a considerably very high hazard risk area. Considering the weighting of the factors, earthquakes and erosion of the soil have the highest weight, also environmental factors such as erosion and earthquakes may cause severe and irreparable damage to the Naqsh-e Rostam area. This conclusion suggests that the parameters that are related to the removal of water from underground aquifers are among the high-risk hazards in the area, so additional studies on the extraction of groundwater from the area to irrigate agriculture and gardens and increasing the number of wells are necessary to obtain more accurate results.

Conclusion Anthropogenic and environmental hazards can contribute to the damage of precious archaeological monuments and cultural heritage sites. The applied methodology utilized data from different sources in combination with state-of-the-art technologies. Integration of Satellite Data and GIS successfully produced an integrated and multi-layer monitoring

This result indicates that the parameters associated with water abstraction from groundwater aquifers are among the threatening factors in the area, and further studies on the groundwater harvesting for irrigation of crops and orchards and increasing the number of wells for more accurate results are essential. Based 18

Satellite Image and GIS Analysis in Managing and Modelling Risks to Naqsh-e Rostam, Iran

Figure 4. Subsidence of the earths at the foot of Nagsh-e Rostam as the reaction of uncontrolled underground water usage, unnecessary well which have produced such sloping.

system for a vast area rich in cultural heritage sites, simultaneously.

Azadeh Ghobadi Art University of Isfahan, Department of Cultural Properties and Archaeometry, Isfahan, Iran

The results of this study can be used as a guide map for making recommendations about the protection and restoration of the Naqsh-e Rostam monuments. These hazards are an inherent but dangerous and costly element in mountainous environments with conventional maps providing a visual representation of such hazards but little insight into the useful inventories of hazardous sites but provide little insight into the operation of the hazards. Naqsh-e Rostam Satellite Data management of cultural heritage in a landscape scale is proved to be cost effective, timesaving and much more efficient than traditional ways of observing and monitoring large areas. It should be emphasized that the spatial GIS tools and the methodological flowchart that were used in the present study are flexible to be modified for different sites since AHP is flexible to the incorporation of additional or novel parameters.

References Agapiou, A., D.D. Alexakis, V. Lisandro, A. Sarris, B. Cuca, and D.G. Hadjimitsis 2015. Impact of urban sprawl to cultural heritage monuments: The case study of Paphos area in Cyprus. Journal of Cultural Heritage 16(5): 671–680. Alexakis, D.D., A. Agapiou, M. Tzouvaras, K. Neocleous, S. Michaelides, K. Themistocleous, and D.G. Hadjimitsis 2013. Integrated use of remote sensing and GIS for monitoring landslides in transportation pavements: Risk assessment study of Paphos area in Cyprus. Natural Hazards 72(1): 119–141. Ayad, Y. 2005. Remote sensing and GIS in modelling visual landscape change: A case study of the northwestern arid coast of Egypt. Landscape and Urban Planning 73(4): 307–325. Chugh, A. 2002. A method for locating critical slip surfaces in slope stability analysis. Canadian Geotechnical Journal 39(3): 765–770. Cigna, F., R. Lasaponara, N. Masini, P. Milillo, and D. Tapete 2014. Persistent scatterer interferometry processing of COSMO-SkyMed StripMap HIMAGE time series to depict deformation of the historic center of Rome, Italy. Remote Sensing 6: 12593–12618. Ghobadi, A., M. Emami, and H. Aslani 2014. Hydrogeological Survey for Interpretation of Damaging Process in Ancient Grave of Naqshe-Rostam, Iran. Journal of Geological Resource and Engineering 3: 180–188.

In conclusion, it should be stated that data sets and the technological tools used in the study, provide a nondestructive, cost effective and systematic method for management and monitoring cultural heritage sites. Notes Mohammadamin Emami 1. Art University of Isfahan, Department of Cultural Properties and Archaeometry, Isfahan, Iran 2. IRAMAT-CRP2A, Center for Research in Physics Applied to Archaeology, University Bordeaux Montaigne, Bordeaux, France 19

Mohammadamin Emami and Azadeh Ghobadi Hungr O., S.G. Evans, M. Bovis, and J.N. Hutchinson 2001. Review of the classification of landslides of the flow type. Environmental and Engineering Geoscience 7(3): 221–238. Hadjimitsis, D., A. Agapiou, D. Alexakis and A. Sarris 2011. Exploring natural and anthropogenic risk for cultural heritage in Cyprus using remote sensing and GIS. International Journal of Digital Earth 6(2): 115–142. Jokilehto, J. 2000. ICCROM’s involvement in risk preparedness. Journal of the American Institute for Conservation 39(1): 173–179. Li, A.J., R.S. Merifield, and A.V. Lyamin 2010. Threedimensional stability charts for slopes based on limit analysis methods. Canadian Geotechnical Journal 47(12): 1316–1334. Madurika, H. and G. Hemakumara 2015. GIS Based Analysis For Suitability Location Finding In The Residential Development Areas Of Greater Matara Region. International Journal of Scientific and Technology Research. 4: 96–105. Paolini, A., A. Vafadari, G. Cesaro 2012. Risk Management at Heritage Site: A Case Study of the Petra World Heritages Site. Unesco Amman Office. Pourghasemi, H.R., B. Pradhan, and C. Gokceoglu 2012. Application of fuzzy logic and analytical hierarchy process (AHP) to landslide susceptibility mapping at Haraz watershed, Iran. Natural Hazards 63: 965–996. Pradhan, B. 2010. Remote sensing and GIS-based landslide hazard analysis and cross validation using multivariate logistic regression model on three test areas in Malaysia. Advances in Space Research 45(10): 1244–1256. Kaiser, M.F., A.M. Aziz, and B.M. Ghieth 2014. Environmental hazards and distribution of radioactive black sand along the Rosetta coastal

zone in Egypt using airborne spectrometric and remote sensing data. Journal of Environmental Radioactivity 137: 71–78. Rainieri, C., G. Fabbrocino, and G.M. Verderame 2013. Non-destructive characterization and dynamic identification of a modern heritage building for serviceability seismic Analyses. NDT and E International 60: 17–31. Saaty, T.L. 2010. Principia Mathematica Decernendi: Mathematical Principles of Decision Making. Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania: RWS Publications. Spreafico, M.C., F. Franci, G. Bitelli, V.A. Girelli, A. Landuzzi, C.C. Lucente, and L. Borgatti 2015. Remote sensing techniques in a multidisciplinary approach for the preservation of cultural heritage sites from natural hazard: The case of Valmarecchia Rock Slabs (RN, Italy). Engineering Geology for Society and Territory 8: 317–321. Shirvani, M. 2005. Pathology and Conservation of Historical Stone, Shiraz, Perspolice. Master Thesis, Art University of Isfahan, Iran. Shahbazi, A. 1978. The Authoritative Guide to Naqsh-e Rostam. Achaemenid Research Foundation, Tehran. Toy, T.J., G.R. Foster, and K.G. Renard 2002. Soil Erosion: Processes, Prediction, Measurement, and Control. John Wiley and Sons Publication. Youssef, A.M., B. Pradhan, M. Al-Kathery, G.D. Bathrellos, and H.D. Skilodimou 2015. Assessment of rockfall hazard at Al-Noor Mountain, Makkah city (Saudi Arabia) using spatio-temporal remote sensing data and field investigation. Journal of African Earth Science 101: 309–321. Wang, J.J. 2015. Flood risk maps to cultural heritage: Measures and process. Journal of Cultural Heritage 16(2): 210–220.

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3

The Role of the River Pyramos in East Plain Cilicia in Shaping the Settlement Pattern Füsun Tülek and Tuba Ökse Riverine and land transport play a vital role in the foundation and development of settlements. East Plain Cilicia, namely Yukarı Çukurova, is a convenient place for founding settlements, and plays a strategic role in the exchange of culture and goods, being the junction of major land routes and having a major waterway, the River Pyramos/Ceyhan. Two major land routes, one, proceeding from the northwest in the Central Anatolia Plain, climbs the Taurus mountain range, passing through the Cilician Gates, and advances to the plain. The second land route proceeds from the east, in the Euphrates region, climbs the Amanus Mountain range, passing through the Arslanlı Bell Pass, and merges with the former route at the junction in the East Plains of Cilicia. The merged land route proceeds to the south via Kısık Pass to reach the shores of the eastern Mediterranean Sea, then advances to North Syria, connecting Cilicia with the Levant. The River Pyramos runs down gorges of the east Taurus mountain range and meanders smoothly in the plain, both irrigating the land and carrying people and the goods to the shores of the Mediterranean Sea. The present study aims to emphasize the significance of the River Pyramos and its many tributaries while irrigating the plain, also functions as a venue for riverine transport and supports the flourishment and development of the settlements in the East Plain/ Yukarı Çukurova. Introduction Osmaniye Archaeological Survey project covered both uplands and plains of the Osmaniye Province in East Plain Cilicia, employing extensive and intensive examination focused on all kinds of settlements without geographical and chronological separation; recovering more than 200 sites varying from prehistoric mounds to Classical settlements, towns, and villages, Late Antique farmsteads, as well as fortified and unfortified settlements. Almost all of these settlements were either situated by the River Pyramos /Prunna (today the Ceyhan River) or by its tributaries or along with the major military and trade land route that crossed the plain in an east-west direction, or on dirt tracks that crossed the rugged terrain in a north-south direction. The present study chose prehistoric mounds that yielded diagnostic pottery dating from the Neolithic period to the Iron Age representing the chronological

sequence of the settlement history in Upper Plain Cilicia to focus on their proximity to water sources.1 The diagnostic pottery demonstrates that sites by water sources were convenient to be inhabited for long terms and even with hiatus several times. The natural setting East Plain Cilicia, skirting the Taurus and Amanus Mountain ranges, would have been a remote and desolate corner of the large Aeolian Plain if it were not a major junction of military and trade land routes and waterways like the River Pyramos and its tributaries enabling riverine travel. The River Pyramos is the source of life in the East Plain, stimulating economy and connectivity but also beautifying the idyllic landscape with its picturesque scenery invoking poetic inspirations and myths, enriching cultural life since ancient times. Myths and personifications of the river are so deeply embedded in the social life of Cilicia that ancient cities of the Upper Plain like Anazarbos, Flaviapolis, İrenepolisNeronias, and Hierapolis-Castabala struck coins bearing the image of Pyramos considered as a River God (Ziegler 1993: 118). The river becomes a resource for mythological rhetoric personification as Pyramos is an antagonist of a love story with Thisbe. The River Pyramos, born from highlands of the Taurus mountain range as a creek, merges at the Plain with substantial creeks and streams of both the Taurus and Amanus mountain ranges like Sabun, Hamus, Yarpuz, Savrun, Kesik, Sumbas, and Karaçay to become a majestic River. The river merges with the Sabun Stream by the northeastern edges of the Amanus mountain range and flows southwards, encircling the ancient city of Hierapolis Castabala from northeast to south, then successively merges with the Hamus and Yarpuz streams becoming a huge body of water, from time to time flooding its banks. The river meanders again northwards making a deep sinus in a northwest direction delineating the chora (town) of the Hierapolis- Castabala and then crosses Upper Plain Cilicia westwards. Thus, the River divides the Upper Plain into northern and southern halves. The Sumbas stream which has already merged with the Kesik and A full evaluation coverage of the entire mounds regarding land use and chronology of the pottery is getting prepared, as well.

1 

landscape archaeology in the near east (Archaeopress 2023): 21–46

Füsun Tülek and Tuba Ökse

Figure 1. Osmaniye Archaeological Survey recorded mounds examined in the text.

Savrun streams merges with the river at the north of the Anazarbos Crag, and the river runs along the east side of the Crag southwards to merge with its final tributary, the Karaçay. The Karaçay Stream, born from the central peaks of the Amanus mountain range, Zorkun, and Yarpuz highlands, runs straight westward at the very southern edge of the plain, southeast of the

modern town of Osmaniye, following the northern edge of Delil Halil Basalt Formation, and some limestone/ caliche ridges. The Karaçay stream crossing the southern fringes of the plain westwards passes by north of Toprakkale and Menetler mounds, and eventually merges with the River Pyramos north of the modern town of Ceyhan, before it runs along the south side of 22

The Role of the River Pyramos in East Plain Cilicia in Shaping the Settlement Pattern

the Sirkeli mound to its final destination, embracing the Mediterranean Sea. Karaçay is the only tributary of the River Pyramos recorded in historical texts since its forking branch by north of the Toprakkale mound rapidly flows southwards through a narrow basalt canyon of the Kısık Pass to reach the Mediterranean Sea, where Gertrude Bell crossed the flooding Karaçay stream on Camelback (Bell 1906: 4). 

The prehistoric mounds of the Upper Plain are detected, usually by a water source. At least two or three of them are in various sizes together. Presumably, they are interconnected and form a community that shares a common culture. They tilled and irrigated the land, dispatched commodities, and received goods via riverine trade. Quantity and the scale of the mounds might represent a hierarchical order between them if inhabited at the same period. The scale might also be relevant to the period of the habitants.

The River Pyramos defines the present-day border between Osmaniye and Adana Provinces while running along the east side of the Anazarbos Crag as the west border of the Upper Plain. In the past, the River with its tributaries was not only a natural boundary but also was a venue of connectivity. Ancient settlements in the Plain were accessible via riverine sailing from the Mediterranean Sea (Strabo XII.4; Pseudo- Skylax 102). The River was not only a waterway for travel but also a venue to dispatch commodities produced in the wellirrigated fertile plain to the Mediterranean Sea. The River stimulated regional and interregional maritime trade of the commodities of its hinterland via riverine transport to the harbors along the Gulf of Issos and the Mediterranean shores.

The present examination covers only twelve mounds with significant pottery that provide dating from the Early Neolithic period to the Iron Age. These mounds are Devletsiz, Hünnaplı, Kamışlı, Karataşlı, Kırmıtlı, Menetler, Mustafalı, Şems, Taşlı 1, Telkovan, Toprakkale, and Tülek 2 (Figure 1). The distance between the mounds, water sources, and arable land is significant to reveal their accessibility to resources, possibly their interdependence, and hierarchy in relation to each other.  Among the twelve mounds, Mustafalı is at the north, and Menetler is at the south of the Plain ±41 km straight distance, and Devletsiz is some 600 meters east of Sumbas stream, slightly at the northeast of the Anazarbos Crag. The River Pyramos meanders drawing a sinus from south to north then to the west, which also defines the present-day official boundaries of Osmaniye and Adana Provinces separating the southwest part of the Plain and leaving east and northeast of the Plain to the Osmaniye Province, namely the Upper Plain of East Cilicia. Thus, the archaeologically surveyed area is divided by the River Pyramos into north and south halves (Figure 2). Devletsiz, Hünnaplı, Mustafalı, Şems, and Taşlı 1 mounds are at the northern half of the Upper Plain, and Kamışlı, Karataşlı, Kırmıtlı, Menetler, Telkovan, Toprakkale, and Tülek 2 are at the southern half (Figure 3).

Archaeological settlement patterns: Since prehistoric times, people chose to settle at sites on arable land with a source of water, commutable, and defensible. The fertile plain of Cilicia, irrigated with numerous streams and navigable rivers, and secluded by mountains must have been a perfect place to settle. The recorded prehistoric mounds number over 50 in East Plain Cilicia (Osmaniye Province). In addition, fields containing settlement debris that yield Prehistoric and pre-Classical pottery are numerous such as the “Taşlı Höyük 3”, “Kamışlı Höyük mevkii” and “field of Şeker Ali”.2  Significantly, those named “höyük mevkii” are sites of what were once proper mounds, which locals are now tilling as flat fields containing a plethora of potsherds on the surface. Otherwise, it would be inconceivable to have such a small list of prehistoric mounds in such a well-irrigated, and vast fertile plain compared to the neighboring plains where there are hundreds of them, for example, the western half of Plain Cilicia and the Amuq Plain. All of the recorded mounds, even those with gently rising slopes in a conical shape, are subject to heavy tilling and are gradually getting smaller and flatter.

Mustafalı mound is flanked on the east and west sides by Kesik stream and Taşlıhöyük creek which are born at northern highlands of Taurus mountain range and run down by one of the northernmost prehistoric mounds of the region, the Taşlı 2. The Mustafalı mound is ±8 m high covering 70 ha, and two smaller mounds are at its east and southeast in ±1 and ±1.5 distance. The closest mound equivalent in size to the Mustafalı is the Kızılömerli mound, 2.5 km to the east and on the Kesik stream. Pottery of Chalcolithic, Early Bronze Age, local painted pottery of the 2nd millennium BC, Hittite, Middle, and Late Iron Age are among the finds. Hittite and Local Painted pottery examples of the Mustafalı are examined in the present study.

2  The field of Ali Şeker is probably the mound number 86, Eşkiler, and the Taşlı 3 probably is the mound number 142, Taşlı of the SetonWilliams (Seton-Williams 1951, 154, 170). Osmaniye Archaeological Survey Project, undertaken by the present author, documented the prehistoric settlements at Osmaniye Province conducting intensive and extensive archaeological surveys both on the Upper Plain and the highlands of the Amanus and Taurus Mountain Range since the year 2005. (Tülek 2007a, 51; Tülek 2007b, 64–66; Tülek 2009, 9; Tülek 2010, 44; Tülek 2012, 33- 37)

Hünnaplı mound is ± 11 km south of the Mustafalı mound and situated on the east bank of the Savrun stream. Similar to the shape of the Mustafalı mound, Hünnaplı 23

Füsun Tülek and Tuba Ökse

Figure 2. Mounds at north of the Upper Plain.

Taşlı 1 mound is ±8km southeast of the Hünnaplı mound and ±2.5 km east of the Osmaniye- Kadirli road. It is one of the large mounds of Upper Plain Cilicia, ±158 ha in area, and ±10 m high. The mound is ±5.5 km northeast of the bank of the River Pyramos but is also irrigated by Karpuz and Yarımortak creeks at its southeast side. It is ±3 km north of the Şems mound, and ± 4km west of it is the mound Çatal. Pottery of the Chalcolithic, Early Bronze Age, Iron Age, the Neo-Assyrian, and Eastern Sigillata A of the Roman Imperial, and Medieval periods are among the finds.

rises gently in a conical shape, 6 m high but smaller in area, measuring ± 41 ha. Pottery of Late Chalcolithic, Early Bronze Age and 2nd millennium BC, Hittite, Late Iron Age, and Hellenistic are among the finds. A neighboring mound Karahöyük is low and small on the east bank of the Savrun stream and is ±1.8 km northeast of the Hünnaplı, where pottery of 3rd and 2nd millennium BC as well as fine black glazed early Hellenistic, Roman, and Medieval periods are found on the surface. Devletsiz mound is ±7 km south-southwest of the Hünnaplı mound and ±2 km north northeast of the Anazarbos Crag. It is ±1.4 km from the east bank of the Sumbas stream/ River Pyramos and ±3km west of the other major tributary of the River Pyramos, the Savrun stream. It is a low mound, not more than ±3 m in height, and measures ±37 ha. There are at least two more mounds at its south and southwest, smaller in area, at ±1.7 and ±3 km distant. Pottery of the Neolithic, 3rd and 2nd millennium BC and late Iron Age periods are among the finds.

Şemsi mound, on the east bank of the Osmaniye- Kadirli road, is a large but low mound, ±5 m high and ±83 ha. in area. It is 2.5 km from the north bank of the River Pyramos, and its arable land is irrigated both by the Karpuz and Yarımortak creeks at the north and Taşlık creek at the south. Pottery of Neolithic, Chalcolithic, Early Bronze Age, painted Iron Age, East Sigillata A, Late Roman Red Slipped, and Medieval periods, and obsidian tools and flint scraps are among the finds. 24

The Role of the River Pyramos in East Plain Cilicia in Shaping the Settlement Pattern

Figure 3. Mounds at southeast of the Upper Plain.

Mounds of the southern half of the Plain are close to the south bank of the River Pyramos, such as Kamışlı, Karataşlı, Kırmıtlı, and Telkovan, whereas some are along the Karaçay Stream such as Toprakkale, and Tülek 2.

a second high basalt outcrop almost identical in shape but yielding no ancient material culture. Pottery of Chalcolithic, Bronze Age, Khabur painted, and after a long hiatus, Hellenistic pottery, such as Megara bowls, oil lamps, and East Sigillata A of the Roman Imperial periods are among the finds.

Kamışlı mound, in the shape of a saddle, is a large mound, ±40 ha in area and rising ±4 m high in heavy alluvial silt. The River Pyramos is 3 km to the north, and two slim water channels encircle the mound. Material culture and pottery of earlier prehistoric periods such as obsidian tools and flint scraps of the Neolithic period similar to Şems and Devletsiz mounds, and fine pottery of early Bronze Age, Iron Age, fine black glazed potsherds of the Hellenistic period, Eastern Sigillata A of the Roman Imperial period, oil lamps and fine green glazed pottery of the Medieval period are among the finds.

Kırmıtlı mound is ±3 km distant from the River Pyramos in a heavily silted alluvial plain rising 12 m high and 236 ha in area. The river floods in the Kırmıtlı village forming a wide riverbed containing small ponds and a marshland full of reeds suitable ecosystem for aviators such as species little and big white Egrets, to reside all year long, to breed and to rest on the way migrating. It is close to the lime Crag where a Hittite Relief of the Prince Tarhunta was carved on in the middle of the 13th century BC (Bossert 1950: 122- 125). Pottery of Early Bronze Age to the Late Bronze Age and very fine Hellenistic, Roman, and late Roman periods are among finds, though the anticipation of Hittite potsherds is still valid.

Karataşlı mound is ±1.5 km closer to the River Pyramos, rising high in a half-moon crescent shape. It is ±10 m high and ±52 ha in area. The mound is on a basalt outcrop as the extension of the Deli Halil basalt Formation and is accompanied at the south by

Telkovan mound is ±1.5 km south of the Kırmıtlı mound; it is at the same height as Kırmıtlı, measures ±202 ha. 25

Table 1. Chronology of mounds ceramics table.

Füsun Tülek and Tuba Ökse

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The Role of the River Pyramos in East Plain Cilicia in Shaping the Settlement Pattern

The mound is situated between the two high rising basalt crops Üçtepe and Büyükser Tepe and stands on basalt bedrock. Telkovan mound is in equal distance ±5km to the River Pyramos at the north, and Karaçay Stream ±5 km at the south. Pottery of Chalcolithic, late Chalcolithic, and Early Bronze ages, the local painted ware of the 2nd millennium BC, Hittite, Middle, and Late Iron ages, Hellenistic, Roman, and Byzantine periods are among finds. Trenches of illegal looters yielded even terracotta figurines of the Hellenistic, and Roman periods.

Pottery of Hittite, Late Bronze Age, Iron Age, late Iron Age, middle Hellenistic, Roman Imperial, and after a hiatus Byzantine and Islamic ceramics of the Medieval periods are among the finds. Menetler mound is at the very southern fringes of the Plain at the north edges of a lime-caliche hill, which extends to the west, together forming the Misis Lime Massif. The mound is on heavy alluvial silt just on the south bank of the Karaçay Stream at an altitude of 52 m. It is ±6 m high and covers ±45 ha. Pottery finds are of Late Chalcolithic, Late Bronze Age, Hittite, Middle, and Late Iron Age, Neo-Assyrian, Hellenistic, and Roman periods.

Tülek 2 mound crowns a lime hill, caliche, at an altitude of 110 m 20 m high and 136 ha in area. It is ±1 km north of the Karaçay Stream, and ±3km north of the Toprakkale mound. There is a spring with pure water at the southeast edge of the mound. A fresh fault line crosses near to the southeast edge of the mounded hill, thus past existence of the spring is questionable. Pottery of Late Chalcolithic, Bronze Age, Middle, and Late Iron Age, Hellenistic, Roman, Late Roman, and Byzantine are among the finds. The mound is enclosed by two limestone ridges at its east and southeast where two separate necropoleis are, also denoting a long time and lively residence. Tülek 2 is one of the rare unlooted mounds – the looters were busy opening the graves at the necropoleis – in the Osmaniye Province, and an olive orchard has just been planted over it.

The data obtained from the excavations in Gözlükule (Tarsus), Yumuktepe (Mersin), Kinet, Tatarlı, and Sirkeli mounds defines the prehistoric periods of Cilicia (Table 1). This culture reflects the characteristics of the adjacent regions, including the İslahiye Plain, the Amuq Plain, the Queiq valley, the Middle Euphrates, and the Balikh regions. Neolithic Age Devletsiz and Şemsi mounds yielded handmade rim sherds with dark grey or dark buff burnished slip (OAS N-1-4, Figures 4–7), and dark red burnished slip (Tülek and Öğüt 2014: 772) (OAS N-5-8, Figures 8–11). The vessels of the collected sherds seem to have been fired in low temperatures in a reduced atmosphere. One of the rim sherds found in the Şemsi mound is decorated with pattern burnishing (OAS N-9, Figure 12). These sherds resemble the diagnostic Dark Faced Burnished Ware produced throughout Northern Mesopotamia and Northern Levant since the 7th millennium BC. This pottery is primarily defined in Tell el-Judaidah Amuq A-B phases (Braidwood and Braidwood 1960: 50–53 (Phase A), 73–76 (Phase B); Özbal et al. 2004: fig. 6–7). This assemblage is evident in Yumuktepe (Garstang 1953: fig. 11; Caneva 2011) XXXII-XXVI and in the Middle Euphrates and Balikh regions (Miyake 2003, Tell el-Kerkh 2; Faura and Le Mière 1999: 295–296,

Toprakkale mound also crowns a hill, of caliche, the Toprak, and is partially covered by a lava flow of the Deli Halil volcano solidified as a thick basalt cap over it. The Toprak hill is at an altitude of 65 m and rises 60 m, with the castle on top, the total height is ±130 m. The mound covers over ±200 ha. The Karaçay Stream flows by ±800 m to the north, and its Kısık branch is ±200 m to the west of the Toprakkale mound. The Toprak hill was subject to building activities in the 2nd millennium BC and probably stationed during the early Hittite Period as a perfect location to guard the north entrance of the Kısık Pass which is ±5 km distant to the Mediterranean Sea. The west slope of the Toprakkale mound yielded a considerable quantity of Hittite Imperial potsherds.

Figure 4. OAS N-1 OAS recorded Neolithic sherd on mound Devletsiz: Devletsiz_K_11_2006.

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Füsun Tülek and Tuba Ökse

Figure 5. OAS N-2 OAS recorded Neolithic sherd on mound Devletsiz: Devletsiz_11_2006.

Figure 6. OAS N-3 OAS recorded Neolithic sherd on mound Devletsiz: Devletsiz 17_2006.

Figure 7. OAS N-4 OAS recorded Neolithic sherd on mound Devletsiz: Devletsiz 9_ 2006.

Figure 8. OAS N-5 OAS recorded Neolithic sherd on mound Devletsiz: Devletsiz 08_2006.

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The Role of the River Pyramos in East Plain Cilicia in Shaping the Settlement Pattern

Figure 9. OAS N-6 OAS recorded Neolithic sherd on mound Devletsiz: Devletsiz_B_03_2006.

Figure 10. OAS N-7 OAS recorded Neolithic sherd on mound Şemsi: Şemsi_43_2005.

Figure 11. OAS N-8 OAS recorded Neolithic sherd on mound Şemsi: Şemsi 24_ 2005.

Figure 12. OAS N-9 OAS recorded Neolithic sherd on mound Şemsi: Şemsi 36_2005.

fig. 3–4, Tell Halula; Nieuwenhuyse 2007: 129–131, Tell Sabi Abyad 1). The pattern burnishing observed on the exterior surface of a sherd consists of vertical and horizontal bands; these vessels are spread from Amuq B towards the Upper Tigris basin (Braidwood and Braidwood 1960: 78; Tekin 2007: 163–165, fig. 3–6). A “Red-Slipped Pottery” also appears in the Middle Euphrates and Balikh regions (Özdoğan 2011: 240–241, 253, fig. 55, Mezraa Teleilat IIB-C; Özbaşaran and Duru 2011: 198, fig. 34, Akarçay Tepe; Nieuwenhuyse 2007: Pl. 125, Tell Sabi Abyad 1).

Chalcolithic Age In Telkovan (OAS EC-10, Figure 13) one body sherd belonging to a handmade spherical vessel bears painted decoration with a range of angle motifs bordered with thick horizontal bands from both sides and another body sherd (OAS EC-11, Figure 14) with the vertical zigzag motif with thin bands on each side have been collected (Tülek et al. 2010: 727, fig. 2a). Another rim sherd found in Hünnaplı (OAS EC-12, Figure 15) bears painted decoration with diagonal hatching and a thick 29

Füsun Tülek and Tuba Ökse

Figure 13. OAS C-10 OAS recorded Early Chalcolithic sherd on mound Telkovan: Telkovan KKÇ 01_2006.

mounds), in Amuq E settlements3, in Oylum mound (Özgen et al. 1997: Abb. 24: 1–5, 25: 4), and the Middle Euphrates4 and Balikh5 regions. Menetler mound yielded one rim sherd (OAS LC-13, Figure 16) belong to the grit tempered group, and another rim to the chaff faced group with traces of flint scraping (OAS LC-14, Figure 17). Both sherds belong to deep bowls. Grit tempered ware is represented in Telkovan with one rim sherd of a bowl (OAS LC-15, Figure 18), and in Tülek 2 mound with a cylindrical jar rim (Tülek and Öğüt 2014: 774), (OAS LC-16, Figure 19). These handmade and moderately fired sherds present the local production of the Late Chalcolithic pottery with parallels in diverse regions of Northern Mesopotamia, composed of chaff-tempered and chafffaced wares and grit tempered wares.

Figure 14. OAS C-11 OAS recorded Early Chalcolithic sherd on mound Telkovan: Telkovan G 22_2005.

band on the simple rim. These vessels resemble the Ubaid painted pottery of Northern Mesopotamia.

The Post-Ubaid period is dated to the last three centuries of the 5th millennium BC. Besides the Ubaid pottery, the chaff-faced ware emerges in the last phase of the North Mesopotamian Ubaid culture (Ubaid 4), the “Terminal Ubaid” (ca. 4400–4200 BC), identical with the “Late Chalcolithic 1” of the SAR Chronology (Rothman 2001: 9; Rothman and Blackman 2003: 5). In Late Chalcolithic 2–3 (ca. 4200/4100–3900/3800 and 3900/3800–3600 BC), plain vessels produced with more

The Halaf-Ubaid-Transitional Period is roughly dated to the last two centuries of the 6th, and the Ubaid Period to the 5th millennia BC (Akkermans et al. 2006: Tab. 1.1). Ubaid pottery is evident in Yumuktepe (Garstang 1953: fig. 34: 13, 52: 18, Yumuktepe XXIII, 131–180, fig. 103 XVI-XIIB, in Amuq D (Braidwood and Braidwood 1960: 511, Tell Kurdu), and Oylum mound (Özgen ve diğ. 1997: 63–64) and beyond. The “Northern Ubaid” painted pottery is characterized with intensively and elaborately applied decoration. In the Late Phase painted thick bands and wavy lines characterize pottery produced in lesser aesthetic and rapidly in large amounts by the first half of the 5th millennium BC, the southern Mesopotamian Ubaid 3 phase (Akkermans 1988b: 128; Henrickson and Thuesen 1989: 457; Akkermans and Schwartz 2003: 170; Özbal 2011: 183–186). Ubaid pottery is found in the İslahiye Plain (Alkım 1962; Alkım and Alkım 1966: fig. 18–19; du Plat Taylor et al. 1950, Coba, Gedikli, and Tilmen

3  The Ubaid-like Monochrome Painted Ware in Tell Kurdu, Tell elJudaidah, Tell esh-Sheikh, Tabara el-Akrad, and Karaca Khirbet Ali (Braidwood and Braidwood 1960, 181–200; Özbal et al. 2004, fig. 9: 5, 9, 11; Özbal 2010). 4  The Early phase in Tell Kosak Shamali Sector A (Nishiaki 1999, 71), Tell Abuda L.I (Jasim 1985, fig. 132, 163); Carchemish (Woolley 1934, fig. 17); Tell Kashkashok (Koizumi 1993, 48–49, fig. 12; the Late Phase in Kurban (Wilkinson 1990, 90, 205, 208, fig. B.4); Tilbeş (Jesus and Charvar 2002, 124, 125, fig. 5, 6). 5  In Tell Hammam et-Turkman IVA on the Balikh valley, the “Northern Ubaid” and “Ubaid-related” pottery is dated to ca. 4500/4400–4200 BC (Akkermans 1988a, fig. 3–6; 1988b, 112–113), and the late phase (IVB-C) to ca. 4200–3700/3600 BC (Akkermans 1988a, 202, 223, 226, Pl. 77–80; 1988b, 128–131, fig. 2–6).

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The Role of the River Pyramos in East Plain Cilicia in Shaping the Settlement Pattern

Figure 15. OAS C-12 OAS recorded Early Chalcolithic sherd on mound Hünnaplı: Hünnaplı B 01_2006.

Figure 16. OAS LC-13 OAS recorded Local Late Chalcolithic sherd on mound Telkovan: Telkovan KKÇ 08_2006.

Figure 17. OAS LC-14 OAS recorded Local Late Chalcolithic sherd on mound Tülek: Tülek 2_25 2008.

Figure 18. OAS LC-15 OAS recorded Local Late Chalcolithic sherd on mound Menetler: Menetler 92_2010.

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Figure 19. OAS LC-16 OAS recorded Local Late Chalcolithic sherd on mound Menetler: Menetler 60_2010.

“coarse” workmanship replaced the painted vessels gradually at the turn of the 5th/4th millennia BC (Tekin 2017: 358).

50–51, 66, fig. 17), and in several Middle Euphrates sites (Algaze et al. 1990: Pl. 42–44, Kurban V-VI; Thissen 1985: 119, fig. 1, Hayaz; Hoh 1981: fig. 2, 12, Hassek; Marro et al. 1998: Pl. XI, Horum; Pollock and Coursey 1995: 136–137, fig. 3–4; Pearce 2000: 117, 121, fig. 2 f-i, 5 a-e, Hacınebi A (4200–3700 BC), and B1 (3600–3500 BC); Frangipane 2007: 127, fig. 8.5.1–3, Zeytinlibahçe LC 2; 2010: 190, fig. 5–8, and LC 3 (3700–3500 BC); Balossi Restelli 2006: 18–23, fig. 5 O-Q, 7–11, Yamazaki 1999: 89, fig. 2: 17– 31, Tell al-‘Abr 4–2 (Stage III); Nishiaki 1999: 73, Tell Kosak Shamali Sector B), as well as in the Upper Balikh (Akkermans 1988a: Pl. 99–107, Hammam et-Turkman VA-B, and IVD ending in 3700/3600 cal. BC Akkermans 1988a: 226, Pl. 91–96; 1988b, 126–127).

The chaff tempered monochrome pottery, the chafffaced ware, is wide-spread in Northern Mesopotamia and adjacent regions. This pottery is attested in Coba mound IVC on the İslahiye Plain (Du Plat Taylor et al. 1950), in Oylum mound 6–2 (Özgen et al. 1999: 50, Abb. 17), and in phases D-E of the Amuq sequence (Braidwood and Braidwood 1960: 232–239; Mellink 1956: 85) as well as in the Middle Euphrates (Algaze et al. 1990: Pl. 30, Kurban VI; Hoh 1981: fig. 12, Hassek; Thissen 1985: 119, fig. 1, Haavaz 5–4; Fletcher 2007, Horum; Pollock and Coursey 1995: 137, fig. 4, Hacınebi), and Balikh (Akkermans 1988a: Pl. 103:71, Hammam et-Turkman VA-B) regions. The monochrome massproduced Coba bowls taking part in this group are the ones scraped with flint tools (flint-scraped ware) on the lower outer surface. Primarily Coba mound yields this type of pottery, located in the İslahiye Plain (Du Plat Taylor et al. 1950: 95–96; Garrard et al. 1996: fig. 7: 3). These “standardized” vessels are found in Yumuktepe (Garstang 1953: fig. 113) XV-XIIA, in Amuq D-E contexts (Braidwood and Braidwood 1960: 157–168, 175–189, fig. 144–157; Akkermans and Schwartz 2003: 187–190, fig. 5.2; Sagona and Zimansky 2009: 150), and Late Chalcolithic levels of Oylum mound (Özgen et al. 1999: Abb. 17, 33:6; Helwing 2012). A large number of these types is also evident in the Upper (Trufelli 1994: 261. Arslantepe VII) and Middle Euphrates (Thissen 1985: 98, Hayaz Höyük; Egami 1959: 6, 54–55, fig. 20–24, 51– 55, Telul eth-Thalathat XIII-XIV; Fukai et al. 1970: 32–40, 83–86, Pl. LXXI; Yamazaki 1999: 88, Tell al-‘Abr 5 Stage II), and Balikh regions (Akkermans 1988a: 202, Pl. 81–86, Hammam et-Turkman IVC). The characteristic vessels of the grit tempered ware include large plates, conical and carinated bowls, funnel-necked jars, and short-necked jars. This pottery appears in Amuq F (Braidwood and Braidwood 1960: 234–238), in Oylum (Özgen et al. 1999:

Bronze Age Sherds of wheel-made and well-fired vessels slipped in orange-brown tones, and dark purplish-brown slip with smooth surfaces have been found on the Şemsi, Karataşlı and Kamışlı mounds (Tülek et al. 2010: 728, fig. 5). Incised designs appear occasionally on outer surfaces. The body sherds from Telkovan (OAS B-17, 18, Figure 20–21) and one deep bowl rim from Kamışlı (OAS B-19, Figure 22) are decorated with incised fishbone pattern. The rim sherds from Tülek 2 are not decorated (Tülek and Öğüt 2014: 774), (OAS B-20, 21, Figures 23, 24). Two sherds belong to necked jars without-turned rims, and one sherd to a carinated bowl with a simple rim (OAS B-22, Figure 25). Another rim sherd belongs to a high stemmed bowl with a sharp carination under the rim (OAS B-23, Figure 26). This pottery resembles the Brittle Orange Ware and its incised version (brick-red incised ware) found at Gözlükule (Goldman 1956: 109, figs. 278–283). Early Bronze Age IIIA. Similar bowls with horizontal loops (Goldman 1956: fig. 305 n. 991) and high stemmed bowls with carinated bodies (Goldman 1956: fig. 303 n. 974, fig. 377 n. 984) are known from Gözlükule. This pottery appears in the İslahiye plain in the Early Bronze Age II and continues throughout the 32

The Role of the River Pyramos in East Plain Cilicia in Shaping the Settlement Pattern

Figure 20. OAS B-17 OAS recorded Early Bronze sherd on mound Telkovan: Telkovan 39_2005.

Figure 21. OAS B-18 OAS recorded Early Bronze sherd on mound Telkovan: Telkovan 24_2005.

Figure 22. OAS B-19 OAS recorded Early Bronze sherd on mound Kamışlı: Kamışlı 15_2005.

Figure 23. OAS B-20 OAS recorded Early Bronze sherd on mound Tülek 2: Tülek 2 30_2008.

Figure 24. OAS B-21 OAS recorded Early Bronze sherd on mound Tülek 2: Tülek 2 B 03_2008.

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Figure 25. OAS B-22 OAS recorded Early Bronze sherd on mound Tülek 2: Tülek 2 09_2011.

Figure 26. OAS B-23 OAS recorded Early Bronze sherd on mound Tülek 2: Tülek 2 GE 29_2008.

Figure 27. OAS EHittite-24 OAS recorded Early Hittite sherd on mound Mustafalı: Mustafalı 11_2006.

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Figure 28. OAS EHittite-25 OAS recorded Early Hittite sherd on mound Mustafalı: Mustafalı K 03_2006.

Figure 29. OAS EHittite-26 OAS recorded Early Hittite sherd on mound Mustafalı: Mustafalı K 13_2006.

Early Bronze Age III. This pottery is well defined in the İslahiye Plain (Alkım 1979: 139; Bell 2007; Welton 2014: 353–355, fig. 133, in Tilmen Höyük and in the cremation burials of Gedikli IIIk-h and II, Alkım and Alkım 1966: 40–42, fig. 13, 17, 42, 44), parallel to the Red Gritty Ware of the Amuq H-J sequences in Tell el-Judaidah, Chatal Hüyük, Tell Ta‛yinat, and Dhahab (Braidwood and Braidwood 1960: 264, 368–370 (Phase H), 406–407 (Phase I), 432–435 (Phase J).

234), dating to 1900/1950–1600 BC. One potsherd with thickened-out rim, decorated with vertical strokes in brown on the rim (OAS Khabur P.-27, Figure 30), show a characteristic of the Habur Ware from Chagar Bazar and the Syro-Cilician pottery from Gözlükule (Bieniada 2009: 178, fig. 6: 21, 7: 22) and Tell Atchana (Heinz 1992: Taf. 20–22, 41, 44, 59, 70–72, 88–89, 91) VIII-XVIII. Decoration with wavy lines between horizontal bands is known from Yumuktepe (Garstang 1953: fig. 143: 7) XI. One body sherd from Karataşlı mound (OAS Khabur P.-28, Figure 31) decorated with wavy lines and stripes between thick horizontal bands applied with black paint resembles the painted sherds found in Gözlükule, dated to the Late Bronze Age-Early Iron Age transition (Ünlü 2014, fig. 4); similar decorations had been applied to the Early Bronze Age IVB vessels in Northern Syria (Bieniada 2009: fig. 5: 5–6) and the Syro-Cilician pottery (Heinz 1992: Taf. 28, 50, 65, 86, Tell Atchana VIII-X; Akar and Kara 2018: fig. 15:14–15, Toprakhisar Building 2). On one body sherd from Karataşlı mound, nested angles and cross-hatching organized between vertical double bands had been applied in brown paint on a buff slip (OAS Khabur P.-29, Figure 32). These sherds find also parallels in Chagar Bazar (Bieniada 2009: fig. 8: 10) and Tell Atchana (Heinz 1992: Taf. 49, 65, 76, 81, 89) IX-XVI.

Three sherds from Mustafalı mound include one plate rim with horizontal loop handle (OAS EHittite-24, Figure 27) and pieces of two handles (OAS EHittite-25, 26, Figures 28–29). Bowls with horizontal loops are also found in Yumuktepe (Garstang 1953: fig. 146: 10–11) XIB-IX. These belong to wheel-made vessels with red burnished slip, resembling the Early Hittite pottery. The region was 0ontrolled by the Old Hittite kings Hattušili I and Muršili I; a land grant deed is found in Tarsus, and Telipinu made a treaty of alliance with Išputahšu (Yoshida and Kammenhuber 1995; Genz 2011: 310). Two wheel-made sherds found on Toprakkale (Tülek and Öğüt 2014: 773) show the characteristics of the Khabur Painted Ware widespread in Northern Mesopotamia (Oates et al. 1997: 63–77, fig. 190–193, 195, 200; 2001: 63, 145; Hrouda 1989) and Northern Syria (Oguchi 1997; Nigro 1998: fig. 4, 11; Bagh 2003:

In Mustafalı (OAS Local P.-30, Figure 33), Telkovan (OAS Local P.-31, Figure 34), and Kırmıtlı (OAS Local P.-32, 35

Füsun Tülek and Tuba Ökse

Figure 30. OAS Khabur P.-27 OAS recorded Khabur Painted sherd on mound Toprakkale: Toprakkale D 76_2011.

Figure 31. OAS Khabur P.-28 OAS recorded Khabur Painted sherd on mound Karataş: Karataş B 19_2005.

Figure 32. OAS Khabur P.-29 OAS recorded Khabur Painted sherd on mound Karataş: Karataş B 02_2005.

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Figure 33. OAS Local P.-30 OAS recorded Local Painted sherd on mound Mustafalı: Mustafalı B 17_2006.

Figure 34. OAS Local P.-31 OAS recorded Local Painted sherd on mound Telkovan: Telkovan KKÇ 24_2006.

Figure 35. OAS Local P.-32 OAS recorded Local Painted sherd on mound Kırmıtlı: Kırmıtlı 21_2006.

Figure 36. OAS Local P.-33 OAS recorded Local Painted sherd on mound Kırmıtlı: Kırmıtlı 13_2006.

33, Figure 35–36), three rim sherds with horizontal loop handles have been collected. These sherds are decorated with stripes in black (Tülek et al. 2010: 729, fig. 6). Similar decorations are also attested in Yumuktepe (Garstang 1953: fig. 156: 17) VII-VI.

thickening belong to large shallow plates (Tülek and Öğüt 2014: 771, 773), (OAS Hittite Emp.-34–37, Figures 37–40). In Menetler, two sherds of bead-rim bowls have been collected (OAS Hittite Emp._38, 39, Figures 41–42). The vessels are formed on speed-wheel, with clear wheel marks on both surfaces. These sherds are pale brown in color, and their surfaces are plain, showing the characteristics of the standard pottery of the Hittite

In Toprakkale, six rim sherds with thickened-in rims, three with bead-rims, and three with longitude 37

Füsun Tülek and Tuba Ökse

Figure 37. OAS Hittite Emp._34 OAS recorded Hittite Imperial sherd on mound Toprakkale: Toprakkale 23_2011.

Figure 38. OAS Hittite Emp._35 OAS recorded Hittite Imperial sherd on mound Toprakkale: Toprakkale 73_2011.

Figure 39. OAS Hittite Emp._36 OAS recorded Hittite Imperial sherd on mound Toprakkale: Toprakkale 10_2011.

Figure 40. OAS Hittite Emp._37 OAS recorded Hittite Imperial sherd on mound Toprakkale: Toprakkale 113_2011.

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Figure 41. OAS Hittite Emp._38 OAS recorded Hittite Imperial sherd on mound Menetler: Menetler 08_2010.

Figure 42. OAS Hittite Emp._39 OAS recorded Hittite Imperial sherd on mound Menetler: Menetler 31_ 2010.

to the 14th-13th centuries BC. However, the Drab Ware at Kilise Tepe (Bouthillier et al. 2014: fig. 46: c-f, 47: a; Postgate and Thomas 2007: fig. 387, 389) IIIa-e and Kinet mound (Gates 2006; 2001; Postgate 2007) IV:2, Period 15C-A are dated to the 16th or early 15th century BC. Similar pottery assemblages are also attested in Sirkeli (Ahrens et al. 2008: Abb. 20) and Tatarlı (Dardeniz et al. 2018: fig. 6–7) mounds. The Hittite kings Tuthaliya I/II or Suppiluliuma I annexed the land, and the standard monochrome ware of the Hittite Empire spread throughout Cilicia. This ware is also attested in the late phase of the Amuq M (Late Bronze Age II) settlements (Pucci 2019: 175, fig. 2–3, Chatal Höyük, Ünlü 2017: fig. 3–4, Tell Ta’yinat). In Tülek mound 2, rim sherds of a conical bowl and a necked jar, as well as a body sherd with cross-hatching applied in red paint, have been collected (OAS MIALocal P. 40–42, Figures 43–45). Similar body sherds are also found in Karataşlı mound (Tülek et al. 2010: 727, fig. 3a-b). All sherds show the characteristics of the local painted ware of the Late Bronze Age IIA levels of Gözlükule (Karacic 2014: fig. 139; Ünlü 2014: fig. 3. Further sherds with similar decoration are also evident in the Early Iron Age contexts. (Goldman 1963: Pl. 55: 8) and Yumuktepe (Garstang 1953: fig. 155: 2–3) VIII-VII; similar decoration is attested in the Late Bronze Age levels at Kilisetepe II (Bouthillier et al. 2014: fig. 52n;

Figure 43. OAS MIA- Local P. 40 OAS recorded Late Bronze Age Local Painted sherd on mound Tülek 2: Tülek 2 GE 09_2008.

Empire attested at Yumuktepe Garstang (1953: fig. 146: 8–9, 157: 5–8) XIB-V. The Drab Ware at Late Bronze Age IIA at Gözlükule (Goldman 1956: 203–205; Karacic 2014; Ünlü 2016) and in Soli (Yağcı 2007: 809–810) are dated 39

Füsun Tülek and Tuba Ökse

Figure 44. OAS MIA- Local P. 41 OAS recorded Late Bronze Age Local Painted sherd on mound Tülek 2: Tülek 2 GE 11_2008.

Hansen and Postgate 1999: 113, fig. 5–13; Postgate and Thomas 2007: fig.398–399, 402–403). Iron Age Rim sherds of necked jars decorated with concentric circles between thick horizontal bands on the outer surface have been found in Menetler (Tülek and Öğüt 2013: 64, 72, fig. 12; 2014, 771) (OAS MIA- Local P. 43, Figure 46). The finely tempered buff, wheel-made, strongly fired vessel is covered with buff slip. The inner surface is merely decorated with horizontal bands. A body sherd from the same site is decorated with painted arcs in brown (OAS MIA- Local P. 44, Figure 47). Both sherds show the characteristics of the Cilician Ware dating to the 8th-7th centuries BC. Closest parallels are found in the Iron Age levels at Sirkeli (Ahrens et al. 2008: Abb. 22–23; Arslan 2010: 127, 165–167), Yumuktepe (Garstang 1953: fig. 160: 4–5) VI-III, in the Early and Middle Iron Age contexts of Gözlükule (Goldman 1963: Pl. 56, 59: 124, 65: 345–354, 72: 583) and at Kilisetepe (Postgate and Thomas 2007: fig. 397, 401) as well as at Al Mina bichrome and black-on-red ware pottery (Du Plat Taylor 1959: fig. 5, Pl, XXa, XII).

Figure 45. OAS MIA- Local P. 42 OAS recorded Late Bronze Age Local Painted sherd on mound Tülek 2: Tülek 2 GE 07_2008.

Figure 46. OAS MIA- Local P. 43 OAS recorded Middle Iron Age Local Painted sherd on mound Menetler: Menetler 09_2010.

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Figure 47. OAS MIA- Local P. 44 OAS recorded Middle Iron Age Local Painted sherd on mound Menetler: Menetler 75_2010.

Figure 48. OAS MIA- NAssur_45 OAS recorded Middle Iron Age Neo Assur sherd on mound Menetler: Menetler 2010_79.

Figure 49. OAS MIANAssur_46 OAS recorded Middle Iron Age Neo Assur sherd on mound Taşlı 1: Taşlı 1 B 09_2006.

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Figure 50. OAS LIA_47 OAS recorded Late Iron Age sherd on mound Menetler: Menetler 01_2010.

Figure 51. OAS LIA_48 OAS recorded Late Iron Age sherd on mound Devletsiz: Devletsiz B 02_2006.

One amphora base from Menetler (OAS MIA- NAssur_45, Figure 48), and one bowl with oval out-thickened rim from Taşlı 1 (OAS MIA- NAssur_46, Figure 49) belong to the standard pottery of the New Assyrian Period (Tülek and Öğüt 2014: 771). These forms are documented in several Iron Age contexts of Gözlükule (Early Iron Age (Goldman 1963: Pl. 86: 1154, 91: 1280), Middle Iron Age (Goldman 1963: Pl. 132: 928) and New Assyrian level (Goldman 1963: Pl. 120: 270) and New Assyrian Building XVI of Tell Ta’yinat (Harrison and Osborne 2012: fig. 7:10). Similar bases are also found in the Late Iron Age (600–580 BC) contexts of the Habur region and the Levant (580–540 BC), Tell Halaf and Tell Shaykh Hamad F2 in the Habur region (Lehmann 1998: fig. 7: 2, 5), and Athlit in the Levant (Lehmann 1998: fig. 8: 18).

Figure 51). These fine vessels are shaped on fast-wheel and are strongly fired. Both sherds belong to shallow plates with small horizontal handles. Similar pottery assemblages are also attested in Yumuktepe (Garstang 1953: fig. 2, 6–7) III, in the Middle Iron Age contexts of Gözlükule (Goldman 1963: Pl. 67, 88, 126: 700) and the Late Iron Age contexts (540–360 BC) of Northern Levant (Lehmann 1998: fig. 9: 2, 5, Tell Sukas F and Ras Shamra). Conclusions The identified mounds of the Upper Plain are by a water source or both by a water source and a land route. The present-day southern half of the Upper Plain is in deep alluvial silt carried by the river and its tributaries, from 6 to 10 meters in depth, where a few known low mounds surface the ground like Menetler, Yapılıpınar, and Taşlı 4. However, there might yet still exist undetected prehistoric mounds buried. Some of the prehistoric mounds examined in the present study are detected

The Late Iron Age black-on-red ware is attested in Menetler (OAS LIA-47, Figure 50) and Devletsiz (Tülek and Öğüt 2013: 62, fig. 5; 2014: 772, Devletsiz; Tülek and Öğüt 2013: 62, 72, fig. 7, Menetler) mounds (OAS LIA-48, 42

The Role of the River Pyramos in East Plain Cilicia in Shaping the Settlement Pattern

situated on a basalt crop or a lime hill such as Telkovan, Toprakkale, Tülek 2, most probably Devletsiz, Şems, and Taşlı 1 as well.

Akkermans, P.M.M.G. 1988b. An Updated Chronology of the Northern ‘Ubaid and Late Chalcolithic Periods in Syria: New Evidence from Tell Hammam etTurkman, Iraq 50: 109–136. Akkermans, P.M.M.G. and G.M. Schwartz. 2003. The Archaeology of Syria from Complex Hunter-Gatherers to Early Urban Societies (ca. 16,000–300 BC). Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Akkermans, P.M.M.G., R. Cappers, C. Cavallo, O. Nieuwenhuyse, B. Nilhamm and I.N. Otte. 2006. Investigating the Early Pottery Neolithic of Northern Syria: New Evidence from Tell Sabi Abyad, American Journal of Archaeology 110/1: 123–156. Algaze, G., M.A. Evins, M.L. Ingraham, L. Marfoe and K.A. Yener. 1990. Town and Country in Southeastern Anatolia, II: The Stratigraphic Sequence at Kurban Höyük. Oriental Institute Publications 110. Chicago: The University of Chicago. Alkım, U.B. 1962. Dördüncü Dönem Tilmen Höyük Kazısı. Türk Arkeoloji Dergisi 12/1: 5–7. Alkım, H. 1979. Gedikli (Karahöyük) Çanak-Çömleğine Toplu Bir Bakış. VIII. Türk Tarih Kongresi 1: 135–42. Alkım, U.B. and H. Alkım. 1966. Excavations at Gedikli, First Preliminary report. Belleten 30: 27–57. Arslan, N. 2010. Kilikya Demir Çağ Seramiği: İthal Boyalı Seramikler ve İlişkiler. İstanbul: Ege Yayınları. Bagh, T. 2003. The Relationship between Levantine Painted Ware, Syro/Cilician Ware and Khabur Ware and the Chronological Implication. M. Bietak (ed.), The Synchronization of Civilizations in the Eastern Mediterranean in the Second Millennium BC, II: 219–237. Wien: Verlag der Österreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften. Balossi Restelli, F. 2006. The Local Late Chalcolithic (LC3) Occupation at Zeytinli Bahçe (Birecik, ŞanliUrfa): The Ceramic Production. Anatolian Studies 56: 17–46. Bell, A. 2007. Tilmen Höyük’de Bulunan Anadolu’nun En Erken Yerli Çark Yapımı Mal Gruplarından Biri: Brittle Orange Ware. G. Umurtak, S. Dönmez and A. Yurtsever (eds), Studies in Honour of Refik Duru: 115– 125. Istanbul: Ege Yayınları. Bell, G.L. 1906. Notes on a Journey through Cilicia and Lycaonia. Revue Archéologique 7: 1- 29. Bieniada, M.E. 2009. Habur Ware – Where are the Stylistic and Functional Sources of the Painted Pottery of the Second Millennium BC Habur River Basin? Ancient Near Eastern Studies 46: 160–211 Bossert, Th.U., 1950. Reisen in Kilikien. Orientalia 19: 122–125. Bouthillier, C., C. Colantoni, S. Debruyne, C. Glatz, M.M. Hald, D. Heslop, E. Kozal, B. Miller, P. Popkin, N. Postgate, C.S. Steele and A. Stone 2014. Further Work at Kilise Tepe, 2007–11: Refining the Bronze to Iron Age Transition. Anatolian Studies 64: 95–161. Braidwood, R.J. and L.S. Braidwood 1960. Excavations in the Plain of Antioch I, The Earlier Assemblages, Phases A-J.

Two or three prehistoric mounds, in various sizes, are located close. They look interconnected and formed a community. They shared the water source by tilling the land, dispatching and receiving commodities via riverine trade. Quantity and the scale of the mounds inhabited at the same period might represent a hierarchical order. The scale might also be relevant to the period of inhabiting, for example, the Devletsiz and Şemsi mounds that yielded Early Neolithic pottery are wide and low. Devletsiz and Mustafalı mounds are by a water source at the northern half of the upper Plain, and they neighbor a couple of smaller mounds implying interconnectivity. A couple of mounds neighbor the Menetler mound at the southeastern part of the Plain, as well. There seems to be a prehistoric settlement model in which almost all the mounds have two or more neighbors. It might not be intentional and pre-planned states, but the natural setting and access to water sources might have enforced the site of the settlement. Menetler mound is both by a water source and by the land route via Kısık Pass and yielded diagnostic pottery of the marine cultures not observed at the northern half of the Plain, which emphasizes facilitation of water sources and indicate participation in maritime trade. Notes Füsun Tülek   Kocaeli University, Archaeology Department, KOCAELİ/ TURKEY [email protected] Tuba Ökse Kocaeli University, Archaeology Department, KOCAELİ/ TURKEY [email protected] References Ahrens, A., E. Kozal, C. Kummel, I. Laube and M. Novak. 2008. Sirkeli Höyük – Kulturkontakte in Kilikien Vorbericht uber die Kampagnen 2006 und 2007 der deutsch-turkischen Mission. Istanbuler Mitteilungen 58: 67–107. Akar, M. and D. Kara. 2018. Into the Hinterland: The Middle Bronze Age Building at Toprakhisar Höyük, Altınözü (Hatay, Turkey). Adalya 21: 85–115. Akkermans, P.M.M.G. 1988a. The Period IV Pottery, The Period V Pottery, in M. Van Loon (ed.), Hammam etTurkman I. Report on the University of Amsterdam’s 1981– 84 Excavations in Syria, Utgaven van het Nederlands Historisch Archeologisch Instituut te Istanbul, LXIII: 287–349. Leiden: Brill. 43

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The Role of the River Pyramos in East Plain Cilicia in Shaping the Settlement Pattern

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Cooperation and Political Relations in the Deep Past: A Reframing Gary M. Feinman and Linda M. Nicholas Human landscapes reflect much more than the mere interplay between people and their environments. Rather, our species constructs habitable niches in which we live and reside (Laland and O’Brien 2011), products of human interpersonal dynamics in concert with technology and features of the physical environment. To understand anthropogenic landscapes and their histories, we must fully account for human sociopolitical relations, affiliations, and cooperative arrangements (e.g., Chase and Chase 2016; Smith 2014). In archaeology, despite marked empirical advancements over the last 75 years (Feinman 2015; Kowalewski 2008), theoretical conceptions regarding cooperation and affiliation are in flux, with traditional frames grounded in 19th century logics now undergoing intense scrutiny and critique. Here, we endeavor to probe one of the grandest, but also most vexing, questions in the social sciences. How can we better understand human cooperation, specifically in large aggregations and affiliations? Questions concerning cooperation have and should be central to archaeology’s mission (Carballo et al. 2014), as the earliest cities and states in many regions of the globe emerged before the advent of ample written records (Feinman and Nicholas 2016). Archaeology is positioned to contribute to broader interdisciplinary debates, as our practitioners are able to examine the processes and mechanisms of cooperation as well as historical outcomes (Grant 2004: 24; Smith 2010:237). Although archaeologists have learned a great deal about premodern cities and states, the implications of our synthetic findings are often de-valued due to how we frame our data and long-standing biases that arbitrarily segregate how we vision cooperation in the past from how we view it in the present. We begin by addressing these issues historically and conceptually and advocate for a new theoretical perspective. We then briefly apply this framing to illustrative examples from prehispanic Mesoamerica. Theoretical underpinning Humans have the potential to be excellent cooperators. We aggregate and affiliate at scales unmatched by any animal other than social insects. Yet, the communities of the latter involve only close genetic relatives, which is not the case for humans whose reciprocity and

cooperation extend well beyond biological kin. Human cooperation, which is defined as a group of individuals acting together toward common ends (Gillinson 2004:4), tends to be fragile, impermanent, contingent, and at times situational. In part, this reflects that for all human groupings resources are involved, and so there is potential for selfishness (Blanton and Fargher 2016: 30). In the 17th century, Hobbes (2003) posed a seminal query: what holds human groupings together given the tendency of individuals to pursue self-interest? Hobbes’ question spurred centuries of theorizing that today underpin the principal frameworks that have long guided our thinking regarding large human cooperative arrangements and their spatiotemporal variation. In the wake of Hobbes’ works, later writers such as Montesquieu, Marx, and Engels outlined two organizational modes, Classical and Asiatic, for largescale human cooperative formations, which they equated with different historical paths (Blanton and Fargher 2016: 100). The basic gist of this long-held view is that only with the European Enlightenment and the development of rational thought did more collective forms of governance (including democracy) emerge. These forms of government were thought to have developed in the West, particularly during the last two centuries, with a largely unexplained historical thread back to ancient Greece and Rome. Alternatively, outside of the last two hundred years in the West, and a few select historical contexts, the presumption became that rule always was autocratic/oligarchic, invested in absolute power with supernatural legitimacy. These despots dominated servile subaltern populations who were perpetually coerced or duped so as to not act in their own interests. This dichotomous view of the modes of human cooperation has dominated social science thinking for more than a century, with significant implications for how we conceptualize human societies in the present as well as the past. Marx’s (1971) Asiatic Mode of Production was meant to typify Asia, yet theorists extended its core feature to most of the rest of the premodern world (e.g., Wolf 1976). This view was broadly extended as a basic model for non-Western, non-modern societies across various disciplines of the social sciences. So, even for

landscape archaeology in the near east (Archaeopress 2023): 47–56

Gary M. Feinman and Linda M. Nicholas prehispanic Mesoamerica, when archaeologists began to think about how cities and states were organized and functioned, their perspectives were grounded in this work and the notion that the economy was politically controlled with power and agency concentrated at the top.

are not meant as typologies, but rather they represent a continuous axis of generally co-occurring factors. No doubt, there are technological and scalar considerations that offer different challenges for cooperation and governance in recent eras as compared to the deep past. And although we are focusing on broad organizational parameters and patterns, we also recognize the variation in historical and case specificities. Nevertheless, a key question is that, if we can use such similar axes of factors to characterize and compare variation in governance across wide vectors of time and space, why have we as social scientists relied for so long on tenets and models that view political organization in the past as categorically different from that in the present or in the West as compared to the rest? Why do we view shifts in leadership in such a progressivist, Eurocentric frame? Isn’t it worth examining these questions in regard to political organization and governance? Are collective forms of political organization, rational social action, and human agency exclusively Occidental, limited to only the last two centuries? And most importantly, how can we account for variation and change in modes of governance?

Historically, it is understandable why archaeologists in the mid-20th century, as they shifted focus from antiquarianism and classification to the probing of more substantive questions concerning humanity’s past, drew heavily on earlier generations of political philosophers and social scientists when setting their expectations. Drawing on Marx, and later theorists influenced by the Asiatic mode, such as Polanyi (e.g., Polanyi et al. 1957) and Wittfogel (1957), most archaeologists have presumed that past societies were dominated by exclusionary rulers, who controlled economic production and distribution (e.g., redistribution) and were unchecked by the rest of the population. In fact, in the archaeological literature, political centralization often is mistakenly conflated with increasing hierarchical (more levels of) political/ governmental complexity (e.g., Haas 1982: 74–75). Political organizational variation

Conceptualizing political variation in archaeology

Significantly, over the last decades, archaeologists, anthropologists, and political scientists conducting comparative studies of political organizations across widely different times, places, and societal scales have noted important axes of variation (Table 1; Feinman 2012a). Of critical importance, a remarkably similar set of factors—personalized rule, centralization of power in specific individuals, transactional interpersonal networking, economic inequity, minimal subaltern voice, few checks on power—have been repeatedly noted as co-occurring in comparative analyses of archaeological and historical political organization and leadership. Alternatively, when/where we find faceless or less-personalized governance, it tends to be associated with distributed power, checks and balances, relatively greater economic equity, and greater reliance on bureaucracy (that is, governmental infrastructure and offices). These patterns or modes of governance

Building on earlier intellectual models over the last six decades, archaeologists rightly have noted the general relationship between the scales of human aggregation and affiliation with political complexity (Feinman 1998, 2012a, 2013). But, at the same time, they have tended to view the marked organizational variation (Table 1) within these tiers of complexity (chiefdom, state, empire) from an idiosyncratic, culturally specific lens (e.g., Fried 1967; Sahlins and Service 1960; Service 1962, 1975) rather than a more overarching explanatory framework. Nevertheless, the recurrent patterning revealed in the largely independent analyses conducted across different temporal, geographic, and scalar parameters (Table 1, Feinman 2012a) opens the potential that this spectrum of organizational variation may be due to broader socioeconomic processes or mechanisms (Hedström and Swedberg 1996). That is,

More Collective

Less Collective

Reference

Group-oriented chiefdom

Individualizing chiefdom

Renfrew 1974

Production-based big man Staple finance

Quasi-voluntary compliance Corporate Democratic Inclusive Systemic power

Finance-based big man

Strathern 1969

Wealth finance

D’Altroy and Earle 1985

Predatory rule Exclusionary/network Monarchic Extractive Inter-member power

Levi 1988 Blanton et al. 1996 Grinin 2004 Acemoglu and Robinson 2012 Lehman 1969

48

Table 1. Modes of political organizational variability.

Cooperation and Political Relations in the Deep Past: A Reframing

the degree to which power is distributed in any given context likely reflects the state of other socioeconomic variables and interpersonal relations.

documented both within regions and for specific cultural groups. Agency is not productively envisioned as the exclusive domain of elites, nor limited historically to people either from the global West or in contemporary contexts. Human affiliations and social formations are not primordial nor closed nor static (Blanton 2015; Feinman and Neitzel 2019; Jones 2008; Kristiansen 2014). Relations between leaders and followers are changeable yet they underpin the nature of governance. Humans have the capacity to cooperate, but to realize its benefits is challenging. For a group to cooperate successfully, members must have the trust and confidence that others will behave in accord with collective benefits. Self-interest undermines cooperation and potentially the bounds of human affiliations themselves. In consequence, cooperative groups do not form nor endure in the absence of specialized and effective institutions that can foster prosocial action (Blanton and Fargher 2016: 37). At the other end of the continuum are human groupings forged through dominance and coercion that tend to have more aristocratic, authoritarian rule. These differences underpin the range of leader-follower dynamics that sit along a spectrum between more collective and more autocratic modes of governance.

And yet, in general, archaeologists rarely have taken a comparatist’s lens to variability in premodern interpersonal relations. Until recently, most archaeological models viewed human cooperation and political change strictly from the top-down, so that no agency was afforded subalterns. In line with the aforementioned legacy models from our intellectual past, human agency was viewed as strictly in the domain of the elite. In a characterization of archaeological approaches that remains apt, Robert Carneiro (1970) drew a contrast between voluntaristic vs. coercive relations (which basically boils down to the underpinnings for functionalist approaches as opposed Marxist models for cooperative aggregations). For premodern contexts, Carneiro favored the latter—that force, coercion, and dominance are always employed by the empowered. Nevertheless, it must be recognized that although coercion may work in certain instances, it tends to be very costly and often is effective only for relatively short temporal durations (Roscoe 2013). Furthermore, the suite of empirical analyses cumulated above (Table 1) indicate that governance in premodern contexts was not strictly coercive. Carneiro’s alternative frame, volunteerism (which reflects systems, functionalist approaches), is logically problematic because it presumes that people generally act for the good of the whole or the group, and, behaviorally, this is by no means always the case (Blanton and Fargher 2016; Carballo 2013; Carballo et al. 2014; Tomasello and Vaish 2013). Although we have prosocial capabilities, humans are situationally, not inherently, cooperative, and their interpersonal social arrangements are often impermanent. A further issue with functionalist logic is that although the basis for such approaches is that participants work for the good of the social whole, the norms and rules of these cooperative entities are presumed to stem from the top where norms, values, and mores were presumed set.

Beyond Carneiro’s (1970) coercion/volunteerism dichotomy, a third option stems from the theory of collective action (Olson 1965; Ostrom 1998) as applied by the political scientist, Margaret Levi (1988). This perspective grants degrees of agency to all participants and builds on the relational dynamic between leaders and followers. Principals strive for the quasi-voluntary compliance of followers, which allows leaders to reduce the transaction costs as opposed to strict coercion, while maximizing subaltern compliance and decreasing their incentives to flee. From this perspective, the situational contingency of cooperation is explicable. Individuals may act to benefit the larger group to the degree that their interests are intertwined with the vitality and future prospects of that group (Blanton and Fargher 2016: 33–35).

Although governance in some premodern contexts was autocratic, it seems unwise to presume that such practices stem from an absence of agency. Similarly, in preindustrial cases where governance was more collectively organized, there is no conceptual dividend achieved through a presumption that such episodes were the consequence of the idiosyncratic benevolence of specific rulers. Patterns of governance also are not simply culture bound. In both the modern world (Freedom House 2019) and the deep past (Blanton et al. 1996; Feinman 2018; Feinman and Carballo 2018), major shifts in the character of governance (along the autocratic/collective continuum) have been

The fiscal underpinnings of collective action More specifically, the perspective that we take draws on the works of Richard Blanton and Lane Fargher (2008, 2016), who in turn built on Levi’s (1988) historical analysis. For this approach, a key variable is how governance is financed, the fiscal foundations of collective action. In their comparative analysis of 30 premodern, historically known states from around the globe, Blanton and Fargher (2008) found an axis of variability (collective/autocratic rule) in political organization similar to those that were 49

Gary M. Feinman and Linda M. Nicholas

Figure 1. Socioeconomic mechanisms that underpin the fiscal financing of collective action.

outlined in Table 1. Significantly, they illustrated social mechanisms that underlie the co-occurrence of certain features of leadership and governance and documented them statistically. They showed that preindustrial rulers were not uniformly despotic; in certain settings leaders expressed concern for their peoples and acted accordingly, while others were more self-aggrandizing.

they are progressive and efficient, actually enhance citizen well-being and voice. A critical element of the Blanton and Fargher (2008) findings was the link between how governance and power were funded or financed and the ways that it was implemented (Figures 1, 2). When the fiscal underpinnings of government relied mostly on what they refer to as internal resources—derived from the local population—then the wielding of power tended to be muted with checks and balances. Alternatively, when external resources, such as monopolization of trade routes, war booty, or produce from elite estates, predominated, principals depended less on the exaction of local production from subjects, and power could be exerted more freely. Since trust and confidence are keys to collective action, when governance is funded by the local population, rulers have to give something back to encourage compliance and discourage people from voting with their feet. Tax collection and dissemination of public goods tend to promote bureaucratic investments (Blanton and Fargher 2008).

At the crux of their results (Blanton and Fargher 2008) is the finding that when governance was highly focused on a dominant few, and checks and balances on principals were minimal, those rulers tended to dispense and provide fewer public goods and services (Figure 1, Table 2). The quality of life for most was limited (Blanton and Fargher 2016), and the extent of bureaucracy was much less extensive than in more collective polities. Alternatively, when power of governors was checked and distributed/dispersed, the provisioning of public goods was more robust, infrastructural investments that facilitated movement/access, communication, and commerce were more ample, and bureaucratic institutions and organizations to collect taxes and foster public investments in goods and services were more robust and diverse. For most, the material standing of living was enhanced. To stress what may seem as counterintuitive, taxes and bureaucracy, when Governance: Variable: Bureaucratization Control over principals Public goods Revenue source

Less Collective More Collective low low low external

high high high internal

Table 2. Governance continuum.

Figure 2. Fiscal foundations of governance.

50

Cooperation and Political Relations in the Deep Past: A Reframing

Figure 3. Prehispanic Mesoamerican centers mentioned in the text.

spaces, plazas, and wide streets with fewer restricted areas, broader spaces at the tops of temples and other platforms. From its foundation, Teotihuacan had a more ordered, gridded, spatial lay out that undoubtedly facilitated movement and commerce.

Comparative analysis: Prehispanic Mesoamerica As a next step, we assess whether these socioeconomic mechanisms (and the corresponding axes of variability) evidenced in premodern societies for which we have texts (Blanton and Fargher 2008) also can be found in contexts where documentary sources are limited and archaeological findings (as well as art and architectural information) are preeminent. In several papers, David Carballo and the senior author (Feinman 2018; Feinman and Carballo 2018) have begun to assess variation along this axis between more-collectively organized and less-collectively (autocratic) organized polities/cities across the prehispanic Mesoamerican world (Table 3). The aims are to see if variation in the practices of governance existed (or was it all coercive) and whether any variation that is found fits this frame.

In contrast, Tikal, the most completely mapped Maya center, is highly dispersed (with relatively few clear paths or roads). Open spaces for massive aggregations were lacking. The palaces of Classic Maya rulers are generally not difficult to identify as the largest, most elaborate residences in the settlement (Jackson 2013), whereas there is no agreement on the ruler’s residence at Teotihuacan (Feinman 2001, 2012b:730). The multifamily, apartment compounds at Teotihuacan have almost as much inequality within these residential structures as between them (Cowgill 2015).

To illustrate and compare this axis, we begin by contrasting Mesoamerican central places that are roughly contemporaneous (first millennium AD) at opposite ends of this continuum, Teotihuacan in Central Mexico with Classic Maya centers to the east. Teotihuacan is much larger in population size and far more monumental than Classic Maya centers, such as Tikal and Palenque (Figure 3). So, from a strictly cultural evolutionary paradigm, you would expect Teotihuacan to have more powerful rulers, more lavish burials. But rather what you see at Teotihuacan is larger open

Maya elite burials were richly adorned, including mosaic jade masks, and had a wealth of highly crafted burial accompaniments. Maya lords erected carved monuments, in which they were named and depicted, broadcasting their birthrights and glory. At Teotihuacan, a generation of archaeologists has been convinced that a city so monumental and large must have royal tombs. Toward that end, they keep tunneling under the three largest pyramids at the site—looking for the elaborate grave of the king. Their findings have been important, a multitude of human sacrifices and offerings, but no 51

Gary M. Feinman and Linda M. Nicholas More Collective

Less Collective

More communally owned or managed land

Less communally owned or managed land

Greater potential for shared power

Greater potential for individualized power

Internal revenues: regularized taxation, a focus on staple finance External revenues: long-distance trade, importance of and regional goods portable wealth, spoils of war, control of spot resources Fewer disparities of wealth in life and death

Greater disparities of wealth in life and death

Political ideology emphasizes abstract principles of offices and strength of the polity, cosmology, and fertility Not centered on palaces

Monumental architecture fosters access (e.g., open plazas, wide access-ways, community temples) Greater expenditures on public goods

Political ideology emphasizes lineal descent systems for succession and legitimation, divine kingship, and royal patron deities Centrality of palaces

Monumental architecture fosters exclusivity (e.g., elite tombs and memorials, dynastic temples) Smaller expenditures on public goods

Table 3. Axes of collectivity for premodern complex societies. Variable/Collectivity Score 1 – More Collective

Political Economy

Governance Architecture

0 – Less Collective

Internal financing with greater focus on External financing with greater focus on prestige staple goods and market exchange; more goods derived from long-distance exchange or muted socioeconomic differentiation. control of spot resources; palace-centric production; more heightened socioeconomic differentiation. “Faceless” rulership; low mortuary differentiation; secular and bureaucratized political offices.

Highly conspicuous rulers in burials and iconography; individualized rulers; divine kingship.

Emphasis on communal architecture over Emphasis on palaces so that their elaboration and palaces, including temples, plazas, access- centrality matches or exceeds more communal ways; art emphasizing public goods. architecture; art emphasizing exclusive access. Table 4. Axes of collectivity coded for Mesoamerican cases.

royal internments. Rather, Teotihuacan processions show supernatural or elite figures dispersing water and seeds to common folk. Scenes include multiple, masked individuals who are not named or otherwise personalized.

up and down the Usumacinta River and along riverine corridors to the west, such as by Tikal (Demarest et al. 2014; Feinman 2017; Tokovinine and Beliaev 2013). Even within the Maya region, intensive agrarian features, such as terracing and raised fields, are most evidenced in Belize, just where inequalities were less manifest and elite aggrandizement was relatively less expressed (Luzzadder-Beach et al. 2012).

Maya rulers were glorified through monuments and at death. In these contexts, they often were named (Houston and Stuart 1998). In more than a few contexts, their genealogies and lineal succession events were recorded as a basis for legitimation. For Classic Maya rulers, performances were a focal aspect of their leadership. We have few, if any, artistic evidences of such personalized displays or the lineages of rule for Teotihuacan. Despite the bounty of obsidian at Teotihuacan, wealth disparities were less pronounced, domestic architecture more comparable in size and elaboration across the site (Smith et al. 2014, 2019).

With the two poles of the continuum outlined for prehispanic Mesoamerica, we briefly mention a broader but still preliminary analysis by Feinman and Carballo (2018). We applied these theoretical constructs to a sample of 26 prehispanic Mesoamerican cities (Figure 3). Following closely the descriptions of findings at the sites by their investigators, we examined each central place along three dimensions (political economy, governance, architecture). For each dimension (Table 4), we employed a simple nominal scale from 0–1 (1 if more collective, 0 if less collective). If the findings were equivocal, we scored at 0.5. For example, for architecture if there was ample public space, a communication grid, and no indication of elaborate palaces, the score would be 1. If there was minimal public space and elaborate palaces, the score would be 0. For governance, named

It is difficult to know what funded governance in these archaeological contexts. But if we consider the economy of Teotihuacan, it was based on local craftwork, namely obsidian working, and agriculture in the Basin of Mexico (Feinman 2001). In contrast, a key economic aspect of the Classic Maya was the exchange of precious goods 52

Cooperation and Political Relations in the Deep Past: A Reframing

Figure 4. Analytical Results. (a) Weak positive correlation between collectivity and population (r = 0.28, p = 0.95). (b) Moderate to strong positive correlation between collectivity and apogee (r = 0.59, p = 0.95).

rulers who had erected a high degree of personalized monuments and were buried in lavish tombs would be scored as 0, whereas faceless rulers who did not receive ostentatious funerary treatment would be coded 1. When possible for each site, we also collected information on maximal population estimates by the investigators and the duration that each of these cities dominated their local hinterlands.

the ruler We also discovered (bottom graph) a strong correlation (0.59, p=.95) between the more collectively organized cities and longer durations as major centers. So, in prehispanic Mesoamerica, more collective governance seems to have been generally more sustainable.

Table 5 includes apogee (duration), maximum population, and collectivity scores for all 26 cities. To derive a score for degree of collectivity, we added the three dimensions/variables, so that each city ranges from a score of 0 to 3. We found that the sums clustered between 0–0.5 and 2.5–3.0, which again indicates that the expected characteristics of governance do tend to co-occur. This is rewarding, if not entirely surprising. When we compared the collectivity score with population (Figure 4), we found a weak but statistically significant relationship (top graph, 0.28, p=.95) that more collectively organized cities had higher maximal populations, which refutes the alternative notion that the larger the city, the more powerful, autocratic

As we have illustrated through this discussion, considerations of human landscapes and relations with the environment must diagnose how people are/were organized. Among Mesoamerican complex societies, we have shown that both within central settlements and across broader landscapes, space, place, and resource exploitation all were affected by the nature of governance. Infrastructural investments, monumentality, agrarian production, networks of communication all are deeply intertwined with the different ways that people organize and their political relations. It is misguided to presume that all premodern urban societies or states were autocratically ruled and interacted with resources in precisely the same ways.

Concluding thoughts

53

Gary M. Feinman and Linda M. Nicholas

Site* Cacaxtla Calakmul Cantona Caracol Cerro Jazmín Chalcatzingo Chichén Itzá Cholula Chunchuchmil Copán Cuicuilco La Venta Mayapan Monte Albán Palenque San Lorenzo Seibal Tenochtitlan Teotihuacan Tikal Tlaxcallan Tres Zapotes Tula Tututepec Xochicalco Xochitecatl

Period Epi/Late Classic Epi/Late Classic Classic-Epiclassic Epi/Late Classic Postclassic Preclassic Postclassic Classic-Epiclassic Classic Epi/Late Classic Preclassic Preclassic Postclassic Classic Epi/Late Classic Preclassic Epi/Late Classic Postclassic Classic Epi/Late Classic Postclassic Preclassic Postclassic Postclassic Epi/Late Classic Preclassic

Apogee 250 400 650 250 400 500 350 750 300 250 700 300 300 1100 300 300 200 -600 400 -600 300 -250 700

Maximum Population 15,000 50,000 60,000 100,000 17,000 1,000 24,500 -38,500 10,000 20,000 3,000 16,000 25,000 7,500 8,000 7,500 212,500 100,000 55,000 35,000 3000 50,000 16,000 12,000 --

Political Economy 0.5 0 1 0.5 0 0.5 0.5 1 0.5 0 1 0 0.5 1 0 0 0 1 1 0 1 1 1 0.5 1 1

Leaders 0.5 0 1 0.5 0 0.5 0.5 1 1 0 1 0 1 0.5 0 0 0 0.5 1 0 1 1 1 0 0.5 1

Architecture 0 0.5 0.5 1 0.5 1 1 1 1 0 1 0 1 1 0 0 0 0.5 1 0.5 1 0.5 0.5 0 1 1

Collectivity Score 1 0.5 2.5 2 0.5 2 2 3 2.5 0 3 0 2.5 2.5 0 0 0 2 3 0.5 3 2.5 2.5 0.5 2.5 3

* See Feinman and Carballo 2018 for source information on each site.

Table 5. Mesoamerica cities and central places used in analysis.

Likewise, we no longer should continue to assume a simple dichotomy in the organization of cooperative arrangements between modernity and deeper history. Depending on the organization and structure of governance, different human affiliations and institutions engage with their larger socioenvironment in distinct ways (Holland-Lulewicz et al. 2020).

have a long history (Ober 2008). Good governance, whether ancient or modern, requires participation and collective action. When evidenced, personalized power and authoritarianism generally act in counterweight. Notes Gary M. Feinman MacArthur Curator of Anthropology

We end with the recognition that the same 19th and 20th century Euro-Americans who asserted that foundations of their newly minted democratic arrangements were unique, more rational compared to whatever existed before, were also just the same people who erected a stark wall between humans in the past and their present (Conrad 2012; Lowenthal 2015: 4). “[W]hat seemed like Enlightenment to the philosophers of the eighteenth century … turned out to be the parochial self-consciousness of European expansion”(Sahlins 1999: ii). Before that time, the historical past was generally thought to be much like the present (Lowenthal 2015: 4). Perhaps, it is well beyond time to knock down that conceptual wall and recognize that history is not past, that time’s arrow is not an inevitable path to an enlightened and newly rational world, and that the original meaning of democracy is the power and capacity to do things, for which humans

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Urban and Agrarian Landscapes of Larisa (Buruncuk) Ilgın Külekçi, Sinan Kolay, and Gizem Mater

Figure 1. Larisa (Buruncuk) promontory extending over Hermos Plain.

Introduction Larisa (Buruncuk) is an ancient city in southern Aeolis, on the Hermos (Gediz) river valley. The ruins of Larisa are dispersed on and around the two hills of the Buruncuk ridge extending from the ancient Sardene (Dumanlı) mountain through the Hermos plain (Figure 1). Larisa is a hill-top city in interaction with the plain and the river running on its south. The ancient residents must have benefited from the fertile natural environment to establish a fulfilled living and shaped the settlement accordingly. The earliest archaeological finds date back to the Neolithic period (6600–5600 BCE), and the Bronze Age is evident through some wall fragments. However, the visible architectural remains on site date to the 6–4th centuries BCE. No later remains exist after the beginning of the 3rd century BCE, so it is possible to analyze the settlement dynamics in Archaic, late Archaic and Classical periods. The first archaeological studies on site were carried out by Swedish and German archaeologists in 1902, followed by three campaigns in 1932–1934.1 The results were published in 1940 and 1942 in three “Larisa am Hermos” volumes, on architecture, architectural terracottas and 1 

For the history of research in Larisa, see Mater 2016: 41–60.

small finds respectively.2 Since 2010 an architectural survey conducted by Turgut Saner has been going on with a group of graduate and undergraduate students from ITU.3 The survey includes the analysis of the overall ridge, and aims at broadening the 20th century research, which was limited to the acropolis and extended nearly to the necropolis, thus revealing the settlement expansion, emphasizing the prominent structures with their architectural details.4 The two hills on Buruncuk ridge define the two main centers of the city (Figure 2). The higher hill on the northeast, Larisa East, is reserved to a strong fort and its southeastern terraces bear the ruins of a small 2  Boehlau and Schefold 1940; Åkerström and Kjellberg 1940; Boehlau and Schefold 1942. 3  The ITU survey has started in 2010 with permission of the Turkish Ministry of Culture and Tourism - General Directory of Cultural Assets and Museums; and with financial support of ITU (Project no.s 37267 and 33992). For the broader context of the survey see Saner 2018: 14–31. 4  The research of ITU students at master’s and doctoral level contributes to understand the settlement of Larisa: Research history of Larisa based on archival documents (G. Mater), stone pieces of architecture kept in Istanbul (M. Arseven) and Izmir museums (F. Öztürk), the architecture of the Northeast building (O. Yıldırım) and of the propylon (E. Kapulu) both on the acropolis have been completed in the capacity of master’s theses. Numerous remains of ancient quarrying activities (G. Mater), the acropolis circuit (E. Denktaş), the so-called New Palace (D. Göçmen), the settlement structures (I. Külekçi) and the temple on the acropolis (F. Öztürk) are currently being studied as doctoral theses. A final ongoing master’s theses deals with the agricultural areas in the East (S. Kolay).

landscape archaeology in the near east (Archaeopress 2023): 57–72

Ilgın Külekçi, Sinan Kolay, and Gizem Mater

Figure 2. Larisa (Buruncuk), greater settlement pattern.

settlement. The lower hill on the southwest, Larisa West, comprises an acropolis on the hilltop, with representational buildings such as palaces, a temple and a Megaron; an urban area on southeastern and northern slopes, and an extensive necropolis on its north, northeast and east. The area between the two hills is very close to the plain’s level and the recent survey revealed regularly designed buildings and terraces on the southwestern slopes of Larisa East, reserved for agricultural purposes.

of Turkey. Geomorphology of the area is formed by mountain ranges which tend toward east-west and major rivers which are located between these elevations. Moreover, essential fault zones have an important role in the formation of the region. High mountain blocks and natural gorges between them form the Gediz Delta plain and its environment. Between Dumanlı and Yamanlar mountains, the Menemen gorge links interior alluvial plains to the Aegean coastal zone. Thus, Larisa has a wide hinterland, extending to the inner parts of the Aegean region. Another gorge between Dumanlı mountain and hilly area of Foça (Phokaia), provides a natural passage to the important harbour city of Kyme (Nemrut) and the northern Aegean coastal zone, including Bakırçay-Bergama inner planes (Kayan and Öner 2016: 20) (Figure 3).

The diverse functions are neatly connected to each other and they exhibit a well-defined urban entity matching the topography perfectly. It is obvious that the settlement took advantage of the rich natural environment and followed the topographical circumstances. This leads us to analyze the environmental features and the topography in more detail, in order to understand how the city was developed within the landscape. In this article, starting with the presentation of the natural environment, including the geological and topographical features of the site, beyond the acropolis the urban and agrarian landscapes are considered as part of the settlement organization of Larisa.

Development of the Gediz Delta plain and its environment was a result of neotectonics during the third geological period especially the Neogene era (24– 2.5 million years ago). These tectonic events caused severe and long-term volcanic actions (Kayan and Öner 2016: 11). Modern-day landforms are developed on these volcanic formations and the whole area is completely volcanic. During the Neogene era, at first the area was covered by pyroclastic material, and then covered with andesitic lava. Dumanlı Mountain is a part of these formations (Kayan and Öner 2016: 11).

Natural Environment Geological features of the site

Dumanlı is a typical volcanic mountain, which has a caldera formed by the collapse of the land following a volcanic eruption. A lower andesitic ridge, extended

Larisa is located on a hilltop which extends towards Gediz Delta plain, one of the largest coastal plains 58

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Figure 3. Map of western Anatolian coast, showing Larisa and neighboring ancient cities.

from the southern part of this caldera towards the plain, is the hill where Larisa is located (Kayan and Öner 2016: 21). The local stone of the area is andesite and has been exploited since the ancient times. Andesite is hard and resistant to deterioration, and thus it is difficult to processed but suitable for architectural purposes.

contemporary times and these activities unfortunately damaged the ancient traces. The major quarry of Larisa West is the southeastern steep cliff of the settlement facing the site of the abandoned village of old Buruncuk (Figure 4). This large quarry area presents many ancient remains and it is positioned on the southeast of the hill where the extensive urban area is located. At the southernmost edge of the settlement, a new and large quarry eliminated a portion of the city. There are also remnants of recent quarrying activities on the north, but they were abandoned a few decades ago. Above these northern quarries, on higher levels, there are traces of ancient quarrying activities. These spots in and around the settlements were obviously considered the most convenient for transportation.

Building material for all of the constructions were obtained from major and minor quarry areas in and around the settlement. In addition to certain slopes, free-standing solid rocks on the surface of the settlements were randomly used for extracting building stones. On the site of Larisa East, larger or smaller clusters of outcrops of rocks were simply used as quarries for the construction of the fort and dwellings on the terraces. Almost all smaller solid rocks on the surface were used for that purpose. At the slopes of the hill where Larisa West settlement was founded, the ancient quarries with traces of stone extractions are identified. Some areas were still actively used in

Stone extraction methods are mainly based on the opening of wedge-holes where wedges enable extracting the blocks from parent rock or split them to smaller pieces (Figure 5, Figure 6). The visible remains 59

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Figure 4. Large quarry wall from southeastern quarry area.

of the settlement date between 6th and 4th century BCE and it is obvious that quarrying operations proceeded concurrently with them. In the masonry of the early 5th century BCE acropolis walls, where the wedge holes have been identified, the earliest examples of this practice that have been applied in Larisa, can be found.

not mean a distribution between quarries; stones with both basic color groups may appear at the same quarry side by side. The reason for the variety of colors is obviously related to the distribution of minerals as mentioned before. Multi-colored masonry has been used for the construction of buildings and defense walls. This variety is acquired by using andesite blocks of different colors and tones together within the walls. Within the random arrangement of stones, it is seen that stones in both basic tones of color are used together (Figure 7). This practice is probably related to practical reasons rather than decorative concerns. In other words, effective usage of quarries with a minimum loss of material was priority. The only exception can be seen in Tower I, which is part of the defense walls of the acropolis area. Light, bluishgrey stones are used in the masonry and the wall is decorated with a bright pinkish-red stripe (Figure 8). Finally, in the late archaic fort at Larisa East and in the dwellings located at its slopes mainly andesite blocks of reddish-brown tones are used. The reason that the rocks in this place are more brownish than the ones in the acropolis is probably because the minerals in the soil here are different from those in the acropolis of the western settlement (Mater and Denktaş 2018).

Andesite is an extrusive igneous volcanic rock with porphyritic texture. It is composed by several minerals, predominantly hornblende and plagioclase. The minerals give andesite its color in accordance with their concentration. While magnesium darkens the color of the stone and gets it closer to black, iron gives a red color. Iron containing minerals give different colors in the same way. Magnetite mineral gives a dark or blackish color; hematite gives red, and limonite mineral carries a more yellowish color. Sometimes with the co-existence of these minerals the colors of the andesite rocks may diversify. Larisaean andesites display a wide range of colors ranging from bluish grey, reddish brown or deep violet and sometimes even different tones of pink; plus, dark basaltic versions. However, bluish-grey and reddish-brown versions have been predominantly used. Observations in field surveys have shown that this diversity of colors does 60

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Figure 5. Wedge hole traces before splitting.

Figure 6. Wedge hole traces after splitting.

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Figure 7. Examples of multicolored andesite masonry.

Hermos river and the floodplain Along with the geological features, Larisa is characterized by the Hermos valley and the river. Together they define the settlement’s natural boundaries, transportation facilities, water sources and agricultural background. Today the Hermos River runs about 580m south of Buruncuk. The river-bed has changed many times because of the constant sea level rises, floods, fillings of alluvium or replanning of the Gulf of Izmir in the 19th century (Böyükulusoy 2014: 150). The current river bed following northwest of Menemen is accepted as the ancient one (Heinle 2015: 19). With its major and minor tributaries, Hermos River represents a vital resource allowing many settlements to flourish around.5 The discussions on coastline changes of the Aegean Sea raises the question if Larisa was ever close to the coast, especially in the ancient periods. However, a research has demonstrated that the coastline was located between Foça and Karaburun in the Holocene, in the Bronze Age far West, and finally Larisa has never been a city on the coast in the Classical period.6 The city was accessible through the natural passages of the Hermos Figure 8. Wall of Tower I, decorative bright pinkish-red striped masonry.

5  From Larisa to the East, the cities on the Hermos River are Neonteichos, Temnos, Magnesia and Sardis. 6  For the research on Larisa’s geographical environment with geoarchaeological interpretations, see Kayan and Öner 2016.

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River and the valley. These routes connected Larisa with Panaztepe and the nearby harbors in the Aegean through the current riverbed; with inland Lydia beyond Menemen gorge; and northern Aeolis and Smyrna following the plain. The transportation network of the ancient periods cannot be traced accurately. However, the shortest way from the harbor of Phokaia to the inland passes is via the Hermos River on which Larisa, Magnesia (Sipylos) and Sardis can be imagined as possible stations. In the north-south direction Larisa is situated on the road between Pergamon and Smyrna. Until 1935 small boats and wooden bridges passed over the Hermos River, and in 1935 the concrete Buruncuk Bridge was constructed as an extension of the highway (Ceylan 2011: 103–132; Şener and Şener 2015: 135).

necropolis. The ancient canal was an overall structure running around the Buruncuk ridge, integrated with the topography, partially carved in the rocks. The canal dates to the Archaic period and it was most probably shaped at the same time with the building activities on the acropolis.8 However, the different dimensions of the blocks show that it was modified several times and continued to be used in later periods. Wells and cisterns complete the water system. On the southeast of the old Buruncuk village, on a relatively higher position (+32– 35m) two cisterns were documented. Another well of 1.2m diameter and 4.5m depth was mentioned in the 20th century research on the southwest of Larisa West. On the densest area of the necropolis, to the north, is situated the “Yirmi Bir Kuyu”, a set of 21 wells.9 They are included in the necropolis area, in a very close vicinity to the tumuli. The canal must have also been related to the ancient road reaching the acropolis around the Tower VII.

The plain represents a fertile agricultural setting and this must have been critical for the site choice. The plain characterizes the settlement, hence topographically Larisa can be categorized as a hill-top city over a plain. Similarly to the other Aeolian cities, such as Neonteichos, Melanpagos, Temnos and Tisna, Larisa benefited from the fertile lands of Hermos plain and their cultivated crops (Heinle 2015: 71–72; Boehlau and Schefold 1940: 11). Today it is still one of the main agricultural resources of Turkey offering a variety of products such as grapes, cotton, olives, figs and many other crops and vegetables. However, the agricultural production on Hermos plain has been affected by the floods and it is also known that some marshy lands influenced the settlement density around Menemen in the 19th and 20th centuries (Gonca 2005: 143, 179). The previous name of the region “Bağlarca”, referring to vineyards, points out that the agricultural production of vines survived until modern times (Doğer 1998: 200). Although the old Buruncuk village is now abandoned, the villagers from the neighboring settlements use the area on the north of the necropolis to lay out and dry grapes traditionally under open sun.

General topography The two main hills of the Buruncuk ridge, Larisa West and Larisa East, show different topographical characteristics (Figure 2). Larisa West on the southwestern edge of the ridge represents more even and extensive areas overlooking the plain, whereas Larisa East is much hillier with dense rock clusters being closer to the mountainous backdrop. Larisa West is a hill about 100m high. It can be accessed more easily from the northeast or east. The traces of the ancient road can be followed from +60m until the top of the hill. As one gets closer to the hill-top, rocky formations get denser and as described above, some of them were used as stone quarries. The hill-top offers a 0.8 ha of a nearly flat area with flattened rocks creating bases for buildings. This area was reserved to the acropolis. The northern slopes are extremely steep and create a natural boundary for the acropolis area. The southern slopes are quite smooth and thus the urban area could be expanded in this direction. From the northeast of the acropolis, the topography declines to the east until +80m and in the same direction the +80 altitude is preserved, forming a crescent shaped ridge. Four ruins of windmills are situated on this ridge, and it is recently suggested that they were constructed on the ancient tumuli of monumental dimensions, attributed to the prominent people of the period (Saner and Külekçi 2017: 57–61). Another monumental tumulus between Windmill-Tumulus III and IV sits on the declining topography with concentrically arranged stepped walls. The southeastern part of Larisa West is

The settlement benefited from these natural resources and infrastructures such as canals, wells and cisterns were organized in order to maintain a healthy life on and around the hills. According the map of Mimaroglu dating to 1900,7 a small branch of Hermos River, named Buruncuk Çayı, reaches the old Buruncuk village and runs from the outskirts of the hill. Following the contour of the Buruncuk ridge, it is possible to recognize traces of a canal dating back to ancient periods. The traces can be followed on the southeast of old Buruncuk village on an altitude of +17–19m, and on the northwest of the hill on +18m. Further traces which are not evident today were documented during the excavations of the 20th century researchers. The ancient canal follows the topographical contour lines sporadically, maintaining the same level to the east and reaches the north of the 7 

8  For the description and interpretations of the canal by the 20th century researchers see Boehlau and Schefold 1940: 107–108. 9  The wells are marked as “Yirmi Bir Kuyu” or “Brunnen” in the publication of the 20th century researchers, Boehlau and Schefold 1940: Pl.45.

For a brief description of the map see Mater 2017: 9–26, Fig.2.

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Figure 9. Great Tumulus overlooking the Hermos Plain.

the very end of the crescent-shaped ridge, and reserved for the Great Tumulus with a diameter of 54.5m. This representative structure is constructed using the rocky formations and it overlooks the broad Hermos Plain and the River (Figure 9).

context. The western settlement is an urban area attached to the monumental acropolis, whereas the eastern settlement is a modest area on the rocky slopes of a fort, neighboring the agricultural practices. Larisa West

From the Windmill-Tumuli to the northeast, the slope grade decreases and becomes nearly flat. Today the Aliağa-Selçuk railroad (İzban) passes through this lowest part of the Buruncuk ridge and separates the site into two sectors. To the further Northeast of the railroad, a lower hill of +80m altitude is situated between Larisa East and West. The necropolis extends until this middle hill, and its east is defined as the agricultural area. To the upper northeast, the slope increases and rocky formations dominate the topography. Here is Larisa East, representing the highest hill of the Buruncuk ridge with 180m altitude and offers a large panorama over Larisa West, the whole Buruncuk ridge, the Hermos Plain and the River, and also the Aegean Sea in good weather. The northern and eastern slopes of this hill are extremely steep; however, the southeastern slopes are relatively smooth, which allowed the foundation of another settlement area.

Outside the acropolis walls, the southern and partially the northern slopes were reserved for the urban area. Topographically the southern area is the most suitable area on which to plan a settlement (Figure 10). The acropolis walls are based on the rocky areas of the hill-top. The northern line of the acropolis follows the natural boundary of the hill, whereas the southern line of the acropolis walls does not follow a significant topographical change. The acropolis is limited to the +98–100m altitude. Starting from the southern line of the acropolis walls, the urban area extends smoothly until around +80m altitude to the east, south and west. This altitude marks the eastern and western limits of the area, since the slope increases downwards in both directions. This area is also defined and secured within the city walls which follow the natural boundaries. However, the urban area extends further to the south and the +80m altitude visually divides the area into two different topographical sections. In contrast to the level upper area, the lower part is steeper with scattered rocks. The lowest architectural remain is documented on +40m level and interpreted as the southernmost edge of the urban area. The southeastern corner of the area cannot be documented because of the quarrying

Urban landscapes The southeastern slopes of the both hills represent the two settlement areas of Larisa. They have different topographical characteristics and also the architectural remains vary in construction techniques. It resulted from the difference of both topography and urban 64

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Figure 10. Urban area of Larisa West seen from South.

activities in the last century. Although the remains of the city walls cannot be followed continuously, it is possible to imagine that the original line follows the contour lines and encloses an approximate 8 ha area.

function. Additionally, the monumental walls suggest potential public or specialized buildings. The difference in the masonry technique allows us to date or relate the wall remains to the structures on the acropolis.

During the 20th century excavations, five trial trenches were dug on the upper part of the urban area. The revealed wall fragments are mostly laid parallel or perpendicular to each other and they give the impression of a regular urban organization.10 In the last 10 years, the architectural survey expanded the research of this area and about 70 wall remains have been documented with architectural details.

The Lesbian masonry, which characterizes the early 5th century BCE acropolis walls and representative structures such as Megaron, is exemplified in approximately ten of the wall fragments in the urban area. This distinction makes it possible to imagine that the lower city was settled at latest in the early 5th century BCE, in accordance with the acropolis constructions.

The wall fragments show different structural characteristics. They can be classified in three major categories as terrace walls with larger blocks, monumental walls with a finer workmanship and walls of standard buildings for dwellings. Terrace walls are concentrated more on the southern part, especially around the areas where topographical change is evident. The urban plan is smoothened for the dwellings as an overall concern.

The 20th century researchers dated the two monumental wall fragments compared to the two different main construction phases: the one near the acropolis to the early 5th,11 and the other to the 4th century BCE.12 Consequently, in both periods the city area was included to the construction activities and populated. The topography was carefully leveled with terrace walls; at least two monumental buildings were constructed and the area was furnished with housing units. Considering the regular arrangement of the walls, the western settlement must have been elaborated within its given size and created a well-organized system considering the topography.

The two monumental walls are situated in two different trial trenches on the upper part. The rest of the wall remains cannot be distinctly differentiated so they are considered as parts of dwellings. The finds such as Olynthus mills and mortars confirm the domestic

A sima fragment found near this wall (D6) is dated to 480/70 BCE (Boehlau and Schefold 1940: 108, 138, 144–145; Åkerström and Kjellberg 1940: Pl.46). 12  This wall fragment (D29) is dated to 4th century BCE following its constructional techniques compared to the 4th century BCE buildings on the acropolis (Boehlau and Schefold 1940: 107–108). 11 

10  Schefold interprets the possible urban plan as “hippodamic” (Boehlau and Schefold 1940: 107–108).

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Figure 11. Larisa East and Sardene Mountain on the background, seen from the necropolis of Larisa West.

The topographical changes divide the area into at least four natural terraces. The uppermost part immediately outside the fort (Terrace 0) is a very steep area including the two main rock clusters representing the foundation bases of the fort. On its northern and southern edges, large blocks complete the gaps between the sheer rocks, and small spaces were created with dividing walls. The lower terrace, Terrace 1, offers the widest and the densest area of the settlement (Figure 13). Wall fragments form rectangular planned units with different orientations. The remains can be interpreted as housing units with simple rooms of ca. 25–30m2. In addition to the large rocks limiting the terrace in all directions, on the northernmost part of the terrace a wall fragment, 32m long and 85cm thick, comes forward with its elaborate construction and marks the most evident boundary of the settlement. Below Terrace 1, Terrace 2 is another habitation terrace. It represents the second dense area with a steeper topography, compared to Terrace 1. The wall remains intersect with each other from different levels and create narrow terraced structures. Small rooms are of similar sizes with Terrace 1 and rocks are included to the structures as an architectural element, such as a foundation base, a corner or a rear wall. On the lower southeastern slopes below Terrace 2, fewer units have been documented. Most of them are terrace walls which indicate that the habitation extends downwards until +83m level.

Further settlement remains outside the acropolis are situated on the northern slopes of the hill. As described above, the northern slopes are too steep to develop a dense dwelling area. However, the addition of the North Wall in the 4th century BCE suggests an occupation towards the west. The northwest of the North Wall is distinguished with a special architectural arrangement. The stepped rocks and possibly courses of koilon walls indicate a theater building.13 The analysis of the remains has not been completed yet, and no other wall remains have been documented to the west of the theater, but it is certain that the northern area was a part of urban establishments latest in the 4th century BCE. Larisa East Larisa East is around 2km away from Larisa West. The topography clearly differs from the western hill with dense rock clusters and their brownish-reddish color (Figure 11). The eastern hill is dominated by a majestic fort, which overlooks the settlement area. Following the topography, the fort has a triangular plan and it is strengthened with recesses and corners on the edges. The constructional features coincide with the remains on Larisa West. Therefore, the fort is dated to the early 5th century BCE and to the 4th century BCE with partial reconstructions. The settlement area extends downwards from the eastern wall of the fort to the Southeast (Figure 12).

The whole area covers around 1.7ha with an average slope of 35%. It is not enclosed with a continuous wall, but only rocks and partial wall fragments which complete the gaps create a defense line. No building can be differentiated as a monumental structure, nor can a distinct necropolis can be observed. In contrast

13  A similar question is already mentioned by the 20th century researchers: “Weiter oberhalb ist eine plateauartige Anschüttung zu erkennen, über dieser Einarbeitungen in dem ohnedies abtreppenden Felsen. Vielleicht ist das Ganze der Rest eines theaterartigen Gebäudes.” (Boehlau and Schefold 1940: 55–56).

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Figure 12. Plan of Larisa East.

Figure 13. Terrace 0 and the fort seen from Terrace 1.

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Figure 14. Plan of the area between Larisa East and Larisa West.

with the significance of the fort, the settlement is modest in size and the architectural order is dictated by the topography. Following the dating of the fort, the settlement area can also be dated to the same periods, namely the early 5th and 4th centuries BCE.

and the eastern settlement, they spread on an area of around 30ha and complete the overall layout (Figure 14). The ancient water canal and Hermos plain define its natural southern limit, and the steeper slopes its northern limit. On the northern slopes no ancient remains have been documented, which should have resulted from the disadvantageous topography for dwelling or cultivating. Thus, relatively flat and adaptable lands were reserved for agricultural areas. A set of rock clusters represent the natural border with the necropolis. This border is also remarkable with the middle hill of 80m high. From this point to the east, the slope slants downwards, offers a large and quite an even area reaching the plain on its South, and then rises again upwards steeply to the eastern hill-top where the fort stands. The overall agricultural area is not continuously flat, but the architectural remains fit the topographical conditions. It consists of agricultural terraces and four ancient building remains, namely Buildings R, S, T and Y.

The different layouts of the eastern and western settlements lead one to suggest a hierarchy in city scale. Considering the overall plan, the lower western hill (Larisa West) was reserved to a monumental acropolis, necropolis and a regularly planned urban area which must have been a residence for elites’ dwellings; the higher eastern hill (Larisa East) appears to have secured Larisa West with the fort, and the settlement below can be interpreted as a secondary settlement, presumably housing workers or soldiers. Agrarian landscapes The agrarian lands of Larisa lie between the western and eastern hills. Situated between the necropolis 68

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Figure 15. Sloped agrarian lands on the southwestern slopes of Larisa East.

The agricultural terraces are situated on the northwestern slopes of the Larisa East hill on around 10ha area (Figure 15). Approximately 20 terrace rows have been documented. They are arranged with dry stone series and the distance between them varies between 75–250m. Some of these terraces are laid parallel to each other and most of them follow the contour lines. Taking the agricultural production on the plain into account, the cultivated areas show a continuity until the high slopes of the eastern hill. It is possible to assume that the agricultural terraces were aimed at increasing the arable lands.

and irregularly enclosed with unworked stone blocks. These buildings are thought to be related with stockpiling, production, animal husbandry or crop processing. In addition to the Buildings R, T, S and Y, there are also newly discovered architectural traces around the area which connect the necropolis and the farmland, however their documentation work is still in progress. The documented agricultural buildings are notable for their sophisticated designs and especially with their monumental size Buildings T and Y point out well-established structures. The latest surveys in the agricultural area have uncovered a trace of a long wall of around 300m and 1.20–1.30m thick, extending through the center of the area. Beginning from the north of the Building Y, the so-called Long Wall runs perpendicularly to the slope. The previously mentioned buildings remain on the western side of the Long Wall, where the terrain is relatively flat. On the other hand, the terraces are located on its east, where the slope is much steeper. It is visible that the Long Wall determines a dividing line between the agricultural structures and the terraces. Following the topography, the terraces adjoin the Long Wall perpendicularly from various levels and generate flat areas suitable for cultivation (Figure 16).

The building remains are dispersed on the west of the terraces, on the relatively flat part of the agricultural area. The Building R is on the middle hill of 80m altitude which is the peak point between the two main hills and represents the smallest structure in the area. It consists of one room and has dimensions of 6.8×8m. Building T, situated on the plane territory beneath, consists of six rooms. 120m to the Northeast, the Building S is situated on +84m altitude. It has a rectangular plan consisting of 2 rooms with its outer dimensions 13×5.8m. Building Y is the southernmost and largest structure in the area, located very close to the plain. With its dimensions of 27.2×19.7m, the building occupies roughly 540sqm. It has a courtyard in the center, and narrow corridorlike spaces and storage areas are arranged around it. If it was considered as a farmhouse, the rectangular room at its southwestern corner might be a tower, regarding the thicker walls and similar examples (Dimakopulos 2014: 2). On the east of the Building Y, there is a threshing floor-like space which is levelled

Another large building, possibly related with agricultural activities, is located in the east at the lowland, Koca Tepe on Hermos plain and can be included in Larisa’s sphere of influence. In terms of plan layout, it is similar to the Building Y, but covers a larger area with its outer dimensions 39×30–32m. The 69

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Figure 16. Long wall adjoining terrace walls.

building has thick walls of 1.7–1.8m, a large courtyard and surrounding storage spaces.

Conclusion The urban constellation and the functioning of Larisa is clearly adapted to the environmental features. Therefore, Larisa can be defined and connected with Sardene Mountain, Hermos Plain and River. The local stone of the region, andesite, was used as the major construction material. The rocks of different sizes showing traces of extraction, evident all around the settlement, and their varied colors of stone blocks characterize the architecture. The fertile plain must have also been crucial for the assurance of agricultural products which sustained the population. The efficiency of the plain is obviously related to the river both in natural and transportational terms. Additionally, the two hills on the Buruncuk ridge offered secure areas to settle down. Thus, the location of the city became strategic.

The tradition of terraced agriculture was very common in ancient Greece and there were many types of terraces according to the crop type (Price and Nixon 2005: 665). Agricultural terraces of Larisa are stepped terraces, which are organized according to the topography. The stepped terraces are the most common type of agricultural terraces and they are suitable especially for grape cultivation (Moody and Grove 1990: 183). The Larisaean terraces lie parallel to each other, and dry-stone sets help to level the ground. There is no solid proof about the types of the agricultural crops, yet essentially the principle ones ought to be grain, olive and vine. It is certain that the Hermos plain was actively used for agricultural practices, however the construction of agricultural terraces on the high slopes must have been related to crop types, increasing the safe production, avoiding the intermittent stream floods, cautions for security and land ownership. Although a certain dating cannot be provided, the constructional characteristics of the agricultural buildings allow us to relate them to the ancient remains on Larisa East and West. Consequently, regarding the evidence of these buildings and the examples from the rural landscape of ancient Greek period, especially on Greek islands and mainland Greece, the terraced slopes can be associated with the agricultural area. Agrarian landscape of Larisa has not been changed through time and it can be considered as a relict landscape (ibid.).

The natural boundaries of the Buruncuk ridge limit the settlement expansion and define the urban capacity. With a 0.8ha acropolis, maximum 10ha urban area and an outer settlement area of 1.7ha, Larisa can be classified as a small town, especially compared to other contemporary Ionian cities. However, the monumental buildings such as palaces and the temple on the acropolis, large tumuli dominating the valley, strong fort of Larisa East and sophisticated agricultural buildings show the ambition and also the potential of the city which can be related to the abundant natural resources. The monumentality of the structures was emphasized benefiting the topographical conditions. 70

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The rock clusters and natural traces are conserved and integrated with the buildings.

Boehlau, J. and K. Schefold 1940. Larisa am Hermos. Die Ergebnisse der Ausgrabungen 1902–1934 I. Die Bauten. Berlin: Walter de Gruyter. Boehlau, J. and K. Schefold 1942. Larisa am Hermos. Die Ergebnisse der Ausgrabungen 1902–1934 III. Die Kleinfunde. Berlin: Walter de Gruyter. Böyükulusoy, K. 2014. Gediz Nehri ve Deltası, in N. Çınardalı-Karaarslan, in A. Aykurt, N. KolankayaBostancı and Y.H. Erbil (eds) Anadolu Kültürlerine Bir Bakış: Armağan Erkanal’a Armağan: 147–156. Ankara: Hacettepe Üniversitesi Yayınları. Ceylan, M.A. 2011. Gediz Havzasında Tarihi Köprüler ve Fonksiyonel Özellikleri. Doğu Coğrafya Dergisi 16, 25: 103–132. Dimakopoulos, S. 2016. Agricultural Terraces in Classical and Hellenistic Greece, in LAC2014 Proceedings, viewed 26 August 2020, . Doğer, E. 1998. İlk İskanlardan Yunan İşgaline Kadar Menemen (ya da Tarhaniyat) Tarihi. İzmir: Sergi Yayınevi. Gonca, N. 2005. Cumhuriyet’in İlk Yıllarında Menemen Kazası (1923–1933). Unpublished Master’s dissertation. Celal Bayar Üniversitesi. Heinle, M. 2015. Eine historische Landeskunde der Aiolis, BYZAS 20. İstanbul: Ege Yayınları. Kayan, İ. and E.Öner 2016. Geographical Environment of Ancient City of Larisa: Paleogeographical Evolution and Geoarchaeological Interpretations, in T. Saner (ed.) Larisa Buruncuk Architectural Survey: 7–26. Istanbul: Ege Yayınları. Mater, G. 2016. History of Research and Excavations in Larisa (Buruncuk), in T. Saner (ed.) Larisa Buruncuk Architectural Survey: 41–60. İstanbul: Ege Yayınları. Mater, G. 2017. Archaeology in the Ottoman Empire and the Excavations at Larisa – with a Particular Emphasis on the “Larisa Map” of 1900, in T. Saner, I. Külekçi and G. Mater (eds) Architectural Survey at the Necropolis of Larisa (Buruncuk), Mimarlık Tarihi Araştırmaları 2: 45–83. Istanbul: İTÜ Vakfı Yayınları. Mater G. and E. Denktaş 2018. Polychromy in Larisaean quarries and its relation to architectural conception, in D. Matetić Poljak and K. Marasović (eds) ASMOSIA XI Interdisciplinary studies on ancient stone: proceedings of the Eleventh International Conference of ASMOSIA, Split, 18–22 May 2015: 633– 638. Split: University of Split, Faculty of Civil Engineering, Architecture and Geodesy. Meriç, R. 2018. Hermus (Gediz) Valley in Western Turkey. Results of an Archaeological and Historical Survey. Istanbul: Ege Yayınları. Moody, J. and A.T. Grove 1990. Terraces and enclosure walls in the Cretan landscape, in S. Bottema, G. Entjes-Nieborg and W. van Zeist (eds) Man’s role in the shaping of the Eastern Mediterranean Landscape: Proceedings of the INQUA/BAI Symposium on the Impact of Ancient Man on the Landscape of the Eastern

In settlement scale the two hills complete each other both physically and visually. The urban landscapes are distributed to Larisa West and East according to their political importance and social context. In this way, the elite population and the dependents could be separated from each other. Topographically Larisa is a city that developed around two hill-tops. To secure the main city area with a higher hill is common in ancient cities and mentioned as acropolis. In the case of Larisa, the fort at the eastern hill is “the natural acropolis” as the 20th century researcher Schefold noted (Boehlau and Schefold 1940: 116). However, the evidence of a settlement below, an agricultural area and the vicinity to Larisa West leads us to approach the urban entity as a unique example. Beyond the necropolis of Larisa West, the expansion of the agrarian lands with refined buildings and the existence of two settlement areas help to relate the two hills with each other. In this context, the agricultural area can be interpreted both as a separating and interrelating area. The agricultural and defense functions might be far from the daily life of the palaces and the elite circle, but also essential to maintain the wealth, to employ and settle different groups, or just to show dominance over the area beyond. Consequently, in describing Larisa, the environmental features should be taken into account with their diverse elements. Altogether they present the background of the vigorous construction activities of Larisa West and confirm the value of the city with prosperity. Notes Ilgın Külekçi Istanbul Technical University, Faculty of Architecture [email protected] Sinan Kolay Istanbul Technical University, Faculty of Architecture [email protected] Gizem Mater Istanbul Technical University, Faculty of Architecture [email protected] All figures are credited to Larisa Architectural Survey Archive. References Åkerström, Å. and L. Kjellberg 1940. Larisa am Hermos. Die Ergebnisse der Ausgrabungen 1902–1934 II. Die architektonischen Terrakotten. Stockholm: Kungl. Vitterhets historie och antikvitets akademien. 71

Ilgın Külekçi, Sinan Kolay, and Gizem Mater Mediterranean Region and the Near East, Groningen, Netherlands, 6–9 March 1989: 183–191. Rotterdam: Balkema. Price, S. and L. Nixon 2005. Ancient Greek Agricultural Terraces: Evidence from Texts and Archaeological Survey. AJA 109, 4: 665–694. Saner, T. 2018. Larisa Survey Project - Larisa: Different Lives Different Colous Exhibition, in T. Saner, I. Külekçi and Ö. E. Öncü (eds) Different Lives Different Colours. Mimarlık Tarihi Araştırmaları 3: 14–31. Istanbul: İTÜ Vakfı Yayınları.

Saner, T., I. Külekçi, and Ö. E. Öncü (eds) 2018. Larisa: Different Lives Different Colours. Mimarlık Tarihi Araştırmaları 3, Istanbul: İTÜ Vakfı Yayınları. Saner, T. and I. Külekçi 2017. Necropolis, in T. Saner, I. Külekçi and G. Mater (eds) Architectural Survey at the Necropolis of Larisa (Buruncuk), Mimarlık Tarihi Araştırmaları 2: 45–83. Istanbul: İTÜ Vakfı Yayınları. Şener, S. and K.C. Şener 2015. Fil Köprü’nün Yapısal Özellikleri, in 5. Tarihi Eserlerin Güçlendirilmesi ve Geleceğe Güvenle Devredilmesi Sempozyumu-Cilt 2: 127–142. Erzurum: İnşaat Mühendisleri Odası.

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Landscape Archaeology of Wādī al- ̒Arab Linda Olsvig-Whittaker, Patrick Leiverkus, and Katja Soennecken Introduction to Wādī al- ̒Arab Archaeological sites exist within landscapes – the surrounding physical, cultural and biological environments that provide them with context and driving factors for development. Landscape archaeologists ask questions like “What is the importance of water in determining site locations?”, “What determines the location of roads?”, or “How did people in ancient settlements use natural resources?” Since 2009, our team at the German Protestant Institute of Archaeology has been examining an area in northwestern Jordan with these questions in mind (Figure 1, and Vieweger and Häser 2017). The aim was to get a thorough understanding of the landscape in which Tall Zirāʿa is the most prominent archaeological site. Geography ̒ The Wādī al- Arab area in northern Jordan is an area rich in historical and prehistorical settlement. 328 sites are known from this area, of which 197 were re-located and documented in this study. The rest were known from literature from previous surveys, but were either destroyed in the last decades or we were not able to relocate them. Thus, the current study includes 197 sites ranging from the lithic epochs (until 3600 BCE) to the Ottoman era (ending 1918, at least 6500 years) were found in our study. The central site, Tall Zirāʻa, has a 5,000-year occupation history (Vieweger and Häser 2017). ̒ Wādī al- Arab is a typical Levantine landscape on the edge of the Jordan Valley. It is rich in plant species, and there are many springs – an important consideration for settlements. Away from the valleys, the landscape is a mixture of steppe, shrub land and oak woodland, and water sources are scarce. (Shmida et al. 2020). Geologically most of the area is limestone, with hard limestone forming rugged, step like and stony areas. Where bedrock is soft limestone, it forms gentle slopes and valleys. Nari/caliche (limestone formed by calcified soil) covers a large area around Ramat Irbid, forming a hard limestone landscape even though the bedrock is soft. There are also areas of emergent travertine (sinter) – most notably in Tall Zirāʻa itself but also other areas.

Figure 1. The study area (insert) is 265 square kilometers extending between Irbid in the east ̒ through the Wādī al- Arab, centered on the 5,000-yearold site Tall Zirāʻa, as part of the Gadara Regional ̒ Project. Wādī al- Arab itself extends about 18 km from Irbid, where it arises, to Shunra, on the Jordan River on the west. (Note: All maps were generated in QGIS with Elevation data from the Shuttle Radar Topography Mission (SRTM) available from https:// earthexplorer.usgs.gov/ (Last visited: 29.09.2020) and satellite images provided by Google).

Most of the watercourses of the area briefly carry water in winter. There has been a major loss of water flow in the past century; what were formerly perennial streams until the 1950s are now seasonally dry, including Wādī ̒ al- Arab. However, there are still areas of springs in ̒ Wādī al- Arab that provide perennial water. In the past there would have been many more, but agriculture and domestic consumption have caused a great drop in the water table (Shmida, Shmida, personal communication). Because of the peculiar geomorphology of the Jordan Rift Valley, with its steep escarpments going below sea level in the valley on the west side of northern Jordan, the usual vegetation transect is inverted and goes from

landscape archaeology in the near east (Archaeopress 2023): 73–83

Linda Olsvig-Whittaker, Patrick Leiverkus, and Katja Soennecken humid chaparral at its highest elevations, to a narrow oak woodland belt. This continues downward into a dwarf-shrub transition belt and finally an open pseudosavannah in the foothills of the Jordan valley. Northern Jordan is a terminus of the rich Mediterranean vegetation, which is gradually being replaced by transitional steppic vegetation with some relict Mediterranean elements further inland, and is the main southern outpost of Mediterranean vegetation and floral elements (Shmida et al. 2020)

Period

Bronze Age Iran Age Hellenistic/Early Late Roman/Byzantine Islamic

Number of sites 31 26 39 90 51

Table 1. number of recorded sites.

estimated. The size of the survey area was 265 sq. km and reached from the Jordan valley in the west to the city of Irbid in the east.

History The Wādī al-̒Arab is one of the few easily passable ascents from the Jordan valley to the Irbid-Ramthabasin. Thus, it has always been part of trade routes from the Mediterranean coast to Dimašq (Damascus), ̒ Baġdad or Ammān (Soennecken and Leiverkus 2020). ̒ The Wādī al- Arab area in northern Jordan (Figure 1) is an area rich in historical and prehistoric settlement. 197 sites ranging from the lithic epochs (until 3600 BCE) to the Ottoman era (ending 1918, at least 6500 years) were found in our study area of 265 km2 (Vieweger and Häser 2017: 26). Apart from the 5,000 years of occupation in Tall Zirāʻa, the city of Gadara developed as part of the Decapolis in Hellenistic times. There was some caravan trade using routes from Damascus across the lower Galilee to the Mediterranean, but most people lived by subsistence agriculture (el-Khouri 2008: 71). This changed when the Romans annexed Nabataea about 109 CE, creating the province Arabia Petraea and gradually shifting the agriculture to industrial production of wine.

In total 197 sites were examined (Table 1). From Table 1 it is apparent that there is a peak in sites in the Late Roman/Byzantine Era. Of the 90 sites 60 are newly founded in the Late Roman/Byzantine Era whereas 30 sites are continuations from older sites. Questions What happened when the Romans came? (Hellenistic to Roman) Prior to the Roman conquest of the Decapolis by Pompey in 64 BCE, most people lived by subsistence agriculture (el-Khouri 2008: 71). This changed when the Romans annexed Nabataea in about 109 CE, creating the province Arabia Petraea and gradually shifting the agriculture to industrial production of wine. It was evident to us that the Roman era introduced many changes in land use. One interesting phenomenon was the increase in the number of new sites from Hellenistic/early Roman (167 BCE to 132 CE) to late Roman/Byzantine (132CE to 638 CE, Vieweger and Häser 2017: 243: Table 4.3) – with a threefold jump in new agricultural complexes (farms). We knew that the Roman conquest of this area resulted in an improvement in water supply by construction of aqueducts and cisterns. It seems this opened a new range of opportunities for settlement. We asked ourselves what patterns of correlation between environmental and manmade factors and sites could tell us about site selections for new settlements and agricultural complexes.

Survey – the Gadara Regional Project During the summers of 2009 to 2011 a survey of the Wādī ̒ al- Arab and its vicinity was conducted by the BiblicalArchaeological Institute Wuppertal and the German Protestant Institute for Archaeology. This survey was an integral part of the “Gadara Region Project” (Vieweger and Häser 2017). It was planned as a hinterland survey for the Tall Ziraʿa excavation. The aim was to get a thorough understanding of the landscape in which Tall Ziraʿa was the most prominent archaeological site (Soennecken and Leiverkus 2020). During the three seasons the hinterland of Tall Ziraʿa was completely examined – the area of investigation was defined as the catchment area of the Wadi al-Arab divided into two different zones (A and B). Zone A is the area in the vicinity of Tall Ziraʿa and Zone B a broader range up to Irbid (Figure 1). We tried to cover Zone A completely, whereas in Zone B the survey focused on the documented or larger sites. All sites were examined and georeferenced while on site. Dating was done by pottery sampling. The size and nature of the sites were

Difference between Roman and Byzantine settlement Site type new settlement or complex old settlement or complex

Total = 90 60 30

Table 2. Sites under investigation.

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The number of newly founded sites in lateroman/byzantine era is twice the number of sites that existed before. From that single bit of information, we can see how much the late roman/ byzantine population grew and expanded into the countryside. In the Early Roman era, the focus of settlement development was in the Roman cities. The villages were very much subordinate to them. That changed in the Late Roman/Byzantine Era. We see a landscape full of villages and a countryside that is intensively used for agriculture by these villages (see (Kennedy 2007]. Labor-intensive and sometimes complex systems for irrigation with water pipes and a vast amount of cisterns were used throughout the country and apparently managed by the villagers. In the area of investigation, the Wādī ̒ al- Arab, we can see in the archaeological record a settlement density which was not reached again until the twentieth century.

Woodland – initially marked as maquis, this type was first identified in the ground verification and then was corrected in GIS polygons, since woodlands could be distinguished. Riverine – a diverse mixture of usually lush vegetation often fed by raw sewage, very nitophilous Open water – reservoirs, ponds Orchard – almost all olive groves, very abundant and planted on all kinds of terrain. For this reason, we did not think the pattern of orchard distribution would be informative about ecological relationships. Field – sometimes not distinct from bare ground, mainly identified by rectangular configuration. Bare ground – sometimes not distinct from fields, mainly identified by irregular configuration

Nature of the data Site data. The archaeological and geographical data in this study were provided by the database created from the archaeological survey of Wādī al̒Arab previously described in Volume 1 of this series (Leiverkus and Soennecken 2017).

Urban – ranges from city (Irbid) to suburban development and large single complexes. Complicated by the fact that in Jordan the fields and orchards are intermingled into urban areas, with a few orchards around every house. This made mapping difficult. In effect, if houses were more than 25% of the area, it was mapped as urban.

Of the 197 known sites in the survey, 94 sites were hamlets, villages or larger settlements during the Roman/Byzantine period. We focused on these. We compared those sites that had previous (Hellenistic/ early Roman) occupancy continuing into Roman/ Byzantine occupancy (old sites) to those sites that were new in the Roman/Byzantine period. There was a major development of “single complexes” (farm or hamlet) sites from 17 “old” sites versus 54 “new” sites. In contrast, there were 14 “old” settlements, and 9 “new” settlements. It seems the expansion in the late Roman/Byzantine state was mainly in new farming estates.

Habitats in Zone A, the area around the main study side Tall Zirāʻa, were mapped over the entire area. This proved impractical to map by hand around the whole survey area so buffer zones of ½ sq. km were mapped around sites in Area B (map). These “habitat types” were mapped at the 1:10,000 level and in some case where more detail was needed, at the 1:5,000 or even the 1:2,500 level, and polygons drawn around them. Mapping was done by hand in QGIS. Samples of such polygons were checked by ground verification in June 2017 by geobotanist Prof. A. Shmida (Figure 2).

Habitat data. The following methodology on habitat analysis has been previously described in preliminary studies (Olsvig-Whittaker et al. 2017; Soennecken et al. 2017). To summarize, habitat was mapped visually using Google Earth landsat images within the QGIS viewing software. Hence, “habitat” as provided from Landsat is not quite habitat as would be classified on the ground. Mainly it was possible to distinguish the following categories:

Data on cisterns. Information on cistern location and dating was obtained from the survey database, from field observations by Leiverkuis and Soennecken (2017). Some of them were still in use and it was not possible to date them except by typology. The ones out of use and with pottery in them could be dated to Roman and Late Roman period. A total of 35 cisterns were found.

Steppe – areas devoid of woody vegetation as seen from Landsat images.

Data on topography. Two calculations were made on elevation, using PostGIS from maps provided by SRTM (Downloaded from https://earthexplorer.usgs.gov/ Visited: 29.09.2020). Average altitude for each site was

Maquis – shrub lands or areas of isolated woody plants and herbaceous vegetation. 75

Linda Olsvig-Whittaker, Patrick Leiverkus, and Katja Soennecken

Figure 2. Habitat mapping of the study area done by hand on QGIS.

obtained, and total length of topographic lines within a stated buffer zone (500 m, 1,000 m). The latter attributes were used in this study.

Olsvig-Whittaker et al. 2017, Soennecken et al. 2017). There is a vast literature on the subject of ordination and many algorithms to do it (Jongman et al. 1995 for a review). In general, ordination methods help to find structure in complex community data sets, i.e., the predominant patterns in the response matrix.

To calculate a measure for topographic heterogeneity in the vicinity of a point, 50m isolines from elevation data of the Shuttle Radar Topography Mission (SRTM) in 1 arc second resolution (https://earthexplorer.usgs.gov/) in QGIS generated. The combined length of the isolines in a 1000m circle around a given point calculated in PostGIS is used as the value representing the topography.

The multivariate analysis software Canoco (Šmilauer and Lepš 2014) provides us with both linear and unimodal analytical models, and both constrained and unconstrained analyses. The choice of appropriate method looks like this (Figure 3):

Data on distance to water. Distance to the nearest major water sources was estimated by measuring the distance from each site to the nearest stream, using PostGIS. Analytical approaches. As a first step, we were interested in which site types correlate with which explanatory variables. Since we have multiple response variables (four site types of interest), the appropriate analytical approaches are inherently multivariate. Multivariate analysis - indirect ordination and direct ordination using Canoco 5 (Šmilauer and Lepš 2014) was selected as the tool for assessing patterns. While ordination has long been in use in other disciplines such as community ecology, its application to archaeological data is somewhat more recent (Olsvig-Whittaker et al. 2015;

Figure 3. Multivariate algorithm options available in CANOCO.

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In the case of constrained ordination, this is a regression of the dependent variables versus the explanatory (driving) variables, conceptually similar to a stepwise multiple regression. Constrained ordination can be used either heuristically or as a statistical test of correlation with measured driving factors, using Monte Carlo simulations.

new settlement old settlement

total 9 14

new complex old complex

54 17

Table 3. Settlement types as classified for the analysis.

When explanatory data are unavailable, unconstrained ordination is used. Most algorithms for unconstrained ordination calculate similarity/dissimilarity between response and sites. Results are projected onto two dimensions in such a way that similar response and sites are plotted close together, and dissimilar response and sites are placed far apart (Peet 1980). In the case of indirect ordination, interpretation depends on expert knowledge of response variable distribution.

distribution etc. but the samples were too small to test statistically. Therefore, the patterns studied in this way remain only suggestive. The sites of interest are 94 settlements or complexes (single complexes or hamlets) occupied in the late Roman/Byzantine epochs. Some were previously occupied in the Hellenistic/early Roman period (called “old”), and some were not (called “new”). The breakdown looks like this (Table 3):

Canoco does some preliminary testing to determine whether linear or unimodal models are more appropriate, and we mostly were able to use unimodal models. After some patterns were discerned, we checked them by looking at the distribution of parameter frequency or averages among the four site types.

New settlement and new complex are not previously occupied in Hellenistic/early Roman period whereas old settlements and old complexes were occupied in both Hellenistic/early Roman and late roman/byzantine periods. Spatial distribution looks like this (Figure 4):

Simple tabulation and graphing were also used to explore patterns of settlement versus elevation, cistern

Figure 4. Settlements and single complexes in the study area, Where purple = new settlement, red = old settlement, blue = new complex, green = old complex. Clearly there are many more new complex sites than old complex sites. Distribution tends to follow streams.

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Figure 5. CCA results on natural habitat using all available habitat data.

Figure 6. CCA ordination using more permanent habitat types as environmental variables and new and old settlements and single complexes as response variables. The total variation in the data is 3.07210, explanatory variables account for 40.9% Monte Carlo Permutation Test results on all axes: pseudo-F=1.2, P=0.238. Note: T variables represent topographic ranges, for example T500_20 means a range of 500 meters altitude in steps of 20-meter isolines.

Name

Explains % Contribution %

pseudo-F

P

Riverine

9.50

26.90

4.70

0.008**

dist_H20

4.10

11.60

2.10

0.11

T1000_50

2.50

Archaeology 3.30 T100_20 water elev

Figure 7. the same dataset, but using forward selection in CCA ordination to identify the variation explained by each environmental factor. Total variation is 3.07210, explanatory variables account for 35.2%.

T1000_20 T100_50 Bare

Woodland

The habitats: ordination results

Urban

T500_50

However, orchard, urban, development are not useful habitat types over long period of time (millennia). Since the focus is on Roman sites, we limited habitat factors to those that should have been constant between the present and the Roman era, so CCA was run again, this time removing ephemeral habitat types (see Figure 5, 6, 7 and Table 4).

Maquis Field

Steppe

T500_20

2.80

2.00

3.30

1.80

1.10

1.10

0.90

0.80

0.70

0.40

0.40

0.30

0.20

9.50

8.00

7.20

5.70

9.30

5.10

3.20

3.10

2.60

2.10

2.00

1.20

1.10

0.80

0.60

1.70

1.50

1.30

1.10

1.80

1.00

0.60

0.60

0.50

0.40

0.30

0.20

0.20

0.10 . Verburg, P.H., W. Soepboer, A. Veldkamp, R. Limpiada, V. Espaldon and S.S.A. Mastura 2002. Modeling the Spatial Dynamics of Regional Land Use: The CLUE-S Model. Environmental Management 30 (3): 391–405.

Verburg, P.H. and K.P. Overmars 2009. Combining Top-down and Bottom-up Dynamics in Land Use Modelling: Exploring the Future of Abandoned Farmlands in Europe with the Dyna-CLUE Model. Landscape Ecology 24 (9): 1167–1181. Walker, A.J. and R.L. Ryan 2008. Place Attachment and Landscape Preservation in Rural New England: A Maine Case Study. Landscape and Urban Planning 86 (2): 141–152.

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Patterns of Social Complexity in Evaluation of Gender Selin Gür Introduction

Social complexity in archaeology

This paper grew out of preliminary research of the ongoing Ph.D. dissertation which aims to observe the settlements and the domestic space usage of Cilicia, from the Neo Cilician 5 (609–539 BC) until the beginning of Late Cilician 5 (AD 300).1 Cilicia is the region in Asia Minor’s south coastal area, which was settled from the Neolithic period and has been constantly used until today (Novák et al. 2017: 151). Throughout history, different people have settled in Cilicia. As the region has witnessed many cultures over the centuries, it offers a wealth of cultural data. This provides the chance to observe better the inhabiting processes, the alteration of settlement plans and correspondingly the sociocultural identity. In addition, the fact that it consists of two different areas, rough and plain, with different environmental and climatic conditions, is important in determining according to what kind of needs and preferences people settled during periods. Also, people tried to adapt to the changing regimes in various ways such as language, religion, lifestyle. This should naturally be reflected in their architecture and the products they produce. Therefore, the region should be eligible for a house and household analysis. Cilicia has been investigated in detail, especially in recent years, and a large number of surveys and excavations have been carried out (Novák et al. 2017). However, the researches have unfortunately lagged behind in terms of gender analyses.

Social complexity in archaeology often refers to features of complex settlements. Through time, while some societies had significant urban development and became complex, some remained relatively small and simple.2 Kroeber (1919, 1925) approached this issue from a cultural point of view and said that different cultures were influenced by each other throughout history, and as a result, more complex cultures, namely civilizations, emerged. With this definition, he emphasized that culture is a continuous and permanent phenomenon. This idea of ​​cultural evolution has been embraced by archaeologists and has been tried to be better understood by steadily applying different social approaches (Trigger 1989). Urban revolution and with this, cultural evolution have been also then studied by V. Gordon Childe (1936) in terms of organizational arrangements rather than material culture. These approaches have tried to bring a better understanding to the complex social phenomena by including social, political, and economic factors over time. The differentiation of material culture among the people living in the society has also revealed differences in wealth and power. The increase in the population has led to an increase in the needs in this direction, which has led to a rise in interaction among people. In this context, trade and exchange have gradually gained more importance, too.

The proposed methods, aim to have a better comprehension of the characteristics of the Cilician houses and households, and to contribute to the understanding of Cilicia’s gender identity; in addition, to make a methodological contribution to gender studies. The applicability of the analyzes mentioned will, of course, depend on the conditions of the settlements that will be elected, the studies done in past, and whether if there is still a research project currently in progress or not. The goal of this paper is to discuss the methodology and offer insight about the phenomenon of social complexity and social organization within the domestic areas of the settlements and how it interacts with space use, also by referring to gender. 1  The chronology has been adapted from the results of workshops attended by representatives from excavations and surveys carried out in the Cilicia region in 2014, 2015 and 2017. These results were published in the article “Cilician Chronology Workshop: A Comparative Stratigraphy of Cilicia” in 2017 (Novák et al. 2017).

To understand social complexity, one must first comprehend social practices. It is necessary to see how community is formed, and to examine social integration and transformation in it. The purpose of the house and household archaeology is to study the relations between settlements and the past, to reconstruct the social context together (Tringham 2001: 6925). In that sense, it has merged as a reaction to historical-culturalism. House and household archaeology has focused on developing new methods in order to examine the activities held within settlements.3 By this, it would offer the possibility to have a better understanding of social adaptation, too (Tringham 2001:6925). During the time of processual archaeology, the understanding of households started developing (Briz Godino and Madella 2012: 1) Its For further discussion of social complexity in archaeology see: Daems 2020. 3  For further information about the theoretical developments in house and household archaeology see: Flannery, 1976. 2 

landscape archaeology in the near east (Archaeopress 2023): 110–113

Patterns of Social Complexity in Evaluation of Gender

theoretical framework went from macro to micro scale and started considering multiple determinants together. To exemplify, it evaluated the effects of societal social, and economic changes on smaller social groups (Tringham 2001: 6926). Meanwhile, material culture gained additional focus in understanding the human behavior. The artifacts started being analyzed in different scales in order to determine the usage of inner and external spaces by households (Allison 1999). Ethnoarchaeological research had a significant effect too (Foster and Parker 2012: 1). After the 1990s, with post-processual archaeology, household studies started including several determinants such as identity, class, and gender. Spatial analysis of domestic architecture started being examined with a focus on both individuals and societies (Kent 1990; Blanton 1994). It has been emphasized that the basic elements that determine the settlements and the houses did not only contain climatic and environmental aspects but were also affected by socio-cultural factors (Rapoport 1969:18). Socio-cultural factors can be better analyzed through following the social integration and transformation of the settlements within the selected region.

people have adapted their lifestyle according to the ecological conditions and socio-cultural factors.5 Methodology In this context, two approaches that can be applied in the region to determine social complexity are suggested. The first one focuses on the macro scale and its aim is to understand the environmental and climatic conditions of the settlements in the region by dividing them into periods to determine for what reasons and/or needs people have settled in the region. Population density as well as the impact of socioeconomic status on the population are important due to the shrinkage and growth of settlements over time. Following the patterns of social organization will reveal how the system has developed, how it has become more complex, as well as its political implications as a result of historical developments. The fact that Cilicia is formed in two regions with different geographical conditions, mountainous (rough) and plain, offers an opportunity to make comparisons between settlements according to their geographical data, too. These settlements with different conditions and trade concentrations, socio-cultural and socio-economic differences and similarities provide the opportunity to follow the social interactions within the region.

Gender in social complexity While describing social complexity, one may ask whether the roles of men and women can also be followed within these social organizations. Social characteristics of a settlement can be better understood by examining the domestic context within the residential area. However, the lack of interest in gender studies, delayed the examination of the material culture remains in terms of gender.4 This continued through processualism. With Binford, environmental factors gained importance for examining and determining long-term changes in archaeological data and material culture in understanding human behavior (Binford 2001: 24). The artifacts started being analyzed in different scales in order to determine the usage of inner and external spaces by households. These have then been discussed with post-processual archaeology, and criticism of lack of interest in the individual raised accordingly. It emphasized the subjectivity of archaeological understandings (Wilkie 2016). Spatial analysis of domestic architecture started being examined with a focus on both individuals and societies (Kent 1990; Blanton 1994). It has been emphasized that the basic elements that determine the settlements and the houses did not only contain climatic and environmental aspects but were also affected by socio-cultural factors (Rapoport 1969: 18). This idea has been supported by interdisciplinary studies too. Studies have shown that

The second approach reduces the examination from regional scale to local scale and focuses on domestic districts by defining the spatial arrangements within the structures. This could be done either with geophysical techniques such as GPR or GIS based mapping, or with traditional field archaeology. Either way, the main aim is to create the spatial scale in the process of archaeological reconstruction to see the bidirectional relationship between the space and human behavior. The spatial arrangement within domestic structures defines how the inhabitants were living together so to form an economic unit, and so to understand what kind of finds were found in which areas, the density of these finds compared to the general area, the possible number of people living, e.g., nuclear or extended family, in connection with this, and the size of economic activities. Changes over time such as the use of spaces for different activities according to the needs, adding and/or removing new spaces from the structures, combining different spaces are significant in terms of examining social complexity and understanding how the society develops. This would include space syntax, too. Space syntax defines the spatial configuration of certain period of use to identify the movement within the buildings. This would not only determine the access and access restrictions but also the functional

4  Gender aspects started to be included within archaeological research after the 1970s. For the theoretical developments in gender studies through feminist movements see: Conkey and Spector 1984; Trigger 1989; Gilchrist 1999 Spencer-Wood 2006; Bolger 2013; Funari and Camargo 2018; Gür 2021.

For example, agricultural management have changed and adapted according to these conditions. See: Blancaz et al. 2013; VelásquezMilla et al. 2011.

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Selin Gür differences between the spaces. By this, it aims to understand the individual structures as well as the differences between the private and public spaces. These private or public spaces can be defined according to how they are located, whether it is easy to reach or how visible it is from the outside. Their function can be then defined based on their features, e.g., if it was private because it was used as a sacred place for ritualistic purposes or was basically an indicator of the traditional culture of the society.

gender-specific areas and activities in domestic spaces. It prevents possible biased interpretations, too. Conclusion This paper has tried to provide an understanding of social organization and complexity, gender phenomenon and possible gender distiction methods with respect to activities carried out in residential areas of the settlements. Following the socio-cultural developments in different geographical and climatic conditions and examining its reflections on society will guide us to understand how societies turn into more complex structures over time. These studies have significant potential for the future development of archaeology, especially gender archaeology. With the development of technology, the strengthening of methods has also paved the way for access to more information on a smaller scale. This has made it easier for complex ideas to be drawn from archaeological data.

These approaches mentioned above, however, take a more holistic approach to understanding space and question group identity rather than individuality. Analyzes to understand spatial arrangement within structures are, by themselves, insufficient to determine sex on an individual basis. These approaches try to bring a better understanding to the development of society as a whole, starting from the spaces they live in, and to determine the roles of people through this development. In order to reduce this to the individual level and to examine the gender phenomenon, it is necessary to focus on the fine-scale details created by the micro scale and reduce the work to nano scale. In other words, examining the details such as signatures, fingerprints, motifs, decorations, rather than focusing only on the densities and distributions of the analytically analyzed finds as a result of spatial analysis, is important in terms of reducing the focal point to more detail. In this way, it will be possible to identify not only the material itself, but also the person or persons who make and use it. Such nano-scale studies have gained momentum, especially in recent years, with the development of technology and more intensive use of this technology in archaeological research. An example of this is the analysis of pottery finds used for food preparation and storage at The Ancestral Puebloan in Chaco Canyon (Kantner et al. 2019). These analyzes made according to the width breadths of the fingerprints showed that pottery making was equally divided between men and women. Another example to a nano scale examination within domestic areas, is the prehistoric human paleofecal analysis from Mammoth Cave and Salts Cave (Sobolik et al. 1996). The analysis has shown that it is possible to determine genderspecific diet and activities in prehistoric samples, too.

Acknowledgements This paper has been written at the initial stage of my ongoing Ph.D dissertation. I would like to thank to Assist. Prof. Dr Bülent Arıkan and Dr Susanne Rutishauser for motivating me in presenting the preliminary outcomes of my work. This work is supported by the Federal Commission for Scholarships for Foreign Students (FCS) of Switzerland [2018.0546]. Notes Selin Gür University of Bern, Institute of Archaeological Sciences, Department of Near Eastern Archaeology, Mittelstrasse 43, 3012, Bern/Switzerland. E-mail: [email protected] References Allison, P.M. 1999. The Archaeology of Household Activities. New York: Routledge. Binford, L.R. 2001. Constructing Frames of Reference: An Analytical Method for Archaeological Theory Building Using Ethnographic and Environmental Data Sets. California: University of California Press. Blancas, J., A. Casas, D. Pérez-Salicrup, J. Caballero, and E. Vega 2013. Ecological and socio-cultural factors influencing plant management in Náhuatl communities of the Tehuacán Valley, Mexico. Journal of Ethnobiology and Ethnomedicine 9(1): 1–23. Blanton 1994. House and Households. Prenum Press. New York. Bolger, D. (ed.) 2013. A Companion to Gender Prehistory. Blackwell Companions to Anthropology. Oxford: Wiley Blackwell.

With the rapid development of technology and its adaptation to archaeological studies, the mentioned nano scale analyzes become easier and more diversified over time. In order to ensure the continuity of this and contribute to its progress, it is significant to carry out both regional and local approaches, and to store the collected data carefully so that it can be used in interdisciplinary studies. These interdisciplinary studies are of great importance, especially in defining

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Briz Godino, I. and M. Madella 2012. The archaeology of household: An introduction, in M. Madella, G. Kovacs, B. Kulcsarne-Berzsenyi, and I. Briz (eds) The Archaeology of Household. Oxford: Oxbow Books: 1–5. Childe, V.G. 1936. Man Makes Himself. London: Watts and Co. Conkey, M.W. and J.D. Spector 1984. Archaeology and the Study of Gender. Advances in Archaeological Method and Theory 7: 1–38. Daems, D. 2020. On complex archaeologies: Conceptualizing social complexity and its potential for archaeology. Adaptive Behavior 28(5): 323–328 Flannery, K. (ed.) 1976. The Early Mesoamerican Village. New York: Academic Press. Funari, P.P. and V.R.T. Camargo 2018. Patrimônio Arqueológico. Rio de Janeiro: Bonecker. Gilchrist, R. 1999. Gender and Archaeology: Contesting the Past. New York: Routledge. Gür, S. 2021. Gender in the Analysis of Domestic Space: A Theoretical and Methodological Approach. Turkish Journal of Archaeological Sciences 1. Istanbul: Ege Yayınları. Kantner, J., D. McKinney, M. Pierson, and S. Wester 2019. Reconstructing sexual divisions of labor from fingerprints on Ancestral Puebloan pottery. Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences 116(25): 12220–12225. Kent, S. 1990. Domestic Architecture and Use of Space. Cambridge University Press. Kroeber, A.L. 1919. Peoples of the Philippines. No. 8. American Museum Press. Kroeber, A.L. 1925. Handbook of the Indians of California 78. US Government Printing Office.

Novák, M., A. D’Agata, I. Caneva, C. Eslick, C. Gates, M. Gates, K. Girginer, Ö. Oyman-Girginer, É. Jean, G. Köroğlu, E. Kozal, S. Kulemann-Ossen, G. Lehmann, A. Özyar, T. Ozaydın, J. Postgate, F. Şahin, E. Ünlü, R. Yağcı, and D. Meier 2017. A Comparative Stratigraphy of Cilicia: Results of the first three Cilician Chronology Workshops. Altorientalische Forschungen 44(2): 150–186. Rapoport, A. 1969. House Form and Culture. New Jersey: Prentice-Hall. Spencer-Woo, S.M. 2006. Feminist Theory and Gender Research in Historical Archaeology, in S.M. Nelson (ed.), Handbook of Gender in Archaeology: 59–104. Lanham: Altamira Press. Sobolik, K.D., K.J. Gremillion, P.L. Whitten, and P.J. Watson 1996. Sex Determination of Prehistoric Human Paleofeces. American Journal of Physical Anthropology 101(2): 283–290. Trigger, B.G. 1989. A history of archaeological thought. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Tringham, R. 2001. Household Archaeology, in N.J. Smelser and P.B. Baltes (eds), International Encyclopedia of the Social and Behavioral Sciences: 6925–6928. Oxford: Pergamon. Velásquez-Milla, D., A. Casas, J. Torres-Guevara, and A. Cruz-Soriano 2011. Ecological and socio-cultural factors influencing in situ conservation of crop diversity by traditional Andean households in Peru. Journal of Ethnobiology and Ethnomedicine 7(1): 1–20. Wilkie, L.A. 2016. Strung Out on Archaeology: An Introduction to Archaeological Research. Routledge.

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The Paleoclimate of the Amuq Plain and the Archaeological Settlement Index: The Assessment of the Long-term Settlement Dynamics Throughout the Holocene Bülent Arıkan Introduction Amuq Plain constitutes the southernmost tip of Turkey, where the modern city of Hatay is at its center. The Plain, a piece of land that is irrigated by Karasu, Afrin, and Asi rivers, where once the Amuq Lake covered the central portion of this Basin, extends east and south into Syria. Amuq Plain has been witnessing major geological and social transformations for millions of years. Geologically, Amuq Plain represents the northern extremity of the Jordan Rift Valley, which has been formed by tectonic activities among the African, Arabian, and Eurasian plates. Ecologically, Amuq Plain is an ecotone where floral and faunal variety is high. Amuq Plain is one of the most biologically diverse regions in Turkey, along with Ayder Plateau in northeast Anatolia. This tectonically active and biologically diverse region has also been a hot spot for the social and cultural evolution of human societies. These changes lead to the emergence of entirely sedentary groups that practice agropastoralism during the Neolithic Period (ca. 9000 BC), and the establishment of local kingdoms and imperial systems in the Middle and Late Bronze ages (ca. 2000–1200 BC) as the geopolitical significance of Amuq Plain has increased since it connects the northern Levant with Anatolia via the Cilician Plain. Greater Amuq Plain (includes Syria) has been the scene of intensive archaeological research (Woolley, 1953a, 1953b; Braidwood and Braidwood, 1960; Yener, 2005), and as a result of these campaigns, archaeologists discovered a total of 929 sites. The discussion in this paper is limited to the assessment of archaeological sites within the Republic of Turkey. The focus of this paper is to assess the long-term archaeological settlement patterns of the Amuq Plain in its environmental contexts, such as geology, geomorphology, and paleoclimate. Settlement patterns in the Amuq Plain have the potential to reveal adaptive responses to changes in the natural setting of the Plain. The existing geological and geomorphological research will form a backdrop to present the results of the Macrophysical Climate Model (MCM). The assessment of long-term archaeological settlement patterns will allow us to explore whether paleoclimatic changes (i.e., changes in temperature and precipitation) and shifts in settlement

patterns in the Amuq Plain during the last 12,000 years show any correlation. Geology Amuq Plain (Figure 1a) has been the scene for many research projects for its complex geology, which is mainly the result of intensive tectonic activities. Dilek and Thy (2009) provide a detailed discussion of ophiolitic formations in the research area. Ophiolites, ocean floors of the deep past, offer a wealth of information about tectonomagmatic processes that uplift them and make them part of the terrestrial geological record. Anatolian Peninsula is rich in ophiolitic formations. The ophiolites in the Amuq Plain belong to the Mesozoic era (250–65 My) Tethys Ocean (Dilek and Thy, 2009: 70). Frequent tectonic events during the Eocene era (56–34 My) caused subduction (i.e., one tectonic plate moving under another) and spreading of the ocean floor (Dilek and Thy, 2009: 75). The geology map of the Amuq Plain (Figure 1b) shows the variety of geological units and their ages, which reflect a long and complicated evolutionary sequence for the Plain since the Precambrian era (ca. 4.6 billion years). Table 1 shows the area (in km2) that each geological unit in Figure 1b covers. This distribution indicates that ophiolitic rocks from the Upper Cretaceous epoch (145–66 My) constitute 12.85% of the geological units in the Amuq Plain. Gabbro and ophiolitic mélanges are in this group, and they are at the central-western sector of the Plain. The secondlargest geological unit is neritic limestone and clastic rocks (16.55%) from the Eocene epoch (54.8–33.7 My). These formations are common in the southern tip of the Amuq Plain as well as the north-central sector of the research area. Sedimentary rocks of a similar type that date to the Quaternary period (2.5 My to the present) make up for 46.23% in the Amuq Plain, and they mainly cover the central portion of the research area. The map in Figure 1c shows geological formations of the Amuq Plain according to type. The Plain is mainly composed of sedimentary, ophiolitic, and volcanic rocks that vary in age (Table 2). However, the Plain has been rich in sedimentary packages dating to the Quaternary period.

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Figure 1a. Map of Turkey and her major rivers (blue lines). The red rectangle denotes the Amuq Plain, and the yellow dot shows the location of the modern city of Hatay.

Figure 1b. The geology map of Amuq Plain shows the geological units of different ages and the Orontes River (blue line). Geological units are color-coded according to their ages, and the same colors are used in Table 1.

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Figure 1c. The geology map of Amuq Plain shows the geological units of different types and the Orontes River (blue line). Geological units are color-coded according to rock types, and the same colors are used in Table 2. Category Age

Type

Name

Area Percent (square km)

1

Precambrian

Sedimentary Rock

Clastic Rock

51.48

0.32

3 4

Cambrian-Paleozoic Paleozoic-CambroOrdovician

Sedimentary Rock Sedimentary Rock

Carbonate Rock Clastic Rock

152.48 99.02

0.96 0.62

2

5

6

7

8

9

10

11

Precambrian-Late Cambrian-Paleozoic

Paleozoic-PermoCarboniferous Mesozoic-Triassic

Mesozoic-Middle Triassic-Cretaceous Mesozoic_Jurassic

Mesozoic-Middle Jurassic-Cretaceous Mesozoic-Cretaceous

Sedimentary Rock

Sedimentary Rock

Sedimentary Rock

Sedimentary Rock

Sedimentary Rock

Sedimentary Rock

Sedimentary Rock

Mesozoic-Tertiary-Upper Cretaceous-Eocene Sedimentary Rock

Clastic Rock

Carbonate Clastic Rock

Carbonate Clastic Rock

1.76

5.13

4.64

Neritic and Pelagic Limestone 222.54 Neritic Limestone

Neritic Limestone

11.62

163.15

Neritic and Pelagic Limestone 471.74 Clastic Carbonate Rock

288.16

Gabbro and Ophiolitic 2037.96 Mélanges Pelagic Limestone and Clas24.521 tic Carbonate Rock

12

Mesozoic-Upper Cretaceous

Ophiolitic Rock

13

Mesozoic-Upper Senonian

Sedimentary Rock

14

Tertiary-Paleocene

Sedimentary Rock

15

Tertiary-Eocene

Sedimentary Rock

16

Tertiary-Miocene

Sedimentary Rock

17

Tertiary-Upper Miocene

Volcanic and Sedimentary Rock Basalt and Clastic Rock

18

Tertiary-Pliocene

19

Quaternary

Basalt and Continental Volcanic and Sedimentary Rock 404.74 Clastic Rock Sedimentary Rock Undifferentiated Quaternary 7329.99

20

 

Water

 

 

 

 

TOTAL

Neritic Limestone

Neritic Limestone and Clastic Rock Clastic Carbonate Rock and Neritic Limestone

0.01

0.03

0.02

1.40

0.07

1.02

2.97

1.81

0.15

17.37

0.10

2624.23

16.55

1060.28

6.69

798.59

5.04

84.89

15854.34

Table 1. The table shows the age, rock type, name, area, and percentage of geological units shown in Figure 1b. Colors in the second column match the colors in Figure 1b.

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12.85

2.55 46.23 0.53 100

The Paleoclimate of the Amuq Plain and the Archaeological Settlement Index

Category

Rock Type

Area (square km)

Percent

1

Ophiolitic

2037.96

12.85

2

Sedimentary

12813.14

80.82

3

Volcanic

918.33

5.79

4

Water

84.89

0.54

TOTAL

 

15854.32

axes; steep hills mark the transition zones between mountain-floodplain borders (Öner, 2008; Erol, 1969). Colluvial fans are frequent along the edges of mountain complexes in the Amuq Plain. The largest mountain complex in the region is Amanos. This ophiolitic mass dates to Cambrian (540–485 My) and subsequent periods. Musa Dağı, at the southwest tip of Amanos, has been covered with calcareous deposits of the Neogene period (23–2.5 My).

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Table 2. The table shows rock type, area, and percentage of geological units shown in Figure 1c. Colors in the second column match the colors in Figure 1c.

The Amuq Plain opens to the Mediterranean shore through a long and narrow (8–10 km wide) tectonic depression along SW–NE axis where Asi River has been flowing. Both Erol (1963) and Pirazzoli et al. (1991) mention that bending and uplifting of the Plain occurred at different rates (i.e., 1.2 – 2.2 m from south to north). The formation of this depression started by the end of the Miocene epoch (ca. 6 My), but tectonic events from the late Pliocene-early Holocene shaped its current morphology (ca. 2.5 My) (Öner, 2008: 4).

Geomorphology Amuq Plain (Figure 1d) is a delta plain (approximately 38 km2) that has been filled by Asi (Orontes), Afrin, and Karasu rivers. The delta formed by these fluvial systems roughly has a triangular outline. Amanos (Amanus) –Nur– Dağı, Musa Dağı, Keldağ, and Ziyaretdağ (dağ / dağı are the Turkish words for mountain) are mountain complexes that border Amuq Plain. Seismotectonic events that cause horizontal and vertical displacement of the floodplain have been the primary driving force in the geomorphological evolution of the Amuq Plain. Active fault lines run along NW–SE, and NE–SW

The coastal regions of the Amuq Plain are rich in Quaternary period alluvial cones, formed by streams running down from hills to the Mediterranean.

Figure 1d. The digital elevation map of Amuq Plain showing national borders (black line), rivers (blue lines), active fault lines (red lines), major mountains, and the location of the modern city of Hatay (ancient Antioch). The legend shows average elevation above the sea level in meters.

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Figure 2. The digital elevation map of the area used for MCM. The black line marks the national border, red triangles and labels show locations and names of weather stations used for MCM, blue lines show the rivers and tributaries in the region. The legend shows average elevation above the sea level in meters.

The morphological structure of the Amuq Plain had become more complicated through changes in sea levels. Based on systematic and extensive geomorphological research of Öner (2008), it is possible to suggest that the rapid rising of sea levels led to the formation of a small gulf around the estuary of Asi River around the end of the early Holocene (ca. 5000–4000 BC). Erol (1963) and Pirazzoli et al. (1991) identified notches and benches from the Flandrian transgression (ca. 3000–2000 BC) when the sea levels were 2.5 m higher than today. The sea level reaches its current situation around 4000 BC (Kayan, 1999). The Asi River adjusted to the new conditions, and silting up fills the gulf by 800–700 BC (Öner, 2008: 9, 23). At this point, continuous progradation of the coastline due to silting up by Asi River cut off the connection of the Iron Age harbor of al-Mina with the Mediterranean during the 4th century BC, leading to the establishment of another port city Seleucia Pieria.

no systematic, scientific geological research in lakes, lagoons, or in the Bay of İskenderun, except for coring along the coastline by Öner (2008) in the research area. Figure 2 shows the geographic boundary and the weather stations used in paleoclimate modeling. MCM is a synoptic paleoclimate model that calculates the changes in the heat budget of the Earth (Bryson and DeWall, 2007: 8). MCM assumes that the heat budget of the planet is related to albedo, which only changes due to the chemical and physical characteristics of the atmosphere (i.e., volcanism) as well as the Milankovitch Cycles –axial tilt, eccentricity, and precession – and that there has been no change in albedo or the Milankovitch Cycles during the last 40,000 years (Bryson and DeWall, 2007: 7–9). Bryson (2007a: 21–24) suggested that the climatic changes resulted from shifts in the locations of upper atmospheric pressure systems (i.e., the Jet Stream and the Intertropical Convergence Zone). The particulars of these changes are discussed elsewhere (Arıkan, 2015; Bryson 2007a); however, the changes can be summarized as follows: roughly at every decade, the shifting positions of the atmospheric pressure systems between the Azores

Methods Paleoclimate modeling Currently, reconstructing the paleoclimate of the Amuq Plain is only possible through modeling. There has been 118

The Paleoclimate of the Amuq Plain and the Archaeological Settlement Index

and Iceland affect the climate of the Mediterranean Basin and North America. These decadal shifts cause milder and wetter or cooler and drier winters.

an example, subtracting the precipitation map of the last century of Early Holocene (i.e., 4000 BC) from the precipitation map of the first century of Early Holocene (i.e., 10,000 BC) gives the change in precipitation (in mm) throughout the Early Holocene (ca. 10,000–4000 BC).

Bryson (2007b, 2007c, 2007d) developed an algorithm that calculated decadal changes in the upper atmospheric pressure systems based on observations from the “Climate Normal” (1960–1990). This algorithm observes the relationship between locations of pressure systems in the upper atmosphere and average values of annual precipitation, temperature, and other variables. Bryson (2007e) applied the multilinear regression method that retrodicts average precipitation, temperature, and other climatic variables depending on the past locations of atmospheric pressure systems.

Terrain analysis Using geographical information systems (hereafter, GIS), it is possible to map terrain features. GRASS GIS offers a tool (r.param.scale) that runs morphometric analyses and maps terrain features with a moving window of adjustable scale. This tool requires intensive computing power. Therefore, running it in basins (i.e., areas that have natural borders) offers the best results. Figure 3 shows a basin where a vast majority of sites remain in its borders. The digital elevation model (hereafter, DEM) of the basin is then used to conduct morphometric analyses and to map terrain features. This DEM has approximately 82 million cells at 10-meter resolution, and r.param.scale analyzes the whole DEM from a window of 69 cells at each step.

The main advantage of MCM is that it runs at a much higher spatial resolution (usually between 1–10 km grids) compared to Global Circulation Models –GCMs– (150–300 km grids). The temporal resolution of MCM is one hundred years –as opposed to six-hour temporal resolution in GCMs–, which is a trade-off for high spatial resolution. As archaeological data sets are not fine-grained, the results of MCM are valuable for archaeology and history.

Developing an archaeological settlement index

Mapping the paleoclimatic changes

The archaeological settlement index aims to explore various adaptive strategies against environmental change (e.g., degradation, aridity) in the Amuq Plain between the Neolithic and Medieval. The underlying assumption of this index is that the most apparent adaptive strategy to climate change (i.e., aridity) is changing the location of a settlement from one period to another (i.e., highland vs. lowland). Alternatively, when settlement density increases in an environmentally circumscribed area like the Amuq Plain, new settlements may emerge. These new settlements may give us clues about land use strategies under intensive settlement patterns. The reverse is also true; during phases of reduced settlement density, the locations of new sites may inform us about extensive land-use patterns. For ease of discussion, sub-phases such as Early, Middle, and Late Bronze Age are combined into one –Bronze Age–, or certain archaeological periods are combined (Hellenistic-Roman, Byzantine-Islamic sites–) (Table 3).

The results of MCM are at centennial resolution in the form of monthly and annual average values for several critical climatic variables such as precipitation and temperature. It is possible to prepare raster maps in GIS for each climatic variable that shows changes in values of these parameters across the research area. When the results of MCM from several weather stations are available, it is possible to generate raster maps using different methods of spatial interpolation. In dealing with climatic variables, one of the most efficient ways of spatially interpolating model results is regularized spline with tension (hereafter, RST) method (Hofierka et al. 2002; Mitasova and Hofierka, 1993; Mitasova and Mitas, 1993;). Mitasova and Hofierka (1993) developed this method to account for differences in topography when interpolating precipitation or temperature as these variables also respond to changes in terrain characteristics. The raster maps in this research are the result of the RST method. Using MCM allowed us to model the precipitation and temperature variables for Amuq Plain between 10,000 and 600 BC (Early and Middle Holocene).

The chronological assignment for each archaeological site rests on the assessment of a surface collection of sherds collected during archaeological surveys. These chronological assignments help categorize archaeological sites based on their settlement frequencies. The archaeological settlement index has 669 archaeological sites, after eliminating sites with several phases. Table 4 summarizes the categories defined in the settlement mobility index and shows the number of archaeological sites in each category.

Raster maps make it possible to calculate shifting trends in the paleoclimate of the research area with the help of difference maps. Difference maps refer to the algebraic operation of subtracting one map of a particular parameter at a given time from another map of that same parameter at a different time. As 119

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Figure 3. Shaded relief map of the region and the digital elevation model (DEM) of the basin that contains most of the archaeological sites (black dots). The legend shows the elevation of the DEM.

Amuq Pottery Phase A–B C D E F G–J

Period Pre-Pottery and Pottery Neolithic Late Neolithic (Halaf) Neolithic–Chalcolithic Chalcolithic (Ubaid) Late Chalcolithic (Uruk) Early Bronze Age

Calendar Date (BC) ca. 9000–5700 ca. 5700–5200 ca. 5200–4800 ca. 4800–4300 ca.4000–3100 ca. 3100–2000

cal. BP ca. 11,000–7700 ca. 7700–7200 ca. 7200–6800 ca. 6800–6300 ca.6000–5100 ca. 5100–4000

Period Early Holocene Early Holocene Early Holocene Early Holocene Middle Holocene Middle Holocene Middle Holocene

O P–R

Iron Age Hellenistic –Roman

1200–600 ca. 323 – 31

ca. 3200–2600 ca. 2323 – 2031

Late Holocene Late Holocene

K–M

Middle Bronze Age –Late Bronze Age

ca. 2000–1200

ca. 4000–2200

Table 3. The chronological divisions and associated pottery sequence in the Amuq Plain as defined by Braidwood and Braidwood (1960).

Holocene. The map shows an overall increase of 2.5 ºC, which causes a significant shift in the socio-ecological systems in southern Anatolia. The average change in the annual temperature of the research area is around 2 ºC. Combined with a sharp drop in precipitation, Amuq Valley must have experienced a significant drying-up event by the end of Early Holocene.

Results Paleoclimatic changes This section provides the discussion of the paleoclimatic changes based on difference maps. Figure 4a is a map that shows precipitation differences during the Early Holocene. Declining precipitation and increasing temperature bring aridification in the Near East by the end of Early Holocene (Roberts et al. 2008). In southern Anatolia, this trend is evident as average annual precipitation drops, however, the most significant change takes place in the southern tip of the Amuq Plain (-1150 mm/year), which suggests a drastic decrease.

It is possible to outline the paleoclimatic trends for Middle Holocene (ca. 4000–600 BC) using the same method. The difference map of Middle Holocene precipitation (Figure 4c) reveals an increasing trend regionally, albeit this increase is minimal (about 32 mm/year). On the other hand, the southwest corner of southern Anatolia, including the Amuq Plain, shows aridification where the maximum drop in average annual precipitation remains around 152 mm. Figure

Figure 4b compares the drop in precipitation with changes in the average annual temperature of Early

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Figure 4a. Precipitation difference (mm) map of Early Holocene. The legend shows an increase (blue) or decrease (red) in southern Anatolia.

Figure 4b. Temperature difference (ºC) map of Early Holocene. The legend shows an increase (red) in southern Anatolia.

borders two opposing trends. This axis sits right on the northern extremity of the Amuq Plain. North of this axis shows a slightly increasing precipitation pattern (max. 29 mm/year), and in the south, aridification reaches about 113 mm/year. This aridification mostly affects the Amuq Plain according to the difference map. Figure 4f shows the difference in average annual temperature during Late Holocene, which reveals a slightly cooling trend that is similar to cooling in the Middle Holocene in terms of scale and intensity.

4d shows the Middle Holocene temperature difference where region-wide cooling is evident. Average annual temperature change throughout Middle Holocene is minimal (max. -0.2 ºC), and therefore slightly cooler Middle Holocene climate may be present for southern Anatolia, including the Amuq Plain. The Late Holocene (ca. 600 BC–0) precipitation difference map (Figure 4e) shows a clear demarcation in southern Anatolia where a line along east-west axis

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Figure 4c. Precipitation difference (mm) map of Middle Holocene. The legend shows an increase (blue) or decrease (red) in southern Anatolia.

Figure 4d. Temperature difference (ºC) map of Middle Holocene. The legend shows a decrease (blue) in southern Anatolia.

The difference maps for three sub-phases of Holocene from 10,000 BC to 0 reveal significant paleoclimatic trends that change spatially across southern Anatolia based on the results of MCM. Early Holocene paleoclimate seems to become drier and warmer, which is replaced by drier and slightly cooler conditions in Middle Holocene, and this trend continues into Late

Holocene. For the Amuq Plain, the drop in average annual precipitation persists even if it happens at a more gradual rate after Middle Holocene. Following the initial warming-up trend in average annual temperature for the Amuq Plain, Middle and Late Holocene trends suggest cooler climatic conditions by around -0.2 ºC.

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Figure 4e. Precipitation difference (mm) map of Late Holocene. The legend shows an increase (blue) or decrease (red) in southern Anatolia.

Figure 4f. Temperature difference (ºC) map of Late Holocene. The legend shows a decrease (blue) in southern Anatolia.

hold for most archaeological periods of the Plain. The first group of sites is directly south and southeast of the Amuq Lake, spreading from the foothills of Ziyaret Dağı in the south towards the eastern edge of the Amuq Plain. The second group is situated north of the Lake in the floodplain of Karasu River, which is between Amanos (Nur) Dağı on the West and low-lying hills on the east.

Archaeological settlement systems When 16 sites outside Turkey and 56 sites of unknown periods are excluded, 857 sites remain. Temporally, this dataset includes all archaeological periods between Neolithic (ca. 9000 BC) and Medieval (ended AD 1453) (Figure 5). Braidwood and Braidwood (1960) conducted extensive research on the Plain, which helps us establish the chronology of the Amuq Plain settlements (see Table 3). Figure 6a shows the spatial distribution of all sites with topographic features and principal drainage systems as well as the now-extinct Amuq Lake. This general distribution suggests two significant concentrations in the research area, and these patterns

Figure 6b shows the Neolithic sites, which solely remained on the floodplain and near freshwater sources such as rivers and lakes except for one hilltop site. The Chalcolithic sites (Figure 6c) were on the floodplain without exception, and settlement density increased 123

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Figure 5. The histogram shows the temporal distribution of archaeological sites in the Amuq Plain (n=913).

significantly. The Early Bronze Age settlements (Figure 6d) were frequent on the west side of Karasu River between the river channel and the piedmont of Amanos (Nur) Dağı while hilltop sites started to emerge. The Middle Bronze Age sites (Figure 6e) started to shift towards the Afrin River gradually. The Late Bronze Age sites (Figure 6f) left the floodplain while hilltop settlements continued.

settlements became important in time as different modes of production (e.g., herding, horticulture) gained significance as well as maintaining the security of the Plain became more critical. Analysis of variance (hereafter, ANOVA) may help us illustrate the changes in the settlement locales (i.e., floodplain vs. hilltops) through archaeological periods. Figure 8a shows that the mean elevation for pre-Iron Age settlements remained below 100 m above sea level while this jumped to 127.33 m during the Hellenistic and Roman periods, and it further increased to 141.56 m during the Medieval Period.

During the Bronze Age (Figure 7a), settlement density increased by more than three times to incorporate diverse topographies such as piedmont and hilltops. Archaeological sites of the Iron Age (Figure 7b) populated the floodplain even though few hilltop sites existed. The Hellenistic Period settlement activity almost doubled (Figure 7c), and the number of sites on Ziyaret and Amanos (Nur) Dağı increased significantly. Increased settlement activity continued into the Roman Period (Figure 7d), especially in hilltops. A significant shift in the settlement patterns emerged in the Byzantine Period (Figure 7e) when the number of hilltop sites exceeded the number of sites on the floodplain. During the Islamic Period (Figure 7f), settlement patterns returned to the pre-Byzantine status, where the floodplain housed many more settlements than hilltops and piedmonts.

Nevertheless, the majority of archaeological sites in Amuq Plain settled lowlands. Histogram distribution of the elevation of archaeological sites indicates that 96% of 913 sites in Amuq Plain remained within 0–300 m above sea level band (Figure 8b). It is also possible to associate archaeological sites with the geological formations that they occupy. The application of ANOVA (Figure 8c) reveals a specific pattern of densely settling on sedimentary units (850 sites) at a mean elevation of 121.48 m. Volcanic formations are the second most densely inhabited geological unit (26 sites) at a mean elevation of 135.92 m. Third, are the ophiolites with 17 sites on them and at a mean elevation of 214.29 m. Finally, areas recently covered with water house 13 sites at a mean elevation of 64.46 m.

From a more general perspective, the settlement systems in the Amuq Plain suggest that self-sustenance was always the focus. Throughout the Early and Middle Holocene, the region housed many small-scale agropastoral communities (i.e., farmsteads), whether they were on the Plain or hilltops. Larger settlements emerged during the Bronze Age as the political situation around Amuq Plain evolved and kingdoms, imperial systems gained a foot in the ancient Near East. Hilltop

Based on the spatial analyses explained in Section 4.3, terrain features map (Figure 8d) shows six major terrain parameters with archaeological sites, and Table 5 shows how much area (km2 and cell counts) these features cover. Figure 8d and Table 5 help illustrate the significant topographical components 124

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Figure 6a. Digital elevation map that shows Amuq Lake and significant drainage systems (blue area and blue lines) along with all archaeological settlements. The legend shows elevation above sea level in meters.

Figure 6b. Digital elevation map that shows Amuq Lake and significant drainage systems (blue area and blue lines) along with the Neolithic sites. The legend shows elevation above sea level in meters.

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Figure 6c. Digital elevation map that shows Amuq Lake and significant drainage systems (blue area and blue lines) along with the Chalcolithic sites. The legend shows elevation above sea level in meters.

Figure 6d. Digital elevation map that shows Amuq Lake and significant drainage systems (blue area and blue lines) along with the Early Bronze Age sites. The legend shows elevation above sea level in meters.

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Figure 6e. Digital elevation map that shows Amuq Lake and significant drainage systems (blue area and blue lines) along with the Middle Bronze Age sites. The legend shows elevation above sea level in meters.

Figure 6f. Digital elevation map that shows Amuq Lake and significant drainage systems (blue area and blue lines) along with the Late Bronze Age sites. The legend shows elevation above sea level in meters.

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Figure 7a. Digital elevation map that shows Amuq Lake and significant drainage systems (blue area and blue lines) along with all Bronze Age sites. The legend shows elevation above sea level in meters.

Figure 7b. Digital elevation map that shows Amuq Lake and significant drainage systems (blue area and blue lines) along with the Iron Age sites. The legend shows elevation above sea level in meters.

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Figure 7c. Digital elevation map that shows Amuq Lake and significant drainage systems (blue area and blue lines) along with the Hellenistic sites. The legend shows elevation above sea level in meters.

Figure 7d. Digital elevation map that shows Amuq Lake and significant drainage systems (blue area and blue lines) along with the Roman sites. The legend shows elevation above sea level in meters.

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Figure 7e. Digital elevation map that shows Amuq Lake and significant drainage systems (blue area and blue lines) along with the Byzantine sites. The legend shows elevation above sea level in meters.

Figure 7f. Digital elevation map that shows Amuq Lake and significant drainage systems (blue area and blue lines) along with the Islamic sites. The legend shows elevation above sea level in meters.

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Figure 8a. ANOVA of elevation by periods. Dots indicate archaeological sites, red lines show box plots, and the blue line connects mean values for each period (p