Land, Liberties, and Lordship in a Late Medieval Countryside: Agrarian Structures and Change in the Duchy of Wroclaw [Reprint 2016 ed.] 9781512816969

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LAND, LIBERTIES, AND LORDSHIP IN A LATE MEDIEVAL COUNTRYSIDE

University of Pennsylvania Middle Ages Series Edited

Press

by E D W A R D PETERS

Henry Charles Lea Professor of Medieval History University of Pennsylvania A complete listing of the books in this series appears at the back of this volume

LAND, LIBERTIES, AND LORDSHIP IN A LATE MEDIEVAL COUNTRYSIDE

Agrarian Structures and Change in the Duchy of Wroclaw

RICHARD C. HOFFMANN

lijiji Philadelphia

U N I V E R S I T Y O F PENNSYLVANIA PRESS

This work has been supported by a grant from the National Endowment for the Humanities, an independent federal agency.

Copyright © 1989 by the University of Pennsylvania Press All rights reserved Printed in the United States of America Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication

Data

Hoffmann, Richard C. (Richard Charles), 1943Land, liberties, and lordship in a late medieval countryside : agrarian structures and change in the Duchy of Wroclaw / Richard C. Hoffmann. p. cm.—(University of Pennsylvania Press Middle Ages series) Bibliography: ρ. Includes index. ISBN 0-8122-8090-3 1. Wroclaw (Poland : Voivodeship)—Social Conditions. 2. Land tenure—Poland—Wroclaw (Voivodeship)—History. 3. Peasantry— Poland—Wroclaw (Voivodeship)—History. 4. Poland—History—To 1572. I. Title. II. Series. HN539. W76H64 1989 306'.09438' 5—dc20 89-14659 CIP

Design by Adrianne Onderdonk Dudden

CONTENTS

List of Maps

ix

List of Tables

xi

List of Figures Abbreviations Preface

xiii xv

xix PART O N E

CONTEXTS FOR A RURAL HISTORY ί

Introduction: Approaching Agrarian History in Medieval East-Central Europe 3

2

Environments: The Duchy of Wrociaw as Region and Polity

A surviving remnant

16

Absentee authority and its local exercise 22 An occasionally presumptuous pawn 27

3

The Changing Polish Countryside of the High Middle Ages 34

Population and settlement 34 The development of seigneurial lordship Change in peasant society 48 Transforming forces 54

40

vi

§

Contents

PART TWO ORGANIZING AGRICULTURAL RESOURCES 4

Locare iure T h e u t o n i c o : Instrument and Structure for a New Institutional Order 61

Chronology

64

Ethno-cultural

dimensions

70

Villagers with German law In the lord's interest

73

82

The economic impact of institutional

5

91

Demesne Farming in the Age of German Law

Demesne farms Labor

93

94

Demesne production

98

104

Administration

107

The value of demesne properties

6

change

110

Demesne, Tenancy, and Agricultural Conditions Fourteenth Century, ca. 1300-ca. 1425 114

The retreat fiom demesne The value of tenancies

in a Long

115 123

Population and market conditions

132

The changing conditions of agriculture

140

PART THREE A SOCIAL SYSTEM IN A C T I O N 7

The Landed Elite: Landlord Rights in Social Contexts

Titles to land

154

Possessors of title

157

Church estates in the fourteenth Lay lords, families,

8

century: motion without movement

and transitory estates

The Lord and the Lordship:

Distance Revenues,

What Did a Landlord Do?

their uses, and the subdivision of lordship simple and extended

216

170

175

197

Consolidation,

151

203

196

Contents The privatization

of higher authority

§ 220

The cyclic structure of fourteenth-century

9

vii

lordships

230

Villagers Itt and Beyond Their Communities

Between

lord and peasant

Fragments from peasant Networks:

spatial,

235

236 lives

245

social, and economic

259

PART FOUR

THE EROSION OF A SOCIO-ECONOMIC ORDER The Storm, ca.1425-ca. 1480

10

273

Forces of disruption

274

Victims and survivors:

the shape of crisis in the village

Landed

11

interests at risk

306

Aßermath: Ambiguous Reconstruction

Calm

up the pieces

Braking

the lordship cycle

327 337

Straws in a Chilling Wind

Portents of servitude

352

353

The Erbherr takes control

13

319

320

Picking

12

284

358

Retrospect: Rural Lives Around Late Medieval Wrociaw

370

APPENDICES

A

Materials and Methods for Measuring Long-Term Change in Lordship and Farm Management 377

Sources:

surveys and conveyancing

The distribution

of lordships

The relative importance

377

382

of demesne and tenant farming

В

Notes on Money in Medieval Silesia

С

On the Names of Places and People

390 405

389

viii Notes to Text Chapter

1

Chapter

2

409 410 413

Chapter

4

419

Chapter

5

427

Chapter

6

432

Chapter

7

436

Chapter

8

445

Chapter

9

452

Chapter

10

460

Chapter

11

466

Chapter

12

470

Appendix

A

474

Appendix

В

477

Appendix

С

477

Notes to Maps and Figures Glossary

478

485

Pronunciation Bibliography Unpublished

Guide

Secondary

489

491 archival sources in Wroclaw collections

Published primary

Index

Contents

409

Chapter3

Gazetteer

§

sources

sources, collections,

and registers

491 493

498

and Concordance

of Topographic

Names

553

Cross references fiom German

place names

575

531

MAPS

1.1

The Late Medieval Duchy of Wroclaw

following page 12

2.1

Soils of the Wroclaw Region

3.1

Settlement in the Future Wroclaw Duchy, ca. 1150-ca. 1250

3.2

Ecclesiastical Lordships of the Mid-Thirteenth C e n t u r y

4.1

Settlements with German Law by 1300

4.2

German Law Grants of the Fourteenth C e n t u r y

5.1

Demesne Farming in the Wroclaw Countryside, ca. 1300

95

5.2

Demesne Farming in the Wroclaw Countryside, ca. 1353

96

5.3

Demesne Farming in the Wroclaw Countryside, ca. 1425

97

5.4

Demesne Farm Production, ca. 1250-ca. 1425

6.1

The Retreat f r o m Demesne Cultivation, 1300-1425

7.1

The Spread of Wroclaw Citizen Lordship: 1300, 1353, 1425

165

9.1

Central Services and Crafts in the C o u n t r y s i d e before 1430

260

14 36

43

88 90

99 116

10.1

Warfare and Rural Destruction During the Fifteenth C e n t u r y

10.2

Deserted Land in the Tax Register of 1443

289

276

TABLES

2.1

Wroclaw's rulers, 1 1 6 3 - 1 5 2 6 .

3.1

Ecclesiastical lordships in the Wroclaw duchy.

4.1

T h e spread o f German law institutions, 1 2 5 0 - 1 5 3 0 .

4.2

Landlords appearing in grants o f German law, 1 2 2 1 - 1 3 9 9 .

4.3

Ecclesiastical landlords in more than one locatio.

5.1

Sites o f recorded production on demesne farms, ca. 1 2 5 0 ca. 1425. 100

6.1

Production and the retreat from demesne.

6.2

Landlord groups and the retreat from demesne.

6.3

Major tenant obligations, 1 2 3 4 - 1 4 3 0 .

6.4

Silesian cereal prices estimated by Friedensburg, 1 2 5 0 - 1 5 5 0 .

7.1

Groups in possession o f lordships: 1 3 0 0 - 1 3 5 3 - 1 4 2 5 .

7.2

T h e scale o f lordship: 1 3 0 0 - 1 3 5 3 - 1 4 2 5 .

7.3

T h e family o f Conrad o f Borsnicz.

8.1

Landlord groups and managerial arrangements: 1300-1353-1425. 200

8.2

Sale prices for demesne and rental land, late 1200s-early 1400s: nominal, silver, and comparative values. 213

9.1

Tenant holdings in fourteen villages, 1 3 5 1 - 1 4 3 3 .

10.1

17-18 42 66 83

83

120 121

127 136

162-163

168

192-193

248-249

T h e decline o f tenant numbers in villages with obligations to the Holy Spirit Hospital, 1 4 3 1 - 1 4 3 8 . 287

xii

§

Tables

10.2

Deserted land in villages w i t h obligations to the H o l y Spirit Hospital, 1 4 3 3 - 1 4 3 8 . 288

10.3

Default o n obligations o w e d to the H o l y Spirit Hospital, 1433-1438. 291

10.4

D i s t r i b u t i o n s o f peasant land in the m i d - and late fifteenth century. 300-301

10.5

Distributions of h o l d i n g s b y status of lord and scale o f estate, 1425 and 1480. 315

11.1

M a j o r tenant obligations, 1 4 8 1 - 1 5 3 2 .

11.2

Distributions of tenant h o l d i n g s (mansi censuales) in eight Wroclaw district villages, 1 5 0 4 - 1 5 3 2 . 330

11.3

T h e Jenkwitz.

11.4

T h e Krig.

A.l

T h e possession of lordships: c o m p a r a t i v e statics, 1 3 0 0 - 1 5 3 0 . 385

A.2

T h e scale of lordships: c o m p a r a t i v e statics, 1 3 0 0 - 1 5 3 0 .

A.3

C u r r e n t settlement types: c o m p a r a t i v e statics, 1 3 0 0 - 1 5 3 0 .

A.4

M a j o r landlord g r o u p s and managerial a r r a n g e m e n t s : c o m p a r a t i v e statics, 1 3 0 0 - 1 5 3 0 . 392

A.5

Rental and d e m e s n e land in all settlements w i t h full i n f o r m a t i o n , 1300-1353-1425-1443. 395

A.6

Settlements w i t h rental and w i t h d e m e s n e lands in the duchy, the survey d o c u m e n t s , and the full i n f o r m a t i o n samples. 3%

324

342-343

345 384—

386-387 391

FIGURES

4.1

Places w i t h n e w e v i d e n c e o f G e r m a n law, 1 2 2 0 - 1 5 4 9 .

67

4.2

Places w i t h datable g r a n t s o f G e r m a n law, 1 2 2 0 - 1 5 4 9 .

69

5.1

D e m e s n e land prices, 1 2 6 0 - 1 4 3 1 .

6.1

T h e retreat f r o m d e m e s n e cultivation, 1 3 0 0 - 1 4 2 5 .

6.2

Landlord prices f o r rental lands, 1 2 5 7 - 1 4 3 0 .

6.3

M a j o r tenant o b l i g a t i o n s , 1 2 3 4 - 1 4 3 0 .

6.4

Cereal prices (rye a n d " g r a i n " ) , 1 2 5 0 - 1 4 3 0 .

8.1

Prices of a n n u a l census o n l a n d l o r d s ' p r o p e r t y , 1 3 1 8 - 1 4 4 1 .

8.2

Landlord possession o f ducal rights, 1 3 0 0 - 1 5 5 0 .

8.3

T h e cyclic s t r u c t u r e o f l o r d s h i p .

9.1

A g g r e g a t e d i s t r i b u t i o n o f t e n a n t h o l d i n g s in f o u r t e e n villages, 1351-1433. 250

9.2

Prices of a n n u a l census o n villagers' h o l d i n g s , 1 3 2 5 - 1 4 4 0 .

112 117

124

128-129 138 210

224

232

267

10.1

Cereal prices (rye a n d " g r a i n " ) , 1 4 0 0 - 1 5 3 0 .

285

10.2

Peasant land prices at K r ? p i c e , 1 4 0 1 - 1 4 6 2 .

10.3

A g g r e g a t e d i s t r i b u t i o n s o f t e n a n t h o l d i n g s in t h e m i d - a n d later fifteenth century. 302

10.4

Landlord prices f o r d e m e s n e a n d rental lands, 1409—1509.

11.1

A g g r e g a t e d i s t r i b u t i o n s o f t e n a n t h o l d i n g s in t h e late f i f t e e n t h and early sixteenth centuries. 332

297

311

xiv

§

Figures

A.l

The relative importance of demesne and tenant farming.

399

B.l

Silver in the Prague groschen and Wroclaw heller, 1300-1550.

402

ABBREVIATIONS

All rcfcrcnces in this b o o k arc given in a s h o r t e n e d f o r m , usually the n a m e o f the a u t h o r o r e d i t o r a n d , w h e r e necessary, a s h o r t title. A b b r e v i a t i o n s o f certain m u c h - u s e d i t e m s a n d t e r m s a p p e a r below. C o m p l e t e citations are in the bibliography. ACW

AESC AHR ΑΡΗ AsKg BUB CdS CdM ChronBMV

CPH DQ DT EcHR fl gr HGZ HPR

hl j JEcH JEEcH Jesuiter

JSFWUB

A l f r e d Sabisch, ed. Acta capituli Wratislaviensis 1500-1562. Die Sitzungsprotokolle des Breslauer Domkapitels in der ersten Hälfte des 16. Jahrhunderts. 2 vols. C o l o g n e a n d Vienna, 1972-76. Annales: economies—societis—civilisations American Historical Review Acta Poloniae Historica Archiv fiir schlesische Kirchengeschichte G e o r g K o r n , ed. Breslauer Urkundenbuch. Breslau, 1870. C o d e x d i p l o m a t i c u s Silcsiae [the G e r m a n series] A n t o n i n B o c e k et al., cds. Codex diplomaticus et epistolaris Moraviae. 15 vols. O l o m o u c , 1 8 3 6 - 1 9 0 3 . G u s t a v Α. H . Stenzel, cd. Chronica abbatum Beatae Mariae virginis in Arenae, p p . 156—286 in SrS, vol. 2. Breslau, 1839. Czasopismo Prawno-Historyczne D a r s t e l l u n g e n u n d Q u e l l e n zur schlesischen Geschichte H e l e n e B i n d e w a l d , ed. Deutsche Texte aus schlesischen Kanzleien des 14. und 15. Jahrhunderts. 2 vols. Berlin, 1 9 3 5 - 3 6 . Economic History Review florin o r g u l d e n (coin) g r o s c h e n (coin) WAP, A M W , Q 2 8 . Heilige Geist: Z i n s b u c h 1 4 3 0 - 3 7 . C o l m a r G r ü n h a g e n , ed. Henricus Pauper. Rechnungen der Stadt Breslau von 1299-1358, nebst zwei Rationarien von 1386 und 1387, dem Liber Imperatoris vom Jahre 1377 und den ältesten Breslauer Statuten. Breslau, 1860. heller o r p f e n n i g (coin) j u g e r u m ( m e a s u r e o f land) Journal of Economic History Journal of European Economic History WAP, R e p . 135, B72. Inhaltsverzcichniss der a u s s e r u r k u n d l i c h e n Papiere des J e s u i t e r - C o l l e g i u m zu Breslau, 1352-1788. Jahrbuch der schlesischen Friedrich-Wilhelms-Universität zu Breslau

xvi ßKg KdS KH KHKM KLM

LB LBV

LFE LN m mk MPH MSGV NLChron NRB PAN PCC

PCP PH "QBBB"

QD RB

RBM

Rep RF

RH RI

§

Abbreviations

Jahrbuch fiir schlesische Kirchengeschichte Karol Maleczyriski, ed. Kodeks diplomatyczny Slpska. 3 vols. Wroclaw, 1956-64. Kwartalnik Historyczny Kwartalnik Historii Kultury Materialnej WAP, Rfkopisy Klose, Kl 132 (Kl 128). [S. В. Kloses holograph copy of] Districtus Wratislaviensis liber de mansis comparatus sub anno 1443. Gustav A. H. Stenzel, ed. " D a s Landbuch des Fürstenthums Breslau," in Übersicht, 1842, pp. 4 8 - 1 4 1 . Colmar Grünhagen and H e r m a n n Markgraf, eds. Lehnsund Besitzurkunden Schlesiens und seiner einzelnen Fürstenthümer im Mittelalter. 2 vols. Leipzig, 1881-83. Hermann Markgraf and J. W. Schulte, eds. Liber jundationis episcopatus Wratislaviensis. Breslau, 1889. WAA I, III a 31. Liber Niger, mansus (measure of land) mark (money of account) M o n u m e n t a Poloniae Historica Mitteilungen der schlesischen Gesellschafi fiir Volkskunde Leo Santifaller, ed. Nikolaus Liebental und seine Chronik der Abte des Breslauer St. Vincenzstifts. Tongerloo, 1949. O t t o Meinardus, ed. Das Neumarkter Rechtsbuch und andere Neumarkter Rechtsquellen. Breslau, 1906. Polska Akademia Nauk Berthold Kronthal and Heinrich Wendt, eds. Politische Correspondenz Breslaus im Zeitalter des Königs Matthias Corvinus. 2 vols. Breslau, 1893-94. Hermann Markgraf, ed. Politische Correspondenz Breslaus im Zeitalter Georgs von Podiebrad. 2 vols. Breslau, 1873-74. Przeglgd Historyczny Wilhelm Schulte, ed., "Quellen zur Geschichte der Besitzverhältnisse des Bistums Breslau," pp. 171-279 in his Studien zur schlesischen Kirchengeschichte. Breslau, 1907. Quellen und Darstellungen zur schlesischen Geschichte WAP, AMW, C20. Registrum o m n i u m b o n o r u m sive villarum et allodiorum in districtibus Wratislaviensi, N o v i f o rensi et Awrassensi super pecunia Burnegelt anno etc X X V . KarelJ. Erben et al., eds. Regesta diplomatica пес поп epistolaria Bohemiae et Moraviae. 7 vols. Prague, 1855-92, 1928-29, and 1954-63. Repertorium WAP, A M W , C24, 1 - 5 . Repertorium Frobenianum. Repertorium Investiturarum in Praediis Ducatus Wratislaviensis, quae in Libris ejusdem Cancellarie continentur, 5 vols. Roczniki Historyczne Johann F. Böhmer et al., eds. Regesta Imperii. Vol. 8 : 1 - 2 , Die Regesten des Kaiserreichs unter Kaiser Karl IV. 1346-1378, ed. Alfons Huber, 2 vols. (Innsbruck,

Abbreviations

RS R S C , year(s)

RUL RW SLR

SLU

Sobotka SR SrS SSp SUB SW UBB Ubersicht UD

UFO

VSWG

§

xvii

1 8 7 7 - 8 9 ) ; Vol. 11, Die Urkunden Kaiser Sigmunds 1410-1437, cd. Wilhelm A l t m a n n , 2 vols. ( I n n s b r u c k , 18%-1900) W a d a w K o r t a et al., eds. Regesty slgskie. 2 vols. W r o c l a w , 1975-83. [Registra succustodiac dextri chori ccclesie Wratislavicnsis], 4 sequential m a n u s c r i p t account b o o k s as follows: W A A I, III d 28, R e g e s t u m succustodiae dextri chori ecclesie W r a tislaviensis 1 4 0 6 - 1 4 5 9 ; WAP Rep. 15, 230, R e g i s t r u m r e d d i t u m succustodiae dextri chori ecclesie Wratislaviensis; WAP Rep. 15, 293, R e g i s t r u m succustodiae dextri c h o r i de a n n o 1471 u s q u e 1488; WAA I, III d 49, R e g e s t u m S u b c u s todis 1 5 0 7 - 1 7 8 7 . [ T h e t w o W A P m a n u s c r i p t s are in fact d i s m e m b e r e d parts of o n e original: 230 contains 1465, 1 4 7 9 - 8 1 , a n d part of 1484; 293 contains 1 4 7 1 - 7 8 , t h e e n d o f the 1481 e n t r y - 1 4 8 3 , the m i d d l e o f the 1484 entry, a n d 1 4 8 5 - 8 8 . W A A III d 49 actually begins w i t h 1496.) WAP, Rep. 135, C150e, Z g l 3 4 / 3 7 . Regesten der U r k u n d e n des Schlossarchivs Deutsch-Lissa 1 4 0 4 - 1 7 9 0 . WAP, A M W , J 7. D e r rechte Weg. Ernst T. G a u p p , cd. Das schlesische Landrecht oder eigentlich Landrecht des Fürstenthums Breslau vom J. 1356 an sich und in seiner Verhältnisse zum Sachsenspiegel dargestellt. Leipzig, 1828; reprint Aalen, 1966. Josef J. Menzel, Die schlesischen Lokationsurkunden des 13. Jahrhunderts: Studien zum Urkundenwesen, zur Siedlungs-, Rechts-, und Wirtschafisgeschichte einer ostdeutschen Landschaft im Mittelalter. W ü r z b u r g , 1977. [Items in extensive d o c u m e n t a r y a p p e n d i x are cited b y n u m b e r . ] Slpski Kwartalnik Historyczny Sobotka C o l m a r G r ü n h a g e n et al., eds. Regesten zur schlesischen Geschichte. 6 vols, in 8. Breslau, 1 8 7 5 - 1 9 2 5 . Scriptores r e r u m Silesiacarum Eike v o n R e p g o w . Sachsenspiegel, ed. Karl A. E c k h a r d t , 2d ed. rev., 2 vols. Berlin, 1 9 5 5 - 5 6 . Heinrich A p p e l t a n d W i n f r i e d Irgang, eds. Schlesisches Urkundenbuch. 2 vols, in 4. Vienna and C o l o g n e , 1963—78. Studia Wczesnosredniowieczne Gustav Α. H . Stenzel, ed. Urkunden zur Geschichte des Bisthums Breslau im Mittelalter. Breslau, 1845. Ubersicht der Arbeiten und Veränderungen der schlesischen Gesellschaft fiir vaterländischen Cultur A u g u s t M e i t z e n , ed. Urkunden schlesischer Dörfer. Zur Geschichte der ländlichen Verhältnisse und der Flureinteilung insbesondere. Breslau, 1863. Wilhelm Haeusler, ed. Urkundensammlung zur Geschichte des Fürstenthums Oels, bis zum Aussterben der Piastischen Herzogslinie. Breslau, 1883. Vierteljahrsschriftftir Sozial- und Wirtschaftsgeschichte

xviii Tz-S

WAA WAP WAP, A M W WTN ZVGS ZO ZRG

§

Abbreviations

Gustav A. Tzschoppe and Gustav A. H . Stenzel, eds., Urkundensammlung zur Geschichte des Ursprungs der Städte und der Einßihrung und Verbreitung Deutscher Kolonisten und Rechte im Schlesien und der Ober-Lausitz. H a m b u r g , 1832. Wroclaw, A r c h i w u m Archidiecezjalne Wroclaw, A r c h i w u m Panstwowe Wroclaw, A r c h i w u m Panstwowe, A r c h i w u m miasta Wroclawia Wroclawski Towarzystwo N a u k Zeitschrift des Vereins fiir Geschichte und Alterthum Schlesiens [Alterthum dropped with vol. 40 (1906)] Zeitschrift fiir Ostforschung Zeitschrift des Savigny Stiftungs fiir Rechtsgeschichte

PREFACE

I t has taken twenty years to reconstruct, analyze, explain, and understand 350 years in the complex life o f a past community. N o medievalist should think that too long. T h e remnants from the past sought here have waited far longer and deserve commensurate patience. This book grew from repeated engagement with the sources and will succeed to the extent it recaptures them and those who created them. To that end, I have purposely cast in it a reconstructive rather than an argumentative mode. In other words, the organization and presentation derive more from the concerns and texts o f people past than from the disputes o f later historians. As readers familiar with literature around my subject will recognize, the rich human reality in the medieval records has been too often neglected in cultivating a sterile national or ideological parti pris or constructing a rootless mctahistory. Had I shaped this book around the historiography, I feared losing the documented past I sought and found. O f course Land, Liberties,

and Lordship was not conccived in an intellec-

tual vacuum. Analytical frameworks o f medieval economic history, o f rural social history, and o f East Central European history, are provided in Chapter 1. In addition, the broad substantive understanding o f medieval agrarian history against which this sense o f the Wroclaw countryside evolved is available in my lengthy article "Tenure o f Land, Western European," in Dictionary ofthe Middle Ages, Joseph Strayeret al., eds., vol. 11, pp. 6 7 1 - 6 8 6 (New York, 1988). T h e institutional perspective may be augmented by my "Tools, Agricultural, Western European" and "Villages: C o m m u n i t y , " pp. 7 2 - 8 2 and 4 3 9 - 4 4 1 in volume 12 o f the Dictionary (New York, 1989). In consequence I relegate most comparative issues and academic controversy to the notes. T h e form o f citations required to save space, however, makes some notes less transparent than I would prefer. Cognoscenti may recognize the import o f allusions to " C a r s t e n , " to " B u c z e k , " or to " G r ü n hagen;" other readers are encouraged (implored) to trace references patiently from text to notes to bibliography. Then they will see both my large debts to and my occasionally sharp differences from two centuries o f scholars in both Silesian history and medieval studies. What follows is my sole responsibility, though I have necessarily drawn on uncounted friends, colleagues, teachers, and others. Much brief aid must go unremarked. But people who have made a particular and critical differ-

xx

§

Preface

ence to the outcome of an effort deserve special thanks, if some, sadly, just to their memories. Without the caretakers of manuscripts and books there can be no historical scholarship. Once at Wroclaw I relied on the help, advice, and staffs of Miss janina Pastawska, Director for Scholarly Research at the A r c h i w u m Panstwowe, and the late Most Reverend Wincenty Urban, then Auxiliary Bishop of Wroclaw and Director of the archdiocesan library, archive, and museum. At York I depend on the great skills and good h u m o r of the Interlibrary Loan section, especially through the years those of Mary Hudecki and Gary MacDonald. Maps and figures were ably produced by the Cartographic Office, Department of Geography, Faculty of Arts, York University. Robert Ryan, Hania Guzewska, Carolyn Gondor, and Carol Randall helped m y questions and answers achieve graphic form. Financial support has been received f r o m time to time f r o m the [then] Canada Council, f r o m the Faculty of Arts at York University, and f r o m the International Research and Exchanges Board. Intellectual mentors and helpful patrons at various stages of this project in Poland and N o r t h America have been Aleksander Gieysztor, the late Roman Heck, Harry Miskimin, Janos Bak, and Ambrose Raftis. Colleagues in the Department of History, York University, inevitably stimulate and inspire emulation. Dozens of fellow conferees, especially during the great annual medieval gatherings at Kalamazoo, have prodded hypotheses toward improvement. Paul Lovejoy and two then anonymous referees affirmed when needed that slowly assembled separate fragments did f o r m a sensible whole. T h e entirety is offered to the memories of three whose instruction and example taught the meaning of scholarship: Arnold E. Melzer, Robert L. Reynolds, Robert S. Lopez. May it hold a measure of their acuity and humanity. Ellen and Kate had to hear so much so long. They kept it in perspective. King City, Ontario January, 1989

PART ONE §§§§§§§

Contexts for a Rural History

§§ 1 §§ INTRODUCTION: APPROACHING AGRARIAN HISTORY IN MEDIEVAL EAST-CENTRAL EUROPE

An economic system is a set of dependent, interconnected economic relationships which, precisely because they are interconnected, arise more or less c o n t e m p o r a n e o u s l y and disappear m o r e or less c o n t e m poraneously, giving way to other relationships. T h e empirical dating o f their emergence and dissolution enables us to fix the limits of a specific economic system in time. To construct the theory of a determinate economic system means to establish (always empirically) the fullest possible totality of dependent relationships present within the system, and to explain the connections between these relationships. . . . T h e task of economic history is to understand h o w men have carricd out their economic activity in various social situations. Witold Kula, An Economic Theory oflhe Feudal System. Towards a Model of the Polish Economy 1500-1800, pp. 179 and 182.

O f the many Middle Ages, some are now well known and some poorly known. This book explores a part of medieval Europe unfamiliar to most Anglophone and even most western medievalists to illuminate from a novel perspective issues central to historical inquiry—development and stability, prosperity and poverty, community and authority, freedom and loss of freedom. It examines structures and change in the rural life of a small eastcentral European region around the Silesian city of Wroclaw between the late twelfth century and the early sixteenth. 1 The intent is to recreate, understand, and explain interconnected relationships among peasants and lords in this vanished society. How are human experiences in the medieval Duchy of Wroclaw to be reconstructed and meaningfully recapitulated? Three intersecting spheres of issues arise from the confrontation of modern scholarly minds with medieval economic, agrarian, and east-central European history. The object of study and the surviving sources shape the investigation and its results. This

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introductory chapter treats analytical and methodological considerations before sketching in brief the book s organization and argument. Medieval economic historians have sought to describe and explain expansion, development, and contraction in the production, distribution, and consumption of goods and services. Generations of scholarship established the reality of change in medieval economic life and the inception by the turn of the first millennium of a long period of growth. This the demands of human numbers and ruling lords powered, the energies of peasants and artisans sustained, and the minds and travels of merchants coordinated into an emerging continental economic system. 2 Then scholars questioned whether continuous economic progress followed from medieval growth and showed that it was not uninterrupted. 3 Hence a long cycle of growth, depression, and renewed growth now seems visible across Europe f r o m the High Middle Ages to the sixteenth century. Causal questions remain. A search for answers forces attention to the distinctive experiences of those regional communities which collectively formed the mosaic of traditional Europe. Not just French knights, Italian traders, Flemish craftsmen, and English peasants peopled medieval Europe, making and enduring its history. Along the expanded continental frontiers of Latin Christendom in particular, the timing, form, and causes of economic change remain obscure. So, too, do ways these were manifest in the local and regional societies which framed the lives of most medieval Europeans. 4 O n e set of problems, then, concerns long-term economic change in a particular setting. H o w did people in the countryside around Wroclaw participate in the secular evolution of the medieval European economy? A second frame of analysis recognizes that a traditional agrarian society contains a peasant majority and an elite minority whose behaviors together form a structural whole with ramifications beyond the purely economic. Conceptual models of "peasant society" identify for study potentially significant variables and contexts of social interaction. Traditional small cultivators constitute a subordinated part of a larger society, so the varying forms and incidence of elite dominance necessarily affect how peasants live. Yet equally significant are structures internal to peasant society: familial units of production, consumption, and residence; a primary orientation towards subsistence and self-sufficiency from the resources commanded by those units; participation of the units in local communities. Differential access to wealth, social behavior linking wealth and family, relative ease of movement and access to markets, and the authority, structure, and autonomy of the village can shape peasant lives as much as does the direct individual or collective confrontation between lord and peasant. 5 Peasants

Introduction

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5

t h u s live in a c o m p l e x reality w e b b e d w i t h c o n n e c t i o n s a m o n g resources, technologies, lordship, kin g r o u p s , status g r o u p s , c o m m u n i t i e s , and i n t e r locking regional n e t w o r k s . Discoverable n o r m s and acceptable variations pattern lives therein. Yet those lives are led b y real individuals, n o t ideal types. M o d e r n t h e o r y of peasant society offers only potential tools f o r t h e historian s e e k i n g f r o m e x i g u o u s sources to reimagine h u m a n situations in a particular past setting. Lords, too, were c o m p l e t e social beings, n o t j u s t c a r d b o a r d figures of p o w e r to be o p p o s e d t o peasants. Recent scholars have learned h o w elite culture, kinship, and b r o a d e r e c o n o m i c situations shape lords' h a n d l i n g a n d very n o t i o n of landed p r o p e r t y . 6 To u n d e r s t a n d and explain medieval agrarian life, t h e n , requires a v i e w of l a n d o w n e r s in their o w n social setting. T h i r d is the history of cast-central E u r o p e , t o o l o n g w a r p e d by a o n e sided western perspective on E u r o p e a n civilization and t o o l o n g v e x e d b y m o d e r n e t h n o c e n t r i s m s and c o n s e q u e n t medieval a n a c h r o n i s m s . 7

Nine-

t e e n t h - c e n t u r y nationalisms defined the territory as contested b e t w e e n G e r m a n and Slav a n d i m p o s e d that conceptual f r a m e w o r k u p o n its earlier history. U n d e r s t a n d i n g s of the medieval past thus long revolved a r o u n d issues o f c t h n o - c u l t u r a l identity, contact, and conflict. To G e r m a n allegations of a historic national mission on behalf o f western civilization against t h e b a r b a r o u s masses of t h e east, Poles, Czechs, and M a g y a r s u n d e r s t a n d ably o p p o s e d their o w n m i r r o r images of a u t o n o m o u s m e m b e r s of t h e E u r o p e a n cultural c o m m u n i t y d e f e n d i n g themselves against naked aggression. E v e n syntheses o f the medieval history of Silesia, a territory successively b e l o n g i n g to Polish, B o h e m i a n , H a b s b u r g , and (later) Prussian rulers a n d inhabited until 1945 by people of i n d u b i t a b l y m i x e d origins, w e r e m a d e to revolve a r o u n d axes of ethnic identity and national m e m b e r s h i p . 8 Since the m i d - t w e n t i e t h c e n t u r y n e w perspectives o n east-central E u r o p e a n h i s t o r y have e m e r g e d . T h e y f o c u s o n experiences (including c o n flicts) shared a m o n g people living b e t w e e n Elbe a n d Pripet as participants since the first m i l l e n n i u m in the pluralistic culture o f Latin C h r i s t e n d o m . O s c a r Halecki's p r o p i t i o u s " b o r d e r l a n d s of western civilization" s u g g e s t e d a b r o a d u n d e r s t a n d i n g w i t h rich c o m p a r a t i v e potential. 9 Walter Schlesinger b r o k e in 1957 w i t h at least a c e n t u r y of Ostforschung and

Siedlungsgeschichte

to declare that t h e old G e r m a n east was n o m o r e and to call f o r r e c o n s i d e r a tion o f its historical place as s o m e t h i n g o t h e r than " c o l o n i z a t i o n . " 1 0 Frantisek G r a u s o f f e r e d the n o t i o n of a " m e l t i n g p o t " to f r a m e issues o f e t h n i c f o r m a t i o n and, w i t h special felicity f o r t h e medievalist, p o i n t e d o u t the need t o recognize " t h e r e were m o r e i m p o r t a n t p r o b l e m s than f r o n t i e r disputes, linguistic quarrels and national p r e s t i g e . " By the mid-1980s even the his-

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History

torical doyen of the Polish state and nation, Henryk Lowmianski, could speak (in passing) of the medieval "formation of a particular Silesian nation" distinct from the Polish." The new conceptual environment encourages the medievalist to confront problems belonging to the Middle Ages and not to the nineteenth century. This necessarily includes giving to questions of ethnicity attention commensurate with their importance in relevant medieval texts and behavior. For much of the Middle Ages dominant processes of socio-cultural change drew east-central Europe ever closer to a common European evolution. At the end of the period came a fateful transition; while the region maintained full cultural membership in Europe, its social development diverged. The serfdom the West was rapidly leaving behind now appeared in the East where it had not been. 12 Issues of agrarian development and social change are thus central to that part of medieval European history which occurred in the East. These, too, help shape this effort to understand and explain the experiences of those medieval people who lived around Wroclaw. Conceptual assemblages labelled medieval, agrarian, and east-central European provide analytic environments for this book. They do not directly determine its method or its organization, for the intent of this history is not nomothetic. The objective here is less to test theories of medieval growth and recession, of peasant society, or of east-central European development than it is to use such ideas to help explore the life of a past society. 13 General interpretive questions must inform the historian's apprehension of an object of inquiry but specific people and communities made the object itself. Men and women living in a particular past left from their lives fragments which the present confronts. The medieval Duchy of Wroclaw (see Map 1.1) provides an object of study positioned on a continuum between the representative and the unique. To the western observer it lay tucked behind the eastern edges of the Bohemian massif on a tiny scrap (1500—1600 square kilometers or 600 square miles) of the north European plain in the center of the Odra river basin and the province of Silesia. Neither topography nor climate nor ethnicity nor even the influence of the city in its midst sharply separated this community from its neighbors; its discernable particularity resulted from the vagaries of now old and obscure politics. But those almost random borders delimited a dense web of interactions among the thirty to sixty thousand people living there at any one time between 1200 and 1530. Borders and behavior established a congruent map of medieval documents, shared and similar within, different and incommensurate without. A unity of

Introduction

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7

sourccs reflects t h e unit of social o r g a n i z a t i o n then and p e r m i t s a u n i t of analysis n o w . T h e medieval d u c h y was surprisingly p r o d u c t i v e of materials f o r its historical r e c o n s t r u c t i o n . T h e i r survival in considerable v o l u m e , despite severe and irreplaceable losses t o W r o c l a w archives in 1945, 14 has m o l d e d research strategies and tactics of presentation. Especially f o u r key t y p e s of p r i m a r y sources give f o r m and c o n t e n t t o this b o o k . M o s t medievalists arc familiar w i t h charters, f o r m a l w r i t t e n d o c u m e n t s r e c o r d i n g and p r o v i d i n g p r o o f of a juridical act, w h i c h o f t e n c o n c e r n e d the p r o p e r t y o r privilege o f the recipient. Such texts, w h e t h e r ducal, papal, episcopal, o r by o t h e r authority, offer the first concrete evidence f r o m a r o u n d W r o c l a w and, n u m b e r i n g in t h e high h u n d r e d s b y the early f o u r t e e n t h century, a l m o s t all the early source material. C h u r c h m e n a n d a f e w t o w n s p e o p l e w i t h landed p r o p e r t y then favored o r k e p t charters; m o s t transactions occurred orally in the presence of the local Piast d u k e a n d w e n t u n r e c o r d e d . B u t in 1336 a n e w absentee ruler, K i n g J o h n of B o h e m i a , established p e r m a n e n t official registers (Libri terrae, Landbücher)

f o r all c o n -

veyances of properties held f r o m h i m (as m o s t were). T h e initial general series b c c a m e in 1367 separate ones for p e r m a n e n t sales or inheritances (Libri perpetuorum),

m a r r i a g e settlements, and repurchaseable pledges o r a n n u -

ities. By the m i d - s i x t e e n t h c e n t u r y they filled m o r e than thirty h e f t y v o l u m e s . For easier reference t o the then 10,000 chronological entries in the e i g h t Libri perpetuorum,

t h e secretary o f the d u c h y c o m p i l e d w h a t c a m e to

b e called t h e " R e p e r t o r i u m F r o b e n i a n u m " [RF], an alphabetical listing o f each rural settlement and the substance of every charter a b o u t it. 1 5 U n t i l 1945 all the Landbücher w e r e in the archive (if rarely used); since 1945 o n l y R F survives. It provides, h o w e v e r , a nearly c o m p l e t e sequential r e c o r d of secular properties a n d their holders in t h e late medieval duchy. Ecclesiastical cartularies c o m p l e m e n t it. T h e charters m a y be t h o u g h t o f as a large collection o f s n a p s h o t s taken f r o m t h e p o i n t o f v i e w o f l a n d o w n e r s . T h e W r o c l a w d u c h y is also c o m p a r a t i v e l y rich in e x a m p l e s o f a rarer s o u r c e w h i c h can balance w i t h b r o a d p a n o r a m a s t h e n a r r o w f o c u s o f the charters. Large survey d o c u m e n t s record i n f o r m a t i o n a b o u t m a n y rural sett l e m e n t s at f o u r different dates. Earliest and least c o m p r e h e n s i v e is a catalog o f lands and rights c o m p i l e d a b o u t 1300 b y clerks of the b i s h o p o f W r o c l a w , t h e " L i b e r f u n d a t i o n i s episcopatus Wratislaviensis" [ L F E ] . Sections c o v e r ing t h e d u c h y contain quantitative details a b o u t f i f t y - n i n e places w h e r e t h e b i s h o p was lord or t o o k tithes. A half c e n t u r y later E m p e r o r C h a r l e s IV h a d a d m i n i s t r a t o r s o f w h a t was then his hereditary principality investigate all ducal resources there. T h e " R e g i s t e r o f villages, demesnes, a n d ducal

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rights of the D u c h y of Wroclaw and the District of N a m y s l o w " or, to the nineteenth-century editor, " L a n d b u c h des Fürstenthums Breslau" [LB] was drafted by 1353 and partly revised over the next five years. Its topical and geographical sections record types and a m o u n t s of land, many owners, and other information f r o m 284 identifiable settlements in the duchy. T w o more surveys come f r o m the first half of the fifteenth century; each was compiled to assess and collect a particular tax on land. T h e "Register of Burnegelt" [RB] f r o m 1425 lists for each of 199 places the land subject to tax (lords' demesne farms and the lordships of some churches were exempt) and the payment made. Data f r o m R B is augmented by contemporary surveys of estates belonging to t w o exempt owners, the Wroclaw cathedral chapter and the Bishop of Lebus. T h e three texts together cover 211 places in the duchy just before the Hussite wars. T h e latest survey document was c o m piled in the midst of those wars. This "Liber de mansis" [KLM] f r o m 1443 n o w survives only as a late eighteenth-century holograph copy by the Wroclaw antiquary Samuel B. Klose, w h o also published selections in 1781. It lists 235 identifiable settlements. Each survey reports on land use and economic organization in a large but not complete sample of Wroclaw duchy settlements. Handled with critical awareness in ways detailed in A p pendix A, they yield quantitative profiles of the duchy's countryside at times significant to its economic history. Surveys range broadly across the countryside of the duchy but rarely penetrate the life of its villages and farms. O n l y the occasional charter treats rural settlements as societies instead of just properties. But a third, mostly late kind of source, the land- or titheholder's o w n financial account, may go deeper, for these can record individual peasant holdings, obligations owed, paid, evaded, or forgiven, and even many years of this information. N o n e date to the twelfth or thirteenth century and few to the fourteenth and early fifteenth, but they become m o r e c o m m o n in the late fifteenth and early sixteenth centuries. Nearly all that survive were kept by clerics, but their tithe accounts often cover lay-owned properties as well. Some late income accounts also have the quality of village court books. Legal compilations are a fourth distinctive source of information about rural relationships in the late medieval duchy, for it produced t w o of these. T h e so-called "Silesian land l a w " [SLÄ] was codified in 1356 by knights and Wroclaw citizens w h o m the king had instructed to reconcile indigenous Polish and i m m i g r a n t German legal customs. They adjusted Sachsenspiegel to the special conditions of the duchy and established the basic law applied in its courts for the rest of the Middle Ages. Later experience created further precedents which a long-time court m e m b e r compiled in 1490 as a private

Introduction

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9

h a n d b o o k , " D e r Rechte W e g " [RW]. In succession the t w o texts give distinctive local views on n o r m a t i v e behavior in the c o u n t r y s i d e . Except for t w o Wroclaw witnesses to m i d - f i f t e e n t h - c e n t u r y wars, n a r rative writers had little interest in matters agrarian. T h e fiscal and a d m i n i s trative records, especially extensive by the m i d - f o u r t e e n t h century and unparalleled elsewhere in Silesia, m a k e the D u c h y of W r o c l a w peculiarly apt for systematic study. T h e y allow intensive and n e a r - c o m p l e t e investigation of relatively full and constant d o c u m e n t a t i o n f r o m an entire area. Extant materials also limit investigation. M o s t record sources reveal rural society d o w n to b u t n o t b e l o w the social a g g r e g a t e level o f particular settlements. Except w i t h landlord accounts and o t h e r late or unusual sources individual peasants o r their f a r m s can rarely be e x a m i n e d in d e p t h . Villages can. All places rccur in text after text. D o c u m e n t e d statements can be made and c o m p a r e d . H e n c e this s t u d y a p p r o a c h e s the d u c h y as a regional mosaic o f discrete local c o m m u n i t i e s w i t h their o w n identities, their o w n topographic and social qualities, and their o w n histories. T h e 362 h u m a n settlements (some short-lived) in the medieval d u c h y all appear o n M a p 1.1. M o s t will reappear in maps, tables, and discussions t h r o u g h o u t this b o o k . T h e history of the region is, to a large but not exclusive degree, a c o m p o s i t e of these local histories. To maximize the breadth of detail and completeness in each local c o m m u n i t y history and the c o n t r i b u t i o n all m a k e to r e c o n s t r u c t i n g the w e b of interrelationships w h i c h f o r m e d a regional history, all i n f o r m a t i o n on q u e s tions of potential relevance was assembled f r o m available d o c u m e n t a t i o n . In isolation m o s t recorded " f a c t s " (like the presence of a mill in a particular place in 1342, the rate o f rent d e m a n d e d by the b i s h o p elsewhere in 1277, or the quantity of " d e s e r t e d " land in a n o t h e r place in 1443) have n o significance. A family o r village history lends c o n t e x t to s o m e , b u t the narrative of one settlement still has o n l y antiquarian interest. T h e a t o m i c particulars of rural life gain interpretive m e a n i n g in mass. H e n c e quantified techniques and tabular, graphic, and c a r t o g r a p h i c representations will o f t e n s u m m a r i z e the collected data. These m e t h o d s p e r m i t critical evaluation of general assertions and of the representative quality o f any specific details. 1 6 T h e n case studies of c o m m u n i t i e s , g r o u p s , or, w h e r e possible, individuals selected f r o m the larger assemblages, restore a h u m a n and narrative d i m e n s i o n t o the reconstruction. Points w h e r e p r o b a b l e inference f r o m the available data reaches a limit are clearly indicated and speculative o r hypothetical c o n clusions expressly offered as such. N e i t h e r quantification n o r theoretical awareness replaces i n f o r m a t i o n n o t in the sources; they can only suggest w h e r e lacunae occur and h o w the f r a g m e n t s of the past w h i c h are recap-

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t u r e d may once have been aligned. T h i s s t u d y is presented w i t h t h e c o n viction that it is as i m p o r t a n t t o declare w h a t is n o t k n o w n as t o indicate w h a t is. T h i s i n t r o d u c t i o n s h o u l d also give practical help t o readers disoriented by unfamiliar linguistic a n d o t h e r aspects o f east-central E u r o p e a n history. A g u i d e t o Polish p r o n u n c i a t i o n appears o n p. 489. Personal a n d place n a m e s pose t h e greatest p r o b l e m . T h e s e w e r e originally r e c o r d e d in the inconsistent o r t h o g r a p h y o f medieval Latin a n d G e r m a n , s o m e

subse-

q u e n t l y u n d e r w e n t linguistic c h a n g e a n d / o r translation i n t o a n o t h e r language, and m a n y w e r e then treated b y scholars w r i t i n g in m o d e r n G e r m a n , Polish, o r C z e c h . T h e aim here is t o h a n d l e the material in English w i t h consistency and a m i n i m u m of a n a c h r o n i s m . M a n y readers will be satisfied t o k n o w the c o n v e n t i o n s here a d o p t e d : GIVEN

(Christian)

NAMES

use English cognates w h e r e available, m o d e r n

Polish o r G e r m a n f o r m s w h e r e they exist, or, for those w i t h o u t m o d e r n equivalents, o r t h o g r a p h i c a l l y - t i d y versions of a medieval f o r m . SURNAMES

are given in a standardized, preferably medieval a n d t e x t -

based f o r m . T h o s e of geographical origin have been translated i n t o " o f + t o p o n y m " unless they acquired an u n a m b i g u o u s family quality. PLACE N A M E S IN SILESIA PLACES E L S E W H E R E

are the m o d e r n Polish n a m e s w h e r e such exist.

receive their c o m m o n English n a m e if they have o n e and

their native n a m e if n o t . PLACES N O L O N G E R E X I S T I N G

or w i t h o u t their o w n m o d e r n n a m e ( " d e -

serted villages") receive a standardized r e c o n s t r u c t i o n ( m a r k e d by asterisks, e. g. *Szczepin*) of the f o r m used in medieval texts. Where a

MEDIEVAL NAME FORM

is discussed o r n o t o t h e r w i s e identifiable,

it appears in italics or q u o t a t i o n m a r k s as a p p r o p r i a t e . A Gazetteer (pp. 5 3 1 - 5 5 1 ) locates and n a m e s in Polish and G e r m a n places in the medieval d u c h y o r relevant to its history. Readers n e e d i n g greater justification o f o n o m a s t i c decisions s h o u l d see A p p e n d i x С (pp. 4 0 5 - 4 0 8 ) . U n i t s of m e a s u r e m e n t and o t h e r specialized t e r m s are d e f i n e d in t h e Glossary (pp. 4 8 5 - 4 8 8 ) and additional i n f o r m a t i o n a b o u t medieval Silesian m o n e y is in A p p e n d i x В (pp. 4 0 0 - 4 0 4 ) . T h e interpretive and m e t h o d o l o g i c a l a p p r o a c h e s identified above r u n as threads t h r o u g h a narrative and structural analysis o f a social and e c o n o m i c s y s t e m set in a particular time a n d place, t h e late medieval D u c h y o f W r o c law. T h e system is the rural r e g i m e o f " G e r m a n l a w " (ius Theutonicum),

the

organization of the c o u n t r y s i d e a r o u n d a u t o n o m o u s village c o m m u n i t i e s o f f r e e peasant f a r m i n g h o u s e h o l d s w i t h g o o d tenurial rights. T h e s e i n s t i t u tional a r r a n g e m e n t s appeared a r o u n d W r o c l a w in the early t h i r t e e n t h c e n -

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tury, were perhaps territorially dominant by its close, and continued to multiply for another hundred years. They meshed with characteristic relationships among lords and lords, lords and peasants, peasants and markets, technologies and resources, and peasants and peasants. People in these interconnections responded in certain ways to difficulties, conflicts, o p p o r t u nities, and change. During the later fifteenth and beginning of the sixteenth century this web of behavior slowly gave way to the different connections of neoscrfdom. This book would establish (always empirically) characteristic relationships within the regime of the German law, its emergence, and its dissolution in the countryside around Wroclaw. The investigative reconstruction is presented in four large segments. Fart I builds nccessary frames, here in Chapter 1 the analytical perspectives, in the next chapter the natural and human setting of the late medieval duchy, and in Chapter 3 the antecedent development of twclfth-ccntury Poland and Silesia. T h e latter established the environment of economic growth and the relationships between the elite and landed resources needed for institutional innovation in the countryside. T h e following three segments look f r o m different but intersecting perspectives at the subsequent rural order of the German law. Part II considers the German law as an agricultural resource system, exploring how this regime was formed and functioned around Wroclaw during the thirteenth through early fifteenth centuries. What the developmental initiatives of landowners and the collaborative energies of peasants created is the subject of Chapter 4. Chapter 5 examines landlord demesne farms, the empirically essential counterpart to German law tenant agriculture, during the same period. Chapter 6 treats relationships between lords, tenants, and their two kinds of productive enterprises, as these shifted through time and in a wider economic setting. The concern is for change in, but not of, the system, and the involvement of individuals and groups with such change. Part III contemplates the same fourteenth- and early fifteenth-century rural order as a social system of lords and peasants. Chapter 7 is f r o m an elite perspective, considering lordship rights to landed property, the persons w h o possessed these rights, and the social settings in which they handled them. Chapter 8 views f r o m the village the activities of landowners, revealing the separation of the lord f r o m village affairs and the inconstancy of connections between any particular lord and any specific lordship. This situation reinforced structural features of the German law regime, leaving the village c o m m u n i t y and its own society, as explored in Chapter 9, largely independent of regular or direct elite intervention. T h e German law village emerges as a multivariate and pluralistic social system with a strong head

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Contexts for a Rural History

man, the schulz, as its center and its principal (but not sole) link to the surrounding society. Part IV follows the German law regime to and beyond the limits of its adaptability during the fifteenth and early sixteenth century. In Chapter 10 exogenous pressures f r o m the natural and socio-political environments of mid-fifteenth century east-central Europe are s h o w n stressing all rural relationships in the duchy. Peasants struggled for survival, lords endured loss of incomes, and both grasped at opportunities within and without the old frame of possibilities. T w o or three h u m a n generations experienced crisis. Chapter 11 traces their subsequent responses, some to rebuild what once had been and others to rethink earlier relationships. What had been learned of risks to lordly incomes in the German law regime combined with changing elite social contexts for landed property to end the traditional motility of lordship rights, strengthening the effective authority of lords and encouraging its exercise. In weakened communities w i t h o u t external sources of support, even peasants prospering f r o m available lands and markets could not resist effectively. As Chapter 12 sets out, around 1500 people near Wroclaw were in piecemeal fashion and incrementally replacing their German law regime with something else. Entry of a hereditary lord into the village and into the entire social space between the village and the larger society changed the system itself.

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Land above 300 metres

§§ 2 §§ ENVIRONMENTS: T H E D U C H Y OF WROCLAW AS R E G I O N A N D P O L I T Y

Poloniae diuiditur in sex d u c a t o s , q u o r u m duces sunt potentes quasi reges, sunt autem n o m i n a d u c a t u u m : Cracouiensis, Opuliensis, B r a tislaviensis, G l o g o u i e n s i s , Gnisnensis et m a g o u i e n s i s . . . . Terre est pascuosa, n e m o r o s a , et late ualde. habundat in pane, sed caret vino: irrigatur Wandale iam dicto, O d e r a , nisa, bobera, et m a g a r a , piscibus habundat m u l t u m et carnibus; argentifodine et equi indomiti multi sunt. O l g i e r d G o r k a , e d . , Anonymi descriptio Europae orientalis . . . anno MCCCVlll exarata, pp. 5 5 - 5 7 .

I N atural and cultural environments give opportunities and limits to people living in them. An anonymous early fourteenth-century western writer had trouble with eastern European names, but captured important first impressions of the medieval Polish lands: broad plains, some wooded, some open; large river systems; several confusing political units. He saw best the nearer side of the country; three of the six duchies he knew were Silesian, and three of the five rivers, too. The broad and shallow basin of the Odra shapes Silesia as an extension of the great north European plain into the angle between the Sudetes and Carpathians. On the river in the heart of the province is the historic center Wroclaw, and around it the duchy named for it. Rolling mountain ridges are not distant—from the city's Swidnica gate their outlier, Mount Slfza, looms barely thirty kilometers away—but this is a land of river and plain (see Map 2.1). Bisecting and further subdividing the region around Wroclaw are bottomlands along the Odra and its tributaries, the Oiawa, Slfza, Bystrzyca, and Sredzka Woda on the left (southwestern) bank and the Widawa on the right. Bounded by ten-meter terraces, these low-lying areas were until the late eighteenth century easily flooded patchworks of meadow, pond, wood, and sand bar, creatures and victims of the meandering rivers. 1 Three quarters of the duchy lay above the terraces

14

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Contexts for a Rural History

and the flood waters. South of Wroclaw the gently undulating landscape is mantled by humus-rich black earth, a friable soil of post-glacial origin naturally devoid of heavy forest cover. Light and fertile, too, are the loess plains which roughly parallel the Sudetes range and penetrate the duchy along its southwestern edge. N o r t h of the loess and west of the black earth, naturally-wooded and less rich glacial soils, loams and sands for the most part, roll north to the Odra and rise across it into gravel terminal moraines. O n the whole, however, the area contained in the later medieval duchy has barely a hundred meters difference in elevation, so that the principal topographic distinction is between bottomland and plain. Like the surface features and soils, the climate of the duchy is but a local variant of that known across the great north European plain. Within the

Environments

§

15

h u m i d t e m p e r a t e belt stretching f r o m n o r t h e r n France t o t h e steppes, this area shares fairly cool, d r y s u m m e r s b u t n o genuine d r y season o f the M e d i terranean type. W r o c l a w is less cool and d a m p than t h e m a r i t i m e w e s t , b u t still m o r e m o d e r a t e than t h e truly continental climate of eastern P o l a n d . M o d e r n J a n u a r y t e m p e r a t u r e s average j u s t below freezing and J u l y a r o u n d 18°C (64°F). W h e a t g r o w s better than elsewhere in Poland, b u t the h a r d i e r rye was l o n g favored. In t h e central O d r a basin, distance and h u m a n densities, n o t physical barriers o r different natural e n d o w m e n t s , distinguish o n e regional unit f r o m a n o t h e r . Since the H i g h M i d d l e Ages u r b a n - c e n t e r e d districts have served social a n d a d m i n i s t r a t i v e needs t h r o u g h o u t Silesia a n d the rest o f eastcentral E u r o p e . T h e medieval district o f W r o c l a w e x t e n d e d s o u t h f r o m t h e Widawa and east f r o m the Bystrzyca to irregular b o r d e r s w i t h districts c e n tered on O l a w a and Strzclin. To its west, across the Bystrzyca a n d s o u t h o f t h e O d r a , was the Sroda district, only half the size of t h e W r o c l a w district. It a b u t t e d the districts o f K j t y on the s o u t h and of Legnica o n the west. A n d to the n o r t h across the O d r a , squeezed b e t w e e n lands o f the o f t e n hostile d u k e of d o g o w and Olesnica, lay the very small district of U r a z , a castlc and d w a r f t o w n o n the bank of the river.- W h e n in the early f o u r teenth c e n t u r y the districts of Wroclaw, Sroda, and U r a z came t o d e f i n e a realm ruled f r o m Wroclaw, it f o r m e d a r o u g h rectangle o f a b o u t t h i r t y - f i v e by f o r t y - f i v e kilometers w i t h its longer d i m e n s i o n parallel t o t h e s o u t h e a s t n o r t h w e s t flow o f the O d r a . T h e ducatus Wratislauiensis

of the later M i d d l e A g e s — s e v e r a l h u n d r e d

rural settlements, three a d m i n i s t r a t i v e districts, a c o u p l e o f little t o w n s , a n d a m a j o r city w i t h fifteen t h o u s a n d inhabitants and c o m m e r c i a l links far b e y o n d the p u n y b o u n d a r i e s o f this d w a r f p r i n c i p a l i t y — h a d n o g e o g r a p h i c logic. Its very existence m e m o r i a l i z e d the b r e a k u p o f an earlier political s y s t e m into a z o n e of f r a c t u r e b e t w e e n larger units, f o r this D u c h y o f W r o claw was the r u m p of a m u c h larger D u c h y of Silesia that d u r i n g the H i g h M i d d l e Ages played a regionally significant role. T h e politics of the g r e a t e r east-central E u r o p e a n arena shaped the d u c h y and at times directly set c o n ditions f o r life in field and h u t and landlord's seat. A d m i n i s t r a t i v e practice created certain e c o n o m i c relationships, and the texts w h i c h record o t h e r s . U n d e r s t a n d i n g t h e rural society of the d u c h y in its historic setting t h u s requires s o m e familiarity w i t h the politics of Poland, Silesia, and the d u c h y f r o m the f o r m a t i o n of a Polish state until the first half of t h e sixteenth c e n tury. T h e goal o f t h e o v e r v i e w in this chapter, h o w e v e r , is to r e p o r t o n l y e n o u g h a b o u t the e v o l u t i o n and organization o f the polity t o establish a context f o r the agrarian d e v e l o p m e n t s of t h e later M i d d l e A g e s . 3

16

§

Contexts for a Rural History

A surviving

remnant

When the state-building activities and religious conversion of Mieszko I brought the Polish people to historical attention in the later tenth century, central Silesia was the homeland of the Slenzani, a Slavic people culturally Polish but then clearly in the Bohemian sphere of influence. The warlike and able Boleslaw I "the Bold," second Christian ruler of Poland and heir to his father's expansionism, defeated the Bohemians and annexed Silesia to the Piast state in 999. The next year he sealed his victory by setting up a bishopric for the province at Wroclaw, where fortified islands in the Odra and associated craft and trading settlements already bore economic characteristics of a town. The vicissitudes of the early Polish state of which Silesia was an integral part have little direct bearing on later medieval developments. The breakup o f t h a t political organism begins the story of the Silesian duchies, Wroclaw among them. Like Kievan Rus, early Piast Poland passed from an era of relatively strong centralized government to one in which regionalism gained the upper hand. Boleslaw III " W r y m o u t h , " last single ruler of Poland for nearly two centuries, institutionalized these tendencies by creating in his 1138 testament an appanage-seniorate system for his sons. Silesia fell to the eldest, Wladyslaw II, who, as senior, also received Little Poland and Cracow, now gradually becoming the spiritual and political center of the Piast lands. Wladyslaw tried to restore centralized rule, lost the ensuing fraternal war, and in 1146 fled with his immediate family to the Empire. After nearly twenty years of imperial military and diplomatic intervention for this potential client, in 1163 not Wladyslaw, who died as "the Exile," but his sons, Boleslaw "the Tall" and Mieszko, returned with German wives and knightly educations to divide Silesia between them. 4 To Boleslaw fell the northern and central portions of the province, including the largest urban center, Wroclaw. His descendants, w h o in some parts of the country survived until the eighteenth century, continued and ended the line of Piast dukes in lower Silesia. Boleslaw, his son, and his grandson ruled over a unified lower Silesia from 1163 to 1241 (see Table 2.1). Although Boleslaw had a German wife and upbringing, owed his position in part to Imperial support, and welcomed knights and monks from Germany, he was no German prince. The search for national sentiment in the activities of a twelfth-century prince is an exercise in historical self-deception. Especially in the confused Polish situation, policies depended on personal loyalties and the need to create a firm local or regional basis for continued power, not on virtually nonexistent national feeling. For it was in the Polish arena that Boleslaw oper-

Enuironments

§

17

Table 2.1. W r o c l a w ' s rulers, 1 1 6 3 - 1 5 2 6 Sovereign Piast Dukes of Silesia at Wroclaw 1163-1201

Boleshw I "the Tall"

1201-1238

Henry I "the Bearded"

1238-1241

Henry II "the Pious"

1242-1248

Boleshw II "the Bald" (co-ruler 1243-48)

1243-1266

Henry III "the White" (co-ruler 1243-48)

1266-1270

Wladyslaw, Archbishop of Salzburg (regent for Henry IV)

1266-1290

Henry IV " t h e j u s t " (minor 1266-70)

1290-1296

Henry V "the Fat"

1296-1301

Bolko I, Duke of Swidmca (regent for Boleshw III and Henry VI)

1296-1311

Boleshw III "the Wastrel" (minor 1296-1306; co-ruler 1306-11)

1296-1335

Henry VI (minor 1296-1306; co-ruler 1306-11; vassal of Bohemia, 1327-35)

Kings of Bohemia and Dukes of Wroclaw

Appointed Captains of the Wroclaw Duchy

House of Luxemburg 1327· - 1 3 4 6

John (King from 1310; immediate duke from 1336)

1336-•37 1337- 39 1339- 41 1341- 43 1343- 46

Conrad of Borsnicz Henry of Hugowicz Conrad of Falkenhain Henry of Stercze Conrad of Falkenhain

1346 - 1 3 7 8

Charles IV (Charles I as king; Emperor from 1347)

1346-•60 1360- 69 1369-•78

Conrad of Falkenhain Wroclaw city council Tema of Koldice

1378 - 1 4 1 9

Wenceslas (Wenceslas IV as king; Emperor, 1378-1400, then deposed)

1378- 83 1383-•89 1389-•95 1395- 97 1397-•1400 1400-•03 1403-•04 1404-•08 1408-•13 1413- 19

T?ma of Koldice Herman of Chusnik Henry Skopck of Duba Stefan of Opaczna John of Milheim BeneS of Chusnik Wroclaw city council Benes of Chusnik John of Chotievice Henry of Lasan

1419 - 1 4 3 7

Sigismund (King of Hungary since 1387; Emperor from 1410)

1419-•20 1420-•22 1422-•23

Henry of Lasan Albert of Koldice Conrad, Duke of Olesnica and Bishop of W r o d a w Albert of Koldice Wroclaw city council

1423-•24 1424-•37

House of Habsburg 1437 - 1 4 3 9

Albert of Austria (as Emperor, Albert II)

1437-•39 1439

Wroclaw city council Margrave Albert of Brandenburg

1439 - 1 4 4 0

Elizabeth of Hungary (for Ladisias Posthumus)

1439--40

Wroclaw city council

1440 - 1 4 5 7

Ladisias Posthumus (minor to 1455)

1440-•55 1455-57 1457

Wroclaw city council John of Rozmberk

18

§

Contexts for a Rural History Table 2.1. (continued)

Elected Monarch* 1458-1471

George Podebrady (not recognized at Wrodaw after 1469)

1458 1458--69

John o f Roimberk Wrodaw dty council

1469-1490

Mathias "Corvinus" Hunyadi (King o f Hungary from 1458; not recognized in Bohemia)

1469--70 1470--90

Zdenik o f Sternberk Wrodaw dty council

Jagiellonian House 1490-1516

Vladislav II "King O . K . " (originally Whdystaw; recognized in Bohemia from 1471; King o f Hungary from 1490 as Ladislas or Laszlo V)

1490-1516

Wrodaw dty council

1516-1526

Louis (in Hungary, Louis II)

1516-26

Wroclaw city council

ated after the restoration. He acted as a Polish prince seeking to retain and improve his position in the oft anarchic seniorate system o f his dynasty. Henry I "the Bearded" ( 1 2 0 2 - 3 8 ) successfully continued his father's main policies, basing a drive toward leadership o f a reunited Poland on the relative economic advancement o f his Silesian base. B y the last decade o f his life he had achieved hegemony from east o f Cracow to the Pomeranian border. At home Henry and his wife, the German princess and future saint Hedwig, actively encouraged monastic foundations, old and new, and promoted economic expansion, both by natives, now underway for some generations, and by immigrant German peasants, miners, and traders. 5 Thus before 1223 he gave German municipal institutions to the older market settlement called Sroda, midway on the route between the ducal castles at Wroclaw and Legnica, and renamed it the " n e w market" (novum forum, then Neumarkt).6

Henry I was followed by his one surviving son, Henry II "the

Pious," whose pursuit o f traditional family goals ended with him before a wing o f the Mongol army which devastated east-central Europe in 1241. Four youths were heirs to the Silesian duchy and other Polish lands left smoldering behind the withdrawing Mongols. Their age, rivalry, and custom o f dividing an inheritance among all surviving males began several generations o f fragmentation and impotence in the Silesian principalities. T h e slide toward a plethora o f bickering dwarf states slowed only during the reign o f Henry IV "the J u s t " ( 1 2 6 6 - 9 0 ) , and culminated in the passing o f Silesia under the influence and suzerainty o f the strong western neighbour, Bohemia. T h e process gave shape to the late medieval Duchy o f Wroclaw.

Environments

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19

The eldest son of Henry II, Boleslaw II, was declared of age in 1242, Henry III was named co-ruler in 1247, and the next year the Silesian duchy was partitioned among them and a younger brother, Conrad. 7 H e n r y III received the middle segment with Wroclaw at the center, and held on to it through repeated fraternal conflicts and the loss of all the extra-Silesian lands of the dynasty. During the succeeding minority and early rule of Henry IV, even the protection of the duke's uncle, King Pfemysl O t t o k a r II of Bohemia, could not stop the extortion of the Sroda district in 1277 by Boleslaw of Legnica. 8 From a perspective of Slavic solidarity these years with O t t o k a r may have been a high point, but f r o m that of power and prestige in the Silesian and Polish arena they were only a prelude to Henry's o w n assertion of d o m i nance in Silesia and claims to leadership of Poland. For a time his efforts were hampered by struggles with Bishop T h o m a s II of Wroclaw, w h o demanded full sovereign authority over two districts owned by his see; the conflict ended only in 1287 when the duke sacrificed the fruits of military victory by a grant of wide jurisdictional powers. T h e settlement, engineered by Jacob Swinka, primate of the Polish church and leader of the reunification movement, freed Henry to make good a claim to Cracow and Little Poland and to become by 1290 the preeminent Piast prince, ruler of the largest, wealthiest, and ideologically most critical portions of the Polish lands. Then, still young and with the kingdom not yet restored, this last duke of Wroclaw capable of an independent political program suddenly died. Without heirs of his body, Henry IV left his Silesian lands to an old antagonist, Henry I of G l o g o w (perhaps to encourage greater unity), and abandoned the policies of a lifetime to grant to the bishop virtual sovereignty in all church lands. 9 In 1290 Bishop T h o m a s held for Henry of G l o g o w the castle and cathedral islands at Wroclaw but not the loyalties of wealthy German merchants in the city and German and Polish knights of the countryside. They instead offered the duchy to another Henry, Duke of Legnica and their late ruler's successful general, w h o accepted election as Henry V of Wroclaw. His succession reunited the Sroda district to Wroclaw. But Henry V fell victim and captive to a coalition between his brother Bolko and Henry of Glogow. T h e cost of freedom in 1294 was surrender of all the mountain districts to Bolko, and to the Duke of Glogow those north and east of the Odra, including the Uraz castle and district. 10 Henry V survived his humiliation barely more than a year, leaving the truncated Wroclaw duchy to his minor sons and the regency to his aggressive brother, Bolko I of Swidnica. Bolko used his position to weaken Wroclaw in favor of his o w n city and to oppose Bohemian designs on Silesia and Poland. After Bolko's death in 1301 the Bohemian regency favored by the

20

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Contexts for a Rural History

city of Wroclaw did occur, but the ensuing deaths of t w o successive Premyslid kings of Bohemia and Poland, Wenceslas II in 1303 and Wenceslas III in 1306, extinguished that dynasty, permitted the restoration of a Piast Polish k i n g d o m , " and delayed for nearly a generation the Bohemian h e g e m ony over Silesia. T h e Duchy of Wroclaw left by Henry V was a third as large as his predecessor's, but male children would keep it together no longer than necessary. By 1311 Boleslaw had taken the extremities around Legnica and Brzeg and Henry the middle, the Wroclaw and Sroda districts. When three years later this Henry VI of Wroclaw bought back the Uraz castle and district, the Duchy of Wroclaw had attained the shape it would keep for t w o and a half centuries. 12 By the early fourteenth century, hereditary divisions had split the Silesian lands left by Henry II in 1241 into nine separate principalities. Political fission of Silesia during the late thirteenth and early fourteenth centuries was related to simultaneous changes in the economy, social structure, and local institutions. Developments visible since 1150 n o w accelerated the emergence of a social system combining Polish and G e r m a n traditions, which would exhibit a tenacity capable of enduring later difficulties with a m i n i m u m of adjustment. Following chapters detail such changes in the rural economy in the Wroclaw duchy, but those in the exercise of political power belong here. Part of the general economic expansion was the foundation of new villages with new German legal forms, and the conversion of older villages f r o m indigenous to these imported customs. Concurrently, the Polish system of local administration by castellanies gave way to one of districts centered on walled towns. T h e judicial authority of the castellan over persons subject to Polish law devolved upon a n e w territorial court, the czuda or Zaude (known f r o m around 1300), while the German law judge, no longer a special appointee for a few specific immunities, also became a territorial officer, the advocatus provincialis or Landvogt, w h o presided over a iudicium provinciale of assessors drawn f r o m the urban upper classes and village heads. 13 Eventually in 1337 even the czuda was in the Duchy of Wroclaw abolished at local request and the iudicium provinciale left as the one high court in each district. 14 Grants of ducal prerogatives to Bishop T h o m a s II by H e n r y IV in the compromise of 1287 and his testament three years later are the first solid evidence for different shifts in the locus of governmental power. D u r i n g the next two centuries and especially when the ruler's attention was otherwise engaged, local lords and landowners obtained by means legitimate or not originally sovereign rights over their properties and the people w h o inhabited them. Authority to tax and to j u d g e the rural population would slowly

Environments

§

21

drift f r o m the Silesian dukes to the landlords, thus eroding the domestic power of the former and, by letting once-sovereign prerogatives support and augment seigneurial rights, strengthening that of the latter over the peasantry and in regional affairs. For some time after 1287, however, mainly churchmen would benefit f r o m this trend. 1 5 Around Wroclaw they had by then enjoyed a century of ducal and private donations which gave them close to a third of the rural lordships. T h e largest ecclesiastical estate, that of the bishop and chapter, governed independently of the ducal administration even the inhabitants of their scattered holdings. That practice would in the fourteenth century spark more than one dispute with secular authorities. O t h e r ecclesiastical landlords were less autonomous. T h e period of political fragmentation also coincided with foundation of urban municipalities on the western (i.e. German) model and the gain by some of these of wealth and political influence. After 1241 Wroclaw received its first municipal charter, a set of privileges renewed and revised by Henry III in 1261. Long active in the commerce moving along the trade routes which skirted or crossed the Bohemian massif f r o m the west to C r a c o w and points east, the Wroclaw merchants engaged in politics to avoid tolls, preserve routes and markets, and retain or enlarge a territorial base c o m mensurate with their commercial ambitions. Whether or not ethnic considerations influenced decisions like that to support Henry V in 1290, the political weight of the city could but grow in the dwindling confines of the duchy. By about 1320 Wroclaw was an urban craft and mercantile center on a par with all but the greatest in western Europe and, since Peter's pence returns suggest a population of thirteen to fourteen thousand, probably the largest city east of Prague. 1 6 T h e respite Premyslid extinction had afforded Silesian Piasts trying to retain autonomy a m o n g their more powerful neighbours ceased by 1320. Their feelings of entrapment grew as the contest over the province intensified between the new Bohemian ruler, John of Luxemburg, and the revived Polish kingdom of Wladyslaw IV Lokietek. After 1323 the Silesian princes, without abandoning many attributes of Polish culture, ceased identifying themselves with the regnum Poloniae and were drawn into the Bohemian orbit. Their change of allegiance is not easily explained. T h o u g h the later Polish Piasts never long relaxed their endeavor to regain the lost province, Polish foreign policy had other critical interests, the now-hostile Teutonic Order, the other lost province of Pomerania, and, f r o m the 1340s, growing commitments in Ruthenia. T h e Bohemian effort gained f r o m a long tradition of influence across the Sudetes and the active pursuit of objectives by the enterprising John. 1 7 T h e role of Wroclaw is ambiguous, with some c o m mercial considerations pulling the t o w n magnates east balanced by fears for

22

§

Contexts for a Rural History

their urban independence and possible cultural preference for the " G e r m a n " Luxemburgs. Closer to home, the city feared further division of its principality between neighboring dukes married to Henry VI's daughters. T h e Bohemian thrust was not to be denied. In March 1327, but a m o n t h after most of the upper Silesian dukes had, in the face of a Bohemian army, accepted John's suzerainty, Henry VI of Wroclaw travelled to Prague, the first lower Silesian ruler to follow suit. O n 27 April the Bohemian king accepted Henry's fealty and conceded him lifetime possession of the duchy. John or his heir would, however, succeed directly to the ducal office u p o n Henry's death—which followed in late 1335. 18 By the end of John's reign (1346) the Bohemian crown included overlordship over all of Silesia except Swidnica-Jawor, which Charles finally acquired by marriage to its heiress in 1353. Polish opposition, diplomatic and at times military, continued until the 1348 Treaty of N a m y s l o w produced what proved to be lasting peace. 19 That year Charles formally proclaimed Silesia an element of the impersonal Bohemian C r o w n and duchies like Wroclaw, where the king was himself duke, especially incorporated into that entity. 20 For four centuries Silesian history, and especially that of the Wroclaw duchy, was to be linked w i t h Prague, not Cracow.

Absentee authority

and its local exercise

Every sovereign over Wroclaw after 1335 was at the same time holder of a foreign crown, suzerain over all Silesia, and hereditary duke of Wroclaw. To reign in absentia over the Wroclaw duchy required changes in local g o v ernmental institutions, a task soon taken in hand by the Luxemburgs, especially the pragmatic Charles, who, well before the death of his bellicose father, relieved him of mundane chores in the family domains. T h e y needed and found machinery for governance and men to fill it. An immediate need was for a resident officer to act for the king in the duchy. John followed the precedent established by his Pfemyslid predecessors in their Polish and other outlying territories and appointed a "captain" (capitaneus, Landeshauptmann, starosta).2' This official served at the royal pleasure and took overall responsibility for defence, internal security, finance, justice, and administration, that is, the full range of duties that had been the personal affairs of the resident prince. By John's 1327 confirmation of the duchy's privileges, only natives were to receive appointment. The only full-time assistance for the captain, beyond personal household servants and perhaps a few troops, came f r o m the chancellor and his clerks. Thus Dietmar Meckenbach, chancellor f r o m 1351 to 1360, managed the survey of landholdings and taxable property that is n o w one of the finest

Environments

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23

sources for any study of the duchy. 2 2 This official also recorded land transactions and judicial decisions involving landholding at the landlord level. H e charged for this service, but his records both determined tax assessments and proved disputed ownership rights.23 Although the chancery was, therefore, an office important to local landowners as well as the sovereign, little is known of incumbents under the first three Luxemburgs. Most seem to have been clerks in the king's service w h o held the j o b for some years and then passed to other tasks. 24 Before 1421 only the chancellor in 1360-61, Jacob of K j t y , came f r o m a significant native family. The Luxemburgs otherwise relied upon ad hoc committees and short term panels of locally influential people to govern the duchy in their name. This was notably true of the judicial system, another area where the new dynasty made important changes. With abolition of the czuda in 1337, the first courts above the village level became the district courts that met at Wroclaw and Sroda. 25 These were courts of first instance for c o u n t r y m e n not subject to a village court (i.e., exempt peasants, schulzen, and landowners) and for capital and other crimes reserved to the sovereign's high justice, but they also heard appeals f r o m village and seigneurial courts, insofar as such were permitted. U n d e r an appointed Hofiichter sat seven assessors, initially mostly schulzen. By the reign of Wenceslas IV the g r o w i n g rural activities of Wroclaw citizens made the court of the Wroclaw district a townsmen's preserve, but in the Sroda district village chiefs remained in the company of townsmen and nobles. 26 Under John and Charles t w o courts came to have competence over the whole duchy. T h e more active of these, variously called the judicium curiae, Hojgericht, or Mannrecht during its long history, was a modification of the old duke's personal justice to fit the situation of an absentee ruler. It heard cases involving property directly subject to the sovereign and appeals f r o m the district courts. It was chaired (in the king's normal absence) by the captain or by the Hofiichter of the Wroclaw district court. At first knightly landowners in varying numbers found the judgements, but in 1343 King John decreed a membership of twelve, half of them citizens of Wroclaw with eligible property in the duchy. 2 7 From 1361 the assessors were eight, but still equally divided between townsmen and nobles selected annually by the t o w n council and the terrigenae (see below) respectively. By the early fourteenth century, the Wroclaw town council was also serving as a court of last resort for appeals on points of law. This practice slowly gave way to similar appeals to another body established by King John in 1346 for a different purpose, the commission called the "Royal Six." Originally these three knightly vassals and three town councillors were to resolve legal ambiguities in the city's charters, 28 but their work eventually

24

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Contexts for a Rural History

produced the duchy's law code of 1356, and they then took on the role of final recourse w h e n the law itself was at issue. If justice was the main peacetime service provided by a late medieval government, taxes were possibly its greatest problem; especially for rulers with as many financial needs as the Luxemburgs, they were a major reason for its very existence. T w o principal taxes had developed in thirteenthcentury Silesia, the land tax (petitio, exactio, Geschoss) and the " m i n t m o n e y " (pecunia monetalis, defectus mottete, or Munzgeld). T h e former began as a fluctuating and irregular assessment requested by the ruler in times of need, but by about 1300 it had stabilized as a fixed annual payment f r o m rent-paying peasant and gertner holdings in the countryside and building lots in the towns. Landlords' direct exploitation demesnes and the holdings of Schulzen were free f r o m tax. By the fourteenth century the Geschoss had both money and grain components. Soon after this tax had become a regular obligation, the idea that the suzerain might get special help in emergencies reappeared as the petitio specialis or Bede. T h e second important general tax, mint money, like the Geschoss an annual impost on taxable land, originally indemnified the prince w h o refrained f r o m exercising his profitable right to recall and remint coins circulating in his territory. Soon after its late thirteenth-century start, mint m o n e y in the Wroclaw duchy was assessed and paid as part of the land tax. Added to these main taxes were tolls, customs, surviving obligations due to the prince under Polish customary law, and military services of village schulzen, mostly paid in cash by this time. 2 4 With a fiscal system in place around Wroclaw, the Luxemburgs needed do little m o r e than learn and enforce it. For the sake of development on poor land John was even induced in 1341 to cut the tax rate in the Sroda district f r o m twelve groschen to six per rental mansus. 3 0 Thus the great survey done about 1353 for Charles IV exemplifies Luxemburg fiscal policy. The only surviving account f r o m the duchy dates f r o m 1377 and suggests the magnitude of the system at its height. O f total receipts worth not quite 1400 marks, the city of Wroclaw paid 560 marks, the t o w n of Sroda was exempt, and rural areas added about 250 marks cash and grain worth almost 125. Tolls provided about 200 marks. Local expenses of more than 900 marks still left 400 for transfer to Prague or other royal business. 31 T h e account f r o m 1377 was kept for the Wroclaw t o w n council, which had administered the financial affairs of the duchy. Nearly a third of the disbursements went to T e m a of Koldice, Czech courtier of Charles and Wenceslas and for fourteen years captain of the Wroclaw duchy. O t h e r monies went to imperial vassals and toward construction projects in the royal castle at Wroclaw. T h u s the account itself shows politics in the

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25

fourteenth-century duchy to have involved not j u s t administrative machinery but an interplay of forces: the local nobility, the city of Wroclaw, and, balancing or using the others f r o m afar, the crown of Bohemia and its favorites. A "constitution" of several elements, often operated by domestic groups but repeatedly adjusted by royal intervention, structured political life under the Luxemburgs. During the thirteenth century a more distinctive g r o u p of nobles had emerged f r o m the complex social gradations of the early Piast state. Landed wealth, princely service, and a military calling sustained claims to privileged status, while the once absolute authority of the Polish sovereign was t e m pered by reciprocal forms of personal dependency and land grants that came to resemble the more structured western feudalism. 3 2 In Silesia, sovereign dukes multiplied and their principalities shrank, splitting family allegiances and blocking the spread of large family properties across the province. As a result, fourteenth-century Silesia sustained a relatively h o m o g e n e o u s subprincely secular elite without the sharp division between magnates and ordinary knights characteristic of the K i n g d o m of Poland. In this environment of dwarf states and well before the success of the Luxemburgs, a somewhat foggy notion of a noble corporate identity appeared within each district or principality. In the Wroclaw duchy this g e r m of a noble " E s t a t e " is visible in the "terrigenae" w h o in 1290 joined the city to accept H e n r y V as their ruler. By the mid-fourteenth century, a presumption of consent to taxation and m a j o r political action seems to have been accepted. 3 3 Again the Luxemburgs brought little change. John's confirmation of privileges in 1327 tacitly recognized the political importance of the terrigenae, especially in his guarantee to provide only native sons as his governors. Later, district nobles gathered to assist or to petition the monarch. 3 4 Participation by individual nobles in governmental activity may best illustrate the political importance of this g r o u p during the fourteenth century. At the highest level, for a generation after 1327 the Luxemburgs kept their promise to reserve the captaincy for local men. T h e longest-serving a m o n g the early captains, Conrad of Falkenhain (1339-41 and 1343-60) had widespread rural interests in the duchy, some in association with W r o claw citizens. 35 Before 1360 individuals like him monopolized the chief o f fice in the duchy. But urban interests came to oppose Falkenhain; in 1359 the city of Wroclaw complained to Charles IV that his appointee failed to prevent disorder and to support t o w n s m e n against their enemies (without further specific charges). 36 For a year Charles sought compromise, allowing the town council to function as Falkenhain's deputy, but in 1360 the king appointed the city captain in its o w n right and ended leadership of the duchy by indigenous nobles. It did not, however, end their strong political influ-

26

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ence. Half of the assessors on the duchy's judicium curiae and "Royal Six" came f r o m noble ranks. Membership lists f r o m the former, available f r o m 1361 on, demonstrate the regular representation of the major landholding families in the duchy: a Schellendorf and a Hugowicz, for example, each sat on half of the courts meeting between 1361 and 1420. 37 Wroclaw's acquisition of the captaincy in 1360 capped its g r o w i n g wealth, prestige, and influence under the early Luxemburgs. T h e city bustled with craftsmen in textiles, leather, and metal whose products were shipped, together with a wide variety of goods in transit, across E u r o p e by the mercantile elite w h o dominated municipal politics. 38 Their t o w n council w o n toll-free trade, staple rights, and other commercial advantages. M a g nates and other townsmen had by mid-century also invested heavily in rural land in the Wroclaw district. U r b a n influence in the politics of the duchy, already evident in the late thirteenth century, grew as well. 39 By the reign of Wenceslas, Wroclaw citizens dominated their district court and shared the iudicium curiae with the nobility. Their membership on the latter was more widely distributed than that of their noble colleagues; only the D o m p n i g family held seats nearly as often as the great noble houses. It was rather as a corporation, embodied in their t o w n council, that the citizens of Wroclaw most actively engaged in the affairs of the duchy during this period. Helping to finance the antiPolish campaigns of John and Charles during the 1340s b r o u g h t the city control over royal incomes in the duchy, first as security for its loans and later as the council served as collection agent for the king's account. 4 " Possession of the captaincy would merely regularize the town's influence. But before the Hussite wars Wroclaw's domination of the government of the duchy remained incomplete, largely because the Luxemburgs repeatedly displayed a willingness to intervene, to maintain a royal presence w h e n o r derly government seemed at risk, and to use the resources of the duchy for their o w n purposes. Disorder and disagreement between Conrad of Falkenhain and the city in the late 1350s had brought the captaincy to the t o w n council, and new conflicts involving that office led to its removal in 1369. When the city became mired in jurisdictional disputes with its bishop, Charles reclaimed the captaincy and installed a neutral, the Bohemian nobleman T e m a of Koldice. Whether Charles and his successors learned f r o m the troubles of 1359 and 1369 or merely found in this office a useful reward for their followers, for the next fifty-five years the pledge of 1327 was ignored (see Table 2.1 above). T h e captaincy and the incomes attached to it went to one L u x e m burg supporter after another, nearly all foreigners to the duchy. O f thirteen incumbencies between 1369 and 1424, only one can rightly be called native,

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27

t h e brief period d u r i n g the captivity of Wenceslas in 1403 w h e n t h e t o w n council held t h e office in its o w n right, a l t h o u g h s o m e o t h e r s a c q u i r e d p r o p erty o r had еде officio interests in t h e duchy. 4 1 T h e n m o r e typical, h o w e v e r , were m e n w i t h o u t r o o t s there, like H e n r y S k o p c k of D u b ä , scion o f an old C z e c h b a r o n i a l family, friend of Wenceslas, and s i m u l t a n e o u s l y chief c h a m berlain o f B o h e m i a ; o r J o h n of M i l h e i m , a Silcsian e m i g r e w h o rose via the royal c o u r t i n t o the highest circles o f B o h e m i a n society. 4 2 Direct sovereign c o n t r o l of the office, as expressed in its o c c u p a n c y b y " f o r e i g n e r s , " was o f t e n m i t i g a t e d b y the i n c u m b e n t s ' absencc on o t h e r royal business. T h e n the W r o c l a w t o w n council acted as the deputy. H e n c e even after 1369 u r b a n influences w e r e surely m o r e significant than d u r i n g the 1340s and 1350s, b u t they rested on t h e insecure f o u n d a t i o n of ad h o c a r r a n g e m e n t s a n d an i n active o r o t h e r w i s e occupied m o n a r c h . T h e direct and b l o o d y i n t e r v e n t i o n of S i g i s m u n d , w h o in 1420 personally d i s m a n t l e d a guild r e g i m e that had seized p o w e r in W r o c l a w t w o years earlier, d e m o n s t r a t e s c o n t i n u e d royal willingness and royal capacity t o react directly t o threats t o internal security. 4 3 E x t e r n a l a n d internal security and a l o n g - u n e q u a l e d political stability w e r e p r o d u c t s o f the L u x e m b u r g r e g i m e in Silesia, and especially in t h e D u c h y o f Wroclaw. A f t e r 1348 n o m a j o r military d a n g e r faced t h e d u c h y f r o m o u t s i d e t h e province, w h i l e feuds a m o n g princes and nobles w e r e held in check b y the appeal of c o u r t life and high politics and the threat o f royal i n t e r v e n t i o n . A d m i n i s t r a t i v e m e c h a n i s m s w e r e a d j u s t e d to f o r m s t h e y w o u l d f o l l o w f o r t w o centuries and m o r e . E v e n occasional disputes b e t w e e n k i n g and b i s h o p , city and cathedral chapter, or c r a f t s m e n and t o w n council left the c o u n t r y s i d e u n d i s t u r b e d . T h e city and its c o m m e r c e s e e m t o have s u f fered little f r o m the e c o n o m i c difficulties so prevalent elsewhere a f t e r m i d century, so b y t h e turn o f the c e n t u r y its p o p u l a t i o n m a y have reached 19,00ο. 4 4 N o l o n g e r the vulnerable d w a r f state o f the early f o u r t e e n t h century, as part o f t h e B o h e m i a n C r o w n the D u c h y of W r o c i a w b e l o n g e d to o n e o f larger a n d b e t t e r - g o v e r n e d political structures in east central E u r o p e . Despite the weaknesses o f Charles's son, Wenceslas IV, t h e L u x e m b u r g s y s t e m in Silesia in 1400 had o n l y b e g u n to s h o w hints o f incipient disintegration.

An occasionally

presumptuous

pawn

A regional c o m m u n i t y in a larger state shares weal and w o e . O n l y occasionally in t h e fifteenth and sixteenth centuries w e r e c o n d i t i o n s in t h e W r o claw d u c h y set b y internal volition. U s u a l l y its inhabitants had t o navigate in larger c u r r e n t s .

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A r o u n d 1400 storm clouds did brew over the Luxemburg domains; the next t w o generations would see them sweep eastward f r o m their Czech center m o r e than once, adding to the impact of local disturbances in Silesia and the Wroclaw duchy itself. Within a decade of Charles's death the absence of his firm hand became perceptible in the province as feuds a m o n g nobles, towns, and even dukes inspired local alliances to wage or combat them. Wroclaw's once welcome role as financier to the crown n o w drew the duchy into a protracted feud with other creditors, the Dukes of O p o l e , w h o waged economic warfare by waylaying merchants and burning villages. T h r o u g h o u t the fifteenth century these most popular tactics blurred to i m perceptibility (at least for the victims) boundaries between public warfare, private feud, and simple brigandage. Then in Wroclaw itself a b l o o d y guild revolt in 1418, the first serious uprising since 1333, was quelled only by the equally harsh hand of the new ruler, Sigismund. In some ways the Wroclaw revolt resembled the Hussite revolution which simultaneously gave social content to the Czech reformation and solidified the Czech people against the brother and heir of Wenceslas. C e r tainly the responses of Sigismund and the Wroclaw leadership were identical. While some evidence indicates initial pro-Hussite sentiments a m o n g the lower social orders in Silesia, dominant political groups in the province leaned heavily toward the most rabid opposition. 4 5 Social reaction, religious orthodoxy, and ethnic antipathy may all have contributed to the initial ruling attitude. Silesian forces actively joined in Sigismunds efforts to invade Bohemia, crush the revolution, and claim his throne. Retaliation by the successful Czech defenders soon followed. From 1427 to 1434 the feared Hussite troops and their armored wagons, at times joined by local recruits or individual Polish allies, ranged throughout Silesia, burning churches and country estates, looting villages and monasteries, even taking and holding towns and castles. T h e Wroclaw duchy, where the city government and cathedral chapter were the soul of the Silesian war effort, received special attention more than once. N o part of the duchy was really spared; nowhere did the Silesians put effective opposition in the field. T h e sequel to the Czech raids was extensive rural depopulation. When the Czechs and Sigismund were reconciled in s u m m e r , 1436, the fighting also ended in Silesia. But people had barely caught their breath before war (or virtual anarchy) broke out again after the Emperor's death in 1437. A contest between Austrian Habsburgs and Polish Jagiellonians for the vacant crowns of Bohemia and H u n g a r y was in Silesia interwoven with provincial feuds, complemented by the collapse of order everywhere outside city walls or the burgeoning strongholds of local lords. Taking the sword and dying by it, men like Leonard Asenheimer, a Bavarian adven-

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turer, set the tone of public life. He appeared in Silesia in 1442, brandishing a commission f r o m Queen Elizabeth of Hungary to open up a second f r o n t against the Poles. A meteoric career began with military operations against Poland and the allied dukes of Olesnica and easily survived expulsion f r o m N a m y s l o w for arbitrary and violent behavior as garrison c o m m a n d e r . H a v ing married into a prestigious Wroclaw family, Asenheimer led t o w n forces against a band of noble robbers to gain as reward the Sroda castle. But then he started a private feud with a Moravian baron, w h o retaliated against Wroclaw's commerce, and tried to make the Sroda district his o w n independent principality. When Asenheimer laid violent hands on Sroda's t o w n court, officials there seized, tried, and executed him, thus precipitating three m o r e years of feud with his henchman, the Duke of Cieszyn. 4 * Comparable conditions in contemporary Bohemia gave rise to the man w h o would focus the various currents of conflict in the crown lands and bring unity, if not to his state, at least to the history of the mid-fifteenth century, the Czech nobleman and Utraquist, George Podebrady. 4 7 His rapid ascent to a key role in procuring Czech election of Ladisias Posthumus, son of Albert II, revived latent anti-Hussite sentiments in Wroclaw. Fired by fanatical preachers, the city, and n o w especially its lower orders, became the center of an anti-Czech movement in the incorporated provinces. First the city refused to send emissaries to heretical Prague to swear allegiance to the young king; then, at the news of Ladislas's death and Podebrady's o w n election in 1458, it turned to violent opposition. An able diplomat, the king soon stripped Wroclaw of possible allies and, late in 1459, stood with his a r m y before its walls. O n l y papal mediation procured a saving c o m p r o mise. But three years later Wroclaw's intransigence revived w h e n Pius II broke with the king over the continuation of Utraquism in Bohemia. At R o m e municipal delegations reviled moderation, in Bohemia jealous noble families rose in armed revolt, and on the southern border Podebrady's o n e time protege. King Mathias " C o r v i n u s " Hunyadi of Hungary, emerged as champion of the o r t h o d o x to accept partisan election as king of Bohemia in 1469. Again raiding warfare flamed along the Silesian borders, and did not end with the death of the "Hussite K i n g " in 1471. Podebrady and his party had agreed to p r o m o t e the succession to B o hemia of Wladyslaw, son of Polish King Casimir IV.48 His election by the loyalist Czech estates assured continued combat, pitting Bohemia and P o land against Hungary, Silesia, Moravia, and Lusatia, where Mathias had succeeded in establishing himself. From the standpoint of the Wroclaw duchy, a satisfactory outcome was assured after Mathias repelled a j o i n t Czech-Polish invasion and assault on the city in late 1474. T h e conflict ended, however, only with the Peace of O l o m o u c in 1478, w h e r e b y the

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Jagiellonians recognized Corvinus as King of Bohemia ruling over all the incorporated provinces, and he in turn accepted Wiadyslaw (in Bohemia Vladislav II) as King of Bohemia ruling over Bohemia. With this division of the crown lands ended what is often called the "Second Hussite War" and, for the Duchy of Wroclaw, more than a half-century of struggle, insecurity, and destruction. Freed of immediate concern with defence and international politics between the 1480s and 1520s, many in the Wroclaw duchy sought stable prosperity like that reputed to have prevailed in the days of Charles IV. But a shifted balance of political forces had brought with it other changes in life and t h o u g h t that made for a fitful transition f r o m medieval issues to those of the sixteenth century. At one level the vigorous new initiatives of Mathias contrast with the laissez faire weakness of his Jagiellonian successors, and on a more local plane the city of Wroclaw, though adjusting to more painfully competitive commerce, moved steadily to tighten its grip on the duchy's governance. In H u n g a r y King Mathias ruled in the style of some western c o n t e m poraries, seeking to substitute a strong, centralized, hereditary monarchy for the aristocratic decentralization of his predecessors and fully willing to innovate for these ends. 44 His Silesian activities continued this thrust and met the same opposition f r o m vested interests. T h e first sovereign in generations to treat the province as a unit, Mathias imposed his rule on the Silesian dukes, symbolically demoting them in the O l o m o u c treaty f r o m the rank of princes to that of "barones Bohemie." 5 0 O v e r them he placed a provincial viceroy whose extensive powers in the king's absence were wielded first by Hungarians and later by Silesian dukes of proven loyalty. A Diet of Estates met in formal sessions, but only at the royal pleasure and for royal fiscal needs. Some of the monies thus w r u n g f r o m the reluctant Silesians supported Corvinus's mercenary "Black A r m y , " a terror to any locality, enemy or friend, in which it was billeted. T h e first standing a r m y in this part of Europe freed the king f r o m dependence on the forces of his nobility. Mathias's attempts to repair the mess in Silesia's currency, long disrupted by shortage and debasement, never succeeded. In the Duchy of Wroclaw Mathias especially tried to rein in subordinate authorities and assert royal rights. Even on the first visit to Wroclaw, his w a r m supporter, the king surprised the town councillors by accepting their pro forma resignation of the captaincy into his hands and installing his own candidate, the Czech potentate Zdenek of Stern berk. T h e need for more financial support against Podebrady soon canceled this experiment, but the king later adopted the expedient of annually appointing to the post of senior

Environments councillor (Ratsälteste)

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his o w n m a n , w h o personally acted as captain.

N o b l e s a n d rich t o w n s m e n alike o p p o s e d royal a t t e m p t s to review a n d c o n fiscate alienated royal rights and t o treat as fiefs (with a t t e n d a n t o b l i g a t i o n s ) w h a t the holders could not p r o v e were free and hereditary properties. 5 1 Since confiscated h o l d i n g s o f t e n w e n t as fiefs to royal partisans, W r o c l a w ' s senior councillor and captain in the late 1480s, H e n r y D o m p n i g , used his position a n d the king's absence f r o m Silesia for personal gain. D o m p n i g ' s e n e m i e s said he c o n n i v e d w i t h the viceroy to m a k e himself p o c k e t d i c t a t o r o f the d u c h y , b r o w b e a t i n g the t o w n council, seizing and d e s t r o y i n g t h e charters o f those w h o s e lands he coveted, and f o r g i n g his o w n titles a n d privileges. At n e w s of Mathias's death in 1490 his Silesian p r o g r a m , like that in H u n g a r y , collapsed; the head o f H e n r y D o m p n i g rolled in f r o n t o f t h e W r o c l a w city hall. 52 Experience w i t h a s t r o n g m o n a r c h in M a t h i a s H u n y a d i had a l a r m e d p o w e r f u l interests in H u n g a r y as well as Silesia. His illegitimate son w a s passed over for the Estates' m o r e suitable candidate, " K i n g D o b r e , " V l a d i slav II o f B o h e m i a , the old Jagiellonian rival o f M a t h i a s , w h o s e career as an a m i a b l e w e a k l i n g o n the Czech t h r o n e had a m p l y d e m o n s t r a t e d his q u a l i fications. T h u s the Polish d y n a s t y gained the c r o w n s of Wenceslas a n d S t e p h e n , b u t local s t r o n g m e n could c o n t r o l their o w n affairs. A year b e f o r e his death, Vladislav c o m p r o m i s e d w i t h his family's l o n g - t i m e rivals by e n t e r i n g i n t o a m a r r i a g e alliance w i t h the H a b s b u r g s . T h e y o u t h o f Vladislav's s o n and successor, the ill-fated Louis ( 1 5 1 6 - 2 6 ) , allowed h i m n o g r e a t e r f r e e d o m t h a n his father f r o m n o b l e control. T h e g r o w i n g T u r k i s h threat t o his s o u t h e r n f r o n t i e r forced the king and his advisors to action, p r e c i p i t a t i n g t h e c a t a s t r o p h e o f M o h ä c s w h e r e Louis and his a r m y perished. T h e H a b s b u r g , Ferdinand, recalling the treaty o f 1515, had little difficulty in m a k i n g g o o d his claim t o the B o h e m i a n t h r o n e . 5 3 C h a n g e s c a m e t o Silesia and W r o c l a w u n d e r b u t w i t h o u t t h e influence of t h e Jagiellonian m o n a r c h s . O n l y w h e n Vladislav's b r o t h e r , S i g i s m u n d , later k i n g o f Poland, spent t w o years as " H i g h e s t C a p t a i n o f U p p e r a n d L o w e r Silesia" t o r e d u c e b a n d i t r y and s h o r e u p an unstable coinage did t h e province attract g o v e r n m e n t a l attention. 5 4 O t h e r w i s e local authorities dealt as best they could w i t h routine a d m i n i s t r a t i o n and the i n n o v a t i o n s that trickled in f r o m outside. Leagues o f t o w n s a n d princes tried t o d i s c o u r a g e feuds a n d violence and, in the so-called Kolovrat treaty o f 1504, to limit t h e claims of the church against their subjects. W r o c l a w revived its o b s o l e t e claim t o staple rights in the Polish trade, only to lose m o r e f r o m a retaliatory e m b a r g o o n its c o m m e r c e in Poland a n d B r a n d e n b u r g . Clerics a n d teachers educated at C r a c o w or the G e r m a n universities b r o u g h t h u m a n i s m to the city, inspiring local disciples and i m i t a t o r s a m o n g the literate classes.

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§

Contexts for a Rural History

In the wake of the new learning came the teaching of Lutheran reformers, w h o found a field fertilized by lay piety, clerical corruption, and traditions of dissension between the city and the ecclesiastical corporations w h o were its neighbors. By 1526 the Reformation had been installed in the town parishes and was percolating into the countryside. Whisperings of more radical reforms and muted repercussions of the peasant unrest which had swept Germany were likewise heard. 55 Neither new ideas nor new dynasties nor even the new politics presaged by Corvinus, whatever their future effects on Silesian life, should obscure steadier internal trends of the late fifteenth and early sixteenth centuries. Despite, and at times because of, invasion, upheaval, and neglect, the city of Wroclaw moved towards control over the duchy's government. During the Hussite wars the town council gained full legal possession of the captaincy—and then retained it into the seventeenth century. Even the six years between 1424 and 1526 with other captains were responses to external p o litical needs of the sovereign, not to the earlier wish to dampen internal dissension. 56 O n l y Mathias Corvinus dared interfere, but even he did so only through the town government and without permanent effect. Wroclaw also purchased the chancellorship of the duchy at this time. 5 7 Membership on the courts continued balanced between burghers and knights, but by the decades around 1500 the former had the greater wealth and continuity of membership. Wroclaw's judicial dominance is suggested on the one hand by individual noblemen trying to evade jurisdiction when in legal difficulties with townsmen and on the other by the privileges the city acquired to call these cases directly to tribunals it controlled. 5 8 By 1522 the noble estate of the duchy was publicly whining to King Louis about not only Wroclaw's economic privileges but its very political hegemony. 5 9 So long as the sovereign remained distant and uninvolved, the relative balance in the duchy between town and nobility reversed contemporary regional norms. T h e city of Wroclaw profited f r o m the small size of its effective political unit, the absenteeism of rulers oblivious to Silesian affairs, and the disorders of the fifteenth century, to construct an incipient city-state in the duchy. But with the coming of the new dynasty these conditions so characteristic of late medieval Silesia were replaced by others m o r e typical of its modern history. T h e Habsburg succession combined w i t h simultaneous cultural and economic changes to mark a gradual but distinct break in the history of duchy and province. 60 In a long (1527-64) reign, Ferdinand slowly removed real power f r o m autonomous lesser authorities, w h o s e continued local functioning was now overseen by a centralizing administration staffed by loyal careerists. T h e domestic quiet which ensued let the king scrap the obsolete tax on rental land for one on the assessed wealth of the entire province and

Environments

§

33

replace t h e 250-year-old g r o s c h e n w i t h a n e w m o n e t a r y r e g i m e . In religion he even sacrificed confessional preference f o r tranquillity, a l l o w i n g the n u m e r o u s Protestant t o w n s and d u k e s t o retain and even p r o p a g a t e their b e liefs so l o n g as they neither aided e m b a t t l e d co-religionists in G e r m a n y n o r i m p o r t e d violent confessional conflict i n t o Silesia. N o single novelty b r o u g h t to t h e W r o c l a w D u c h y in t h e years a f t e r 1500 was u n i q u e o r decisive. B u t j u s t as an a c c u m u l a t i o n of i n n o v a t i o n s in the late t w e l f t h and early thirteenth centuries b r o k e w i t h an earlier m e d i e v a l past, so did those of the early sixteenth c e n t u r y end the socio-political s y s t e m that had prevailed since then. T w o centuries of H a b s b u r g rule w o u l d be followed by a n o t h e r t w o centuries o f Prussian rule b e f o r e t h e c a t a c l y s m of 1945 w o u l d r e m o v e the seven c e n t u r y old G e r m a n presence and r e s t o r e Silesia to Poland. T h e n a t u r e a n d d e v e l o p m e n t of t h e late medieval agrarian r e g i m e o n the b o r d e r l a n d b e t w e e n eastern and w e s t e r n E u r o p e describes the intellectual f r a m e of reference f o r this study. T h a t conceptual focus n o w rests in its g e o g r a p h i c and historic s u r r o u n d i n g s , the p a r a m e t e r s o f natural and political e n v i r o n m e n t w i t h i n w h i c h people m a d e e c o n o m i c decisions, established the patterns of rural life, and reacted o r adapted to change. T h e historical e n d e a v o r w o u l d r e c o n s t r u c t such choices, c u s t o m s , and trends, p r o c e e d i n g f r o m the recorded results and c o n c o m i t a n t s of h u m a n b e h a v i o r t o w a r d t h e perceptions and m o t i v a t i o n s o f those w h o experienced t h e m . B u t t h e leap f r o m behavioral precipitate, the "historical s o u r c e , " t h r o u g h actual e v e n t , the "fact of h i s t o r y , " to the existential reality in t h e actor's m i n d is o f t e n barred by the isolated and cryptic qualities o f the record. C a u t i o u s d i s c r i m i nation b e t w e e n generalization f r o m particulars and inference o f i n d i v i d u a l or even g r o u p m o t i v a t i o n s m u s t be especially evident w h e n o n e is u s i n g f o r m u l a i c d o c u m e n t s created f o r the n o n - a g r i c u l t u r a l p u r p o s e s o f t h e literate few. E x c e p t in sadly few instances, t h e chapters w h i c h f o l l o w m u s t chiefly ascertain w h i c h events w e r e general o r f r e q u e n t in the d u c h y w h i l e o m i t t i n g t h r o u g h lack of k n o w l e d g e all t o o m a n y of t h e p e r s o n a l a n d i n d i vidually h u m a n aspects intrinsic t o a n y particular action. T h i s c o n s t r a i n t n o t a b l y affects the task o f r e c o n s t r u c t i n g t h e rural e c o n o m y of t h e late t w e l f t h c e n t u r y a n d the s u b s e q u e n t spread o f G e r m a n law institutions across the c o u n t r y s i d e .

§§ 3 §§ THE CHANGING POLISH COUNTRYSIDE OF THE HIGH MIDDLE AGES

Ecclesiam sancti Adalberti dedit Boguslaus frater comitis Petri cum villa Mochbor, cuius ascripti sunt: Zbilut cum filiis Dados, Zauis, Vilcan, Radon, qui cum deberet monetario marcam et dimidiam fere, Vlodimirus solum pro eo debitum tenet esset homo sancte Marie ecclesie. A late twelfth century description of Muchobor Maty, a lordship of the Augustinian canons of St. Mary at Wroclaw; KdS # 6 8 = SUB, I, # 5 8 .

nous dynamism and growth characterized Poland's e c o n o m i c and social history during the late twelfth and early thirteenth centuries as much as fragmentation and disunity did its politics. Since there is little written evidence for the country as a whole from this period, portrayal o f so small an area as the future Wroclaw duchy must draw heavily on wider studies o f Polish or Silesian conditions, and often merely illustrate their local manifestations. T h i s chapter, therefore, examines settlement patterns, lordship, and the peasantry to describe rural life in transition from relative stability t o ward accelerated change. In central Silesia as elsewhere, active expansion refutes once-traditional images o f backward stagnation. 1

Population

and settlement

Polish scholars generally agree that with or before the twelfth century Poland's population followed that o f western Europe into a phase o f long-term expansion. Estimates for the kingdom suggest that densities rose by 8 0 percent between 1000 and 1340 with the first and greatest growth in the westernmost provinces. 2 I f before 1200 an average o f eight to nine persons per square kilometer lived in Silesia (including known woodland), by midcentury rural densities alone may have reached sixteen in the thickly settled central Odra basin. Around Trzebnica, on the lower slopes o f M t . Slfza,

The Changing Polish Countryside

§

35

and near Scinawa the thickness of settlement may already have peaked. 1 O f course little direct demographic evidence supports such calculations. T h e one village in Great Poland where sixteen households in 1288 had descended f r o m eight of the nine there in 1216 is, not surprisingly, a rare and fortuitous example 4 —and one not repeated near Wroclaw. Population growth in the late twelfth and early thirteenth centuries is c o m m o n l y inferred f r o m many signs of expanding h u m a n settlement and arable acrcage. Southeast of the Wroclaw duchy, where the upper Olawa river carves fertile valleys into the Sudetes, D u k e Henry established Cistercians at H e n r y k o w in 1228. A generation later the m o n k s ' need to defend their holdings against other claimants led them to record the histories of what they had acquired: "In the days when the old lord Duke Boleslaw . . . distributed to his rustics land in various places, he gave that w o o d s to a certain rustic of his own, Glambo by name. This same rustic Glambo first cleared that place which is now called Great M e a d o w . " 5 Few such h u m a n accounts enliven the record of expanding settlement near Wroclaw, but its reality is no less certain. O n a fair-sized area of the black earth in the W r o claw district, from the Zurawka and the Slfza rivers northeast almost to the Olawa (see Map 3.1), formerly empty lands were clcarcd by twelfth ccntury settlers. 6 But continued uneven human densities by the mid-thirteenth ccntury call for review of the rural settlement pattern before a further look at agrarian institutions. M a p 3.1 reveals a concentration of human settlement near Wroclaw along river terraces and other reasonably dry sites in and beside the b o t t o m lands of the Odra and the Olawa from Kozanow to Ksigze Wielkie and Blizanowicc. (For rural place names omitted f r o m a map for clarity's sake, the interested reader is referred to the Gazetteer and to M a p 1.1.) N o r t h and east of the O d r a the bottomlands seem much more sparsely inhabited. T h e black earth soils which spread southward f r o m Wroclaw beyond the later boundary of the duchy also contained fairly thick populations, especially in that recently cleared section already mentioned. Further south, a five to ten kilometer belt of unsettled lands separated villages near the junction of the Zurawka and Slfza f r o m another major concentration around the forks of the Slfza, and along its branches beyond the southern limits of the black earth. Westward f r o m Wroclaw, the black earth gives way to loams and b o t t o m lands along the Bystrzyca and loess in the southern sections of the Sroda district. Here early thirteenth-century settlement was scattered in a distinct band f r o m the city to and beyond Kostomloty. Most sites lay near the lower Slfza, the Bystrzyca, and their tributaries. With few exceptions, the rest of what would become the Sroda district then had but one focus of habitation

36

§

Contexts for a Rural History

vWROCtA*.

SETTLEMENT IN THE FUTURE W R O C I A * DUCHV. ca. 1150-ca 1260

Service settlements ifro or onomastic evidence) Area newly settled in th

in the area drained by the Sredzka Woda. Near Rzeczyca a ford across the Odra gave access to Lubijz, Wo)ow, and points north. The last notable concentration within the later Wroclaw duchy was north of the city along the Odra and its feeder streams between Uraz and Widawa. This, however, was but a fringe of the densely populated area around Trzebnica. Hcnce in general the rural population of the early thirteenth century concentrated on the black earth and the loess, with some settlement on favored sites in the bottomlands but relatively little penetration of the extensive loams of the central Sroda district and the sandy moraines north of Uraz. 7 Locational attributes of settlement in the area around Wroclaw thus differed little from those elsewhere in contemporary Poland. The choice of sites near water but located above flood level on dunes or terraces was typi-

The Changing Polish Countryside

§

37

cal f r o m the earliest M i d d l e Ages. By the t w e l f t h c e n t u r y a g r o w i n g p o p u lation h a d spread to s o m e w h a t higher sites and o p e n e d u p m o s t g o o d soils, b u t still left relatively u n d i s t u r b e d the less fertile or p o o r l y w a t e r e d areas. 8 Soils and w a t e r courses influence b u t only i n c o m p l e t e l y d e t e r m i n e h u m a n settlement patterns. People's institutions also s t r u c t u r e their d i s t r i b u tion on the landscape. U n d e r the earlier Polish agrarian r e g i m e , i n d i v i d u a l f a r m s t e a d s (zreby,

sortes) were g r o u p e d into local e c o n o m i c

complexes

(campi) w h i c h , in t u r n , f o r m e d a territorial c o m m u n i t y (opole,

uicinia).9

W h e t h e r dispersed as isolated f a r m s in w o o d l a n d clearings o r a s s e m b l e d into hamlets, the economically a u t o n o m o u s and o f t - t i m e s t o p o g r a p h i c a l l y distinct zreb had l o n g been the f u n d a m e n t a l unit of settlement a n d p r o d u c tion. Its n a m e h a d the s a m e a m b i g u i t y still present in English " l o t , " s i m u l taneously s i g n i f y i n g a parcel o f g r o u n d and acquisition by chance, as in t h e division o f an inheritance. Each zreb was a relatively small e c o n o m i c unit, the assemblage o f cultivated lands w h i c h b e l o n g e d to a single h o l d e r r e g a r d less of its c o m p a c t n e s s o r his social c o n d i t i o n . B u t m o s t o f t e n it c a m e t o c o n n o t e a family h o l d i n g w i t h certain hereditary qualities. Land n o t used f o r crops b e l o n g e d not to h o u s e h o l d s b u t to the campus association or opole c o m m u n i t y for extensive use by all m e m b e r s . While campi could serve c o l lective e c o n o m i c needs and opoly were foci o f local social and g o v e r n m e n t a l affairs, b o t h also j o i n e d scattered f a r m s and h a m l e t s into a spatial, if n o t nucleated, settlement pattern. By the t w e l f t h century, h o w e v e r , t h e

fluidity

of dispersed territorial settlement and the a m b i g u i t y of l a n d h o l d i n g i n h e r e n t in this s y s t e m were m a k i n g it a thing of the past. W i t h great l a n d l o r d s a n x i o u s to delineate their properties, opoly and campi b r o k e u p i n t o distinct villages w h e r e zreby could be united and lands attached to specific h o l d i n g s . A r o u n d Wroclaw, the transitional character o f late t w e l f t h a n d early thirteenth c e n t u r y rural settlement structures m a d e f o r variety a n d s o m e times even c o n f u s e d c o n t e m p o r a r i e s . M a n y attributes o f the z r e b can be e x e m p l i f i e d . H o l d e r s of these r a n g e d in status f r o m slaves t h r o u g h a d u k e ' s miller and a small lord n a m e d Z l a u c o v o to the w e a l t h y C o u n t M i k o r a . 1 0 Layers o f rights over these holdings, indicative of their i n t e g r a t i o n i n t o r e lations o f l o r d s h i p and dependency, p e r m i t t e d the W r o c l a w cathedral w a r d e n and his b r o t h e r to m a k e a gift of six sortes b e l o n g i n g to S u y n y , w h o p r e s u m a b l y w o r k e d o r m a n a g e d t h e m . " A l t h o u g h b y 1252 old n o t i o n s o f a family-sized zreb m u s t have w e a k e n e d considerably f o r S u y n y t o have six o f t h e m , large individual ones existed m u c h e a r l i e r — w i t n e s s M i k o r a ' s g i f t at * Z o r a w i n * in 1175 w i t h fields, 25 horses, 6 o x e n , and 3 cows. 1 2 B u t w i t h t h e zreb losing its n o r m a t i v e role in rural organization, p e o p l e f o u n d it h a r d t o relate t o o t h e r rural institutions, especially the village. In several c h a r t e r s

38

§

Contexts for a Rural History

during 1203-08 Henry I successively labeled * O p a t o w o * "villa," "villula," and "sors." 1 3 T h e a u t o n o m o u s farmstead still existed near Wroclaw in the early 1200s but it was giving way to other settlement units. Traces of the old territorial patterns survived as well, some even beyond the thirteenth century. Specific uses of the terms campus or opole are not numerous. In a charter of 1203 Henry I identified Jaksonow as being "in c a m p o Zlesie" and incidental references to viciniae occur in texts as late as 1254. 14 M o r e valuable affirmation of extensive " n e i g h b o r h o o d " settlement complexes comes f r o m the toponomastic history of localities in the Wroclaw district and f r o m slightly later patterns of inter-village cooperation in the Sroda district. In the bottomlands north of Wroclaw, at least four places shared the name *Widawa* in the early and mid-thirteenth century. T h e m o d e r n site of that name belonged to St. Vincent's abbey and the C h u r c h of Wroclaw had another three villages so labelled, gifts f r o m their family inheritances by a dean, Crisanus, a cantor, John, and a canon, Vincent. 1 5 F r o m these eventually emerged Krzyzanowice (north of the Widawa river and named f r o m Crisanus), Polanowice, and Poswiftne. South of the city another such c o m m u n i t y along the Zurawka river split during the twelfth and thirteenth centuries into six villages, each of which retained for at least a time the name *Zurawina*. Although most eventually received new patronymic place names, only one of the local magnates thus memorialized, the Cragek w h o gave Krajkow to St. Vincent before 1149, otherwise attained documentary notice. 16 West of the Bystrzyca, early territorial communities on the southern loess and in the northwestern lowlands are to be inferred f r o m social networks a m o n g small Polish landlords revealed during t w o tithe controversies around 1300. An agreement between Stanislaw, priest of C h o m i j z a , and the abbot of Lubijz finds six individuals, lords o f j a s k o w i c e , Szczepanow, " Z a gadlovicz," Zakrzow, Zagorzyce (north of the O d r a in the Wolow district), and an unidentifiable "villa Vincencii," jointly interested in the payment and disposition of tithes owed to the C h o m i j z a parish church. Their lordships covered most of the old-settled area north of Sroda and, like the *Widawa* and *Zurawina* communities, both sides of the river.17 At the other end of the district comparable relationships and probably kinship ties linked lords of Siemidrozyce, Rakoszyce, Jakubowice, *Czepankowicz*, Szymanowice, and perhaps Jaroslaw in a long struggle over tithes for the Kostomloty church. 1 8 By these early fourteenth-century controversies, of course, campi and viciniae were moribund and all but forgotten, echoing at most in a few place names. Cooperation a m o n g neighboring lords in the t w o longestinhabited sections of the Sroda district was then the last trace of an older

The Changing Polish Countryside

§

39

territorial unity which had preceded the village-based settlement pattern of the later Middle Ages. Z r e b and opole on the one hand, nucleated village on the other were, therefore, both components of rural settlement and concepts that differently structured institutions of landholding and agriculture. T h e gradual trend towards nucleation, a slow transition f r o m one organizational principle to another, meant the long coexistence of two settlement forms, one featuring scattered farmsteads and small hamlets, the other good-sized villages. In the well-documented and advanced Trzebnica region D u k e Henry donated villages of less than ten to almost twenty households, perhaps fifty to one hundred persons. A m o n g the largest places k n o w n in the early thirteenth century, the fishing village of Kotowice had t w e n t y - t w o families and (if the normal multiplier of 5.5 persons per household is reasonable) some 130 inhabitants. But elsewhere, notably in newly-pioneered areas like around Henrykow, settlements more often held a mere handful of families, each on its zreb. 19 Archeological evidence indicates seven to ten households as a norm for Polish rural settlements. 2 " T h e countryside of 1200 was in flux. Expansion of cropland joined with transition f r o m a dispersed toward a more nucleated settlement pattern long before Poland or Silesia felt the impact of German immigration and G e r m a n customs. As zreby were amalgamated into villages and hamlets coalesced, numerous individual settlements disappeared, place names vanished, but both population and arable remained and grew. 2 ' For example, the abbey of St. Mary had in 1193 two "villae," B r o c h o w and *Bronikowo*. A decade later *Bronikowo*, n o w said to be "beside *Buchta*," was further described as "sortes." T h e place name last received k n o w n mention in 1250, when Innocent IV confirmed the holdings of St. Mary. Meanwhile *Buchta*, too, came to the abbey by ducal gift in 1243 and p r o m p t l y faded f r o m the extant record. Neither *Buchta* nor *Bronikowo* were m e n tioned when Henry III confirmed St. Mary's holdings in 1256. By the fifteenth century all that remained was the tradition that, in the words of the abbey's chronicler, "once and at that time [1243] B r o c h o w and *Buchta* were two little villages, but thereafter and up to n o w they are together one village within its boundaries, which is simply called B r o c h o w . " 2 2 *Bronikowo* was presumably absorbed, too. N o t far away D o m a n i o w also grew by absorption of several neighbors. Sometime before 1224 Henry I gave to Peter, son of Woysiaw, the village called " D o m a v i o u a " which, after Peter's death, his heirs gave to Trzebnica. When Henry confirmed this gift he united to it the chapel there in " D o m a vioua" and villages of his castle guards and other men. 2 3 T h e t w o names, " D o m a n e v o " and "Domanigeua C i r k i , " given this place in Pope Clement's

40

§

Contexts for a Rural History

1267 confirmation charter for Trzebnica reflect the amalgamation. 2 4 Such reorganizations meant that, of 168 rural settlements d o c u m e n t e d in the Wroclaw district before 1300, thirteen had appeared in the texts only to vanish again. 25 Like the "villam nomine Vstimouo que est iuxta O p o r o u o , " 2 6 most left but their names as mementos of a fast-disappearing old Polish rural society.

The development of seigneurial lordship Demographic increase and arable expansion alone did not impel replacement of sortes, campi, and viciniae with nucleated villages and desertion of some settlement sites at the very time others were being created and expanded. Equally central to the evolution of Polish rural society were changes in the nature and exercise of lordship—the way those with power controlled and exploited rural populations, production, and resources. An increasingly a u t o n o m o u s group of landholders, lay and ecclesiastical, emerged in twelfth-century Poland. 2 7 In the early Piast state, noble wealth, status, and power had depended on a close personal relationship with the duke or king and active involvement in the administrative system of the castellanies. But for feebler twelfth-century rulers to keep their adherents required not merely maintaining them in castles but granting t h e m lands and other direct sources of revenue. To these ducal losses were added extensive gifts to churches and monasteries. 2 8 Thus, although Silesian dukes probably still controlled nearly half of the land in the province in 1200, their relative position had been much reduced and would continue to diminish in the future. Lay lords profited f r o m the political disturbances of the twelfth century. High medieval Poland distinguished between the largest landholders, scions of families w h o had long possessed hereditary properties and gained m o r e in ducal service (nobiles) and smaller lords, men w h o emerged m o r e slowly through military service into the landed elite (milites). T h e noble status of the former was undisputed; that of the latter, the knights, dubious or, at best, plausibly ambiguous. By the thirteenth century the t w o groups shared, however, direct personal connections to the prince w h o m they served as cavalrymen and consequent customary privileges (ius militare), i.e., authority over those w h o lived on their lands and personal liberty f r o m the judicial and fiscal powers of the duke's subordinates. 2 9 Great lay landholders are much the better documented. U p to 1266 thirty-nine individuals can be found in the Silesian texts to have possessed three or more villages; of these, thirteen had holdings in the f u t u r e Wroclaw duchy. 30 Earliest and greatest of them was C o u n t Peter Wiast, a m e m b e r of

The Changing Polish Countryside

§

41

the L a b f d z i o w clan whose ambitions unsettled the last years of the old P o lish monarchy. His properties spread across the k i n g d o m and included at least twenty Silesian sites. Close to Wroclaw he gave Opatowice, *01bino*, and Wierzbno to St. Vincent, Jelenin and T u r o w to the bishop, and Tyniec Maly to St. Mary, all together with other, more distant holdings. 3 1 Most of Wlast's lands came f r o m his rich family inheritance. This origin and the sheer size of his wealth make him a less typical figure than C o u n t John of Wierzbno, an active politician at ducal courts during the 1240s—60s. C o u n t J o h n had hereditary properties and ducal gifts near Swidnica but, perhaps to get a seat or incomes closer to Wroclaw, spent a hundred silver marks for Swifta Katarzyna and Blizanowice in 1257. 32 When he later sold out, the purchasers, Eberhard and Simon Gallici, represented a new element that had been joining the Silesian ruling group since the late twelfth century, the immigrant knight and nobleman. T h e Walloon Gallici had arrived before 1200 and risen in the ducal service. By buying Swifta Katarzyna and Blizanowice they added to their cluster of properties northwest of Olawa. 3 3 Some late twelfth-century knights were, like the first Gallici, i m m i grants to Silesia w h o took service with local princes. A few Germans accompanied Bolcslaw's return from exile and others followed. But before mid-century those w h o then settled in Silesia remained few beside the lesser native landowners. 3 4 M o r e typical of smaller lords were the Cragek w h o gave K r a j k o w to St Vincent before 1149 or the Goslaw who, well before 1250, b o u g h t a piece of Budziszow f r o m C o u n t Tvorimir. 3 5 Many such men were long connected to ducal service and benevolence. Leszek, a ducal chamberlain, held in Jaroslaw in 1218 and as late as 1257 Dukes Henry and Wladysiaw gave Dobrzykowice to the former's knight Henry of Gurgowicz. 3 6 But others had also entered the ranks of lay landlords by mid-century: the lady Adelaide, w i d o w of Goslaw's son, sold Budziszow in 1251 and, m o r e portentous of the future, in 1257 a "late citizen of Wroclaw," Giselher, had already held Swifta Katarzyna and Blizanowice. 37 So lay lords large and small were important elements of the rural scene, even if inadequate texts cannot support serious assessment of their relative control over men and land. Lords whose massive establishment can be well traced to the twelfth and thirteenth centuries are ecclesiastical corporations. Although for m o r e than a century after 1000 the bishopric of Wroclaw was the sole organized body of the church in Silesia, by the 1250s at least twenty abbeys, convents, hospitals, and military orders had been founded and given often extensive lands. T h e eleven then holding in the Wroclaw duchy already included over half of the ecclesiastical owners (and nearly all the large ones) to occur there during the Middle Ages.

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Figure 9.1 AGGREGATE DISTRIBUTION OF TENANT HOLDINGS IN FOURTEEN VILLAGES, 1351-1433 100

C U M U L A T I V E % OF T E N A N T P O P U L A T I O N (n = 173) Note. For sources see Notes to Maps and Figures.

s u m were repaid the annual p a y m e n t b e c a m e a p e r m a n e n t c h a r g e against the peasant's h o l d i n g . E v e n loss of all his possessions j u s t m a d e the d e b t o r liable in his person. 8 1 Also indicative o f the n o r m a l l y m i n u t e scale of liquid wealth a m o n g peasants was the c u s t o m a r y m a x i m u m fine in village courts, one heller. 8 2 M o n e y may o f t e n l o o k rare in villages, b u t s o m e peasants t h o u g h t and dealt in values far above the petty s u m s j u s t m e n t i o n e d . T h r e e "rustici ville Sancte K a t h e r i n e " ( S w i f t a Katarzyna) sued the St. M a t h i a s hospital for sixty-three m a r k s w o r t h of hay taken f r o m disputed m e a d o w lands. 8 3 In 1352 J o h n Ratht of Siedlakowice, a p r o p e r t y of the C h u r c h of Wroclaw,

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joined with the schulz of Solna to undertake locatio of the chapter's demesne at P u s t k o w Z u r o w s k i . T h e partners paid a hundred marks, fifty in cash in three installments over nine m o n t h s and fifty as an annual payment of fifteen marks (three time the normal rate). 1,4 In economic terms at least, these prosperous peasants resemble schulzen and m i n o r landowners m o r e closely than they d o the poorer tenants. An inheritance ease heard by the village court of Zurawina in 1384 involved (and it sounds very like a wife's share only) thirteen marks in cash, twenty sheep, four horses, three cattle, five hogs, eleven geese, women's clothing (a coat, fancy clothes, a dress), and bed linen.* 5 N o r was actual passage f r o m the peasantry to the propertied orders u n k n o w n . Henry Scholtz and T h o m a s Krocker, "gebauern von Wilxen" in 1377, purchased half the lordship over Piskorzowice. Six years later, when Scholtz's heirs sold out to Krocker, this former peasant sported the title of Wroclaw citizen. 86 U p w a r d social mobility became almost necessary for a well-off peasant tenant. Recognized custom limited his possession of rental land to what he could w o r k with his household and paid laborers, forbidding him to sublet it or otherwise contract it out. 8 7 O n l y by shifting his economic role f r o m agricultural producer to rentier and manager and his status f r o m tenant to landowner could the wealthy peasant move beyond the limits imposed by a household unit into the scale that, under the prevailing technology and institutions, only rule over tenant farmers sustained. But then he lost as well some of the advantages of a peasant's household e c o n o m y and entered the economic circumstances of those lords discussed in earlier chapters. N o doubt those few w h o , like T h o m a s Krocker, faced this choice paid the price willingly. In most respects legal custom of the fourteenth century duchy left to peasants great economic security and freedom vis-a-vis both landowners and their own kin. T h e codification of 1356 took over f r o m Sachsenspiegel the guarantee that the tenant possessed by hereditary right his "erbe czins gut vnd recht an dem g u t e , " and limited his obligations to payment of the annual rent: " N o tenant shall be obligated to his lord for m o r e than his rent, which he shall give each [required] day annually." 8 8 Tenant rights were i m proved over Sachsenspiegel in clauses covering late payment of rents (a penalty but no doubling) and disputes over actual payment (two witnesses, not three). 89 Even a tenant without hereditary rights could be expelled by a landlord only after a full season's advance warning. 9 0 As gewonheit such practices were enforced by Wroclaw courts and, in special appeals for consultation, the Magdeburg assessors. 91 T h e law of property and inheritance fostered formation of nuclear household economic units and protected t h e m against the claims of collat-

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erals. O n e of the f e w o u t r i g h t legal i n n o v a t i o n s b y the Royal Six replaced, f o r the peasantry, the Saxon c u s t o m o f a wife's entailed p o r t i o n w i t h the Franconian o n e o f c o m m o n p r o p e r t y in marriage. T h u s , w h e t h e r a m a r riage p r o v e d fertile o r n o t , half the couple's p r o p e r t y r e m a i n e d w i t h t h e s u r v i v o r , and legitimate o f f s p r i n g s u p p l a n t e d all claims f r o m ascendants o f a deceased spouse. 4 2 T h e s o u r c e o f p r o p e r t y b r o u g h t to t h e m a r r i a g e n o longer m a t t e r e d . In 1415 B i s h o p Wenceslas set similar rules f o r i m m u n e ecclesiastical properties not certainly subject to the d u c h y ' s code, and these were evidently soon e n f o r c e d . 4 3 B u t the solidity o f particular tenurial units was n o t p e r m i t t e d to o v e r ride t h e w i s h o f peasants, like lords, to help each heir start a viable n e w h o u s e h o l d . U n l i k e later peasant c u s t o m in central Silesia, t h e d u c h y ' s code o f 1356, the c o n t e m p o r a r y systematic city c o m p i l a t i o n o f M a g d e b u r g and o t h e r precedents, and the later o r d i n a n c e s o f B i s h o p Wenceslas a s s u m e and c o n f i r m full partibility a m o n g m e n and w o m e n . 4 4 T h i s practice seems to represent b o t h an i n d i g e n o u s Polish peasant c u s t o m and that of city folk, as o p p o s e d to i m m i g r a n t G e r m a n peasants. It also r e a f f i r m s that lords had in the f o u r t e e n t h c e n t u r y n o s t r o n g g r o u n d t o c o m p e l the u n i t y of peasant farms. T h e f i r m legal position of W r o c l a w d u c h y tenants was reinforccd by their right to m o v e . In the f o u r t e e n t h c e n t u r y lands held f o r hereditary rents w e r e freely conveyed b e f o r e the c o u r t of the schulz. P a y m e n t s for and the r e q u i r e m e n t of the landlord's consent to such transactions, s t a n d a r d at the end of the fifteenth century, seem to have been rare o r absent b e f o r e t h e Hussite wars. 9 5 T h e code of 1356 instead p e r m i t t e d renters freely to d e p a r t f r o m t h e village after giving noticc of their intentions. 4 6 T h i s exceeded the liberty allowed u n d e r the statutes K i n g C a s i m i r gave c o n t e m p o r a r y G r e a t Poland and u n d e r the R o m a n law and o t h e r precedents w h i c h later applied in t h e d u c h y itself. 9 7 It derived f r o m the s a m e provision o f

Sachsenspiegel

that a B r a n d e n b u r g c o u r t in 1383 i n t e r p r e t e d as p e r m i t t i n g d e p a r t u r e f r o m a p r o p e r l y maintained h o l d i n g even w i t h o u t provision of a n e w tenant a n d in defiance o f t h e landlord. 4 8 T h e reality o f these legal rights is evidenced b y their effects, pervasive indicators of m o b i l i t y a m o n g f o u r t e e n t h c e n t u r y peasants. M o s t internal m i g r a n t s arc r e c o r d e d as such only at their destination, so their s o c i o - e c o n o m i c antecedents are a l m o s t always o b s c u r e . N e v e r t h e less, m u c h a f f i r m s that reasonably p e r m a n e n t m o v e s w e r e n o t u n c o m m o n a m o n g peasant h o u s e h o l d s . A sixty-year-old peasant, H e r m a n n B e r n e r (ano t h e r text reads " C o r n e r " ) , told ecclesiastical j u d g e s in 1329 h o w he had once held lands in S z y m a n o w i c e but n o w was tenant of t h r e e and a half mansi in K o s t o m l o t y . 9 9 M o r e systematic assessment o f rural m i g r a t i o n d e -

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pends on convcyanccs or lists of tenants m e n t i o n i n g that an individual c a m c f r o m elsewhere o r c o n t a i n i n g s u r n a m e s derived f r o m place n a m e s . " " T h u s at least five n e a r b y villages c o n t r i b u t e d landholders to Krppicc b e t w e e n 1385 and 1409. T h e m o s t distant o f these, " N i c l a s Heinrich Messners Sonc von R a d a g s d o r f f " (Radakowicc), w h o b o u g h t a half m a n s u s in 1405, had, h o w e v e r , only c o m e a b o u t six kilometers. 1111 T w o (15 percent) of the f o u r teen tenants at M n i c h o w i c c in 1381 had n a m e s f r o m elsewhere: B a r t k o " o f T u r o w " camc f r o m the very next village, b u t H e n r y " P e t i r k o w " had c o m e a g o o d fifteen kilometers if f r o m P i o t r k o w B o r o w s k i (and m o r e if f r o m a s y n o n y m o u s place outside the duchy). 1 " 2 A like p r o p o r t i o n o f identifiable m i g r a n t s , 21 o f 140, w e r e in the early 1430s a m o n g those in eight villages in the cast of the Sroda district w h o paid tithe to the H o l y Spirit Hospital. 1 "·' M i g r a t i o n o f o t h e r c o u n t r y people, m o s t of w h o m m u s t have been peasants, helped sustain the d u c h y ' s u r b a n p o p u l a t i o n s . T h o m a s K r o c k e r , peasant of Wilkszyn in 1377 and citizen of W r o c l a w six years later (sec above), followed an already well-trod path. T h e b r o t h e r s H e r m a n n , J o h n , and Nicholas " f r o m P a s t c r z y c e " acquired W r o c l a w citizenship b e f o r e 1330 as, presumably, did the " H c i n k c M u c h e b o r " w h o later shared t e n u r e o f o n e of the city's s h a m b l e s . " " Sroda attracted the inhabitants of its district. N o less than five o f the town's eleven old and n e w councillors in 1359 had n a m e s recalling those of n e a r b y villages: " T h i l o de P f a f f e n d o r f F " (Popowice), " N i czco G o l o w " (Galow), " M i c h a e l de W r o w c l w i c z " (Wrobiowice),

"Gut-

m a n n u s de S t e f f a n s d o r f f " (Szczepanow), and "Johannes de H u g o l d i s d o r f " (Jugowicc). 1115 Far w i d e r and, in a tax account r e c o r d i n g all heads o f h o u s e hold in 1403, better d o c u m e n t e d , was the pull exerted b y W r o c l a w itself. 106 O n e taxpayer in five had a s u r n a m e derived f r o m a place of origin; 205 (9 percent) were based on the n a m e s of at least 95 W r o c l a w d u c h y villages and towns." 1 7 M o s t o f those in the d u c h y lay quite close to the c i t y — a q u a r t e r w i t h i n eight kilometers and half w i t h i n s i x t e e n — b u t o t h e r m i g r a n t s had c o m e rather far. T h e j o u r n e y s of Pctir " v o n K o s s i n p l o c z " f r o m K o s t o m l o t y and J o h n " S c h o n e i c h e " f r o m P r o s z k o w had been thirty or m o r e k i l o m e ters. 1 " 8 Except as affected by distance, h o w e v e r , n o parts of the d u c h y o r kinds of rural a r r a n g e m e n t s o r lordships c o n t r i b u t e d on the available evidence notably large or small n u m b e r s of m i g r a n t s . P e r m a n e n t and at times distant m i g r a t i o n s by individuals in t h e peaceful f o u r t e e n t h c e n t u r y e m e r g e d f r o m m o r e n u m e r o u s regular and irregular everyday m o v e m e n t s and contacts by m e n and w o m e n all across t h e duchy. T o w n s held m a n y a t t r a c t i o n s — t r a d e , the courts, piety, and a d m i n i s t r a t i o n — t o b r i n g c o u n t r y people inside their walls for a f e w h o u r s o r days. Five m e n of Krgpice traded horses at W r o c l a w in 1401. 109 Casual e n c o u n t e r s a m o n g outsiders and t o w n s m e n reached the w r i t t e n record w h e n violence

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or tragedy drew official attention: Albert and Nicholas f r o m Rozanka were punished for w o u n d i n g Nicholas N e u d o r f in the street before the suburban *01bino* tavern; 1 1 0 Paschco Affencrey of Szczepanow died in an accident while visiting Sroda. 111 To the public courts in Wroclaw came folk like John Schuwert of Tyniec Maly and Anne, taverner of Domaslaw, to settle a disputed debt, and H a n n o s Kusicskc of Roscislawice, Jocusch of Wszemtfowice, H a n n o s of Bukowiec, and H a n n o s Woynewicz (Wojnowice) to guarantee a friend's obligations. 1 1 2 To their lord's court at the St. Vincent abbey went a couple f r o m Grabiszyn, John of Leimgruben and his wife Nethe, clutching a flask of wine and a capon in hopes of a favorable hearing on their assault charge. 1 1 3 T h e countryside also k n e w these work-a-day interactions. T h e squabble between city council and cathedral chapter that cost Wroclaw the captaincy in 1369 began when the lord of G j d o w seized and b r o u g h t before secular courts a peasant f r o m the chapter's e x e m p t lordship of Strzeganowice.' 1 4 A w o m a n named Else, disgruntled f o r m e r maid to Alexius W y n e r at Sulim o w , pursued her case against her ex-employer with the help of a legal guardian Stephan, son of Henry, f r o m Klecina; 115 half the width of the Wroclaw district separated her one-time w o r k place f r o m the residence of a man she should have k n o w n and trusted. T h e best impression of h o w normal m o v e m e n t was comes f r o m records of u n c o m m o n events. Official inquiries to decide local disputes by reference to custom and practice heard reputedly knowledgeable witnesses f r o m a wide neighborhood. Judges delegate in the tithe dispute between priests of Siemidrozyce and Kostomloty listened not only to locals and landowners but also to people f r o m Ilnica, Sikorzyce, Wilkow, Jakubowice, Zabloto, and t w o places outside the duchy about the past controversy and ways tithes had been and were collected." 6 T h e practice continued. Plausibly informed testimony on highly specific factual issues indicates a substantial range of peasant movement. Witnesses in 1456 as to the traditional location of a stone in a ditch on the disputed b o u n d a r y between Wojkowice and Mnichowice were more than twenty-five c o u n t r y m e n f r o m fourteen other places u p to fifteen kilometers away (almost a day's easy travel). 117 Peasant life, though rooted by its very nature in the soil of arable mansi, rcached out to personal interactions beyond the fields of the village that, whether regularly or incidentally, temporarily or permanently, joined villagers to the larger society and helped knit a regional c o m m u n i t y in the fourteenth-century duchy. But full-time arable farming in the classic three course c o m m o n field pattern did not occupy all people then usefully described as rustics. M o r e specialized economic activities both in agriculture and out provided other opportunities for individuals and families and further variety to the rural scene.

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In a suburban zone south of Wroclaw distinctive communities of m a r ket gardeners (later called Kräuter) developed during the fourteenth century." 8 Small tenancies measured i n j u g e r a , not mansi, and paying unusually high rents for their size were present on municipal and ecclesiastical p r o p erty outside the Swidnica and Ofawa gates by a little after 1300, 119 but whole villages on this pattern were established during the expansive mid-century years. Using the proven locatio format in 1345, A b b o t C o n r a d of St. M a r y entrusted to a man named H e r m a n n 54.5 jugera (i.e., less than t w o mansi) f r o m the demesne at Gajowice. Gertner on t h e m would receive hereditary tenures and pasture rights for annual rents of 24 groschen per j u g e r u m f r o m existing and 18 groschen f r o m n e w gardens. Tithe of another half groschen the j u g e r u m went to the local rector. T h e lower rent came to about 11.5 marks per mansus or, in the coins struck during 1347-70, about 1325 grams of silver, four times the highest k n o w n for regular tenant arable in that century. 1 ·*' With revenue prospects like that, n o w o n d e r the city and corporate landowners put out several hundred m o r e jugera in *Leimgruben*, * N e u d o r P , Gajowice, and Borek over the next generation. 1 2 ' By 1425 the tax collectors (and their record is incomplete) counted fifty ortulani at *Lcimgruben*, another twelve near the gallows outside the Swidnica gate, and receipts that indicate sixty-eight m o r e at *Szczepin*. 122 Even the lowest rent k n o w n on these lands, an eighth mark for each of the city's sixteen jugera near the gallows, matched or exceeded all regular tenant obligations f r o m between 1350 and 1430. 123 These gertner could afford high rents because the nearby city offered a rich market for the produce of intensively-worked small holdings. O f the twenty-three tenants on the city's thirty-three jugera near the Swidnica gate in the late 1350s, only one, John of C h m i e t o w , farmed as m u c h as four jugera; thirteen held only one. 124 But John and his neighbors cultivated not scattered open field strips but unitary fenced parcels that stretched back f r o m their roadside houses. T h e compilers of the 1443 tax account said Gajowice "had n o mansi," which precisely describes early m o d e r n maps of fields in this area. 125 O n small enclosures individual m a n a g e m e n t entirely replaced c o m m u n a l regulation to allow the intensity of labor which alone gave the farms their economic viability. This meant, in particular, heavy and regular manuring of the already-rich black earth with cartloads of urban night soil. 126 O r g a n i c recycling, institutional peculiarities, and the unusual proximity of a large market for perishables fostered an island of uniquely commercialized agriculture in this small corner of the duchy. Places just rents on small to all the lands comprised the

north of Wroclaw had gertner, too, but past * 0 1 b i n o * low holdings suggest n o economic peculiarities. 127 M o r e specific a m o n g the river channels were fishermen. Four of their huts whole of Z a k r z o w t h r o u g h o u t the Middle Ages, the inhabi-

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tants of Szczytniki counted several piscatores a m o n g their n u m b e r , and, at the other extreme f r o m Z a k r z o w of the Odra's course t h r o u g h the duchy four m o r e lived under the bishop at Kotowice. 1 2 8 Mostly they were parttime specialists, fisher-peasants w h o s e living came as m u c h f r o m their fields as f r o m their nets, spears, hooks, and boats. T h o s e at the other Kotowice, w h o received seven of the thirty-three mansi in the locatio of 1294, paid during harvest time no fishes to the nuns of Trzebnica. 1 2 9 Like their m o r e purely agricultural fellows, fishermen, even those for w h o m n o landholdings are recorded, found monetary obligations superseding dues in kind. At the end of the thirteenth century those of the bishop and of Trzebnica owed quantities of fish every few days, although the latter could substitute a cash payment. 1 3 0 By mid-century, however the weekly heaps of fishes had become, at least on the city's lordships at *Szczytniki* and *Platea R o m a n o r u m * , a symbolic large salmon for the ceremonial table of the Rat and, respectively, annual dues of six and ten marks. 1 3 1 T h e bishop, too, n o w took a thirty groschen "fischerczins" f r o m the disputed fishery between Kotowice and the St. Mathias properties at Siechnice and Gajkow. 1 3 2 T h o u g h surely as involved with the urban market as any Kräuter, the O d r a fishermen occupied another of the niches open to c o m m o n folk in the duchy. Mercantile and craft occupations also supported country families. T h e locatio for *Lukaszewice* in 1350 contemplated for a rather ordinary village a tavern and establishments of a smith, baker, butcher, and cobbler, while a later privilege claimed by lords of Maikowice added tailors and weavers. 1 3 3 Elsewhere worked millers, carpenters, tilers, and, at Wierzbno in 1318, a cloth shearer, Eberhard "Rasor." 1 3 4 Tenurial situations of rural craftsmen could differ. A few w h o s e speciality demanded skill and fixed capital investment had proprietary rights, 1 3 5 but some dependency was m o r e c o m m o n . Taverners especially often held their inns as hereditary free fiefs like those of sdhulzen because these establishments had once been part of the schulz's e n d o w m e n t and prerogatives. 1 3 6 Most tradesmen, however, were regular hereditary tenants of a free fiefholder or the landowner. Wynrich, son-in-law of Peter of Karszow, so accepted the traditionally hereditary rights, holdings, and obligations of the tavern in D o m a n i o w f r o m the local priest in 1309. 137 T h e brothers M u l d n e r , Tile and Peter, successively held their inn at Roscislawice in the early fifteenth century f r o m the lords of the village. 138 N o r m a l customary tenants, too, were millers at Widawa in 1298 and Jurczyce in 1399 and village blacksmiths at Ilnica and Radakowice in the 1430s. 139 Generally, therefore, rural craftsmen, especially those w h o s e j o b depended on fixed capital installations like mills or taverns, had hereditary and fully alienable rights like those of their neighbors w h o farmed. 1 4 0

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C o m m o n tcnurial s u b o r d i n a t i o n caused t h e rents a n d d u e s o f m o s t c r a f t s m e n t o r e s e m b l e t h o s e o f their n e i g h b o r s . I n n k e e p e r s a n d millers o f t e n paid o u t c o n s i d e r a b l e s u m s t o their l a n d l o r d s a n d a n d h a d also t o m a i n t a i n their establishments. 1 4 1 As a rule taverners o w e d cash, at least a m a r k a year, m o r e o f t e n t w o o r three, a n d , at B o r o w in 1377, as m u c h as five. A d d e d p a y m e n t s in k i n d , w h e t h e r t h e f e w h e n s and e g g s o f t h e b r o t h e r s M u l d n e r at Roscisiawicc o r the t w o maldrata o f t h e i n n k e e p e r at P i o t r o w i c e , w e r e u n c o m m o n . 1 4 2 Millers, in c o n t r a s t , m o r e n o r m a l l y e x p e c t e d t o pay in g o o d s o r services. U n t i l b o u g h t o f f by t h e i n c u m b e n t in 1352, t h e tenant o f t h e Winkclmill o n the B y s t r z y c a b e t w e e n S t a b l o w i c c a n d Lcsnica o w e d six maldrata o f rye a n d a m a r k cash. At J u r c z y c e f r e e milling o f the d e m e s n e ' s grain was p r o v i d e d . 1 4 3 T h e value o f this miller's l a b o r c a n n o t be e s t i m a t e d , b u t the o t h e r rents assessed against inns a n d mills fall at o r a b o v e t h e highest paid in t h e f o u r t e e n t h c c n t u r y f r o m a peasant m a n s u s . K n o w n c r a f t s m e n o f o t h e r sorts paid rather small m o n e y rents, m o s t l y d e r i v i n g f r o m t e n u r e o f a house o r small h o l d i n g r a t h e r t h a n t h e t r a d e itself. 144 Fees t o practice w e r e , h o w e v e r , p r o b a b l y m o r e c o m m o n than t h e s u r v i v i n g evidence, f o r these m a d e p r o f i t a b l e t h e initial locatorial m o n o p o l y over village crafts. T h e Vogt o f Lcsnica liccnccd c o b b l c r s f o r six g r o s c h e n a ycar. 1 4 S It is n o t o f t e n feasible, h o w e v e r , t o d i s t i n g u i s h special craftsmen's o b l i gations f r o m t h o s e w h i c h d e r i v e d f r o m agricultural land. Like H i l d e b r a n d , a s e v e n t y - y e a r - o l d c o b b l e r f r o m K o s t o m l o t y w h o in 1329 "lived f r o m his craft a n d his fields,'"· 4 6 m a n y did (or could) n o t earn a living f r o m their special skills alone. T a v e r n e r s a n d s o m e c r a f t s m e n w o r k e d fairly n o r m a l sized peasant f a r m s , w h e t h e r a p p u r t e n a n t to their s h o p s o r separately held. Jesco M a b i k e n ' s inn at W i e r z b n o in t h e 1320s c a m e w i t h t w o m a n s i a n d that of J o h n W a l p u r g at S t a b i o w i c e in t h e 1350s w i t h one. M a t h i a s K o w a l arrived at Ilnica in 1436 to w o r k a half m a n s u s as well as'his s m i t h y , b u t t w o years later had tripled his land. 1 4 7 I n c o m e s f r o m rural craft w o r k are a l m o s t w i t h o u t r e c o r d . Millers in Silesia c u s t o m a r i l y w o r k e d f o r a share o f the grain. If t h e units o f v o l u m e in a 1336 o r d i n a n c e b y K i n g J o h n h a d their later values, this was 3 to 4 percent a r o u n d Wroclaw. 1 4 8 O t h e r w i s e t h e r e are o n l y t h e substantial cash p a y m e n t s to u n c o u n t e d s m i t h s a n d c a r p e n t e r s o n t h e B o r o w d e m e s n e in 1377. 149 Rural specialists, as at least p a r t - t i m e representatives o f an e c o n o m i c order m o r e d e p e n d e n t o n e x c h a n g e o f g o o d s a n d services, h a n d l e d m o n e y m o r e o f t e n t h a n did o r d i n a r y peasant h o u s e h o l d e r s . 1 5 0 T h e i r access t o liquid capital m a d e t h e m c r e d i t o r s o f less f o r t u n a t e c o u n t r y m e n like J o h n S c h u wert o f T y n i e c Maty, w h o o w e d 26 g r o s c h e n t o A n n a , t a v e r n e r in D o m a s taw, in 1402, o r L a w r e n c e , schulz of J a r z j b k o w i c e , w h o b o r r o w e d five marks f r o m a miller in 1419. 151 S o m e m a d e g o o d - s i z e d (if traditional) i n -

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vestments, buying off hereditary rents on their holdings or expanding their arable acreage. O n e taverner, Stephan of M r o z o w , purchased f r o m an i m pecunious noble lordship over m o r e than five and a half mansi, part arable, part pasture, in the demesne at Lenartowice. 1 5 2 Such signs of wealth, w h e n coupled with the high rents paid by m a n y craftsmen, argue for appreciable profits f r o m rural trading. B u t the behavior of the U n v e r w o r n s , tavemers at J a r z j b k o w i c e in the 1430s, suggests that even well-off retailer-peasants perceived advantages in full-time agriculture. T h e father, Nicholas "tabernator dictus U n v e r w o r n , " tenant of one rental mansus, died in 1434 and was followed in inn and land by his son, Stenczil. But by 1436 Stenczil and his brothers, Andres and Paul, had used the bad times and resulting difficulties of their neighbors to take over three m o r e mansi. With the tithe account f r o m 1437 Stenczil and Andres (no m o r e is heard of Paul) dropped all mention of tavern-keeping and with t w o mansi each enjoyed some of the larger farms in their village. 153 M e n like Nicholas U n v e r w o r n , innkeeper of Jarzjbkowice, or Hildebrand, the Kostomloty cobbler, practiced their crafts to the envy and spite of influential urban interests. Wroclaw and Sroda alike would curb rural competitors and enforce division of labor between an agricultural c o u n t r y side and a commercial and industrial urbanism. Wroclaw's thirteenthcentury Meilenrecht over rural taverns and craftsmen (see C h a p t e r 4) remained a pillar of city policy. 154 Sroda asserted the same in its district. 155 But at the same time the t o w n s needed country produce—grain, meat, hops, fish—in consistent quantities and at low prices. So engrossing and forestalling b r o u g h t heavy fines and, f r o m the 1320s onwards, the rulers and the Rat collaborated in establishing weekly free markets, first in bread, later in meat, to encourage country folk to carry their crops to t o w n themselves. 1 5 6 Even established rural markets outside the Bannmeilen faced urban opposition and pressures. St. Vincent needed royal help in 1367 after the Wroclaw city council, then captain, denied its ancient right to hold a market in Kostomloty. 1 5 7 Attempts to suppress rural c o m m e r c e and draw exchange entirely into the purview of the cities, were, however, but a jostling for position within a complex hierarchical structure of regional economic relationships. C o u n try people required certain non-agricultural goods and services, many available in the towns but others better dispersed into m o r e n u m e r o u s smaller centers. N e t w o r k s of marketing, processing, religious, and financial arrangements cut across the socio-economic strata so far discussed, tied persons of varying status into communities, channeled their m o v e m e n t s , and helped link the duchy into a regional whole. As by w o r k , wealth, and status, rural life was patterned by n e i g h b o r h o o d contacts and financial contracts.

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By the late fourteenth ccntury Silesia and the Wroclaw duchy held a discernible place in the network of commercial routes which webbed Europe's interior. At Wroclaw the important road f r o m Flanders via upper Saxony to Cracow and H u n g a r y intersected t w o heavily traveled north-south arteries. M e n and goods f r o m southern Germany, Italy, or the Balkans could approach t h r o u g h Prague, Vienna, or the Moravian passes and g o on to either Poznan or the lower Vistula and Gdansk. Along the m a j o r routes lay other Silesian centers while lesser but still regionally significant tracks drew to the city traffic f r o m more isolated provincial towns. Sroda marked the midpoint on the main road between Wroclaw and Legnica where a lesser one forked off to the northwest. 1 S 8 But in the duchy the t w o cities, one large, one small, simply capped a hierarchy of places which, by offering goods and services rural people needed, drew them f r o m their villages. Below the level of the chartered cities five places possessed the semiurban character indicated by names like forum, oppidum, Märktel, or Stetil. Where the highway to the west crossed the Bystrzyca, twelve kilometers f r o m Wroclaw and twenty f r o m Sroda, the one-time ducal residence of Lesnica had an advocatus by 1261 and in the early fourteenth century even claimed the title of civitas.'59 But its inhabitants never b o u g h t out the hereditary Vogt to achieve self-government and official texts in and after the 1320s normally designate it "Lezna o p p i d u m , " or " M a r k t e und Stetel zur Lessen." 1 6 0 Uraz had its o w n tiny district but otherwise resembled Lesnica. O n the O d r a terraces where a secondary route f r o m Wroclaw turned t o wards Woiow, the "civitas et Castrum" so-called in 1312 was later usually labeled "castrum et o p p i d u m , " t h o u g h its inhabitants asserted citizen status. 161 O n the old-settled loess Kostomloty had been a Polish law forum and the administrative centre for the several properties of the St. Vincent monastery there, but it struggled to maintain its economic role against the t o w n the dukes established at K j t y and then against regulatory pressures f r o m Sroda and Wroclaw. 162 In another area of dense settlement, the s o u t h ern corner of the Wroclaw district, a ducal possession, B o r o w , did not succeed. It had a Vogt and was called an oppidum between 1294 and 1337, but then all signs of urban or commercial life evaporate. 1 6 3 T h e role of local center passed to the nearby Borek Strzelinski, where in 1386 King Wenceslas confirmed what may have been an older right to hold a weekly market. 1 6 4 O n the land (and M a p 9.1) these rural markets fill in the interstices a m o n g the chartered cities in the duchy and its environs. N o n e is within ten kilometers of a city; the successive pair of B o r o w and Borek Strzelmski arc the only t w o that close to one another. T h u s the greater proportion of the duchy was served by a city or a market within an easy day's j o u r n e y (10 k m

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Map 9 t CENTRAL SERVICES A N D CRAFTS IN THE COUNTRYSIDE BEFORE 1430

Church«

one way). O n e significant exception tests this rule. Well beyond ten kilometers f r o m any market were villages on the old-settled black earth and lowlands of the Wroclaw district f r o m around Tyniec Maty east to M n i chowice and then northeast to the Nadolices and Chrzjstowas. T h e a n o m aly attests neatly to the attraction of Wroclaw and to the history of settlement in the Wroclaw district. T h e unserviced strip was until at least the mid-thirteenth century the outer limit of the densely inhabited zone around Wroclaw. Woodlands beyond turned men's attentions back to the city until the very decades when the markets were established. 165 Besides any special products which a visiting peddler might offer on the weekly market day and besides the ubiquitous taverns discussed below, rural markets offered only very basic local retailing, processing, and services. Where particular trades or shops are mentioned, those of butchers, bakers,

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and c o b b l c r s all b u t e x h a u s t the list. By the early 1400s Lcsnica a n d U r a z had a b o u t a dozen o f each, and b a t h - h o u s e s , too."' 6 T h e s a m e c o n s u m p t i o n g o o d s and services also characterized c r a f t s practiced in villages w i t h o u t m a r k e t rights. T h e cobbler's stall, s h a m b l e s , and stand f o r the sale of b r e a d conveyed in a charter of the scholtisei at Bliz a n o w i c e in 1380 well represent m o s t recorded village t r a d i n g facilities. 11,7 M u c h rarer were s m i t h s o r m e m b e r s o f the textile crafts, weavers o r tailors.

O n l y the e x t r a m u r a l s u b u r b s of W r o c l a w contained n o t e w o r t h y i n -

d u s t r y : a slaughter h o u s e a n d retailers' shops, a fulling mill, tile w o r k s , a n d e s t a b l i s h m e n t s of malters."''' In general, then, o p e r a t o r s of rural retail a n d m a n u f a c t u r i n g establishments served a m a r k e t p r e t t y well c o n f i n e d t o their o w n peers and n e i g h b o r s . T h e needs they satisfied arose n o t f r o m l o n g distance c o m m e r c e but f r o m daily life in the villages. T h e m o s t basic and n u m e r o u s facilities f o r e x c h a n g e in the c o u n t r y s i d e w e r e n o t specialized retail s h o p s but taverns. Like their early m e d i e v a l predecessors, f o u r t e e n t h - c e n t u r y innkeepers l o d g e d travelers, b r e w e d a n d p o u r e d ale, and traded in small a m o u n t s of several c o m m o d i t i e s . 1 7 " T h a t tabema o r Kretscham (the Silcsian G e r m a n w o r d f r o m Polish karczma)

meant

m o r e than a m e r e right to sell beverages is c o n f i r m e d by detailed p r o v i s i o n s f o r u p k e e p of buildings and o t h e r facilities in rental a g r e e m e n t s like o n e t h e o w n e r and taverner at D o m a n i o w m a d e in 1309-10. 1 7 1 In contrast to the h a n d f u l of m a r k e t t o w n s and o t h e r craft o r sale facilities on M a p 9.1, taverns at 140 rural sites in the f o u r t e e n t h c e n t u r y d u c h y n u m b e r e d o n e for a b o u t every eleven square kilometers o r every 2 0 0 - 2 2 5 rural inhabitants. But the distribution was n o t u n i f o r m . In the S r o d a a n d U r a z districts, w h e r e villages o f t h i r t e e n t h - c e n t u r y origin w e r e c h a r a c t e r istically large, m o s t had their o w n tavern, w h i l e in the sections of t h e W r o claw district w h e r e small villages m a r k e d earlier dense o c c u p a t i o n , m o s t did n o t . B u t because distance b e t w e e n villages varied inversely w i t h size, actual density of taverns was less u n e v e n . Greater irregularity o c c u r r e d close t o t h e cities. O n l y seventeen taverns, m a n y of t h e m v e r y old, lay w i t h i n ten k i l o m e t e r s of W r o c l a w and only ten that distance f r o m Sroda. Such densities o f b u t o n e tavern per eighteen and t h i r t y - o n e square k i l o m e t e r s respectively plainly indicate the e c o n o m i c and political s t r e n g t h of t h e t o w n s . Z e r n i k i W r o c i a w s k i e , a good-sized place o n the black earth only eight k i l o m e t e r s s o u t h e a s t of Wroclaw, was the o n e village in the d u c h y m o r e than f o u r k i l o m e t e r s f r o m a tavern. J u s t t o t h e s o u t h , h o w e v e r , in the v e r y area p o o r l y served by m a r k e t s , taverns w e r e unusually thick. Taverns p r o v i d e d t h e m o s t basic g o o d s regularly o b t a i n e d on t h e m a r ket b y the rural p o p u l a t i o n and mills the m o s t i m p o r t a n t e c o n o m i c service. A f t e r t w o centuries' spread, t h e w a t e r mill was fully d o m i n a n t . 1 7 2 In all,

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seventy-seven rural sites in the duchy contained a mill by 1430 (Map 9.1) Even omitting second mills at s o m e sites (and both mills and people in the cities), this meant at least one mill for every four hundred c o u n t r y folk or twenty square kilometers. 1 7 3 Availability of water power controlled the siting of mills. Notable concentrations developed along the fast-flowing mountain-fed Bystrzyca system and on the upper Slfza, w h e r e most mills had at least t w o wheels and some up to four. 1 7 4 In contrast, the often inadequate flows of the b o t t o m l a n d rivers, the O d r a , CHawa, and Widawa, supported fewer and generally smaller mills. 175 Still the impression is of intense exploitation of even the least water-courses. Neither the rivulets in the hills above Uraz n o r the meager and s l o w - m o v i n g Sredzka Woda avoided working their way to the O d r a . T h e n u m b e r of mills on even quite tiny streams was presumably a response to the high cost of m o v i n g heavy grain, meal, and flour overland, but the uneven distribution of water power resources meant that this necessity could be at best rcduced. T h a t m o v e m e n t of cereal products to and f r o m mills must have been significant is attested by repeated reference in mill privileges to access rights and the upkeep of roadways. Even at Roscislawice, where the water could not have supported a m a j o r commercial e n terprise, charters of 1365 and 1435 specified free entry for cartloads of grain on their way to the mill. 17 ' 1 T h e church provided to inhabitants of the duchy's countryside a third central service which, like the m o r e crudely economic ones, helped shape social interactions. 177 T h e rural parish system was completed in the f o u r teenth century. A new parish at Pracze Widawskie in 1348, for example, spared people there, in Rfdzin, and in Polanowice the seasonally troublesome journey across the b o t t o m l a n d s to their f o r m e r church at *01bino*. 1 7 8 Nevertheless different structures continued to distinguish parishes on the old-settled black earth and loess f r o m younger ones on the loam and m o raines (Map 9.1). In the Wroclaw and the south of the Sroda district most places had no local church and belonged to a parish covering several nucleations. St. Lawrence at Borek Strzelinski, for instance, also served Jelenin, Boreczek, K r f c z k o w , Michaiowice, Koj?cin, Jaksin, and Swinobrod. 1 7 9 Travel f r o m homes to churches was less needful in areas of the Sroda and Uraz districts where German law settlement in the thirteenth century had established churches in most villages. In the area reaching f r o m Wilkszyn and Brzezina n o r t h w a r d past G o l f d z i n o w , all served until the 1280s by the church at Uraz, appeared by the 1350s at least four, perhaps five, n e w parishes. 180 Parish communities were active but certainly not well documented. T h e lord and villagers of Pracze together agreed with the priest of All Saints

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over their new local church, while other disputes regularly ended with groups of parishioners accepting the decision. 1 " 1 Lay people contributed to the physical fabric and services of rural churches and helped administer parish temporalities. 1 8 2 C o n t e m p o r a r y witnesses swore that voluntarilyallocated tithes f r o m nobles and peasants over a wide area of the Sroda district built the church at M r o z o w around 1300.11,3 At Wierzbno in 1318 schulz and peasants together added to the landed e n d o w m e n t of their church a second mansus to support another altar priest and bell-ringer."" Each of the central facilities which dotted the countryside, crafts, taverns, mills, and parish churches, exerted a certain but different attraction on inhabitants of the surrounding area. Villages with several of these, even though they had n o market rights, clearly d r e w greater social attention. M a p 9.1 contains thirty places which, thanks to three or m o r e central facilities, might be called central villages. These places were larger than the average rural settlement, 11,5 and had distinct locations. T h e y were c o m m o n in the Uraz district and in a band paralleling the Bystrzyca about midway between Wroclaw and Sroda and not unusual in the south of the Wroclaw district, but rare closer to the cities. It looks again as if the economic strength, attractions, and political power of the cities suppressed a u t o n o mous nuclei in their immediate vicinity, while the weaker markets were less able to eliminate rival concentrations in the countryside. Traces thus emerge f r o m the records of the late fourteenth-century duchy of a regionally structured economic and social n e t w o r k which derived from the distribution of population and natural resources as these had developed historically. Instead of a purely agricultural countryside opposed directly to commercial and administrative cities, the interaction was mediated by a hierarchy of facilities in the land itself. T h e retail trades in particular formed a system of taverns and marketplaces which d r e w their customers f r o m what look like spatially coherent localities and neighborhoods. 1 8 6 Like coherence in terms of population and historical evolution of settlement made the religious system fully compatible with that for exchange. But these neat arrangements were cross-cut, thanks to the irregular availability of water power, by the distribution of milling services. T h u s a peasant f r o m Zabloto, for example, could patronize his local tavern and seek religious c o m f o r t or market dealings at Kostomloty a couple of kilometers south, but had to carry his grain at least twice as far to mills at Buczki on the Sredzka Woda to the north or Piotrowice on the Strzegomka to the southeast. Across the duchy, then, overlapping and interlocking neighborhood and regional n e t w o r k s served the particular needs of small groups of people and fed upwards to the urban centres, Sroda and, eventually, Wroclaw itself. At the peripheries, especially the far north and south,

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political boundaries may have distorted relationships, but overall the duchy probably encompassed the normal social interactions o f its inhabitants o f whatever degree. Nodes in the network o f central places can be documented with considerable accuracy and with great probability it can be inferred that country people and their lords used these to meet their needs. But because the activities there focused and the contacts there made generated little in the way o f written records, not to be seen are the particular interpersonal relationships created and sustained while men and women marketed, milled, drank, or worshiped. How the contacts must have occurred is plain; that any certain ones did is not. T h e reverse is true o f the financial relationships preserved in records o f rural credit and debt. Where, as often happens, a borrower and lender lack visible acquaintance through neighborhood, lordship, or kinship, the paths by which they came together arc now lost. That they did so, however, is itself prima facic proof o f connections between villagers and others outside their communities. Country people participated fully, if not always equally and at their own initiative, in a web o f financial contracts, obligations, and exchanges which spread across the fourteenth-century duchy. Their evident involvement is the more striking bccausc, unlike their lords, most peasants dealt before village courts where written rccords were not normally kept and from which almost none now survive. Nevertheless villagers may be detected as debtors and as creditors and, to a degree, their financial dealings may be placed in a meaningful context. Some villagers incurred personal or communal obligations at their lord's behest. A landowner with a financial liability could formally transfer it to the peasants who owed dues to him. Thus in 1341 the Stille lords o f Olbrachtowice covered the forty marks they owed the Wroclaw Jew Jacob by having the village community pledge to pay him within a year. Likewise in 1416 Peter and Woytko, tenants o f four mansi at Zerniki Maie, saw the mark a year they owed to canon Nicholas Seidlicz shifted as an annual rent to their lord's colleague John Sweidenicz, who had paid ten marks for it. T h e peasants stood before the bishop's official to hear the conveyance and a threat o f excommunication for default. 187 B y such means might ordinary countrymen encounter townsmen, clerics, Jews, and others who had no place in their rural communities. Contacts o f this sort arose, however, from socio-economic knowledge and relationships o f lords in their own stratum o f society. Villages and villagers also entered into financial dealings on their own, thus demonstrating their independent acquaintance with sources o f credit. Many such arrangements followed existing connections with the land-

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o w n e r , the schulz, o r n e i g h b o r s . Stanko, schulz o f O p o r o w , sold f o r eleven m a r k s t o his lord, the cathedral chapter, a m a r k annual rent on his scholtisei in 1364 and a St. Vincent tenant at * 0 1 b i n o * in 1413, Peter Mclczer, sold t o t h e a b b e y a half m a r k o n his h o l d i n g for five. , , w G e o r g e , schulz o f G a j o w ice, advanced five m a r k s t o A n n a H e l l e b r a n d y n n e , a tenant there, f o r a m a r k a n d a half in census.

O r d i n a r y villagers, w h e t h e r o w n e r - o p e r a t o r s

o r tenants, m i g h t be sources o f f u n d s , t o o . At K r f p i c c in 1337 the o n e - t i m e ducal c o o k Nicholas had pledged his t w o mansi t o Wcnceslava, w i d o w of B e b u r c o , for a ten m a r k debt. A l m o s t a c e n t u r y later at Z f b i c e A n d r e a s a n d M a r t i n S m o l i n a r r a n g e d to pay to their fellow tenant C l i m k c Belak d e b t s totaling sixty g r o s c h e n . T h e s e relationships arc n o t surprising. Less predictable lines j o i n e d villagers and o t h e r potential

lenders.

C h u r c h e s and those in t h e m w e r e h a p p y to take census f r o m c o u n t r y p e o p l e w i t h their o w n p r o p e r t y o r w i t h tenancies u n d e r o t h e r lords. For instance, t h e schulz of W o j k o w i c e in 1331, w h o s e lord was J o h n C o i n e r , b o r r o w e d fifteen m a r k s f r o m the cathcdral vicars. In 1418 G e o r g e , schulz o f G a j o w i c e u n d e r St. Mary, sold a rent to a n u n at St. D o r o t h e a w h i l e his o w n l o r d loaned a larger s u m to the schulz of *Szczcpin*, a village w h i c h b e l o n g e d to the Clares.''" O t h e r peasants t u r n e d to u r b a n capital. In the 1330s the entire c o m m u n e of Blonie contracted debts to the citizen J a c o b o f O p o l e and s o m e t w o o r m o r e g e n e r a t i o n s later that o f the bishop's l o r d s h i p at K r y n i c z n o sold a census t o Peter M o l n e r and his sister Clara, b o t h o f W r o c law. 1 9 2 Individuals, like Peczco, son o f Peter of O f r a s z y n , w h o in 1338 sold to A n d r e a s Fusil a half m a r k on his t w o mansi at L u k a s z o w i c e , did t h e same. At K r ^ p i c e the p r o p r i e t a r y peasants used city lenders extensively: o f t h e seven census contracts k n o w n t h e r e b e t w e e n 1368 and 1380 six w e r e m a d e w i t h W r o c l a w citizens. 1 9 5 B u t since all these creditors lacked o b v i o u s p r i o r c o n n e c t i o n w i t h those to w h o m they loaned, these dealings c o n f i r m peasant i n v o l v e m e n t in a s o c i o - e c o n o m i c w o r l d b e y o n d their village and l o r d s h i p . T h e s k i m p y data f u r t h e r suggest s o m e t h i n g of the place of credit a n d d e b t in f o u r t e c n t h - c e n t u r y villages. O f course the reasons and c o n t e x t f o r a s s u m i n g a financial obligation are rarely detectable, b u t , like l a n d o w n e r s , peasants w i t h debts were n o t always p o o r and d e s t i t u t e — a t least b e f o r e t h e 1430s (see C h a p t e r 10). T h a t s o m e f a r m e r s did so reveal financial difficulties is n o surprise. Nicholas, son o f M a r t i n of Krgpice, sold annuities o n his little p r o p e r t y in 1368 and 1370, and in 1387 fell so far b e h i n d in his p a y m e n t s that he forfeited t h e land. 1 9 4 O t h e r cases seem m o r e a m b i g u o u s . A p r o p r i e t o r like the m e n o f K r g pice, N i c h o l a s of Stary D w o r had a small f a r m he w o r k e d h i m s e l f at * t u k a s z e w i c e * . T h e r e he sold l'/t m a r k s annual rent to the citizen J o h n Wenczlaw in 1383 and again in 1386. In 1388 he a d m i t t e d o w i n g 1 m a r k 18

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groschen to a fellow named J o h n Leen, but ten years later himself enforced a malder of rye owed by Michael G o m o l k a . Nicholas's heirs then sold still more rents. As equivocal are the cases of t w o schulzen w h o sold annuities in 1418: Peter Weinhold thus obtained sixty marks f r o m St. Mary, but he possessed a free demesne farm in Buczki as well as his scholtisei, tavern, and three mansi at *Szczepin*; George of Gajowice then got ten marks for one on his scholtisei, but himself lent m o n e y seven years later. 1 '' 5 And some rural debts had clear investment quality. Philip the schulz of Solna and his kinsman J o h n Ratht of Siedlakowice sold large annuities and made deferred payments to finance buying the demesne at P u s t k o w Z u r o w s k i f r o m the cathedral chapter. 1 4 6 T h r e e men f r o m W f g r y effectively used short term credit in 1377, buying horses f r o m the royal demesne at B o r o w with payments deferred f r o m Martinmas to Christmas and February. 197 Especially given the character of the surviving documentation, short term credit with a fixed date for payment like that used by the W f g r y horse buyers is surprisingly well recorded. It must have been a c o m m o n expedient. Having paid 2 marks 6 groschen in late December, the son of the W f g r y schulz saw no difficulty in rounding up the same sum in another six weeks. T h e operator of a tile works in Kowale expected to pay off an eight mark debt within four m o n t h s in 1340 and Janusch, son of Adam of Kr^pice, t w o marks in three weeks. 14 " Individual villagers thus as a matter of course took a few m o n t h s to pay off relatively modest sums, a sign of both the difficulty and the possibility of peasants' laying their hands on cash. T h e recorded incidence of fixed terms at a year or m o r e further substantiates this conclusion, for most of these obligations rested on w h o l e village communities and often represented but the transfer at the lord's request of regular seigneurial dues to the lord's creditor. T h e villagers of Olbrachtowice had a year to pay the forty marks their lords owed Jacob the Jew. 199 Individuals with a debt in the same order of magnitude might need even longer. At K r f p i c e in 1387 Elizabeth, wife of John Willusch, and her son Nicholas Steynchen u n d e r took to cover a debt of sixteen marks by installments to be paid on M i c h aelmas over the next three years. 200 Even then, they were able to pay as much in one year as Martin Smolin at Z f b i c e thought in 1436 he might be lucky to cover in two. 201 But that comparison simply marks the contrast between the late fourteenth century and the period after 1425. Earlier, c o u n try people did seem to expect they could handle a moderate additional cash outlay within a relatively short period of time. O r d i n a r y rural debt and credit did not apparently extend beyond about a three year term. This was the domain of the census, hereditary, repurchaseable, and normally incurred for sums of five marks or more. As a m o n g the

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Figure 9.2 PRICES OF ANNUAL CENSUS ON VILLAGERS' HOLDINGS, 1325-1440 (expressed as a multiple of the census sold; η = 54)

•

• 41

CD •

ν сж ш в

V О ^DOCO® О

•

ν

βν

0

• •

ν

V V Ί 1320

1 1340

1 1360

1 1380

1 1400

1 1420

Γ 1440

S h a p e of symbol i n d i c a t e s s t a t u s of e n c u m b e r e d h o l d i n g О

peasant property

•

s c h o l t i s e l or o t h e r f r e e t e n u r e

V

tenancy

S h a d i n g i n d i c a t e s more t h a n o n e t r a n s a c t i o n a t t h e s a m e r a t e φ

Ш V

two transactions

#

•

t h r e e or more t r a n s a c t i o n s

•

Note. F o r sources see Notes to Maps and Figures.

landed elite, this m o s t p o p u l a r way to b o r r o w was used continually (and surely far m o r e than the texts n o w record). Instances e n o u g h have already been seen of c o u n t r y people selling annual rents to a variety of lenders. T h e tabulation in Figure 9.2 of the prices villagers received indicates a n o r m a l rate in the later f o u r t e e n t h and early fifteenth centuries of ten times the annual obligation. But, unlike their social superiors, these b o r r o w e r s g o t n o rates m u c h b e l o w that 10 percent interest. Indeed s o m e tenants had to take far worse. T h e repurchaseable annuities o w e d f r o m tenures in M n i c h o w i c e in 1381 m o s t l y ran at eight to o n e (12.5 percent), b u t H a n c o L o n g u s paid a m a r k a year f o r six (16.7 percent) and A n d i r k o Sweczik f o u r for nine (44.5 percent!). 2 0 2 W h y ? E v e n a p o o r gertner's w i d o w at G a j o w i c e in 1413 m a n aged to get five m a r k s at ten percent f r o m her village lord, St. Mary. 2 0 3 It is a salutary r e m i n d e r that villagers in the f o u r t e e n t h - c e n t u r y d u c h y did live as the lower echelon of a t h o r o u g h l y stratified society. T h e i r position was

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n o t so extreme, however, as to m a k e their dealings in annual rents or other f o r m s of credit different in kind f r o m those of o t h e r social g r o u p s . T h o u g h at s o m e disadvantage, they m a d e credit, too, a n o r m a l aspect of village and c o u n t r y life. T h e full involvement of village people in the d u c h y ' s n e t w o r k of financial relationships is f u r t h e r affirmed by a f e w w h o gave credit and loans. A couple of dozen extant cases dating between the 1330s and the 1430s include creditors f r o m all landed village groups: schulz Peter of W i l c z k o w and his peer at D o m a n i o w , Jesco; o w n e r - o p e r a t o r s Wenceslava at K r f p i c e and Nicholas of Stary D w o r ; Anna the taverner in D o m a s l a w ; C l i m k e Belak, tenant at Zfbice. 2 0 4 Village lenders used all n o r m a l f o r m s o f credit: s h o r t t e r m loans, the pledge, and the loan against an annual rent. Especially remarkable in the activities of even the h a n d f u l w h o are k n o w n is the spatial and social scope. T h o s e f r o m Krgpice k e p t their recorded deals w i t h i n their o w n c o m m u n i t y , as did the men o f Z f b i c e , but o t h e r s exploited b r o a d e r contacts. T h e schulz of D o m a n i o w k n e w the need o f the schulz of B a r t o szowa and the taverner of Domasiaw, that of a m a n f r o m Tyniec Maty. T h e s e dealt with their relative equals and e x t e n d e d credit on a horizontal social vector, but others did so vertically. B a r t h o l o m e u s , schulz of W f g r y in the late 1350s, left perhaps the m o s t extensive record. In 1356 he b o u g h t f r o m the lord of Stary Sleszow, H e n r y Swenkenfeld, a five m a r k census on that p r o p e r t y and t w o years later a n o t h e r of eight. T h e n on 10 O c t o b e r 1358 B a r t o l o m e u s came to an agreement w i t h Swenkenfeld's o t h e r creditors, the citizen consortium of Peter Bayer, J o h n Budessin, and the b r o t h e r s D o m p nig. H e sold to t h e m the eight mark rent on Sleszow and they to h i m six m a r k s on the Rulandi family's lordship in Blizanowice. 2 0 5 In a couple of remarkable instances villagers even b e c a m e creditors to their o w n lords. In April 1336 J o h n the Red, schulz o f j a k s i n , gave to his landlords Albert and C o n r a d of Falkenhain 30.5 m a r k s against the pledge o f their entire lordship and rental incomes in that very village. 2 0 6 A g e n e r a tion later the village c o m m u n i t i e s of W i e r z b n o and D o m a n i o w e n g a g e d m o r e obscurely in the financial manipulations of their lord, the D u k e o f Brzeg. A f t e r c o m p l e x dealings a m o n g D u k e Louis, the city of Brzeg, and the duke's favorite, Bishop Mathias of T r e b i g n e , the t w o villages e n d e d u p holding t w e n t y m a r k s on the duke's tolls so l o n g as they had to pay for h i m an obligation to the bishop. 2 0 7 At least o n occasion c o u n t r y p e o p l e were able and willing to deal as equals on the credit m a r k e t w i t h even the highest of their superiors. Beyond impressions the meager evidence on village lenders will n o t g o . A n d like imprecision m u s t be conceded t o the w h o l e n e t w o r k of village financial dealings. It cannot m u c h be analyzed because the sources are s i m -

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ply not there. But its very existence affirms once again the multistranded quality of the Wroclaw duchy's rural regime in the fourteenth century. Financial contracts simultaneously manifested prior and established new bonds between individuals and a m o n g groups. Within village society loans and debts reiterated ties of neighborhood and local prestige, but also marked their extension into surrounding communities. Beyond village society credit provided another connection to members of the elite, one which paralleled but also augmented lordship. T h e c o m m u n i t y of Siedlakowice, for instance, dealt with St. Mathias in 1339 and with the citizen Tilco Rothe the next year becausc its knightly lord had alienated to them his incomes f r o m there. 20H That case grew f r o m lordship but others arose independently, if rarely in the full light of good documentation. Nicholas of Stary D w o r owned his land at *Lukaszewicc* but for his o w n reasons sold rents on it to the Wcnczlaws f r o m Wroclaw, w h o , since they owned no lordships, thus acquired a link to the countryside. 2,14 T h o m a s Sybisch of Zagrodki counterbalanced his tenurial dependence on St. Mary with rents he sold to the altarist at St. Elizabeth in Wroclaw, and Michael Stossche of Domaslaw his on the landowner Nicholas Skopp with one to the citizen Henry G r a m schicz. 21 " Why these particular relationships arose, none can now say; the point is that they did arise, and by their very occurrence show that credit and debt were an a u t o n o m o u s mechanism for linking people across social boundaries. Despite the vestigial quality of the evidence, financial dealings affirmed and articulated the j u n c t u r e of elites and villagers into a regional socio-economic community. T h e accessibility to fourteenth-century peasants around Wroclaw of economic opportunities and financial resources outside their village c o m munity and their landowner's authority go together with other documented features of their surroundings to explain at least structurally the relative a u t o n o m y and prosperity they then enjoyed. Lordship was central and inequality and exploitation pervasive, let there be no doubt, but by comparison with what had gone before and with what would come, a pluralism much mitigated these realities of traditional rural life. To reiterate, the n o r m s of the German law village provided security of tenure, a u t o n o m y in local affairs, and fixed obligations assessed on arable acreage. T h e j o i n t m o v e m e n t of prices and of the coinage made these dues a slowly diminishing proportion of each peasant's output. Landowners o p erated within the n o r m s partly f r o m a lack of occasion to intervene directly in agrarian affairs and partly f r o m an inclination to treat landed revenues as a means to achieve social utility in dealings with their own peers. T h e lords' use of their ownership rights kept these so widely and so often (rc-)distributed as to inhibit the concerted intent required to change lord-peasant

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relationships, especially since alternative actions at their o w n social level promised more sure increments to individual or family wealth. T h e ability of the lord to rule his lordship was hampered, too, by assignment of rural leadership to a well-entrenched member of village society, the schulz, w h o by office and local prestige mediated the juncture between the c o m m u n i t y and superior or external authority. And then the peasant tenants themselves could and did freely pursue their own economic interests by trading goods on the market, by dealing in their farmland, by turning to small-scale crafts and services, and by moving from one settlement and situation to another. Within the village and beyond its limits no single human authority or nexus inevitably shaped or constrained the life chances of a fourteenth-century peasant. So long as livings were to be made with available tools f r o m the resources of the plains, river bottoms, and hills, rural people could at least maintain a relatively favorable position.

PART FOUR §§§§§§§

The Erosion of a Socio-Economic Order

§§ 1 о §§ T H E STORM, CA. 1 4 2 5 - C A . 1480

Destructa, depopulate et incinerata est fere tota Slesia. . . . A contemporary abbot of St. Mary recalls the Hussite wars; ChrotiBM V, p. 219.

Г г о ш the late 1100s until the early 1400s the Wroclaw duchy experienced agrarian development. Population grew. Land under the plow increased. German law spread. Landlord farms were parceled a m o n g peasant tenants. At the same time local elites made private lordship their principal access to wealth, eased direct ducal jurisdiction off the land, and opened their ranks to the ambitions of urban capital. Bohemian hegemony curbed dynastic and private violence. The counterpart to the steady trends were effectively stable structures: peasant autonomy and prosperity in the German law village; the lordship cycle and distance of landowners f r o m everyday rural affairs; the integrative role of market, regional, and other relationships. M e n and w o m e n in the fourteenth-century duchy surely knew change, mobility, and latent or acute conflict, but long experience made acceptable a certain range of behavior and understandable certain patterns of individual and g r o u p action. Their world was a predictable one. After 1425 all this changed. Forces outside the control o f Wroclaw's peasants or lords lashed the duchy with furious blows, ripping its socioeconomic fabric and laying bare or exacerbating its weaknesses and c o n flicts. This chapter describes h o w physical insecurity, meteorological instability, and monetary disarray disrupted all rural relationships. After the perils it treats their results among villagers and lords. Whether the rural order of the fourteenth century contained within itself the g e r m of its o w n destruction or no, it came to founder in a much larger mid-fifteenth-century maelstrom. This was a time of crisis. 1

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Forces of

disruption

Quietly continuing patterns of rural life and development were in the m i d fifteenth century shattered b y the peculiar conjunction in central Silesia of three greater chains of events f r o m beyond the regional horizons of villagers and landowners. A complex crisis of medieval Czech civilization set off the Hussite revolution, which burst bloodily into the crown lands, there to reverberate t h r o u g h t w o generations of endemic violence and to destroy rural production and resources. Natural disasters f r o m newly erratic and hazardous weather patterns had similar effects. And because Wroclaw's chief coins were Bohemian groschen, m o n e t a r y chaos across the Sudetes intensified the general European silver shortage to rend further the web of exchanges j o i n ing country people to the urban e c o n o m y and elite society. T h e incidence and initial impact of each hazard is of first concern here. T h e literate elite of fifteenth-century Silesia told in self-righteous sorrow h o w physical insecurity became normal in their countryside. T h e rhetoric is verified by records of devastated communities and individual casualties. O f course war, banditry, and feud were rarely unfamiliar to m e dieval Europeans, and a peasant e c o n o m y where relatively low investment in capital goods made land and labor m o r e critical factors of production was better placed than a m o d e r n one for rapid recovery f r o m destruction. Still, the particulars o f war, local violence, and their immediate consequences in the duchy f r o m around 1425 to about 1480 explain m a n y of the rural changes hereafter treated. Public order in Silesia had begun to deteriorate well before banners bearing the chalice crossed the Sudetes, for in the 1390s the weakening p o sition of Wenceslas loosened the grip of his servants and friends. 2 For loyal Wroclaw the k i n g s financial need n o w meant struggle w i t h other royal creditors. To press one claim against the city, the dukes of O p o l e declared feud late in 1399. Their troops entered the duchy to loot, burn, and seize merchants for ransom. Twice m o r e they returned, once grabbing 130 horses and another time goods valued at m o r e than three thousand marks. Wroclaw alleged damages totaling 13,244 marks, but the only named site of rural losses was Swifta Katarzyna, w h e r e the king compensated Jeschko D o m p nig w i t h a higher fiscal privilege. 3 A decade's alternation of force and diplomacy climaxed in the city's seizure of the traveling Bishop J o h n of Kujavia, brother of the reigning dukes. H e gained quick release but not the demanded apologies and penance. So in early 1413 his brother Bernard again invaded the duchy, plundering and burning B o g u n o w , Wggry, Wilczkow, Jaksonow, Magnice, Pasterzyce, Gatowice, and Zerniki Wielkie, and driving his booty, livestock and peasants alike, off to his m o u n t a i n strongholds.

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A few m o n t h s later D u k e Boleslaw burned m o r e villages, Gniechowice a m o n g them. 4 O t h e r landowners and peasants suffered f r o m m o r e private appeals to force. A b b o t Andreas of St. Vincent reported to R o m e in 1412 the devastation of Kostomloty by a marauding band. O n nearby abbey lordships tenants nightly feared attack, men and cattle were seized, and all faced ruin. T w o years later A b b o t Peter Czartewicz of St. Mary foolishly called D u k e Henry of Oiawa a "Schuesterchen." T h e latter salved his h o n o r by sacking the abbey's properties around Sobotka and its demesne farms at Tyniec Maty and Brochow. T h e manager at Tyniec lay hurt in Otawa's d u n g e o n and damages purportedly came to ten thousand florins.5 Such incidents were but an o m i n o u s prelude. T h e tax roll of 1425 still had few defaults and the least deserted land of any large survey. T h e Hussite wars really began what proved to be a long period of unrelieved rural destruction. From 1428 to 1434 Czech forces, stung to retaliation by Silesian atrocities during anti-Hussite crusades, ranged freely about the province. Three separate invasions of the Wroclaw duchy can be documented and specific points of damage identified. O f course the surviving texts (and M a p 10.1) can only confirm where losses did occur. N o t h i n g warrants that the listings are comprehensive; probably they are not. Tactics then normal increased the h a r m of these conflicts. M a j o r pitched battles between organized units were exceptional. O n l y the assaults on Wroclaw in 1459 and 1474 involved them. M o r e normally, raiding parties fanned out f r o m strongholds or bivouacs to scorch the enemy earth. Villages burned; peasants fled, fell prisoner, or died; their goods filled the bellies and wagons of their persecutors or further fed the flames. In late March, 1428, Hussite forces entered the duchy f r o m the west after cutting a swath of destruction past Swidnica, Legnica, and Glogow. Capturing Sroda and K j t y en route, they passed south to meet reinforcements near Niemcza. An official of the Teutonic O r d e r reported f r o m Wroclaw in early April that the invaders numbered some 24,000 and gained strength f r o m the Silesian peasantry. Their c o m m a n d e r , P r o k o p the Great, then hoped to win over local people. C o n t e m p o r a r y witnesses, the knight Martin Ehrenburg and the Wroclaw canon Sigismund Rosicz, agreed there were many fatalities and fires, but the former reports selective destruction of churches, rectories, taverns, and demesne farms, including that at Gniechowice. 6 After circling east and across the O d r a , the same Hussite column returned in early May, n o w less discriminate and less welcome. T h e y passed right around Wroclaw, fired the church of St. Nicholas in the shadow of the walls, and camped just beyond the southeastern suburbs. "Retiring f r o m

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Order

Teutonic

,ΒΗΑΝΟΕΝ^

EAST CENTKAl £U«OP! IN THE FIFTEENTH CEWTUffi

Map iO 1 WARFARE AND RURAL DESTRUCTION DURING THE FIFTEENTH CENTURY ; u_ 1

Watted towns townleis. end other fortified centres

Rural settlements Arrows indicate movements of unfriendly forces SITES OF KNOWN DESTRUCTION Feuds and banditry 1400-t425 Hussite invasions, 1428 Huss.te invasions. 1430 Hussite invasions. 1432 Polish raid, 1438 Feuding and raids. 1442-1445 Podebrady i invasion. 1459 8ohemian raids. 1467-1470 Polish—Bohemian invasion. 1474

there, they b u r n e d m a n y villages a r o u n d Wroclaw and Strzelin, taking w i t h t h e m i n n u m e r a b l e beasts and spoils." 7 T h i s was the r o u t e o n l y of the main body. D a m a g e s recorded at Wilkszyn, Pisarzowice, and M i l o s z y n were m o r e than fifteen kilometers f r o m the nearest r e p o r t e d p o i n t of advance. A n d losses at Bartoszowa, Stabfowice, B r o c h o w , and K o t o w i c e m u s t also be attributed to this foray. 8 Actions from upper foraged for habitants to

in 1430 spread less widely. Late in April heretical t r o o p s m o v e d Silesia to again capture N i e m c z a . F r o m there they regularly cattle in the s o u t h e r n reaches of the d u c h y and caused the inabandon Borow.4

In 1432 Hussites carried s w o r d and flame t h r o u g h areas earlier spared. A party f r o m w h a t had b e c o m e a p e r m a n e n t base at N i e m c z a m o v e d north to take Kgty and loot a herd of horses f r o m Wierzbica. In skirmishes on

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16 June this vanguard routed Wroclaw troops f r o m positions near Strzclin. T w o days later the main b o d y bivouacked on the border of the duchy. They advanced to take Gnicchowicc, burn Wierzbica, and traverse the Wroclaw district to Lesnica. After paying their customary w a r m attention to that small t o w n , they followed the main road to Sroda and moved on to d e m o l ish the monastery at Lubijz.'" It was the last major officially heretical visitation. Yet the peace finally reached between Sigismund and the Hussites in 1436 only briefly spared the battered duchy. T h e king's death in 1437 u n leashed dynastic struggles in east-central Europe and factional feuds around Wroclaw. Polish claims to the crown of Bohemia were advanced against those of Albert II von H a b s b u r g t h r o u g h raids along the Silcsian border. A contingent f r o m Great Poland sliced through the Olesnica and Brzeg d u c h ies in the fall of 1438 to reach within a " m i l e " of Wroclaw and, f r o m a camp at Kamicnicc, "loot and burn Swojczycc, Dobrzykowicc, Kowalc, and many other villages." 1 1 By the early 1440s the melee swirled with regional and local combatants: the city of Wroclaw; Bishop C o n r a d the Elder, hereditary duke of Olesnica; his reigning brother and antagonist, also C o n r a d ; the Poles, normally aligned with the latter; Leonhard Asenheimer, acting in his own interests and in the name of Q u e e n Elizabeth of H u n g a r y ; and the knightly von Czirne family, local landowners, both one-time military leaders for Wroclaw and erstwhile allies of the Hussites, and n o w possessors of the Uraz castle. From June, 1442, to September, 1443, raid and counter-raid flared along the b o u n d a r y between the Uraz and Trzebnica districts and at times deep into the Wroclaw district. T h e Czirne waged simultaneous private war against bishop and chapter by burning church-owned villages. At Uraz, Swidnica Polska, Siedlakowicc, Raclawicc Male, Pggow, Mnichowice, Milejowice, Lutynia, Kryniczno, G o l f d z i n o w , and Boguslawice country people suffered in their possessions and their persons.' 2 T h o s e at Oltaszyn, Biestrzykow, and " m a n y other villages of the Wroclaw church and chapter near Wroclaw" again fell victims in 1445 to a different feud of their episcopal lord with D u k e Bolko of Opole. 1 3 After this turmoil the duchy enjoyed m o r e than a decade's official calm. But men of all sorts had learned too well the lessons of the sword and the firebrand. Public and organized violence suggested its use for other purposes. Private appeals to force fill the documentary record as never before 1425. Prominent a m o n g the visibly violent were the landed lay elite. From noble ranks, for instance, Czaslaw Sommerfeld, hereditary lord of Jastrzfbce, demanded in the 1440s payments f r o m tenants in Lipnica of the

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Sroda priory-hospital. He dragged the peasants into his o w n court and later assaulted the indignant prior in the very sacristy of his church. 1 4 A generation later Junker Debitsch, lord of Lubnow, pursued a dispute with Andreas Mico, steward of the demesne farm at Z a b o r Maiy, by abducting his sick wife and keeping her in the stocks until she miscarried. In Mico's complaint this followed Debitsch s seizure of the former's property and his charters of title to it. 15 Town families did not defer in this respect to the knights. At Cieszyce in 1440, for example, Dominic Dietrich, recognized bastard of a D o m p n i g girl, attacked T h o m a s Leucn, breaking into his house, seizing his m o n e y and movables, and dragging him behind two horses until he nearly died. 16 Henry Hoppe, a landed but not rich city juror, cloaked in legality his 1483 persecution of a Kuklice peasant. With apparent authority but not the Rat's permission he broke the poor man's thumbs with the " m a i d e n " and had him nearly drowned. It cost Henry a fifty florin fine. 17 Villagers also used force to pursue their interests against neighbors and lords. In April, 1439, the town council of Sroda indicted Nickel C l u g e f r o m Gioska for having led an assault on men f r o m Uraz, w h o were robbed and some killed on a woodland road. T w o m o n t h s later the council required the schulz and nine others f r o m Nickel's h o m e village to stand surety for his good behavior. He had, it seems, threatened further violence against the town and against his o w n lord, Peter Falkenhain. 18 Some village violence plainly belonged to on-going feuds. At B o g u n o w in 1447, for instance, one faction beat another, the dependents of Hans Bank, in a pitched battle. A fragmentary court record lists casualties and claims of theft on both sides. 14 Arson or its threat was a popular way to press against lord and c o m munity an unacceptably neglected claim. Village courts and landowners, a m o n g them Franz Krig f r o m Magnice and Nicholas Skopp f r o m D o m a s law, publicly proclaimed their safe-conducts for the u n k n o w n persons w h o "gebrant und schaden geton hat" if these would appear in public to negotiate their grievances. 20 To violence against familiar rivals was added its less discriminate use by genuine brigands, not all of them a n o n y m o u s or foreign. George Czirne, lord of Uraz in 1438, and Melchior Ungerathen, city councillor and lord of Gniechowice in 1460, were alleged horse thieves. 21 In late 1476 Wrociaw reported to King Mathias that the then lord of Uraz, Melchior von Laban, preyed on Polish merchants, and that Czech bandits had kidnapped the councilor Wenceslas Bank f r o m his own farm at Kazimierzow. Seven months later the Rat complained further of a gang f r o m Swidnica w h o had taken stock f r o m Kulin and Wojtkowice and escaped across the duchy's b o r der. 22 Less lucky or well-connected highwaymen and robbers of churches w h o fell into the city's hands went quickly to the gallows or the stake. 2 1

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It is probable, if not demonstrable, that the general breakdown o f l o c a l law and order, the endemic quality of feuding and banditry, destabilized rural life in the duchy as much as the wars which, though more dramatic and generally dangerous, were less prolonged. 2 4 Perhaps not surprisingly, this alternative explanation was neglected in April, 1459, when Wroclaw and other Silesian rulers blamed on the Hussite invasions of three decades past their still desolate countryside. 2 5 That Silesian letter to Pope Pius II was an early ranging shot of renewed general conflict, for the interlude of formal peace had crumbled with the rise of George Podebrady to power in Bohemia and the move of Wroclaw to intransigent opposition. A second Hussite war began with the king's invasion and siege of the city in the autumn of 1459. T w o eyewitnesses, the canon Rosicz and the city secretary, Peter Eschenloer, tell much about military operations in the vicinity. 26 T h e king and his Silesian allies advanced f r o m Swidnica to Sroda in the first week of September. When that town capitulated without delay they moved up on Galow and Lesnica to storm the castles and burn the houses. After beating off a Wroclaw counterattack, royal troops destroyed Zerniki and Zlotniki. O n 29 September an assault by Olesnica forces massed on the northern approaches to the city, penetrated to the Odra at *01bino* before being repelled. T h e swath of burned-out villages extended as far as Widawa. Meanwhile B o r o w again fell victim to skirmishes along the southern edge of the duchy. A last assault before papal emissaries gained a truce reached and destroyed Popowice and suburban *Szczcpin*. The armistice just let alignments f o r m for general conflict in the crown lands by the mid-1460s and entry of Mathias Corvinus in 1469. Most fighting was in the mountains, but even before the second offensive of 1474 some Czech incursions into the duchy can be traced. Eschenloer tells of pillaging around K j t y in August, 1467, and says that by 1470 this had become c o m m o n . Lay and clerical landowners blamed the city for their suffering and paid Czech commanders protection money to escape further harm. O n e raid the secretary specified as taking livestock f r o m Kuklice. 27 T h e following spring (4 April 1471) that same village c o m m u n i t y received a written notice f r o m one of their tormentors: failure to make the promised payment within four days would, he threatened, make things "ten times worse for you." 2 8 Peasants learned well that little separated war f r o m brigandage. N o popular support for the invaders is recorded. When the folk of Kuklice faced raw extortion George Podebrady lay two weeks in his grave. T h e y could rejoice little, however, as new diplomatic machinations far away pitted Jagiellonian Poland and Bohemia against Corvinus's Hungary, Moravia, Silesia, and Lusatia. And they and their fellows paid the price for Wroclaw's improved readiness when a combined

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Czech-Polish a r m y again threatened in a u t u m n , 1474. In September, as the e n e m y assembled, King Mathias ordered a scorched-earth defense. O n pain of confiscation all cattle, fodder, grain, and other movables were b r o u g h t to the towns. He stockpiled great stores for his troops. At Wrociaw families of " a r m e n Gebaurs Volk" camped with their livestock along the walls, in the fields of uncut grain near the Olesnica gate, and in suburban *Szczepin* and *Platea R o m a n o r u m * . By month's end an epidemic carried t h e m off by the hundreds. Also quartered in the suburbs were the king's Black A r m y , w h o lived up to their evil reputation by stealing everything portable and tearing d o w n houses for firewood. Eschenloer thought them worse than the enemy. 2 4 As military reporter the t o w n secretary is joined by Benedict Jühnsdorf, then abbot of St. Mary. 3 0 T h e Czech and Polish contingents linked u p near Oiawa in m i d - O c t o b e r and advanced to establish a base at Swifta Katarzyna. From there they moved up to assault the suburbs for t w o weeks. D u r i n g this time Jühnsdorf reports that "they set so many fires in the Wroclaw district f r o m m o r n i n g to n o o n that the sky and the sun were o b scured by the fumes and thick s m o k e . " Having exhausted the forage southeast of the city, the invaders moved westward through Brochow, Gajowice, M u c h o b o r Maly, and Grabiszyn to Gaiow, Lesnica, Zlotniki, Jerzmanowo, and S a m o t w o r . N o w the chronicler declares that more than three hundred fires of burning villages could be seen f r o m the city's towers. But Mathias's tactics had worked. T h e Polish army, weakened by short supplies and the coming winter, accepted a truce and retired. T h e Black A r m y returned to its preferred occupation, pillage. T h e land about Wrociaw lay desolate. 31 All the violence, death, and destruction just narrated took place in the close confines of the Wrociaw duchy in barely over fifty years, t w o or three h u m a n generations. Between 1428 and 1474 alone M a p 10.1 displays sixtyfour places where attacks are d o c u m e n t e d . None n o w can say h o w many m o r e went unrecorded. Danger had become a normal part of fifteenth-century rural life. Occasionally contemporaries openly blamed specific troubles on the h a r m they had suffered. M o n k s of Lubijz, for instance, lost in 1428 at Bartoszowa, "quasi medietas per hussitas conbusta et in rebus et in pecoribus spoliata," two-thirds of their revenues in cash and all in grain. 32 Years later other farms and communities had not yet recovered. In 1441 the "hoff, dorff vnd guth Kottewicz an der O d e r . . . von den ketzern vorbrant vnd vorwust ist" and t w o years thereafter the peasants of Komorniki still had their taxes fully dismissed "propter exustione et Rapcone E q u o r u m et aliarum rerum spoliatone." 3 3 Even the victory of 1474 had its clearly perceived costs in the villagers w h o by the next spring, w r o t e Johnsdorf, " o m n i b u s rebus

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suis spoliati penuria ct fame mortui sunt." 1 4 T h u s concretely did witnesses draw the causal connection between war and the reduced incomes, d e p o p u lation, desertion, and impoverishment which this chapter shall soon argue were general in the mid-century duchy. But not only h u m a n violence directly caused distress; nature, too, destroyed lives and livelihoods. Like the political, environmental conditions worsened in the m i d fifteenth century as temperate Europe's climate drifted toward the "Little Ice A g e . " In east-central parts of the continent the onset of cooler and wetter long-term weather patterns was accompanied by great s h o r t - t e r m instability, with severe alternations between dry years and wet, w a r m years and cold. 35 A change in dominant weather conditions is noi, of ccursi: d o c u mented f r o m systematic observations taken in the central O d r a basin, but is firmly indicated by the available local evidence. Rarely in the fourteenth century did meteorological events draw the notice of Silesian annalists or otherwise enter the documentary record. T h e odd storm aroused brief excitement, but only a flood in August, 1387, which destroyed mills and demesne buildings in the bottomlands, drew broad attention. * In the fifteenth ccntury, however, rcfcrcnccs multiply to years of d r o u g h t or cxccssivc precipitation, remarkable heat, or severe cold. Both Rosicz and Eschenloer noted sometimes brutally variable weather and consequent h u m a n difficulties. Their reports, often corroborated by other records, mark as especially unstable the 1450s and 1460s, with twelve remarkably cold and s n o w y w i n ters, four summers with major flooding, and four others of d r o u g h t . " Behind the annual variability which the chroniclers saw was a larger p h e n o m e n o n which they likely did not, a generation-long wave of frequent and heavy s u m m e r rains and floods. C u r t Weikinn's compilation of h y d r o graphic references from central Europe has data to calculate the frequency of the Odra's flooding during June, July, and August. After 1387 no such events are recorded until 1405 and not again until 1444. There followed nine years of flood in thirty-one: 1444, 1445, 1454, 1456, 1462, 1464, 1468, 1470, and 1475—and then a twenty-year respite before another wave between 1495 and 1525. 38 Nineteenth- and twentieth-century observers of similar occurrences noted that eastward-moving storms then stalled as they crossed the Sudetes and soaked the whole basin between G l o g o w and Opole. 3 9 Like the harm f r o m war and violence, that f r o m the weather was plain to fifteenth-century writers. Hard winters and s u m m e r d r o u g h t s rarely m u c h affected rural life and agriculture. O n l y because many country folk had not yet rebuilt f r o m the 1474 invasion, says Eschenloer, did they suffer greatly and some die f r o m the severe cold of 1475-76. 4 0 S o m e notably dry s u m m e r s (1459, 1469, 1472, 1473) gave good harvests and others (1437,

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1471) dangerously poor ones. 41 But s u m m e r rain and floods put at risk capital equipment, livestock, and the grain harvest. In 1470 regular heavy rains after mid-June stunted all crops, rotted the grain in the fields, and prevented harvest. T h e O d r a and all its tributaries rose to d r o w n m e a d o w s and halt nearly all farm w o r k around Wroclaw well into O c t o b e r . Six years earlier mid-August floods swept away bridges, mills, animals, and people all along the rivers.42 In pre-industrial temperate Europe, excess moisture posed the greatest environmental danger to h u m a n food supplies and property. 4 3 And too much water was what country people often faced around mid-century Wroclaw. In s u m m e r , 1470, Peter Eschenloer saw three threats to the wellbeing of his city: the heretical enemy, the incessant rains, and the king's new monetary policy, which brought "perdicione maxima terrarum et h o m i n u m de pauperacione." 4 4 T h e last complaint echoed a t h e m e by then a half-century old, the dangerous disarray of the coinage. T h e p r o b l e m s m i d fifteenth-century Silesia had with its currency were regional manifestations of a general European silver shortage, c o m p o u n d e d by the collapse of Bohemian royal authority and by the uncoordinated, self-seeking, and futile responses of local powers. T h e Prague groschcn Silesians used for most m a j o r transactions lost in the last decade of Wenceslas's reign more than a fourth of the silver it had held for the twenty years after his accession. Small mintings of the late 1420s showed n o i m p r o v e m e n t and ended with a thirty-year halt to the w o r k of the Czech moneyers. T h e n Podebrady briefly (1460-71) restored the coin to almost 90 percent of its turn-of-the-century value, but his successors soon cut it to levels below that of Wenceslas's final years. Meanwhile, under the auspices of Mathias between 1466 and 1482, Wroclaw struck still weaker versions. T h e city's o w n small coins could not fill the gap. Already in 1422 the city reduced the specie in its mintings of heller by a fifth f r o m the standard maintained for the past forty years. In 1429, to w r i n g f r o m its financial resources every d r o p for the anti-Hussite effort, it coined t h e m with no silver at all. Scorned by contemporaries for hurting the urban poor and other trading towns, these were quietly abandoned in 1438. T h e n for m o r e than t w o decades the market had to rely on old coins and issues f r o m other Silesian or foreign mints. N e w Wroclaw heller finally m a d e in 1460 were 22 percent below the 1422 issue and reduced further in 1470 and 1474. 45 N o wonder counterfeits and poor foreign issues circulated freely and Silesian politicians vainly sought an agreement on coinage. Yet the distressed voices are, like that of Eschenloer, urban. C o u n t r y people innocently observed the monetary crisis. T h e y bore for

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it n o responsibility and were little t h r e a t e n e d in their e v e r y d a y r o u t i n e s . R u r a l folk used coins, to be sure, but they w e r e n o t really the p e a s a n t s ' affair. Peasant use of m o n e y signified their partial e n v e l o p m e n t in an u r b a n based e x c h a n g e e c o n o m y , w h e t h e r for t h e sake o f their o w n needs o r ( m o s t o f t e n ) t h o s e o f their lords. N e i t h e r agricultural p r o d u c t i o n n o r t h e direct c o n s u m p t i o n o f it by f a r m families d e p e n d e d on coins as o n peace a n d an e q u a b l e climatic regime. B u t m o n e t a r y disorder p u t into q u e s t i o n t h e s t r u c t u r e d relationships b e t w e e n agriculturalists and o t h e r s , rural laborers a n d c r a f t s m e n , lords, creditors, and u r b a n c o n s u m e r s o r suppliers o f c i t y - m a d e g o o d s . Recipients o f n o m i n a l l y fixed o r c u s t o m a r y s u m s o f m o n e y w e r e n o w especially at risk. T h o s e w i t h p o w e r used it to g u a r d t h e value o f their i n c o m e s . Very q u i c k l y parties t o transactions f o u n d a m e a s u r e o f security b y s p e c i f y i n g t h e coins acceptable to fulfill obligations. In late s u m m e r , 1429, f o r instance, the Postel f a m i l y of U r a z sold a t w o m a r k census o n their h o l d i n g s . T h e b u y e r , A n n a B e n d l e r y n n e f r o m Wroclaw, paid t w e n t y m a r k s in g r o s c h e n and h a d specified in the charter that the a n n u i t y w a s d u e in t h e s a m e coin, n o t heller. 4 6 D e b a s e m e n t s m i g h t still cut t h e specie received as dues o r in r e d e m p t i o n , b u t creditors did in this way avoid b e i n g stuck w i t h o t h e r coins o f less o r u n k n o w n value. A f u r t h e r step of self-defense was to g o l d , as in M a t h i a s J e n k w i c z ' s 1470 sale t o the vicars of H o l y C r o s s of a f o u r m a r k census o n his l o r d s h i p at S a d k o w . J e n k w i c z o w e d a m a r k heller each q u a r t e r b u t he received p a y m e n t a n d w a s p e r m i t t e d to repurchase in neither heller n o r g r o s c h e n b u t

florins,

e i g h t y - n i n e b y c o u n t . U s e of the stable g o l d coin spread i n t o the c o u n t r y side by at least the 1460s; m o r e , it seems, f o r relatively large, t h o u g h n o t u n c o m m o n , p a y m e n t s than for everyday peasant transactions. 4 7 B u t t h e n p e o p l e w i t h such obligations had to get e v e r - g r e a t e r n u m b e r s o f silver coins to e x c h a n g e f o r gold; the gulden (florin, ducat) w o r t h a b o u t t w e n t y - t h r e e g r o s c h e n a r o u n d 1420 cost t h i r t y - o n e a b o u t 1450 a n d m o r e t h a n fifty in t h e 1470s. 4 8 Direct evidence thus c o n f i r m s awareness in t h e c o u n t r y s i d e o f m o n e t a r y c o n f u s i o n but few i m m e d i a t e effects o n peasants t h e m s e l v e s . T h e d a n g e r was that lords o r creditors, financially crippled b y this o r o t h e r disr u p t i o n s of t h e m i d - c e n t u r y e c o n o m y , m i g h t t h i n k t o r e c o u p their losses at peasant expense. M e r e l y t o detail physical insecurity, m e t e o r o l o g i c a l disaster, and m o n e tary chaos in t h e m i d - c e n t u r y d u c h y is to start t o c a t a l o g u e t h e b l o w s these s t r u c k against t h e rural e c o n o m y and the p e o p l e w h o lived in o r f r o m it. A sparse s u p p l y o f n o n - s t a n d a r d o r w o r t h l e s s coins d i s t o r t e d habitual r e l a t i o n ships o n the m a r k e t o r b e t w e e n lords and peasants. F l o o d s ravaged l o w l a n d fields and structures; rain rotted and d r o u g h t p a r c h e d t h e s t a n d i n g grain.

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Political or private violence imperiled the livelihoods and lives As never in the generations before, these multiple shocks through the agrarian order to mark the mid-fifteenth century prolonged general crisis. Nearly all g r o u p s numbered a m o n g only a few gained beyond survival.

Victims and survivors:

the shape of crisis in the

of peasants. reverberated as a time of the victims;

village

Evidence is voluminous for fifteenth-century changes in natural and h u m a n conditions for rural life. Evidence directly relating rural life to its setting is less c o m m o n , though firm. M u c h m o r e just depicts crisis in the m i d century countryside. T h e exogenous shocks and their certain effects were set forth first to serve as a backdrop for examining mutually corroborative signs of problems and of responses to them. N o w this section considers the situation of villagers. Whatever in particular damaged their production and equipment, they suffered famine, disease, and death. Land went derelict, obligations went unpaid, and people fell into poverty. O n l y a few, it seems, seized with success the opportunities thereby opened. Here, too, belong issues of social conflict and unrest. A following section will then treat the less vital but better recorded difficulties of the landed elite: falling incomes and property values; loss of managerial initiative and even, a m o n g some groups, of enthusiasm for landed possessions. From top to b o t t o m the structure shook. Sure indicators of stress in an agrarian e c o n o m y are rising prices and acute shortages of food. U n c o m m o n around Wroclaw for the previous halfcentury, both became disturbingly frequent after 1425. T h e y hurt urban grain purchasers and rural grain producers alike. Rosicz, Eschenloer, and other witnesses habitually c o m m e n t on good and bad harvests and c o m municate their sense of normal and abnormal market conditions. Extant statements of grain prices appear in Figure 10.1. Within what seems a m i d century swell in nominal n o n - f a m i n e levels, the remarkably expensive years still stand out. T h e n prices often doubled, tripled, or soared even to sixteen times normal. 4 9 T h a t the problem around mid-century Wroclaw was failure of p r o d u c tion, not distribution, is plain f r o m pathetic reports of country people flocking to the city in search of food. T h e first major famine occurred in 1431, when Rosicz saw "multi venientes de villis pre fame, inedia ac tristitia m o r tui sunt. . . ," 5 0 Following four years of war and the previous summer's desultory raids, this began nearly a decade of recurring shortages. After the Hussite offensive just before harvest in 1432, supplies were again tight in 1433 and 1434. " T h e poor gathered in Wroclaw f r o m m a n y small towns

Figure 10.1 C E R E A L P R I C E S (RYE A N D "GRAIN") 1400-1530 R = Rye G : Grain

Actual sale prices are circled Chroniclers'prices are boxed "Famine" prices are italicized

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and villages in a very great multitude, having their lodgings in the squares and cemeteries; they perished f r o m famine and cold." 5 1 These conditions came again in 1437 after a d r o u g h t and again in 1439 after renewed conflict before the 1440s b r o u g h t respite. 52 A second wave of inflations and famines hit in 1458, 1464, 1470, and 1472 (all followed difficult g r o w i n g seasons and the latter t w o also military danger and manipulation of the coinage). 5 3 Peter Eschenloer's narrative of 1472 well describes the subsistence crises. After 1471 's dry s u m m e r caused a premature harvest, the " T e u r u n g " began during February in Silesia and nearby regions. By early March in Wroclaw rye sold for 18 groschen the measure, wheat for 24, and oats or barley for 10. T h e city council proposed selling rye f r o m the reserves at 12 groschen, but the c o m m u n a l assembly refused. Then on Easter (29 March), as rye hit 22 groschen, it demanded such sales. In the next six weeks prices soared—rye b r o u g h t 60 groschen and wheat went only for gold. Wroclaw sold rye even to non-residents for 20 groschen. " T h e r e one saw the poor people come in crowds f r o m Silesia and all the lands around; the peasants gladly b o u g h t a measure of bran for ten g r o s c h e n . " But the relief measures curbed mortality and with the new harvest rye fell to a m o r e normal 6 groschen by late July. 54 Governing urban authorities had learned to handle the emergency needs of their c o m m u n i t y and the crowds of rural refugees. But that they had to rescue the latter at all reveals the inability under stress of at least some c o u n t r y m e n to feed themselves and to push the shortfall off on market consumers. When harvest failed for whatever cause, peasants in the mid-century duchy had to enter the market as prospective purchasers and drive prices still higher. 5 5 Epidemic disease joined famine to ravage the duchy's inhabitants. N o texts offer clear s y m p t o m s for diagnosis, but recurring plague seems likely. Most outbreaks began in late s u m m e r and early fall and kept going into the winter. Wroclaw was free of great sickness f r o m 1372 until " m a x i m a pestis in Silesia" struck in 1412 and 1413. T h e Hussite wars were followed by another outbreak during 1437-39. 5 6 T h e next delayed until 1 4 5 1 - 5 2 and for a time the frequency picked up. An epidemic in 1460 was followed by especially heavy mortalities f r o m August, 1464, to late February, 1465. 57 Then for t w o years Eschenlocr notes plague raging unabated t h r o u g h the p r o v ince, " a n d also in the D u c h y of Wroclaw, but not in the city of Wroclaw, except occasionally by contagion f r o m villagers." 5 8 So peasants died in their villages in times of peace as they did huddled about the walls of Wroclaw in time of war in 1474. Famine, plague, and war together depopulated the mid-century c o u n tryside. Extant narratives dramatized the lethal effects especially during the 1430s, 60s, and 70s. A m o r e sober record source, the 1 4 3 0 - 3 8 income reg-

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Table 10.1. The decline o f tenant numbers in villages with obligations to the Holy Spirit Hospital, 1431-1438 Number o f tenants in earliest and latest years with full data 1431

1433

1436

Bogdaszowicc

29

22

Budziszow, pow. Sr.

10

10

Ilnica

10

Jarzpbkowicc

15

Karczyce

23

Lowpcicc

20

1438

-24 0 10

0

12

-20

17

17 16

Percent change

-26 -15

12

-25

WroWowicc

12

8

-33

Zfbicc

12

6

-50

Radakowice

Source: H G Z ,

passim.

istcr o f the Holy Spirit hospital, confirms the losses suffered by people in one group o f villages during the first phase o f generally acutc danger. For nine settlements it regularly (though not each year in full) lists by name the peasant tenants, their tenures, and the dues they paid. Eight were lay-owned sites in the east-central part o f the Sroda district; the other, Zfbice, was a hospital property southeast o f Wroclaw. 54 This text, already exploited in Chapter 9 for what the earliest entries say o f pre-war peasant society, richly details the changing situation o f the 1430s. Tenant numbers in each village at the earliest and latest date for which the income register identifies all land appear in Table 10.1. In only two did the number o f households remain unchanged; nowhere did it increase. Gaps and incommensurabilities in the information from this text prevent calculation o f a total decline, but the experience o f these nine communities may be generalized from the mean annual drop o f 4.5 percent for the maximum durations indicated. I f that rate held for the full seven years o f the register, net losses came to almost one household in three. Might it be thought a near-maximum? T h e 1430s were especially hard times and all these places lay close to known Hussite depredations. T h e one other contemporary running list o f tenants covers those at Radomierzyce w h o in 1 4 4 9 - 5 7 owed tithe to the assistant warden (succustos) o f the cathedral. T h e seven farms there to begin that more benign period were also present at its end, albeit mostly with new possessors. 60 Nothing so closc to genuine population data is available for later years o f crisis. Records o f deserted arable are in this situation plausible surrogates

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The Erosion of a Socio-Econotnic Order

Table 10.2. Deserted land in villages with obligations to the Holy Spirit Hospital, 1433-1438 Years with full account

Tenant mansi

Mean percent deserted

Bogdaszowice

3

3«

B u d z i s z o w , p o w . Sr.

2

12.5

2

Ilnica

5

18.5

25

Jarzjibkowice

5

18

14

Karczyce

3

28

18

Lowfcice

2

26

14

Radakowice

5

24

11

WroWowice

4

25

12

Zpbice

6

12

4

Source: H G Z ,

6

passim.

for the absent rural population estimates as well as a u t o n o m o u s indicators of economic crisis. Early fifteenth-century evidence, it will be recalled, showed a society exploiting its k n o w n resources nearly to the full. In 1425 one settlement in fifteen (6.5 percent) had any unused farmland and that was just one percent of the land assessed. T h e eight villages in the Sroda district with obligations to Holy Spirit then held more than 190 mansi, but only three at Radakowicc lay idle. 61 Table 10.2 makes clear the abrupt change after 1425. N o t one of these peasant communities worked all of its land in the mid-1430s. In the average year with a full account, one mansus in eight had no cultivator. This corresponds with the incidental reports of abandoned farmland elsewhere in the late 1420s and 1430s. Might the rural depopulation and abandoned arable of the 1430s have been short-term phenomena, with peasant refugees returning when acute danger had passed? T h e duchy's tax account f r o m 1443 decisively d e m o n strates the reverse. 62 Five years after the last entries in the H o l y Spirit accounts and more than ten since the last Hussite incursion, deserted farmland which paid no tax was c o m m o n in the duchy's countryside (Map 10.2). T h e board of landowners responsible for the collection found it in 112 of the 235 identifiable settlements they recorded, 47.5 percent. 63 For 165 places they set d o w n enough data to calculate that 20.9 percent of land (829 of 3962 mansi) then lay idle. 64 It is the highest rate of desertion k n o w n f r o m any medieval survey in the duchy. In villages with obligations to the Holy Spirit hospital conditions had worsened since the mid-1430s. In 1443 six of the nine had more abandoned land and in total almost one mansus in five and a half was not being worked. 6 5 M a p 10.2 confirms the importance of the Hussites in causing what was

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b y 1443 a decadc and a half of rural distress. W h e r e the tax r e t u r n gives g o o d coverage (too m u c h is missing f r o m m o s t of the b o t t o m l a n d s and the U r a z district), deserted land is m o r e c o m m o n in the s o u t h e r n parts o f the W r o c l a w district and along the routes w h i c h cross the Sroda district b u t less near W r o c l a w itself. A check o n k n o w n H u s s i t e activities ( M a p 10.1) finds a like pattern, especially w h e n it is recalled that peasants close t o W r o c l a w t o o k r e f u g e in the inviolate city b u t that Sroda, Lesnica, and o t h e r m i n o r centers fell victim the same as o p e n villages. B u t h o w m u c h did the original i n h a b i t a n t s remain o r o t h e r s u r v i v o r s seek o u t safer sites? Rural d e p o p u l a t i o n c a n n o t be m e a s u r e d in and t h r o u g h the warfare, b a d w e a t h e r , f o o d shortages, and disease o f the 1460s and 1470s. T h e tax register o f 1443 is the last k n o w n survey f r o m the medieval duchy, so only incidental references can suggest the c o n t i n u e d or repeated e m p t i n e s s of

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§

The Erosion of a Socio-Economic Order

much land. T h e ex parte plaint of Silesian authorities in 1459, " h o d i e multc (sc. villas et possessiones] casse et vacue sunt et manent sine cultore," has some ring of truth. 6 6 Thereafter conditions deteriorated to Eschenloer's m o u r n f u l countryside " e m p t y of men and beasts" in 1475. In that year and the three following there were n e w desertions at I winy. 6 7 And eventually late fifteenth-century landowners confirmed abandoned fields and farms by their efforts to repopulate t h e m (see Chapter 11). So the countryside was significantly and long emptied by the dangers of mid-century. Peasants died and were not replaced; they left their threatened farms and did not return. K n o w n resources lay idle for generations as they had not for m o r e than a century before. 6 8 Mid-century villagers defaulted on their traditional obligations to the elite even m o r e than they deserted their land. H i g h rates of n o n - p a y m e n t were recognizeably (even by s o m e disappointed recipients) related to the peasants' economic difficulties. Quantitative and anecdotal evidence indicates massive default during and after the Hussite war and again in the 1470s, but also its considerable persistence t h r o u g h the intervening period. Paradigmatic are the tithe accounts for Radomierzyce, w h e r e the warden claimed t w o marks f r o m twelve mansi. This he got each year for twenty u p to 1426 and for nearly fifty after 1486, but not in the interim. N o receipts were entered during 1 4 2 7 - 3 6 and, after full payment for 1437, further arrears accumulated t h r o u g h 1440. T h e following seventeen years (1441-57) produced the full a m o u n t only three times and nothing at all in 1447, so the total fell short by 15 percent. Fragmentary returns f r o m the 1460s and early 1470s show no defaults, but then nothing came in during 1 4 7 4 - 8 0 and barely half in 1481—85.69 Each part of the paradigm is replicated in discontinuous evidence f r o m other places. D u r i n g the 1430s people failed 53 percent of the time to pay their full obligations to the H o l y Spirit Hospital (Table 10.3). Anecdotal traces of like behavior elsewhere are then almost c o m m o n , often pointing to problems which began late in the previous decade. For instance, the Polish peasants settled by A b b o t Mathias Hering (1416-29) on St. Mary's old demesne in Tyniec Maty were, said the unsympathetic later chronicler, delinquent in annual rents and other dues. An agreement made in 1430 had no effect, so in 1434 A b b o t Jodocus b o u g h t t h e m out. 7 " But they were not unusual. O s wald, schulz of M u c h o b o r Wielkie, stood accused and guilty before the officialis in 1431 of neglecting the mark census he owed the cathedral vicars, as the next year did his colleague of Wierzbice, then several payments behind on his annual six marks to the Clares. 7 1 Even w h o l e villages, R y n a kowice a n d j e l e n i n a m o n g t h e m , were excommunicated b y papal order for defaulting on customary rents which their lord, the bishop and chapter, had pledged to t w o townsmen. 7 2

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Table 10.3. D e f a u l t o n obligations o w e d t o the H o l y Spirit H o s p i t a l , 1433-1438 Years with Mean number Mean percent full account of tenancies defaulting Bogdaszowicc Budziszow, pow. Sr llnica Jarzjibkowicc Karczycc tow^cicc Radakowice WroWowicc Zpbicc Source: HGZ,

3 2 5 5 3 2 5 4 6

25 10 10 11 17 18 15 11 8

58 15 63 56 82 40 51 46 51

passim.

Such refercnccs largely peter o u t d u r i n g the 1440s, 50s, and 60s, b u t in at least one place, K o m o r n i k i , occasions for n o n - p a y m e n t of one obligation or another arose continually even then. T h e village paid n o tax in 1443, w h e n the ruling Wroclaw council e x e m p t e d it for h a v i n g been looted and b u r n e d . T h r e e years later c o m e s to light a long i n t e r m i t t e n t conflict w i t h the priest of Sroda over defaults o f parish grain dues. An incident involving one peasant in 1446 was followed in 1 4 5 0 - 5 2 by the entire c o m m u n i t y refusing to recognize or pay the vicar. M o s t of the ten h o u s e h o l d e r s capitulated after e x c o m m u n i c a t i o n by the officialis, but the schulz, J o h n G r u n d t , held out against a m o b i l e interdict for a n o t h e r five years. W h e n G r u n d t did give in, m o r e o v e r , he got to settle his arrears for well b e l o w one year's assessment f r o m his seven m a n s u s h o l d i n g . N e w refusals scarcely a decade later m a r k e d the advent of yet a n o t h e r vicar. A r b i t r a t o r s for the bishop and Rat together in 1475 verified c u s t o m a r y distinctions b e t w e e n those holdings subject to the disputed dues and those e x e m p t . At their request, the vicar forgave t w o years of full arrears and half of t w o m o r e . Despite the concessions, at least t w o peasants held o u t against renewed e x c o m m u n i c a t i o n until 1481, w h e n they were punished by the secular authorities. 7 3 By the t i m e the m e n of K o m o r n i k i were again p a y i n g as they were required m a n y o t h e r villagers had also failed to meet claims against t h e m . T h e warden then also had tithes at Iwiny, w h e r e he received full p a y m e n t up to 1474 and after 1479, but less than half d u r i n g 1 4 7 5 - 7 8 . 7 4 Soon thereafter St. Vincent was p u r s u i n g in t w o separate cases delinquents f r o m Siemidrozyce, * C z e p a n k o w i c z * , J e n k o w i c e , S o b k o w i c e , and J a k u b o w i c e and f r o m J a n i k o w and Jarosiawice. 7 5 So the 1470s were n o t j u s t at R a d o m i e r z y c c a second crest in the m i d - c e n t u r y wave of n o n - p a y m e n t . T h e social incidence of default on obligations varied w i t h its intensity.

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§

The Erosion of a Socio-Economic

Order

W h e n n o n - p a y m e n t w a s h i g h , it w a s general as well. For e x a m p l e , 82 p e r cent o f e x p e c t e d p a y m e n t s f r o m K a r c z y c e failed in t h e 1430s t o c o m e to t h e H o l y Spirit hospital (Table 10.3). In 1433 nine o f t h e t w e n t y - t h r e e f a r m s w e r e p a r t l y o r w h o l l y u n w o r k e d ; n o n e o f these paid. O f t h e r e m a i n i n g f o u r t e e n tenants, o n l y t h r e e clearly m e t their o b l i g a t i o n s — b u t n o n e o f t h o s e t h r e e paid in 1434 a n d 1435. By 1438 K a r c z y c e w a s h o m e t o seventeen tenants, n i n e o f t h e m s u r v i v o r s f r o m 1433 a n d e i g h t m o r e recent arrivals o r successors. O n l y six paid in full o n t i m e , t h r e e f r o m t h e older set a n d three f r o m t h e n e w e r . B u t n o n e s h o w signs of c o n t i n u o u s o r a p p a r e n t l y c o n c e r t e d default, either. T h e well- a n d t h e p o o r l y - e n d o w e d paid o r n o t w i t h b e w i l d e r i n g inconsistency. 7 6 T h e s a m e h a p p e n e d at t h e hospital's o w n l o r d s h i p o f Z f b i c e . T h e o n l y tenant there to pay each year was Michael Gos, w h o s e t h r e e - q u a r t e r m a n s u s f a r m of 1433 h a d g r o w n t o t w o mansi b y 1 4 3 7 - 3 8 . E v e r y o t h e r , large o r small, old o r n e w , had at least o n e year o f insufficient p a y m e n t , e v e n t h o u g h o n l y t w o o f t h e ten original f a r m s ever w e n t d e serted. P a y m e n t s w e r e i n c o m p l e t e , late, a n d o f t e n in k i n d o r l a b o r . B u t o n l y t h e w h o l l y deserted t e n u r e s failed year after year t o give s o m e t h i n g . 7 7 L o w e r rates o f n o n - p a y m e n t c o m m o n l y m e a n t a f e w persistent d e l i n q u e n t s . For instance at B u d z i s z o w in t h e 1430s, w h e r e as little as 15 p e r c e n t of p a y m e n t s w e r e missed, o n l y t w o m e n d e f a u l t e d m o r e than once. A n d r e a s Fulis o r Bartek R u s t i c u s a n d usually b o t h (each had t w o mansi), c a m e u p s h o r t o r entirely d e l i n q u e n t in every year o f t h e account. 7 8 Likewise in 1449—57 at R a d o m i e r z y c c 70 p e r c e n t of arrears a n d 6 3 percent o f u l t i m a t e n o n - p a y m e n t s rested o n t h e t w o m a n s u s f a r m o f H a n s M a i t r a i t e r . 7 4 T h e consistent o f f e n d e r s w e r e n o t characteristically a m o n g the smaller of t h e peasant l a n d h o l d e r s . T h e r e s p o n s e s o f lords t o peasants w h o d e f a u l t e d on their o b l i g a t i o n s c o r r e s p o n d e d in part to t h e distinction b e t w e e n situations o f high general d e l i n q u e n c y a n d l o w w i t h a f e w repeated culprits. T h i s s u g g e s t s an i n t e r pretive u n d e r s t a n d i n g . C e r t a i n l y e f f o r t s t o e n f o r c e l o r d s ' r i g h t s and p u n i s h offenders dominate the extant anecdotes. To j u d g e f r o m surviving d o c u m e n t s St. V i n c e n t , f o r instance, did n o t h i n g else. 8 0 B u t t h e sources f o r nearly all t h e incidental r e f e r e n c e s — a c t s o f judicial coercion b y a u t h o r i t i e s w h i c h t h e successful plaintiff t h e n r e t a i n e d — c a n r e c o r d little else. Yet even s o m e coercive t e x t s c o n t a i n traces o f a c c o m m o d a t i o n w i t h d e faulters. T h e heirs t o t h e scholtisei at Siechnice, f o r e x a m p l e , had t o t u r n over their h o l d i n g to their l a n d o w n e r a n d creditor, St. M a t h i a s , f o r their h u n d r e d m a r k s o f o v e r d u e rents. T h i s w a s n o s i m p l e f o r e c l o s u r e , h o w e v e r , b u t a sale w i t h r i g h t o f r e p u r c h a s e f o r t h e s a m e s u m plus t h e value o f any f u t u r e i m p r o v e m e n t s . Later t e s t i m o n y c o n f i r m s that the schulz's tavern at least w a s then b u r n t d o w n a n d u n r e s t o r e d . 8 ' Were t h e d e s t r u c t i o n a n d the

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retained rights connected? Likewise at Tynicc Maty in 1434 A b b o t Jodocus did not just expel but, as the chronicle twice makes explicit, " b o u g h t o u t " the long-delinquent tenants. 8 2 Even at Komorniki, w h e r e texts f r o m the dispute with the Sroda vicars clearly imply the c o m m u n i t y ' s concerted refusal to pay, the victors tempered their legally enforceable claims, once releasing the schulz f r o m the ban for far less than his full arrears and later remitting all back and some future dues. H o w much had this to do with the desolation of that village recorded to explain its tax exemption in 1443? Coercion argues for a perccived ability but unwillingness to pay. If applied with any rationality, it is to raise the cost of refusal beyond that of acquiescence. Accommodation may suggest, however, some perception by the claimant that payment was abnormally difficult and that squeezing still harder would be counterproductive. This reasoning was certainly applied by the Wroclaw Rat to K o m o r n i k i in 1443. Both of its objective ingredients—economic misfortune and an alleviated response to d e f a u l t — w e r e clearly present at Siechnice in 1438 and cannot be ruled out at Tyniec or later at Komorniki either. These isolated cases can only pose the hypothesis that lords accommodated default by mid-century peasants because, to some degree, they perceived n o n - p a y m e n t as resulting f r o m rural economic distress. It is confirmed f r o m the responses documented in the income registers for a full range of situations for default. In the high default conditions of the mid-1430s at the villages with o b ligations to the Holy Spirit Hospital signs of coercion are rare. O n l y a dozen of the hundreds of payments involved special oaths, pledges, guarantors, warnings, and even excommunications. 8 3 T h e hospital's accounts m o r e o f ten record arrangements to ease the burden its claims posed on the peasants. It accepted payment in f o r m s other than those required, dismissed individual's arrears, and at times generally reduced the rate of an obligation for an entire village. At its o w n Z f b i c e , a tenant or t w o each year and in 1433 and 1435 half or more of t h e m replaced the assessed 1.25 marks per mansus with grain, livestock, a n d / o r labor. Martin Smolin, for instance, w h o then had two mansi, gave in 1433 some coin and some oats and in 1434 a milk cow and six others; in 1435 he m o w e d to work off his rent. 1,4 At the tithe villages the hospital more c o m m o n l y j u s t forgave th< arrears of men like Nickel Kopaczke at Bogdaszowice in 1437, w h o owed sixteen groschen but "Pauper est valde. . . . D a t u r 6 gr . . . media dismissa est." 8 5 In most vills during 1434-36, between a third and a half of the peasant holders so benefited, and in other years smaller t h o u g h measurable numbers. Collective privileges were also well justified. T h e account for Lowgcice f r o m 1434 simply follows the heading that each mansus owes twelve groschen for tithe with " N o t e this year dismissed for 8 groschen

294

§

The Erosion of a Socio-Economic Order

because of damage f r o m Hussites." It was the second year of general reduction there, and was paralleled elsewhere. 8 6 Such consistent behavior implies a conscious policy to a c c o m m o d a t e individuals and communities in serious economic trouble. Evidence for accommodation less c o m m o n l y overbalanced that for coercion in instances where a few chronic delinquents stood out against general compliance. T h e one e x c o m m u n i c a n t at Ilnica was the long-recalcitrant Michael Radak, and at Budziszow, where the low overall rate may well be related to the tithe reduction given in 1434, only the t w o regular offenders, Bartek Rusticus and Andreas Pulis, were formally warned. 8 7 Thus, even in the eyes of lords harmed by the defaults of mid-fifteenthcentury peasants, much was to be attributed not to their culpability but to their economic distress. H o w m u c h of the delinquency k n o w n only f r o m lords' coercive opposition had the same origins cannot, of course, be estimated. Taken as a whole and admitting possible exceptions, however, the wave of defaults must be understood primarily to indicate peasant economic difficulty. People could n o longer meet the demands their superiors had long placed u p o n them. T h e rural impoverishment so inferred in the m i d century duchy is further corroborated by direct signs of indigence, by a changing role of credit and debt in the village, and by decline in the price of peasant land. Mentioned above was " p a u p e r " Nickel Kopaczke at Bogdaszowice, whose arrears the hospital forgave in 1437. In all, the account book at least once so designated twelve individuals, 8 8 —without once making plain the intent of this expression of poverty. Taken collectively these people o t h e r wise differed little f r o m their neighbors. Farms of a half to t w o mansi covered the normal range in their villages. N o " p o o r " paid full obligations and most were freely dismissed, but that also happened to others, and even to the same people in some years w h e n they were not so labeled. Half came f r o m Bogdaszowice and m o r e than half were " p a u p e r " in 1434, w h e n the accounts reflect great economic distress. Nevertheless the compiler of these records saw reason to remark u p o n the poverty he thus detected in the c o u n tryside, and he did so for peasants both well and meagerly endowed. Related direct signs of impoverishment occur m o r e generally a m o n g mid-fifteenth century schulzen, villagers earlier noted for economic and tenurial independence and occasional ascent to lordship. N o w the odd scraps of evidence begin to drift the other way. A telling such incident closed in 1434 the k n o w n history of the Werber-Kindelswirth lineage, schulzen at Zurawina, w h o s e acquisition of the independent demesne at Kazimierzow in 1388 had so epitomized their rise. Caspar Kindelswirth, f r o m the third generation to combine possession of the office and the p r o p -

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erty, sold Kazimierzow to his o w n village lord, Peter Stronichen. 8 9 Retrenchment by once well-to-do schulzcn families was not balanced by rising new ones, so by 1480 village headmen had left the landowning group. Some schulzen found themselves in trouble in their o w n villages, too. Default on rents by the family at Siechnice in the 1430s was, given the outcome, a fair indicator that they lacked funds, but they were not the only ones to surrender lands and office to their lord. Within ten years of the Siechnice deal, schulzen were selling out to the local landowner in Damianowice, Stablowice, Swiniary, and Tyniec Maly. 9 0 T h e loss of well-being had reached the top of village society. T h e place of credit and debt in village social relations shifted in ways suggesting o m i n o u s mid-century conditions and auguring ill for the future of c o m m u n i t y autonomy. Especially in a broad range of records involving repurchaseable census during and after the 1430s, older pluralistic and investment qualities perceptibly yielded to a landlord connection and emergency purposes. In thirteen of fourteen k n o w n census newly contracted between 1431 and 1441, villagers borrowed f r o m the local landowner or persons linked to him. For instance, gertner at *01bino* and the peasant landholder Martin H o f f m a n at *Polska N o w a Wies* sold annuities to St. Vincent. 41 Miczko Crik, tenant of two mansi at *Lukaszewice* under the citizen Dietrich Wenzel in 1431, got twenty marks for his t w o mark census not f r o m the lord himself but f r o m the lord's o w n guild of taverners in Wroclaw. Schulzcn at the cathedral chapter vills of O p o r o w and Polanowice in 1458 borrowed f r o m the cathedral vicars. 92 Conversely, the few rents then sold by villagers to persons not clearly associated with their lord were to members of the elite. 93 To j u d g e f r o m surviving cases, in the mid-fifteenth-century village lenders ceased to provide this f o r m of credit and lords themselves much curbed the independent lending activity of outsiders. Slightly later legal opinion and privilege speak in the same vein of a growing, though not yet complete, identification between lordship and the handling of peasant debt. A m o n g precedents followed by duchy and city courts was an appellate decision f r o m 1472 which authorized D o m i n i c D o m p n i g as " e r b h e r r " of an unnamed village to fine, sequester property, and exact corporal punishment in enforcing the sworn debt of t w o named tenants. 94 Three years later King Mathias gave the city of Wroclaw farreaching liberties to offset purported excesses of landlord power. According to the Rat "inhabitants of the villages, namely the peasants resident in the Wroclaw, Sroda, and N a m y s l o w districts," had debts to people f r o m Wroclaw, which local lords and district courts did not help enforce. Mathias therefore permitted people of Wroclaw to sue delinquent peasants in courts the city influenced (municipal, Wroclaw district, and iudicium curiae), for-

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The Erosion of a Socio-Hconontic

Order

b a d e interference b y lords of d e b t o r s , and o r d e r e d o t h e r district c o u r t s t o recognize the a t t o r n e y s of the citizens. 4 5 U r b a n lending t o peasant t e n a n t s t h u s did c o n t i n u e despite the dearth of specific d o c u m e n t a t i o n , b u t local lords did not always take k i n d l y to these a u t o n o m o u s claims against their d e p e n d e n t s . Such risks gave t o w n s m e n g o o d reason t o divert i n v e s t m e n t s f r o m rural census o r o t h e r credits to safer places. Beside the traccs of an e m e r g i n g landlord m o n o p o l y over p r o v i s i o n o f credit t o villagers are signs that sales of census n o w served e m e r g e n c y needs f o r resources a n d thus at least b o r d e r e d u p o n g e n u i n e subsistence loans. In 1438 five tenants at D o m a s l a w of N i c h o l a s S k o p p agreed to pay a half o r w h o l e m a r k annual census f o r debts already of five o r ten m a r k s , w h i c h c o u l d be r e d e e m e d for the a m o u n t o w e d . T h e s e villagers thus used annuities t o service but n o t to reduce w h a t they already could n o t pay. T h e taverner Peter M y n k e secured his loan in 1438 w i t h t w o mansi as well as his inn. B y 1440 his debt of ten m a r k s had g r o w n to twenty, r e q u i r i n g a n o t h e r t w o m a r k census, and his l a n d h o l d i n g had s h r u n k to o n e and a half mansi. D e spite the credits Peter sank deeper t o w a r d s insolvency. 4 6 Exceptionally, M a r t i n H o f f m a n of *Polska N o w a Wies* p r o v e d able in 1459 t o r e p u r c h a s e half o f the census he had sold to his lord, St. Vincent, in 1441. 97 M o s t necessities were not so soon o v e r c o m e . For instance, the o n e m a r k sold in 1466 by J o h n K r e t s c h m e r , tenant at Rozanka u n d e r K a t h e r i n c S c h w e n k f e l d , was r e d e e m e d in 1654. 9t! Small-scale credits a m o n g villagers did remain part of e v e r y d a y life. At Krgpice in 1451 Peter Closse faced a threat f r o m M a r t i n Jesche to foreclose o n his l a n d h o l d i n g f o r the sixteen m a r k s it secured. At Zgbice in 1435 o n e way such debts could arise is m a d e clcar. Wenczko Welag b o u g h t f r o m Pawel Lutek a half m a n s u s a n d agreed to pay t h e f o u r t e e n m a r k price in s e m i - a n n u a l installments of o n e m a r k each. 4 9 B u t f i x e d - t e r m credits c o u l d be e m e r g e n c y expedients, too: thirteen m e n of C h r z a n o w p l e d g e d their lands in 1433 f o r p a y m e n t in three installments of the 11.25 m a r k s they o w e d their parish priest f o r back tithes. 1 0 0 A final indicator of rural i m p o v e r i s h m e n t are the falling a m o u n t s peasants paid o n e a n o t h e r f o r land. Again the only serial data c o m e f r o m that u n u s u a l village of peasant p r o p r i e t o r s , Krgpice, w h e r e a b u o y a n t peasant e c o n o m y was earlier seen (p. 146) p u s h i n g steadily u p w a r d t h e coins a n d t h e silver given f o r arable mansi. T h a t p o s t w a r generations c o u l d n o t s u s tain these levels is clear f r o m Figure 10.2. W h e r e the eleven sales w i t h rec o r d e d prices f r o m 1 4 0 1 - 2 7 had averaged 18.4 m a r k s o r 1475 g r a m s of silver per m a n s u s , the eight extant f r o m 1 4 3 1 - 6 2 came to o n l y 13.65 m a r k s o r 637 g r a m s . While n o m i n a l prices d r o p p e d a l m o s t a third, silver values c r u m b l e d to less than half their previous level. Properties f o r w h i c h m o r e

Figure 10.2 PEASANT LAND PRICES AT KR£PICE, 1401 -1462 (n = 19)

1400

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Prices of land in identifiable holdings with several sales: A the Wonewicz property с the Adam property в the Czech property D the Strega- Mittman property • Prices of land in other holdings Source: UD, pp. 197-299.

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than one sale price is k n o w n control for different land quality and confirm the decline. For instance, the brothers Strega b o u g h t a holding of locally average value in 1409 for m o r e than twenty marks a mansus; after their last descendant died w i t h o u t issue in 1457 it sold for only six. 101 In this village, at least, effective peasant demand for land had collapsed. Lower land prices may be traced in part to fewer peasants and surplus arable, but monetary conditions were also a factor. U p to 1430 all sales at Krppice were priced in marks groschen. O n e transaction in 1431 was paid "halb groschen und halb heller," and then four of the last five recorded prices (1451-62) were quoted in the poor small coin which, even if the better new Wroclaw heller of 1460 were used, held per mark only 58 percent of the silver of the weak contemporary groschen. 1 0 2 T h u s in both f o r m and quantity the liquid capital handled by men of K r f p i c e had sadly diminished. If the village were in this representative of the duchy, such collective i m poverishment may help explain why, as remarked above, Wenczko Welag at Z f b i c e in 1435 spread over seven years payment of the fourteen marks for his new farm. He and thousands like him lacked the cash to d o otherwise. 1 0 3 Yet the case of Wenczko Welag and the broader evidence of land prices at Kr?pice contain an ambiguity that draws attention to another side of the mid-century peasant situation. O n e aspect suggests economic difficulty and retrogression; another reveals opportunities for survivors in an e c o n o m y n o w short of productive labor, seeking food, and suddenly rich in unused land. Some c o u n t r y m e n and - w o m e n suffered; others m i g h t h o p e to gain. For each seller of land w h o realized less than once expected, there was also a buyer w h o gained productive resources m o r e cheaply than before. Wenczko himself, bearer of a name not previously recorded in Zgbice, got a small farm for only fourteen marks and did not even have to pay that right away. By the following May, moreover, he sat with the village assessors, a man of standing in his n e w community. 1 0 4 And other survivors achieved more. Arable that f o r m e r cultivators had left could be exploited by those w h o stayed and wanted m o r e land. Records of the late 1430s f r o m the Holy Spirit Hospital mention veteran villagers enlarging and immigrants establishing new farms f r o m this resource. At J a r z j b k o w i c e Mathias N e w g e b a w i r succeeded J o h n N e w g e b a w i r in possession of one rental mansus between 1431 and 1433 and, t h o u g h paying only a part of his tithes in 1435, h u n g on t h r o u g h the worst years of default and desertion. In 1436 he took over as well the mansus Pleskotynne had abandoned in 1433-34. T h u s in 1436-37 Mathias w o r k e d t w o mansi and in 1438, three, raising his family's farm f r o m one of the smaller to one of the largest in the village. 105 At Ilnica three newcomers began in 1436 seeding a half, one and a half, and t w o mansi previously deserted, and t w o years later paid tithes on their new farms. 1 0 6

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Such enterprise had visible effect on the distribution of land a m o n g peasants. Even the first few decades of rural disruption shaped a pattern unlike those detected before 1430. This is shown in the later entries f r o m the Holy Spirit hospital accounts and in similar records of K r f p i c e in 1443 and Radomierzyce in 1449-57, all summarized in Table 10.4a and displayed in the aggregate in Figure 10.3. C o m p a r i s o n with earlier data (see Table 9.1 and Figure 9.1) identifies t w o significant shifts both in the aggregates and in the three villages (Jarzjbkowice, Wrobfowice, and Zpbice) with records f r o m the early and the late 1430s. Peasant holdings increased markedly in size: the modal property doubled f r o m one mansus to t w o in the aggregate and in most individual places; the mean holding rose f r o m below to well above a mansus and a half. At the same time, peasant landed e n d o w m e n t s became more equal: the index of inequality dropped f r o m .294 to .226 for the whole groups surveyed and comparably in t w o of the three villages. Fewer people had m o r e land m o r e evenly distributed a m o n g them in the late 1430s t h r o u g h 1450s than had their early fifteenth century predecessors. Less certain is the persistence beyond the 1450s of survivors' better and more equal access to land resources. Table 10.4b and the corresponding line in Figure 10.3 summarize land distributions a m o n g peasants in six villages for which tithe obligations to the church at Sroda were recorded in 1494, a decade and m o r e after some political security had returned to the Wroclaw duchy. These cultivators had the large farms familiar f r o m the mid-century data, but also internal inequality like that c o m m o n a hundred years before. But interpretation of this evidence (which is all that is extant f r o m the later fifteenth century) poses insoluble problems. T h e n e i g h b o r h o o d is not represented in other k n o w n data on peasant land distribution and is distinguished by its very early, poorly documented, G e r m a n law settlement in association with the t o w n (see p. 87 above). Without controls f r o m another date, the possibility that the 1494 distributions here reflect influences other than those of the fifteenth century situation cannot be rejected. 107 Information f r o m 1494 does not, however, refute the general assertion that recorded peasant holdings were in the fifteenth century larger than before. Thus, to the extent that peasant well-being derived f r o m access to arable resources, the average mid-century peasant had the potential to be better off than his fourteenth-century counterpart and, if the threshold of a reasonable economic subsistence in normal times approximated the onemansus farm, the segment of the rural population operating below this m a r gin had been m u c h reduced. Less than ten percent of tenures fell below a mansus in the post-1438 record as compared to nearly twenty-five percent in the pre-1433 one. At Z f b i c e , where the extant evidence is most complete and immediately comparable, eight of twelve farms contained a mansus or less in 1431, but only t w o of seven did in 1438.

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The Erosion of a Socio-Economic Order

Caspar Popplau set out the disposition of his estate in 1499 he designated to his son Hans four entire lordships (three contiguous, the other not far away) and to his five daughters shared lands and rent charges at three others. An incapacitated male he treated as female: T h o m a s Popplau, a mute, got only annuities charged against the properties of Hans. 9 3 But each such arrangement was ad hoc and thus the evidence to hand is entirely behavioral. Recorded actions of leading townspeople give rise to the inference that they had come to see the male patriline as important to t h e m and to their social place. C o n f i r m a t o r y hints of shifting consciousness include citizens' acquisitions of hereditary noble rank and subsequent flaunting of armorial devices on houses, moveables, and tombs. As such symbols passed to n e w generations in the male line, they reminded later men of their o w n membership in an institution they shared with their ancestors. Formal expression of solidarity with future members of a patriline came only after the 1520s as lords of urban origin gradually adopted legal mechanisms to inhibit current possessors f r o m alienating a landed patrimony. 9 4 In many ways, then, elite citizen families, estates, and the link between t h e m all gained longevity. Qualitative changes in familial relations and the treatment of property visible a m o n g the late fifteenth- and early sixteenth-century urban elite had objective and correlate effects in the countryside. Impermanence no longer accurately characterized citizcn lords or their estates. At least a third of the propertied lineages of 1530 could trace possession of specific lordships to and before the days of their grandsires. T h e tenacious Krigs were n o longer unusual. Wojkowice, for instance, belonged for three generations after 1441 to the Haunolds. Their successors in 1507, the Hornigs, were in at least their third generation w h e n a n e w set of heirs took possession in 1558. 95 All these paled, however, beside the Rothes at Wilczkow. Hans Rothe acquired his first land there in 1375 and his son, Peter, proprietary rights in 1420. Their descendants remained t h r o u g h the entire fifteenth century and by the 1530s the last to sit o n the Wroclaw city council, another Hans, was calling himself " R o t h e zu Wiltschaw." H e died, still possessed of the village, in 1542, but his descendants, w h o had by then w i t h d r a w n f r o m urban life and joined the nobility, lasted, as did their lordship over Wilczkow, until 1617. 96 Individual Rothes died, but in 1530 the Rothe lordship at Wilczkow had lived for 150 years. Paralleling the new social context and durability of land ownership a m o n g sixteenth-century citizens were the g r o w i n g estates of other u r b a n lords, the municipalities of Wroclaw and Sroda. Wroclaw had long claimed some suburban lands and back in the fourteenth century b o u g h t more, but as late as 1468 they were incidental to t o w n affairs. Rumblings of greater

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interest in land were heard in the 1490s, but m a j o r expansion, driven by fiscal and political motives, got under way in the 1520s. T h e properties of the hospitals were acquired as part of the city's Reformation and its office of captain let it turn viceregal authority over Krf pice into private lordship. Michalowice the town b o u g h t in 1526 and Jenkowice in 1528. Wroclaw had property in ten places in 1530 and would acquire by purchase, pledge, and political pressure m o r e in c o m i n g years. 97 At its o w n smaller scale Sroda did the same. 9 8 Together the t w o corporations controlled in 1530 about half the thirty-one holdings Table A . l records for " o t h e r " landowners. They added scale and longevity to lordship. Whence came the lands which so raised the importance of urban-based owners during the late fifteenth and early sixteenth centuries? Mostly f r o m the knightly nobility, w h o s e possessions in the duchy shrank p r o p o r t i o n ately. A m o n g surviving representatives of that group, however, larger and m o r e durable estates also became m o r e c o m m o n . 4 9 Table A . l has the statistical s u m m a r y : 74 places with noble lords in 1480 had become 60 in the m o r e complete records of 1530; 88 noble holdings became 74; 64 k n o w n lords became 41; 33 families became 24. These are raw data. Controlling for shifting sample sizes shows measures of the land held by squires d r o p p i n g by about a fifth and of their numbers a m o n g all landowners by about a fourth. For the first time in the years sampled, in 1530 this g r o u p controlled surely less than a quarter of the land in the duchy and perhaps less than a fifth. Losses were everywhere in proportion to the knights' earlier holdings. As a result, their remnants in the Wroclaw district were all but erased and their strongholds in those of Sroda and even Uraz again threatened. Nearly all the net decline occurred a m o n g small noble holders, w h o s e numbers and properties were halved between 1480 and 1530 (Table A.2). Knights with one or t w o holdings accounted for a fifth of the duchy's identifiable property at the end of the mid-century crisis, but fifty years later just a tenth. Larger estates showed a relative strength even greater than a m o n g citizens. T h e five knights with three or m o r e holdings in 1480 b e came eleven in 1530; their eighteen properties (5 percent of k n o w n lordships) became thirty-nine (11 percent). For the first time recorded, large noble landowners controlled in 1530 most of the property of their status group. T h e g r o w i n g scale of noble estates probably related to ways surviving knightly lineages had improved the durability of their position. T h o u g h knights seem less f o r t h c o m i n g about details of family arrangements, like contemporary citizens m o r e of t h e m n o w looked to pass land to males and to favor a single son with properties f o r m i n g a spatially coherent core patrimony. Peter Sack, for instance, castellan at Sroda, by 1515 had lands in

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The Erosion of a Socio-Economic Order

Szczepanow, Jaskowice, and Cesarzowicc which he then persuaded the king to shift f r o m fief to proprietary status. In 1538 he obtained confirmation that all three properties could pass f r o m one son to another, with female inheritance only in default of male heirs.1™' Such ability for brothers to deal together looks critical. T h e noble Garwolski family obtained Bagno t h r o u g h a female connection and then lost it in 1505 for lack of a male heir. Regranted in 1511 to Hans Keltsch, another knight, it passed a m o n g his sons in the 1530s and thus remained in that family beyond the 1560s, when it went into the third generation."" Then greatest a m o n g the duchy's noble lords were the Dcbitsches, w h o plainly worked to create a territorial property unit and keep it under individual control. Hans Debitsch acquired f r o m an in-law in 1472 G o l f d z i n o w , Z a j j c z k o w , Wojciechow, and parts of L u b n o w and Bukowiec, all but the last lying north and east of Uraz. To this core in the next thirty years Hans added m o r e of L u b n o w and Bukowiec plus, precisely in the middle of what he already had, part of Pggow. From 1510 all belonged to one successor, Ernst Debitsch, w h o had at least t w o brothers, but w h o handled for his kin all extra-familial property affairs. Ernst, too, built the patrimony with more acquisitions at L u b n o w and P f g o w . Rights inherited f r o m cognates elsewhere, however, he and his co-heirs resigned. When Ernst died in 1541 the family lands had been expanding f r o m a fixed core for some seventy years.1(12 Whatever the means, in the sixteenth century knights, too, could often look back at lengthening family possession of certain lordships. T h e roster in 1530 included some old fourteenth-century names: Lawrence Seidlicz at Damianowice held land then eighty years in his family; Hans and C h r i s t o pher Sommerfeld were at Jastrzgbce where their name had o w n e d since 1436. t03 Newer lineages were also well represented: a Kreiselwitz held at least part of Cesarzowice since before 1437 and of Ogrodnica since 1468; a Schindel is recorded at Sadowice f r o m 1441. 104 Each of these family lordships lasted beyond the 1550s. By 1530, processes at w o r k a m o n g nobles, citizens, and corporations had caused lords with three or m o r e properties to possess most of those where an o w n e r is k n o w n . T h e quantitative dominance of small landowners was passing. Even m o r e significantly, different behavior a m o n g landowners changed the f r a m e w o r k for agrarian life by halting the lordship cycle. With the late fifteenth and early sixteenth centuries unified control of rural property by a single o w n e r became normal. In place after place the singular title Erbherr gained literal truth as cycles of lordship rolled oncc m o r e t h r o u g h a consolidation phase and then stopped. T h e evidence is not the mere acts of consolidation, for those, of course, had been part of the old

Aftermath

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structure. It is rather the failure of f r a g m e n t a t i o n — a n d then the passage of a whole lordship, whether by sale or inheritance, f r o m one o w n e r to another. Hence across the duchy the ending of the cycle was necessarily slow, incremental, cumulative, and never complete. To S a d k o w it came early: what George and Mathias [2] Jenkwitz b r o u g h t together in 1435 was not again separated, though the village passed f r o m the Jcnkwitzes to the D o m p n i g s in 1484 and thence to the Prockendorfs in 1490. 105 A t j a r z g b k o wice the final consolidation came later: b r o u g h t together by the Holy Trinity Hospital in 1497, the lordship passed by sale t h r o u g h Skopp, Hornig, Schcwitz, and Popplau hands in the next twenty years but then and thereafter remained intact."*' T h e process can be quantified in the case of Swiniary. Here between 1375 and 1449 lords f r o m seven families had averaged a tenure of barely eleven years, none lasted twenty-five, and for only sixteen years did one lord have all. Then between 1453 and 1549 only t w o families in succession owned Swiniary. Peter Frankenstein established a unitary lordship in the former year, and this was but briefly broken while his daughter Ursula had half. Her cession to unscparated fellow heirs in 1501 was the final consolidation of Swiniary, but it had then already been one for most of a half century. 11,7 Neither status nor market mechanisms had ceased to affect the disposition of landed property but the typical unit had become an entire village. Across the whole duchy in 1530 only one settlement in four k n e w more than one lord. T h e earlier cycles had become a one-way flow. T h e tendency of consolidation permanently to supplant subdivision did heighten conflict a m o n g competing lords. W h o would achieve unchallenged authority in a place? Whose a u t o n o m o u s rights would be curbed? All sorts of landowners pressed all sorts of issues. In the fall of 1485 M e l chior Ungerathen and John Keuschberg disputed over the village court at Wierzbice while the nuns of Trzebnica fended off a claim Hans Debitsch of Lubnow had advanced on Kotowice. 1 " 8 George Kreiselwitz of Buczki tried in 1511 to get his argument with the cathedral penitentiary decided by a secular court; the bishop's official fought back. 104 T h e next February the hereditary holder of the chapter's fief at Ksifze Mate reported that he had caught men f r o m the St. Mathias lordship of Ksifze Wielkie fishing t h r o u g h the ice on the Otawa w h e r e it flowed t h r o u g h his lands. Gear was seized, men were arrested, the Master of St. Mathias arrived in high dudgeon, inspections and witnesses were demanded. T h e dispute rumbles for t w o years through the chapter's minute book, punctuated with representations f r o m Wroclaw city councillors, assertions that ecclesiatical liberty was at stake, r u m o r that weapons had been seized, appointment of episcopal mediators, and offers from both the chapter and the hospital to buy the other's p r o p -

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erty. A new lessee of Ksifze Male pulled out, allegedly due to threats f r o m St. Mathias. 1 1 0 T h a t landlords' squabble between t w o churches had not yet calmed when the chapter was also considering h o w canon Prockendorf s refusal to bury a m a n f r o m Bogdaszowice w h o died e x c o m m u n i c a t e for non-payment of church dues was causing "all the nobles of the district" to grumble threats against the clergy. 111 N o doubt the scribal proclivities of churchmen and the differential survival of certain records around Wroclaw make a disproportionate share of k n o w n disputes over lordship pit layman against cleric, but the traditional claims of spiritual authority to some rights in all lordships meant, in this environment of consolidation, a general sense of cleavage and tension. Much of the 1504 treaty the royal governors and chancellor mediated b e tween the Silesian Estates and the cathedral chapter aimed t o establish a framework for settling local arguments. It specified procedures for collection of tithes, regulated new taverns, equalized fiscal burdens, curbed use of ecclesiastical punishment to enforce secular dues, required c h u r c h m e n to cooperate in resettling deserted lands, and reserved the wealth of intestate rectors for parish use under the lord's supervision. 1 , 2 From the lay landowner's point of view, or even that of a churchman w h o happened to lack ecclesiastical jurisdiction over his land, this went far towards limiting interference in his lordship. O n the other hand, major ecclesiastical landowners in the Wroclaw duchy sought and gained clear privileges against secular authority over their lands and subjects. Each would rule his own. 1 1 3 T h e consequent clearer delimitation of jurisdiction was matched with a lively concern for establishing limits on the land itself. Wroclaw and St. Vincent had the rector of the C o r p u s Christi C o m m a n d e r y arbitrate in 1487 the boundary between t h e m at Siedlec, which involved placement of f o u r teen stone markers and specification that the town controlled the lake and the abbey the river for fishing; a n e w agreement about the parties' w o o d lands forty years later referred to and used that description. In 1509 and 1521 the same two lords tried to sort out what belonged to *Rzepina* and w h a t to *01bino*, appealing to a royal charter f r o m Mathias and a ducal one f r o m the 1260s, taking sworn testimony f r o m local inhabitants, and looking for traces of a woodland that had been cut down. 1 1 4 Every ditch and hillock mattered. When peculations by the prior of Holy Spirit caused three and a half mansi at Wysoka to be seized and sold in 1527, the buyer, H i e r o n y m o u s Hornig, made sure they were formally separated f r o m that lordship and joined to his o w n at Radomierzyce. 1 1 5 At the extreme this thrust to m o r e sharply defined and m o r e consolidated lordships transcended traditional units of settlement to create multivillage territories under a single lord. These had as yet no formal standing,

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so the existence of each must be ferreted f r o m records showing a single person owning and transferring together several contiguous places. A m o n g such genuine property complexes was that assembled in the 1460s by Hie r o n y m o u s Ungerathen, w h o added Zar to what he and his brother Mathias already had at Lutynia; the t w o lordships went together f r o m the U n g e rathen heirs to Hans Haunold in 1498 and remained with that lineage into the 1540s.116 In 1492 St. Vincent joined to its old Krobielowice its newly purchased Wojtkowicc and *Gjska*. 1 1 7 A m o n g nobles there were the five adjacent properties of the Debitschcs northeast of Uraz and those of Nickel Tschesche around Borek Strzelmski.' 1 8 Bledzow and Slfza had a c o m m o n owner f r o m the 1480s as did Wilkow and Sobkowice; Wierzbica and O w sianka went as one f r o m 1514. 114 Such were the logical extension of mechanisms now at work a m o n g all landowning groups. It is time to reiterate the findings of this protracted and at times necessarily minute examination of landowners and their properties in the late fifteenth- and early sixteenth-century duchy. After the crisis church c o r p o rations took up attentive management and t o w n s m e n extensive acquisitions much as they had left off, but for the latter several relevant contexts had changcd. Economic, cultural, and social assumptions of wealthy citizcns encouraged greater investment in land and attention to its passage intact f r o m one generation to the next. This raised the average size and longevity of citizen estates. Municipal estates and those of the surviving noble landowners moved in the same directions. Within each landowning group, then, dominant patterns in the handling of property had changed. As seen f r o m the countryside, a structural feature of lordship, its erratic but continual cycling between phases of dispersion and reassembly, its inconstancy and disunity, was replaced with a new unity, durability, and, hence, authority. Dispersion of rights a m o n g many ephemeral owners locked for their o w n purposes in a lordship cycle had formerly been synergistic with lords' distance f r o m rural life, with village autonomy, and with peasant freedom. Around 1500 that condition was n o more.

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Die Leute nicht freie sein. The Wroclaw town council dccidcs an appeal by peasants from Krfpice against their lord, 1525; UD, pp. 225-226.

W i n d s o f change blew cold through late fifteenth- and early sixteenthcentury villages o f cast central Europe and peasants shivered. In Poland one generation's sequence o f statutes imposed servitude and patrimonial j u r i s diction on cultivators w h o m lords then squeezed for an exportable surplus. In H u n g a r y the single blast o f the Diet's revenge for the 1514 peasant revolt affirmed earlier rumblings that non-nobles had no rights. In Bohemia whole districts bowed to the w h i m o f great private lords. Silesia, and especially its center, lacked overpowering magnates, innovative and effective lawmakers, great staple exports and dramatic events but still the new wind blew, sweeping the regime o f German law before it. B y the late 1500s, elite dominance over a rapidly impoverished servile p o p u l a tion would distinguish a different rural order. 1 But the discontinuity took shape a century before. Around Wroclaw acts o f individuals in particular villages, circumstantial words o f court proceedings, and articulated intentions in specific laws form a pattern o f changing minds and expectations. Incremental, idiosyncratic, and incomplete though the movement was, a decisive balance had by 1530 tipped against peasant freedom and towards lords' power. O n the one side peasant rights were eroded, village leadership crippled, and peasant resistance suppressed. Legal and institutional defenses o f peasant a u t o n o m y lay open. O n the other side landowners directly asserted in the countryside their authority and interests. In sum, during the deceptively warm calm o f reconstructed rural prosperity, one set o f relationships, even one mental framework, yielded before another. Dried leaves

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a n d chaff on a village street swirl in a n e w direction b e f o r e trees begin t o sway.

Portents

of

servitude

T h e rising regional flow against traditional peasant rights was m a n i f e s t a r o u n d W r o c l a w in n e w constraints on the m o b i l i t y of tenants, alienability o f tenures, a n d allocation of p r o d u c t i v e labor. N o w h e r e w e r e these n o v e l ties general, i n s t a n t a n e o u s , n o r yet absolute. T h e y were, h o w e v e r , present and m u l t i p l y i n g . By the late fifteenth c e n t u r y t h e judicial climate o f t h e d u c h y w a s t u r n ing against t h e right o f peasants to m o v e freely. A r g u m e n t s in Paul M e r o t ' s 1485 case against Franz B o t t n e r s p o k e o f labor s u p p l y and grain prices, b u t the issue was M e r o t ' s w i s h t o leave his h e r e d i t a r y t e n a n c y at Z e r n i k i W r o clawskie. T h e r e t h e d u c h y c o u r t w a s f i r m : he could g o o n l y a f t e r he p u t the f a r m in full a n d p r o p e r cultivation. 2 A like h a r b i n g e r in 1511 was t h e n e w schulz o f O p o r o w , w h o s e lord e l s e w h e r e w o u l d n o t let h i m sell his f o r m e r farm.3 " M c r o t vs. B o t t n e r " was n o isolated incident. T h e r e p o r t o f it s u r v i v e s in a collection of legal p r e c e d e n t s a n d principles c o m p i l e d at that v e r y t i m e by a veteran of W r o c l a w ' s c o u r t s , C a s p a r F o p p l a u , b r o t h e r t o t h e k n i g h t Nicholas and father to the f u t u r e m e r c h a n t b e c o m e l a n d e d g e n t l e m a n H a n s . Caspar's u n s y s t e m a t i c a n d unofficial m a n u a l , " D e r R e c h t e W e g , " enunciates the legal t h i n k i n g h e assimilated in t w e n t y years' service o n t o w n a n d d u c h y tribunals. 4 O n peasant rights his t o n e is u n m i s t a k a b l e . A free m a n t a k i n g a tenancy b e c o m e s a " P a w e r " [Bauer, " p e a s a n t " ] . As such he is liable to p r o vide g u a r a n t o r s f o r t h r e e years rent and all his p r o p e r t y is at risk if h e d e f a u l t s ^ O n l y six m o n t h s advance n o t i c e a n d default f r o m legitimate p o v e r t y ( " r e c h t e m a r m u t " ) p e r m i t free d e p a r t u r e (this e n t r y f o l l o w s " M c r o t vs. B o t t n e r " ) . 6 R o m a n law citations c o n f i r m t h e necessity o f the lord's c o n s e n t and glosses o n Sachsenspiegel

f o r b i d o t h e r lords t o receive r u n a w a y s . T h i r t y

or f o r t y years' t e n u r e creates p r e s u m p t i v e r i g h t s against e x p u l s i o n

but

countervailing hazards. N o peasant b o r n o n a l o r d s h i p m a y leave w i t h o u t permission and, t h o u g h such an heir m a y n o t be d r i v e n o u t , his appeal is to the lord's c o u r t and his is the b u r d e n o f p r o o f . 7 C a s p a r P o p p l a u sat t o hear Paul M e r o t ' s case. It was his s e c o n d year on that c o u r t . H a d he already f o r m u l a t e d such u n d e r s t a n d i n g s o f t h e law? T h e repressive t o n e o f P o p p l a u ' s p r i v a t e s c h o l a r s h i p is e c h o e d in p u b l i c a g r e e m e n t s a m o n g the n e x t g e n e r a t i o n o f Silesia's rulers. A 1505 a s s e m b l y first b o u n d peasants in t h e p r o v i n c e t o their land, b u t r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s of Wroclaw did n o t a t t e n d . 8 A n o t h e r in 1512, at w h i c h t h e y w e r e p r e s e n t ,

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Order

repeated those provisions and the m o r e c o m p r e h e n s i v e a g r e e m e n t of 1529 developed t h e m further, barring u n a p p r o v e d m o v e m e n t t o tenants, gertner, o r their children and encouraging lords to retrieve those w h o disobeyed.'' H o w m u c h were the laws w i s h f u l elite thinking? People at M a t u s z o w were still m o v i n g s o m e years later w i t h n o w o r d of permission. T h e y m o v e d m u c h less than had their peers a century before. Was that only because times were n o w safer for farmers? Incrementally curbed, too, were peasants' rights freely to convey land in tenancy, w h i c h the men of M a l u s z o w still then in practice enjoyed. Again Popplau's collection sets the tone w i t h e x e m p l a r y cases and theoretical dicta. T h e Wroclaw courts f o u n d in the matter of a disputed inheritance at an u n n a m e d village that peasant holdings could be conveyed only before the lord's village court. Sales of rental tenure required, as a matter of principle, the landowner's consent; if violated, the buyer lost the land and w h a t it held. A m o n g precedents f r o m Legnica Popplau f o u n d the same rules controlling division or m e r g e r of tenant farms, and f r o m R o m a n law he learned that even squatters on deserted land owed the rents once d u e f r o m it. 10 Such thinking let lords intrude on peasant land markets by d e m a n d i n g p a y m e n t for entry to tenures, s o m e t h i n g not f o r m e r l y k n o w n to Silesian peasants. T h e Markgroschen, so-called f r o m a standard rate of one groschen in the mark (2.8 percent), was first d e m a n d e d f r o m rent-free holdings of schulzen o r taverners, but spread before 1550 to rental tenancies, especially on church estates. As well or instead some o w n e r s d e m a n d e d f r o m villagers the very l a u d a m i u m they themselves had escaped a generation earlier. At 10 percent of the sale price it i m p o s e d greater costs on peasant land transactions. St. Vincent was claiming l a u d a m i u m f r o m the schulz at K o s t o m l o t y as early as 1472. Lay lords at Siemidrozyce t o o k such p a y m e n t s against peasant opposition by the 1540s. 11 Within a generation s o m e m e a n i n g f u l e n t r y fine w o u l d be n o r m a l in Wroclaw d u c h y villages. Constraints, c o n trols, and higher costs help explain w h y the kinds of h u m a n m o v e m e n t s once typical in villages under G e r m a n law subsequently s t o p p e d . Traditional f r e e d o m f r o m forced labor was also infringed u p o n . A r o u n d 1500 services, if not yet o n e r o u s ones, were i m p o s e d u p o n even s o m e G e r m a n law tenants. S o m e t h i n g called Hofarbeit was being d e m a n d e d f r o m gertner in villages near Sroda d u r i n g the mid-1400s,' 2 b u t c o m p a r a b l e claims against regular landed peasants are recorded only a generation o r t w o later. O r d i n a r y rental mansi o w e d five days a year at Wierzbica in 1496, three in the fields and t w o in the meadows. 1 3 O b l i g a t i o n s of similar m a g n i t u d e and w i t h limiting provisions or m o n e t a r y c o m p o s i t i o n s are thereafter n o t rare. A p r o p e r t y at R f d z i n in 1521 contained three peasants and f o u r gertner o w i n g in collective total thirty-eight days a year o r one w h i t e g r o -

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sehen per day. 14 Labor rents a r o u n d W r o c l a w b e f o r e 1530 w e r e t h u s as n o t h ing beside t h o s e assessed in days per week in c o n t e m p o r a r y P o l a n d . E v e n they, h o w e v e r , i n t r u d e d and irritated people w h o r e m e m b e r e d or k n e w o f o t h e r a r r a n g e m e n t s . T h e c o m m u n i t y o f K r f p i c e in 1527 acquiesced t o a yearly forty heller, t w o hens, and fifteen e g g s per m a n s u s in lieu o f " t h e very heavy Hofarbeit to w h i c h they are b o u n d . " ' 5 An effective p r e l i m i n a r y to successful g n a w i n g at c u s t o m a r y peasant f r e e d o m s was local and incremental s u b v e r s i o n of traditionally a u t o n o m o u s village leaders, the free and hereditary schulzcn. T h e i r claims to special status e v a p o r a t e d . A sequence of texts f o r * 0 1 d r z e w i e M a l e * tells part o f the talc. Back in 1417 the local d e m e s n e f a r m had been o w n e d b y the schulz f r o m O l t a s z y n . T h a t situation had l o n g passed, h o w e v e r , w h e n in 1511 a royal charter c o n f i r m e d C a s p a r U n g e r a t h e n ' s p r o p r i e t a r y r i g h t s over p a r t o f the village and, explicitly, t w o " f r e e schulzcn and f i e f h o l d e r s " ( " f r e y e n Scholtzcn u n d Lchenleutten"). A 1529 sale by U n g e r a t h e n ' s n e p h e w s referred to t w o " f r e e p e a s a n t s " ("freyen Paucrn"), as did o n e five years later. D e b a s e m e n t o f social n o m e n c l a t u r e w o u l d continue, t o o , for in t w o texts f r o m the early 1560s they w e r e b e c o m e m e r e " i n h a b i t a n t s " ( " I n w o h n e r " ) and " p e a s a n t s " ("rusticos"). 1 6 Even the f r e e d o m had d e p a r t e d . Participation by village h e a d m e n in regional g o v e r n a n c e h a d e n d e d l o n g before. Schulzcn gave way to citizens on the W r o c l a w district c o u r t b y 1400, while keeping three seats on the Sroda c o u r t into the late 1450s. But t w e n t y years later only k n i g h t l y lords and t o w n s m e n gave j u d g e m e n t on panels above the village. 1 7 M o r e i m m e d i a t e h a r m c a m e t o village leadership w h e n lords b o u g h t out hereditary schulzen and assigned their f u n c t i o n s to a p p o i n t e e s w i t h less secure tenure. T h e offices had on earlier occasions been sold t o l a n d o w n e r s — a s u n d e r e c o n o m i c stress in the 1420s and 3 0 s — b u t then c o m m o n l y regranted to n e w hereditary successors. Later sales less o f t e n h a d that result. Already in 1480 the schulz at Klccina held o n l y f o r life. Sebald S a u c r man paid off t h e hereditary o c c u p a n t at Wierzbica and the b r o t h e r s D o m p nig that at K o m o r n i k i , b o t h in 1505; H a n s H o r n i g did the s a m e at M o k r a four years later. 1 8 So t o o did less t h r u s t i n g l a n d o w n e r s like t h e cathedral chapter, w h i c h in 1 5 1 4 - 1 5 replaced schulzcn at K f b t o w i c c a n d N o w a Wies Wroclawska. A m o n g c h u r c h lordships surveyed s o m e w h a t a f t e r 1530 a b o u t one village in ten held n o schulz but a m e r e " c o u r t a d m i n i s t r a t o r " 19

sverwalter).

(Gericht-

H o w were such lord's m e n to sustain leadership a n d e x t e r n a l

representation f o r their fellow villagers? N o r did t h e few schulzen w h o still at this late date built o n their p o s i tion a u g u r well f o r the interests of their n e i g h b o r s . At B i e s t r z y k o w in 1511 Plusske Rossel, son o f a solid local peasant, held the post o f d e m e s n e m a n -

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ager (Hoßneister). Four years later he was also excrcising the lord's jurisdiction over local peasant disputes and in 1518 he died as schulz in Kamieniec Wrodawskie. Within ten years a k n o w n descendant claimed Wroclaw citizenship and in ten m o r e the family itself owned half of Zerniki. 2 " At the same time Woitkc G o m o l k a , schulz of Jagodno, was expanding his lands through purchases at T u r o w and schulz Stephan of B r o d n o doing the same around Jaskowice and Jastrzfbce. 2 1 All three were exploiting loosely m a n aged church lordships, while Rossels climb began and may have continued as a lord's official. H o w effectively would he have defended village rights against the lord w h o employed him? Peasants unwillingly witnessed their o w n exploitation and piccemeal debasement. T h e y responded with traditional c o m m u n i t y f o r m s of resistance. Usually led by hereditary schulzen and other village notables they opposed intrusions on what they saw as their customary rights. This often meant waging what were by n o w equally customary battles. Low level o p position to tithes and to novel dues thus remained almost endemic. Local schulzen and communities at Popowicc on one side of Sroda and Biclany on the other rejected claims f r o m the t o w n rector for certain payments. 2 2 Doubtless the cathedral chapter took no pleasure f r o m the many incidents recorded in its minute books. In 1502 a canon e x c o m m u n i c a t e d people of Smolec for refusing grain tithes. T h e rector of *Szczepin* complained in 1511 that inhabitants of the chapter's o w n O p o r o w beat up the servants he sent to collect his tenth sheaves f r o m the fields. Such actions could gain desired results. D e m a n d s in 1513 f r o m holders at suburban *Siebcnhuben* to pay in kind rather than the then m u c h disordered currency were met " u t in terrorcm ipsorum r u s t i c o r u m . " 2 3 In this setting villagers around Wroclaw soon recognized the one sixteenth-century innovation wholly in accord with their traditional stance. Reformation ideologies and anti-clericalism offered satisfying grounds for peasant action. At D o m a n i o w , where the rector had during the 1300s c o m plained of collectivc tithe refusals, these and other obligations to the Trzebnica nuns again went unpaid as early as 1519. 24 Resistance to ecclesiastical authority spread. T h e cathedral custos recorded in 1 5 2 4 - 2 5 n o tithe incomes f r o m Iwiny and Radomicrzyce "because of the Lutherans." By 1532 the m o n k s of O y b i n had received nothing f r o m Kulin for m o r e than a decade, and the next year villagers in chapter lordships at Bogusiawice and Rzeplin rejected the cathedral clergy sent as their rectors, claiming the right to elect their o w n . O f course lay authorities quickly saw that evangelical enthusiasm threatened all lordship and in Silesia, too, if not the Wroclaw duchy, moved against socially radical r e f o r m . In limited circumstances a f o r m of elite s u p port might be available, that will be clear below, but normally not so. T h e

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n u n s had their rents again b y 1523 a n d t h e custos his tithes in 1526; K i n g Ferdinand o r d e r e d collection o f t h e Kulin d u e s in 1533. 2S A u t h o r i t i e s w h o h e a r d d i s p u t e s over basic peasant o b l i g a t i o n s t o pay and t o w o r k w o u l d n o t o f t e n d e f e n d " s u b j e c t s " (subditi, Untertanen)

against

their Hrbherrn. T h a t lesson w a s s h a r p l y t a u g h t t o t h e m e n o f K r f p i c e , w h o s e traditionally a n o m a l o u s free peasant fiefs a harsher age w o u l d n o l o n g e r u n d e r s t a n d o r tolerate. W h e n t h e W r o c l a w t o w n council f i r m l y g r a s p e d viceregal p o w e r d u r i n g t h e 1400s it b e g a n t o assimilate rule over Krgpice to m o r e familiar p a t t e r n s . T h e c o u n c i l l o r it set over t h e village acted like any o t h e r aggressive lord. B y early 1525 t h e villagers h a d t a k e n t o o m u c h . T h e c o m m u n i t y ( " g e m a i n d " ) m a n a g e d t o gain a h e a r i n g b e f o r e t h e Rat a n d accused the a d m i n i s t r a t o r , H a n s Berlin, o f " f o r c i b l y i m p o s i n g m a n y n e w services" ( " g c w a l d i g l i c h zu vilcn n e w e n D i e s t p a r k e i t c n b e n o t g e t " )

against

their rights. T h e y o f f e r e d in evidence their w r i t t e n charters. N o o t h e r villagers in t h e d u c h y could have p u t so s t r o n g a case b e f o r e so p u b l i c a panel. T h e council s a w in their action m e r e e r r o r , d i s o b e d i e n c e , a n d u p r i s i n g ( " e m p o e r u n g e " ) and in their charters, n o discernible rights. T h e land b e l o n g e d t o t h e council a n d " d i e Leute nicht freie s e i n . " F o r c e d t o beg p a r d o n and t o swear o b e d i e n c e , t h e peasants had w i t h their fully traditional appeal achieved o n l y official declaration that they w e r e o b l i g e d to serve. Twice, a b o u t a year later, f o r f u r t h e r d i s o b e d i e n c e m e n of Krgpice w e r e jailed, m a d e t o find p l e d g e s f o r g o o d b e h a v i o r , a n d o r d e r e d t o sell their holdings. A c o n t e m p o r a r y n o t e d in t h e m a r g i n o f t h e city c o u r t b o o k entry, " H a n s z Berlin v u l g o der Paver f e i n d t " ( " t h e peasants' e n e m y " ) . A n o t h e r eighteen m o n t h s passed a n d t h e c o m m u n i t y again s t o o d b e f o r e t h e council. T h i s time, h o w e v e r , they asked p e r m i s s i o n , so l o n g as it pleased t h e council and t h e k i n g in w h o s e n a m e it g o v e r n e d a n d in full s u b m i s s i o n to " H a n s e n Berlin als I h r e m e r b h e r r n , " to lighten t h e b u r d e n o f their o b l i g a t o r y duties by taking a n n u a l p a y m e n t s instead. W i t h resistance so c r u s h e d , the council agreed. 2 6 Villages less peculiarly a d v a n t a g e d t h a n Krgpicc c o u l d rely n o b e t t e r o n their o w n traditional m e a n s o f defense. In J a n u a r y , 1532, B a r t u s c h Kosel and t w o fellow assessors f r o m t h e M a l u s z o w c o u r t s t o o d in the b i s h o p ' s palace at W r o c l a w , r e p u d i a t e d b y their schulz a n d t h r e a t e n e d w i t h p r i s o n for r e f u s i n g rents. 2 7 Five years later D o m a s l a w ' s schulz a n d j u r o r s discussed Hofarbeit w i t h their h e r e d i t a r y lord and t h e m a n t o w h o m he had p l e d g e d their village. O n c e t h e peasants accepted t h r e e a n n u a l p l o w services per m a n s u s t h e l o r d s a g r e e d t o a fixed cash rate f o r w o r k s n o t n e e d e d a n d limits on t h e distance the w o r k e r s s h o u l d travel, b u t o n l y so l o n g as n o t h i n g p r e j u diced h e r e d i t a r y l o r d l y rights. 2 8 So, t o o , at S i e m i d r o z y c e a b o u t this t i m e did M e l c h i o r Keltsch i n t r o d u c e t h e l a u d a m i u m o v e r p e a s a n t o b j e c t i o n s . 2 9

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But m o r e often than not the services, the new payments, the curbs o n peasant rights came in quietly and without apparent overt opposition. With their historic leadership departed or cowed, peasant communities in the Wroclaw duchy had lost their old capacity for successful self-defense before it was tested and found wanting. 3 0 T h e failure of country people to w i t h stand repressive innovation stemmed equally f r o m the new strength and drive of their lords. Serfdom and subsequent pauperization came in central Silesia t h r o u g h individual acts of local authority.

The Erbherr takes control All trends intersected in a primary shift of agrarian structure: contraction of distance between lord and peasant. Landowners became around 1500 m o r e closely involved in the affairs of their properties and their tenants. This redounded, on balance, to the disadvantage of the latter. Erbhenen absorbed or faced d o w n competitors within and without the village to seize c o m mand of the j u n c t u r e between peasants and the larger society. Lords ruled their subjects. Aggressive managers attended to the profitability of their lands and their demesne farms. They created in their lordships a new regime. To argue that late fifteenth- and early sixteenth-century lords around Wroclaw coopted and replaced a u t o n o m o u s influences in their properties sets further contexts around events already narrated. It is the process of consolidation carried to and beyond the gathering of property rights into a single bundle. O w n e r s , pledge-holders, hereditary lessees, and those with preemptive rights jostled for advantage. By one means or another one claimant or another n o w usually emerged with the prize, the unimpeded authority of a sole owner, lord, and possessor. Others posed separate challenges, be they a schulz standing with hereditary tenure and customary law between lord and fixed-rent tenants, a cleric backed by episcopal sanctions demanding tithe or parish dues, or a creditor siphoning off peasant payments and hailing village debtors into an external court. There lay the l o n g term significance o f t h a t replacement of other lenders traceable to the 1470s or so, of those curbs on ecclesiastical claims by violence, coerced agreements, or n e w religious sentiment, and of those weakened, impoverished, or subverted schulzen. Lords aimed thus to squeeze out or hedge about what opposition they could not buy up. To the same interpretive context belong lords' interventions in t w o other hitherto separate social subsystems, the market and the law. U r b a n indignation at violations of town marketing rights swelled under Mathias, but repeated law-making had little effect. Illegal taverns remained a steady

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irritant, not merely b e t w e e n t o w n s and clerical lords, as s o m e p e t i t i o n s s u g gest, but as Sroda well k n e w in the 1 5 3 0 s - 4 0 s , w i t h lay o w n e r s as well. 3 1 Lords w h o b o u g h t u p hereditary free taverns, like Sebald S a u e r m a n at Wierzbica, o r w h o established their o w n , as Sroda accused A d a m W o l f f at Samborz, H e n r y Kreiselwitz at O g r o d n i c a , and o t h e r s e l s e w h e r e , 3 2 g a i n e d m o r e than revenues. T h e y inserted their o w n a u t h o r i t y i n t o yet a n o t h e r f o r m e r l y i n d e p e n d e n t a v e n u e of contact b e t w e e n their peasants and t h e w o r l d b e y o n d the village. Capital j u r i s d i c t i o n over m o s t villagers in the W r o c l a w d u c h y

had

entered private possession by the early fifteenth century, b u t f r a g m e n t e d lordship then m a d e exercise of iura ducalia m o r e r e m u n e r a t i v e t h a n a u t h o r i tative. T h e c o n t r i b u t i o n o f private j u r i s d i c t i o n to the s h a p i n g o f a n e w r u r a l r e g i m e was t h u s delayed until final consolidations gave it value f o r that p u r pose. As a single Erbherr n o w d r e w this right, too, into his sole p u r v i e w , its potential was realized a n d m o r e . Early s i x t e e n t h - c e n t u r y c o m p i l a t i o n s , n o tably the Constitutio

Criminalis

Carolina o f 1532 w h i c h applied a r o u n d W r o -

claw, i m p o r t e d a u t h o r i t a r i a n n o r m s f r o m learned R o m a n t h e o r y a n d , b y freeing holders o f p a t r i m o n i a l j u r i s d i c t i o n to declare f o r their s u b j e c t s their o w n law, w e a k e n e d the p r o t e c t i v e force of ancient c u s t o m . 3 3 A r o u n d 1500 Erbherren w e r e thus e m e r g i n g as the chief a n d o f t e n sole mediating link b e t w e e n peasant c o m m u n i t i e s and the larger s u r r o u n d i n g society. As the n e w rural r e g i m e t o o k shape they seized t h e strategic place held by the schulz in t h e old. To the Erbherr t u r n e d t h e e x p e c t a t i o n s o f outsiders w h o had claims in a village. W h e n fellows f r o m K o s t o m l o t y a n d Z a b l o t o w r c c k e d the toll gate at Sroda, the t o w n magistrates, w h o h a d h a d t h e m in custody, w r o t e t o the a b b o t of St. Vincent a s k i n g that t h e y be punished. 3 4 A cleric w h o s e tithes o r census w e n t u n p a i d w a s to t u r n first t o the lord and, if t h e lord failed h i m , p r o s e c u t e the lord in t h e c h u r c h c o u r t s . 3 5 As captain o f the d u c h y t h e W r o c l a w council called on l a n d o w n e r s t o clcar debris f r o m

flood-prone

w a t e r c o u r s e s , t o maintain r o a d s a n d b r i d g e s , a n d ,

w h e n Silesia feared the c o m i n g of the T u r k , to m u s t e r their militarily capable subjects. 3 6 E x p e c t a t i o n s reflected practice. A r o u n d 1500 lords h a n d l e d m a n y d i f ferent c o n n e c t i o n s b e t w e e n peasants and t h e rest of society. T h e y t o o k responsibility f o r e n f o r c i n g w h a t o t h e r s d e m a n d e d o f their subjects. T h e s e m i g h t be financial: w h a t a schulz once did was a task o f " L o r d A l b r e c h t S a u e r m a n " at R a d o m i e r z y c e in 1529, w h o collected f r o m the p e o p l e ten florins o w e d f o r the lease o f land at W y s o k a and paid it t o t h e H o l y Spirit Hospital. 3 7 O t h e r claims h a d a m o r e public character, as w h e n St. V i n c e n t , the cathedral chapter, a n d the city of W r o c l a w j o i n e d to have local peasants pay f o r c o n s t r u c t i o n o f n e w bridges over the Slfza b e t w e e n G r a b i s z y n ,

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O p o r o w , and M u c h o b o r Wiclki. 38 Nicholas Krig, lord of Pasterzyce in 1531, punished one of his o w n tenants for acts in c o n t e m p t of the Mahiszow lord's court. 1 4 Perhaps as often as lords pressed external claims against their subjects, they projected village concerns outward and upward. To protect villagers served peasant interests (and the lord's own). Some cases followed horizontal lines. T h e chapter acted for men of Biestrzykow and of Bliz caught up in feuds with outsiders, and for Peter Woywoda of Wilkowice, to w h o m a peasant f r o m a village near Otawa owed money. 4 0 Lords of Maiuszow and of Zerniki Wroclawskie together mediated an inheritance dispute between people f r o m the t w o villages. 41 Lord and peasant interests best coincided when it came to repelling ostensibly superior claims of almost any kind. T h e district of Sroda in 1473 assessed a tax on Swifte, so Bishop Rudolf wrote sharply to remind Wroclaw that those people belonged only to his jurisdiction. 4 2 T h e chapter defended its tenants against former lords or neighboring lords, laymen, nuns, or fellow canons. 4Λ At Domaslaw between 1526 and 1529 the lord, Hans "the Peasants' E n e m y " Berlin, bare m o n t h s f r o m crushing resistance at Krfpice, and the village leaders, a m o n g them men w h o w o u l d submit to labor services under Berlin's successor, together struggled against the absentee curate, Balthasar Logaw, cantor of Holy Cross. In one reported confrontation Logaw accused Berlin of bringing "Lutheran hooligans (Buben)" into his church. Berlin, whose forebearance amazed the villagers, retorted "because you will not keep watch over my people with God's law like a [proper] pastor, I must see to it they are cared for with that and d o not live like beasts." 4 4 Lutheran ideas were not required for lords to speak for their villages against the intrusions of clerics. Hans Berlin himself had demonstrated that with characteristic verve more than a decade earlier. In O c t o b e r , 1512, Bog u n o w was plundered and burned during the feuds over C h r i s t o p h e r von Reisewitz. Berlin was (in right of his wife) Erbherr, and by early in the new year had approached the cathedral chapter for freedom f r o m tithes while villagers rebuilt. T h e canons offered six years full e x e m p t i o n and six m o r e at a reduced rate. Berlin demanded eight and eight. H e then stuck to his demand through two meetings with appointed negotiators, a threat that if he seeded his o w n fields he would be tithed at the full rate, and yet another appearance before the entire chapter. 4 5 O t h e r s than brash sixteenth-century lay lords like H a n s Berlin also stubbornly contested tithes. Back in the 1460s the abbot of St. M a r y and his peasants of Brochow defied three definitive sentences f r o m church courts to make the rector of St. Maurice take only w h a t they asserted were

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t h e c u s t o m a r y rates. 4 6 B u t t h e c h u r c h r e c o r d s d o g i v e s o m e o f t h e b e s t e x a m p l e s o f h o w l o r d s w e r e t a k i n g o n t h e tasks o n c e d o n e b y s c h u l z e n . In t h r e e d a y s at t h e t u r n o f 1 5 1 3 - 1 4 , A l b e r t S c h e u c r l e i n , Erbherr at J a g o d n o , first w o n a b s o l u t i o n f r o m t h e c a t h e d r a l c h a p t e r f o r a w o m a n w h o s e f a m i l y had been b a n n e d for tithe refusal and then gained a mediated a g r e e m e n t o n w h a t t h e v i l l a g e r s w o u l d be e x p e c t e d t o p a y — w h i c h he, S c h e u c r l e i n , w o u l d collect a n d g i v e in t h e i r n a m e . 4 7 T h e Erbherr,

t h e n , is a r o u n d 1500 c a u g h t in t h e act o f r e p l a c i n g t h e

schulz as " b r o k e r " b e t w e e n p e a s a n t s o c i e t y a n d t h e n o n - p e a s a n t elite. 4 8 T h e c h a n g e o f a c t o r c h a n g e d t h e r o l e itself. A schulz is r e c o g n i z a b l y w h a t s o c i o l o g i s t s call a " v i l l a g e n o t a b l e , " d e f i n e d b y his m a r g i n a l i t y a n d s u c c e s s f u l in his m e d i a t i v e f u n c t i o n f r o m his s i m u l t a n e o u s l y s e r v i n g t h e v a l u e s o f b o t h local c o m m u n i t y a n d e x t e r i o r society. T h e schulz as b r o k e r e m b o d i e d t h e balance b e t w e e n l o r d a n d p e a s a n t f u n d a m e n t a l t o t h e r e g i m e o f G e r m a n law. T h e n e w broker was not a notable, not marginal, not between lord and p e a s a n t , b u t t h e l o r d h i m s e l f . H e d e r i v e d his a u t h o r i t y f r o m s o u r c e s w h o l l y e x t e r n a l t o t h e village c o m m u n i t y a n d p e a s a n t society. T h e l o r d as b r o k e r e m b o d i e d p e r v a s i v e a n d i m m e d i a t e elite c o n t r o l o v e r p e a s a n t s . W h e n t h a t c o n t r o l p e n e t r a t e d t h e v e r y c o r e o f village affairs, t h e old d i s t a n c e s e p a r a t i n g l o r d a n d p e a s a n t h a d collapsed. In t h e e m e r g i n g r e g i m e c o n f r o n t a t i o n o f lord and peasant was direct and unequal. Lords linked and lords ruled. D u r i n g t h e late f i f t e e n t h a n d early s i x t e e n t h c e n t u r i e s l o r d s w e r e i m p o s i n g a n d e x e r c i s i n g their s u p e r i o r a u t h o r i t y o v e r a n d w i t h i n v i l l a g e c o m munities around

W r o c l a w . 4 9 T h e y m a d e their p o s i t i o n clear. T h e first

s u b s t a n t i v e e n t r y in t h e village c o u r t b o o k b e g u n at * 0 1 b i n o * in 1528 is t h e o a t h each v i l l a g e r s w o r e : 1, [gives name), pledge and swear to be loyal, true, and subjcct to the most worthy Lord John, Bishop and Abbot, His Grace, as my legitimate natural hereditary lord, and to the praiseworthy foundation of St. Vinccnt at Wroclaw, to watch out for the property and best of His Grace and of the abbey, and to protect [it] f r o m evil, with my entire ability, so help me God. 5 0

W r o c l a w ' s first act u p o n t a k i n g p o s s e s s i o n o f t h e H o l y Spirit H o s p i t a l in 1525 w a s t o e x t r a c t a like o a t h f r o m t h o s e o n its l o r d s h i p s , as d i d H a n s C o l m a n n , t h e citizen w h o t o o k D o m a s i a w in p l e d g e in 1537. C o l m a n n ' s c o n t r a c t f u r t h e r specified t h a t h e w o u l d r u n t h e village c o u r t , a d i s p l a y o f a u t h o r i t y t h e l o r d s o f P o p o w i c e h a d b e e n s u r e t o m a k e since t h e 1470s. 5 ' T h e s e m e n w i e l d e d p o w e r t o e n f o r c e their a u t h o r i t y . A s l o r d o f P o p o w i c e t h e r e c t o r o f S r o d a , J o h n R u s t e r , exiled f r o m t h e village a p e a s a n t w h o w o u l d n o t o b e y . 5 2 T h e c a n o n in c h a r g e o f j e l e n i n r e p o r t e d in e a r l y 1516 t h a t

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The Erosion of a Socio-Economic Order

he had led soldiers to capture disobedient peasants and thrown the rebels in prison. O n l y sufficient personal pledges would get them out. 5 3 Jail was in early 1532 threatened against those w h o refused rents at Maluszow. T h e taverner there, a man with a troublesome reputation (the year before it had been false beer measures and a brawl with the herdsman), was also at c o m munity request held for five days, fined, and required to give six personal guarantors for future peace with the "herschaffe unnd g e m e y n . " 5 4 T h e last phrase is a telling one; not schulz and c o m m u n i t y but lordship and c o m munity f o r m the village now. N o t only the criminal and disobedient felt the strength of the Erbherr. His power sliced deep into the economic rights and resources of all villagers. T h e lord intervened in the disposition of land and wealth a m o n g subject households (not yet, it seems, gratuitiously, but no less tellingly). T h e cathedral chapter took over and settled a dispute over a land survey at Κοήczyce and intervened when t w o men at Rzeplin exchanged a census. At Popowice by mid-century the lord was determining h o w many sheep each subject was to keep. 55 Lords manipulated what they took f r o m their tenants, too. In this they might show consideration, as at Polanowice where the chapter forgave some rents for poverty and then reduced all because of flood damages. 5 6 Economic intervention was, however, arbitrary, not customary, and very much in the lord's o w n interest. At Kryniczno in 1510 the decision to take cash for grain dues, with a rate set by the market price, would be enforced even if the peasants objected; the same rule applied to payments in lieu of Hofarbeit at Domastaw. 5 7 T h e power of the lord made even fixed obligations, that fundamental principle of tenant rights under German law, a p o tential victim of the desire for revenues. T h e student hospice of St. John received the dues f r o m Kryniczno but five marks a year therefrom went to the mansionarii of Holy Cross. This repurchaseable census the schulz and c o m m u n i t y had themselves established for fifty marks back in 1406, but in 1511 the cathedral chapter decided the scholars needed m o r e funds. T h e y imposed a "contribution" on the peasants of Kryniczno so the hospice could buy the rent. 5 8 That was one way aggressive lordship could solve its p r o b lem of debased customary rents. What peasants paid the Erbherr received. Ruling lords were economic managers w h o used their authority to generate incomes f r o m their properties and rights. Control of his lordship let the Erbherr direct the use of its resources. Was this lesson of survival learned in the mid-fifteenth century, when lords' distance f r o m the agrarian economy proved so costly to them? Manipulating the height and f o r m of tenant obligations helped insure the lord's incomes f r o m rental land against debasement and default. Authority,

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available resources, and d e m a n d to be filled also e n c o u r a g e d lords t o reassess t h e potential of p r o d u c i n g on their o w n accounts in traditional a n d i n n o v a t i v e ways. G r o w t h o f d e m e s n e p r o d u c t i o n a c c o m p a n i e d the spread o f s e r f d o m in s i x t e e n t h - c e n t u r y Silesia, b e g i n n i n g slowly b e f o r e and attaining peak rates after 1550. L a n d l o r d f a r m s m a d e f r o m f o r m e r w o o d l a n d o r b y dispossessing schulzen a n d tenants m a r k e t e d surpluses o f cereals, livestock, and o t h e r c o m m o d i t i e s . S o m e relied exclusively on c o m p u l s o r y peasant labor, b u t in n o r t h e r n and central Silesia self-contained enterprises c o m m o n l y e m p l o y e d paid servants and g c r t n e r , and across the province as a w h o l e lords u s i n g a m i x o f free a n d forced w o r k e r s w e r e p r o b a b l y m o s t n u m e r o u s . 5 4 Estate f a r m i n g in s i x t e e n t h - c e n t u r y Silesia t h u s m o r e closely r e s e m b l e d t h a t in c o n t e m p o r a r y B o h e m i a a n d H u n g a r y than in the Polish k i n g d o m , w h e r e e x p o r t grain p r o d u c t i o n and heavy use of forced peasant labor w e r e central by 1500. 6(1 N o n e t h e l e s s t h e p r o v i n c e had reversed three centuries o f s h r i n k ing l a n d l o r d i n v o l v e m e n t in the p r o d u c t i v e activities of the c o u n t r y s i d e . A r o u n d W r o c l a w in the late fifteenth and early sixteenth centuries l a n d o w n e r s w e r e establishing f o u n d a t i o n s f o r their later p r e e m i n e n c e in v a r i o u s rural e c o n o m i c sectors. T h e y invested time, energy, and capital in t r a d i tional pastoral and arable f a r m i n g and in p r o m i s i n g n e w pursuits. As s i g nificant as a n y particulars, h o w e v e r , is the g r o w i n g c o n c e r n f o r close e c o n o m i c m a n a g e m e n t these collectively reveal. Local circumstances m e a n t n o t all such activities w e r e n e w . M o s t fully d o c u m e n t e d at this t i m e are landlord f a r m s reminiscent of t h e f o u r t e e n t h century, small livestock o r m i x e d f a r m i n g enterprises o n b o t t o m l a n d o r black earth sites. T h o s e in c o r p o r a t e estates w e r e m a n a g e d in t i m e - h o n o r e d ways. K r z y k i , f o r instance, b e l o n g e d to the H o l y Trinity H o s p i t a l , w h o s e a d m i n i s t r a t o r in the late 1480s let o u t h i g h l y detailed lease/labor c o n t r a c t s for o p e r a t i o n o f its eight o r nine mansi, three h u n d r e d sheep, a n d s e v e n t y o d d o t h e r animals. 6 1 T h e " H o f e m a n n " signed on f o r three years a n d t h e s h e p h e r d for o n e , each receiving maintenance, shares in t h e p r o d u c t , a n d a cash salary. T h e i r responsibilities w e r e m i n u t e l y i n v e n t o r i e d .

Another

m a n a g e r i a l m o d e required closer supervision and use as n e e d e d of a w a g e labor force. C a n o n Stanislaw B o r g had the chapter's K o z a n o w f o r life a n d c o n t i n u e d residence. H e s p e n t m o r e than seventy m a r k s o n capital i m p r o v e m e n t s a n d hired w o r k e r s f r o m G g d o w Male. W h e n plans t o leave W r o c l a w in 1516 caused h i m t o s u r r e n d e r t h e f a r m , the chapter q u i c k l y a p p r o v e d provisional a s s i g n m e n t t o c a n o n H e n r y Esewein, "lest f o r lack o f a g o v e r nor this d e m e s n e be desolated in its fields o r suffer any o t h e r w a s t e . " 6 2 L a n d o w n e r s k n e w that successful d e m e s n e f a r m i n g d e m a n d e d c o n t i n u a l attention.

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Vague and isolated records hint that some upland farms with more e m phasis on grain production were similarly managed, 6 3 but simply too little is k n o w n about these—and about arrangements on all lay lordships. This is a serious gap, for such properties later had considerable quantitative i m p o r tance 64 and their gradual expansion is fully visible in the period of interest here. In the mid-1490s Nicholas Luckow had already added to his four mansi of demesne at Jugowiec another four that had been rental land, while at Ogrodnica nearby the heirs of Peter Kreiselwitz had taken over the fields of the scholtisei and some deserted land. Sebald Sauerman augmented his demesne farm at Wierzbica in 1496 when he bought the four mansi of the schulz and two of the taverner. 65 T h u s Wroclaw duchy lords early drew u p o n all easily accessible sources of arable to expand their demesnes. Wholly new landlord farms wait another generation. About 1525 Nicholas Tschesche at Borek Strzelinski bought out claimants to four empty mansi, added t w o more f r o m an u n k n o w n source, built barns, stables, and a house for a farm manager, and had this run in parallel to the nine-mansi demesne he already worked there. 66 By the early 1540s the squire (from a one-time city family), Hans Rothe of Jakubowice, and the senior Wroclaw councillor, Stephen Heugel, were both buying out peasants to make large new Vorwerke at Domaslaw and at Krppicc respectively. 67 Managerial conccrns of lords with relatively labor-intensive grain farms arc reflected in local and regional efforts to manipulate the supply and cost of labor. C o m p u l s o r y work by tenants was one response: specifications of Hofarbeit normally included plow and harvest services. T h a t wage labor long had equal or greater importance is shown by its repeated regulation through ordinances of princely Diets and the Wroclaw council. In 1513, for instance, the former set m a x i m u m rates for many rural workers, f r o m plowmen, dairy maids, cooks, and wagoneers paid by the year a mark and m o r e to mowers, diggers, or carpenters making a groschen or two a day. Wroclaw attended directly to the grain harvest. Proclamations issued early each July set the current coin to be given daily for rye, wheat, and grass cutters, rakers, and binders. Around the city these workers could get up to half again what the provincial legislation allowed (2.5 or 3 as opposed to 2 groschen for mowers of rye) and those working on wheat always rated a further p r e m i u m . M a x i m u m wage rates responded to employers' perceptions of supply shortages and so did negative incentives built into the city legislation. Able-bodied vagrants were to be reported by inn-keepers and given three days to take work at the wages set, leave, or be beaten. 6 " A third response to labor needs of the grain harvest was continued hiring of migrants f r o m Poland. They entered the written record by the h u n gry hundreds whenever the early s u m m e r weather failed to get the central

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Silesian crop ready by their arrival in the first week o f j u l y . 6 4 All such m e a n s a n s w e r e d in lords' interests the needs o f their f a r m s f o r w o r k e r s . L a n d l o r d f a r m s a r o u n d early s i x t e e n t h - c e n t u r y W r o c l a w d r e w l a b o r f r o m the m a r k e t and sent p r o d u c t there. T h e city's r e g u l a t i o n s a n d tolls w e r e special c o m p l a i n t s o f the nobility in 1522. K n i g h t s a r g u e d against v i o lations of their privileges w h e n " w e drive w i t h o u r grain into t h e city . . . and w i t h o u r fish on the fish m a r k e t and o t h e r of o u r c o u n t r y p r o d u c e . " 7 0 So n o b l e o p e r a t o r s of d e m e s n e enterprises p r o d u c e d for sale grain and o t h e r c o m m o d i t i e s , n o t a b l y fish. N o n - a g r i c u l t u r a l rural p r o d u c t i o n especially attracted i n n o v a t i o n a n d i n v e s t m e n t f r o m f i f t e e n t h - and early s i x t e e n t h - c e n t u r y l a n d o w n e r s a r o u n d Wroclaw. Forestry, fisheries, artificial fish culture, and m a n u f a c t u r i n g p r o m ised returns to careful m a n a g e r s . N a t u r a l w o o d l a n d s near t h e city a n d its m a r k e t s were w o r t h attention. Leonard Steyrer called Gressel, a t o w n c o u n cillor until he was expelled in 1515, used controlled b u r n i n g t o i m p r o v e t h e t i m b e r g r o w i n g o n his land beside K o z a n o w ; his e x a m p l e caused the c a t h e dral chapter t o consider the same technique. If only f r o m the c a n o n s ' o w n experience w i t h t h e P o l a n o w i c e w o o d s , they k n e w that t i m b e r was v a l u e d f o r road repairs, h o u s i n g c o n s t r u c t i o n , and fuel. T h e y d i s p u t e d w i t h their peasant subjects b o u n d a r i e s b e t w e e n d e m e s n e and c o m m o n

woodland.

W r o c l a w ' s c o r p o r a t i o n also m a d e special efforts to hold t h e w o o d s at Rgdzin. 7 ' O w n e r s h i p of wild fisheries b r o u g h t gains to t h o s e w h o w e r e alert t o d e f e n d their rights and t o u p d a t e each year the leases to f i s h e r m e n w h o , as b e f o r e , w o r k e d t h e O d r a and its branches. Early s i x t e e n t h - c e n t u r y l o r d s w e r e m u c h c o n c e r n e d f o r the fisheries they controlled, w i t n e s s t h e l o n g d i s p u t e over that in the O l a w a b e t w e e n K s i f z e Male and Wielkic a n d a n o t h e r precipitated w h e n fishers f r o m W r o c l a w followed their q u a r r y o n t o w a t e r s then

flooding

cathedral chapter land at K o z a n o w . 7 2 S u c h a t t e n t i o n

was r e w a r d e d . T h e fishery gave 2.5 m a r k s of the 18.5 t h e city received in 1468 f r o m l o r d s h i p over Kowale. T h e annual lease of that at K o t o w i c e b r o u g h t Trzebnica 7 m a r k s in 1523, w h e n rents and fiscal r i g h t s over t h e w h o l e village yielded o n l y 35. 7 3 Barthel Stein, master o f t h e C o r p u s Christi C o m m a n d e r y a n d h u m a n i s t e n c o m i a s t of Silesia, r e m a r k e d in 1513 o n the m a n y artificial fish p o n d s a r o u n d Wroclaw. 7 4 Rich evidence a f f i r m s his t e s t i m o n y . Fish c u l t u r e c o n s t i tuted a creative response o f late medieval l a n d o w n e r s to l a b o r s h o r t a g e s , s u r p l u s land, a n d m a r k e t o p p o r t u n i t i e s . 7 5 Because t h e relative c h r o n o l o g y o f east-central E u r o p e a n pisciculture is u n s u r e , it c a n n o t be d e t e r m i n e d w h e t h e r this innovation first arrived at W r o c l a w f r o m B o h e m i a — w h e r e advanced m e t h o d s had a g o o d f o o t h o l d b e f o r e t h e H u s s i t e r e v o l u t i o n — o r

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f r o m elsewhere in Silesia or Poland. 7 6 By the late fifteenth and early sixteenth century the artificial rearing of fish was a noteworthy development throughout the region. Lords in the Duchy of Wroclaw actively developed their ponds f r o m the mid-fifteenth to the early sixteenth century. Consortia of citizens and nobles first built several in the wet terrain of the north-central Sroda district. 77 Elsewhere in the duchy n o comparable projects are verifiable before the 1470s, although the chronicler at St. Mary later recalled that heavy floods of 1464 damaged "innumerable fish ponds in Silesia." 78 By 1500 all sorts of landowners were constructing, operating, and dealing in ponds everywhere that subsequent maps show such standing waters in the duchy. 7 9 A law of 1513 set a groschen a day as the diggers' pay. 80 Still, the multipond complexes which by then sprawled across the northern third of the Sroda district remained the most important concentration a m o n g the t w o dozen or more groupings k n o w n in the duchy by the second quarter of the century. Artificial fish culture required large-scale engineering, technical sophistication, entrepreneurial talent, and social authority. Earthen dams in watercourses drowned former fields and meadows, while operational needs to drain ponds regularly called for sluices and outlet channels. Hence most pond builders had to gain agreement from several landowners and to consider how they would deal with peasants w h o m their work injured or displaced. Negotiations over the "Stockichten Teich" between Bialkow, Mrozow, and Wojnowice busied the Schellendorf brothers, Peter Krig, and Krig's heirs for almost a decade; both parties agreed to compensate flooded peasants in accord with knowledgeable estimates of damage. 8 1 Effective running of the enterprise also demanded holding tanks and regular stocking. Ponds at Z a b o r in 1494 received 9000 three-year-old carp raised by Hans D o m p n i g . By this time Wroclaw had a lively market in cultivated fish, supplied in bulk by, a m o n g others, Peter [3] Krig. 82 T h e commercial rearing of fish demanded capital beyond the capacity of peasants. O n l y lords could mobilize the reputed thousand florins J o h n Löbschütz spent about 1490 to repair and enlarge the pond complex at St. Vincent. Then he put eight hundred marks more into a big new p o n d j u s t across the Widawa f r o m the duchy—and that did not include the value of tolls he first exchanged for complete authority over the village. 83 Returns were commensurate if all went well. Ursula Bank was able as early as 1472 to borrow a hundred marks against security of only half her incomes f r o m what could not have been a large pond at Magnice. 8 4 N o wonder the n o bility expressly defended their rights freely to market fish in Wroclaw. And no wonder the first European compendium on artificial fish culture, t h o u g h

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w r i t t e n b y t h e M o r a v i a n prelate Jan Skaly ζ D u b r a v k a (Jan D u b r a v i u s ) for A n t o n F u g g c r in 1525, first c a m e into print in 1547 at the press o f A n d r e a s Vingler in Wroclaw. 8 5 C a r e f u l and p r o f i t - o r i e n t e d l a n d o w n e r s there had l o n g k n o w n t h e value of such expertise. T h e p o n d sites and w a t e r needed for fish p r o d u c t i o n w e r e c o m m o n if n o t u b i q u i t o u s in the d u c h y . B u t its f e w landless peasants m a d e successful p r o m o t i o n o f rural i n d u s t r y d e p e n d on the rare c o m b i n a t i o n o f g o o d access to r a w materials and m a r k e t s . A n y lord was pleased to have revenues f r o m traditional rural crafts, 8 6 b u t b e f o r e 1530 m o r e capital-intensive activities are f o u n d only q u i t e near t h e city. At Z l o t n i k i , f o r instance, H a n s H a u n o l d received in his 1502 privilege express permission to erect a " H a m m e r . " 8 7 T h e n e w idea w o r k e d . A q u a r t e r - c e n t u r y later H e d w i g K u p f e r s c h m i e d i n ceded t o Benedict Kinast K u p f e r s c h m i e d her " K u p f e r h a m m e r " in that place. 8 8 A h a m m e r - m i l l t h e r e had w a t e r p o w e r f r o m t h e Bystrzyca and in the city a day's j o u r n e y away its c u s t o m e r s and its ( i m p o r t e d ) supplies of raw copper. L a n d o w n e r s closer to the city had m o r e lucrative o p p o r t u n i t i e s as d a n g e r o u s a n d n o x i o u s processing operations m o v e d o u t to s u b u r b a n sites, n o t a m o n g the s o u t h e r l y m a r k e t g a r d e n s b u t n o r t h and west along t h e river channels. A r e n d e r i n g plant was built in 1493 on s t r e a m s i d e m e a d o w s in *Szczepin*. A c r o s s the O d r a an older industrial zone grew. T h e tar w o r k s f o r m e r l y at t h e city's O d r a gate m o v e d in 1521 to a n e w site in * 0 1 b i n o * . Slaughter h o u s e s had multiplied there and spread d o w n s t r e a m i n t o *Rzepina* since t h e m i d - f i f t e e n t h century. Wax and g u n p o w d e r m a n u f a c t u r i n g f o l l o w e d . In t h e 1530s w e r e added a wire mill and a c o p p e r h a m m e r like that at Z l o t n i k i . T h i s o n e paid yearly to Wroclaw, lord of the land and c o m m u n i t y , e i g h t m a r k s in rent. 8 4 O v e r the next c o u p l e of centuries lords of settlements along the river f r o m Szczytniki to O s o b o w i c e w o u l d erect a n d o w n distilleries, lime a n d plaster w o r k s , paper mills, starch factories, a n d o t h e r heavy quasi-industrial operations. 4 0 In the years a r o u n d 1500, then, lords began rapidly t o close the distance that had separated t h e m f r o m rural e c o n o m i c activity. In ruling peasant subjects, linking village c o m m u n i t i e s to a larger social w h o l e , m a n a g i n g their o w n d e m e s n e enterprises, and seeking the labor and m a r k e t s to m a k e the last r e m u n e r a t i v e , early s i x t e e n t h - c e n t u r y l a n d o w n e r s had ceased t o treat their p r o p e r t i e s as m e r e territorially-defined rights t o regular i n c o m e s . T h e y w e r e t h e m s e l v e s n o w possessors o f p r o d u c t i v e resources a n d lords over m e n . Shifts in t h e f o r m a t a n d v o c a b u l a r y of the records lords k e p t m a y be taken to s y m b o l i z e a c h a n g i n g o f m i n d s . T h i s investigation b e g a n w i t h texts f r o m a p a t r i m o n i a l age. C h a r t e r s o f H e n r y t h e B e a r d e d regularly n a m e d

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peasants w h o s e personal servitude and social category established their specific social relations and obligations. During the age of German law, h o w ever, characteristic rural records differed; lords held and transferred villages described in terse s u m m a r y statements: so many mansi censuales at such and such a rate per mansus and the schulz has a certain a m o u n t of free land and duties. Lists of named tenants were rare then, for lords did not rule men so much as o w n identifiable territory with particular charges against it. T h e situation altered some during the fifteenth century. Genuine rent and income registers became m o r e c o m m o n as the elite learned f r o m experience that abstract claims to income were not, in fact, revenue received. It made good sense to list tenant, holding, obligation, and actual payment and, in effect, to think of land along with the men w h o gave it value. Until sometime in the sixteenth century, however, land and people still usually went together. A tenant mattered—and thus had his name listed by some lord's officer—because he held land. Those without land—and here both gertner and the wholly landless c o m e quickly to m i n d — w e r e not, as a m a t ter of course, w o r t h y of record. T h e last, too, began to change in the sixteenth century. By its end lords were keeping track of men not, in the first instance, by their holdings, but by their social category. 9 1 Feasants, gertner, cottagers, servants, craftsmen, or whatever status, they belonged to the lord as his subjects, paid to him their obligations, and hence, whatever the resources he might allow them to use, had importance to him in their persons. T h e personal and patriarchal outlook of the elite surfaced earlier in passing phrases than in w h o l e genre of records. As early as 1469/70 Bernhard Wende ceded " t h e schulz, peasants, and patronage r i g h t " at P r o s z k o w where previous texts spoke only of the village and its court. 9 2 Constantine Meissner installed a n e w free schulz at Domasiaw in 1514 but specified that he was to " h o l d " only to Constantine himself as his Erbherr.9i Then during and after the 1520s come charters wherein lords transfer "a peasant," " t w o peasants," or the like. 94 T h e lord's peasants had become "his people" and that meant he had responsibility for them. T h e Kolovrat agreement of 1504 speaks often of "die L e w t " and of the need to ensure they "nit zu Schaden k e m e n " and "nicht zu G r u n d e verderpt werden." 9 5 T h e assumptions required only clarification f r o m Lutheran ideology to become Hans Berlin's "7 must see to it that . . . my people [mein Leute] are cared for and d o not live like beasts." 9 6 But Hans was simultaneously "the Peasant's E n e m y , " and his apparant paradox of care and enmity encapsulates the t w o faces of the new Erbherr. the peasants were "his" and his was the responsibility for their care; they were not animals but they were not free people. T h u s even around Wroclaw, even with what were by east-central Eu-

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ropcan standards rich agricultural resources, nearby urban markets, and a dense population o f prosperous farmers, the chill o f n e o s e r f d o m slowly seeped across the land. For the pluralism o f the age o f G e r m a n law, unequal though it always was and already lamed in the fifteenth-century crisis, it substituted a closing o f options, a hierarchical rigidity, a sense o f authority, m o n o p o l y , and constraint. T h e positive-sum g a m e , w h i c h had in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries enriched m o s t groups in the rural duchy, lords and peasants alike, now, for all the efforts o f s o m e to restore it, ended. T h e new was a zero- or negative-sum g a m e ; its rules placed a p r e m i u m on power. T h o s e w h o had it and k n e w to wield it w o n in early m o d e r n central Silesia as elsewhere in the larger region. T h o s e w h o lacked it, the peasant population or, in c o n t e m p o r a r y parlance, arme they had not for three hundred years past.

lewle,

b o w e d b e f o r e it as

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13

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RETROSPECT: RURAL LIVES A R O U N D LATE MEDIEVAL WROCLAW

. . . realite est faite, sans fin, d'individus et de combats; revolution humain est le produit d'innombrables causes partielles et de consequences multiples, directes et indirectes. . . . RobertS. Lopez, Naissattce de I'Europe, p. 12.

A circuituous journey of exploration through a small but complex historical terrain reaches an end (with regret for byways untraced on harsh practicality's curtailed itinerary). The announced intent was to identify major elements of human experiences in the medieval countryside around Wroclaw and to understand how these came about. In prospect, three contextual questions were offered for provisional ordering of observations. What was the trajectory of economic change? How did relationships of lords and peasants form an agrarian society? What agents shaped the successive eastcentral European transitions to the developmental dynamic of freedom in the High Middle Ages and the repressive sterility of neoserfdom at their close? The analytical issues deserve final summation. Economic growth in the central Silesian countryside did lag behind and then converge toward patterns earlier begun further west. By 1200 increases in human numbers and elite wants were prompting experiments for greater production. A native Polish elite took the initiative in reorganizing relationships between themselves, peasant cultivators, and land resources. To gain willing collaborators they adjusted the risks and benefits from farming, removing themselves from close connection with agriculture and the lives of those who practiced it. They imported institutions and encouraged immigrants that would help achieve their purposes. The proven arrangements of the German law rewarded locatores who led peasants to build a larger and more productive rural economy based on peasant family farms with links to urban markets.

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E x c e p t w h e n high cereal prices tipped the balance, tenant f a r m i n g held f o r over t w o h u n d r e d years a slight b u t effective e d g e over larger l a n d l o r d farms. E c o n o m i c troubles at t h e close of the M i d d l e Ages had c o n n e c t i o n s t o p r o b l e m s e l s e w h e r e — e a r l y f o u r t e e n t h - c e n t u r y harvest failures, bullion shortages, a " s p i l l o v e r " f r o m crisis in B o h e m i a — a n d distinct d o m e s t i c aspects. Plague was here first delayed and then survived w i t h little d a m a g e t o e c o n o m i c activity. T h e n in the 1400s s y m p t o m s of rural crisis f o l l o w e d e x o g e n o u s stresses. T h e y w e r e chiefly political a n d m e t e o r o l o g i c a l , b u t r e s e m b l e d in their effects, n o t a b l y d e p o p u l a t i o n and lower l a n d e d i n c o m e s , t h o s e seen in o t h e r parts of E u r o p e . T h e D u c h y of W r o c l a w s u r e l y g e n e r ated less agricultural p r o d u c t in 1480 than it had in 1350 a n d m a r k e t e d less, too, but per capita wealth a m o n g peasant s u r v i v o r s had p r o b a b l y g r o w n . T h e trigger f o r " r e c e s s i o n " is not easily f o u n d in antecedent c o n d i t i o n s o f this regional e c o n o m y . T h e o p e r a t i o n and eventual t r a n s f o r m a t i o n of rural society a r o u n d late medieval W r o c l a w d e p e n d e d on s y n e r g y b e t w e e n agrarian i n s t i t u t i o n s a n d t h e social e n v i r o n m e n t s of lords a n d peasants. Especially critical f o r t h e a u t o n o m y o f village c o m m u n i t i e s u n d e r the G e r m a n law was t h e e c o n o m i c and social " d i s t a n c e " of lords f r o m their properties. B e t w e e n t h e t w e l f t h c e n t u r y and t h e fifteenth l a n d o w n e r s a r o u n d W r o c l a w f o u n d m o s t p r o p erty better m e t their socially defined needs w h e n treated as a s o u r c e o f regular revenues than as a b u n d l e of potentially p r o d u c t i v e resources. C y c l i c social processes and historical processes were c o n n e c t e d . W h e n l o r d s collectively changed the social f u n c t i o n of p r o p e r t y a c h a n g e of agrarian relations followed. O n the l o n g - o b s c u r e social terrain w i t h i n the village, l e a d e r s h i p b y schulzen balanced the distance of lords. B u t w h i l e h e a d m e n b r o k e r e d c o m m u n i t y dealings w i t h n o n - p e a s a n t society, peasants m o v e d in a c o m p l e x w e b o f individual relations. Initiatives freely exercised u n d e r t h e G e r m a n law d e n y stereotypes o f repressed and quiescent east-central

European

peasants. T h e regional setting well sustains t h e d e p a r t u r e of c o n t e m p o r a r y eastcentral E u r o p e a n h i s t o r i o g r a p h y f r o m i n a p p r o p r i a t e d e p e n d e n c e o n e t h n o cultural variables. C e r t a i n l y the area a r o u n d W r o c l a w b e c a m e a n d r e m a i n e d d u r i n g the later M i d d l e A g e s a z o n e o f c o m p l e x ethnic m i n g l i n g . E n c o u n ters there a m o n g p e r s o n s of native Polish and m i g r a n t G e r m a n o r o t h e r o r i g i n e n c o u r a g e d a distinct Silesian identity. B u t ethnic d i f f e r e n c e w a s n o d e t e r m i n a n t o f s o c i o - e c o n o m i c b e h a v i o r in the c o u n t r y s i d e , f o r l o r d s a n d peasants of w h a t e v e r cultural distinction shared c o m m o n e x p e r i e n c e s — o f clearing n e w land in the 1270s, o f failed harvests d u r i n g t h e 1310s, o f

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Order

plagues cscapcd in 1348—51 b u t n o t 1361 o r 1372, a n d of wealth destroyed in 1428, 1459, o r 1474. Shared a m o n g p r o t a g o n i s t s o f w h a t e v e r e t h n i c origin w e r e also the peasant liberty of the H i g h M i d d l e A g e s a n d s e r v i t u d e o f their e n d . B o t h t r a n f o r m a t i o n s w e r e driven b y lords d e m a n d i n g net revenues, b u t necessary p r e c o n d i t i o n s , operational m o t i v e s , and peasant responses differed. G r o w ing p o p u l a t i o n s and m a r k e t s and available resources and t e c h n o l o g y gave t h i r t e e n t h c e n t u r y possessors of rights over land the c o n f i d e n c e to release p r o d u c t i v e factors to i m m i g r a n t a n d native peasants in r e t u r n f o r risk-free fixed m o n e y dues. F r e e d o m a n d the gains f r o m greater p r o d u c t i v i t y gave cultivators incentive to accept the offer. S e r v i t u d e c a m e along a path of m u l t i p l e contingencies and c o n s e quences. A f t e r lords gained private possession of lucrative public j u r i s d i c tions, they learned in the fifteenth c e n t u r y the d a n g e r s of fixed cash i n c o m e s a n d distance f r o m p r o d u c t i v e resources. W h e n o n l y t h o s e w h o controlled resources could assuredly receive revenues, at least s o m e lords lost c o n f i dence that the r e g i m e of G e r m a n law could still satisfy their wants. T h e s a m e e c o n o m i c t r o u b l e s and their e f f e c t s — i m p o v e r i s h m e n t of schulzcn and o t h e r s , rapid t u r n o v e r of tenant h o u s e h o l d s , w e a k e n i n g o f pluralism in the v i l l a g e — c o r r o d e d the defenses of peasant c o m m u n i t i e s . T h e n cach c o m pleted consolidation of all o w n e r s ' rights reduced local c o m p e t i t i o n a m o n g t h e elite. In the circumstances of a b o u t 1500 n o t incentives b u t coercion achieved the c o n t r o l b y the lord that then seemed to assure the revenues of a m o r e unitary l a n d o w n i n g g r o u p . T h e past was n o t lived b y historian's issues but b y w h o l e h u m a n beings. T h i s e x p l o r a t i o n f o u n d c o m p l e x regional and individual experiences at the s i m u l t a n e o u s intersection o f all the t h e m e s . At the level o f data and criticism, empirically s u p p o r t a b l e generalizations take statistical and stochastic rather than law-like and deterministic f o r m . At the level of u n d e r s t a n d i n g a n d explanation are f o u n d c o n t i n g e n c y and p r a g m a t i c h u m a n responses to situations. In retrospect, f o u r sequentially o v e r l a p p i n g i n t e r p r e t i v e i d e a s — d e v e l o p m e n t , stable pluralism, survival, e x p l o i t a t i o n — h e l p e d carry this t r e a t m e n t f o r w a r d f r o m the t w e l f t h c e n t u r y to the sixteenth. Each in s u c cession f r a m e d settings f o r individuals of all social stations. Occasionally even the s h a p i n g o f particular lives can be m a d e o u t . T h e d e v e l o p m e n t a l t r a n s f o r m a t i o n of agrarian relationships d o m i n a t e d t h e t w e l f t h t h r o u g h t h e f o u r t e e n t h centuries. Pressures of peasant n u m b e r s a n d elite w a n t s could drive a d e v e l o p m e n t a l d y n a m i c only t h r o u g h creative entrepreneurial responses by p e o p l e of b o t h high and o r d i n a r y s t a n d i n g . W h a t a D u k e H e n r y o r an Abbess G e r t r u d e instigated gave to o t h e r s indispensable roles. Visible participants w e r e t h e locatores like L a m b e r t of T y n i e c

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at Z a W o t o in the 1240s, H a n c o D r e m e l i k at Sicchnicc in the 1350s, a n d t h e n M c n z e l i n u s , w h o s e plans for Stabfowice the plague shattered. O b s c u r e d b y the very s t r u c t u r e s which p r o m o t e d innovation arc the peasant c u l t i v a t o r s w h o a d o p t e d n e w institutions and m e t h o d s . D e v e l o p m e n t a l success was a multi-cultural enterprise. A r o u n d W r o claw early c h a n g e s were a u t o c h t h o n o u s , w h a t b e c a m e key village i n s t i t u tions w e r e i m p o r t e d , G e r m a n peasant i m m i g r a n t s d e m o n s t r a t e d t h e w o r t h o f n e w institutions and of n e w arable, and i n d i g e n o u s people rapidly m u l tiplied t h e success. To m a k e d e v e l o p m e n t w o r k in high medieval ccntral Silesia it had to benefit all participants, lord and peasant, m i g r a n t a n d n a tive. F r o m t h e late t w e l f t h c e n t u r y t h r o u g h at least the 1350s, p e r h a p s the 1410s, the agricultural sector of the d u c h y was, taken globally, a s i t u a t i o n in w h i c h all gained. A s o c i o - e c o n o m i c s y s t e m , the r e g i m e of G e r m a n law, resulted f r o m high medieval d e v e l o p m e n t and gave structural shape to times h e r e called " t h e long f o u r t e e n t h c e n t u r y . " A l m o s t e v e r y w h e r e s o m e o p t i o n s o r alternatives w e r e available—resources in b o t t o m l a n d s , black earth, a n d l o a m ; strategies f o r the social use of p r o p e r t y ; choices of e c o n o m i c o p p o r t u n i t i e s . F u n d a m e n t a l relationships b e t w e e n lords and peasants were, h o w e v e r , f i r m , and manifest in stable institutional settings and notionally traditional total transfers f r o m agriculturalists to t h e elite. M e m b e r s of the latter like N i c h olas Sittin, C o n r a d of Borsnicz, and their heirs c o m p e t e d w i t h their peers in a c o n s t r a i n e d e n v i r o n m e n t shaped by socio-biological cycles o f lives and families. In a u t o n o m o u s c o m m u n i t i e s f a r m e r s retained t h e yield o f g r e a t e r p r o d u c t i v i t y o r self-exploitation. O n l y late and locally did their larger n u m bers press against limited resources and an ossifying agricultural t e c h n o l ogy. Personal mobility, occupational and m a r k e t i n g o p p o r t u n i t i e s , credit and kinship n e t w o r k s reinforced the ability of v i l l a g e r s — g l i m p s e s w e r e c a u g h t of a N i c h o l a s of Stary D w o r and a Nicholas U n v e r w o r n — t o n e g o tiate safely w i t h the several c h a n g i n g elite individuals w h o claimed o w n e r ship rights in land. Differences in ethnicity and culture also r e m a i n e d plural elements in t h e c o u n t r y s i d e . In the fifteenth c e n t u r y a n e w situation supplanted d e v e l o p m e n t a n d pluralism because external forces d a m a g e d the agricultural s y s t e m .

For

s o m e p e o p l e it b e c a m c a question of physical and f o r o t h e r s of social s u r vival. All suffered w h e n p r o d u c t i o n fell and then peasants shifted their o w n losses to their l o r d s — w h o had to c h o o s e their o w n response. T h e s a m e c o n d i t i o n s that let Bartek Rusticus refuse to pay tithe led C z a s i a w S o m m e r feld and H e n r y D o m p n i g t o sustain elite position b y m e a n s n o t earlier acceptable. S o m e s u r v i v o r s acheived success b u t the r e g i m e o f G e r m a n l a w w a s crippled.

374

§

The Erosion of a Socio-Economic Order

An exploitative regime of neoserfdom in the duchy grew f r o m the f o u r teenth-century assimilation of sovereign authority and the fifteenth-century loss of revenues experienced by all landowners. It advanced after changes in key social situations of both lords and peasants. T h e successive careers of Nicholas, Caspar, and Hans P o p p l a u — t o w n - b o r n courtier, repressive j u rist, merchant retired to lordship—caught one configuration. T h e coerced leading villager Bartusch Kosel and Plusske Rossel the lord's agent e x e m plified peasant counterparts. Erbhemt around 1500 had the strength to move against peasants and the motivation to secure greater real incomes f r o m agriculture. Hans Berlin showed that none could deny their will. If the global positive-sum conditions of earlier centuries were long-gone, then each rural lordship was potentially a zero-sum game in which the lord was well-placed not to lose. Social, physical, economic, and mental structures damaged during the fifteenth century became mere wreckage for removal or materials for reuse in new forms shaping a starker regime. When freedom failed peasant prosperity was an ephemeral substitute. T h e medieval Duchy of Wroclaw was an unusual place. Its small territory held good agricultural resources and a large market. Its history established greater local cultural variety than may have been the n o r m elsewhere even in east-central Europe, for it included urban and rural, German and Slavic, and centers of secular and ecclesiastical cultures. An enduring political fracture zone reduced large-scale "state" influence and made " b i g " events also local ones with direct effect in the countryside. In consequence the D u c h y of Wroclaw is "representative" not of Silesia—where other regions had much lower urbanization and poorer soils, for instance—, not of P o l a n d — w i t h which it shared not half of the story here t o l d — , and not of east-central Europe as a w h o l e — w h e r e development generally came a little later and serfdom a little earlier and state politics mattered more, by and large. But can any real region or area stand for others over a long time? T h e D u c h y of Wroclaw is no representative of east-central Europe. Its inhabitants were collectively well-documented participants in particular versions of h u m a n experiences also shared by others in that region. As elsewhere, people responded to situations as they perceived them. This b o o k has set those situations and people around Wroclaw into the shared western pasts we call the Middle Ages.

Appendices

Appendix A

MATERIALS AND M E T H O D S FOR MEASURING L O N G - T E R M CHANGE IN LORDSHIP AND FARM M A N A G E M E N T

T h с Duchy o f Wroclaw is rich in two kinds o f rccords unusual in medieval rural history, surveys which describe many settlements at a single time and conveyances o f property among lords. Neither can be used simply. Techniques to extract quantitative data from these documents must recognize and control for their original purposes and character. This appendix presents the main sources and methods used to estimate changes in landownership and in the relative importance o f demesne and tenant farming.

Sources:

surveys and

conveyancing

1. T h e "Liber fundationis episcopatus Wratislavicnsis" ( L F E ) o f about 1300 catalogs rights and properties belonging to the Church o f Wroclaw. Besides lordships and tithe villages in the mensa episcopalis,

it includes grants from

the mensa o f life tenures to individual prelates and fiefs to episcopal vassals. Missing arc the chapter's corporate holdings and those o f cathedral prebends. A second manuscript also contains a fragmentary version listing only mensa properties around Wroclaw.' T h e medieval diocese o f Wroclaw and LFE

contained four regional

archdeaconries, two o f which divided the duchy. Included with other areas in the Wroclaw archdeaconry were the Wroclaw and Uraz districts. Under several administrative and territorial headings this register covers 41 identifiable settlements in the Wroclaw district, indicating ownership arrangements and the presence o f peasant tenants or demesne. But only 8 such entries are complete descriptions o f land in the village. Nor are any such among the 6 more places listed from the Uraz district. 2 T h e Sroda district in the archdeaconry o f Legnica, was surveyed in LFE

by type o f in-

come—field tithes, fixed grain tithes, fixed money tithes, e t c . — m o r e than territorial unit. This causes several places to be mentioned more than once. Cathedral clerks often knew little o f secular boundaries. Hence entries can

378

§

Appendices

correctly be assigned to only 12 Sroda district settlements and only the 3 which belonged to the bishop have reasonably complete inventories of the land there. 3 Scholars agree that LFE was compiled at the turn of the century but not as a single document. 4 The Wroclaw register was begun during 1295-99 and completed before the death of Bishop John III Romka in 1301, while relevant parts of the Legnica register date, as there indicated, to 1305.5 Because the whole was a working text, some individual entries even contain, especially in the names of subordinate possessors, accretions as late as the 1350s. The ultimate published edition is a tenurial palimpsest and its details best verified against other available records. LFE was a tool for the financial administration of the bishops. Because their rights included both ownership and tithes, their own and secular lordships occur among the 59 Wroclaw duchy settlements there listed, 11 of which are full numerical descriptions of the place. For the purposes of this discussion, the LFE is treated as representing conditions around 1300 in a sample of 25 percent of the 234 settlements then documented in the duchy. 2. A mid-fourteenth-century "Registrum villarum, allodiorum et j u rium ducatus Wratislaviensis et districtus Nampslaviensis," now no longer extant, was published in 1843 as "Das Landbuch des Fürstenthums Breslau" (LB).b Neither the editor, Gustav Α.Η. Stenzel, nor the sole later commentator, Carl Brinkmann, 7 then made entirely clear whether they dealt with one codex containing two versions, a draft (Konzept) and a fine copy (Original), or two separate manuscripts, К and O . Brinkmann also mentioned another with the date 1361 but did not specify if this was where Stenzel obtained the exactio (Geschoss) payments which he appended to the LB proper. 8 It is clear, however, that the LB as published by Stenzel contains items from more than one original. Disparate contents and organizing procedures mark LB as an early effort to account for sovereign lands and rights and not the product of an experienced bureaucracy. But in a society where some owners had special rights over their properties it made good sense to mix organization according to geographical criteria with separate headings for ecclesiastical landlords and for demesne holdings. Each rubric groups numerical descriptions of rural settlements, examples of which head chapters 5 and 6 above. No landowners are systematically omitted, but lay lords are not always named and independent demesne farms in the Sroda district are nowhere listed. The whole of LB contains 385 separate entries for Wroclaw duchy settlements in the main survey sections and another 165 in separate listings of mills, service obligations, exactio receipts, and so on. Many places appear more than once, for demesnes entered as part of the whole village often

Measuring Long-Term Change

§

379

recur in catalogs of demesnes and places with divided lordship may appear twice. After these are combined and the handful of unidentifiable names (without further information attached) eliminated, LB produces for the Duchy of Wroclaw itself a list of 284 identifiable places, 207 of which have all their land described. 4 T h e enquiry which produced LB began in 1352 with a letter f r o m E m peror Charles telling the Wroclaw council to help the chancellor, Dietmar Meckenbach, investigate and improve the administration of sovereign rights and incomes. 1 " What Stcnzel published, however, comprised sections from both the draft (K) and the fine copy (O) that resulted. Brinkmann suggested that К served chancery officials as a w o r k i n g office copy while О became the permanent file record. Ordinarily the editor used О as his basic text and noted the dozen or so cases in which the К counterparts differed, usually by giving more details. But Stenzel also printed f r o m К materials not in O , notably lists of mills and of taxes received. In О only the general statement of ducal rights bears a date, 1353," but parts of К arc dated 1358 and 1361 12 and the codex described by Brinkmann had a partly legible cover date, either 1363 or 1373. 13 T h e extreme dates within the text as published by Stcnzcl, then, arc Wroclaw's municipal incomes of 1348/49 and the exactio receipts of 1361. Brinkmann would not date the entire collection m o r e precisely than that, but suggested that the basic Wroclaw duchy survey ( # 1 - 2 2 0 ) was done in 1353 while demesnes ( # 2 2 1 - 3 8 6 ) may have been listed as late as 1358.14 LB was an official survey of rural properties in the duchy made for fiscal purposes by royal clerks with the aid of the city council. T h e differing incidence of various fiscal rights called for care in distinguishing a m o n g demesne, free, and tenant holdings, while exactio returns offer a useful check as to its accuracy. Although the two most important sections may have been compiled as m u c h as five years apart, it still seems appropriate to treat them as a single set of complementary information. T h e survey of 1353 covers 80 percent of the 354 settlements then in the duchy and gives full numerical information about land distribution in 58 percent of them. 3. Surviving as WAP, A M W , С 20 is the helpfully titled and dated " R e gistrum o m n i u m b o n o r u m sive villarum et allodiorum in districtibus Wratislaviensi, Noviforensi et Awrassensi super pecunia Burnegelt anno etc. X X V " (RB). 15 It records payment in 1425 of a tax called " b u r n e g e l t " assessed at one groschen per mansus in the Wroclaw and Uraz districts and a half groschen per mansus in the Sroda district (although a few places in the latter paid the full rate). Systematic use of this manuscript is complicated by peculiar features of the tax and its collection. RB is organized very like LB, mostly by district but with separate sec-

380

§

Appendices

tions f o r ccclcsiastical estates. S a m p l e entries appear as head n o t e s t o chapters 6 a n d 9 above. Because partial p a y m e n t s of tax f r o m s o m e places were r e c o r d e d separately a n d because the clerks at times c o n f u s e d t w o n a m e s for t h e s a m e place, t h e register's 212 entries actually refer t o 199 separate and identifiable s e t t l e m e n t s , f o r 61 of w h i c h all land seems accounted. 1 6 T h e tax receipts t h e m s e l v e s help check the accuracy o f village sizes rec o r d e d in R B , a n d m o r e aid in u n d e r s t a n d i n g it c o m e s f r o m a previously u n n o t i c e d m a n u s c r i p t . A n untitled f r a g m e n t o f a similar text was d o n e by a c o n t e m p o r a r y h a n d r e s e m b l i n g that o f R B itself. 1 7 T h e badly b a t t e r e d six leaves w h i c h s u r v i v e r e c o r d " m a n s i censuales" in 67 places o f w h i c h 60 are legible. T h e s e replicate t h e sequence of settlements in R B f r o m " S e s c h i z " t o " B r e c e n a w , " 1 8 b u t leave o u t a total of 12 entries there. All such o m i s s i o n s are, h o w e v e r , o f places either o u t of the usual alphabetical sequence o r repeated e l s e w h e r e in R B u n d e r a different a n d older n a m e . O f the 60 pairs of entries legible in b o t h m a n u s c r i p t s , 41 have the s a m e f o r m of n a m e and n u m b e r of rental m a n s i . A n o t h e r 11 such pairs find the R B e n t r y originally t h e s a m e b u t visibly c o r r e c t e d t o a different n u m b e r . T h e f r a g m e n t , then, seems t o have served as a m o d e l o r d r a f t for assessing the tax eventually c o m p i l e d as R B . LB was created as a p e r m a n e n t fiscal register, b u t R B records the receipt o f a particular a n d u n u s u a l tax, the " b u r n c g c l t . " T h u s entries in the t w o d o c u m e n t s are n o t entirely s y n o n o m o u s . T h e 1425 assessment seems u n i q u e in Silesia, f o r t h e t e r m is n o c u s t o m a r y local o n e b u t a G e r m a n i z a tion of t h e C z e c h berna o r " a i d . " In B o h e m i a , w h e r e it had been used since t h e early L u x e m b u r g s , t h e berna was incident o n all subjects of l a n d l o r d s b u t n o t o n direct e x p l o i t a t i o n properties. 1 9 P e r h a p s in c o n s e q u e n c e , d e m e s n e lands in t h e D u c h y of W r o c l a w w e r e n o t taxed and rarely listed in t h e R B account. 2 0 A s e c o n d i m p o r t a n t difference b e t w e e n village entries in R B a n d t h o s e in LB also derives f r o m the peculiar incidence of the " b u r n e g e l t . " U n l i k e m o s t o t h e r texts, t h a t o f 1425 does n o t use the t e r m " m a n s i censuales" to refer exclusively t o t e n a n t - h e l d rental mansi. In contrast t o n o r m a l Silesian practice, e f f o r t s w e r e s e e m i n g l y m a d e also to assess t h e " b u r n e g e l t " against free h o l d i n g s o f schulzen, village priests, and t h e like. C o n s e q u e n t l y R B c o m m o n l y g r o u p e d these lands a m o n g the " m a n s i censuales," t h e " t a x a b l e [rather than " r e n t a l " ] m a n s i . " 2 ' At J e r z m a n o w o , f o r instance, R B records 60 " m a n s i c e n s u a l e s " a n d describes 60 mansi, including 3 of the priest, 2 o f t h e schulz, and a n o t h e r that was also s o m e h o w peculiar, all of w h i c h p r e cisely replicates t h e situation of the w h o l e village in b o t h 1353 a n d 1443, w h e n 54 m a n s i w e r e in t h e h a n d s of tenants. 2 2 If read literally, h o w e v e r , t h e R B e n t r y falsely s u g g e s t s an 11 percent increase in the n u m b e r o f rental

Measuring Long-Term Change

§

381

mansi at Jcrzmanowo. Plainly and of critical importance, therefore, individual entries in RB can be correctly understood and compared only w h e n they arc read in the context of other references to that settlement. RB also contains notably fewer settlements than either LB or the 1443 tax account, 199 as opposed to 284 and 235 in the others respectively. Some omissions are systematic: independent demesne settlements; lordships of the bishops of Wroclaw and Lcbus; lordships of the Wroclaw cathedral chapter. T w o nearly contemporary texts help fill the lacunae. T h e Lcbus property register f r o m 1405 includes four of the same Wroclaw duchy holdings as appear in the 1443 tax roll. Full information about eight properties of the Wroclaw bishop is available in a fragmentary income account dating f r o m 1421/25. 21 For the sake of more complete and representative data f r o m the period immediately before the Hussite wars, the settlements recorded in these texts were added to those f r o m RB itself to give a total sample of 211, 58 percent of the 362 placcs then in the duchy, and a sub-set of 73 (20%) with full numerical descriptions of their lands. 4. A m o n g the papers of the late eighteenth-century Wroclaw antiquarian Samuel B. Klose n o w in WAP is his holograph copy of a manuscript entitled "Oistrictus Wratislaviensis liber de mansis comparatus sub anno 1443 per religiosum validum et strennuum ac honestos viros dominos, magistrum s. Mathiae, Mulich Haugwitz militem Wenccslaum Reichil consulem et Henricum Jenkwitz collcctorcs pecuniae e j u s d e m " (KLM). T h e original was reported missing in the generation after Kloses death. Klose published a summary, but there translated place-names, gave for each only the total size and amount of deserted land, and left out entries without such information and other remarks in the manuscript. 2 4 K L M covers the entire duchy (not just the Wroclaw district of its title) and includes lordships of normally-exempt churches. Like earlier survey texts its 19 titles mix geographical and ownership criteria of organization. Duplications a m o n g the 273 individual entries reduce the count of identifiable settlements to 235. O n l y 44 have full numerical information on all land in the settlement, but 165 give enough to calculate the proportion of land then deserted. In addition to information about land types, most entries give the a m o u n t and date of the tax payment and the a m o u n t , if any, still owed or dismissed for cause. As in RB, some lay landlords are also named. Mentioned nowhere is the purpose or occasion for the 1443 assessment, although both explicit statement and comparison of payments to village resources gives a rate of 12gr per occupied tenant mansus, tavern, or mill wheel in the Wroclaw and Uraz districts. In the Sroda district, however, the normal rate was 6gr. This half rate recalls King John's special privilege cutting the exactio (Geschoss) there in 1341.25 T h e tax, then, is most likely the

382

§

Appendices

exactio, levied and collected by a committee with representatives f r o m all three important landowning groups. Their efforts resulted in a 67 percent sample of the 344 places then inhabited in the duchy, but only 12 percent with full numerical details. Again the exempt demesnes are most often missing. 5. T h e four survey documents offer much numerical information about land and economic organization in large but not complete samples of W r o claw duchy settlements at times significant to its e c o n o m i c history. Most ecclesiastical lordships are there well accounted for, but identification of lay lords is less complete and even the best survey, LB, omits s o m e 20 percent of the 345 places then k n o w n f r o m the duchy's documents. A n d the latest survey dates to 1443. Different materials, not a single large text but the mass of charters preserved individually, in ecclesiastical cartularies like L N , and in official registers like RF, complement the surveys and provide valuable further information for use in conjunction with them. Conveyancing arrangements in the duchy and the registers of texts arising f r o m them were adequately introduced in Chapter 1. Except for scattered fortuitous examples of the full texts which survived as the landowners' copies or happened to be published before 1945, most conveyancing charters n o w survive only as summaries in RF. But comparison of r a n d o m l y surviving full originals with their entries in that register demonstrate the care with which it was assembled. 2 ' 1 It reproduced the language of the originals, Latin until the 1360s, German thereafter. Especially for texts u p to the mid-fifteenth century, the secretary transcribed the exact date, listed the captain before w h o m the transaction was consummated, and summarized the content of the charter, paying especial attention to the persons involved and the exact nature of the rights and properties being transferred. H e omitted only the lengthy formulae and repetitions so beloved of lawyerly bureaucrats, important for possible legal disputes, but relatively irrelevant for k n o w i n g what passed f r o m w h o m to w h o m . All test possibilities affirm the substantive accuracy of texts preserved in RF, and hence confidence in their use.

The distribution

of lordships

Conveyancing charters are only one, if a most important, source to identify lords over the duchy's rural settlements. They are supplemented by the surveys and all other documents f r o m the medieval duchy, nearly all c o m p o s e d in landowning circles and for their purposes. Conveyances offer a skeleton for the sequence of owners, but other surviving texts help to flesh it out. Controlled and systematic exploitation of information o n landlordship b e -

Measuring Long- Term Change

§

383

gan by assembling for each of the 384 rural settlements all of the d o c u m e n t s pertaining to it as, for example, was done for Kobierzyce to start C h a p t e r 7. From cach such collation a lordship series was then constructed. As Chapters 7 - 8 and 11 amply demonstrate, these need not be u n b r o k e n to account for w h o owned what in a settlement during most of the fourteenth, fifteenth and early sixteenth centuries.- 7 Certainly 384 such capsule histories, each with its peculiarities, gaps, and differently dated changes of lordship, are at best a marginal i m p r o v e ment on the unstructured mass of individual texts. As such they have but antiquarian interest. O n l y after development of more general propositions can the particulars of lordship changes in a Kobierzyce or any other one place gain a context and serve as illustrative examples. O n l y by the fullest possible view of the evidence, too, can the many holdings of Wroclaw citizens apparent to the most cursory glance at conveyances f r o m the f o u r teenth or the early sixteenth century be rightly judged in relation to other landowning groups. The technique here adopted was comparative statics, the construction f r o m the ownership histories of profiles of the landowning elite at five dates. Those choscn, 1300, 1353, 1425, 1480, and 1530, took the greatest advantage of concentrations of survey, conveyancing, and other d o c u m e n tation while also approximating points inherently critical to the rural history of the duchy. All evidence is exploited. From the history of cach rural settlement the lord or lords at cach date were, if k n o w n , listed and identified. After classification according to both social order and n u m b e r of p r o p erties held, the s u m m a r y profiles appear in Tables A . l and A.2. Because landowners and their properties receive extensive substantive treatment in Chapters 7, 8, and 11, the tables here need only explanatory comment. All lords of all property arc, of course, never k n o w n , so the first prerequisite is to assess the coverage of the samples created by those that arc recorded. Section a of Tabic A.l offers the only possible test statistic, a comparison of all the settlements k n o w n (both up to 1540 and in each sample year) with those for which landlords are k n o w n in each sample year. Comparison of settlement numbers works with a relatively fixed base p o p u lation (in the statistical sense); knowing h o w many settlements have identifiable lords also tells h o w many do not. Holdings and individual landlords, however, are only k n o w n if they are documented; no estimate is independently possible of the number of landlords not k n o w n or the n u m b e r of holdings of u n k n o w n lordship. O f settlements, then, all samples after 1300 are quite full; lords in at least three-fourths of the duchy's settlements are identified for each profile. T h e sample for 1300, however, is slim, comprising less than half of the

Table A . l . T h e possession of lordships: comparative statics, 1300-1530 a. The

1300

1353

1425

1480

1530

samples

1.

Settlements in the duchy 1

234

354

362

345

340

2.

Settlements with known lordship

163

317

291

266

278

Known lordship samples as percent b of: 3.

Settlements documented to 1540 (row 2/384 x 100)

41%

83%

76%

69%

72%

4.

Settlements in the sample year (row 2/row 1 x 100)

70%

89%

80%

77%

82%

b. Settlements

with lordships o f c

5. Ecclesiastical corporations

101

123

124

111

119

6.

Settlements with ecclesiastical lordships as percent of those with known lordship (row 5/row 2 x 100)

62%

39%

43%

42%

43%

7.

Settlements with ecclesiastical lordships as percent of settlements then in the duchy (row 5/row 1 X 100)

42%

35%

34%

32%

35%

8. Nobles

39

80

74

60

9.

Settlements with noble lordships as percent of those with known lordship (row 8/row 2 x 100)

24%

41%

27%

28%

22%

10.

Settlements with noble lordships as percent of settlements then in the duchy (row 8 / r o w l x 100)

17%

37%

22%

21%

18%

11. Citizens of Wroclaw

27

88

12.

Settlements with citizen lordships as percent of those with known lordship (row 11 /row 2 x 100)

16%

28%

35%

29%

38%

13.

Settlements with citizen lordships as percent of settlements then in the duchy (row 11/row 1 x 100)

12%

25%

28%

22%

31%

14. Others' 1

25

54

38

30

28

15.

Settlements with other lordships as percent of those with known lordship (row 14/row 2 x 100)

15%

17%

13%

11%

10%

16.

Settlements with other lordships as percent of settlements then in the duchy (row 14/row 1 x 100)

11%

15%

11%

9%

8%

c. Individual

101

77

107

holdings'

17. Holdings of known lordship Holdings

131

207

579

415

328

348

104

125

124

114

119

of:

18.

Ecclesiastical corporations

19.

Ecclesiastical holdings as percent of those with known lordship (row 18/ row 17 x 100)

20. Nobles

51%

48

21%

226

30%

118

35%

34%

88

74

T a b l e A . l . (continued)

1300 c. Individual 21.

22

holdings'

1353

1425

1480

1530

(cont.)

N o b l e h o l d i n g s as percent o f t h o s e w i t h k n o w n l o r d s h i p ( r o w 2 0 / r o w 17 x 100) Citizens o f W r o c l a w

23%

28

39%

147

28%

118

27%

87

21%

124

14%

25%

28%

27%

35%

24. O t h e r s

27

81

55

39

31

25.

13%

14%

13%

12%

23.

Citizen h o l d i n g s as p e r c e n t o f t h o s e w i t h k n o w n l o r d s h i p ( r o w 2 2 / r o w 17 x 100)

O t h e r h o l d i n g s as p e r c e n t o f t h o s e w i t h k n o w n l o r d s h i p ( r o w 2 4 / r o w 17 x 100)

9%

d. Lords 26. L a n d l o r d s identified

85

351

213

172

140

27. Ecclesiastical c o r p o r a t i o n s

16

17

18

18

19

28.

19%

10%

14%

84

64

41

39%

37%

29%

Ecclesiastical l a n d l o r d s as p e r c e n t o f t h o s e identified ( r o w 2 7 / r o w 26 x 100)

29. N o b l e s

35

30.

N o b l e l a n d l o r d s as pcrccnt o f thosc identified ( r o w 2 9 / r o w 26 x 100)

41%

31.

N o b l e l a n d l o r d families f

5%

167 47%

8%

(23)

(79)

(39)

(33)

(24)

32. Citizens o f W r o c l a w

25

97

65

58

64

33.

Citizen l a n d l o r d s as percent o f t h o s e identified ( r o w 3 2 / r o w 26 x 100)

29%

28%

30%

34%

45%

34.

Citizen l a n d l o r d f a m i l i e s f

35. O t h e r s 36.

O t h e r l a n d l o r d s as p e r c e n t o f t h o s e identified ( r o w 3 6 / r o w 26 x 100)

(21) 9 10%

(60)

(39)

(34)

70

46

32

20%

22%

18%

(39)

11%

Notes. ' F o r 13(X)only, s e t t l e m e n t s then d o c u m e n t e d . E a c h total includes places f o r w h i c h t h e latest k n o w n r e c o r d c o m e s after t h e p r e v i o u s s a m p l e year. b All p e r c e n t a g e s are given to the nearest w h o l e n u m b e r . 4 n section b, r o w s 5 - 1 6 , each s e t t l e m e n t c o u n t s o n l y o n c e f o r each kind o f l a n d l o r d . T h u s a place w i t h p r o p e r t i e s o f t w o d i f f e r e n t n o b l e s still c o n t r i b u t e s b u t o n e to t h e e n t r y in r o w 8, b u t if a n o b l e a n d citizen each have p r o p e r t i e s in t h e s a m e place it c o u n t s s e p a r a t e l y f o r b o t h g r o u p s . H e n c e r a w c o u n t s need n o t total the s a m e as in r o w 2 a n d p e r c e n t a g e s n e e d n o t a d d t o 100. d " O t h e r s " h e r e include sovereign d u k e s , m u n i c i p a l c o r p o r a t i o n s , citizens o f S r o d a , Schulzen and o t h e r f r e e b u t n o n - n o b l e c o u n t r y m e n , a n d p e r s o n s n o t i d e n t i f i a b l e as t o social o r d e r . F o r shifts a m o n g t h e m , see text. c I n section c, r o w s 1 7 - 2 5 , the p r o p e r t y o f each i n d i v i d u a l l a n d l o r d in each s e t t l e m e n t w h e r e he o r she held c o u n t s o n c e f o r that g r o u p . T h u s in c o n t r a s t t o s e c t i o n b, r o w s 5 - 1 6 , t w o n o b l e l a n d l o r d s in o n e place c o n t r i b u t e t w o h o l d i n g s t o t h e n o b l e c o u n t . T h e r a w c o u n t s a d d u p t o the totals in r o w 17 a n d , e x c e p t for r o u n d i n g e r r o r s , t h e p e r c e n t a g e s t o 100. r A s identified by c o m m o n s u r n a m e s .

Г]

и. 0 ϊ X Я и "υ Ι- 0 Ο fc· Л и S*

—

ЗС

—

—

О"

—

—

Ml с jo о χ

α

1с и tj u О

ас (Ч с

с -о

J3 ио

ι** о

с

а

с ij -а

л

—

•β h и О β. Ζ (Л ^ ~

г»

2 о X

—

_0 -о с ΓΊ id «1

—

ао с

0 1

—

-о с

л -J

"О 0 1

ОС

«= гО1 1/1 Η о ^ _ с ' гN Г" (Л1м ö " JB . - V X U О и α. -Π η tJ·? « π г 2 j с .а .ti ^ j aи ** ?О •· о

ε >· з о

388

§

Appendices

total set of villages ever k n o w n a n d o n l y 70 percent o f the certainly i n c o m plete set actually d o c u m e n t e d u p t o that year. T h i s s a m p l e predates the officially sanctioned c o n v e y a n c i n g s y s t e m , hence its inadequacy. It has, h o w e v e r , certain useful features and should n o t be i g n o r e d . N o t i c e t h e r a w totals f o r the t w o g r o u p s , clerics and t o w n s p e o p l e , w h o v o l u n t a r i l y used w r i t t e n charters rather extensively in the late thirteenth century. Ecclesiastical totals arc g o o d - s i z e d , for c h u r c h m e n already held land in 101 placcs, 27 percent of those ever d o c u m e n t e d in t h e duchy. T h e i r estates w e r e , as discussed in C h a p t e r 3, primarily wcll-rccorded creations o f the t w e l f t h and thirteenth centuries. Later accretions were relatively f e w and m o s t l y e v i d e n t n e w acquisitions, n o t properties w h i c h had l o n g escaped d o c u m e n t a t i o n . For t o w n s m e n the reverse is true. Despite their rather a n x i o u s use o f w r i t t e n evidence for l o r d s h i p rights, only 25 individuals held 28 properties in 27 places. " O t h e r s " are s u m m a r i z e d t o g e t h e r to simplify the tables. In 13(H) the t w o d u k e s o f W r o c l a w and G i o g o w held 18 of these p r o p e r t i e s and in 1353 the k i n g still retained 3. M o r e such holders w e r e the municipalities of W r o claw ( 1 3 5 3 - 1 5 3 0 ) and Sroda ( 1 4 8 0 - 1 5 3 0 ) , a h a n d f u l o f S r o d a citizens, and n u m b e r s o f schulzen and o t h e r villagers w i t h lands directly subject to the sovereign. O n l y t w o citizens of Sroda, A n n a Vogt in 1425 and T h o m a s Z i m m e r m a n in 1530, possessed 3 or m o r e h o l d i n g s and the sole unclassifiable individual so f o r t u n a t e was o n e M a r t i n B o b k o in 1353. O n l y because the h o l d i n g s of the C h u r c h of Wroclaw w e r e always so m u c h m o r e n u m e r ous than those of its nearest rival, St. Vincent w i t h 13 in 1353, is it s h o w n apart f r o m t h e o t h e r large o w n e r s . N o d o u b t reality was m u c h messier than the quantifiable evidence m a y imply. M u c h of that messiness o r n u a n c i n g is central to n o n - q u a n t i t a t i v e discussions t h r o u g h o u t t h i s · b o o k . T h e sources will not, h o w e v e r , sustain any systematic m e a s u r e m e n t o r numerical c o m p a r i s o n of variables like the acreage, sale value, or i n c o m e s f r o m land in lords' estates. S o m e m i g h t p r o p o s e " c o r r e c t i n g " f o r p r o b a b l e correlations. 2 " Ecclesiastical c o r p o r a t i o n s s o u g h t and o f t e n gained sole o w n e r s h i p over w h o l e vill a g e s — w h i c h m i g h t m e a n their share of rural land was greater t h a n the p r o p o r t i o n o f sites w h e r e they o w n e d . Citizens and k n i g h t s m o r e o f t e n had only fractions of v i l l a g e s — w h i c h w o u l d m a k e t h e m still smaller p r o p r i e t o r s than n u m b e r s o f h o l d i n g s o r settlements indicate. C o n v e r s e l y , h o w e v e r , c h u r c h m e n always and citizens until t h e late f o u r t e e n t h c e n t u r y m o s t l y o w n e d in t h e W r o c l a w district w h e r e average settlement size was well b e l o w that in the Sroda and U r a z districts w h e r e m o r e k n i g h t s h a d a u t h o r i t y . To factor such considerations into the c o u n t s displayed in Tables A . l a n d A . 2 w o u l d , h o w e v e r , achieve a s p u r i o u s pretense o f accuracy t h r o u g h t w o a d ditional m e t h o d o l o g i c a l errors. T h e tabulations w o u l d necessarily t h u s be

Measuring Long-Term

Change

§

389

r e m o v e d yet a n o t h e r step f r o m the textual evidence. All general " c o r r e c t i o n s " c o m m i t the ecological fallacy o f i m p u t i n g t o individual m e m b e r s o f a g r o u p stochastic attributes of the w h o l e . It is better to accept the profiles f o r w h a t they are, t h e best possible c r u d e s u m m a r i e s o f the available evidence, and to infer f r o m t h e m only r o u g h conclusions of the sort for w h i c h only b r o a d l y - b a s e d statistical i n f o r m a t i o n can m a k e a p r i m a facie case. T h e n u m b e r s a p p e a r i n g in Tables A . l and A . 2 arc large e n o u g h and the places covered representative e n o u g h after 1300 to p e r m i t inference in C h a p t e r s 7, 8, 10, and 11 of a g g r e g a t e structures and trends. M i c r o s c o p i c detail and c o m p a r i s o n a m o n g individuals is f r o m this evidence neither valid n o r a t t e m p t e d .

The relative

importance

of demesne

and tenant

farming

Surveys, conveyances, and o t h e r historical records c o m m o n l y identify t h e f o r m o r f o r m s o f managerial institutions in each s e t t l e m e n t at certain times. T h e s e particulars arc the r a w data for l o n g - t e r m assessment of the relative i m p o r t a n c e of the direct exploitation d e m e s n e and the tenant village across t h e entire duchy. T w o estimates are here m a d e : of the f r e q u e n c y of institutional a r r a n g e m e n t s , i.e., the presence of d e m e s n e o r rental lands in W r o c l a w d u c h y settlements; and of the q u a n t i t y and p r o p o r t i o n o f arable so o p e r a t e d .

1. Institutional

arrangements landowners'

in rural settlements holdings

and on

D i f f e r e n t fiscal and o t h e r r e q u i r e m e n t s o n d e m e s n e and rental land m e a n t late medieval w r i t e r s and clerks w e r e n o r m a l l y careful to distinguish b e t w e e n t h e m . LB lists " v i l l a c " separately f r o m " a l l o d i a , " and specifies the " m a n s i ad a l l o d i u m " in places o t h e r w i s e o u t to tenants. 2 4 Peculiarities of R B have been m e n t i o n e d , b u t it and K L M still repeatedly m a k e the s a m e distinctions as the earlier text. 41 T h e s a m e v o c a b u l a r y c o n t r a s t i n g mansi censuales, Zinshufen,

villa, Dorf, on the o n e h a n d , w i t h allodium or Vorwerk on

the o t h e r , p e r m e a t e s the conveyances. 3 1 C o n t e m p o r a r i e s applied their vocabulary w i t h evident and p a t t e r n e d discrimination. T h u s in 20 references b e t w e e n 1337 and 1566 K a z i m i e r z o w was never called a villa, o n l y a d e m e s n e , w h i l e B r o d n o , in 20 o t h e r texts d a t i n g 1235—1523, is villa or Dorf with mansi censuales, gebawr erbe, o r

tzins-

shaffiige hüben, b u t not once allodium o r Vorwerk.32 M o r e c o m m o n l y , h o w ever, the particular n o m e n c l a t u r e and description o f a place evolved over time w i t h a consistency c o n f i r m i n g that verbal changes reflected real shifts in the institutions present. Bieiikowice, f o r instance, was an " a l l o d i u m " in

390

§

Appendices

all 5 of its charters between 1340 and 1354 as well as the 1353 LB. 3 3 But in 1360 the same owners as in 1353 and 1354 called it a "villa." T h r e e years later "czinse" here were noted in a charter and in later years these references continued. Rental mansi at Bienkowice appear in both the 1425 R B and the 1443 K L M , while into the 1530s no further documents ever mention a demesne at this place. 34 So В1еп1«т1се was until 1354 never called anything but a demesne and after 1360 gives n o sign of being anything but a village of rent-paying tenants. In a last and more complicated example, the earliest references to Wierzbice f r o m 1324, 1336, and 1338 mention both demesne and tenant lands. T h e demesne, moreover, is said to be 10 mansi, well less than the 60 mansi always documented for this place, and thus suggesting the coexistence here of both managerial modes. 3 5 But in LB no demesne appears; of the 60 mansi, tenants held 54, a schulz and a priest 2 each, and the last 2 were "leftovers." 3 6 N o r did demesne lands leave any trace in the 14 extant sale charters f r o m 1354-1414 or the 1425 tax roll. 37 In 1443, however, the tax clerk recorded "2 1/2 Hufen allodiium" to mark a reappearance of demesne subsequently confirmed in conveyances during the later fifteenth and early sixteenth centuries. 38 All of this information suggests that while parts of Wierzbice were rented out to peasant tenants throughout its documented medieval history, the demesne lands of the 1330s had been divided up by 1353 and direct exploitation by the landlord was restored only in 1425/43 to remain into the sixteenth century. For purposes of tabulation the convention was here adopted to date changes in the institutional vocabulary for a place by the first record of the new terminology. T h u s Wierzbice is said to have both tenancies and demesne f r o m its first documentation in 1324 until 1353, tenancies only f r o m 1353 to 1443, and both again f r o m the latter date up to 1540 and the end of this study. Bienkowice is a demesne before 1360 and then tenancies. These diagnostic procedures were carried out for every settlement k n o w n to have existed in the Wroclaw duchy u p to the 1530s. With c o n t e m porary documents verifying for each place the presence or absence of each of the t w o kinds of arrangements, tenancies (rental land) and demesne, but with both sometimes simultaneously present, every rural settlement can be designated at any given time as one of three possible "settlement types:" a tenant village, a demesne, or a village with demesne.39 For places like B r o d n o or Kazimierzow, the settlement type never changed, but for those like Wierzbice or Bienkowice the result is a successively dated sequence of settlement types. Wierzbice is a village with demesne f r o m 1324 to 1353, a tenant village f r o m 1353 to 1443, and a village with demesne after 1443; Bienkowice is a demesne f r o m 1282 to 1360 and a tenant village thereafter. For no

Measuring Long-Term Change

§

391

Table A.3. Current settlement types: comparative statics, 1300-1530 Settlements' 1300

234

Tenant villages

Villages with demesne 80

51 22%

1353

354

80

1425

362

116

113

112

1530

340

109

32%

45% 121

35% 131

32%

33% 102

38% 133

32%

44% 161

125 32%

345

103 34%

23%

1480

Demesnes

30% 98

39%

29%

,\ote.

' F o r 13(X) only, settlements d o c u m e n t e d .

place did m o r e than three such successive settlement types emerge f r o m the late medieval evidence. With each settlement so classified over time, the final step was to count up the settlement types current a m o n g all places existing in the duchy at dates of special interest and rich documentation (1300, 1353, 1425, 1480, and 1530). This generated the s u m m a r y profiles of "current settlement types" shown in Table A.3. Again, little explication belongs here. Notice that although the n u m b e r of settlements on record grows as documentary coverage becomes complete between 1300 and 1353, the relative proportions change little. Examining each settlement type over time, the villages rose both absolutely and relatively f r o m 1353 to 1425, but then, slowly losing in actual count at about the same rate as the total set of settlements declined, kept the 32 percent share. Demesnes exhibited a different pattern after the mid-fourteenth century, falling in numbers even more rapidly throughout. T h e mixed settlement type, however, increased regularly and hence more quickly than did the n u m b e r of settlements present in the duchy. After 1425 only this perhaps more symbiotic arrangement with lord and peasant lands at the same site continued to g r o w in numbers and relative frequency. Data in Table A.3 can be transformed to other statistics of interest. Since the village with demesne contains both of the " s i m p l e " f o r m s , that number or percentage added to both of the others measures the frequency of demesnes compared to tenancies overall: for example, in 1353 193 or 55 percent of settlements had tenancies and 274 or 77 percent had demesnes. Equally relevant is to k n o w that, also in 1353, of those 274 demesnes, 161 (59%) did not share the site with peasant tenants but 113 (41%) did. Procedures used for whole settlements can also tabulate arrangements

392

§

Appendices

Table A.4. Major landlord groups and managerial arrangements: comparative statics, 1300-1530 Holdings of known Ecclesiastical

lordships'

1300

1353

1425

1480

1530

207

579

415

328

348

104

125

124

114

119

corporations:

Holdings Tenancies o n l y b

28%

36%

48%

50%

50%

Tenancies w i t h d e m e s n e

19%

17%

25%

28%

30%

Demesne only

53%

47%

27%

22%

20%

88

74

Nobles Holdings

48

Tenancies o n l y

18%

18%

20%

12%

12%

Tenancies w i t h d e m e s n e

41%

44%

39%

54%

55%

Demesne only

41%

38%

41%

34%

33%

Citizens

226

118

of Wroclaw 147

Holdings

28

Tenancies o n l y

11%

30%

118 43%

87 25%

33%

Tenancies w i t h d e m e s n e

11%

19%

36%

53%

45%

Demesnes only

78%

51%

21%

22%

25%

124

Notes. ' O n l y a c o u n t o f h o l d i n g s (each lord's in cach placc) is h e r e feasible. C o m p a r e Table A . I , part c, r o w s 17, 18, 20, and 22. b " T e n a n c i e s " here replaces the " t e n a n t villages" of T a b l e A 3 because a h o l d i n g m i g h t well includc s o m e tenancies b u t not t h e e n t i r e village o r peasant c o m m u n i t y . T h e c o n c e p t o f land rented o u t to t e n a n t s is, h o w e v e r , t h e s a m e .

on the properties of identified landowning groups. Where there was one lord his managerial setup was the settlement type of the place. But w h e n several owners divided lordship, the conveyances in particular must be examined most carefully to ascertain w h o held demesne and w h o tenancies in places then with both. Hence the distributions in Table A.4 of managerial institutions a m o n g the three major landowning groups, ecclesiastics, nobles, and townsmen, cannot be as complete as even the k n o w n lordship samples (Table A . l ) , but are the fullest such estimates f r o m all extant documentation. N o group here profiled replicated on its properties the d u c h y - w i d e distributions of Table A.3, although most changes are comparable.

2. Measuring

land in demesne

and in

tenancies

Tabulating settlements and landholdings by their changing institutional type indicates the direction and extent of agrarian trends. This is helpful by itself and will soon also aid in evaluating other m o r e detailed but less w i d e spread kinds of information. But treating each settlement or holding as a

Measuring Long-Term Change

§

393

unit and assessing changc by counting these docs not measure the actual distribution of land between lord and peasant farms. Neither settlements nor holdings were uniform in size or in the ratio of demesne land to peasant land. Quantities of land are regularly reported only in the four survey texts, LFE, LB, RB, and KLM. O n l y by closer examination of their data can more precise estimates be attained. In fact, however, the first of these, the LFE of 1300, proves too limited in coverage and detail to be other than an incidental comparison. LB and RB have received considerable scholarly attention and must be the principal objects here. Curiously, prewar German historians never tried to exploit effectively cither the 1353 or the 1425 text, being satisfied to note that almost every modern settlement appeared therein and to extract quantitative descriptions of individual villages. N o one added up the lands of various types even for one list, much less compared them. 4 0 When in 1953 Waclaw Korta edited and published the 1425 text, he was the first to total and compare the amounts of tenant and demesne land in the two surveys. 41 Korta apparently worked with 213 places he considered to be in both lists with sufficient information to be helpful, simply taking each entry as written and adding up the total sizes, rental mansi, and mansi in demesne. 4 2 His rather confusing totals and proportions arc:

Total land Tenant land D e m e s n e land

1353

1425

3443'/. mansi 2323'/. mansi (67%) 1204K, mansi (35%)

2839'/. inansi 2703 mansi (95%) 46 mansi (0.16%)

Although the total area of the places in his sample declined markedly (by 18%) during times when very few new places may be found, Korta did not c o m m e n t thereupon. He emphasized instead the 60 settlements where tenant lands increased between 1353 and 1425 and the reduction of demesnes in his sample f r o m 116 to a mere 14. Although the total tenant and demesne lands in 1353 exceed the total sizes (!), and schulz and other free lands are simply ignored, the numbers Korta presented do support his assertion of significant shifts from demesne to the rental economy between the midfourteenth and early fifteenth century. 4 3 Shortly after the appearance of Korta's work Roman Heck focused on exactly the matters Korta had ignored to cast doubt on the validity of his statistics. By pointing out that the burnegelt tax favored recording tenant holdings and omitting demesnes, Heck drew attention in general terms to the possibly-skewed distribution of settlements listed in 1425. 44 Heck re-

394

§

Appendices

worked the totals for the 1353 LB, now using all settlements (323 including the K j t y district) and concluded that in that year 61.9 percent of the land was out to tenants and 28.5 percent in demesne. Noting further that more demesnes than villages in LB lacked enough numerical information to contribute to the totals, he estimated that about 30 percent of the duchy's land was then in landlord farms. 45 Heck did not, however, redo Korta's calculations for 1425 or attempt to revise his interpretation; he later even used Korta's evidence and conclusions elsewhere. 46 Heck's criticisms impelled reexamination of the RB manuscript earlier described in this appendix. This revealed mistakes in Korta's edition, systematic omissions in the text, and the consequent need to read each entry in RB in the context of other contemporary information about that settlement. The scope of the early fifteenth-century survey can be improved by adding places with similar information from other contemporary sources. Then the 1425 document and others like it can be used to study the average size of settlements or of various types of land within them (schulz or church holdings, for example) or to learn how specific places changed. The question of shifts in the aggregate distribution of tenant and demesne lands demands a criterion beyond accuracy in individual entries, viz. the representative quality of the samples of settlements given in the surveys. In other words, do the sets of localities in these documents and especially the sets with enough numerical information for construction of totals and proportions, present a measurably valid profile of all the settlements then in the Wroclaw duchy? The rest of this discussion moves progressively from statistics acquired directly from the corrccted survey texts to others which use this same information in a way more accurately representative of the entire duchy. Consider first what each text offers as a "full information sample," i.e. those sets of settlements in each for which correctly read survey entries describe numerically all of the land. 47 Although the number and identity of settlements in these samples vary from survey to survey, each is the fullest possible set of verifiably complete information for each year. Table A.5 summarizes this data for the variables now of concern. The full information samples correspond with Korta's conclusion that tenant lands increased at the expense of demesne, both on the long term and especially between 1353 and 1425 (but the amount of change is well below his assertion). The proportions for 1353 also concur with those Heck obtained from all entries, complete or not. Note, too, that after 1353 land outside the tenancydemesne dichotomy (schulz, priest, and other free holdings) changed little. What then is wrong with the distributions in Table A. 5? Answer: the raw data from the survey and tax rolls are inherently biased against de-

Measuring Long-Term

Change

§

395

T a b l e A.5. Rental and d e m e s n e land in all settlements w i t h full i n f o r m a t i o n , 1300-1353-1425-1443 1300

1353

1425

1443

234

354

362

344 1

Settlements in survey text

59

284

211

235

Settlements with full information

11

207

73

44

Total land described 11

251m

4968m

1239m

721m

Rental land percent of total

126m 50%

3001m 60%

956m 74%

587m 71%

D e m e s n e land percent of total

77m 31%

1429m 28%

219m 17%

177m 22%

Settlements in duchy'

Soles. МЗ(Ю only, settlements d o c u m e n t e d . b All land quantities are in mansi (m). ' T h e 1443 total d r o p s bccause standard procedures retain in the count of settlements for 1425 several places last d o c u m e n t e d in the late fourteenth and early fifteenth centuries. T h o s e no longer appear for 1443.

mcsncs and d e m e s n e lands and, as such, d o not provide a representative sample or s u m m a r y of aggregate land distribution and its changes. Heck noticed this characteristic of b o t h the 1353 and 1425 d o c u m e n t s , but b e y o n d guessing that d e m e s n e s probably covered a bit m o r e land than his figures indicated, he neither evaluated the degree of distortion n o r tried to c o m p e n sate for it. B o t h can be done. A way to assess the bias of the surveys and their full i n f o r m a t i o n samples is to c o m p a r e the p r o p o r t i o n s of places with each type of land in the entire d u c h y to those in the surveys and samples. In statistical terms, Table A . 6 c o m p a r e s the sample p r o p o r t i o n s with the population p r o p o r t i o n s already established in the settlement type distributions of Table A.3. 4 8 With near total consistency the p r o p o r t i o n of villages (places w i t h rental lands) in b o t h the texts and the samples is well above that which existed in reality w h i l e conversely the p r o p o r t i o n of demesnes is well below their actual frequency. T h e disparity is, m o r e o v e r , greatest in the critical year of 1425, w h e n a sample containing 3 villages for every 2 demesnes severely distorts a real w o r l d w i t h a ratio of 1 to 1. Especially bccause measurable bias differs a m o n g the samples, these unrepresentative sets of data cannot accurately or consistently depict real changes in the relative shares of demesne and t e n ant land. 4 4 If simply t a k i n g all settlements with full i n f o r m a t i o n in one corrected survey and c o m p a r i n g the relative frequency of tenant and d e m e s n e lands

396

§

Appendices

Table A.6. Settlements with rental and with demesne lands in the duchy, the survey documents, and the full information samples a. Settlements

with rental

1353

1425

1443

131 o f 234 56%

193 o f 354 55%

243 o f 344 67%

243 o f 344 71%

3 5 o f 59 59%

177 o f 284 62%

185 of 211 88%

209 o f 235 89%

4 o f 11 36%

144 o f 207 69%

55 o f 7 3 75%

37 o f 44 84%

183 o f 234 78%

274 o f 354 77%

247 of 362 68%

231 o f 344 67%

41 o f 59 70%

2 1 0 o f 284 72%

116 of 211 55%

128 o f 235 55%

8 o f 11 73%

144 o f 207 69%

33 o f 7 3 55%

32 o f 44 75%

lands'

in t h e W r o c l a w d u c h y p e r c e n t o f total in d u c h y in t h e s u r v e y text p e r c e n t o f total in text in t h e full i n f o r m a t i o n s a m p l e p e r c e n t o f total in s a m p l e b. Settlements

1300

with demesne

landb

c

in t h e W r o c l a w d u c h y p e r c e n t o f total in d u c h y in t h e s u r v e y t e x t p e r c e n t o f total in text in t h e full i n f o r m a t i o n s a m p l e p e r c e n t o f total in s a m p l e

Notes. ' I n t e r m s o f t h e " c u r r e n t s e t t l e m e n t t y p e s " o f T a b l e A 3 , tenant villages p l u s villages w i t h demesne. b I n t e r m s o f t h e " c u r r e n t s e t t l e m e n t t y p e s " o f T a b l e A 3 , d e m e s n e s plus villages w i t h demesne. c P e r c e n t a g e s will a d d u p t o m o r e t h a n 1 0 0 % b e c a u s e villages w i t h d e m e s n e arc c o u n t e d in b o t h sections.

therein with like information f r o m a similarly defined set f r o m another survey can yield n o meaningful result, 50 m o r e indirect methods are needed to obtain representative samples and hence measurably accurate estimates of aggregate land type distributions. Simple r a n d o m sampling founders on the inherent bias of those places with full information, but combining the k n o w n current settlement type distributions and the numerical details available in the full information samples improves the estimates. T w o procedures served as a mutual check. T h e first m e t h o d uses what statisticians call a "proportionate stratified r a n d o m sample" 5 1 for the t w o years of chief concern, 1353 and 1425. F r o m each year's full information sample 25 settlements were selected at r a n d o m . Each set so selected, however, had to reproduce in both its current settlement type distribution and its distribution of settlements a m o n g the 3 districts the same characteristics as then prevailed a m o n g all k n o w n settlements. T h u s in 1353 the current settlement type distribution of 23 percent tenant villages, 32 percent villages with demesne, and 45 percent plain demesnes (see Table A.3) set for the sample a parameter of 6 places with tenancies but no demesne, 8 places with tenancies and demesne, and 11 places with demesne land only, while in the 1425 stratified sample, the current

Measuring Long-Term Change

§

397

settlement type distribution of 3 2 - 3 5 - 3 3 percent demanded a sample of 8, 9, and 8 places respectively. In addition, because the duchy's settlements were in both years 65 percent in the Wroclaw, 29 percent in the Sroda, and 6 percent in the Uraz district, each sample needed 16, 7, and 2 places f r o m them respectively." T h u s cach sample replicated on t w o critical variables the composition of the population it was intended to represent. T h e results obtained by this sampling technique were as follows: 1353 sample proportions: 1425 sample proportions:

54% tenant land 63% tenant land

3 4 % demesne land 2 9 % demesne land.

The samples, in effect, created distributions for 557 and 440 mansi respectively, or about 7 percent of the land in the duchy. By using the binomial theorem to determine the limits of the sample proportions to a confidence of 90 percent, 5 3 the following population proportions emerged: 1353: 1425:

54 ± 3 % tenant land 63 ± 4 % tenant land

34 ± 3 % demesne land 29 ± 4 % demesne land.

Further application of the binomial theorem to changes in land distribution indicated that, also within confidence intervals of 90 percent, tenant lands grew by 9 ± 5 percent while demesne lands fell by 5 ± 5 percent. T h e f o r m e r change is statistically significant, the latter barely so. T h e proportionate stratified r a n d o m sampling procedure yielded measurably accurate estimates, but like any sampling technique, abandoned some of the data. All available data contributed to the estimate acquired t h r o u g h the second technique employed; it m i g h t be called weighted and pooled means. 5 4 For each of the two survey years 1353 and 1425 55 the full information sample was divided into subsets of each settlement type in each district (Wroclaw district villages, Sroda district villages, U r a z district villages, Wroclaw district villages with demesne, etc.). For each of the 9 subsets thus created (3 districts X 3 settlement types) were calculated the mean size (all settlement types), land out to tenants (villages and villages with demesne), and land in demesne (demesnes and villages with demesne). For instance, in 1353 the full information sample contains 45 Wroclaw district villages with an average size of 27.5 mansi and 23.5 mansi out to tenants. Each of these sub-totals must, however, then be weighted to accord with the actual frequency of that settlement type in that district. Hence since the Wroclaw district in 1353 actually contained not 45 but 54 villages, the means were multiplied by 54 to allow for their contribution of 1485 mansi to the duchy's total arable area and 1270 mansi to the total of land out to tenants. In the

398

§

Appendices

same year 8 Uraz district villages with demesne appeared in the full information sample to average 37.6 mansi, 23.5 mansi out to tenants, and 9.3 mansi in demesne, but because in fact 10 such places then existed, their contribution was estimated at 376, 235, and 93 mansi respectively. This procedure of determining the average size of each component and then weighting for its k n o w n frequency created a total duchy-wide distribution of 7597 mansi, 4034 mansi out to tenants, and 2851 mansi in demesne for 1353 and respectively 7047, 4649, and 1883 mansi for 1425. These estimates convert to the following proportions: 1353: 1425:

53% tenant land 66% tenant land

38% demesne land 27% demesne land.

With the sole and bare exception of the demesne land estimate for 1353, the proportions acquired by the second method fall within the 90 percent confidence interval estimated by the first. Because K L M contains full information for no Uraz district settlements and comparatively few other places as well, no proportionate stratified rand o m sample could be made for 1443. T h e fully subdivided weighted mean tactic was ruled out too. It is possible, however, to subdivide and weight only according to the duchy-widc current settlement type distribution for that year. 56 This procedure gives a distribution of 68 percent tenant land and 21 percent demesne land for 1443, a relatively small shift f r o m the 66 and 27 percent of 1425 and one well in accord with the considerable slowdown in changes of settlement type. T h e more representative and hence reliable estimates, which are m u t u ally corroborative and exploit all extant data, depict long-term aggregate trends in the relative shares of tenant and demesne lands between 1300 and 1443. In 1300, when the settlements in LFE, though too few for statistical manipulation, seem fairly representative of k n o w n settlements, about half of the land in the duchy was probably out to tenants. This may be a minim u m limit because many demesnes are simply absent f r o m the d o c u m e n tation until 1353. But when the distribution for 1353 is examined and estimated, it confirms with considerable likelihood that the a m o u n t of tenant land had risen very little during the preceding half century. Peasants themselves probably operated farms on only a little m o r e than half of the duchy's lands, while a good third was still in demesne. Reasons for little shift f r o m demesne to rental land during the first half of the fourteenth century are developed in Chapter 6 and corroborated by the German law evidence discussed in Chapter 4. According to the best possible approximations f r o m available data for

Measuring Long-Term Change

§

399

Figure A . I THE RELATIVE IMPORTANCE OF DEMESNE A N D TENANT FARMING. 100

-80 S o -60

1

demesnes villages

with

1300

1353

1425 1443

1480

1530

-40

demesne

-20

tenant vil tages

0

a. THE DISTRIBUTION OF INSTITUTIONAL ARRANGEMENTS

SETTLEMENT TYPES

ΥΔ -60

-

ζ a? μ ο „о > I20 ZП >2 1300

1353

1426 1443

0

Яо

b. THE DISTRIBUTION OF LAND

1425, tenant lands then covered some two-thirds of the arable in the duchy and demesnes only about one fourth. Korta's conclusion of a significant shift since the mid-fourteenth century was not wrong. Plainly inaccurate, h o w ever, was his assertion that at the eve of the Hussite wars nearly all of the duchy's farmland was in peasant hands and that direct exploitations had virtually ceased to exist. During the two-generation interval between LB and RB, lands out to tenants most likely grew by about 10 percent of the total or about 20 percent of their former proportion. Most of this increase came at the expense of the demesnes which concurrently declined by that same 10 percent of all lands or over 25 percent of their own area in 1353. The evidence f r o m 1443, less extensive and less conducive to the creation of valid estimates as it may be, docs corroborate the change since 1353, but otherwise proves little further change after 1425. These findings, then, appear in Figure A . l .

Appendix В

NOTES ON M O N E Y IN MEDIEVAL SILESIA

A ^ o n e t a r y transactions for rents, tithes, taxes, and sales o f produce or land made the circulating medium an important external parameter o f rural economic relationships around Wroclaw. Like much else in Silesia, the coinage system developed from a Polish prototype through close identification with Bohemian arrangements into a confusion o f competing local authorities which the Habsburgs only later brought to heel. This appendix notes conditions with effects remarked throughout the study. Through the thirteenth century Silesian moneys, supported by the growing silver and gold production o f the Sudetes, were struck from the Polish mark o f 183.5 grams, which was also the main unit o f account. T h e mark (mk) was no coin. Locatio charters may refer to rents o f a quarter mark silver and conveyances to prices o f many marks, but people paid these in denarii, nominally 240 to the mark, and later in quarlenses (one-fourth o f a skot) at 96 to the mark. 1 Moneyers used a 75 percent alloy called "usual silver," which made the mark o f coins contain only about 137.4 grams o f pure silver. 2 This amount serves in this study to convert to silver all nominal values predating 1310. Close contacts between some Silesian and Bohemian mints and spread o f Bohemian coins eastwards in the thirteenth century presaged the early fourteenth-century creation in Silesia o f a Bohemian monetary as well as political hegemony. For two hundred years the Prague groschen (gr) would dominate Silesian exchanges. This manifestation o f the European return to large silver coins was first struck in 1300. Its original high weight (3.85 grams) and near purity soon succumbed to debasement's allure, but the groschen still became the premier circulating medium throughout central Europe, and inspired emulation in Poland and the German states. In Silesia it prevailed by the second or third decade o f the century. 3 B y 1 3 2 5 - 3 0 Silesians stopped minting quartenses and would until the 1460s make only small coins. Although the groschen was first struck at 64 to the Prague mark o f 253 grams and remained tied to that Bohemian standard, in Silesia the smaller Polish mark meant that a "mark groschen" or "marce grossorum numeri consueti polonici" counted only 48 coins. Other units o f account also acquired groschen equivalents, the firdung (fertonis) at 12, the lot at 3,

Money in Medieval Silesia

§

401

the skot at 2, and t h e quartensis at Vi. Even as the g r o s c h c n h a l t i n g l y lost w e i g h t and fineness, these t e r m s r e m a i n e d p e g g e d to it a n d lost their o n e t i m e reference t o w e i g h t s o f silver. Figure 13.1 depicts the d e b a s e m e n t of the g r o s c h c n d u r i n g t h e t w o a n d a half centuries of its m i n t i n g . B e t w e e n 13(X) and the Hussite w a r s it lost s o m e t w o - t h i r d s o f its original silver c o n t e n t and over half that it h a d held w h e n it first gained p r e e m i n e n c e in Silesia. T h e coin'fell quickly u n d e r t h e last P r z c m y s l i d s a n d J o h n . C h a r l e s IV, h o w e v e r , m a n a g e d for t h r e e d e c a d e s to k e e p the g r o s c h c n stable and even tried to revalue it u p w a r d s j u s t b e f o r e his death. T h i s r e f o r m failed, b u t t h e value t o w h i c h Wcnceslas l o w e r e d t h e coin in 1380 held f o r a n o t h e r t w e n t y - f i v e years. C o n s i d e r a b l e m o n e t a r y stability thus characterized the second half o f the f o u r t e e n t h c e n t u r y . T w o d e b a s e m e n t s in 1406 and 1408 resulted f r o m Wenccslas's political t r o u b l e s . T h e n t h e king's death and e n s u i n g H u s s i t e revolution m a r k e d a m a j o r break. B o h e m i a n coinage ceased f r o m 1418 to a b o u t 1428 and again f r o m the early 1430s until 1459. N e e d for a piece smaller than the g r o s c h c n was m e t b y the heller (hi), a little coin of p o o r alloy w h i c h spread f r o m S c h w ä b i s c h - H a l l across t h e G e r m a n i c lands and into Silesia b y the 1320s. S o m e t i m e s also called tiummus, pfennig,

obolus,

o r even denarius, this initially one-sided coin was in t h e

f o u r t e e n t h c e n t u r y n o r m a l l y f i g u r e d at twelve t o the g r o s c h c n , even t h o u g h it rarely held that m u c h silver. 4 W r o c l a w received t h e right to issue its o w n heller in 1362 and l o n g kept t h e m stable. A steep fall began in the 1420s (Figure B . l ) — a n d inspired s h a r p p o p u l a r libels against councillors Beda and N i c h o l a s R e m p e l f o r so d e f r a u d i n g the p o o r . Heller d e b a s e m e n t did h u r t t h e p o o r m o r e than the w e l l - t o - d o w h e n wages a d j u s t e d m o r e s l o w l y than prices and g r o s c h c n w e r e m o r e stable. O n a longer scalc the m o r e c o n t i n u o u s d r o p o f the g r o s c h c n certainly e r o d e d the fixed rental i n c o m e s of t h e elite to the a d v a n t a g e o f peasants w h o paid t h e m . In a n y case, c o n t e m p o r a r i e s w e r e well aware o f the i m m e d i a t e i m p a c t m o n e t a r y c h a n g e s had o n rural a n d u r b a n e c o n o m i e s . U n d e t e r r e d , W r o c l a w put o u t in 1429 heavier n e w heller a l m o s t devoid o f silver, w h i c h quickly s h o v e d even t h o s e of 1422 off t h e c h a n g e r s ' benches. 5 Forced to such t o k e n s to finance its a n t i H u s s i t e efforts, W r o c l a w in 1438 a b a n d o n e d the issue a n d w i t h it s e e m i n g l y all m i n t i n g , n o t to r e s u m e until 1460. M o n e t a r y s h o r t a g e s d i s t u r b e d the Silesian e c o n o m y of t h e f i f t e e n t h c e n t u r y as those elsewhere. P r o d u c t i o n at t h e great C z e c h m i n e s o f K u t n a H o r a declined a n d , w i t h the political collapse o f the L u x e m b u r g state s y s t e m , helped precipitate t h e break in g r o s c h e n issues. Responsibility f o r t h e Silesian m o n e y s u p p l y thus devolved o n local mints, b u t their l o n g p e r i o d s of idleness seem to reflect a d o w n t u r n in the province's specie p r o d u c t i o n as

402

§

Appendices

Figure B.1 SILVER IN THE PRAGUE GROSCHEN AND THE WROCtAW HELLER. 1300-1550 4.0-1 The dotted line represents independent coinage of groschen by Wroclaw and King Mathias. 1466-1482.

3.0-

i

и (Л ΰ

ζ

2.0

fr

ш >

o, pp. 90-135) are illuminated by the unique excavation of a rural mill near Brzeg (Bagniewski and Kubow). 175. For problems of water supply at a mill on the Otawa see UD, pp. 151-152. The duchy's largest, the "Seven-wheeled Mill" was on the Odra at Wroclaw, but most mills on these streams had only one wheel (LB, # 5 2 3 - 525, 547-561). Muendel, "Florentine," pp. 99-100, also found more mills on upland streams. 176. RF, III, 2097- 2113. For more examples see SR #2495, 3619, 4374, and 5368; BUB, p. 107; RF, II, 917-924. 177. Like the discussion of village priests, this of parishes is limited to certain social aspects. For religious life in late medieval Silesia, see Urban, Studia, pp. 7 5 - 8 6 and 156-184. 178. The foundation charter notes problems in times of flood (Heyne, Bisthum, II, 454-455 note). Sec also Görlich, Vincenz, pp. 8 5 - 8 6 and 108; Jungnitz, "Pfarrspregel," pp. 3 0 - 32.

Chapter 9

§

459

179. Ludat, Stifisregister, p. 36. C o m p a r e St. Maurice at *Platea R o m a n o r u m * in H e y n e , Bisthum, III. 600, and S w i f t a Katarzyna in LFE, ВЗО and B32; " Q B B B , " p. 1 % , UD, pp. 139-140, and Fibiger, pp. 3 0 2 - 3 0 3 . Few private or filial churches were built: SR # 2 6 2 3 , 2710. 5047, and 5370; Heyne, Bisthum, II, 5 3 4 - 5 3 5 . 180. T h e early U r a z parish is described in the 1288 f o u n d a t i o n charter of the H o l y C r o s s chapter (UFO, pp. 124-128) and discussed speculatively in K u h n , " A u r a s , " pp. 2 1 2 - 2 1 5 . Churches at Brzezina and Wilkszyn are recorded by the late 1330s and at P f g o w , G o l f d z i n o w , and perhaps L u b n o w in 1353 (Ptasnik, I, 356—358, with place names corrected as in SR # 5 4 0 9 ; LB #126, 128, 129; Heyne, Bisthum, II, 115). Differences between parish structures of Polish and German tradition are noted in Schulte, " P a r o c h i a l - V e r f a s s u n g , " pp. 3 9 0 - 3 9 9 , and Loesch, " F o r s c h u n g e n , " pp. 158-163. 181. H e y n e , Bisthum, II, 4 5 4 - 4 5 5 ; UD, pp. 5 0 - 5 1 ; Klapper, pp. 1 6 3 - 1 6 4 . 182. UD, p. 222; Heyne, Neumarkt, p. 336; NRB p. 263. Kirchenvater, the lay heads of parishes o t h e r w i s e w e l l - k n o w n f r o m mid-Silesian records are not clearly recorded in the d u c h y at this time, but c o m p a r e Loesch, " F o r s c h u n g e n , " p. 163, and S c h m i d , " G r ü n d u n g " and "Pfarrorganisation." 183. SR # 4 8 7 0 b and 4870e. 184. SR # 3 7 6 3 , 3785, and 5046. For d o n a t i o n s by small holders see J u n g n i t z , " P f a r r s p r e g e l , " p. 31, o r NRB, p. 256. Michael, " D o r f s c h u l e , " pp. 2 2 7 - 2 3 0 , listed n o n e in the preReformation d u c h y but a " s c h u l e r " was at B u k o w i e c in 1414 (Heyne, Neumarkt, p. 336). 185. In the 1353 and 1425 fiscal texts the central villages average a b o u t 36 mansi against a mean for the d u c h y o f 2 5 - 3 0 . 186. C o m p a r e the pattern of cities, m a r k e t t o w n s , and taverns o n M a p 9.1 with the theoretical model of central sites developed and manipulated in Lösch, pp. 1 0 1 - 1 3 5 . T h e f o r e going analysis may, as well, be seen as replicating at a local level that in Russell, Regions, pp. 15-38. 187. SR # 6 7 0 7 and RF. I. fol. Ir. WAA II. IV a 1. See f u r t h e r SR # 5 9 2 6 . 6175. and 6395-6396; RF, I, 462; Rösslcr, # 4 9 2 and 1178; HPR, pp. 1 2 8 - 1 3 3 ; WAP, A M W , Q 154, 2, fols. 17v-18r; H e y n e , Bisthum, 111, 572; UD, pp. 155-158. 188. L N , fols. 3 7 7 v - 3 7 8 r ; NLChron, p. 121 note 6. See also S o m m c r f e l d t , pp. 8 2 - 8 3 ; L N , fols. 2 9 4 v - 2 9 5 r ; WAA I, IVa 8, fol. 98r; ChronBMV, p. 209; U r b a n , Wykaz AAW, # 6 5 2 . 189. WAP Rep. 67, # 1 0 4 . N i n e villagers at K f W o w i c c in 1374 b o r r o w e d f r o m their schulz (LN, fols. 4 6 r - 4 7 r ) . 190. UD, pp. 199 (compare SR # 5 9 5 9 ) and 213; H G Z , fol. 108v. 191. SR # 5 0 0 9 ; NRB, pp. 2 2 2 - 2 2 4 ; WAA I, IV a 4a, fols. 3 0 r - 3 0 v ; W A P Rep. 55, # 9 4 . See also SR # 4 2 4 8 , 4 4 8 1 - 4 4 8 2 , and 5419; H e y n e , Bisthum, III, 576. 192. SR # 5 7 1 4 ; WAA I, IV a 8, fols. 6 0 v - 6 1 r . 193. SR # 6 1 1 2 ; UD, pp. 204 - 213, and, for another case, p. 4. Peasants b o r r o w f r o m Jews in SR # 5 6 0 3 and WAP, A M W , G 3, fol. 8v. 194. Nicholas later managed t o redeem part of it. His n e i g h b o r M a t z k e also then had to sell part of his lands for rents o v e r d u e to a city lender. UD, pp. 2 0 7 - 2 1 1 . 195. UD, pp. 3 3 - 3 5 , 37, and 4 0 - 4 1 ; WAP Rep. 55, # 9 4 ; WAA I, IV a 4, fols. 3 0 r - 3 0 v ; WAP Rep. 67, # 1 0 4 . 1%. L N , fols. 3 7 5 v - 3 7 6 r . 197. HPR, p. 106. 198. SR # 6 4 4 4 ; UD, p. 213. For f u r t h e r instances see Stobbe, 1864/65, p. 351, and NRB, p. 263 199. SR # 6 7 0 7 ; compare SR # 5 7 1 4 and RF, I, 462. ЭХ). UD, p. 208. 201. H G Z , fol. 82v. 202. S o m m e r f e l d t , pp. 8 2 - 8 3 . 203. WAP Rep. 55, # 9 1 . See also UD, pp. 1 5 2 - 1 5 3 . 204. For these and others see SR # 6 4 2 8 ; RF, II, 854, and III, 2 4 0 5 - 2 4 0 6 ; UD, pp. 39, 152-153, and 218; H G Z , fols. 15r and 108v. 205. RF, I, 2 6 v - 2 9 r , and 111, 2 3 0 0 - 2 3 1 7 . C o m p a r e SR # 6 4 2 8 . 206. SR, # 5 6 1 5 . 207. Rössler, # 4 8 9 , 491, and 492. 208. SR, # 6 2 3 1 and 6395. 209. Pfeiffer, Patriziat, p. 151. 210. Heyne, Bisthum, III, 576; UD, p. 47. Different sources f r o m the Wroclaw d u c h y d o

460

§

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make its extra-village debt networks m o r e visible than its counterparts to the intra-village ones analyzed in Clark, " D e b t , " pp. 2 6 8 - 2 7 1 , but the quality and effects o f the relationships are comparable.

Chapter 10 1. An early attempt at m u c h that follows was H o f f m a n n , " W a r f a r e . " 2. Gerlich, Habsburg, Luxemburg, Wittelsbach. 3 . M o s b a c h , pp. 8 3 - 8 4 ; RF, III, 2 7 9 - 2 9 5 . 4 . M o s b a c h , p. 9 4 . All documented sites o f destruction in this and subsequent conflicts are shown on M a p 10.1. 5. Görlich, Vincenz, p. 9 9 ; ChronBMV, p. 2 1 5 . 6. Grünhagen, ed., Geschichtsquellen, pp. 6 4 - 6 6 ; Rosicz, Cesta, p. 47. H e c k , " H u s s i t e n aufstand," pp. 226—228, made much o f popular support in 1428, but Dziewulski, " S p o i e c z e n s t w o , " pp. 2 7 - 2 8 , established the special circumstances. 7. Rosicz, Gesta, pp. 4 7 - 4 8 ; M a r k g r a f , " R o s i c z , " pp. 2 4 6 - 2 4 8 . 8. F r o m evidence in Grünhagen, Geschichtsquellen, p. 172; R B , fol. 5r c o m p a r e d to RF, IV, 2681; ChronBMV, p. 220; L N , fol. 19v. 9 . Bolkenhain, p. 10; Wendt, " V e r p f a n d u n g , " p. 159. 10. O n l y a royal warning to the Sroda district court ( N R B , p. 264) suggests a danger in 1431. For 1432 see a c o n t e m p o r a r y note f r o m Strzelin (Grünhagen, Geschichtsquellen, pp. 1 5 7 - 1 5 8 ) . 11. As reported by an a n o n y m o u s eye-witness in Wächter, Geschichtsschreiber, pp. 2 5 26. See also ChronBMV, p. 233; E r m i s c h , " V e r h a l t n i s s ; " Maleczynski, Historia Slpska, 1:2, 246-249. 12. Rosicz, Gesta, pp. 5 5 - 5 6 . C o m p a r e E r m i s c h , " K ö n i g l o s e r Z e i t , " pp. 1 9 - 2 0 , 5 0 - 5 5 , and 64, and Kronthal, " A s e n h e i m e r . " 13. Rosicz, Gesta, p. 59, and Chronica, p. 581. 14. Kindler, pp. 196— 197. Seyfrid Seidlicz forcibly refused a census on G a t o w ( B a u c h , Schulwesen, pp. 1 2 2 - 1 2 3 ) . 15. Jungandreas, p. 176. 16. S t o b b e , 1867, p. 4 4 6 ( D o m i n i c ' s " y o u t h " got him o f f with a fine). M e n o f the S k o p p family were in the 1450s accused o f robbing fellow citizens (Pfeiffer, Patriziat, pp. 2 6 6 - 2 6 7 ) and then outlawed for a gang murder ( V D , pp. 64—65). 17. Klose, Inneren Verhältnisse, p. 74. 18. NRB, pp. 3 4 4 - 3 4 5 . 19. S t o b b e , 1870, pp. 1 9 4 - 1 9 5 . For further cases see VD, # 1 9 ; 12; S t o b b e , 1867, p. 161; NRB, pp. 350, 352, and 255; Klose, Inneren Verhältnisse, p. 105. 20. S t o b b e , 1868, p. 173; NRB, p. 3 5 5 . 21. VD, p. 55; Steinhausen, ed., I, 369. 22. P C C , I, 2 0 2 - 2 0 3 and 2 1 3 - 2 1 4 . 23. E r m i s c h , " K ö n i g l o s e r Z e i t , " p. 2 7 9 ; Klose, Inneren Verhältnisse, pp. 6 6 - 6 7 and 101. 24. Nell, p. 316, stresses h o w banditry fractures existing s o c i o - e c o n o m i c relations. 25. P C P , I, 1 7 - 1 8 . 26. Rosicz, Gesta, pp. 7 5 - 7 6 ; Eschenloer, Historia, pp. 5 5 - 6 2 . C o m p a r e Menzel, "Eschenloer." 27. Eschenloer, Historia, pp. 1 4 0 - 1 4 1 and 232. 28. P C C , I, 33. 29. Eschenloer, Geschichten, II, 3 0 3 - 3 0 4 and 3 0 9 - 3 1 1 . 30. Ibid., pp. 3 1 2 - 3 2 6 ; J o h n s d o r f , pp. 1 1 2 - 1 1 4 . O t h e r reports are in Schultz and G r i i n hagen, pp. 3 8 3 - 3 8 4 , and S e m k o w i c z , ed., " R o c z n i k , " pp. 7 3 5 - 7 3 6 . C o m p a r e Korta, Annalistyka, pp. 3 2 2 - 3 2 5 . 31. Eschenloer, Geschichten, II, 3 2 7 - 3 2 8 . With the vicinity o f Wroclaw " w ü s t e , " Mathias and his a r m y went in M a r c h to the lands o f St. M a r y around S o b o t k a for a week's rape and plunder (Johnsdorf, p. 115). 32. Grünhagen, Geschichtsquellen, p. 172.

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33. L N , fol. 19v; K L M , fol. 28. 34. J o h n s d o r f , p. 115. C o m p a r e effects o f endemic violence on other local rural e c o n o m i e s in, for example, Flanders (Nicholas, pp. 3 3 3 - 3 4 0 ) or N o r t h w e s t England (Elliott, p. 61). 35. T h e direct meteorological and indirect e c o n o m i c evidence is treated in terms o f climatological theory in Lamb, Climatic History, pp. 4 4 9 - 4 6 1 , w h o rated the periods 1 3 1 0 - 1 9 and around the 1430s and - 5 0 s the worst for most o f Europe. C o m p a r e his earlier Changing Climate, pp. 5 8 - 1 0 8 ; Alexandre; L e R o y Ladurie, Times of Feast, pp. 2 6 4 - 268. In east-central Europe 1 3 6 0 - 1 4 3 0 was relatively warm and dry and 1 4 3 0 - 1 5 0 0 cool and wet. S u m m e r subtropical anticycloncs and a maritime flow o f air in winter gave way to maritime cyclones ruling the warmer months and continental air masses the cooler. (Flohn, pp. 3 4 7 - 3 5 7 ; reworked by Richter, pp. 2 4 9 - 2 5 4 ) Note that the argument here advanced docs not infer e c o n o m i c conditions or changes from general climatic changc as censured in, for example, Anderson, " C l i m a t i c C h a n g e , " but follows his recommendation to e x a m i n e shifts o f weather patterns and changing frequencies o f meteorological " s h o c k s " to e c o n o m i c activity. Wroclaw's " s h o c k s , " however, precisely fit what are arguably the broad patterns o f late medieval climate. 36. Santifaller, Kopialbüeher, p. 276; HPR, pp. 1 3 7 - 1 3 8 and 179; K f t r z y n s k i , ed., " V a r i a , " p. 590. 37. Rosicz, Gesta, pp. 6 2 - 8 5 , is then the most c o m p l e t e account, but often confirmed b y Eschenloer, Historia, pp. 56, 1 0 3 - 1 0 4 , and 1 8 8 - 1 8 9 ; B i e l o w s k i , ed., " R o c z n i k m a g i s t r a t u , " p. 686; ChronBM V, p. 249; Schultz and Grünhagen, pp. 3 7 6 - 3 7 7 . 38. Weikinn, vols. I and II, under years as indicated. T h e O d r a later flooded during the summer four times between 1537 and 1550, in 1570, and three years during the 1590s. 39. After several such floods before 1854, none occurred until 1888 and then 13 in the next 2 0 years (Hellmann and Eisner). 40. Eschenloer, Geschichten, II, 3 3 8 . Sec also Eschenloer, Historia, pp. 2 2 0 and 223, and Rosicz, Gesta, p. 85. T h e failure o f cold winters seriously to affect agriculture around Wroclaw corresponds with findings for Holland by de Vries. 41. Rosicz, Gesta, pp. 75 and 85; Eschenloer, Historia, pp. 2 1 3 , 242, and 264 - 266, and Geschichten, II. 2 6 6 , 270, and 2 9 9 - 300; Henel, p. 3 2 0 . 42. Eschenloer, Historia, pp. 2 2 9 - 2 3 3 and 1 0 3 - K M ; Rosicz, Gesta, pp. 8 0 - 8 1 ; ChronBMV, pp. 2 4 9 - 2 5 0 ; Schultz and Grünhagen, pp. 3 7 6 - 3 7 7 . See further Rosicz, Gesta, p. 67; E s c h e n loer, Historia, pp. 1 8 8 - 1 8 9 ; J ü h n s d o r f , pp. 1 1 5 - 1 1 6 ; ÖD, pp. 1 5 9 - 1 6 2 . 43. Brandon found runs o f wet years in late medieval Sussex often cut yields by up to 15 percent. In Brandenburg and U p p e r S a x o n y during the cool wet period after 1430 peasants simply abandoned farms on impermeable soils (Richter, pp. 2 4 9 - 2 5 4 ) . See also D u n i n Wasowicz; L e R o y Ladurie, Times of Feast, pp. 2 8 9 - 2 9 2 . 44. Eschenloer, Historia, p. 229. B a c k g r o u n d for what follows is Day, " B u l l i o n F a m i n e . " 45. See Appendix B , especially Figure B . l . 46. W A A I, IV a 8, fols. 3 0 v - 3 1 r . C o m p a r e the 1 4 3 0 s - 5 0 s history o f a census on a tenure at *Polska Nowa W i e s * in NLChron, p. 129 note 104 (where " f l . " must be an error for " f t . " ) . For m o r e cases sec UD, p. 223; WAA I, IV a 4a, fols. 2 3 v - 2 4 r and 1 9 r - 1 9 v ; Klose, Inneren Verhältnisse, p. 190. 47. WAA I, IV a 4a, fols. 2 7 v - 2 8 v , with fols. 2 1 r - 2 1 v a similar case from 1474. See also WAP Rep 135, D 2 7 3 , fol. 1 0 r - 1 0 v , a n d j e s u i t e r , VI:III, # 1 1 : 5 8 . 48. Szwagrzyk, " S z e r o k i e g r o s z e , " pp. 65—66. 49. Normal increases during the m o n t h s o f shrinking reserves before a new harvest went unremarked by chroniclers. T h e scale o f e x t r e m e fluctuation is best c o m p a r e d with s o m e careful short-term price series. Braudel and S p o o n e r , pp. 4 6 5 - 4 6 6 , graph seasonal variations at Paris, 1 5 9 1 - 9 9 , and U d i n e , 1 6 3 6 - 45. N o m a x i m u m for a given year there exceeds by m o r e than 2 . 3 times that year's m i n i m u m and the multiple surpasses 2 only in three years at Paris. Likewise during the great famine o f 1 3 1 5 - 1 6 in England the wheat price index rose only f r o m 1 to 2 . 4 (Farmer, p. 218). 50. Rosicz, Gesta, p. 49. 51. Grünhagen, "Annalistische N a c h l e s e , " p. 189: " e t sic pauperes congregati in W r a t i slavia ex multis opidis et villis in m a x i m a multitudine in plateis et in cimiteriis hospicia habuerunt et jacuerunt, fame et frigore perierunt;" Rosicz, Gesta, p. 51; ChronBMV, p. 225. In 1434 the H o l y Spirit Hospital received f r o m its demesne at Trestno less than half the grain o f the previous year ( H G Z , fols. 2 5 v - 2 5 v and 6 0 v - 6 1 r ) . Did peasant cultivators lose the same?

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52. Henel, p. 320; Rosicz, Gesta, p. 53. 53. Rosicz, Gesla, p. 53; Heyne, Wohtau, pp. 1 9 5 - 1 % ; Eschenloer, Geschichten, II, 2 6 4 - 266; Eschenloer, Historie, pp. 229 and 242; Schultz and G r ü n h a g e n , p. 382; Bielowski, " R o c z n i k m a g i s t r a t u , " p. 686. A general account of t h e 1437 f a m i n e is Abel, Strukturen, pp. 8 5 - 9 5 . Schmitz f o u n d p o o r harvests after bad weather the chief and war d a m a g e the second precipitant of famine in medieval Europe. 54. " D a sähe man die armen Leuten schaaricht aus Slesien u n d allen u m l i e g e n d e n Landen k o m m e n ; ein Scheffel Kleien kauften die G e b a u r gar gerne u m b zehen G r o s c h e n . " Eschenloer, Geschichten, II, 2 6 4 - 2 6 6 and Historia, p. 242. 55. Peasants seeking food distinguish these shortages f r o m the n o r m a l pattern of subsistence crises as narrowly urban p h e n o m e n a caused b y rural p r o d u c e r s covering their o w n short supplies out of w h a t they usually sold. For widely scattered e x a m p l e s see Braudel, Mediterranean, I, 328; Nicholas, pp. 122-123; G o u l d , "Price R e v o l u t i o n , " p. 86. N o r were m o s t central Silesian peasants market-oriented specialists w h o , because they always b o u g h t their f o o d , were vulnerable to an urban inflation (compare Ringrose, p. 769). T h u s the peasant f o o d shortages a r o u n d fifteenth-century W r o d a w m u s t mean that t h e p r o d u c e r s themselves could not control e n o u g h production to cover their o w n needs. 56. Rosicz, Gesta, pp. 44 and 53; G r ü n h a g e n , "Annalistische N a c h l e s e , " p. 186; Henel, pp. 308 and 320; Bielowski, "Rocznik m a g i s t r a t u , " pp. 6 8 5 - 686; ChronBMV, p. 214. 57. Rosicz, Gesta, pp. 6 2 - 6 3 ; Bielowski, " R o c z n i k m a g i s t r a t u , " p. 686; Klose, Inneren Verhältnisse, p. 110; Schultz and G r ü n h a g e n , p. 377. 58. ". . . nisi q u a n t u m i n t e r d u m ex contagione villanorum accidit." Eschenloer, Historia, p. 146. 59. T h u s only tenants at Z j b i c e owed rent t o the hospital. Villagers at W r o b l o w i c e paid 1.5 measures of rye per mansus for a ducal right and the rest cash in lieu of tithe. H G Z , passim. 60. R S C 1 4 4 9 - 5 7 was d o n e by n o n e other than the chronicler S i g i s m u n d Rosicz (see Schulte, "Rosicz," pp. 3 3 4 - 3 3 6 ) . It is the only part o f the successive registers the w a r d e n s kept f r o m 1406 to the 1700s to record m o r e than total receipts and defaults. 61. RB, fols. l l r - 1 3 r ( Z f b i c e is not in the d o c u m e n t ) . 62. K L M is discussed further in Appendix A. A b a n d o n e d land signifies rural c o n s u m p tion crises of m o r e than s h o r t - t e r m nature in the interesting analytical f r a m e w o r k of Stewart, pp. 6 1 - 8 0 . 63. T h e published register f r o m 1443 (Klose, Von Breslau, 11:2, 4 4 3 - 4 4 7 ) exaggerates the desertions because it o m i t t e d everything except settlement size and a b a n d o n e d land and interpolated " u n b e w o h n t " after 7 places which are blank in K l o s e s o w n h o l o g r a p h transcript ( K L M ) of the lost original. Both LB and R B contain blank entries for places w h i c h o t h e r texts c o n f i r m were then inhabited, so this occurance in K L M is not acceptable evidence of desertion. Because G r ü n h a g e n used the printed data in Hussitenkämpfe, pp. 2 7 6 - 2 7 8 , his statistics are invalid. 64. In 1419 during a brief pause in the Teutonic O r d e r ' s war w i t h Poland, 20.8% of the 31,525 mansi in Prussia were e m p t y (Abel, Wustungen, p. 43). Jäger, pp. 2 2 2 - 2 3 7 , w a r n s to discriminate between desertions caused by war or o t h e r external influences and those f r o m a Malthusian "agrarian crisis," but the Wroclaw and the Prussian situations seem w h o l l y comparable. 65. K L M , fols. 10, 19, 2 6 - 29, and 31 have less deserted land at L o w f c i c e , Ilnica, and J a r z j b k o w i c e , but of the 225 mansi there listed for the nine villages, 41 (18.2%) were abandoned. 66. P C P , I, 18. In the less-affected zone near t h e city R a d o m i e r z y c e had n o spaces in 1443 ( K L M , fol. 5) or in R S C , 1 4 4 9 - 57. 67. Eschenloer, Geschichten, p. 328; R S C , 1 4 7 1 - 8 8 . 68. T h e end to g r o w t h and subsequent decline o f rural p o p u l a t i o n was likely not the s a m e in the city. Maleczynski, "Dzieje W r o d a w i a , " p. 206, suggested a 1 % fall f r o m 19197 in 1403 t o 18945 in 1470, and listed other careful estimates ranging u p t o a 3 0 % increase. Wroclaw's walls were not then extended but there are signs of greater internal density. U n c h a n g e d u r b a n d e m a n d against shrunken production would cause higher prices and intermittent crises of subsistence. 69. R S C [all four m s s . | . 70. ChronBMV, pp. 218 and 226. 71. WAA I, III d 2. pp. 2 9 - 3 0 ; Heyne, Bisthum, III. 989.

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72. Arnold et a]., p. 356. For m o r e defaults see UD, p. 158; WAP Rep. 55, 124; H G Z , fol. 113v; WAA 1. IV a 8, fols. 3 1 v - 3 2 r and 98v; Schulte, " V e r m i s c h t e , " p. 242; Perlbach, " Z u r Geschichte," pp. 2 5 9 - 2 6 0 ; Eistert, "Klarenkloster," pp. 8 1 - 8 2 . 73. K L M , fol. 28; WAP Rcp 135, E99e, II, # 7 - 8 ; m o r e or less accurately s u m m a r i z e d in Kindler, pp. 89 and 91. 74. R S C , 1 4 7 1 - 8 8 . 75. D y h e r n f u r t h , pp. 2 0 - 2 1 . 76. H G Z , fols. 19v, 4 2 v - 4 3 r , 64r, 103v, and 1l9v. 77. H G Z , fols. 1 8 v - 1 9 r , 4 1 v - 4 2 r , 6 3 v - 6 4 r , 8 2 v - 8 3 r , 9 5 v - % r , 1 0 2 v - 1 0 3 r , and 1 1 8 v 119r. As s h o w n in Table 10.3, 5 1 % of the payments required f r o m Z f b i c e tenants w e r e d e faulted. C o n d i t i o n s were similar at J a r z j b k o w i c e ( H G Z , fols. 2 3 v - 2 4 r , 4 8 v - 4 9 r , 6 7 v - 6 8 v , 8 9 v - 9 0 v , 1 0 6 v - 107v, and 1 2 2 v - 1 2 3 v ) and Radakowice ( H G Z , fols. 21 v, 4 6 v - 4 7 r , 66v, 8 7 v - 8 8 r , 105v, and 121v). 78. H G Z , fols. 2()v, 44v, 65v, 8 5 v - 8 6 r , 104v, and 120v. 79. R S C , 1 4 4 9 - 5 7 . Ilnica's high and general n o n - p a y m e n t of the early 1430s fell sharply after 1436. P r o m i n e n t persistent defaulters were the schulz, Michael Radak, and t h e parish priest, John Wyzczeky ( H G Z , fols. 20r, 43v, 65r, 84v, 104r, and 120r). C o m p a r e R a d a k o w i c e in H G Z , fols. 8 7 v - 8 8 r , 105v, and 121 v. 80. Meyer, Studien, pp. 6 3 - 6 8 describes a manuscript (now lost) recording h u n d r e d s of e x c o m m u n i c a t i o n s obtained by St. Vincent against m i d - c e n t u r y defaulters o n tithe. 81. UD, pp. 1 5 8 - 1 5 9 . 82. ChronBMV, pp. 218 ( " e x e m i t " ) and 226 ( " r e d e m i t " ) . In 1442 the same a b b o t dismissed arrears owed and gave t w o m o r e years of e x e m p t i o n to the schulz of J u g o w i e c (WAP, Rep. 55, 24). 83. H G Z , fols. 48v, 67v, 86v, 87v, 89v, and 106v. T h a t lords were wise to q u e r y peasant n o n - p a y m e n t is well illustrated in Lorcin, " R u s e paysanne." Surely Silesian peasants and lords were as astute as their Frcnch counterparts. 84. H G Z , fols. 18v, 41v, 95v, 8 1 v - 8 2 v , 102v, and 118v. 85. H G Z , fols. 43v and 106r. 86. H G Z , fols. 21r, 44v, 46r, 69r, 1 0 8 r - 1 0 9 r , and 84v. 87. At R a d o m i e r z y c e m o s t of a generation later the succustos visibly coerced n o o n e , but only t w o delinquents had small residual s u m s forgiven (RSC, 1 4 4 9 - 57). 88. H G Z , fols. 22r, 24v, 43r, 45v, 46r. 47v, 48r, 65r, 66r, 86v, 1 0 6 r - v , and 122r. 89. RF, II, 8 1 0 - 8 1 4 . C o m p a r e t w o like cessions of lordship d u r i n g the 1440s in RF, I, 5 2 ν - 5 4 ν and II, 9 1 4 - 9 2 4 . 90. RF, I, 7 6 v - 7 9 v (see also 22v); III, 2 4 6 5 - 2 4 7 6 ; IV, 2 6 6 1 - 2 6 9 2 ; WAP Rep. 55, 110; UD, p. 158. 91. NLChron, pp. 1 2 7 - 1 2 9 . See further WAP Rcp. 55, 111, and six m o r e cases at D o m a slaw in 1 4 3 8 - 4 0 (UD, pp. 5 6 - 5 8 ) . 92. UD, p. 48; WAA I, III d 2, pp. 2 4 - 2 5 and 2 8 - 2 9 . See also H G Z , fols. 58v, 77v, and 97r. 93. H G Z , fol. 98r; WAA I, III d 2, p. 36; WAA I, IV a 4a, fols. 2 3 v - 2 4 r ; WAP Rep 135 El 13f, pp. 5 - 6 . 94. RW, G 65. 95. "die e i n w o n e r in den d o r f e r n , nemlich das gebaür volk in den Breslischen, N e u n margtischen u n d N a m s l o w i s c h e n weichbilden gessessen" (NRB, pp. 2 8 1 - 2 8 3 ; s u m m a r i z e d in RW, N 83). 96. UD, pp. 5 6 - 5 8 . See also NLChron, pp. 1 2 8 - 1 2 9 note 102. 97. NLChron, pp. 127 and 129 with note 104. 98. WAA I, III d 2, p. 36. See also NLChronik, pp. 128-129; WAA I, IV a 4a, fols. 23v-24r. 99. UD, p. 223, # 2 3 : 1 3 ; H G Z , fol. 64r. For additional examples see H G Z , fol. 108v, and UD, pp. 2 1 5 - 2 1 7 , # 1 9 : 5 - 8 . 100. UD, pp. 5 0 - 5 1 . Further c o n f i r m i n g village credits are cryptically o p a q u e references in 1450s litigation f r o m D o m a s l a w (UD, pp. 5 8 - 6 3 , # 1 0 1 - 1 0 9 , 1 1 1 - 1 1 5 , 1 1 8 - 1 2 2 , and 124-126). 101. UD, pp. 2 1 5 - 2 1 6 , # 1 9 - 2 0 . 102. UD, p. 223, # 2 3 : 1 0 . T h e fifth citation mentions n o coin. 103. Wenczko's shortage of f u n d s in 1435 is further corroborated by his later need to pay

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a penalty and obtain a g u a r a n t o r for overdue rents ( H G Z , fol. % r ) . 104. H G Z , fol. 82v. His p a y m e n t of full rents o n t i m e in 1436 and 1437 is also recorded o n f o b . 81v and 102v. 105. H G Z , fols. 6 7 v - 6 8 v , 89v, and 1 0 6 v - 1 0 7 r , also records o t h e r f a r m s enlarged w i t h deserted land. O n Z f b i c e see fol. 82r. 106. H G Z , fols. 84v, 104r, and 120r. For similar cases elsewhere see fols. 92r and 106v-107r. 107. T h e m a n y f a r m s o f t w o mansi there in 1494 w e r e asserted by K u h n , " B a u e r n h o f g r ö s s e n , " pp. 2 3 8 - 2 4 0 , to c o m e f r o m remarkably large original t h i r t e e n t h - c e n t u r y holdings, but the flaw in his reasoning has already been n o t e d ( C h a p t e r 9, n o t e 78). T h e issue receives f u r t h e r t r e a t m e n t in the next chapter (p. 329), b u t clearly the contextual isolation of the 1494 land distributions lets t h e m reveal only a f r a g m e n t o f late fifteenth c e n t u r y reality, not its antecedents. 108. H G Z , passim·, Klose, Inneren Verhältnisse, pp. 2 7 1 - 2 7 2 , and c o m p a r e HPR, p. 129, and WAP, A M W , К 113, fol. l r - l v ) . 109. " W e n n yn guten geczeyten, d o das getreyde m e h e geguldin hat, hat er der hüben genossin. N u itzunder das getreyde wenig gilt, wil der . . . die h ü b e n lassin l e g i n . " Klein, ed., pp. 3 6 1 - 3 6 3 . 110. M e r o t ' s claim of difficulty finding labor points at an o b s c u r e b u t possibly significant influence o n villagers' responses to m i d - c e n t u r y conditions. P o p u l a t i o n decline and the ability o f small holders t o enlarge their f a r m s to the point of self-sufficiency in basic f o o d s t u f f s should have cut the supply of rural wage labor and, even w i t h stable d e m a n d , raised its price. T h e rising cost o f labor is a c o m m o n p l a c e in the p o s t - p l a g u e European e c o n o m y . But a r o u n d Wroclaw rural wage rates are p o o r l y d o c u m e n t e d . Lacking earlier c o m p a r i s o n s , we note only that rye reapers at W y s o k a and T r e s t n o in the late 1430s m a d e 4 g r o s c h e n a day and meals, w h i c h exceeded in n o m i n a l and, especially, silver value that i m p o s e d b y statute in the duchy d u r i n g the 1510s, 36 old heller (3 groschen at the overvalued official rate). See H G Z , fols. 38r, 59v, 60v, 63r, 78v, and 9 9 r - 9 9 v , and c o m p a r e Klose, Inneren Verhältnisse, pp. 1 8 5 - 1 8 6 . If this indicates a s h o r t - or m e d i u m - t e r m u p s w i n g in the 1430s, it t o o profited s u r v i v i n g small holders. Conversely, tenants with well m o r e than t w o mansi, like s o m e at W r o b l o w i c e in 1438 and several at K o m o r n i k i or J u g o w i e c in 1494, w o u l d have f o u n d the cost of hired l a b o r — i f availa b l e — c o n s t r a i n i n g their ability to p r o d u c e or dispose freely of large quantities of grain beyond the needs, obligations, and p r o d u c t i v e capacity of their o w n families. 111. Heck, " H u s s i t e n a u f s t a n d , " pp. 2 2 5 - 2 3 3 , well represents this interpretation, as d o contributions by h i m and by Maleczynska in Maleczynski, Historia Slpska, 1:2, pp. 8 9 - 9 4 and 2 2 9 - 250. 112. Stobbe, 1867, p. 154. See also UD, p. 225. 113. RW, R 3; NRB, p. 356; Stobbe, 1867, p. 181, and, for a n o t h e r refusal of obedience, p. 156. 114. ChronBMV, pp. 2 4 7 - 2 4 8 , reports another case, too. 115. A r n o l d et al., # 2 2 0 4 ; Schulte, " V e r m i s c h t e , " p. 242; WAA II, IV a 1; ChronBMV, pp. 1 6 9 - 1 7 0 . 116. Kindler, pp. 8 9 - 9 1 ; WAP Rep 135, E99e, II, # 7 - 8 . 117. D y h e r n f u r t h , pp. 2 0 - 2 1 . 118. Kindler, p. 75; Klose, Inneren Verhältnisse, p. 66. 119. Heck, " H u s s i t e n a u f s t a n d , " p. 225, listed o n l y the 1420 inquiry f r o m Stobbe, 1866, pp. 3 6 0 - 3 6 2 . Since Wroclaw's elite so feared heretics, Heck's assertion that d o c u m e n t a r y silence means there really were m a n y thereabouts fails to convince. 120. Heck, " H u s s i t e n a u f s t a n d , " pp. 2 2 6 - 2 2 8 ; G r ü n h a g e n , Geschichtsquellen, pp. 6 4 - 6 6 ; Dziewulski, " S p o l e c z e n s t w o , " pp. 2 7 - 28. See note 7 above. 121. G r ü n h a g e n , Geschichtsquellen, p. 103; Stobbe, 1867, pp. 1 5 1 - 1 5 9 ; Heck, " H u s s i t e n a u f s t a n d , " pp. 2 2 8 - 233. 122. ChronBMV, pp. 220 and 233; RF, IV, 2 6 3 2 - 2 6 4 0 ; D T , p. 315; PCC, I, pp. 2 0 2 - 2 0 3 . 123. G r ü n h a g e n , Geschiehtstjuellen, p. 172. 124. Bauch, Schulwesen, pp. 1 2 2 - 1 2 3 ; WAA I, IV a 36, fols. l v - 3 v ; H e y n e , Bislhum, II, 1 9 2 - 1 9 7 . See also A r n o l d et al., p. 356, and Heyne, Bisthum, III, 8 8 8 - 8 8 9 . 125. ChronBMV, pp. 1 6 9 - 1 7 0 . 126. R S C 1475. H e excused his failure to transmit tithes by the " m a g n i s d a m p n i s quis plures consumpssisset et expendet. . . . "

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27. A t h o r o u g h discussion is U r b a n , Studia, pp. 1 2 7 - 1 4 9 and 2 2 1 - 2 3 3 . Sec also Marshall, pp. 4 1 - 5 1 ; Rosicz, Chronica, pp. 5 8 0 - 5 8 2 . 128. L N , fols. 6 1 r - 6 2 r ; Bauch, Schulwesen, pp. 1 2 6 - 1 2 7 ; sec generally Dola, Kapituia, pp. 5 7 - 1 1 0 . 129. Fibiger, pp. 3 0 9 - 3 1 9 ; H e y n e . Bisthum, III, 9 4 4 - 9 4 7 ; Dittrich, " K r e u z h e r r e n . " pp. 124-127; RF, II, 827; K L M , fols. 9 and 18. 130. Wendt, " V e r p f a n d u n g , ' ' pp. 1 5 9 - 1 6 0 ; RF, I, fol. 29v; K L M , fol. 2. 131. C.hronBMV, pp. 2 1 8 - 2 2 6 : " p r o p t e r p e n u r i a m monasterii, p r o v e n i e n t e m ex dcstructione b o n o r u m ipsius per n e p h a n d o s hereticos ct alios, ad debita solvcnda hinc inde contracta et specialiter ad s o l v c n d u m s u p r e m u m j u s in Jeraslawicz tunc e m p t u m . " 132. ChronBMV, pp. 2 3 7 - 2 5 6 , 1 6 9 - 1 7 0 , and 1 7 2 - 1 7 3 . Recovery was costly. To rebuild the abbey's b u r n e d mill took t w o years, 9 2 0 m k , and u n a c c o u n t e d f o o d and drink for the workers. 133. iVLCTiruH, pp. 125-132; Klose, Inneren Verhältnisse, p. 161; Görlich, Vincenz, p. 130 note 2. 134. NLC^hron, p. 132: " E t d e m u m intrans m o n a s t e r i u m , tarn in spiritualibus q u a m secularibus quasi desolatum et v i d u a t u m sine h o n o r e invenit, quia vix decern fratres in t o t o reperit, item o m n i a allodia deserta, sine scpibus et inculta j a c u e r u n t vel alia a m o n a s t e r i o alienata." 135. Jesuiter, V:9, # 1 8 ; VI:1, # 1 6 , # 2 4 , and # 5 5 ; VII:3, # 1 1 (38), (29), and (39). T h e repurchaseable debt i n s t r u m e n t s a m o n g these transcripts give insights unavailable elsewhere. 136. RF, III, 2155 [258]-264; Jesuiter, passim. C o m p a r e the " e c o n o m i c b a t t e r i n g " sustained by noble l a n d o w n e r s in disorderly c o n t e m p o r a r y B r a n d e n b u r g (Hägen, pp. 9 0 - 9 3 ) . 137. Szwagrzyk, "Szerokie g r o s z e , " pp. 6 5 - 6 6 . 138. ChronBMV, p. 226; SR # 5 8 2 7 note; WAP, Rep. 55, # 1 1 0 . 139. H G Z , fols. 18v, 42r, 64r, 8 2 r - 8 3 r , 102v, and U 8 v - U 9 r . For another case see UD, pp. 158-159. 140. RB, fol. l l r , and K L M , fol. 26. 141. See A p p e n d i x A, Figure A l b . 142. For m e t h o d s and tabular presentation of these statistics sec A p p e n d i x A, Table A 3 and Figure A la. 143. M i d - f i f t e e n t h - c e n t u r y d e m e s n e farms did n o t differ f r o m those of the f o u r t e e n t h . Wysoka and Trestno, so well d o c u m e n t e d d u r i n g the 1430s, were already seen in C h a p t e r 5 to resemble like enterprises a h u n d r e d and m o r e years older. H o l y Spirit then also leased d e m e s n e land at Lisowice to t w o laymen w h o , w h e n they were able t o cultivate this in peace, seemingly employed wage laborers in grain p r o d u c t i o n (see H G Z , fols. 12r, 17r, 2 2 v - 2 3 r , 4 0 v - 4 1 r , 6 2 v - 6 3 r , 8 0 v - 8 1 r , 101 v - 102r, and I 1 7 v - 1 l 8 r ) . C o m p a r e elsewhere L N , fol. 19v, and Klose, Inneren Verhältnisse, p. 190. 144. See above C h a p t e r 4, especially Figures 4.1 and 4.2. 145. Table A 4 and discussion in A p p e n d i x A, pp. 3 8 9 - 3 9 0 . 146. See Table 6.2 and pp. 1 2 0 - 1 2 1 . 147. See pp. 3 8 0 - 3 8 7 . 148. T h e point was argued f r o m preliminary s t u d y of the quantifiable data in H o f f m a n n , " C i t i z e n s , " pp. 2 9 8 - 3 0 3 , with references to earlier scholarship. 149. T h e average estate also remained unchanged: 1.95 holdings per lord in 1425; 1.91 in 1480. 150. RF, III, 2 0 2 8 - 2 0 4 1 . 151. RF, 1, 1 2 7 - 1 3 2 . 152. WAA II: XI Pilczyce; G r ü n h a g e n , " P r o t o k o l l e , " p. 157; Klose, Inneren Verhältnisse, p. 190. 153. Dittrich, " K r e u z h e r r e n , " pp. 2 4 7 - 2 4 8 ; H e y n e , Bisthum, III, 945; Fibiger, p. 313; RF, II, 9 8 8 - 9 8 9 . C o m p a r e M o k r o n o s G o r n y in Dittrich, " K r e u z h e r r e n , " p p . 1 2 4 - 1 2 6 , and RF, II, 850. 154. RF, II, 9 8 0 - 9 8 1 , and I, 4 1 8 - 4 1 9 . C o n r a d R u n g e and C o n r a d L u c k o w t o o k over J a k u b o w i c e and Siemidrozyce f r o m the heirs of Peter Roster M u h l s c h r e i b e r in 1441 . For m o r e examples sec RF, I, 25a-26b, 76b-79a, 1 3 3 - 1 3 9 , 3 1 0 - 3 1 9 ; III, 2 6 5 - 2 6 9 , 3 1 5 - 3 1 7 , 2 0 1 2 - 2 0 2 1 , 2 0 6 9 - 2 0 8 1 , 2 3 5 8 - 2 3 6 6 and 2 3 7 9 - 2 3 8 8 ; and IV, 2 8 0 1 - 2 8 0 5 ; D y h e r n f u r t h , pp. 3 0 - 3 1 . As in the above examples, the new noble o w n e r s came f r o m families previously w e l l - d o c u m e n t e d a m o n g the duchy's knights; they were not recently enobled m e m b e r s of the u r b a n elite.

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155. RF, III, 2409-2425. For more knights w h o replaced other owners after 1425 but left before capture by the 1480 tabulation see RF, I, 433-438 and 462-466; II, 5 5 8 - 566; and IV, 2661-2692. 156. RF, I, fol. 37d [sic]. 157. Heyne, Bisthum, 111, 1070-1071; Sommersberg, 1:2, 797-798. 158. See a decision of the iudicium curiae. WAP Rep. 16, IV 6 a, pp. 4 - 5 , and Kindler, pp. 80 and 196—198. At times Sommerfeld and Hans Runge each had a noble seat on the court (WAP, AMW, С 15). 159. RF, I. 127-132; Markgraf, "Heinz D o m p n i g , " p. 187. 160. It is not likely a result of incomplete data. Less full coverage in 1480 does mean fewer holdings to add up to large estates, but if significant this should also affect the count of noble properties. Those figures suggest no shift of scale. 161. Eschenloer, Historia, p. 261. But compare pp. 337-339 below on mid-century profits from trading eastwards. 162. Beyer, pp. 100-113. 163. Petry, Popplau, pp. 146-147.

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1. Johnsdorf, p. 121, tells how troops Mathias quartered in central Silesia during 1489-90 "devastarunt terram et villas non minus quam foret inirmci." 2. Provisions of a Landfriede made at a princely Diet in Wroclaw, 1482 Oct 27 (PCC, II, 66-67) echo for another fifty years in the 400 folios of WAA I, VI a 1. Those set out in 1512 "contra grassatores, spoliatores et incendarios" were applied by the cathedral chapter to calm a village feud at Konczyce (Ibid., pp. 4 4 - 4 5 ; ACW, I, 465, 480-487, 723, 729, 739, and 781). 3. Klose, Inneren Verhältnisse, pp. 12-50; ACW, I, 516 and 519. 4. "Sunder ym Dorffe, wehr das dorfFe bewacht, bewacht auch die mole." UD, p. 165. 5. Lamb, Changing Climate, p. 101. 6. Stenzel, ed., Chronica, pp. 167-168; Fibiger, p. 318; Semkowicz, "Rocznik," p. 739; ACW, I, 885-888; Pfotenhauer, "Pförtner," pp. 266-267. 7. Friedensburg, "Getreidepreise," p. 9. 8. The city suffered in 1482- 83, 14%, 1507, 1516, 1525, and 1542, but sometimes for less than a month: NLChron, p. 135; Henel, pp. 363 and 371; Klose, Inneren Verhältnisse, p. I l l ; Semkowicz, "Rocznik," p. 740; Pfotenhauer, "Pförtner," p. 268. 9. Petry, Popplau, pp. 9 2 - 9 4 . 10. WAA I, IV a 4a, fol. 34r-35r. A comparable incident from 1530 is reported in Kindler, p. 202. 11. Semkowicz, "Rocznik," pp. 737-738; ACW, I, 740. Like cases are ACW, 1, 503, 554, 619, 701, 772, and 839. 12. Dziewulski, "Zaludnienie," pp. 419-492. 13. As calculated by Heck in Maleczynski, Historia Slpska, 1:2, 63, from " Q B B B , " pp. 210-225 and WAA I, H e l l , pp. 8 5 - 9 9 (this manuscript contains material from 1530 to 1593). 14. Klose, Inneren Verhältnisse, pp. 185-185 and 2 0 8 - 210; WAA I, VI a 1, pp. 101-104 and passim; Schulte, "Erntearbeiter," pp. 190-192. 15. Heyne, Neumarkt, pp. 3 8 6 - 393. All land uncultivated in 1494 was at Proszkow, but recent resettlement was noted at Ogrodnica and Komorniki. For references to empty rental land at several places on into the 1530s see ACW, I, 560; UD, p. 165; WAA I, III d 34, sub anno 1531; WAA I, VI a 1, pp. 126-127. 16. NLChron, p. 132; Moepert, Ortsnamen, p. 116; WAA I, VI a 1, p. 125; RF, III, 2560; WAP Rep 15, 228, pp. 54-59. 17. LIBB, pp. 368-369. 18. To most literary tastes the Silesian youths w h o trudged off to Cracow or Padua in the 1480s or 90s, sat at the feet of Conrad Celtis, and proved their poetic skills with praise of their home province, churned out turgid stuff indeed. Still their rich fields, fat flocks, and exiguous supplies of flour, bread, and beer suggest one undeniable vision of Silesian agriculture then. For examples, see the "Epistola descriptiua" of Wrodaw-born Bernhardinus Feyge (Caricinus), published in Cracow in 1499 (Bauch, "Humanismus," pp. 125-126) or lines 7 1 - 8 2 and

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161 — 165 of the m o r e polished Panegyricus Silesiacus written before 1506 b y j e l e n i a Gora's P a n cratius Vulturinus (ed. Drechsler). A sympathetic reader is Fleischer, "Silesiographia." 19. Klein, ed., pp. 3 6 2 - 3 6 3 . 20. By about 1550 Silesian rye prices at 20gr the m e a s u r e d o u b l e d those of 1500; the rise went o n to the T h i r t y Years War (Friedensburg, " G e t r e i d e p r e i s e , " p. 42). O n increase f r o m the 1530s of copper prices at Wroclaw see Fink, p. 340. 21. O t h e r dues were also the same for long periods (see WAP, A M W , Q 29, I, 2v and 6v; 11, 3r and 5v; III, 9 r - 9 v ; and c o m p a r e H G Z ) . And perhaps m o r e o f t e n than the texts can show, f r o m year to year lords accepted cash for obligations in kind. T h i s happened at C z e m i c a in 1532 as it had in 1511, w h e n the cathedral chapter also, " f o l l o w i n g the observed c u s t o m , " t o o k m o n e y for tithes f r o m M n i c h o w i c e ( A C W , I, 342 and 345 - 346. 22. WAA I, IV a 4 1 - 4 3 , passim. 23. WAA I, III d 34, passim. 24. WAA I, III d 1 3 - 1 6 , passim. D o m a n s k i and Sille, pp. 2 0 9 - 2 1 0 , finds Trzebnica receiving full rents and taxes f r o m Kotowice in 1523/24. 25. WAP, A M W , Q 29, I, fols. 2 v - 6 v , and II, fols. 3 r - 5 v , and WAA I, III d 98, sub annis notis. 26. R S C , passim. T h e cathedral chapter w o u l d , however, hear and a c c o m m o d a t e w i t h remissions unusual circumstances—a destructive raid, a bad h a r v e s t — i n a village. See for cases ACW, I: 340, 516, 519, 5 2 3 - 524, 528, 534, and 701. 27. For like structural continuity across a late medieval crisis, see Rotelli, Piemotile. 28. Manifest interest in the recent past blossomed at Wroclaw d u r i n g the 1 4 5 0 s - 9 0 s in L N (Turon, "Liber Niger")', the histories of Rosicz and Eschenloer; ChronBMV and St. M a r y ' s chartulary (Wattenbach, " Repertorium Heiiae")\ the chronicles and chartularies for St. Vincent by Nicholas Liebental; and the legal researches of C a s p a r Popplau (Goerlitz, "Verfasser"). T h e dcscriptivc and retrospcctivc Silesian literary tradition represented in the next generation by humanist-trained authors had antecedents m o r e extensive than Fleischer, "Silesiographia," attests. 29. UD, pp. 164-167. See also Fibiger, pp. 3 1 8 - 3 2 3 . 30. UBB., pp. 3 6 6 - 3 7 0 , notably articles 4 and 8. 31. R U L , # 3 9 . 32. WAA I, III d 34 is not paginated or foliated but the years of account are n u m b e r e d . C o m p a r e at Kryniczno ACW, I, 560. 33. T h e relative well-being of central Silesian peasants is n o t e d in Heck, Studia, pp. 3 0 - 5 1 and 288. 34. All places o n Table 11.2 are in old-settled areas, m o s t l y o n the black earth. M a t u s z o w and M f d l o w , w i t h their large f a r m s and equality, were full of tenants w i t h Slavic-sounding names: e.g. S i m o n Piotrak, Stenzel Woytke, Wenczil Brosky, Matschek Arula, Woytek David, Wyczek. T h e smallest average f a r m on the table is at T a r n o g a j in 1532, w h e r e the dozen tenants included Borsche, Berger, Cranse, Rost, Wanger, Nickel Essig, and Paul Pusch. If the particulars in the extant written record accurately represent the past, that f r o m the Wroclaw d u c h y fails to sustain ethnic determinism of the peasant situation. 35. See Figure 9.1. 36. C o m p a r e Table 10.4a and Table 9.1. 37. WAA I, III d 34, passim. 38. WAA I, III d 1 3 - 1 6 , passim; WAA I, III d 32, sub anno 1536. 39. Klose, Inneren Verhältnisse, p. 308. L o n g - t e r m c o m p a r i s o n is vitiated not only by great differences a m o n g these few price citations but also by earlier ones c o m i n g only f r o m tenurially eccentric K r j p i c e , where early fifteenth century levels of almost 2 0 m k the m a n s u s had been halved by the 1460s. 40. WAA I, III d 1 3 - 1 6 . Land markets a m o n g t h e next generation of peasants should be e x a m i n e d f r o m sources seemingly not available for the Middle Ages. Village c o u r t registers f r o m central Silesia are mentioned in Laband, " G e r i c h t s b ü c h e r , " pp. 2 0 - 22; W A P Rep 135, E113f, p. 5; B r u c h m a n n , " Q u e l l e n " and " S c h ö f f e n b ü c h e r . " E x a m p l e s still f o u n d at Wroclaw begin only in the late 1510s and -20s, so can offer little g e r m a n e to this study. T h e i r chaotic early years give evidence of dealings in land, but larger conclusions m u s t range well b e y o n d the 1520s. See WAP, A M W , Q 347, 1 and WAP, A M W . , Q 348, la. 41. WAA I, III d 34, sub annis notis. 42. By 1522 the schulz had the rest of the Polsky tenure. T h r e e or f o u r times, then,

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Bartusch Koscl is recorded in transactions w h i c h m o v e d land a m o n g existing f a r m s . Real t e n u rial and operational units w e r e not fixed in medieval G e r m a n law villages. 43. Stenzel, ed., Chronica, pp. I, 1 6 7 - 1 6 8 . 44. Klose, Inneren Verhältnisse, pp. 8 1 - 8 5 , 211, and 214. Kindler, p. 75, has villagers marketing at Sroda. 45. " E x i g u o defert alimenta clientulus aere / E m p t a foro; reperis spatiosis o m n i a circis," Vulturinus, Panegyricus, lines 1 6 1 - 1 6 2 ; Klein, ed., p. 362; ACW, I, 506. 46. As cited in Rauprich, " S t r e i t , " pp. 8 3 - 8 4 . C o m p a r e the close correlation between English peasants' wealth and access to m a r k e t s in Biddick, pp. 823 - 831. W r o c l a w peasants thus contradict the scenario of Graus, " P r o b l e m a t i k , " p. 69, w h o blames the revival of demesne f a r m i n g o n rent rates frozen b y lack of market opportunities. 47. John's reputation gains f r o m the full account by his o w n chronicler, Liebental, but good charter evidence c o n f i r m s the reports. Both arc in NLChron, p p . 1 3 2 - 1 4 0 . Sec also Görlich, Vincenz, pp. 1 3 3 - 1 3 6 ; H e y n e , Bisthum, III, 933; RF, IV, 2911. 48. S o m e n e w b o r r o w i n g refinanced debts incurred for Grabiszyn (Görlich, Vincenz, p. 133). 49. WAP Rep. 67, # 3 7 7 . 50. NLChron, pp. 32 and 3 5 - 3 7 ; Görlich, Vincenz, p. 137; H e y n e , Bisthum, III, 933. 51. NLChron, pp. 3 7 - 3 8 and 141; ACW, I, 7 8 5 - 7 8 6 ; Görlich, Vincenz, p. 139. 52. For achievements of St M a r y ' s Benedict J ü h n s d o r f (1470-1503) and T h o m a s von Falkenhain ( 1 5 0 3 - 2 9 ) see ChronBMV, pp. 2 6 0 - 261, and Wattenbach, "Repertorium Heliae," pp. 2 0 2 - 2 0 5 . O n the "rechter R e s t a u r a t o r " of L u b i j z , Andreas H o f f m a n , see Wattenbach, " D i t t m a n s C h r o n i k , " pp. 2 8 2 - 2 8 4 ; G r o t e f e n d , " S i g n a t u r b u c h e , " pp. 2 0 2 - 2 0 7 and 281; RF, III, 2408 and 2453. W h a t little may be learned about the estates of Wroclaw-area convents also points to recovery of lost rights and properties. For Trzebnica see H e y n e , Bisthum, III, 1083; Bach, pp. 1 1 0 - 1 3 1 ; RF, II, 575; D o m a n s k i and Sillc. Meager traces about the D o m i n i c a n nuns of St. Katherinc and about St. Clare arc in Dittrich, " E c k e r s d o r f , " pp. 2 5 8 - 2 5 9 , and Heyne, Bisthum, III, 1004. 53. Fibiger, pp. 3 1 8 - 3 2 3 ; Dittrich, " K r e u z h e r r e n , " pp. 2 4 7 - 2 4 8 ; H e y n e , Bisthum, III, 945 and 947; RF, II, 989. 54. W u t k c , " O y b i n , " pp. 3 7 - 4 1 ; Kindler, p. 159; RF, I, 442. 55. UBB, pp. x c v i i i - c i and 3 6 5 - 3 7 1 ; S o m m e r s b e r g , 1:2, 7 9 8 - 8 0 0 ; H e y n e , Bisthum, III, 3 2 6 - 3 3 0 ; Bauch, " R o t h ; " Marshall, pp. 5 1 - 5 9 . 56. WAA I, II e 11, pp. 7 6 - 9 8 and 1 2 5 - 1 3 0 . 57. Bauch, Schulwesen, p. 127; H e y n e , Bisthum, 1, 425. 58. Dola, Kapituia, pp. 8 4 - 1 0 6 ; Laug, " D o m k a p i t a l ; " ACW, I, 6 9 6 - 6 9 8 . 59. Ludat, Bistum Lebus, pp. 2 0 5 - 2 0 6 ; Wohlbrück, II, 3 9 9 - 4 0 4 . 60. Wendt, Landgüter, p. 5; H e y n e , Bisthum, III, 134; WAP, A M W , Q 29, 1, fols. 8 v - 9 v . 61. T h e above follows Wendt, " V e r p f a n d u n g , " pp. 160— 166, and Luchs, pp. 3 6 3 - 365, and not the u n s u p p o r t e d Szczesniak, pp. 2 1 - 2 2 . 62. Wattenbach, " A b b r u c h ; " Wendt, " K i r c h e n p o l i t i k . " A c o n t i n u a t o r of Liebental (NLChron, p. 141) tells h o w this and royal taxes caused financial distress u n d e r a b b o t J o h n Tyle (1529-45). 63. See A p p e n d i x A, Table A . l , r o w s 5 - 7 . A useful appreciation o f the cultural climate remains Dersch, " V o r a b e n d . " 64. T h e text is in Klose, Inneren Verhältnisse, p. 31. 65. See A p p e n d i x A, Table A . l , lines 1 1 - 1 3 and 2 2 - 2 3 . 66. In general for w h a t follows see M a l o w i s t , " T r a d e , " pp. 5 4 9 - 5 5 0 ; H e n n i n g ; Wolanski; Wendt, Orient, pp. 6 - 8 4 ; Rauprich, " H a n d e l s l a g e . " H e n n i n g s reading o f t r e n d s at Wroclaw convincingly s h a d o w s the m o r e rosy picture given for the entire province b y Wolanski. 67. H e n n i n g , p. 121; M e n d l , pp. 1 6 4 - 1 7 6 ; Eulenberg, pp. 2 6 7 - 2 7 2 . 68. Scholz-Babisch; A h l b o r n ; S t r o m e r ; Petry, Popplau, pp. 6 2 - 7 4 . 69. Fink, pp. 2 9 4 - 3 4 0 . 70. Rauprich, " S t r e i t , " pp. 5 4 - 1 1 6 ; S a m s o n o w i c z , " P r z e m i a n y , " pp. 7 0 3 - 7 0 6 ; S c m k o wicz, ed., " R o c z n i k , " pp. 7 3 7 - 7 3 8 ; ACW, I, 5 0 3 - 5 0 4 . 71. H e n n i n g , p. 121, argued that key craftsmen were t o o few in sixteenth c e n t u r y W r o claw for any serious e x p o r t p r o d u c t i o n . 72. Tync. See also Maleczynski, " D z i e j e W r o d a w i a , " p. 265; PfeifTer, " E n t w i c k l u n g , " pp. 112 and 1 1 6 - 1 1 8 ; W i t z e n d o r f - R e h d i g e r , " A d e l , " pp. 2 0 7 - 2 0 8 .

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73. Petry, Popplau, pp. 1 4 2 - 1 4 5 ; P f o t e n h a u e r , " P o p p l a u . " Nicholas's c o n t e m p o r a r i e s , Christopher and Leonard Skopp, did keep their Wroclaw citizenship, but lived as r a m b u n c tious rural squires (RF, 1, 477; Pfeiffer, Patriziat, pp. 2 6 6 - 267). 74. Bauch, " S a u e r m a n n . " C o n r a d held the castle at Jelczyce f r o m the bishop. For m o r e knights f r o m city b a c k g r o u n d s see R U L , # 6 0 ; Foerster, " R i b i s c h . " 75. ACW, 1, 6 9 6 - 698. Unlike s o m e G e r m a n chapters, that at Wroclaw never barred canons of n o n - n o b l e birth (Pfeiffer, " E n t w i c k l u n g , " p. 118; Dola, Kapituia, pp. 1 2 8 - 1 3 0 ) . 76. Petry, Popplau, pp. 28 and 1 4 6 - 1 5 2 , also noted (p.3) the frequency of "dieses A u f g e hen alter K a u f m a n n s f a m i l i c im Landadel." Tync, pp. 99—100, s h o w s a general m i d - s i x t e e n t h century m o v e by leading old Wroclaw families f r o m trade to the land. 77. Pfeiffer, " E n t w i c k l u n g , " p. 113. 78. See A p p e n d i x A, notably Table A. 1 and Table A.2. 79. RF, I, 14v, 1%, 220, 406, 455, 4 7 3 - 4 9 8 ; II, 602, 735, 900; III, 277; Jesuiter, VI:III, #11. 80. Paul M o n a w ; RF, I, 147, 182; II, 795, 875; III, 2 1 2 3 - 2 1 3 0 ; IV, 2 9 5 7 - 2 9 5 8 . Nicholas U t h m a n : RF, 1, 824; II, 619, 8 1 0 - 8 1 4 ; III, 2 1 3 1 - 2 1 3 9 ; IV, 2 6 2 8 - 2 6 2 9 ; NLChron, p. 141; WAP Rep 15, 228, p. 58. 81. For data see Stein, pp. 1 1 5 - 1 2 1 . and Pfeiffer, Patriziat, pp. 2 5 5 - 2 5 8 and table 18. T h e former's reconstruction better fits extant record sources. 82. RF, I, 17r, 3 4 r - 3 6 v , 4 8 r - 4 9 r , 1 8 3 - 1 8 6 , 3 5 8 - 3 6 7 ; II, 586, 9 8 8 - 9 8 9 , 1 0 2 4 - 1 0 2 8 , 1045-1048; IV, 2 7 3 3 - 2 7 3 7 , and 3 0 7 4 - 3 0 7 5 ; RB, fols. 1v, 4r, 4v, and l l v ; DT, p. 315; Fibiger, pp. 3 1 2 - 3 1 4 ; D i t t n c h , " K r e u z h e r r e n , " pp. 2 4 7 - 2 4 8 ; WAA I, 111 d 2, pp. 3 6 - 3 7 . See also Wutkc, " J e n k w i t z . " 83. RB, fol. 4v; RF, I, 3 4 v - 3 6 v , and III, 2 4 2 8 - 2 4 4 4 . 84. RF, II, 5 5 8 - 5 6 6 and III, 2 4 0 9 - 2 4 2 5 and 2 4 2 8 - 2 4 4 4 . 85. RF, IV, 2 5 9 6 - 2 6 1 2 . 86. RF, I, 1 r - 3 v , l l v ; II, 592; IV, 3083. 87. Most facts are in Stein, pp. 1 5 9 - 1 6 1 , and Pfeiffer, Patriziat, pp. 2 6 3 - 2 6 5 and table 23. Peter and his business partner and likely brother Franz t o o k u p residence, wives, and municipal office in Wroclaw in the 1420s. See also RF, III, 2 0 2 8 - 2 0 4 1 ; IV, 2 9 7 9 - 2 9 8 6 ; R U L , # 1 2 , 13, and 16. 88. RF, I, 1 8 v - 2 0 r ; R U L # 1 9 . 89. RF, I, 42r; II, 8 8 3 - 900; III, 2 0 2 8 - 2 0 4 1 ; IV, 3 0 0 3 - 3 0 1 0 , 3 0 7 4 - 3 0 7 5 ; R U L , # 1 9 . 90. RF, I, 1 8 v - 2 0 r , 455; II, 850, 8 8 3 - 9 0 0 ; IV, 3009; Jesuiter, V:1II, # 7 . See also Dittrich, "Kreuzhcrrcn," pp.124-126. 91. RF, I, 1 8 v - 2 0 r , 455; IV, 2 9 7 9 - 2986, 3010; R U L , # 4 3 - 44. 92. RF, I, 2 9 r - 3 4 r ; III, 311, 2 1 2 3 - 2 1 3 0 . 93. Klose, Inneren Verhältnisse, pp. 1 6 2 - 1 6 3 ; Petry, Popplau, pp. 1 4 8 - 1 4 9 . See also a lesser u r b a n kin g r o u p , the Krapfs, in UD, pp. 7 0 - 7 3 . 94. Pfeiffer, Patriziat, p. 203, typically ignored the p u r p o s e and c h r o n o l o g y of citizen use of the R o m a n law fideicommissum. H e only lamented that those w h o used it were a b a n d o n i n g the "capitalist" mentality of the t o w n . 95. RF, II, 8 6 6 - 8 7 5 , and IV, 2 8 9 8 - 2 9 1 1 ; Pfeiffer, Patriziat, p. 296. T h e H o r n i g s gained n o b l e status in 1549 (Witzcndorf-Rhcdiger, " A d e l , " p. 208). % . RF, IV, 2 9 2 8 - 2 9 3 0 ; UD, pp. 8 3 - 8 5 ; Pfeiffer, Patriziat, pp. 1 8 4 - 1 8 5 ; W i t z e n d o r f Rhedigcr, " A d e l , " p. 208. 97. T h e city had at least fifteen lordships in the d u c h y by 1550 and closer to t w e n t y by the start of the T h i r t y Years War; almost ten were still municipal p r o p e r t y in 1900. See Wendt, " L a n d b e s i t z , " pp. 2 1 6 - 2 1 8 , and Landgüter, pp. 3 - 5 and 2 0 2 - 2 0 8 ; K r a e m e r , pp. 1 9 - 6 1 . 98. Kindler, pp. 8 1 - 8 4 and 1 5 3 - 1 6 0 . C o m p a r e also RF, III, 2294, and P f o t e n h a u e r , " P f ö r t n e r , " p. 293. 99. T h o s e w h o in 1522 w r o t e to King Lewis as the " R i t t e r s c h a f t " o r " A d e l " of the d u c h y (Klose, Inneren Verhältnisse, pp. 3 1 - 3 2 ; reprinted in H o f f m a n n , " C i t y - s t a t e , " pp. 1 9 8 - 1 9 9 ) are best a p p r o x i m a t e d with the families w h o s e m e m b e r s then shared the f o u r annual noble (as o p p o s e d to citizen) seats o n the iudicium curiae (WAP, A M W , C15). D u r i n g 1 4 8 0 - 1 5 3 0 families of recent urban origin were not there r e p r e s e n t e d — w i t h the single exception of H a n s Popplau in 1 5 1 4 - 1 5 . W h a t follows, and specifically the profile of noble l a n d o w n e r s h i p in 1530, includes n o estates built b y a citizen w h o then became one of the " R i t t e r s c h a f t . " T h e process o f sociocultural change was not so abrupt.

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100. Kindler, p. 115, used texts no longer extant. 101. RF, I, 239-246. Compare similar behavior among the Luckows and the Haugwitzes at Radecz (RF, III, 2528-2533). 102. The Debitsch estate may be tracked through RF, I, 231-235 and 247-254; II, 578, 657, and 925-933; III, 2489 and 2528-2533; and IV, 2860- 2861. Supplemental records are Jesuiter, VI:III, #11:102; UD, pp. 8 3 - 8 4 ; and Haeusler, Geschichte, p. 316. Ernst died an outlaw and his fiefs forfeit for attacks on Uraz, but his heirs fought the charge strongly enough to retain four of the six properties (see Wendt, Landgüter, pp. 2 0 7 - 208). 103. RF, I, 7 6 v - 7 9 r and 99-102; Kindler, pp. 8 0 - 8 1 and 196-198. 104. RF, III, 265-269; IV, 3039-3059; WAA I, III d 2, pp. 210-211. Records from the duchy do not, however, prove these long tenures were sustained by the formal entails then adopted in the Polish kingdom by first magnates, then szlachta. Cooper, pp. 198-199, reviewed earlier scholarship but Gawfda, pp. 53-59, has found magnate entails a century earlier, in the 1470s. 105. RF, III, 2428-2444. Compare Piotrowice, Damianowice, and Karczyce in RF, I, 76v-79r and 473-478; II, 961-977. 106. RF, I, 214-220. For late fifteenth- and early sixteenth-century consolidations at Wfgry, Mrozow, ZrocHa, Mokra, Olbrachtowice, and Kulin see RF, I, 1 r - 3 v , 45r-47r, 439-442; II. 830-839; IV, 2870-2879; RUL, # 3 4 - 42; Wutke, " O y b i n , " pp. 37-41. 107. RF. Ill, 2465-2476. 108. P C C , II, 97; Haeusler, Geschichte, p. 376. Since Debitsch was gobbling up lands on two sides of Kotowice (see p. 348 above), his reaching for the convent's vill is no surprise. 109. ACW, I, 295-296. 110. ACW, I, 3 6 4 - 367, 3 7 0 - 371, 375, 378, 448, 517, 521, 526, 528, 536, 539, 5 4 0 - 542, 557, 569, 572, 574-575, 577, 591, 594, 599, 603, 614-616, and 650. Clearly both chapter and hospital hoped continued pressure would bring the other to sell and thus let it consolidate the two lordships of Ksipze. 111. ACW, I, 637. 112. UBB, pp. 365-370; Laug, "Kolowratische Vertrag," pp. 37-56. 113. Landlords gained freedom from external authority in two other ways. Entry fines to royal fiefs, valued at 10% of the purchase price, had been abolished for nobles of the Sroda district in 1387, but citizens of Wroclaw and knights of that district had to wait until 1469 and 1497 respectively (Opitz, pp. 4 4 - 5 0 and 95-100). Also in this context belong both the efforts in 1475 and 1484- 90 of Corvinus and his supporters to enforce royal authority over fiefs and the collapse o f t h a t policy upon the king's death (Wendt, "Stände," pp. 165-176; P C C , II, 78, 92-93, 104-107, 116-118, and 207-214.) Not for almost a half ccntury before and as long after those events had Wroclaw duchy lords seriously to fear state interference with the ways they and the courts on which they sat handled their estates. 114. Klose, Inneren Verhältnisse, pp. 297-302, includes more cases, as do Wernicke, "Bemerkungen," pp. 2 9 8 - 299, and ACW, 1, 243 and 537. 115. RF, I, 378 and 381; Dittrich, "Eckersdorf," p.249. 116. RF, II, 615-619; III, 297-300. Compare RF, III, 2337-2357. 117. This was the last record of the latter place; common ownership was a first step towards common identity. See NLChron, pp. 132-135 and 137, and the confirmatory secular records in RF, I, 155-158 and IV, 2898-2911 (where the compiler confused *G?ska* and Wojtkowice with G j s i o r o w and Wojkowice). Compare dealings by Lubijz in RF, III, 24452453; Wattenbach, "Dittmans Chronik," 281; Seidel, Beginn, p.94. 118. See notes 102 and 59 above. 119. RF, I, 206-212; Wutke and Türk; RF, III, 321-324.

Chapter

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1. That order is depicted in Heck, Studia, who credited (pp. 288-302) relatively greater peasant prosperity and access to markets for its belated arrival in Silesia et fortiori around Wroclaw. The operational assumptions of the new regime are those Witold Kula wrestled to reimagine in An Economic Theory. Kula's theory of how the system came to work does not, however, explain how it came to be. O n e classic explanation was well stated by Jerome Blum, w h o stressed noble legislative power and export markets. Laszlo Makkai elegantly reformu-

Chapter 12

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lated the c o m p e t i n g h y p o t h e s i s , w h i c h e m p h a s i z e s t h e p r e s s u r e s o f rising l a n d l o r d d e m a n d f o r p u r c h a s i n g p o w e r against a sparse a n d u n p r o d u c t i v e a g r i c u l t u r a l p o p u l a t i o n . A s will b e c o m e plain, t h e s e i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s neither separately n o r t o g e t h e r a c c o u n t f o r d e v e l o p m e n t s a r o u n d W r o c l a w . T h e weakness and t e m p o r a l d i s j u n c t i o n t h e r e o f t h e e c o n o m i c a n d political p r e c o n d i t i o n s e l s e w h e r e t h o u g h t critical s u g g e s t s m e c h a n i c a l causality h a d less i m p o r t a n c e t h a n c u l tural p r e c o n c e p t i o n s and individual c o n t i n g e n c i e s . B u t o n e p r i n c i p a l i t y w i t h visible i n t e r n a l differences can o n l y display, n o t be t h e p r o t o t y p e f o r , a general r e g i o n a l s h i f t t o w a r d s a u t h o r i tarian l o r d - p e a s a n t relations. 2. Klein, ed., p. 363. 3. ACW, I, 340. 4. G o e r l i t z , " V e r f a s s e r . " RW is a r r a n g e d b y p r o v e n a n c e o f cases a n d principles cited. P o p p l a u i n d e x e d it by subject in " R e m i s s o r i u m ü b e r d e n S a c h s e n s p i e g e l , W e i c h b i l d r e c h t , L e h e n r e c h t , L a n d r e c h t , u n d Breslischen S t a d t r e c h t " (WAP, A M W , J 8 ) , w h e r e t h e k e y w o r d " P a w e r n " (pp. 6 8 1 - 6 9 1 ) lists all entries m e n t i o n e d b e l o w . For an early s t u d y see B ö h l a u . 5. RW, T 8 5 , T 9 0 , and S 9 6 - 97 are e x t r a c t s f r o m a late collection o f glosses o n Sachsenspiegel. 6. RW, К11 - 1 2 . H a d M e r o t tried t o m a k e a case f o r his rechtem annul? T h e decision s p e a k s not thereto. 7. RW, T 8 7 - 8 9 , T 9 1 - 9 2 , a n d U 2 2 . 8. H e c k , Studia, p. 41, citing W A A 1, VI a 1, p p . 7 - 8 . 9. W A A I, VI a 1, pp. 44 - 45 a n d 1 6 4 - 1 7 0 . See F r a u e n s t a d t , p. 247. 10. RW, D 4 - 5 , K85, R31, a n d U 4 . 11. O p i t z , pp. 5 0 - 7 9 , 109, a n d 3 5 6 - 3 6 1 . 12. H e y n e , Bisthum, III, 1017; K i n d l e r , pp. 1 9 8 - 1 9 9 . 13. Pfeiffer, Patriziat, p. 218 note. 14. W e n d t , Landgüter, p p . 2 0 - 2 1 ; RF, III, 2 0 4 9 - 2 0 6 0 . See also UD, p p . 74, 8 1 - 8 5 a n d 164-168. 15. UD, p. 226: "vil b e s c h w e r l i c h e h o f f a r b a y t , d a z u sy v e r p f l i c h t . " 16. RF, II, 8 7 4 - 8 7 5 . 17. Goerlitz, Verfassung, pp. 1 0 1 - K M ; NRB, p p . 3 0 - 32 a n d 2 4 3 - 244. 18. RF, I, 437; II, 782; III, 323. Pfeiffer, Patriziat, p p . 2 2 0 - 2 2 1 , gives m o r e cases, a s s e r t i n g t h e decline in status and a u t o n o m y w a s c o n t i n u o u s f r o m t h e late f o u r t e e n t h c e n t u r y , b u t o f f e r ing o n l y sales to l a n d o w n e r s , w i t h six o f nine instances d a t i n g a f t e r 1480 a n d t w o f r o m t h e 1430s. A classic s t u d y is R u t k o w s k i . 19. ACW, I, 6 8 7 - 6 8 8 and 857; W A A I. H e l l , p p . 8 5 - 9 1 , 9 6 - 98, a n d 1 2 5 - 1 3 0 . 20. D i t t r i c h , " E c k e r s d o r f , " p. 252. 21. RF, II, 587 and 815; Kindler, p p . 2 0 1 - 2 0 2 . 22. Kindler, pp. 9 2 - 9 3 and 98. Sec also D y h e r n f u r t h , p p . 2 0 - 2 1 . 23. ACW, I, 130, 306, 554, 612 and 8 9 7 - 8 9 8 , includes o t h e r cases. 24. For t r e a t m e n t b r o a d e r than here a t t e m p t e d see H e c k , " R e f o r m a c j a . " 25. R S C , sub annis dictis; W u t k c , " O y b i n , " p p . 4 3 - 4 4 ; D o m a i i s k i a n d Sille, p. 210. 26. UD, p p . 2 2 5 - 2 2 6 . 27. W A A I, H i d 34, 1532. 28. UD, pp. 8 4 - 8 5 . T h e t w o l o r d s h a d earlier a g r e e d that t h e c h o i c e b e t w e e n l a b o r a n d m o n e y was theirs alone (UD, p p . 8 1 - 8 3 ) . 29. O p i t z , pp. 3 5 6 - 3 5 8 . S u c h actions violated o n e o f P o p p l a u ' s M a g d e b u r g p r e c e d e n t s , w h e r e fifty years p r e v i o u s c u s t o m s t o p p e d a l o r d f r o m raising fines f o r m i s s i n g a c o u r t (RW, L56). 30. B e t t e r - k n o w n peasant s t r u g g l e s in t h e D u c h y o f S w i d n i c a d i f f e r e d little f r o m t h o s e n e a r W r o c l a w . At P i o t r o w i c e near J a w o r in 1527 a r m e d villagers, t h e i r s c h u l z in t h e van, a s saulted the royal g o v e r n o r w h o had c o m e t o p u t d o w n their o p p o s i t i o n t o n e w r e n t s . A r r e s t s , s h a m e f u l p u b l i c penances, and a f e w e x p u l s i o n s q u e l l e d t h e d i s t u r b a n c e . C o n s p i r a c i e s a n d c o n f r o n t a t i o n s t h e n e x t s u m m e r at Janice near L w o w e k S l j s k i e f o c u s s e d o n a l o r d w h o p r e e m p t e d peasant p r o d u c e . A court o f n o b l e s c o n f i r m e d his r i g h t s b u t t o l d h i m t o g i v e fair price, a v o i d novelties, a n d n o t pressure schulzen once t h e r e n t s h a d b e e n paid. K e r n , " B a u e r n u n r u h e n , " p p . 2 5 - 29, gives m o s t details, b u t see also M e y e r , Gemeinde, p p . 5 2 - 5 3 . ( T h i s u n r e v i s e d 1944 dissertation has n o cases f r o m t h e D u c h y o f W r o c l a w . ) F o r s u p p r e s s i o n o f m o r e plainly relig i o u s unrest a r o u n d G l o g o w see G r ü n h a g e n , " K ö n i g F e r d i n a n d , " p p . 70—72; M a l e c z y n s k a , " N i e k t o r e z a g a d n i e n i a ; " H e c k , " R e f o r m a c j a , " p p . 4 0 - 46.

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31. Küchler, pp. 6 0 - 6 3 and 6 9 - 7 5 . Exemplary texts f r o m the d u c h y are NRB, pp. 2 8 0 - 2 8 5 ; PCC, II, 9 5 - % ; and UBB, p. 367. 32. RF, III, 324; Kindler, pp. 139-140. See also UD, pp. 1 6 3 - 1 6 4 and 168. 33. O r z e c h o w s k i , pp. 2 2 9 - 245; Lindgren, pp. 5 7 - 8 8 . 34. Kindler, p. 75. 35. Items 5 and 7 of the Kolovrat treaty, UBB, pp. 3 6 6 - 368. 36. Klose, Inneren Verhältnisse, p. 219; Pfotenhauer, " P f ö r t n e r , " pp. 2 7 2 - 2 7 3 . WAA I, II e 11 was a response. 37. WAP, A M W , Q 29, 1, fol. 5. C o n t r a s t earlier activities o f a well-endowed hereditary schulz there (RF, I, 3 7 0 - 3 8 1 ; RSL, 1 4 0 6 - 57). For lords involved in other private financial dealings of tenants see ACW, I. 7 4 8 - 7 4 9 , 753, 763, and 786). 38. ACW, I, 844 (and a like case o n p. 306). 39. WAA I, III d 34, 1531. For lords elaborately concerned w i t h local criminal justice, see ACW, I, 578, 5 8 8 - 5 9 0 , 5 9 7 - 5 9 8 , 611, 616, 625, 6 3 2 - 6 3 3 , 6 4 2 - 6 4 3 , 6 5 2 - 6 5 6 , 658 - 6 5 9 , 671, 6 7 4 - 6 7 6 , 678, 694, 702, 704, 744, 823, 835, and 8 3 7 - 8 3 9 . 40. ACW, I, 254, 257, 260, 493, 527, 529, 637 and 894, includes further examples. 41. WAA I, III d 34, 1531. 42. P C C , 1, 133-134. Likewise did the cathedral chapter in 1516 plot ways for peasants f r o m O h a s z y n and Polanowice to evade s u m m o n s to the Wroclaw district court (ACW, I, 855 and 8 9 8 - 8 9 9 ) . 43. ACW, I, 340, 773, and in the Ksifze fishery dispute with St. Mathias as discussed p. 349 above. 44. "Weil ihr aber als ein Pfarrer meine Leuthe mit Gottes Rechte nicht vorsehen wollt, m u s s ich d e m n a c h sehen, das sie damit versorgt werden u n d nicht wie ein Viehe leben." UD, pp. 7 4 - 7 9 . 45. ACW, I, 516, 519, 5 2 3 - 5 2 4 , 528, and 534. For the situation sec RF, I, 36v, and Klose, Inneren Verhältnisse, pp. 3 3 - 50. 46. ChronBMV, p. 255. Lords of all sorts arranged tithes for their peasants in ACW, 1, 342, 607, and 717). 47. ACW, I, 617 and 619, with verification f r o m RF, II, 5 8 6 - 5 8 7 . Allegedly unjust bans for refusal of uncustomary tithes were protested with at least partial success by other citizen lords (Ibid., pp. 130, 726, and 8 9 7 - 8 9 8 ) . 48. Vocabulary and concept were introduced by Wolf, " A s p e c t s , " pp. 1072-1076, and elaborated by Mendras, pp. 133-137. Interpretation of the schulz in these t e r m s was o n pp. 2 4 1 - 2 4 2 above. 49. For legal aspects of lordly control see Meyer, Gemeinde, pp. 85—87, 100, 119, and 145-148. 50. "Ich N . N . holde und schwere d e m h o c h w i r d i g e n H e r r n Joanni Bischoflfe und A b b t , seiner G n a d e n als meinem rechten natürlichen erbherren und d e m löblichen Stiffte-Sanct V i n cenz alhie tzu Bresslaw getreu, gewehr und underthenig tzu sein, seiner G n . u n d des convents g u t t u n d bestes tzu ertrachten und arges zu verhütten, noch m e i n e m gantzen Vermögen, dartzu m i r G o t helffe." Laband, " G e r i c h t s b ü c h e r , " p. 22. 51. Heyne, Bisthum, HI, 134; UD, pp. 8 1 - 8 3 ; WAP Rep 135 E113f, p. 5. C o m p a r e the a b b o t of St. Vincent at Kostomloty in 1506 in NLChron, pp. 3 1 - 3 2 . 52. Kindler, p. 98 and note. 53. ACW, I, 846, gives no cause for the dispute. T h e chapter about the same time called for "severe i m p r i s o n m e n t " for the "impertinence and malevolence of the peasant Paul Golisch in Szukalice" and jailed s o m e peasants f r o m Polanowice " q u i r e n u u n t ducere frondes [?garlands] p r o ecclesia Wratislaviensi" (Ibid., 847 and 658). Recall h o w W r o d a w b r o k e resistance at K r j p i c e . 54. WAA I, III d 34, 1532. 55. ACW, I, 723, 729, 739, and 781; WAA I, III d 2, pp. 3 3 - 3 5 ; NRB, p. 286. At P o l a n o wice the lord often came into interminable disputes a m o n g buyers, sellers, alleged heirs, and o t h e r claimants to rights of the scholtisei (ACW, I, 301, 402, 406, 418, 421, 552, 586, 6 1 6 - 6 1 7 , 621, 623, 627, 633, 641, 6 7 0 - 6 7 1 , 745, 870, 895, 906, and 937). 56. ACW, I, 785, 818, 844, and 927 (with m o r e such acts). 57. Ibid., p. 266; UD, pp. 8 1 - 8 5 . For equally arbitrary responses to problems the u n stable coinage posed for rent payments see ACW, I, 503, 701, 740, and 772. 58. WAA I, IV a 8, fols. 6 0 v - 6 1 r ; ACW, 1, 318.

Chapter \2 §

473

59. Heek, " G o s p o d a r c e lolwarcznej," pp. 1 9 5 - 2 1 0 . 60. Historiographie eontcxt and comparative perspectives on landlord farming elsewhere in contemporary east central Europe are accessible through Makkai; Harnisch, " G u t s h e r r schaft," pp. 2 2 0 - 240, and " P r o b l e m e , " pp. 2 5 1 - 2 7 4 ; and Zytkowicz, " T r e n d s . " Hägen, p. 9 3 , makes revival o f demesne farming in the Prignitz a direct response to losses o f income. 61. Klose, Inneren Verhältnisse, pp. 3 0 6 - 307. For like arrangements elsewhere see Ibid., pp. 1 9 0 - 1 9 1 and 307 - 308; Dittrich, " E c k c r s d o r f , " pp. 2 5 3 - 2 5 4 ; WAP Rep 15, 228, p. 52; Pfotenhauer, " P f ö r t n e r , " p. 294; WAP, A M W , Q 29, 1, fols. 3 - 6 . 62. ACW, pp. 2 5 2 - 2 5 3 , 4 5 1 - 4 5 4 , 477. 478, 634, 856, and 871 (". . . nc allodium ipsum propter carcntium gubernatoris in suis agns desoletur aut dispendium aliquod patiatur"). 63. Kindler, pp. 2 0 2 - 2 0 4 ; ACW, I, 524 and 730. 64. Heck. " G o s p o d a r c e folwarcznej," pp. 1 8 7 - 1 9 1 , and compare Matejek, w h o e x a m ined an area near O p o l e in 1588. 65. Heyne, Neumarkt. pp. 3 9 0 - 3 9 1 ; Pfeiffer, Patriziat, p. 240. 66. Wohlbrück, II, 404. 67. VD, pp. 86 and 2 2 7 - 2 2 9 . T h e laggard new creations explain why settlement types changed little before 1530 (p. 3 2 6 above). 68. Klose, Inneren Verhältnisse, pp. 1 8 5 - 1 8 6 and 2 0 8 - 2 1 0 . 69. Schulte, " E r n t e a r b e i t e r , " pp. 1 9 0 - 1 9 2 . T h e much earlier evidence was mentioned p. 105 above. 70. " S o wir mit unserm Getreydc in yre Stadt faren, so müssen wir das vorzollen, und werden wegen des Zollis von ynn gepfandt, unser Kleyder von Halsse geryssen, unser Pferde aus den Wagen gespannen, und mit unsern Fyschen vff dem Fyschmargkt und andir unser Landtnahrung dy wyr hynein füren dorch yre neue Offsecze bedrangkt. . . . " (Klose, Inneren Verhältnisse, p. 32). 71. ACW, 1, 273, 438, 615, 575, 702, 785, 8 6 5 - 8 6 6 , and 923; Wernicke, " B e m e r k u n g e n , " pp. 298 - 299. See also Kindicr, pp. 1 5 5 - 1 5 7 72. O n the Ksifze dispute sec above p. 349 and for Kozanow, ACW, I, 5 2 6 and 573. All kinds o f landowners evidenced in charters and agreements their interest in fisheries located from one end o f the bottomlands to the other: Jcsuiter, VI:III, # 1 1 : 6 5 ; ACW, I, 6 7 0 - 6 7 1 , 701, and 722; VD, pp. 1 6 5 - 1 6 7 ; RF, III, 313; Kindler, pp. 1 5 8 - 1 6 0 ; Pfotenhauer, " P f ö r t n e r , " p. 295. 73. Klose, Inneren Verhältnisse, p p . 2 7 1 - 2 7 2 ; Domanski and Sille, pp. 2 0 9 - 2 1 0 . For returns from other fisheries see Ibid., pp. 2 1 2 - 2 1 3 , and Klose, Inneren Verhältnisse, p. 306. Fresh wild fish consumed by Wroclaw's Dominicans in the 1490s had to be purchased from local catches (Blasel, pp. 2 9 - 3 4 ) . 74. Stcnus, pp. 6 - 8 . 75. Pfeiffer, Patriziat, pp. 2 1 2 - 2 1 3 , seems right to say that a single 1363 reference is the only pre-war hint at fish culture around Wroclaw, but his treatment otherwise exaggerates the role o f "rücksichtslos kaufmännisch" urban magnates. 76. Neither Nyrek nor Szczygielski gave much attention to the problem o f origins. 77. T h e earliest known undertaking was in 1434, when Hans Bank loaned G e o r g e Schellendorf 8 5 m k to build a pond at W o j n o w i c c from which Bank could also take fish. Several other new constructions followed thereabouts during the 1440s. See Pfeiffer, Patriziat, p. 2 1 3 (with some texts now lost); RF, II, 7 7 4 - 7 8 2 ; III, 2 4 4 5 - 2 4 5 3 ; IV, 2 9 7 9 - 2 9 8 6 ; R U L , # 1 6 and 19; Jesuiter, I V : V I , # 3 ; VII:I, # 2 ; VII:1II, # 1 1 . 78. ChronBMV, p. 249. 79. Sites recorded above and others in RF. Ill, 2 0 6 9 - 2 0 8 1 and 2 3 6 7 - 2 3 7 8 ; IV, 3 0 6 6 307 [sic]; Görlich, Vincenz, p. 137; Wattenbach, " D i t t m a n s C h r o n i k , " p. 281; Kindler, pp. 1 9 8 - 1 9 9 ; W A P Rep 135 E113f, pp. 6 - 7 ; Heyne, Neumarkt, p. 84; R U L # 5 3 , ACW, I, 48, 504, and 7 7 2 - 7 7 3 ; and Jesuiter, VI:III, # 1 1 : 1 1 9 may be compared with the especially clear map by Wieland. 80. Klose, Inneren Verhältnisse, p. 186. 81. R U L , # 1 6 and 18; RF, IV, 2 9 7 9 - 2 9 8 6 ; Pfeiffer, Patriziat, p. 213. Also c o m p a r e K i n dler, pp. 1 9 8 - 1 9 9 ; WAP, Rep 135 E113f, pp. 6 - 7 ; Görlich, Vincenz, p. 137; Heyne, Neumarkt, p. 84; R U L # 6 0 . 82. Pfeiffer, Patriziat, pp. 2 1 2 - 2 1 3 note. Henry |5] Jenkwitz blamed losses on fish ponds for part o f his financial trouble. See also Blasel, pp. 2 9 - 3 4 ; RF, III, 2 0 6 9 - 2 0 8 1 . 83. NLChron, pp. 1 3 2 - 1 3 5 .

474 84. 85. 86. 87. 88. 89. 90. 91. 92. 93. 94. 95. 96.

§

Notes to Text

Pfeiffer, Patriziat, p. 213 note. Dubravius. E. g. RF, III, 2 0 6 9 - 2081; IV, 2692; UD, pp. 165-168. RUL #39. RF, I, 187-194. Wendt, Landgüter, pp. 167 and 130-133. Szulc, m a p C . WAA I, II e 11 is a g o o d early example, but m a n y later are in Heck, Studia, pp. 5 6 - 7 8 . RF, III, 2 3 6 7 - 2378. UD, p. 70. For examples: RF, II, 583, 875, 1005; III, 2130. UBB, pp. 3 6 6 - 367. UD, p. 78.

Appendix

A

1 " Q B B B , " pp. 195-203. 2. LFE, B l - 5 8 , B64, B 1 4 8 - 1 5 6 , and B 3 7 0 - 388. See the introduction, pp. l x x - l x x i i , and Eistert, " B e r i c h t i g u n g e n , " pp. 3 4 7 - 3 5 1 . 3. LFE, D l - 7 0 and D 2 6 1 - 2 8 4 . 4. Stolle, "Registrum," pp. 133-156; Maetschke, pp. 2 2 - 3 3 . 5. " C o m p i l a t u m est presens rcgistrum per A l b e r t u m anno d o m i n i millesimo trecentesi m o q u i n t o " between LFE, D282 and D283. 6. N o LB manuscripts seem to have survived 1945. 7. B r i n k m a n n , pp. 3 9 5 - 4 1 2 , treated LB in detail as a precursor to Charles's later survey of B r a n d e n b u r g , but Matzen-Stöckert, pp. 3 0 - 33, refers only to Stenzel's discussion. 8. LB # 4 1 6 - 450, gives four sets of payments, only one of which is explicitly dated t o 1361. B r i n k m a n n , p. 401 claimed (and n o t h i n g suggests otherwise) that all were of about the same age. 9. LB is the only survey to include the districts of K j t y and of N a m y s l o w , w h i c h the need for consistency omits f r o m this l o n g - t e r m study. That is the chief (and n o n - r e c o g n i t i o n of the sites of demesne farms identified by the names of o w n e r s another) reason w h y the 284 places here f o u n d in LB are less than the 327 counted by Matzen-Stöckert, pp. 3 0 5 - 3 3 1 , o r the 323 by Heck in " G o s p o d a r c e folwarcznej," p. 175, and in Inglot et al., p. 73. 10. BUB # 2 0 5 ; B r i n k m a n n , p. 395. 11. LB #406a-406e and 406p-415. Intervening (406f-406o) are the city's accounts for 1 3 4 8 - 49 which Stenzel took f r o m K. 12. LB # 1 and # 4 1 9 notes. 13. B r i n k m a n n , pp. 3 9 6 - 397. 14. Ibid., pp. 4 0 2 - 4 0 8 . 15. R B was published as Korta, " K s i f g a , " pp. 2 3 5 - 2 5 6 . C o m p a r i s o n o f t h a t edition w i t h the manuscript revealed m a n y dubious readings, including several of n u m b e r s (necessary c o r rections are listed in H o f f m a n n , " S t u d i e s , " pp. 273—275). 16. Korta, " K s i f g a , " w o r k e d with 213 places said to be in b o t h LB and R B . Since Korta's edition n u m b e r e d 214 entries but he noted several duplications and places not adequately recorded in LB, it is obscure h o w he reached the 213 figure. 17. WAP, A M W , С 27. 18. RB, fols. 5 r - l l r (Korta, " K s i f g a , " # 8 6 - 1 6 3 ) . 19. Bosl, pp. 4 0 7 - 4 0 8 , summarizes f r o m the definitive s t u d y by Krofta, pp. 1 - 2 6 , 237—257, and 437—490. O n the same e x e m p t i o n for the " a i d " (pohor) in Angevin and Jagiellonian Poland see Gieysztor, " L ' i m p o t , " p. 327. 20. C o m p a r e , for instance, the explicit m e n t i o n s in LB # 1 9 1 and in texts of 1404, 1405, 1425, 1439, and 1443 (RF, I, 1 2 7 - 1 3 2 ; K L M , fol. 27) of a demesne f a r m at C h w a l i m i e r z w h o l l y ignored in RB, fol. l l v (Korta, " K s i f g a , " # 1 6 9 ) . Rüffler, pp. 1 2 6 - 1 2 7 , w h o w r o t e in t h e 1920s, attributed general recognition of this fact t o unpublished writings of the n i n e t e e n t h century archivist, C o l m a r Griinhagen, but Korta, " K s i f g a , " seems unaware of it. 21. A l t h o u g h census normally meant " r e n t " (Zins) and censualis " r e n t - p a y i n g " or " t e n a n t h e l d " w h e n applied to land, an alternative denotation of any m o n e t a r y obligation, specifically

Appendix

A

§

475

to pay public taxes, is not u n k n o w n . In M a t t h e w 2 2 : 1 7 the Pharisee asks, "Licet censum dare Caesari aut n o n ? " (Mark 12:14 and Luke 2 0 : 2 2 substitute Iribulum). C o m p a r e entries for b o t h terms in the medieval Latin glossaries of D u C a n g e , II, 2 7 4 - 2 7 6 ; Dieffenbach, p. 112 (census as Gelt as well as Zins)·, N i e r m e y e r , pp. 1 6 6 - 1 6 8 (where the basic meaning of census is "tax"); and the Bayerische Akademie, 11:3, pp. 4 5 2 - 4 5 3 and 458. 22. RB, fol. 2v: " H e r m a n s d o r f f 60 mansi ccnsuales et taberna. Plebanus hebet 3 mansos, non dat. Petrus scultetus presentavit 1 marcani, 3 scotos de 54 [sic. Korta, " K s i f g a , " # 2 8 , erroneously gives 44] mansis. Item 9 ortulani non dant. Stephanus Smed habet 1 m a n s u m . N o n dat. Scultetus etiam non dat de duabus \sic\ mansis." C o m p a r e LB # 3 and K L M , fol. 5. Like effects arise w h e r e R B gives only the tenant-held " m a n s i censuales" and the u n w a r y assume these made u p the w h o l e village. At Chwalimierz RB, fol. l l v , accounts for only 22 of the 30 mansi well-recorded before and after 1425 (LB # 1 9 1 ; K L M , fol. 27). C o m p a r e Bartoszowa in RB, fol. 5v; LB # 8 4 ; K L M , fol. 12. 23. Ludat, Stiftsregister, pp. 3 6 - 38; " Q B B B , " pp. 2 1 0 - 2 2 5 . 24. Klose, Von Breslau, II, 4 4 3 - 4 4 9 . 25. Tz-S, pp. 5 5 0 - 5 5 2 . 26. C o m p a r e , for instance, the transfer on 30 March 1412 by Lucas von der N y s a to his sons O t t o and Stephan of his expectations at Bogdaszowice and a nearby mill as given in full in Curtze, ed., p. 86, and in s u m m a r y in RF, I, fol. 3 l r . Further examples are s u m m a r i e s in RF, I, 8 6 - 9 3 , I, 4 9 8 - 5 0 7 , and II, 615 and 6 6 3 - 6 7 2 of transactions concerning Domastaw, Krcpice, and *Lukaszewice* for which full texts appear in UD, pp. 1 - 8 8 and 1 9 7 - 2 2 9 . Meitzen's erroneous identification there of *Lukaszewice* as a demesne farm in D o m a s l a w has been corrected in D o m a n s k i , Nazwy miejscowe, # 1 7 5 , and (earlier but u n b e k n o w n s t to D o m a n s k i ) by Heinrich von Loesch in SR, VII, 1 9 5 - 1 % . 27. T h r e e m o r e cases of the collation techniques used to establish lordship series occur in H o f f m a n n , " N a z w y , " pp. 2 - 2 5 , where sequences of buyers and sellers help distinguish a m o n g settlements with virtually identical names. N o claims to originality are here made for this tactic of compiling village Besitzgeschichten. Its old and honorable, if antiquarian, place in G e r m a n i c scholarship is s h o w n in D i t t n c h , " E c k c r s d o r f , " pp. 2 4 3 - 2 6 5 ; D y h e r n f u r t h ; Eistert, " W ü s t u n g e n , " pp. 137-142; Granicr, pp. 3 4 6 - 3 5 2 ; Heyne, " K r i n t s c h , " pp. 6 3 0 - 6 3 8 ; UD, passim·. Schulte, " K o s t e n b l u t , " pp. 2 0 9 - 266; Rüffler, pp. 114-162. 28. As Ladogorski, Zaludnieniem, did to convert Peter's pence returns into population estimates (see C h a p t e r 6 note 30). 29. See for example LB # 3 , 76, or 196. 30. For example, RB, fols. 3r, l l v , and 12v (Korta, " K s i f g a , " # 3 5 , 168, and 193) and K L M , fols 2. 27, and 28. 31. For the terms see C h a p t e r 5 note 2 and w o r k s there cited. 32. Kazimierzow: SR # 5 9 2 2 ; LB #280; RF, II, 8 1 0 - 8 1 4 ; PCC, I, 2 0 2 - 2 0 3 . B r o d n o : UFO # 4 1 ; UD, pp. 2 4 8 - 2 5 1 and 263; SR # 3 8 7 5 , 4070, 4223, 4224, 5908, and 6619; KdS #355; SUB. I, # 3 6 1 ; Heyne, Bisthum, I, 933 and II, 7 7 4 - 7 7 5 ; RB, fol. l l r ; D o m a n s k i and Sillc, eds., p. 213. 33. SR # 6 4 6 6 (and, in the original Latin, RF, I, fol. 8v); RF, fols. 8 v - 9 v ; LB, # 2 3 0 . SR # 1 7 0 6 f r o m 1282 savs n o t h i n g of this. 34. RF, I, fols. 9 v - l O v ; DT, pp. 167-168; RB, fol. l v (Korta, " K s i f g a , " # 1 1 ) ; K L M , fol. 2. 35. SR # 4 3 1 2 , 5657, and 6174. 36. LB # 5 . 37. RF, IV, 2 9 4 2 - 2 9 5 7 ; RB, fol 5v (Korta. " K s i f g a , " # 9 5 as corrected) records the same 54 mansi censuales. 38. K L M , fol. 15 (this text often mixes G e r m a n and Latin); RF, IV, 2957 - 2958. 39. T h e ensuing t y p o l o g y of settlement types is exhaustive and the three terms mutually exclusive, thus p e r m i t t i n g statistical treatment as a multinomial. 40. M o s t G e r m a n authors simply ignored the then unpublished RB. Pfeiffer, Patriziat, p. 198, discussed the development and administration of taxes on land by going directly f r o m LB to K L M . 41. Korta, " K s i f g a . " Surprisingly, Matzen-Stöckert's 1976 study still went straight f r o m LB to K L M and did not refer to Korta's w o r k . 42. Korta, " K s i f g a , " pp. 2 2 6 - 2 2 7 . C o m p a r e the problems with this approach discussed p. 378 above.

476

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43. Ibid., p. 231, " W swietle u z y s k a n y c h d a n y c h na p o d s t a w i e p o r o w n a n i a o m a w i a n y c h zrodel da sif stwierdzic, ze od drugiej p o l o w у w i e k u X I V i w p o c z j t k a c h X V w ksipstwie w r o c t a w s k i m d o k o n y w a t y sie z m i a n y w k i e r u n k u dose silnego p o w r o t u do gospodarki c z y n szowej k o s z t c m ziemi allodialnej." Korta's point that this also proves that the spread o f t e n a n cies had not s t o p p e d by 1400 is less well taken; c o m p a r i s o n of c o n d i t i o n s at t w o dates can tell n o t h i n g of variations in the rate of change d u r i n g the interval between t h e m . 44. H e c k , " G o s p o d a r c e f o l w a r c z n e j , " pp. 1 7 5 - 1 7 6 note. 45. Ibid., pp. 1 7 0 - 1 7 3 . 46. Maleczynski, Hisloria Slgska, 1:2, 46; Inglot et al., p. 73. Subsequently (and w i t h o u t m e n t i o n o f Heck) M a t z e n - S t ö c k c r t , pp. 4 0 5 - 4 0 7 , calculated f r o m LB (with the K j t y district) 52.1% rental and 2 3 . 4 % d e m e s n e land. M a t z e n - S t ö c k e r t and Heck handle differently land described as w o o d s , waste, or not cultivated. 47. All land m u s t be accounted for. T h u s if a settlement has a d e m e s n e but the available i n f o r m a t i o n docs not allow d e t e r m i n a t i o n of its size, that settlement cannot be included in the full i n f o r m a t i o n sample for that survey year. 48. In the rest of this appendix the t e r m population will be used only in its statistical sense to mean the entire set of settlements or lands existing in the W r o c l a w duchy at a particular time. It does not refer to n u m b e r s of people. 49. Representation of districts also departed inconsistently f r o m actuality. In 1353, w h e n 6 5 % of the duchy's settlements were in the Wroclaw district and 2 9 % in the Sroda district, the full i n f o r m a t i o n sample has 7 0 % and 2 5 % f r o m t h e m respectively, but in 1425 the same real relationship c o m p a r e d w i t h 8 2 % in the Wroclaw district and 14% in the Sroda district. Since b o t h the G e r m a n law data covered in chapter 4 and that of changes in settlement types s h o w m o r e conversion of demesnes t o tenancies in the Wroclaw district than elsewhere at that time, the greater share o f Wroclaw district places in the sample f r o m 1425 further exaggerates the increase in rental land. T h e 1443 full i n f o r m a t i o n sample, while well replicating the ratio o f the t w o larger districts, contains n o places f r o m the U r a z district. 50. T h e even m o r e n a r r o w l y defined samples w h i c h can be m a d e by taking only those places w i t h full i n f o r m a t i o n in b o t h of t w o or m o r e surveys (e.g. 1353 and 1425) all turn out still m o r e heavily biased t o w a r d villages and against demesnes. 51. T h e m e t h o d was first devised to ensure adequate representation of each distinct g r o u p within a subdivided population (a feature not guaranteed by ordinary r a n d o m sampling). Sec Parten, pp. 2 2 6 - 2 3 6 , or Kish, pp. 1 8 9 - 1 9 8 . 52. T o o few demesnes with full i n f o r m a t i o n f r o m the U r a z district precluded a sample larger than 25 or better stratification by the population p r o p o r t i o n s of Wroclaw district villages, Sroda district villages, U r a z district villages, Wroclaw district villages with demesne, and so on. T h e lack o f full i n f o r m a t i o n for U r a z district places in 1443 also prevented use of the stratified technique then. 53. T h e 9 0 % confidence interval is that pair of values b e t w e e n w h i c h the parameter being estimated (here the p r o p o r t i o n s of d e m e s n e and o f tenant land) will fall in 9 0 % of the r a n d o m samples of given size taken f r o m that population. For the techniques here employed see, besides w o r k s cited in note 51 above, Mendenhall, pp. 1 4 7 - 1 5 2 and 1 6 2 - 1 6 5 . N o t e that use of the m e t h o d here does assume that, within each s t r a t u m , the full i n f o r m a t i o n samples are t h e m selves r a n d o m w i t h respect to a m o u n t s of each land type in their selection of w h i c h places appear. 54. In fact, this closely resembles the " d i s p r o p o r t i o n a t e l y stratified sample" described in Parten, pp. 4 8 3 - 4 8 4 , and Kish, pp. 1 9 5 - 1 9 6 . It does not qualify because here no samples o t h e r than the full i n f o r m a t i o n sets are created. But like the first technique described, this t o o relies on the full i n f o r m a t i o n sets of each settlement type being representative of all places of that t y p e (i.e., that the Wroclaw district villages w i t h full i n f o r m a t i o n in 1425 do represent in size and a m o u n t o f tenant land all Wroclaw district villages in that year, and so on). 55. T h e m e t h o d cannot be followed for 1300 because n o villages w i t h d e m e s n e appear in that full i n f o r m a t i o n sample. A slightly variant technique necessary for 1443 is discussed below. 56. T h e d u c h y - w i d e current settlement t y p e distribution for 1443 was 3 3 % tenant villages, 3 8 % villages with demesne, and 2 9 % d e m e s n e s (see Table A.6). To check the accuracy of this less satisfactory p r o c e d u r e it was also carried out for 1353 and 1425 and the results c o m p a r e d w i t h those acquired b y the preferred m e t h o d s discussed above. For 1353 the d u c h y w i d e stratification profile gave total estimated p r o p o r t i o n s o f 5 1 % tenant land and 3 7 % de-

Appendix

С

§

477

m e s n e l a n d c o m p a r e d w i t h 5 3 % a n d 3 8 % b y t h e f u l l y s u b d i v i d e d p r o c e d u r e , a n d f o r 1425 t h e estimates were even closer, 6 5 % and 2 7 % c o m p a r e d w i t h 6 6 % a n d 2 7 % . W h e n the d u c h y w i d e v e r s i o n w a s l i m i t e d t o t h e W r o c l a w a n d S r o d a d i s t r i c t s as t h e 1 4 4 3 d a t a r e q u i r e s , t h e 1353 set gave a b r e a k d o w n o f 5 1 % a n d 3 9 % w h i l e t h a t f o r 1425 y i e l d e d 6 6 % a n d 2 7 % . S i n c e n o n e o f t h e s e less s a t i s f a c t o r y p r o c e d u r e s d e p a r t e d g r e a t l y f r o m t h e e s t i m a t e s d e v e l o p e d b y t h e b e s t m e a n s available, u s e o f t h e d u c h y - w i d e p r o f i l e o n t h e 1443 i n f o r m a t i o n s h o u l d c r e a t e little a d d i t i o n a l risk o f e r r o r .

Appendix

В

1. S u g g e s t i o n s in F r i e d c n s b u r g , Münzgeschichte, II, 315, o f a s m a l l e r P o l i s h m a r k a r e refuted by Posvär, " P i e n i j d z , " pp. 1 3 - 1 6 . P r o x i m i t y o f the 183.5 g r a m Polish m a r k to the m a r k o f C o l o g n e d o c s h i n t at e a r l y G e r m a n i n f l u e n c e o n P o l i s h m i n t s , b u t M e i n h a r d t , p p . 4 4 - 48, d e p e n d s t o o e x c l u s i v e l y o n F r i e d e n s b u r g a n d G e r m a n a u t h o r i t i e s t o m a k e c o n v i n c i n g his a s s e r t i o n o f e n t i r e l y G e r m a n m o d e l s f o r t h i r t e e n t h - c e n t u r y Silesian c o i n s . M a l e c z y n s k i , " Z d z i e j o w g o r n i c t w a , " p p . 2 3 6 - 2 8 3 , p r o v i d e s b a c k g r o u n d o n Silesian m i n i n g (not a n a c t i v i t y o f the Wroclaw duchy). 2. F r i e d e n s b u r g , Münzgeschichte, II, 2 5 - 2 6 . See a l s o h i s " M ü n z s t ä t t e , " p p . 9 1 - 1 0 1 , a n d Schlesischen Münzen. 3. G e n e r a l d i s c u s s i o n o f c e n t r a l E u r o p e in K i e r s n o w s k i , Wielka reforma, I, 1 6 6 - 2 2 4 , is s p e c i f i e d f o r B o h e m i a a n d Silesia in C a s t e l i n ; S z w a g r z y k , " S z c r o k i e g r o s z e , " p p . 8 7 - 8 9 ; P o s v ä r , " P i e n i j d z , " p p . 31—32. See a l s o S p u f f o r d , p p . 2 7 3 a n d 284. 4. M e i n h a r d t , p p . 4 9 - 5 1 , s u m m a r i z e d a n d u p d a t e d F r i e d e n s b u r g , Münzgeschichte, II, 53. 5. R o s i c z , Gesta, p . 45, r e p e a t e d a c r u d e d i t t y n a i l e d o n e n i g h t t o t h e Rathaus d o o r . M o r e g e n e r a l l y see F r i e d e n s b u r g , Münzgeschichte, 1, # 7 9 , a n d II, p p . 7 2 - 7 9 . T r e a t m e n t o f m o n e y in M a l e c z y n s k i . Historia Slpska, 1:2, 1 5 9 - 1 6 2 , is chiefly a b o u t c o u n t e r f e i t i n g . 6. D a y , " M o n e t a r y C o n t r a c t i o n , " a n d " B u l l i o n F a m i n e , " p r o v i d e s y s t e m i c m e a n i n g f o r Silesian facts t r e a t e d in i s o l a t i o n b y M a l e c z y n s k a in Historia Slpska, 1:2, К Ю - 1 0 1 , a n d M a l e c z y n s k i , " Z d z i e j o w g o r n i c t w a , " p . 248. 7. R o s i c z , Gesta, p . 72. F a i l u r e o f a 1455 a g r e e m e n t a m o n g Silesian p r i n c e s is n o s u r p r i s e , since it d e c r e e d 4 8 0 h l t o t h e fl a n d 17hl t o t h e g r , w h i l e t h e fl w a s a l s o t o e q u a l 2 8 g r ( o r 4 7 6 h l ) . See F r i e d e n s b u r g , Münzgeschichte, I, # 4 , a n d II, p . 54. 8. Ibid., II, 8 4 - 9 2 a n d 1 7 6 - 1 7 8 . 9. Ibid., II, 9 2 - 1 0 1 ; Historia Slpska, 1:2, 1 5 7 - 1 6 3 ; F r i e d e n s b u r g , " B r e s l a u e r P ö n f a l l , " p p . 8 9 - 1 0 0 , and " M ü n z e n König Ferdinands," pp. 2 1 3 - 2 3 0 and 2 8 2 - 2 8 4 ; Meinhardt, pp. 5 1 - 5 3 . Silesian g o l d c o i n a g e w a s a l w a y s q u i t e s m a l l . W r o c l a w r e c e i v e d t h e r i g h t t o c o i n g o l d in 1360 b u t d i d s o o n l y a f t e r 1517. 10. P o s v ä r , " T a l a r y , " p p . 3 1 8 - 3 2 5 ; F r i e d e n s b u r g , " B r e s l a u e r P ö n f a l l , " p p . 1 0 0 - 1 2 6 .

Appendix 1. D o m a i i s k i , Nazwy miejscowe, region. 2. M o e p e r t , Ortsnamen.

С

is a n i n d i s p e n s i b l e t o o l f o r c o r r e c t h i s t o r i c a l s t u d y o f t h e

NOTES TO MAPS AND FIGURES

Figure 4.2. Places with datable grants of German law,

1220-1549

The following datable German law texts underlie the graphs, with tabulations using the earlier date if several charters exist: 1221 1234 1235 1240 1244 1240s 1250 1251 1251 1251 1251 1252 1252 1256 1260 1261 1261 1263 1264 1265 1265 1269 1272 1273 1277 1280 1286 1289 1289 1289 1291 1291 1291 1292 1292 1292 1292 1293 1293 1294 1310 1312

Tyniec Maty KdS #253; SUB. I, #354. Domaniow SUB. II, # 8 6 Wierzbno SUB. II, #107 (permission; contract in 1253, SR #808, SLU #14) Zabloto SUB. II, #181 and 193. Janikow SUB, 11, #274. Kostomloty KdS #248; SUB, I, #351. Karczyce SUB, II, #410. Rzeplin SLU # 1 . Contracts in 1253, 1254, and 1262 are SLU, # 1 3 , 19, and 46. Szukalice Same texts as Rzeplin except for 1262. Polanowicc SLU #7. Repeated 1268 (SLU #65). Pisarzowice SLU #8. Wilkowice SLU #9. *Zielona* SLU #11 and SR #1641. Swifte SLU #29. •Platea Romanorum* LHH B39 and " Q B B B , " pp. 197-198. Lowfcice SR #1081. Warzyn NRB, p. 383 and SR #1102. Goslawice SLU #48, but identified as Stenzel in Jahresberichte. 1844, p. 102 (SR #1156) and Matzen-Stöckert, pp. 2 2 4 - 2 2 5 . Pietrzykowicc SLU #51. Turow SLU #55. Czernica SLU #56. Contract in 1273; SLU #77. Mnichowice SR #1331 and Matzen-Stöckert, p. 223, but identified as Hoffmann, "Nazwy," pp. 2 - 9 . Czeczy SLU #73. Wrochw-Gaj SLU #76. Mrozow SLU #84. Wroctaw-Zemiki SLU #89. Szczepankowice SLU #101. Przeslawice SLU φ 109. Mokra SLU #110. Ligotka SLU #111, but identified as this place by comparison with L F £ D 2 7 1 , LB #187. and RF, 1, 9 3 - 9 4 . Muchobor Wielkie S L U # 112. Pifczyce SLU #114. Nadolice Wielkie SLU #115. Kamieniec Wr. SLU #116. Swojczyce SLU #116. Maslice SR #2233. Kozanow SLU #118. Jaszkotle SLU φ 122. Kojfcin SLU #123. Kotowice, pow. Trzeb. UFO #103; SR #2339. Bartoszowa SR #3138. Chrzjstowa M a b SR #3286 and 3296.

Notes to Maps and Figures 1339 1341 1341 1342 1342 1344 1345 1345

1345 1345 1345 1345 1346 1348 1350 1350 1351 1351 1352 1354 1357 1359 1359 1359 1362 1364 1373 1375 1386 1393 1395 1502

§

479

Smolcc Wielkie SR # 6 3 0 2 . Blizanowice SR # 6 6 6 5 . Bielany W r o d a w s k i e SR # 6 6 6 9 . Partynice SR # 6 9 5 4 . K r o h k o w i c e SR # 6 8 4 2 . »Cruce* L N , fols. 3 7 0 r - 3 7 1 r ; RS, I, # 2 1 1 and 836 (repeated 1348). Iwiny RF, II, 866. S w i f t a Katarzyna RF, III, 282 (for 7'Δ mansi of d e m e s n e in a village with o t h e r evidence of G e r m a n law b e f o r e 1260, as reported in SLU # 4 1 ) . RS, I, # 3 0 3 o m i t s locatio rights. Boguszycc LB # 2 0 note; RF. I, 37v. G j d o w MaJy L N , fols. 3 8 v - 3 9 r ; RS, 1, # 3 4 3 . Strachowice RS, I, # 3 3 7 . * O p o r z y c e * RS, I, # 3 0 5 . » L e i m g r u b e n * HPR, p. 84 n o t e 1. O w s i a n k a RS, I, # 7 9 4 (probably never exercised). *Lukaszewice* UD # 2 0 . Boreczek RF, I, fols. 3 9 r - 4 2 r . B r o c h o w Rl, 8 : 2 , # 6 6 7 2 ; C.hronBMV, p. 196; RS, II, # 5 4 1 . Cesarzowice, pow. Wr. RF, I, fol. 24v. P u s t k o w Z u r o w s k i L N , fols. 3 7 5 v - 3 7 6 r ; RS, II, # 6 1 5 . Siechnice UD, # 1 4 - 1 5 (permission followed in 1357). M o k r o n o s C o r n y UD, # 1 5 ; Fibiger, pp. 3 0 3 - 3 0 5 . Z e m i k i Male RF, IV, 2 6 1 7 - 2 6 2 9 . M a r c i n k o w i c c RBM., 7 : 1 , # 130. Stary Sleszow RF, III, 2 3 0 0 - 2 3 1 7 . KfWowicc LB # 3 2 0 note. Budziszow, pow. Wr. RI., 8 : 2 , # 7 1 2 1 ; ChronBMV, p. 200. W r o d a w - B o r e k BUB, # 2 8 5 . Konczyce L N , fols. 3 4 v - 3 5 v . M o k r y D w ö r P f o t e n h a u e r , ed., Kamenz, #278. Bliz L N , fols. 1 4 3 r - 1 4 4 r . B i e s t r z y k o w L N , fols. 2 4 v - 2 5 r , and Dittrich, " E c k e r s d o r f , " p. 245. Ziotniki R U L , # 3 9 .

N o t accepted as actual grants of G e r m a n law locatio are 7 t h i r t e e n t h - c e n t u r y charters used in SLU and Matzcn-Stöckert, pp. 223—227, for sites in the later Wroclaw duchy. Especially by comparison with M o e p c r t , Ortsnamen, p. 115, n o t h i n g connects with W s z e m i l o w i c e the " S e m y a n o u o " of a 1257 contract (SLU # 3 2 ) . Six o t h e r cases (SLU # 5 3 , 69, 105, 117, 128, and 130) refer not t o G e r m a n law villages but to individuals with leasehold, s u b l o r d s h i p , or even lordship under substantive G e r m a n rather than Polish law (see chapter 4 page 62 and note 6). Matzen-Stöckert, pp. 2 2 5 - 2 2 6 , gives 9 sites with 11 charters for locatio b e t w e e n 1300 and 1342. Six of the sites are those above, but Blizanowice in 1341 is o m i t t e d . M a t z e n - S t ö c k e r t adds UD # 4 for *Lukaszewice* in 1306 and SR # 4 4 2 1 and 4500 for Strachocin in 1 3 2 5 - 2 6 ; these texts describe l a n d o w n e r s with p r o p r i e t o r y rights under G e r m a n rather than Polish law and not the (intended) creation of a G e r m a n law village.

Map 5.4.

Demesne farm production,

саЛ250-саЛ425

Production o n d e m e s n e f a r m s at the sites s h o w n is recorded in: SR # 1 2 7 5 , 1377, 2037, 2054, 2236, 2237, 2362, 3284, 3367, 3402, 3409, 3904, 3930; 4163, 4240, 4260, 4268, 4334, 4505, 4579, 4803a, 4817, 4858d, 4870h, 5143, 5352, 5680, 5684, 5747, 5800, 5994, 6005, 6262, 6073, 6183, 6712, 6713; RF, I, fol. 46r, pp. 195, 2 1 4 - 2 2 0 , 2 7 1 - 2 7 4 , 3 1 0 - 3 1 9 , 473; RF, II, 5 6 7 - 5 7 5 , 6 2 6 - 6 3 4 , 6 4 2 - 6 5 9 , 835, 9 3 6 - 9 4 5 , 9 5 2 - 9 6 0 ; RF, III, 2 0 1 2 - 2 0 2 1 , 2024, 2 0 9 7 - 2 1 1 3 , 2155 - 264 [sic], 2 7 9 - 2 9 5 (sic), 2367 - 2378, 2 3 8 9 - 2 4 0 4 , 2 4 0 9 - 2425, 2 4 8 1 - 2 4 % ; RF, IV, 2 6 6 1 2692, 2 7 1 7 - 2 7 2 4 , 2 7 4 0 - 2 7 6 9 , 3040; Kindler, pp. 1 9 3 - 1 9 4 ; G r ü n h a g e n , ed., " P r o t o k o l l e , " pp. 136-137; WAP. A M W , G 3, fols. 1 O r - ν and 13v; LB # 2 8 3 ; KdS # 3 5 5 ; HPR, pp. 25, 1 0 5 - 1 0 9 ,

480

§

Notes to Maps and Figures

and 129-130; SUB, I, #361; LFE B14 and D25; Dyhernfurth, pp. 17, 27, and 28; H G Z , passim·, DT, pp. 6 5 - 6 6 and 160; Stenzel in Übersicht 1841, pp. 110 and 178; Görlich, Vincenz, pp. 86 and 136; LN, fol. 368r; Jesuiter, VII; III, # 1 1 (3); ChronBMV, p. 183; Heyne, Bisthum, I, 601, 820, and II, 715; Heyne, Neumarkt, pp. 3 3 8 - 340; SLU, #13, 19, 46, 105; Kurnik, p. 18; Stobbe, p. 349; BUB #52.

Figure 5.1. Demesne

land prices,

1260-1431.

Nominal prices per mansus were calculated from the sources here listed and converted to silver prices by methods given in Appendix B; SLU, # 7 6 and 128; UD, p. 5 # 4 , p. II #13, pp. 13-14 #17, and pp. 141-142 # 1 0 - 1 1 ; SR, #1050, 16%, 1871, 1965, 2249, 2844, 3218, 3355, 3331, 3543, 3585, 3701, 3791, 4300a, 4417, 4683, 4900, 4939, 4951, 4979, 4986, 5011, 5014, 5022, 5212, 5368, 5390, 5391, 5602, 5665, 5890, 5966, 5994, 6005, 6017, 6037, 6080, 6081, 6132, 6143, 6220, 6262, 6270, 6290, 6371, 6428, 6448, 6466, 6467, 6553, 6622, 6702, 6786, 6874; Stelmach, pp. 95-97; NLChron, p. 98 note 49, p. 107; DT, pp. 7 - 8 and 54; LN, fols. 26r-26v, 466v-468v; RS, II, #156. Pfeiffer, Patriziat, pp. 203-204; Rl., 8; 2, #6676; BUB #283; WAA I, IV a 8, fols. 95r-97v; Dyhernfurth, pp. 2 5 - 2 7 .

Map 6.1.

The retreat fiom demesne cultivation,

1300-1425.

Map 6.1 identifies points of change between the situations earlier shown on maps 5.1, 5.2, and 5.3. Sites where tenants were introduced on demesnes, or demesnes were abandoned or reduced are to be found through collation of information in: BUB, #285; ChronBMV, pp. 200-214; WAP, AMW, К П З , l r - l v ; Domanski, Nazwy miejscowe, #244; D T , pp. 54, 72-73, and 114-115; Dyhernfurth, p. 27; Sommerfeldt, pp. 81-83; Heyne, Bisthum, III, 5 4 0 - 542; HGZ; Hoffmann, "Nazwy," pp. 9 - 1 7 ; HPR, p. 84 note 1; KLM, pp. 26 and 32; Kronthal, p. 2; LB # 2 , 6, 9, 15, 16, 20, 22, 29, 34, 46, 48, 49, 52, 62, 63, 64 note, 65, 67, 68, 70, 75, 81, 85, 92, 93, 95, 98, 115, 122, 162, 164, 177, 180, 181, 184, 185, 187, 190, 198, 205, 208, 210, 217, 218, 238, 240-241, 245, 246, 256, 258, 259, 274, 277, 285, 287, 288, 302, 309-310, 319, 328, 332, 358, 359, 366, 367, and 371; L¥B B22, D25, and D271; LN, fols. 33v-35v, 38r-40v, 46r-47r, 128r-129r, 143r-144r, 300r-301r, and 376v-377r; Ludat, Bistum Lebus, pp. 176-181; Ludat, Stiftsregister, p. 37; " Q B B B , " pp. 211-213 and 223-225; RB, passim; WAA I, IV a 8, fols. 96v-97v; RF, I, 8 v - 1 0 v , 13r-14v, 19v-20r, 34v-36v, 37r, 39r-42r, 52v-54v, 58v, 67r-69r, 7 6 v - 7 9 v , 9 3 - 9 4 , 127-132, 161-171, 147-154, 159-166, 198- 203, 2 0 6 - 212, 247 - 254, 2 6 3 - 286, 3 1 0 - 319, 3 7 0 - 381, 3 9 3 - 394, 3 9 9 - 406, 4 0 6 - 408, 4 3 9 - 442, 4 4 9 - 450, 467, 4 7 3 - 478, and 510; RF, II, 519-523, 535-546, 558-566, 579-583, 586-587, 590-592, 615-619, 626-634, 675-699, 702-730, 742-743, 763-767, 770, 830-839, 866-875, 901-909, 912-916, 9 1 7 - 927, 936-945, 960, 961-977, 992-1005, 1024-1028, 10291044, 1049-1056, and 1057; RF, III, 265-269, 306-311, 2000-2008, 2012-2021, 2028-2041, 2044-2048, 2300- 2317, 2337- 2357, 2358- 2366, 2409- 2425, 2465- 2476, 2499- 2507, and 2510-2520; RF, IV, 2596- 2612, 2661-2692, 2740- 2769, 2870- 2879, 2914, 2942-2958, 30033010, 3018-3030, 3039- 3059, 3074, and 3077- 3083; RS, I, # 3 3 5 and 343; Schulte, "Kostenblut," p. 255 note 1; Seidel, Beginn, pp. 92-94; SR #2117, 2630, 3138, 4589, 4630, 4748, 4950, 4962, 4748, 5740, 5970, 5879, 6237, 6410, 6011; Stobbe, 1866, pp. 179-180; UBB, pp. 3 3 9 343; UD, pp. 18-21, 27-28, 31-32, 4 0 - 4 1 , 48-49, and 144-147; Wendt, Landgüter, pp. 123133, 180-184, and 202; Wohlbrück, I, 456 note **.

Figure 6.2. Landlord prices for rental land,

1257-1430.

Nominal prices per mansus were calculated from the sources here listed and converted to silver prices by methods given in Appendix B: SLU, #56, 115, and 122; SR #957, 1045, 1768, 2353, 2545, 2944, 3129, 3236, 3330, 3342, 3407, 3450, 3695, 3810, 4286, 4690, 4912, 4950, 5150, 5153, 5194, 5317, 5554, 5570, 5583, 5604, 5642, 6040, 6480, 6617, 6873, 6942, RS, II, #98; Pfeiffer, Patriziat, p. 204; DT, pp. 6 - 7 , 9 - 1 0 , 165; LN, fols. 468v-468Ar; Rössler, #461, 523, 556; Dyhernfurth, pp. 25-26; RF, II, 850.

Notes to Maps and Figures

§

Figure 6.3. Major tenant obligations,

481

1234-1430.

Figure 6.3, which is presented in four parts or versions, indicates rental values by a letter for places which offer such information at more than one date and by a dot for those from other places. When only one payment is known (the other being unknown, not known to be zero), the entry appears on the one graph only, but not on the graphs for the totals. Conversions from nominal to silver values follow the current silver content of the coinage as detailed in Appendix B. Grain values are from Table 6.4 below. Places with more than one record of tenant obligations during the period 1234-1430 arc as follows: A В С D

Domaniow ZaWoto Rzeplin Szukalice

Ε F G Η

Swifte Pietrzykowice Chomijza Jenkowice

I J К L Μ

Biskupice Podgorne Radoszkowice Rynakowice Pilczyce Kowale

Lines connecting letters indicate only the net direction of change between two records, and not continuous change over time. Major obligations of tenants arc recorded as follows. (An χ after the date indicates a locatio charter): Domaniow Zabloto Tyniec Maly Rzeplin Szukalice Wierzbno Rzeplin Szukalice Malkowice Swifte *Platea Romanorum* Lowfcice Warzyn Rzeplin Goslawicc Pietrzykowice Tu row Czernica Mrozow Kostomtoty Zerniki Chomijza Szczepankowice Domaniow Przeslawice Mokra Ligotka Muchobor Wielkie Maslicc Jaszkotle Kotowice Zagrodki Jenkowice Widawa

1234x 1240x 1248 1253x 1253x 1253x 1254x 1254x 1255 1256x 1260x 1261x 1261x 1262x 1263x 1264x 1265x 1273x 1277x 1278 1280x 1285 1286x 1286 1289x 1289x 1289x 1291 χ 1292x 1293x 1294x 1297 1297 1298

SUB. 11, # 8 6 SUB, II, #181 and 193 SUB. II, #357 SLU. # 1 3 SLU. # 1 3 SLU. #14 SLU. # 1 9 SLU. # 1 9 SR #904 SLU. # 2 9 LVE B39; " Q B B B , " pp. 197-198 SR #1081 NRB. p. 383 SLU, # 4 6 SLU, # 4 8 SLU, #51 SLU, # 5 5 SLU, # 7 7 SLU, # 8 4 SR #1573 SLU, # 8 9 SR #1872 SLU, #101 SR #1968 SLU, # 1 0 9 SLU, # 1 1 0 SLU, #111 SLU, #112 SR #2233 SLU, #122 Tz-S #94; UFO # 1 0 3 SLU, # 1 3 0 SLU, # 1 3 9 SR #2495

482

§

Biskupice Podgorne Radoszkowice Rynakowice Swifta Katarzyna Swifte Kryniczno Zurawina

cal300 cal300 cal300 1300 cal305 cal305 1326

Pietrzykowice Jaroslawice Strzeganowice Wilczkow Pustkow Zurowski Osobowice

1329 1336 1346 1352 1352x 1352

Pilczyce Siechnice Kowale Szczytniki Zabloto Poswiftne Strachowice Prawocin Wrodaw-Borek Konczyce Jenkowice WroWowice Kowale Bliz Borek Strzelinski Krfczkow Opatowice Swinobrod Brodno Chonnjza Lipnica Biskupice Podgorne Radoszkowice Rynakowice Jelenin Miloszyce Pitczyce Siedlakowice Zfbice

1353 1354x cal360 cal360 1363 1369 1369 1369 1373x 1375x 1386 1386 1387 1393x cal405 cal405 cal405 cal405 1410 1410 1410 1421/25 1421/25 1421/25 1421/25 1421/25 1421/25 1421/25 1430

Notes to Maps and Figures LFE B26 LFE BIO and B376 LFE B25 SR # 2 5 % LFE DS LFE D6 SR #4507 (The 3mk 16gr and 6 malder 8 measures ι grains must be the total from the 6V> mansi, not a ra per mansus.) SR #4817 SR #5686 Heyne, Bisthum, I, 603 note RF, IV, 2923- 2930 LN, 375v-376r; RS, II, # 6 1 5 omits relevant details Heyne, Bisthum, I, 874; RS, II, #691 omits relevant details RS, II, #917; LN, fol. 3 0 r - v UD, pp. 144-145 # 1 4 WAP, AMW, К 113, fols. l r - l v Ibid., fol. 8r Tz-S # 1 7 8 LN, fols. 378v-379r RF, IV, 2740-2769 Tz-S, #161 note 7 BUB, pp. 236- 237 LN, fols. 34v-35v Wutke, "Jenkwitz," p. 161 DT, p. 60 HPR, p. 129 LN, fols. 143r-144r Ludat, Stiftsregister, p. 36 Ibid., pp. 3 7 - 3 8 Ibid., p. 37 Ibid., p. 38 UD, p. 263 Ibid., 262-263 Ibid., 263 " Q B B B , " pp. 211 and 225 Ibid., pp. 215 and 224 Ibid., p. 211 Ibid. Ibid., pp. 213 and 224 Ibid., p. 212 Ibid., p. 211 HGZ, passim (the rent is older).

Figure 6.4. Cereal prices (rye and "grain"),

1250-1430.

Price citations, all from the Wrodaw duchy, were assembled from the following sources, many of which were unknown to Friedensburg: SR #847, 1044, 1482, 2054, 2480, 3662, 3869, and 4117; Friedensburg, "Getriedepreise," pp. 13-24; Dyhernfurth, p. 28; BUB, p. 204; Bielowski, ed., "Rocznik wifkszy," p. 690; HPR, pp. 104-107; Henel, p. 303; UD, p. 148; RF, I, 279; Kindler, p. 194; ChronBMV, p. 219. Calculations of a per measure price from citations given in a different form are by the present author. Conversions to silver use methods described in Appendix B.

Notes to Maps and Figures

§

483

Figure 8.1. Prices for annual census on landlord's property T h e graph displays the prices o f sales recorded in SR # 3 7 9 4 , 4918, 4932, 5288, 5749, 5668, 6011, 6035, 6112, 6121, 6144, 6175, 6204, 6286a, 6363, 6370, 6485a, 6507, 6557, 6768, 6977, and 6985; RS, II, # 7 9 9 , 937, and 1089; W u t k e , " K r e u z s t i f t k a n o n i k e r , " p. 268; RF, I, 29r; L N , fol. 3 8 4 r - 3 8 5 r ; UD, pp. 1 4 - 1 5 . # 1 8 ; 2 0 - 2 1 , # 2 6 ; 2 3 - 24, # 2 8 ; 2 5 - 2 6 , # 3 2 - 3 3 ; 2 7 - 2 8 , # 3 5 ; 3 0 - 3 1 , # 4 0 - 4 1 ; 36, # 5 4 ; 42, # 6 8 ; 54, # % ; 55, # 9 8 ; and 56, # 1 0 0 ; Fibiger, p. 313; LB, # 5 2 2 ; Rössler, # 3 1 8 , 441, 471, 492, 717, 791. and 1088; HPR, pp. 1 3 1 - 1 3 3 ; DT, pp. 4 - 5 , # 5 ; 1 2 - 1 4 , # 1 1 - 1 2 ; 1 9 - 2 0 , # 1 7 ; W u t k e , " L a n d b ü c h e m , " pp. 2 5 6 - 2 6 3 ; D y h e r n f u r t h , pp. 2 8 - 29; Bauch, Schulwesen, p p . 119 and 125; H e y n e , Bisthum, II. 7 0 9 - 7 1 0 and 7 2 1 - 7 2 2 ; III, 8 8 8 - 8 8 9 ; Kindler, p. 108; S t o b b e 1867, pp. 4 3 8 - 4 3 9 ; Jesuiter, V:IX, # 1 2 , 13, and 21; Vl:l, # 8 , 16, 21, 22, 24, 37, and 55; V11:III, # 1 1 (6. 8, 9, 11, 14, 19, 28, 26. and 38); WAP, A M W , Q 154, 1, fol. 5 r - 5 v ; WAP, Rep 55, # 9 4 ; WAA II, IV a 1; U r b a n , Wykaz AAW, # 3 0 4 , 404, 508, 510, 590, 658. 681, and 717.

Figure 9.1. Aggregate distribution of tenant holdings in 14 villages, 1351-1433 Data is f r o m the cumulative % entries in Table 9.1 and thus derived f r o m the sources there cited. T h e Lorenz curve m u s t fall between the diagonal (curve o f absolute equality) and the right angle f o r m e d by the lower and the right h a n d margins of the g r a p h (curve of absolute inequality). T h e index of inequality (Gini coefficient) measures the d e p a r t u r e of the actual distribution f r o m absolute equality as the p r o p o r t i o n of the limiting triangle w h i c h lies above and to the left o f the actual distribution. T h e greater the inequality, the m o r e this statistic approaches 1; the greater the equality, the m o r e it approaches 0. For uses and limitations of these measures sec Alkcr and Russctt, pp. 359 - 363, and Paglin, pp. 598 - 609.

Figure 9.2. Prices of annual census on villagers' holdings Prices of census o n villagers' holdings are recorded in SR # 4 4 8 1 - 4 4 8 2 , 5009, 5120, 5 4 1 9 - 5 4 2 0 , and 5720; L N , fols, 4 6 r - 4 6 v , 2 5 3 r - 2 5 3 v , 2 9 3 v - 2 9 5 r , 3 0 0 r - 3 0 1 v , 3 7 5 v - 3 7 6 r , and 3 7 7 v - 3 7 8 r ; Heyne, Bisthum, II, 708, and III, 576; UD pp. 47, 5 7 - 5 8 , 3 3 - 3 4 , 1 5 2 - 1 5 3 , 204, 207, 209, 211, 2 1 2 - 2 1 3 , 213, and 218; S o m m e r f e l d t , pp. 8 2 - 8 3 ; NRB, p. 256: Kindler, p. 107; WAP, A M W , Q 154, 2, fols. 1 7 r - 1 8 v and 2 4 r - 2 4 v ; WAA I, IV a 8, fols. 3 0 v - 3 1 v and 6 0 v - 6 1 r ; WAP Rep 55, # 9 1 and 94; NLChron, p. 121 n o t e 86; S t o b b e . 1866, pp. 1 7 9 - 1 8 0 ; U r b a n , Wykaz AAW, # 5 3 2 and 653; WAA 1, IV a 4a, fols. 3 0 r - 3 0 v ; WAP, A M W , Q 154. 1. fol. 6r; WAP Rep 67, # 1 0 4 ; H G Z , fol. 19r.

Figure 10.1. Cereal prices (rye and "grain"),

1400-1530.

Prices after 1425 are f r o m the following: ChronBMV, p. 225; H G Z , fols. 2 5 r - 2 6 v , 7 5 v - 7 8 v , 95v, 99v, 103r; G r ü n h a g e n , "Annaiistische N a c h l e s e , " pp. 1 8 8 - 1 8 9 ; H e y n e , Bisthum, 1, 641; Rosicz, Gesta, pp. 65, 68, and 73; Stobbe, 1868, p. 174; H e y n e , Wohlau, pp. 139 and 1 9 5 - 1 % ; Klose, Inneren Verhältnisse, pp. 1 8 2 - 1 8 3 ; Eschenloer, Geschichten, II, 2 6 4 - 2 6 6 and 3 3 6 - 3 3 7 . C o n v e r s i o n s t o prices per measure and in silver were by the present a u t h o r using m e t h o d s described in A p p e n d i x B.

Figure 10.4. Landlord prices for demesne and rental lands, 1409-1509 Price citations f r o m Pfeiffer, Patriziat, pp. 2 0 3 - 204; D y h e r n f u r t h , pp. 2 6 - 2 7 ; RF, II, 850; UD, pp. 54 and 6 5 - 6 7 ; Klose, Inneren Verhältnisse, p. 190; Jesuiter, VI:III, # 1 1 : 5 8 ; NLChron, pp. 132—135; W u t k e , " O y b i n , " p. 41. C o n v e r s i o n s to prices per m a n s u s and silver equivalents by the present a u t h o r use m e t h o d s described in A p p e n d i x B.

GLOSSARY

Specialized or specially defined terms of repeated occurrence are briefly defined in alphabetical order with original languages [G = German, L = Latin, Ρ = Polish] and abbreviations where relevant. In running English text these words arc normally italicized only at their first appearance and the German nouns are not capitalized. advocatus L [G: Vogt; Ρ:wojt]—generally " d e p u t y ; " ranging f r o m ducal judges or lay judges for ecclesiastical lords to various property m a n a g ers or supervisors, a l l o d i u m L—see demesne. aratrum L [P-.radio]—literally " p l o w " ; in 1 1 t h - 1 3 t h c. Poland a measure of land area used to assess obligations. B e d e G [L:petitio specialis]—special ducal subsidy taken f r o m the 14th c. in times of need. Sec also Geschoss. Bürger G—see citizen, cwiertna Ρ—see " m e a s u r e . " c a m p u s L—local economic grouping of zreby, 1 1 t h - 1 3 t h c. captain [L:capitaneus; СУ.Hauptmann or Landeshauptmann; P.starosta]—royal governor. Church o f W r o c l a w — t h e corporate entity of the bishop, his cathedral, and his cathedral clergy, the latter including the cathedral chapter of canons, their vicars, and other subordinate but ordinarily a u t o n o m o u s units. circuitio L [P:ujazd]—12th c. Polish custom of the duke delineating a privileged area by ceremonially riding its bounds, citizen [L:civis; G.Biirger]—term of free status derived f r o m recognized membership in a collectively privileged municipal community, civis L—see citizen. custos L—warden (ecclesiastical or managerial office), c z u d a Ρ [G.Zaude]—Polish law district court, established ca.1300 and abolished in the Wroclaw Duchy in 1337. d e m e s n e [L:allodium; G: Vorwerk; Ρ:folwark]—land in hands of the lord/ owner and, especially, not part of (hereditary) peasant tenant farms subject to the administrative authority of the schulz. district [L:districtus; G: Weichbild]—territorial unit of government centered on a town. E i g e n G—see property. Erb—[prefix] G [L:hereditarie]—denotes hereditary and permanent conditions or status, as Erbherr or dominus hereditarius for a lord and Erbzins or census hereditarie for a rent.

486

§

Glossary

e x a c t i o L—see Geschoss. f a m u l u s L [G.Gesinde, Knecht, etc.]—(permanent) servant or hired hand, f e r t o L [G: Virdung]—generally the fraction " o n e f o u r t h , " but c o m monly .25 m k = 12gr; hence fertones or Virdungen as obligations of ,25mk. florin—see gulden. f o l w a r k Ρ—see demesne. G e r m a n law [L:iwi Theutonicum; G.deutsches Recht-, P.prawo niemiecki]— distinctively recognized legal and institutional customs imported f r o m German-speaking lands further west into Silesia and Poland during the 12th-13th c. and there employed into the 16th c. When here used w i t h out qualifier, refers in particular to village c o m m u n i t y organization using these customs. Gertner G [L:ortulanus-, P.zagrodnik]—literally "gardener"; status designation for a village small-holder and day laborer as distinct f r o m a peasant with land in the village fields. Geschoss G [L:petitio, also exactio generalis or collecta]—ducal land tax, initially irregular at times of need, but by the early 14th c. a fixed annual payment assessed on peasant, gertner, and urban landholdings. D e mesne and schulz lands and many ecclesiastical holdings were exempt. Gesinde G—see famulus. groschen (gr) G [Ligrossus; P.grosz]—large silver coin struck in Bohemia, 1300-1547, and at times in Silesia, the principal circulating coinage in Silesia during the later Middle Ages. Normally valued at 48 to the m k . g u l d e n (fl) G—florin; large gold coin of reasonably good and stable alloy during the 1 4 t h - 1 6 t h c., principally in Silesia those coined in Hungary, heller (hl) G also pfennig [L.hallensis, also obolus, nummus, etc.]—small coin of poor silver alloy struck f r o m the 14th c. by many central European mints. Normally 12 to the gr in the 14th c. and higher thereafter. H o f g e r i c h t G—see iudicium curiae. H o f r i c h t e r G—see Landrichter. H u f e G—see mansus. i u d i c i u m curiae L [G.Hofgericht, also Mannrecht}—ducal/royal court for the Wroclaw Duchy; a public court presided over by the captain or the Hofrichter f r o m the Wroclaw district and with a panel of assessors drawn in equal numbers f r o m citizens of Wroclaw and knights to hear cases involving property and lordship in the duchy as well as appeals f r o m the iudicia provincialia. i u d i c i u m provinciate L [G:Landgericht]—district court; a public court presided over by the advocatus proviticialis (G: Landvogt) and later by the Landrichter (also Hofrichter) which applied the German law custom of the district in civil and criminal cases, iura ducalia L—rights to tax and exercise high and appellate justice over a territory or village, originally ducal prerogatives, ius m i l i t i u m L [also ius militare]—fiscal and judicial privileges claimed by knights under Polish customary law, including to pay tithes from their own lands to any church they chose, j u g e r u m (j) L [G-.Morgen]—unit of area, 30 to the mansus, which see. In Silesia generally about .56 hectares.

Glossary

§

487

Kirchenvater G — v e s t r y m a n , member of lay g r o u p responsible for fabric of a church. K n e c h t G—see famulus k n i g h t [L: miles; G: Ritter]—term of elevated free status originally claimed for performance of military service to Polish dukes and magnates and subsequently in Poland and Silesia treated as the normal label of privileged ("noble") rank. Landrichter G [L.iudex provincialis]—chief j u d g e of the district court; see iudicium curiae. l a u d a m i u m L & G — f i n e payable to the lord u p o n entry to a landholding. l e f t o v e r s [L.excrescentia, remanencia; G: Uberschar]—land in a German law village not included in the original survey and distribution to tenants, l g o t a Ρ—literally "lightening"; 12th c. Polish concession of reduced obligations as an incentive for agricultural settlement, l o c a t i o L [G .Lokation]—act of establishing a German law village, l o c a t o r L [G: Lokator]—contractor handling the establishment of a German law village. Ian Ρ—see tnansus. maldrata L—see Malter. Malter G [L;maldrata]—unit of dry volume containing 12 "measures," which see. Hence Malterzehnt or decimas maldratas for tithes paid as a Malter of grain. m a n s u s (m) L [G:Hufe; P:ian]—unit of area, especially arable, and thus c o m m o n l y an assessment unit for obligations resting u p o n land under German law, 13th c. + . Defined as 30 iugera [morgen] each of 300 square rods or 9000 square rods. In Silesia generally (and the Wroclaw Duchy exclusively) the "Flemish" m of about 16.8 hectares or 42 statute acres. m a r k (mk) G [L:marca; P:grzywna]—unit of weight and of money. N o t a coin. T h e Polish mk used in Silesia into the early 14th c. weighed 183.5 grams, but the "usual silver" alloy of 75% then used in coins contained about 137.4 grams of silver. After the early 14th c. mk ordinarily referred to "marcae grossorum numeri consueti polonici," the unit of 48 Bohemian groschen that originally weighed the same as a Polish m k but, with debasement, became a unit of account, m e a s u r e [L :mensura; G.Scheffel, also Mass; P.cwiertne]—unit of dry volume, 12 to the malter, in central Silesia during the later Middle Ages approximately 128 liters. M e i l e n r e c h t G [L:iws miliare]—legal m o n o p o l y by a t o w n corporation over market exchanges in the surrounding area, m i l e s L—see knight. m i n t m o n e y [L.pecunia monetalis; G: Münzgelt]—ducal tax taken f r o m the 1290s in lieu of profits f r o m arbitrary recall and reminting of coins; converted by the 1330s to an annual payment f r o m cultivated land assessed together with the Geschoss, which see. M o r g e n G—see jugerum. official [L.officialis; G.Offizial]—principal canon law j u d g e for the bishop, o p o l e Ρ [L:vicinia]—territorial c o m m u n i t y under traditional Polish customs, 1 1 t h - 1 3 t h c.

488

§

Glossary

ortulanus L—see Gertner. p e t i t i o L—see Geschoss and Bede. poradlne Ρ—tax assessed on a " p l o w " ; see aratrum. property [L:proprietas; G.Eigen]—(especially) land held by hereditary and familial right as opposed to the conditional tenure of a fief or a tenancy, proprietas L—see property. Rat G — t h e ruling council of a city or town. R a t m a n n G—see town councillor. Ritter G—see knight. Ritterschaft G also Mannschafi—the self-alleged collectivity of knightly landowners from a district or the duchy acting as a political group, a concept probably earlier expressed in Latin by the term terrigenae, which see. Royal Six [G: Königliche Sec/we]—royal appellate court for the Wroclaw Duchy on matters of law, 1346 + . scabinus L—see Schöffe. Scheffel Η—see measure. Schilling G — 1 2 of anything, especially 12hl = l g r o r 12gr = .25mk = 1 ferto\ not a coin. Schock G [L:sexagena]—60 of anything, especially 60gr = 1.25mk; not a coin. S c h ö f f e G [Liscabinus]—-juror, assessor, member of judicial panel. Scholtisei G — t h e village landholding permanently attached to the office of schulz, which see. Schulz G [L:scultetus\ P:5o//y.s]—hereditary village head man in a village under German law. scot [L:5C0iMs; Gisfeoi]—'/гчтк; not a coin, scultetus L—see Schulz. Setzschulz G—village head man appointed by the lord and serving at the lord's pleasure; see Schulz. sors L—see zreb. terrigenae L—the politically significant in a territory; see also Ritterschafi. ujazd Ρ—see circuitio. vicinia L—see opole. V o g t G—see advocatus. V o r w e r k G—see demesne. zagrodnik Ρ—see Gertner. Z a u d e G—see czuda. zreb Ρ [L:sors]—(isolated) farm, farmstead; 1 1 t h - 1 3 t h c.

PRONUNCIATION GUIDE

A Simplified Guide to Polish for Anglophone Readers Polish spelling a 9 b с ch ci cz с

d dz e ψ

f g h i j к 1 1 m η ή о ό Ρ r rz

s si sz s

t

pronounced like English a in father but shorter nasalized ow in known b ts h in hue but stronger, almost like German ch in ach soft ch in ouch (same as Polish c) tch in switch soft ch in ouch (same as Polish ci) d hard flf? or j in fadge or jaw e in let nasalized e in French fin f

Я

in

ЯаУ

h in hue but stronger, almost like G e r m a n ch in ach (same as Polish ch) long e in feet w i t h o u t any glide consonantal γ in yet к 1 consonantal w in wet m « i n linen or nn in cannon soft η in lenient or ny in canyon о in open long oo in fool or и in tune without the final glide Ρ trilled or rolled r palatalized г in azure (same as Polish z) s softened sh, a further forward version of German ch in ich sh in show softened sh, a further forward version of G e r m a n ch in ich (same as Polish si) t

490 u w у ζ zi ζ ζ

§

Pronunciation Guide

long oo in fool or и in tune without the final glide (same as Polish o) ν in vest midway between short i in sit and short e in set ζ voiced Polish ί, further forward than English ζ in azure (same as Polish z) voiced Polish s, further forward than English ζ in azure (same as Polish zi) palatalized ζ in azure (same as Polish rz)

As a general rule Polish stresses the prefinal syllable (penult). Hence some places in the Wroclaw duchy might be represented in phonetic English (the stressed vowel is underlined) as follows: Wroclaw Wojciechow Ksifzc Cieszyce Zajgczkow

Vro - tswav Voy - che - huv Kshcc - en - zhe Chee - ye - shi - tse Zay - onch - kuv

BIBLIOGRAPHY

1. Unpublished

Archival Sources in Wroclaw

Archiwum

Archidiecezjalne.

Collections

[ IVA A]

[Cited after Wincenty U r b a n , Katalog Archiwum Archidiecezjalnego we Wrociawiu, Rfkopisy, Archiwa, biblioteki i muzea koscielne, vols. 1 0 - 1 6 (Lublin, 1 9 6 5 - 6 8 ) . ) Katalog, part I (original manuscripts) H e l l . Mvster Register des Bischtvmbs Breslaw, 1593. Ill a 1. Statuta, Consuetudines, Ordinaciones et Conclusiones. Item onera prelaturarum et ofFica prelatorum. Item Chronica episcoporum Ecclesie Watislaviensis. Ill a 31. Liber Niger [chartulary o f cathedral chapter). III d 2. Donatio D. Vicariis S. Johannis Wrat. Copiae littcrarum censualium . . . vicariorum. III d 1 3 - 1 6 . Registrum proventuum vicariorum perpetuorum ecclesiae maioris Wratislaviensis, 1 5 1 8 - 1 5 2 4 ; 1518; 1 5 2 0 - 1 5 2 1 ; 1 5 3 1 - 1 5 3 8 . 4 vols. III d 28. Regestum succustodiae dextri chori ecclesiae Wratislaviensis 1 4 0 6 - 1 4 5 9 . III d 32. Reg. prov. : villae Mandlaw, 1 5 3 6 - 1 6 3 1 . III d 34. Malsen. Zinsregister 1 5 0 2 - 1 5 3 2 . III d 49. Regestum Subcustodis 1 5 0 7 - 1 7 8 7 . III

d 59. Regestrum 11511-1904).

altaris

SS

Erasmui,

Wenceslai,

Barbarae

et

Hedwigis

III d 98. Regest, altar. SS Trium R e g u m in eccl. S. Elizab. [ 1 5 1 2 - 1 8 9 8 ] . IV a 4a. Copiae litterarum censualium vicariorum perpetuorum ecclesie collegiate Sancte Crucis Vrat. in et extra civitatem Vratislaviensi et Districtu diversorum 1521. IV a 8. Registrum literarum censuum et redditum precentoris et mansionariorum Cripte ecclesie sancte Crucis Wrat. . . . M C C C C X L I . IV a 36. Registrum censuum scolarium S. Crucis. 1 4 7 8 - 1 4 7 9 . IV a 4 1 - 4 3 . Regestum perceptorum et expositorum (viz. distributionum] mansionariorum collegiae ecclesiae sancti Crucis, 1 4 6 4 - 1 4 8 5 , 1 4 8 7 - 1 5 1 2 , 1 5 3 1 - 1 5 4 1 . 3 vols. VI a 1. Fürstentagsbuch, 1 5 0 4 - 1 5 3 1 . Katalog,

part II (modern transcriptions)

IV a 1. betr. Breslauer Kreuzstift. Abschriften aus dem Breslauer Staatsarchiv 1305-1476. V В 2a. Augustiner Chorherren Breslau Sand Akten 1112, 1 1 4 8 - 1 3 8 4 , 1391. V В 2b. Augustiner Chorherren Breslau Sand Akten 1 4 0 6 - 7 4 . V В 2c. Augustiner Chorherren Breslau Sand Akten 1 5 0 4 - 1 6 5 5 .

492

§

Bibliography

V В 2p. Augustiner-Chorherren. Breslau, Sandstift Rechnungssachen. 1250-1683. IX Acta Parafii: Pilczyce. Incorporationsb. v. 1435 ff. Archiwum

Panstwowe.

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Z a k , Jan. " O g e n e z i e u p r z y z y k o i i s k i e j na z i e m a c h p o l s k i c h , " K H K M , 3 (1955), 625-635. Z a n i e w i c k i , W i t o l d H . La noblesse "populaire" en Espagne et en Pologne. L y o n , 1967. Z c r n a c k , Klaus. " Z u s a m m e n f a s s u n g : D i e h o c h m i t t e l a l t e r l i c h e n K o l o n i s a t i o n in O s t m i t t e l e u r o p a u n d ihre S t e l l u n g in d e r e u r o p ä i s c h e n G e s c h i c h t e , " p p . 7 8 3 - 8 0 4 in S c h l e s i n g e r , e d . , Ostsiedlung as Problem. S i g m a r i n g e n , 1975. Zgorzelska, Urszula. "Szlachta w terminologii zrodet gornosljskich od X I V d o X V I w i e k u , " p p . 2 7 9 - 3 0 3 in S t e f a n K. K u c z y i i s k i , e d . , Spdeczciistwo polski sredniou'iecznej, vol. 3. W a r s a w , 1983. Zientara, Benedykt. " Z a g a d n i e n i e depresji rolnictwa w X I V - X V wieku w swietle n a j n o w s z y c h l i t e r a t u r y , " PH, 51 (1960), 2 6 2 - 2 7 4 . . " N a t i o n a l i t y C o n f l i c t s in t h e G e r m a n - S l a v i c B o r d e r l a n d in t h e 1 3 t h - 1 4 t h C e n t u r i e s a n d their Social S c o p e , " Α Ρ Η , 22 (1970), 2 0 7 - 2 2 5 . . " B o l e s f a w W y s o k i — t u t a c z , r e p a t r i a n t , m a l k o n t e n t , " P H , 62 (1971), 367-394. . " Z dziejöw organizacji rynku w sredniowieczu. E k o n o m i c z n e podfoze ' w e i c h b i l d o w ' w a r c y b i s k u p s t w i e m a g d e b u r s k i m i na Sl?sku w X l l - X I H w i e k u , " P H , 64 (1973), 6 8 1 - 6 9 6 . | G e r m a n v e r s i o n " A u s d e r G e s c h i c h t e d e r M a r k t o r g a n i s a t i o n i m M i t t e l a l t e r . D i e ö k o n o m i s c h e G r u n d l a g e der ' W e i c h b i l d e r ' i m E r z b i s t u m M a g d e b u r g u n d in Schlesien i m 1 2 . - 1 3 . J h . , " p p . 3 4 5 365 in Eestschriß fiir Wilhelm Abel, vol. 2. H a n n o v e r , 1974. | . Henryk Brodaty ijego czasy. W a r s a w , 1975. . " D i e d e u t s c h e n E i n w a n d e r e r in P o l e n v o m

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p p . 3 3 3 - 3 4 8 in S c h l e s i n g e r , e d . , Ostsiedlung als Problem. S i g m a r i n g e n , 1975. . " W a l o n o w i e na S l j s k u w XII i XIII w.,'" PH, 66 (1975), 3 5 3 - 3 6 7 . . " S t r u k t u r y n a r o d o w e s r e d n i o w i e e z a . P r o b a analizy t e r m i n o l o g i i p r z e d k a p i t a l i s t y c z n y c h f o r m s w i a d o m o s c i n a r o d o w e j , " K H , 84 (1977), 2 8 7 - 3 1 1 . . " Z r o d i a i g e n e z a ' p r a w a n i e m i e c k i e g o ' (ius T e u t o n i c u m ) na tie r u c h u o s a d n i e z e g o w E u r o p i e z a c h o d n i e j i s r o d k o w e j w X I - X I I w . , " PH, 69 (1978), 4 7 - 7 1 . [ G e r m a n v e r s i o n " D e r U r s p r u n g des ' d e u t s c h e n R e c h t s ' (ius T e u t o n i c u m ) auf d e m H i n t e r g r u n d d e r S i e d l u n g s b e w e g u n g in W e s t - u n d M i t t e l e u r o p a w ä h r e n d des 11. u n d 12. J a h r h u n d e r t s , " Jahrbuch ßir Geschichte des Feudalismus, 2 (1978), 1 1 9 - 1 4 8 . ] . " K o n r a d K f d z i e r z a w y i b i t w a p o d S t u d n i c a , " PH, 70 (1979), 2 7 - 5 5 . . " Z zagadnieii p r a w a n i e m i e c k i e g o na S l j s k u , " PH, 70 (1979), 3 3 1 - 3 4 0 . [ G e r m a n v e r s i o n " U b e r ius theutonicum in S c h l e s i e n , " ΑΡΗ, 42 (1980), 231-246.) Ziotkowska, Hanna. " T h e market before the B o r o u g h Charter Granting (from the 10th t o t h e m i d d l e o f t h e 13th c e n t u r y ) , " Ergon, 3 (1962), 3 6 0 - 3 6 3 . Z y t k o w i c z , L e o n i d . " P t o n y z b ö z w Polsce, C z e c h a c h , na W f g r z a c h i Siowacji w X V I - X V I I I w . , " K H K M , 18 (1970), 2 2 7 - 2 5 3 . . " T r e n d s o f a g r a r i a n e c o n o m y in P o l a n d , B o h e m i a a n d H u n g a r y f r o m t h e m i d d l e o f t h e f i f t e e n t h t o t h e m i d d l e o f t h e s e v e n t e e n t h c e n t u r y , " p p . 5 9 - 8 3 in M j c z a k et al., e d s . , East-Central Europe in transition. C a m b r i d g e , 1985.

GAZETTEER AND C O N C O R D A N C E OF TOPOGRAPHIC NAMES

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INDEX

Advocatus, 2 0 , 107, 114, 2 0 8 , 2 4 1 , 2 5 7 , 2 5 9 Affencrey, P a s h c o , 2 5 4 A g n e s o f N e u s s , 142 Agriculture: ccreal m o n o c u l t u r e , 5 2 - 5 3 ; climate c h a n g e s and, 2 8 1 , 3 2 1 ; c r o p r o t a t i o n , 53, 6 3 . 7 8 , 101, 4 2 3 n. 9 0 ; c r o p s as rent p a y m e n t , 5 0 ; d e m e s n e labor, 1 0 4 - 0 7 ; d u r ing m o n e t a r y crisis, 2 8 3 ; f o o d s h o r t a g e s , 2 8 4 - 8 6 ; u n d e r G e r m a n law, 7 8 ; l o r d s ' removal f r o m , 1 9 7 - 2 0 3 , 3 7 0 , 3 7 1 ; r e g i o n a l specialization, 9 8 - 1 0 4 ; rising prices. 111, 2 8 4 , fig. 2 8 5 , 2 8 6 ; s l a s h - a n d - b u m , 52, 4 1 7 n . 109; soils and, 9 8 - 1 0 1 , tab. 100; t e c h n o l o g y , 5 2 - 5 4 , 3 7 3 ; villages and, 3 9 ; yields, 8 1 - 8 2 , 1 1 9 - 2 0 , tab. 120, 3 7 1 , 4 1 7 n . 107, 4 2 3 n . 9 3 , 461 n . 4 3 Albert ( a b b o t o f St. V i n c e n t after 1214),

61, 80

Albert ( т а г ц г а у е o f B r a n d e n b u r g , captain o f W r o c l a w ) , 17, 4 1 2 n . 5 6 Albert II o f Austria ( k i n g o f B o h e m i a , 1 4 3 7 - 3 9 ) , 17, 2 9 , 2 2 7 , 2 7 7 Albert o f G o s t y n , 1 7 6 Albert o f K o l d i c e (captain o f W r o c l a w ) , 17 All Saints c h u r c h at * O l b i n o * . 109, 2 4 3 , 262-63 Allodia. See D e m e s n e f a r m s A n i m a l h u s b a n d r y . See L i v e s t o c k Anti-clericalism, 356 Antrum, 4 7 - 4 8 , 54, 4 1 6 n . 7 2 Arnold o f Turow, 4 4 8 n . 7 1 A r n o l d the N o t a r y , 7 5 Ascripticii, 49 Asenheimer, Leonard, 2 8 - 2 9 , 277 Aubin, H e r m a n n , 6 5 , 4 2 0 - 2 1 n . 2 8 Auer, Kilian, 3 4 3 Augustinians. See S t . M a r y a b b e y Austria, 2 8 ; c o i n s o f , 4 0 3 B a g n o , 8 9 , 179, 2 1 7 , 3 4 8 Bank, Apollonia, 343 B a n k . H a n s , 2 7 8 , 4 7 3 n. 77 Bank, John, 1 8 0 - 8 1 , 342 Bank, Michael, 140 Bank, Nicholas, 342 Bank, Ursula, 3 6 6 B a n k , Wenceslas, 2 7 8 , 3 0 7 Bannmeilen, 2 5 8 . See also Meilenrecht Baranowice, 180 Barley, 52, 101, 103; prices, 136, 137, 1 4 0

Bartholomeus (duke o f Zifbice), 320 B a r t o s z o w a , 4 5 , 46, 1 2 1 . 2 2 2 . 2 6 8 , 2 7 6 , 2 8 0 * B a r t u s z o w i c c * , 4 4 8 n n . 7 1 , 87 Basel, C o u n c i l o f , 3 1 6 Bavaria, 4 0 3 Bayer. See also B e y e r Bayer, Caspar, 1 5 2 - 5 3 Bayer, Hedwig, 344 B a y e r , J o h n , 152, 231 B a y e r , Peter, 155 - 56, 190, 2 0 8 , 2 6 8 , 4 4 8 n n . 7 1 , 87 B e c h o w , D s i r s h e , 191, 192 Bede, 24, 48, 4 8 5 B e e r , false measures, 3 6 2 B e e r war ( 1 3 8 1 - 8 2 ) , 171, 172 Belak, Climke, 265, 268 Bendlerynnc, Anna, 283 Benedictines, 4 1 4 - 1 5 n . 3 9 B c n c s o f C h u s n i k (captain o f W r o c l a w ) . 17 B e r l i n , H a n s " t h e Peasants' E n e m y , " 3 5 7 , 360, 368, 374 Berner, Hermann, 252 Bernhard o f Dobroszyce, 223 B e r t h o l d o f R a c i b o r z , 187 Besetzen. See Locatio B e y e r . See also B a y e r Beyer, Nicholas, 344 Biatow, 345, 366 B i e l a n y , 8 7 , 421 n . 4 1 ; d e m e s n e f a r m , 1 0 3 lease o f . 2 1 9 ; l o r d s h i p o f , 8 6 , 154, 176, 188, 189, 2 2 8 , 4 2 7 n . 1 6 8 , 437n.4